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a^^^J^t--^^ *■

MllllM, \\

. iHi:'-

MEMOIR OF THE LIFE

THE RIGHT HONOURABLF,

CHARLES LOEi) SYDENHAM, G.C.B.

AVrni A NAKRATIA'K Of

HIS ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

KblTKD BY Ills lil!OTIIi:K,

G. POULETT SCROPE, ESQ. M. P.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

MDCCCXLIIl.

2?Z0S3

LoNnoN :

Printed by A. Spottiswoodb,

New Street- Square.

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

LORD JOHN RUSSELL, M.P.

&C. &(', &c.

Dear Lord John Russell,

I HAVE to thank you for allowing some portion
of my late brother's private correspondence with
you to appear in this volume, and I must also ask
you to permit its dedication to yourself.

For his successful administration of the affairs
of Canada, while you presided at the Colonial
Office, he was mainly indebted, as he repeatedly
declared, to the confidence which you reposed in
him, and to your active and cordial co-operation.
To you he looked up throughout his political
career as a model and a guide. And I, at least,
can never forget the touching tribute paid by him

A 2

■"^

DEDICATION,

to your exulted character, when, at a moment
which puts all worldly considerations out of the
question, he exerted the last energies of his failing
voice deliberately and emphatically to pronounce
you " the noblest man he had ever the good for*
tune to know."

I remain yours very sincerely,

G. POULETT SCROPE.

18. Bcilgrave Square,
June 1. 1«43.

iioinent
of the

\ failing

►nouncc
Dod for*

PREFACE-

ROPE.

It was a wish expressed by Lord Sydenham, on
his death-bed, after the close of the First Session of
the Parliament of United Canada, that a Narrative
of his Administration of the Government of that
Province should be written by Mr. Murdoch, who,
as Civil Secretary, had assisted him throughout
its proceedings.

It appeared desirable that such a publication
should be accompanied by a Memoir of Lord
Sydenham's Life and Public Career previous to his
undertaking the Government of Canada. This
has consequently been drawn up by a near rela-
tive in possession of hi^ c'Ournals and Correspon-
dence. These materials, however, date for the most
part only from Lord Sydenham's accession to office
in 1830; and, although very copious, it has been
found impossible to introduce much matter from
them in an original form without a breach of the
restraints imposed, when dealing with such very

A 3

I'REFACE.

recent times, by a sense of wliat is due to the
feelings of other parties, and the sacrcdness of pri-
vate and confidential intercourse, although relating
to pul)lic affairs.

These considerations have reduced the first
portion of the work to a very imperfect biogra-
phical sketch, the deficiencies of which the Editor
is fully aware of. The second portion, consisting
of Mr. Murdoch's Narrative of Lord Sydenham's
Canadian Administration, has, however, been
illustrated by numerous selections from his private
correspondence. And these, although necessarily
for the most part but extracts, will be found, pro-
bably, not the least valuable part of the volume,
as exhibiting the confidential views on subjects
of great importance, of a statesman, the accuracy
of whose judgment was so clearly proved by
the success which followed every thing he under-
took.

The Editor trusts not to have been misled by
feelings of partial afi'ection in believing that the
biography of one who exercised no inconsiderable
influence over the public history of this country
during the important period between 1825 and
1842 cannot fail to be generally instructive and
interesting.

a
rap]

4 of
peci
con 11
indil

sut
the

grea

TREFACE.

Vll

to the
of pri-
clating

c first
biogra-
Editor
isisting
mham's
, been
private
essarily
id, pro-
volume,
ubjects
curacy
ed by
under-
fed by
it the
lerable
[untry
and
and

Tlio pul)lic lite of Lord Sydenham, indeed, offers
a lurc, perluips an unexampled, instance of the
rapid attainment of eminent station by the force
of personal qualifications alone. Without any
peculiar advantages of birth, rank, fortune, or
connexion, by the unaided exertions of liis talents,
industry, and tact, lie had, before the age of forty,
sat for fifteen years in Parliament — ten of them as
the spontaneously selected representative of the
great manufacturing capital of the country, Man-
chester — had been minister of state ten years, in
the Cabinet five, and occupied the station of Go-
vernor-General of all the British North American
Colonies; being rewarded for his brilliant adminis-
tration of this high office by a Peerage and the
order of the Bath.

Such a career cannot but be well worthy of study,
whether by those who themselves are struggling
forward in the pursuit of fame, wealth, and honour,
or those who are contented to contemplate a&
by-standers the busy drama in which the million
are toiling for these objects. Still more worthy of
close study is such a life, if it can be sho^vn, as in
this instance it unquestionably can, that the main-
spring of exertions thus arduous and successful
was neither barren ambition, nor the vain lust of

• ••

via

I'RKFACE.

pojuiljir rcputjitioii, hut a sincere desire to ohtiiiu
the means ut" wide-spread usefulness — the anxious
wish of a l)enevolent mind to employ all its faculties
to advance the welfare of the t^Tcat musses of man*
kind whose destinies are influenced by the govern*
inent and legislature of Britain.

to ol)tuiu
c juixious
4 faculties
s of mail-

e govern-

CONTENTS.

I'AKT I.

Lord Sydenham's* Family, Hirtli, and earty Education,

179<) to 181.5 -♦••-.!

Enters Business as a Merchant at St. Petershurgh, IHl.lr • #J

Travels through South of Europe, 1817-18 • - 7

Returns to St. Pctersburgh, 1821 - - • <)

Travels through South Russia and Germany, 1822-.'? • 10

Fixes himself in London, 1824 • « • • il

Canvasses Dover, 182.5 - ♦ * •• - 14
Is returned for Dover, and takes his Seat in the House of

Commons, 1826 - - • • * VT

Mis Speech on the Shipping Interest, May fith, 1827 • 18

on the Silk Trade, 14th April, 1829 « - 2.'i

on Taxation, 2.5th March, 18.S() « . 3T

Accepts Office in Lord (irey's Ministry as Vice-President

of the Board of Trade, November, 1830 . - if

Debates on the Budget, 1831 - - * * 44
Negotiates for Commercial Treaty with France » -47

Customs' Duties Bill, 1832 - . • .v .50
Is elected both for Dover and Manchester— selects the

latter, 1832 - - - - « * .53

Dinner in Theatre at Manchester — Speech, 1832 . 56

His successive Improvements of the Tariff of Imports • 63
Renewal of Bank Charter — Factories' Regulation Act-^

His Opinions on Banking and Note Issue • • 68

CONTENTS.

Corn Laws, Speech on, of 7th March, 1 834-
Becomes President of the Board of Trade, ISS^
Takes his Seat in the Cabinet, April, 1835
His Exertions to obtain Commercial Treaties
to modify the Corn Laws -

Establishment of School of Design, 1837

General Services at the Board of Trade -

Accepts Office of Governor General of Canada and Nor

American Provinces, August, 1839
Sails from Portsmouth in the Piqr? 13th September
Lands at Quebec, 19th October, 1839

- 69

- 72

- 73

- 76

- 84

- 90

- 9t
th

- 97

- 101

PART II.

ADMINISTRATION OF LOUD SYDENHAM IN CANADA.

Review of the State of Canada previous to 1839, and the
Origin of the Disturbances - - . _

Objects of Lord Sydenham's Mission - _ -

He reaches Montreal, October 22d, 1839

Obtains the Assent of the Special Council to the Plan of
Union ..___.

Proceeds to Toronto, and assumes the Government of
Upper Canada - - _ _

Excitement on " Responsible Government" — Lord Syden-
ham's Views on the Question _ - - .

Publishes Lord John Russell's Despatch relative to Tenure
of Office ......

Difficulties to contend with ....

Opens Parliament 3d December — Speech

Resolutions respecting the Union carried, 19th December

Undertakes, successfully, the Settlement of the Clergy
Reserve Question . - _ _ .

Closes the Session, lOth February, 1840 - . _

Returns to Montreal and summons Special Council

Ordinances passed by Special Council - . ,

Closes sitting of Special Council, 27th June

Proceeds to Halifax, to allay Irritation there

107
131
133

134

- 139

142

144

147

151

160
163

170

173

■1

177

•|

loU

182

CONTENTS.

I'ag,.

- 69

- 72

- 73

- 76

- 84

- 90

- 91
d North

- 97
er - 101

- 104

ANADA.

and the

- 107

- 131

- 133
Plan of

- 134
ent of

- 139
Syden-

- 142
enure

- 144

- 147

- 151
mber 160

lergy

- 163

- 170

- 173

- 177

- 180

- 182

Page
Changes effected, and Harmony restored - - - 185

Returns to Canada, and visits the eastern Townships - 190
Tour through Upper Canada — Addresses - - 192

Raised to the Peerage, August, 1840 - - - 197

Returns to Montreal and prepares Ordinances in Anticipa-
tion of Union . . - . . £00
Municipal System — Its Importance — Omitted from Union

Bill — ^^Supplied by Ordinance - - - . 201

Establishment of Registry Offices . . , 205

Union proclaimed, lOth February, 1841 - - - 207

Commencement of Elections, 8th March - - 219

Their Conclusion, and the Result - - . 227

Resignation of Mr. Baldwin - - - . 229

Meeting of Parliament, 14th June, 1841 - - 234

Speech — Address — Amendment defeated - - 235

Favourable Progress of the Session - - - 243

Excessive Exertions of Lord Sydenham — Measures sug-
gested and carried by him - - - . 245
District Council Bill, &c., 28th August ... 252
Weak State of Health of Lord Sydenham - - 255
Accident by the Fall of his Horse, September 4th - 259
Close of the Session, and Death of Lord Sydenham, 19th

September, 1841 - - - - _ 262

Sensation produced throughout Canada by the Event - 265

Summary of Lord Sydenham's Canadian Administration 267

of his Character and Public Services - - 295

APPENDIX.

I. Additional Extracts from Lord Sydenham's Canadian
Correspondence - - . - .

II. Notices of the Death of Lord Sydenham, extracted
from the Public Press of the North American Provinces

III. Message of the Governor-General to the House of
Assembly of Canada, on the Subject of Public Improve-
ments, 20th August, 1841 - . - .

311

327

380

XII

CONTENTS.

IV. Mi'iiioranduni on the Papor Curronry, suggested for
Canada, by Lord Sydenham . - - -

V. Speech of C. Poulett Thomson, Esq., in the House of
Commons, on the 26th March, 1830, on moving for a
Select Committee to consider a Revision of the System
of Taxation ...---

VI. Speech on the Corn Law of Marcli, 1831-

VIL Speech in favour of Mr. Villiers's Motion for going
into Committee on the Corn Laws, 1839

Pnge

392
44-1

479

Fnge
gosted for

- tisr>

House of
ing for a
« System

- 392

- 441
for going

- 479

ERRATA.

Page 1. lin^ 2. after "child," insert " by his first marriage."

37. 2. for " D'Atnisson," read " D'Anisson."

37. 11. for " limits," read " limit."

37. 12. for « of," read « in."

45. 29. for " palm," read " preference. "

45. 30. for " to," read " over."

47. 17. omit " in conjunction with Lord Durham."

.)7. 22. omit " human and."

57. 23. after " natural," insert '• and pardonable."

96. 1. for " 1836," road " 1839."

118. 7. omit « by."

118. 12. for " existence," read " resistance."

226. 9. for " town," read " towns. "

232. 6. for " was," read " would."

319. 18, for " anticipated," read " anticipate."

Xll

CONTENTS.

IV. Mcinorandiini on tlie Papor Currenoy, snfjfgosted for

Page

Canada, by Loi^d Sydenham

- .'{8.1

V. Speech of C. Ponlett Thomson, Esq., in the House of
Commons, on the 26th March, 1830, on moving for a
Select Committee to consider a Revision of the System

osted Cor

- tisn

louse of

ng for a

System

PAKT I.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ClIARI

(Ion ail
isquii
§1 Su
iicrcai
%^liich
|heRu
|s well
I'homs
|ianua
who y\
family
keen f
ftiarrie*
I acob (
lliildre
iorn a
nd hi
iifeebl

LIFE

LOUD SYDENHAM.

Charles Edward Poulett Thomson was the third
|on and youngest child of John Poulett Thomson,
ilsquire, of Waverley Abbey and Roehampton
§1 Surrey, the head of the old and respected
|riercantile firm of J. Thomson, T. Bonar, & Co.,
ihich had been for several generations engaged in
Ihe Russian trade, and possessed an establishment
Is well in St. Petersburgh as in London. Mr. John
Jhomson assumed the name of Poulett by sign
jnanual in 1820, in remembrance of his mother,
ho was heiress of that branch of the ancient
mily of Poulett, which had for some centuries
een fixed at Goathurst in Somersetshire. He
arried in 1781 Charlotte, the daughter of Dr.
acob of Salisbury, by whom he had a family of nine
[hildren. Charles, the youngest of this number, was
orn at Waverley on the 13th September, 1799,
id his mother's health being at that time much
feebled, he may be supposed to have derived from

1799.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1804. tliis circumstance the constitutional weakness which

in after life occasioned the continued and harassing

infirmities to which he was subject, and whicli,
aggravated by the incessant fatigues, both bodily
and mental, of parliamentary and official business,
wore out his frame, and prematurely shortened his
valuable life.

In his infancy he was remarkable for the perfec-
tion of childish grace and beauty, yet attested by
the pencil of Sir Thomas Lawrence; and hence,
during the sojourn of the younger part of the
family at AYeymouth in the summer of 1803, he
attracted the attention and became the especial
favourite of the good old king, George IIL, then
residing there for the benefit of his marme ex-
cursions, and whose partiality to children is well
kno^vn. His elder brother yet remembers the
terror inspired when at their first meeting with
the sovereign on the Parade, General Garth was
dispatched to bring the children to the presence,
and they were subjected to a rapid interrogatory
from the impatient monarch as to their names,
birth, and parentage. After this the King became
so partial to Charles, the youngest, then not quite
four years old, that he insisted on a daily visit
from him, often watched at the window for his
arrival, ran down himself to open the door to let
him in, and carried him about in his arms to shoAv
all that could amuse the child, in the very ordinary
lodging-house then occupied by the royal party,
and especially the suppers laid out for the children's

ncss which
I harassing
aid which,
loth bodily
I business,
Drtcned his

the pcrfec-
attested by
and hence,
)art of the
of 1803, he
he especial
c III., then
marine ex-
Iren is well
embers the
eeting with
Garth was
le presence,
terrogatory
leir names,
mg became
n not quite
daily visit
ow for his
door to let
ms to shoAV
ry ordinary
oyal party,
e children's

J.lFi; OF LOUD SYDKNIIAM.

biills, Avhich their mnjesties frequently gave for
the jinmscment of their young favourites. On
one occasion, the King being on the pier-liead,
{il)ont to embark in the royal yacht upon one of
Ills sailing trips, and having the child in his arms,
lie turned round to j\[r. Pitt, w^ho was in attendance
at his elljow, having probably hurried down from
London for an audience on important business, juid
exclaimed, "Is not this a line boy, Pitt? Fine
boy, isn't he? Take him in your arms, Pitt; take
him in your arms: charming child, isn't he?" Then
suiting the action to the word, he made the stiff
^nd solemn premier, weighed down as he seemed
fto be with cares of state, dandle and kiss the pretty
boy, and carry him some minutes in his arms,
albeit strange and unused to such a burden. The
circumstance, though trivial, had so comical an
effect, from the awkwardness and apparent re-
luctance with Avhich the formal minister performed
his compelled part of nurse, as to make an im-
|)ression on the writer, who stood by, though but
^even years old himself, which time has never
effaced. Pitt, although no doubt fretted by his
tnaster's childish fancy, which exposed him to the
Ill-suppressed titter of the circle around, including
several of the younger branches of the royal
family, to whom the scene afforded great amuse-
lent, put the best countenance he could on the
latter, but little thought, no doubt, that the infant
Je was required to nurse would, at no very distant
[inie, have the offer of the same high official post

B 2

ISOk

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1804. which ho thou occupied, the chancellorship oftlif;

~" cxche(pier, and would be quoted us, perhaps, nc.rl

to /tint.seffl the most reuiarkable instance in modern
times of the early attainment of great public emi-
nence by the force of talent alone ; equally purchased,
alas ! by premature extinction, at the zenith of a
brilliant career.

As the youngest and prettiest child of the family.
Charles was naturally the spoilt pet of all. This
would not be worthy of mention, but that it seems
not impossible tlie same course of partial treatment,
which usually, no doubt, produces a self-willed and
selfish character, may, when acting upon a dispo-
sition naturally generous and full of sympathies,
have failed in j)roducing its usual bad effects, while
the habit thus early permitted in the child, of con-
sidering his will to be law with all around, may
have had some influence in giving to the man that
self-confidence and decision, and that unconquerable
determination to excel, which, in after life, became
a prominent feature of his character, and exercised
no slight influence towards the attainment of the
success which so generally attended his exertions.
At the age of seven Charles Thomson was sent
to the preparatory school of the Rev. Mr. Hanning-
ton at Han well, whither his elder brother, George,
had preceded him ; and after three years' residence
there, was removed to the Rev. Mr. Woolley's at
Middleton, near Tamworth, and afterwards to the
Rev. Mr. Church's at Hampton, both professing to
be private tutors, taking two or three pupils at

mos
U) i
of si
fathc
direc
son,
J*etei
for
rema
It
no do
or ui
schoo

LIFK OK LOUD SVDKNIIAM.

rship of the
;rliaps, 7i('.rf
e in inodcni

pul)lk' omi-
f purclmst'd,

zenith of u

f the fjiinily.
f all. This
hat it seems
1 treatment,
[f-willed and
)on a disi)o-
sympathies.
;ffects, while
hild, of con-
round, may
|he man that
conquerable
[life, became
id exercised
nent of tlic
exertions,
n was sent
r. Hanning-
[ler, George.
s' residence
oolley's at
ards to the
Irofessing to
e pupils at

most at a thnv. With the latter he remained up
to tlie sunnner of tlie year IHIT), wlien, at tlie age
of sixteen, with the view to his establishment in liis
father's liouse of business, then under the chief
direction of his eldest brother, j\Ir. Andrew Thom-
son, he took his departure from England for St.
*l*etersburgh, where one l)ranch of the firm had been
for upwards of a century settled, and there he
remained for more than two years.

It is thus remarkable that his education was in
no degree com[)leted at any public school, college,
or university, but confined to a small private
school, or a tutor. As bearing upon the disputed
question respecting the advantages of academical
education, this circumstance is worth noting. The
jieculiar qualifications which such an education
'is generally supposed to have a tendency to confer,
snamely, the spirit of emulation, the habit of pushing
fyour way through a herd of jostling competitors,
fself-knowledge, and a just estimation of your own
Jfaculties, amenity in social intercourse, and a
Ipleasing popular manner, the savoir vivre, in short,
-of society, arc precisely those qualities for the
^possession of which Mr. C. Thomson was very pe-
Icnliarly distinguished. And yet he was not only
|not educated, as has been said, at either a public
school or university, but the possession of some at
lleast of these qualities may undoubtedly, in a great
degree, be traced to that very fact, and to his con-
sequently being cast upon the busy world itself,
[rather than its supposed miniature resemblance,

B 3

1807.

LIFI-: OF LORD SYUICNIIAM.

1815. (Icpcniloiit only on his own vcsonrcos, at n, time
of litb at wlilch young men, acadoniically educated,
are usually in a state of [nipilage, watched by pre-
ceptors, {issociating only with youths of their own
tige, and kept under the control of a strict scholastic
discipline.

At the early age of sixteen CMiai'les Thomson was
initiated into life in St. i*etersburgh, and, while not
jieglecting the business he was there to leiu'u, he
yet eagerly entered into the amusements of society,
to which his connexions and position gave him
access, and in which his persomd recommendations
soon rendered him a special favourite with those
of the Russian nobility and diplomatic corps then
resident at St. Petersburgh, who had the good taste
to open their doors to the English, It was no
doubt in these circles, and especially in the close
intimacy which he was permitted at this period to
enjoy with several polished and highly cultivated
individuals then residing at St. Petersburgh, such
as Count AYoronzoff, Count and Countess Sa-
bloukotf, (very old friends of his family,) Prin-
cess Galitzin, &c., that he began to acquire that
peculiar charm of manner, and polished tone of
society, which distinguished him through life, and
was no mean aid to advancement in his political
career.

He enjoyed, moreover, the advantage of a very
close and valuable correspondence with an affec-
tionate and intelhgent mother, whose watchfulness
over the physical, moral, and intellectual culture of

lier (I

tentil

inini|

]Mr.

year.

intc

coiU'H

Jtine.
intims

-iA

LIFE OK LOUD SYDKNIIAM.

:it a. tiiuc
y cdiicutt'd,
iL'd by pre-

their cvvn
;t schulastii;

lomsoii was
1, while nut
;o learn, he
i of society,

gave him
mcndations
with those
corps then
; good taste
It was no

the close
period to

cultivated
urgh, sucli

ntess Sa-
ily,) Prin-
quire that
2d tone of

1 life, and
is political

of a very
an affec-
tchfulness
culture of

fier chilih'en seemed to increase in anxiety and at- I817.
tentlon, the liirther tliey were removed from her
iimiu'diate care. With liis former tutors, likewise,
31 r. VV< 'Ih'y and Mr. Church, he kept u[) for some
years an afh '•^'•mate, and to him most sjdutaiy,
■intercourse, receivnig from them advice as to the
course (*i' his studies, and, in return, connnunicating
to tliem the |)rogress he wns making in the acqui-
sition of knowledge.

In the autumn of 1817, after an illness of con-
Biderable duration, which caused nuich anxiety
among his friends, it was thought desirable that he
pliould spend the coming winter in a milder cli-
mate than St. Petersburgh, and he accordingly
returned by sea to J^^ngland, which he reached in
the beginning of October, his health being much
improved by the voyage.

On his arrival he found his mother and two
youngest sisters, then unmarried, on the point of
■getting off for the Continent, and it was determined
that he should accompany them. This he did, and
the winter was spent by the party at Nice.

The greater part of the next year was passed in

a tour through the north of Italy and Switzer-

limd ; but in the course of the summer a separation

vtook place, the ladies proceeding northwards to

Switzerland, while Charles, lor the benefit of his

^ftyes, which were at that time very weak, was left

jat the baths of Valdagno and Recoara in the Vicen-

|;ine. Here he lived two or three months in close

f ntimacy with the amiable and accomplished para-

I B 4

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1817. phraser of Casti, the late Mr. William Rose, and no
doubt profited by the society of one so cultivated
and refined. At the close of the summer he re-
joined his mother, and the family party, increased
by the arrival of his elder brother George from
England, returned to the south, and passed the
winter at Naples. In the summer of the next year
tlie two brothers travelled to England together,
by a circuitous route, through the south and
west of France, visiting the Pyrenees and thu
Loire. And his health being now re-established,
Charles Thomson once more took his seat in the
counting-house, and passed the winter in the ordi-
nary occupations of mercantile business.

After so long a holiday, spent in the amusement
and excitement of foreign travel, it was quite natu-
ral that the young man should feel the confinement
and dull routine of a London counting-house ex-
tremely irksome ; and his letters at this period con-
tain many complaints of the kind. His anxious
desire, indeed, both then and for some time after,
was to exchange the occupation he had so far
engaged in for that of diplomacy, for which both
his natural and acquired qualifications, as well as
the habits of foreign travel, and the society in which
he had for some time moved, peculiarly fitted him.
He had a remarkable knowledge of many languages,
speaking French, German, liuss, and Italian, al-
most like a native; and his manner and address
Avere courtly, refined, and fascinating. At his
earnest soUcitation endeavours were made by his

fi'ien

in s
^^ccss.
:l grati

that

ter

busii

LIFE OF LOKD SYDENHAM.

ose, and no
) cultivated
mcr he re-
/■, increased
eorge from
passed the
e next year
1 together,
south and
?s and thi;
estabUshed,
seat in the
n the ordi-

amusement
quite natu-
onfinement

house ex-
^eriod con-
is anxious
time after,
lad so far
vhich both

as Avell as
y in which
fitted him.
languages,

talian, al-

d address
At his

de by his

■I'riends with a view to obtain employment for him iS2i.

Jin some foreign embassy, fortunately without sue- ~

^cess. It was not long before he had reason to con-

Ijrratulate himself on the failure, and to discover

that in an age and country of so practical a charac-

Iter as this, the knowledge of facts and habits of

i business to be acquired in commercial pursuits, by

J a mind endowed Avith faculties of a high order, are

1 far more likely to lead to station and power than

any familiarity with foreign courts or diplomatic

I intrigue. Had his wishes been fulfilled, and his

Scarcer consequently changed, he might, and pro-

Jbably would have grown grey in the pleasant but

I somewhat idle occupation of a charge d'affaires at

'some petty foreign court, without ever attaining

one-tenth part of the reputation or poAver, to which

his mercantile education and information, gathered

in the busy marts of British industry, speedily ele-

: vated him.

Whether, as yet, any aspirations of this character
iitid crossed his thoughts or not, the young mer-
chant, at all events, continued from this time to
a[)ply himself unremittingly to the study of his
business, which his natural quickness of compre-
hension and tact very soon enabled him to master.
i And after a probation of a year and a half passed
I in London, he Avas once more sent out to St.
Iretersburgh in the spring of 1821, entrusted with
I a share in the conduct, and of course in the profits.

pri

of the business.

The journey was performed leisurely by the

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1823. route of Cuxhaven, Berlin, and Riga, and liis
journals bear witness to the powers of observation
and judgment already exercised by him on the
countries through which he travelled, and espe-
cially on their commercial resources. On the 4tli
of May he reached St. Petersburgh.

Here he remained for nearly two years, making
the most of his time and the opportunities afforded
by his admission to the best society of that capital,
in which he was a general favourite, and especially
among the diplomatic body. Nor did he neglect
the study of books, and his anxiety to store up
knowledge appears from entries in his journal of
this period, in which he occasionally records as a
" lost day," one in which he had been able to add
nothing to his previous acquirements.

In the winter of 1822 and spring of 1823, he
took a journey to Moscow, and thence through
the centre of Russia by Kieff and Orel, making a
tour of visits to the country-houses of several of
the Russian nobility. And on the 1st of August
of the latter year he quitted Petersburgh for the
last time, on a journey through the eastern and
southern provinces of Russia, especially with the
view of being present at the great fair of Nishni-
Novogorod, which takes place early in that month,
and is the principal mart for exchange of the pro-
ducts of Europe and Asia.

From Nishni he embarked on the Wolga for
Astrachan, and descended the whole course of that
enormous river, stopping at times to visit several

0f tlj
tathj
|he A|

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

a, and liis
observation
lim on the
and espc-
On the 4tli

irs, making
ies afforded
hat capital,
i especially

he neglect
o store up

journal of
3cords as a
ible to add

r 1823, he
) through
making a
several of
of August
h for the
stern and
with tlie
3f Nislmi-
at month,
" the pro-

^^olga for
Hi of that
It several

0f the Tartar tribes upon the route, as well as the
Catholic and Protestant colonies on the banks of
the A\'olo'a. After a short stay at Astrachan, he
returned northwards as far as Tzaritzin, and thence
travelled through the Steppes of the Don by Tcher-
kask, Taganrog, Ehaterinodar, the Caucasus, and
the Crimasa, reaching Odessa about the middle of
November; from thence he travelled by the route
of Brody and Cracow to Vienna, where he spent the
remainder of the winter of 1823-4.

The journals kept during this period evince a
Very remarkable spirit of inquiry and desire of in-
formation for so young a traveller. They are full
of acute and accurate remarks on the manners,
habits, and character of the inhabitants of these
countries, as well as their resources, (economical
and commercial.

The spring of 1824 was passed in the fascinating

society of Vienna, and indeed it was with some dif-

|ficulty that the remonstrances of his friends drew

lliim from thence. He left it at the end of April,

land reached Paris, where his mother was then con-

Mncd by illness, only just in time to receive the

last blessing of that most affectionate and devoted

parent, whose decease took place on the 18th of

play. After the funeral, Mr. C. Thomson returned

|to London, where he thenceforward permanently

;|fixed himself^ taking his share in the business of

|the counting-house, and occasionally conducting it

l^vholly himselt^ in the absence of his elder brother

land partner, Andrew.

1824.

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1825. The next year was one of an eventful and ex-
citing character, and, when all the circumstances of
that extraordinary epoch are considered, it will not
appear surprising that a young merchant, naturally
of a sanguine disposition, then almost for the first
time taking his place as a member of one of the most
respected commercial firms in London, possessed
of a secular reputation, and of almost unlimited
credit, should have been exposed to much solicita-
tion from those who were blowing and seeking to
set afloat the bubbles of that day, and should have
been led to indulge somewhat in the brilliant dreams
of a rapid creation of wealth by combined associa-
tions, which at that period of universal excitement
carried away thousands of older and far more ex-
perienced heads.

Accordingly, into some of the American minhiij
speculations set on foot in the spring of 1825, Mr.
C. Thomson entered with the energy which was
devoted to whatever he undertook. He took an
active part in the direction of one or two of these
schemes ; and being a bondjide believer in their pro-
mised advantages, he, of course, like many others,
suffered by the bursting of the bubbles on the ar-
rival of " the Panic."

His elder brother had throughout remonstrated
against any participation in such adventures ; and
it was probably owing to his prudent advice that
they were not embarked in to a seriously incon-
venient extent. As it was, the loss sustained was
sufficient to read him a lesson of caution, from

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ful and ex-
imstanccs of
I, it will not
it, naturally
for the first
of the most
1, possessed
it unlimited
ich solicita-
I seeking to
should have
liant dreams
ned associa-
[ excitement
ar more ex-

Lcan minino-
1825, Mr.

which was
e took ail

kvo of these

Q their pro-
my others,
on the ar-

nonstratcd
tures; and
dvice that
isly incoii-
ained was
tion, from

Vhich there can be no doubt that he derived mucli
benefit in after life.

4 But the year 1825 was not remarkable only for
the general speculative mania. It constitutes more-
over something like an era in the history of the
commercial policy of the nation. In the course of
the two or three preceding sessions, the attention
of Parliament had begun to be directed by Mr. Hus-
kisson to the faulty character of that system of
protective duties which had for many years been
acted on for the supposed benefit of colonial and
domestic producers ; the navigation laws had been
already relaxed; and in this year, 1825, the same
statesman, as President of the Board of Trade,
carried through a general revisal and simplifica-
tion of the Revenue Laws, or Tariff^. Commercial
questions were thus assuming a prominence in the
debates of Parliament which might well suggest to
a merchant entertaining enlarged views on these
Isubjects, and conscious of the possession of an
^iimount of knowledge and information which might
ibe usefully brought to bear upon their discussion,
;the desire to take part in these debates. It was
not difficult to perceive that the time was favour-
nble for men of practical experience in commercial
laff'airs, not only to obtain a hearing, but even to
Icxercise considerable influence in the deliberations
of the House of Commons.

Mr. C. Thomson moreover entertained strong opi-
I nions of a liberal character on the more ordinary
olitical questions of the age. These principles

1825.

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1825. were entirely self-formed. Those of his family, of
his father certainly, were rather of the opposite
complexion. But whether acquired by reflection
during his residence among the despotic, and con-
sequently stagnating states of the continent, or from
his course of reading, or from the general bent of his
mind, or, as seems most probable, from all these
influences combined, certain it is that his political
principles were from the first of a very liberal cha-
racter, and led him to cultivate the society of those
who entertained similar views on questions of public
interest. He thus became acquainted about this
time, among others, with Dr. Bowring, Mr. Mill,
Mr. Warburton, and Mr. Hume, and was occasionally
admitted to the hermitage of the eccentric and
amiable Bentham. He likewise studied the science
of Political Economy with Mr. M'CuUoch, and fre-
quented the Political Economy Club then lately
instituted.

Taking thus a lively interest in the political
questions of the day, and more especially in those
relative to commercial matter3; it was natural that
he should listen with favour to proposals which
Avere made to him in the summer of 1825 from
parties connected with the liberal interest in the
borough of Dover, to become a candidate for its
representation at the next election ; and with this
vicAV he made several visits to Dover in the course
of the winter for the purpose of canvassing, having
issued an address to thv- electors on the 15th of
September.

frino",

^orign
Icomp
I And
Ifor h
, licrm
;;at
house
Mr.T
ill a 1
tiring
iiitere
In I
{ Charh
v^ance, <
J family

I a2:ains

■i ?
I his at

Swas d(
i
fther, i

I the po

':: broug

" sequel
Inexioi
Ibelonf
interc!
[welfar
He

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

s family, of
le opposite
^ reflection
c, and con-
mt, or from
bent of his
1 all these
lis political
liberal cha-
ity of those
IS of public
about this
, Mr. Mill,
(ccasionally
entric and
the science
h, and fre-
hen lately

e political
!y in those
itural that
lals which
825 from
;st in the
.te for its
with this
he course
g, having-
15th of

In the pursuit of this object he was warmly aided 1825.
[by his friends of the Utilitarian school. Dr. Bow-
frill ir, who indeed had been the medium of his
I original introduction to the electors of Dover, ac-
fcompanied him there and assisted in his canvass.
' And Bentham himself had taken so great a liking
ifor him, that he broke through all the habits of his
licrmit-like existence, actually took up his residence
at Dover, canvassed daily for him, opened his
house, and allowed himself to be accessible to all
Mr. Thomson's friends, and mingled in the contest
in a manner which surprised all who knew his re-
tiring disposition, but which strongly marked the
interest he took in his young friend's prospects.

In aiming at a seat in Parliament, however, Mr.
Charles Thomson was unsupported by the assist-
ance, or even by the countenance and advice, of his
family. His father and eldest brother remonstrated
against the undertaking, as tending to withdraw
;his attention from the city bushiess, 'o which it
j was desirable that he should devote himself. Nei-
ther, it is clear, had at this time the least idea of
the powers possessed by him, and before long to be
brought into active exertion — powers which, ap-
plied in the career of public life, enabled him sub-
sequently not merely to reflect lustre on his con-
mexions and on the mercantile class to which he
; belonged, but materially to benefit the general
I interests of British commerce, and advance the
I welfare and prosperity of his country.
I He himself was evidently gifted with a juster

■i

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

182(). appreciation of his capacities. And here that happy
self-confidence which has already been mentioned
as one of the main elements of his success, was
eminently useful in fortifying his resolutions in
favour of a public life against the remonstrances
and dissuasions of some of his nearest connexions.

That they were in some degree justified in these
remonstrances, however, must be conceded ; the
pecuniary risks, and even the necessary expences,
of the contest into which, so early in life, he was
plunging, being considerable, and this immediately
follo-sving his losses of the year before in the
American mining speculations. The remonstrances
of his brother Andrew at times reached a very high
tone, threatening even a dissolution of partnership.
But pledges had been given to parties in Dover,
which were not to be lightly broken : hopes were
held out of certain and easy success, of its being
unnecessary to bring up outvoters, the chief source
of expense, and the negotiations and the canvass
still more or less continued, though protracted
by the delay of the dissolution of parliament, which
had been expected in the summer of 1825, but did
not take place until May 1826.

The election, as might have been anticipated by
all who really knew the character of the borough
at that time, was severely contested. It lasted ten
days; it was necessary to bring down every out-
voter, and though won by Mr. Thomson by a con-
siderable majority over ^Ir. Halcomb, the unsuc-
cessful candidate, his exj;)enses amounted to at

LIKK OF LORD SYDKNIIA^I.

least oOOO/. : and in a few days it was clear that
lie would also have to defend his seat before a
coirmiittee of the house against a petition. He had,
hoAvever, succeeded in opening- for himself the door
of the senate; he had obtained a footing at least
on the arena which he was most anxious to tread,
and for which he justly considered himself adapted ;
and no doubt little regretted the sacriiices it had cost,
lie took his seat on the 18th of November 18i26,
Parliament being smnmoned at that unusual season
for the purpose of passing the Indcnuiity ]3ill.

Almost his first vote in the House of Commons
showed the decided line he had already taken as
an advocate of the freedom of trade and removal
of unwise protecting duties. He divided on the
IGth of ^[arch 1827, in the small minority of sixteen
in favour of ]\[r. Hume's motion on the corn law,
Avliich embodied, in fact, the principle of free trade
in that staple commodity under a moderate fixed
duty, — the very principle svhich at length has ob-
tained the adhesion of the entire liberal party, but
has not yet been adopted by the legislature, though
little likely to be much longer refused.

During the early part of this, as in the short pre-
ceding session, Mr. Thomson remained an attentive
listener to the debates ; but wisely took little part
in them, contenting himself with studying the cha-
racter of the assembly in which he had a seat, and
forming his judgment as to the mode best adapted
for acquiring an influence in its deliberations.

He spoke, however, very briefly on one or two

1827.

LIFK OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1827. occasions, when tin opportunity ofTored itself for

bringin*!^ to bear ii[)on the cpiestion before the house

information of ii practical character, with which
his mercantile station had made him acquainted.
Thus, in the debate on the corn law, on the Gth
of April, he spoke against a clause introduced by
Mv. C. Grant into the Corn Bill then under dis-
cussion, having for its object to enable the King
in council to impose retaliatory duties on corn, the
produce of such countries as imposed high duties
on our manufactures. Mr. Thomson urged the
mischievous effect on our trade with some countries,
such as liussia, which would result from the oper-
ation of this clause; and his ar;>,uments, being drawn
from a practical acquaintance with the subject,
obtained considerable attention in the house.

The first occasion on which Mr. Thomson de-
livered his sentiments at any length or with ap-
parent preparation, ^vas in the debate raised by
General Gascoignc on the state of the shipping
interest, on the 7th of May. This discussion had
been adjourned over the Easter recess on account
of Mr. Huskisson's ill health ; and the same circum-
stance might readily suggest to Mr. Thomson the
desire to bring all the assistance in his power to
the minister, of whose policy upon this and other
economical questions he so thoroughly ajDproved.

His speech, which was replete with facts, throwing
a strong and convincing light upon the su1)ject, was
ably delivered, and received with very general ap-
probation from both sides of the house, as one of

ii most

own sp(

to it in

" The

member

nil extr

letlge in

the coui

manner

most fav

On th(

o])ser\^ati

liiinientai

Avards to

wliich wj;

gested to

In the

prudent

the notice

fovour of

mates; ai

Regulatio

Messrs. I]

brotlier w

he liad bei

obtaining

anticipatiu

pects.

LIFE iW LOUD SYDKNr M.

If i'or
house
which
lintccl.
be Gth
cd by
)Y clis-
Kiiig
m, the
duties
3d the
mtrics,
3 oper-
drawii
iubject,

rowing

!Ct, Avas

ral ap-

one ut"

ii most ])romisiiig nature. Mr. lliiskisson, in his
own speech at a hiter period of the deljate, alhuh'd
to it in tlie foUowing terms: —

" 'I'lie debate lias afforded to iho honoui'able
member for Dover an opportunity of manifesting
ill! extraordinary degree of acuteness and know-
ledge in respect to the commerce and navigaticm of
the country, and of statinir his informjition in ii
manner which nuist, I am sure, have made tlie
most favourable impression on the house."

On the 14th of Jinie, ]\Ir. Thomson made a few
observations in favour of the vote by ballot in par-
litiincntary elections, a proposal which he after-
wards took many opportunities of supporting, and
Avliich was on this occasion, for the first time, sug-
gested to the house.

In the ensuing session he pursued the same
prudent course of but rarely obtruding himself on
the notice of the house. He spoke once or twice in
favour of reductions in the navy and army esti-
mates ; and, in the discussion of the Passengers'
Regulation Act, supported the views advocated by
Messrs. Hume and Warburton. A letter to his
brother written at this period may show the opinion
he had been led to form on the reserve necessary for
obtaining parliamentary success, and the modest
anticipations entertained by him of his future pros-
pects.

1827.

c 2

I.IVV. OK LOKI) SVDKNIIAM.

IS'.'S.

" Lomlon, rcbniary 'JHfli, IH2S.

" My (Icjir

" Tliiiiiks lor your ('oii<ii'j»tuliiti()iis on wliiil
you arc pK'jiscd t(> cjill my success iii pinTisnucnt. I
wish it wd'c «4r('jit('r, but still, il' I iini lu'ruiiltcd lo
proceed, I (rust I uisiy improve upon it. To tli(!
justice of every one ol' your nmxiius I eiitii'ely sub-
scribe. Tlie speech Avhich I m.'ide last year, which
i>-aiiied me what little credit I huvt', is the best
illustrjitiou of the principal one. ;\ mnu who tells
the house fitrfa witli which the miijority are uiuic-
(pmiuted, is sure to be listened to, and a, reputjition
for doini;" so will procure him jittention upon other
points on whieh he, i)erhaps, does not deserve it.
r)Ut a parliamentary reputation is like a woman's.
It must be exposed as little as ])ossible. And J am
so sensible of this, that I Avould willingly abstain
from openino- uiy mouth more than once or twice
in a session. I have latterly been obliged to in-
fringe this rule more than 1 wish, but it has only
been in committees, which are parliamcntarily sa/is
consvquoive. 1 hope to have one or two occasions
for a splash, but 1 shall not go out of my Avay for
them. This, to be sure, is all sad manoeuvring.
But still, it is a means to being useful hereafter
and therefore must be submitted to.

" I rejoice at the tone of your letter. It would
be absurd in me, Avho have taken so different a
course, to sing the ' Beatus 'die'! l^ut now and
then it occurs to me that some ten or fifteen years
hence, when T am broken in health, in constitution,

and in
;ili<l iUH
for wh(
;i'id I'e^
money
" \\\
'iiesdjiN
|M'cted,
hi'in;»' u
John W
Peel's o
(for thi
hut som
liberty,
delightfi
tlie just 1
will be ii
the next
just now
certaiidy
about hii
God sum
\^vy ugb

On the

repeal of
Jibility, w
house, an(
able to t

(

, IH'JS.

wllill
'lit. I
ted to
\) \\\v.
y sul)-
wliit'h

best

10 tells
niuK'-

itatioii

1 othc'i'
rvo it.
nnnn's.

11 J am
ibstjiiii

twice

o iii-

LS only

y sans

asions

ly for

ivriiig.

rcaftcr

would
rent a
w and
years
tntion,

MKIC OK ]A)\{]) MVl)i;NIIA>f.

;iiid ill Spirits, :iii(l disappointed in bntli rortnne
;iii(l iinihition, wliicli must Iisippen, I am aware,
Ini' who lias not Ikumi? — I sliall envy your position,
ji'id re^j^rot tlie useless waste of time, liealth, and
Mioiiey of tlie pres(!nt djiy. liut 'rAr .sv/zv/, sftrtt.'
" We lijid a trimHjth^ in which I Wiis sin unit, on
iiesdiiy. TIk! ^rejiter, that it was wholly unex-
|M'ct(!d, lor ministers had inside such exertions to
hrin;^- np jdl their troops, tliiit a def'esit of I.ord
,l<»hn Itussell's motion* Wiis considered certain.
Peel's opposition was iiiteHii!;il)le, jit least the motive
(for tlu; reasons he ^jivc were C(!rtaiiily not so);
hut some who jivow themselves friends of reli;i,ious
liberty, were pitiful in their conduct. It will be
delightful to see men avIkj act so disgracefully resip
the just reward of their bjid deeds, for the dissenters
will be in arms sigainst them, .and j)ay them off at
the next election. God forl)id we should have one
just now; but things look ominous. The King has,
certainly, been very bad for some time, and those
about him begin to jdlow that he is not immortal.
God save him! for a general election would be a
very ugly thing."

On the 20th of !May he introduced a l)ill for the
repeal of the Usury Laws, in a speech of great
iibility, which made a strong impression upon the
house, and the government expressing itself favour-
able to the principle of the measure, leave was

* For the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.

c 3

I S'«'H.

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

U ''

1S28. given to l)nng in tlie bill. "When, hoAvever, the
seeond reiiding came on, it was found that the
country gentlemen, who had always opposed any
change in the Usury Laws, under the idea that
they kept down the rate of interest on mortgages,
evinced so strong a disposition to throw out the
bill, that the Chancellor of the Exchecpier advised
its withdrawal for that session, which was done.

On the 18th of June, j\Ir. Thomson spoke and
voted in a minority of twenty-four against a bill for
limiting the circulation of Scotch and Irish bank
notes ; and on the next day he defended Mr. Hus-
kisson's measures for the improvement of the Na-
vigation Laws, against the attacks of Mr. Ivobinson
and General Gascoigne, and alluded, in terms of
indii^'nation, to the scurrilous and mali^'nant treat-
ment with which that wise statesman had l)een
assailed by portions of the press and hired organs
of the shipping interest.

On the IGtli of July he divided the house on the
question of reducing the duties on Indian silk goods
to a minimum of 30 per cent.; and on the 11th
and 17tli of the same month, he spoke against the
retention of a nominal sinking fund.

His votes throughout this session were given, of
course, in support of the great principles of civil
and religious liberty which he professed to advocate.
His name appears in the majority of the 2()th of
February, in favour of Lord John Kussell's motion
for the i-epeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, by
which that great step towards the triumpli of those

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

pi'inciplcs was virtually gained ; in the scarcely loss
famous minority of the 21st of March in favour of
the disfranchisement of East Retford ; in the mi-
nority of twenty-seven, on the 27th of April, for
Mr. Hume's amendment of the Corn Laws ; and in
tlie majority of the 12th of May, on Sir Francis
IJurdett's motion in favour of the lioman Catholic
claims.

On the 14th of April of the next year, 1829, in the
adjourned debate upon ^Ir. Tyler's motion for a com-
mittee on the silk trade, ^Ir. Thomson delivered a
speech of extraordinary power and ability, which, for
its eifect upon the house, has been rarely equalled,
certainly not by any speech made upon a topic of so
dry and practical a question of economical policy.
On its conclusion the speaker was cheered from every
quarter, and several members even crossed the
house to congratulate him on the success he had
gained. On this occasion Mr. Thomson had the
disadvantage of speaking after Mr. Huskisson, and
liad, of course, been forestalled by him in the state-
ment of the most material facts bearing upon the
subject. Notwithstanding this, he brought to the
discussion such an amount of information, of a
novel and interesting character, relative to the
details of the manufacture, the circumstances affect-
ing it, and its actual and comparative condition, —
his treatment of the question was so luminous, and
he threw so withering a ridicule on those general
declauncrs against free trade and " cold-hearted
philosophy," avI >o, declaring an abhorrence of all

c 4

ISL'f).

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1829. theories, tlieiiiselves theorised extravagantly, Init

with a total ignorance of and disregard to facts^ —

as not only to amuse the house with a dry subject,
but to carry conviction to the minds of all who
heard him without undue bias, and to produce an
effect on the country most favourable to the general
recognition of the wisdom of Mr. Huskisson's com-
mercial policy.*

The latter part of this speech is well worth re-
produchig at the present period ; for the general
arguments in favour of connnercial freedom have

seldoii
or con

* *♦ Mr. Huskissoii had sagacity to perceive the cause of the
inferiority of the British to the French and German silk manu-
factures, and courage to undertake tlie introduction of a new
system. This was accomplished in 1825, by reducing the duties
on raw silk to a nearly nominal amount, and materially dimi-
nishing those on thrown or organzined silk ; while at the same
time the prohibition against the importation of foreign silks was
repealed, and they were allowed to be entered in unlimited
quantities for home consumption, on paying an import duty of
iJO per cent, ad valorem. This change of system was violently
opposed, and many predicted that it would occasion the ruin of
the manufacture. But these sinister auguries have proved to be
wholly fallacious. The measure, in fact, has been signally suc-
cessful. The manufacturers, finding they could no longer de-
pend on the wretched resource of custom-house regulations, put
forth all their energies ; and having called the various resources
of science and ingenuity to their aid, the manufacture has been
more improved and extended during the dozen years ending
with 1837, than it had been during the previous century. The
imports of the raw material, and the exports of the manufac-
tured article have rapidly increased. At present (1838) the
entire value of the manufacture is supposed to exceed the im-
mense sum of 1()..000,()()()/., and we export a considerable
amount of silk goods, even to France herself." — M'CullocJis
edition of Smith's Wealth of Nations, p. 201.

LIFK OF LOUP SYDENIL\M.

soldoiii, if ever, been summed up in more eloquent 1829.
or convincing phrases.

(Muling
Tlie
aiiufac-
58) the
tlic ini-
(lerable
ulloclis

" Sir, I have thus endeavoured, though, I fear, at much
too great a length, to apply myself to the statements whicli
liave been made ; I have endeavoured to show the absurd-
ity of attributing the present distress to the operation of
the law of 1826 ; I have endeavoured to point out the real
causes of it. 1 have tried to prove the necessity of a re-
duction of duty on the manufactured goods, to enable the
fair trader to compete with the smuggler ; — on thrown
silk, to enable the British weaver to compete with the
French; and I trust that I have clearly shown, that these
measures will be attended with no injury to the throwster.
I should not trespass for another moment on the patience
of the House, but for the very extraordinary assertions
which the Honourable Member for Worcester has been
pleased to make, on what he calls free trade. The Ho-
nourable Gentleman is not content with having so clearly
demonstrated all the evils which have arisen to the unfor-
tunate silk trade from this little deviation from prohibition ;
he is not satisfied with having so admirably illustrated his
own love of exclusion, by showing, that under the influence
of the unhappy law of 1826, we have raised the consump-
tion of i iw silk in this country from 2,000,000 up to
1,000,000 lbs. ; he is not satisfied with proving that our
weavers have nearly doubled in number, that our throw-
ing-mills are half as many again ; that, in addition to all
this, we have imported, as he says, manufactured silks to
the amount of 1,500,000/., all which must have been paid
for in the produce of British industry, and the employment
of British capital ; he is not satisfied with all these evils
ill the silk-trade, but the Honourable Gentleman passes
an indiscriminate censure, — he vents all his wrath, — he
pours out the phials of his indignation — on what he is
pleased to call free trade. I really should feel obliged to
the Honourable Gentlemen to tell me where he finds free

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

182f). trade in this country? Alas! I search in vain through
your Custoni-House hiws, and I can find no soh'tary in-
stance of any article which is either produced or manufac-
tured in this country, on which a very heavy duty is not
exacted : — free trade, indeed ! why it is ludicrous to talk
of it; and on the occasion too, when we are actually
debating whether the duty on the article which forms the
subject of to-night's discussion shall be 35 or 25 per cent!
*'Iwish that the Honourable Gentleman were more cor-
rect ; I wish, with all my heart, that we were nearer that
monstrous consummation of free trade which he so much
dreads ; but though I fear we are still far, far from it, I
will grant the Honourable Gentleman that we have made
a nearer approach to it ; and I contend, in answer to all
his assertions, that in doing so we have conferred an essen-
tial benefit, and an incontrovertible one, upon the country.
The proof of it lies uj)on your own table, and there too
lies the contradiction to the ruin so much talked of by the
Honourable Member for Callington. I know of no stand-
ard by which the increase or diminution of the wealth of
any country can be estimated, except its power of con-
sumption. If we find this increasing, its wealth must be
also on the increase. If we find it diminishing, its pros-
j)erity may be said to be on the wane. If, then, the posi-
tion of the Honourable Gentleman be correct, if, since the
adoption of these horrible measures by the legislature, the
wealth of this country has fallen away, the eflTect must be
clearly marked by the diminished power of all classes to
consume. This is the test which I shall apply, and by It
I wish the House to judge between the Honourable Gentle-
man and myself. I have selected, to form this standard,
the returns of the principal articles which enter into tlic
greatest degree of consumption of all classes in this coun-
try. I have taken them for the period of five years. If
any of the regulations of the Custom-House have made a
nearer approach to free trade, it is since the year 1825
that they have done so. I take, therefore, the two years

previou

year be

the wa_)

" An

Has th(

coiisum

prosper

contrary

tliese a:

cxtraorc

is worth

tlic incr

— in cot

tailow o

tlic misc

flcrn the

and lam(

oil the st

" The

which \n

trade. '

the mos

wliilst tl

words, tl

gument i

sensible,

nicnt of

the Men

tliey, ' tc

tell us w

modities

reasoniui

cliange, i

regulatio

the part

giving av

at least <

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

previous, and the two years succeeding that year, and that
year being a year of extreme specukition is taken out of
the way.

" And let me intreat tlie House to look at the result.
Has there been any symptom of the diminished power of
consumption which must have been the effect of waning
prosperity ? Has there been no increase indicating a
contrary effect ? Why, not in one, but in every one of
these articles there has been the most rapid, the most
extraordinary increase! — in sugar of 7 per cent., and this
is worthy of remark, because the duty being the highest,
tlie increase has been the least; — in coffee of 90 per cent.
— in cotton of 31' per cent. — in flax of 65 per cent. — in
tailow of 60 per cent. Here is ruin indeed ! These arc
tlic mischiefs of the free trade system, introduced by mo-
dern theorists and philosophers — these are the disastrous
and lamentable consequences of the measures of those men
oil the state of the productive industry of the country !

*' There yet remains, however, one more argument
which has been urged by some of the opponents of free
trade. They are the most dangerous, because they arc
tlie most moderate, and the most specious; — because,
whilst they grant the truth of the genei'al principle in
words, they depart from it in spirit; — because their ar-
gument is at once the most popular, the most apparently
sensible, and yet the most fallacious, — I mean the argu-
ment of the absence of reciprocity, brought forward by
the Member for Kirkcudbright. ' We are friends,' say
tliey, * to free trade, — we grant all the benefit which you
tell us will arise from an unrestricted interchange of com-
modities between dilFcrent nations, — we agree to all your
reasoning ; but in order that there should be a free inter-
change, it is necessary that the removal of our restrictive
regulations should be met by corresponding measures on
the part of other nations. If this be not the case, we are
giving away the advantage which we possess of suppl3'ing
at least ourselves with our own productions, — we throw

182.9.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1829- open our ports to receive the produce of the industry of

foreign countries, whilst they shut their gates to ours : tuul

we destroy our national industry in those articles, in the
production of which foreigners excel us, without their
becoming, in their turn, customers for ours.' The fallacy
of such reasoning lies in this — these gentlemen misunder-
stand the nature of trade. In order to buy, we must
also sell. We may open our ports to the silks and wines
of France, to the corn of Germany and Russia, to the
drugs of Asia and of India, but we can get no pound's
worth of any commodity without giving in return a pound's
worth of our own productions. Our manufacturers will
give away nothing ; they will not send their goods to
foreign ports without getting an equivalent in return ; and
I will venture to say that the producers of foreign com-
modities, of French silks, and German cloths, with which,
according to the statement of these gentlemen, this country
has been and will be overwhelmed, are as little likely to
make a present to the British consumer of their hardly-
worked produce without taking in return the staple articles
of British produce. Foreign nations may, as we have
seen, and as we are told, be inclined to meet our liberal
policy by tightening still more their restrictive system.
The effect can only be the prevention of their own export
trade, the curtailment of their own commerce, and the
suffering of their own people. If by some magic wand
the nations of the continent could suddenly surround their
dominions with the wall of brass fabled by Bishop Berkeley,
— if they could effectually exclude every article of British
produce, whilst their ports opened to permit the free
egress of all their own, — not a vessel of theirs could find
its way to our shores ; or, if it did, its cargo must be made
a present of to our people. They would deprive their
own subjects of the benefit of mutual interchange, — they
would deprive us likewise of it, but they could do no
more : — they would imp'overisli and ruin their own
country ; — they would injure us in a less degree; — they

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

would reduce us to what I consider an unhappy condition,
l)ut wliicli the Honoura])lc Member for Coventry, and -
tliose who tliink with liini, have described as a happy and
a prosperous state, — the necessity of producing witliin
ourselves all that we stand in need of. But, thank God !
it is not in the power of governments to carry into effect
so desolating, — so pernicious a principle. There is, in
economical, as in political affairs, a point beyond which it
is not possible to go, — a point at which legislation be-
comes ineffectual, and power powerless. Governments
may enact laws, but mankind will successfully resist them.
Thus it it is with these attempts. The smuggler becomes
in such a case the corrector of faulty legislation, and the
friend and the defender of mankind. Under his exertions
the Acts of the Legislature become void, and the laws of
your ports and your custom-houses are dead letters. Do
we want the experience of mankind to illustrate the truth
of this great principle ? You have it within your own
times. The man whose power was never surpassed in
modern, and scarcely equalled in ancient times, — he
whose career of victory the bounds of Europe could scarce
restrain, — whose word was a law, — in vain attempted to
counteract this great principle. Buonaparte, when, at
the height of his power, he fulminated his decrees from
the palace of the Duomo of Milan, which was to annihilate
his only rival, thought but little that his orders could be
contested, or his will disputed. And yet, what was the
result? He, whose armies successively occupied every
capital of Europe, — who made and unmade Kings with a
breath, — was set at nought by the lowest of his subjects.
The smuggler bearded him in the streets of his capital,
and set his power at defiance in his own ports and cities.
The goods, which he refused to admit, found their way
through the Frozen Ocean into the heart of France. I
speak from personal knowledge when I say, that an unin-
terrupted line of communication was established between
Archangel and Paris ; and goods, even the bulky articles

1829.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

182f). of sugar, cofTcc, and manufactures, were conveyed witli as

— much ease and safety, tliougli at a proportionally increased

cost, as from London to Havre. Insurances were then as
currently effected at Brody and at Leipsic as at Lloyd's
or at New York.

** But need we go further than the very trade before us
for an illustration of what I say ? Do Gentlemen, who
make no difficulty respecting the importation of raw silk
(whatever they may think of thrown), know that most of
the States of Italy rigidly exclude all our manufactures'
from their ports ; and yet we take from them annually
the value of ^,000,000/. sterling ? How do we pay for it
then ? Their custom-houses are shut to our produce, and
the objects of our industry are as strictly prohibited as the
works of Voltaire or of Gibbon. I have had the curiosity
to endeavour to trace this, and what will the House think
of the result ? Upon a careful examination of the bills
which are drawn from Italy in payment of this silk, by
several houses in the trade, 1 find at least three-fourths of
them remittances from Austria and the German States,
which have been made to Manchester and Glasgow for
British manufacture. It is hopeless, then, for any nation
to attempt to exclude the productions of another. They
may injure their own subjects by enhancing the price, but
exclude they cannot. But the advantage to a country in
first adopting the principle of freedom of trade is not
merely relative, but positive. Under a system of restric-
tion with us, other nations may make and uphold corre-
sponding restrictions ; but if we set the example of free
intercourse, they may make, but I defy them to uphold
them. They may struggle for a time to comply with the
wishes of the ignorant and interested producers in their
own country, but they cannot do so long. The ruin of
their own trade, — the destruction of the property of all
those who are not immediately interested in the mono-
poly, — the outcry of the whole mass of consumers, will
drive them into a better and wiser course. If we wait

till the)
if we gi
the serv
" Wl
No one
policy v^
tinue
people ;
refer to
I think
system,
Honour
throwste
is quote(
worthy
petitionc
say, * at
facture c
ilourishci
case Stan
because
own, — I
race of c
I think 1
course fc
tition in
lament il
try canni
because
fraught
without
I will nc
cottons
taking i
does this
What d
who fin(

LII-I': OF LORD SYDENIIA^r.

till tliey grant reciprocity, \vc arc the slaves of their will ;
if we give free aclinission to their produce, they become
the servants of ours.

" What is the case with France at the present moment ?
No one can more deeply regret than I do the illiberal
policy which guides, and, I fear, for some time must con-
tinue to guide, the commercial councils of that great
people ; and I speak in sorrow, not in anger, when I
refer to it. But I am induced to do so, not only because
I think it a happy illustration of the errors of such a
system, but because I find, if not in the speeches of
Honourable Gentlemen, at least in the petitions of the silk-
throwsters, especially that from Macclesfield, her example
is quoted, and her conduct held up as wise and just, and
worthy of imitation by us. ' She continues,' say the
petitioners, • wisely her prohibitive laws. Look,' they
say, ' at France : under her wise regulations her manu-
facture of cotton has increased tenfold, her industry has
flourished, her prosperity has augmented.' How does the
case stand ? I refer to it with deep regret, — I lament it,
because I consider her interests as identified with our
own, — because I think that we have run too long the
race of competition in the arts of destruction ; — because
I think that the time is come, when we should run that
course for which nature intended us — the race of compe-
tition in industry, in wealth, and in civilisation ; — I
lament it, because, from my soul, I believe that one coun-
try cannot improve without benefiting her neighbour, —
because I feel sure that no gale can pass over France,
fraught with wealth, with prosperity, or with happiness,
without bearing a portion of those blessings to Britain.
I will not speak of her cotton mills — she may raise printed
cottons at a dear rate — she may raise iron, instead of
taking it from us, at double the cost ; but what effect
does this have upon the general industry of the country ?
What do those classes of producers say to this system,
who find that there is no longer any demand for their

1829.

Lino OV LOKl) SYDENHAM.

1829. pvoduco ? Arc thoy satisfied? Do tlicy find tlint otlicr

nations can bny their produce of tiieni, when France

refuses to take any tlunj^- in return ? Are tliey not, with
one voice, besieointi;' tlie doors of the Clianihers to induce
them to return to a system less ruinous to their interests?
It is a case so comi)letely in point, tliat I cannot helj)
referring to it. What is the situation of the wine-
growers, — an interest five times as great as any otlier
witliin tlie French ch)minions, emph)ying ij,()0(),(){)() of
people, and a capital ten times greater tlian any other iu
France ? Listen to tlieir hmguage : tlius it is tliey achhvss
the Chamber: — ' What,' say thev, ' is the basis of the
proliibitive system ? A chimera. To sell without buying.
A secret still to be discovered ! If we shut our ports to
the productions of other countries, it is good, at least, to
know that theirs must be shut on our industry : this kind
of reciprocity is inevitable — it is in the nature of things;
and what arc the results ? The destruction of the power
of interchange, the destruction of all emulation, the
obtaining of a worse article at a dearer cost.' And how
is this statement supported ? By a document showing
that the decrease in the export of wines from Bordeaux
and other places has been from 10,000 to 30,000 hogs-
heads. They must follow our example. It is no more
in the power of governments to uphold for long, than it is
for the interests of nations to suiTer, such a system.

" I am no rash theorist, — I am not desirous of carrying
a favourite principle into operation at the expense of
existing interests ; but I maintain that your only course
is a gradual, a progressive, but a steady approach to a
free system ; and I maintain, without fear of contradiction,
that the very essence of manufacturing and commercial
industry, is freedom from legislative interference and le-
gislative protection. Attempt to assist its course by pro-
tective enactments, by fostering care, — you arrest its
progress, you destroy its vigour. Unbind the shackles in
which your unwise tenderness has confined it, — permit it

J.IFIO OK J-Olil) SVDKNIIAM.

;]3

the

how

wing

leaux

logs-

luore

ill it is

[Tying
ise of

lo take unrcstraiiR'd its own course, — expose it to tlie
wholesome hree/es of coin|)i'tition, yon give it new life,
yon restore its former vigour. Industry lias hccn well
likened, in my oj)inion, to the hardy alpine jdant: self-
sown on the mountain side, exposed to the inclemency of
the seasons, it gatiiers strength in its struggles for ex-
istence, it siioots forth in vigour and in beauty. Traiis-
pl.iiiled to the rich soil of the parti'rre, — tended hy the
fostering hand of the gardener, — nursed in tlie artificial
almosphere of the forcing-glass, it grows sickly and en-
ervated — its shoots are vigourless, its (lowers inodorous.
In one single word lies the soul of industry — competition.
The answer of the statesman and the eccmomist to his
Sovereign, inciuiring what he could do to assist the in-
dustry of his kingdom, was — " Let it take its own course."
Such is my prayer. Relieve us from the chains in which
your indiscreet tenderness has shackled us — remove your
oppressive protection — give us the lair liekl we ask, and
we demand no more. The talent, the genius, the enter-
j)rise, the capital, the industry of tin's great people will do
the rest; and England will not only retain, but showbill
take a yet more forward place in the race of competition
for wealth and improvement, which, by the nature of
tilings, she is destined to run amongst the naticms of the
world. Place us in that condition is our prayer — not
by any violent change, but by slow and easy transition.
Here we shall find security for our enterprise and reward
for our labours —

Ilic piitct ingcniis campus : ccrtuscjue mcrenti
Stat favor : ornatiir propriis industria donis.

" For these reasons, Sir, I shall give my decided oppo-
sition to the motion of the Honourable Member for Co-
ventry, and my earnest, though I fear feeble support to
the amendment of my Right Honourable Friend."

It may appear to some to have savoured of bold-
ness, if not of presumption, in so young a member

1 8'>'f).

LIFIO OK LOUD SVDKNIIAM.

iS'jf). SIS y\\'. Tlioiiisoii, to liiiv(^ sck't'tcd Ibr iiis first and

iriost stiulicd I'tlorts of I'jii'liiiiiu'iitury display, tli(!

pivt'isc (|iK'sti(His on wliicli Mi*. JIuskissoii wjis
iiatui'ally expected to make liis iikjsI hrillijint
si)eeelies, since tlie entire merit of his system of
|)olicy was oil its trial in the two <j;reut debates of
this and the preceding year on the shipping and
silk questions. It was not, however, in any spirit
of rivalry towards that wise and liberal minister,
— whose noble exertions in favour of sound prin-
ciples of international trade were am[)ly appreciated
by Mr. Thomson, — that the choice was made, but
from his mixiety to second those exertions and
defend that [)olicy, with the energy ins[)ired l)y
strong con\iction, and the i)0wer deri\'ed from u
practical knowledge of mercantile transactions, it
is, moreover, well known tliat even in the first of
these two years, the health of Mr. lluskisson was
so failing, and his frame so weakened by laborious
devotion to public business, that he might well be
expected to require all the aid that could be afforded
to him *n the vindication of his policy; while that
vindication would necessarily gain much in its
effect, when coming from an independent mendjcr,
opposed in general politics t( • the minister, but as
a merchant and man of business able to bear the
most unequivocal and unsus^x^cted testimony to the
beneficial character of his commercial policy.

Mr. Thomson, moreover, carried his views of the
expediency of abrogating the restrictive system
something furtlier than J\li'. Huskisson at this thue,

iiiid
tUr (
(l('sir(
of adv
jidopti
Icgisla
iag b:i
syinpt(
would
Preside
])orted
of his
kiioAvIe(
h'ron
spoeclie
tiiined a
Coimnoi
opinions
being en
at heart
slionld il
pily to b(
kisson's ^
experien(
difficulty
iinproven
ing oppo
should be
letter to
forwjird s

lAl'K OK LOKl) .SVDKNHAM.

t uutl

AVMS

ilVnuit

LilU Ol'

tcs oi'
ff uiul
spirit
uistcT,
. prin-
'ciatiMl
Ic, but
IS juul
•od by
from 11
IS. It
lirst of

311 AVUS

)c)rious

IV'L'll 1)0

tbrJod

lie tliat

in its

lei I

iber,

[but as

lar the

to the

iiiid ill his position of a responsible Minister of
the Crown, had yet ventured to jivow ; and was
desirous t<j employ to the utmost every opportunity
()i'advoeatin<r those views, ol' pressin*;' a yet further
!i(lo[)tion of their [)rinci[)le by the ^^overnmeiit and
K'nislature, Jind of prcventui*,^ any wiiveriu*^ or fall-
iiiii' back ill this course, of which he thono-ht some
symptoms were visible, and of which, indeed, thercj
would have been considersd)le danger, had not the
]*i'esident of the liourd of Trade been stronp^ly sup-
])()rted by those independent members who ap[)roved
of his j)olicy, and could s[)eiik from Ji practical
knowledge of its bearing on the interests of trade.

From the time of the delivery of these two
speeches, Mr. Thomson may be said to have ob-
tained a position in the estimation of the House of
Commons, Avhich gave weight and authority to his
opinions; aud he iniglit fairly indulge the hope of
heing enabled to advance the cause he had so much
at heart, from a situation of still greater influence,
should ilbheath or accident (as was so soon unhaj)-
})ily to be the case) deprive the country of Mr. IIus-
kisson's valuable services. The convictions which
experience at this time had taught him as to the
diiliculty of inducing the legislature to admit of
improvements, and the respect for those entertain-
ing opposite opinions with which their advocacy
should be accompanied, are expressed in a private
letter to a friend who w^as pressing him to bring
forward some scheme of the kind.

1829.

1) 2

LIFE OF LORD SYDENIIA^L

1829. " ^Fy dear

" I sec Black lias put your effusions into the
' Chronicle.' I like your doctrine very well, but you
fall into the line of which my friends the utilitarians
are but too justly accused, and which with you, as
with th(^ni, will go farther to defeat the extension
of your princii^les, than your reasoning will go to
establish them. You, like them, begin every dis-
cussion by telling those who differ from you that
they iU'e d — d fools, not exactly the wny to put
them in an humour for cool argument. You seem
besides to have formed a most erroneous judgment
of the facility with Avhich any improvement can be
carried into effect. To propose, to legislate, and
to act on your law, you seem to think Ibllow one
anotlier as glibly as cause and effect. Why, God
bless you, the majority of the House of Conunons,
ay, GOO of the 050 senators, are opposed upon
principle to any change, be it what it may ; and a
Avhole session could be readily spent by them in
considering whether they had better consider."

]\rr. Thomson himself, though not yet thirty, had
already begun to suffer from the attacks of consti-
tutional gout, and for the benefit of change of air
he sjient the winter of 1829 at Paris, which he had
visited repeatedly in the three or four preceding-
years. He lived in close intimacy with many of
the most eminent of the diplomatic and political
characters resident there, and especially cultivated
those public men who agreed with hhn in the desire

to ren
such
l>aron
He wa
circle i
liope t
and p
j>itoL)
of the
In ai
on one
up to t
confinii
topics,
coercioi
tion of
had bee
letter cc
do what
considei
cxposin<
of the ]
motion ^
of the f
asked fo
by the I
and the
in SAvelli
ting so s
On th

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

to remove the restrictions of international commerce,
such as M. D'Amisson, the Messieurs Delessert,
IWon Louis, M. de Broghe, M. cle St. Aulaire, &c.
He was admitted frequently to the amiable family
circle of the Duke of Orleans, and entertained tlic
hope that all the weight of that Prince's influence
and power (which has since reached so high a
[)itoL) iv^ould be employed in furthering the advance
of the same liberal policy.

In an early part of the next session Mr. Thomson
on one occasion overstepped the limits he appears
u]) to that time to liave laid down for himself of
confining his speeches to financial or commercial
topics, and brought before the House the alleged
coercion of the voters of Newark at the recent elec-
tion of Mr. Sadler by the Duke of Newcastle, which
had been defended by that nobleman in a published
letter containing the celebrated phrase, " may 1 not
do what I choose with my OAvn?" This he justly
considered to afford a favourable opportianty for
exposing to public censure one of the worst abuses
of the nomination system ; and in this object the
motion was eminently successful : even the members
of the government, while opposing the committee
asked for, appeared to reprobate the system adopted
by the Duke, and the sentiments attributed to him;
and the debate had undoubtedly considerable effect
in swelling the current of popidar feeling then set-
ting so strongly towards Parliamentaiy Reform.

On the 25th ^larch Mr. Thomson brought before

D 3

1830.

;J8

UVE OK LOKl) SVDKNIIAlNr.

1830. the House a motion to a committee on tlie general
taxation of the empire, in a speed i of remarkable
ability, in which he passed in review the wholi;
system of our fiscal policy, and showed how in-
consistent it was in almost every particular with
ti'ue principles, and even with common sense, lie
argued that the pressure of taxatitm did not depend
so nuicli on its amount as on its incidence^ or the
manner in which it is taken from the pockets of
the people. He showed to how great an extent
many taxes on tlic raw materials of our industry
checked connnerce and tlie creation of wealth, and
thus not only impoverished the [)eople, but di-
muushed the fund out of wliich taxes nnist be
j)aid, to an extent iniinitely exceeding the pro-
duce of the taxes themselves. He proved that
many taxes were levied in a vexatious, harassing,
and awkward manner, causing a far greater loss
to the consumer, who ultimately paid the tax,
than its mere amount. He contended that other
taxes Averc too higli, and consumption thereby
checked to a dearee from Avhich the revenue itself
suffered, and proved by a long juTay of facts that
a reduction of duty in many histances might be
expected to improve rather tlian diminish the
revenue, besides affording innnense relief to the
consumer. He asked for a connnittee to consider
the subject, the Finance Committee of the preceding
}'ear having been confined to tlie expenditiu'e of
the country, Avhile it was equally expedient to

LIFH OF l.OJiJ) SYDENHAM.

review delilierately and to revise tlic inejins from
which its income was derived.*

The motion of Mr. Tliomsoii was supported in
the subsequent debate by Lord Althorp and Sir
H. Parnell, as well as by Mr. lluskisson and Lord
rabnerston, wlio chanieterised the speech of the
mover as a masterly ex[)osition of the mode of
levying the taxes. The Chnncellor of the Ex-
chequer concurred in the principles tlierein laid
down ; but Mr. Peel resisted tlie motion as one
for transferring the functions of the Chancellor of
the ]'2xche(|uer to a Committee of the House of
Commons ; and the motion, though supported by
the great body of the Whig party, Avas of course lost
on a division.

The seeds, however, were thus sown of an im-
proved system of taxation. Li Mr. Thomson's
speech are to be found the germs of nearly all the
beneficial reductions of taxes, and improvements
in the mode of their levy, which were introduced
diu'ing the subsequent administration, in which
he himself managed the department of the Board
of Trade, and Lord Althorp the Exchequer.

Through the remainder of the session Mr.
Thomson continued to urge on the government
a more economical administration of the national
resources. He brought forward, or spoivc in favour
of, the reduction of the stamps on newspapers, of
the duties on Foreign lead, on sea-borne coals, and

1 8.S0.

* Sec Appendix.
D 4

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1830. on sugar; and took an active part in tlic several
debates on questions relating to the reduction (jf
public expenditure, which characterised that session.
He served also in the Committee on ihe East India
Charter, taking a very diligent share in that im-
portant investigation. Upon the dissolution of
Parliament, owing to the death of the King, and
the accession of AVilliam lY., Mr. Thomson had
again to contest his seat for Dover with his former
opponent, ^Ir. Hidcomb. The expenses of these
frecpient contests were dispiriting, and appear to
have led him to think seriously of retiring from
Parliament. But his friends were now convinced
that the path he had selected for himself was one
in which he was well qualified to shine, and they
dissuaded him from abandoning it.

The interval betAveen the general election in
Auffust and the meeting' of the new Parliament
at the end of October, was passed by Mr. Thomson
in Paris, where events of such extraordinary interest
and importance had so recently occurred. During
this absence from England tne death of Mr. Hus-
kisson having caused a vacancy in the representa-
tion of Liverpool, some of the party by wdiich that
statesman had been returned, turned their attention
to Mr. Thomson, as among public men the best
fitted to be his successor. It was, however, found
that the personal friends of Mr. Ewart, as resident
on the spot, had began so eai^ly and active a canvass,
as to make the attempt hazardous, and it was de-
sisted from.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

When the division on Sir H. Parneirs motion
for inquiry into the Civil List caused the resigna-
tion of the Duke of Wellington, and Earl Grey was
intrusted by the sovereign with the formation of a
new administration, the office of Vice-President of
tlie Board of Trade, with the Treasurership of the
Xavy, was proposed to Mr. Thomson, and accepted
by him.

By this time, indeed, he had established for him-
self a reputation of no common order. The part
lie had taken in the debates of the House, and in
the proceedings of its committees, on questions
connected with commerce and finance, had proved
hiin to possess not only a clear practical acquaint-
ance with the details of these subjects, but also
principles of an enlarged and liberal character, and
powers of generalisation and a comprehensiveness of
view, rarely found combined with the former qualities
in the same individuid. The loss of Mr. Huskisson
liad been severely felt by the public, and especially
by those who looked for the further extension of
those cidightened principles he had begun to intro-
duce into our commercial legislation; and in Mr.
Poulett Thomson they thought they saAv (and his
further career justified the expectation) one imbued
Avith the same enlarged views and liberal principles,
with natural sagacity, energy, activity, and habits
of business, fully equal to those possessed by Mr.
Huskisson, together with an intimate knowledge of
connnercial concerns, acquired from op[)ortuiiities
of practical insight and Ibreign travel, advantages

1830.

I I

LIFE OV LOUD JSYJJENllAiM.

1831. which that statesman had never possessed. Added
to which there were indications of a firmness and
detcrminiition of character, coupled with tact and
discretion, the want of which in Mr. Huskisson was
perhaps more injurious to his successful career than
any of the external circumstances he had to contend
against.

It was natural, therefore, that in the new ar-
rangements Mr. Poulett Thomson's aid should have
been called for ; to Lord Althorp, perhaps, chiefly
belongs the merit of that just appreciation of Mr.
Thomson's abilities and powers of usefulness which
secured his valuable services to the public at this
critical period. There could be little hesitation
as to the department of the government for which
he was peculiarly qualified : and his conduct at the
Board of Trade for nine years proved the soundness
of the judgment then displayed.

This appointment rendered it necessary for Mr.
Thomson to withdraw from the commerciDl firm
with which he was connected, in the business of
whicli he had continued to take an active share,
even Avhile devoting by far the largest portion of
his time to parliamentary labours. A dissolution
of partnership accordingly took place in November,
and he Avas once more reelected for Dover, this
time without a contest.

Mr. Poulett Thomson had now attained a position
which enabled him to introduce into practice those
improvements in the fiscal policy of the government
whicli he had advocated while out of oflice ; and to

LIFE OF LOUD 8YI)Ei\lIAiM.

this task he applied himself "with that remarkable
diligence and perseverance which distinguished his
character.

One of the first steps taken by him, immediately
on his attaining office, was the revival of the office
of Inspector-General of Imports and Exports, which
lirtd been abolished for the sake of a petty economy
two years before ; a change of great value to all
statistical investigations; and, indeed, essential to
a clear and correct understanding of the financial
and commerciid position of the country, upon which
our system of legislation and taxation is professedly
based.

He took the earliest possible opportunity to cany
into eifect a reduction of the duty on barilla, by
which the manufacture of soap was impeded, and
its cost greatly enhanced to the consumer, for the
supposed object of bolstering up the kelp fishery
of the North corst of Scotland, though that branch
of industry, which had grown up during the war,
when foreign alkalies were almost inaccessible, had
no chance whatever of prolonging its existence
under any circumstances, the progress of chemistry
having superseded the weak alkali made from kelp,
by a far stronger one manufactured from salt.

The Scotch landlords, however, could not be
persuaded that their own product should not still
be protected from every other competing article,
and Mr. Thomson had very early in the session to
resist repeated attacks from this quarter, Avhich
were countenanced far more than could well be

1831.

I I I

LIFE OF LOKD SYDENHAM.

18.^

justified by some of the members of the preceding,'
government, {dthougli, in fact, a similar measure
to that introduced by Mr. Thomson had been pre-
pared by themselves before they left office.

When Lord Althorp, as Chancellor of the Ex-
clicquer, brought forward his Budget, on the 11th
of February, it was very generally supposed (and
perhaps not without good grounds for the belief,
from the well-known confidence entertained in him
hy that high-minded and amiable nobleman) that
Mr. Thomson was the author and adviser of some
of the principal features of the scheme. And when
it turned out that two of the proposals introduced
into it, the tax on the transfer of stock and the
timber duties, were such as the House of Commons
would not sanction, the discredit attached to these
unlucky portions of the budget was currently thrown
on the shoulders of Mr. Thomson, who had inherited
from Mi\ Huskisson, together with his official duties
and the task of advocating free trade principles,
all tlie hatred and malice of those immerous and
loud-tongucd parties among the press and the jmblic,
Avho considered every removal of a restriction on
commerce as a blow aimed directly at their mono-
polies, and resented it as a robbery. The fact,
however, we believe to be that for the first of these
suggestions, viz. the tax of one half per cent, on
the transfer of stock in the funds, he was in no
degree responsible, and on the contrary had remon-
strated against it. It was otherwise with the im-
portant mutation })ro|)osed 1)y Lord Althorp in the

LIFE OF LUKD SYDENHAM.

mnouiit and mode of collection of the duties on
timber, — a proposal which, it was shown on calcula-
tions never smce impugned, would, if carried into
effect, have improved the revenue by a sum of
(»00,000/., (to which extent other taxes were to be
remitted) while the consumer would at the same
time be greatly benefited by obtaining a better
article for his money. The change was successfully
opposed by a combination of class interests with
tlie party which had been just driven .jm office.
The shipowners and colonial interests, uniting with
the lando^vTiers, the silk and glove traders, and all
others who dreaded the approach of princi[)lcs of
free competition in their own cases, proved too
strong for even the Reform Ministry, — even for
Lord Althorp's influence, — and on a division on the
18th of March the timber duties were lost by a
majority of 236 to 100. The justification of the
proposal then made is to be found in its repro-
duction ten years later, by Mr. F. Baring, in his
Budget of 1841. And though even then the same
failure attended it as on the previous occasion, from
a similar combination of the anti-commercial classes,
but especially through the resistance of the powerful
agricultural party to the proposed change in the
Corn Laws by which it was accompanied, yet the
mibiassed opinion of future financiers and of intel-
ligent and well-informed persons in general, may
not improbably give the palm to this proposed ar-
rangement of the wood duties to that which was in
its stead carried into effect by Sir Bobert Peel in

1831

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

IS.'Jl.

1842, and by wliicli a sum of 600,000/. is anti-
■ cipated to be lost, instead of being gained, (niakiiin-
a calculated difference to the revenue of 1,200,000/.
between the two arrangements,) whilst as far as
can he hitherto seen, the consumer will benefit in
no proportionate degree.

Mr. Poulett Thomson took little part in the ani-
mated debates of this or the succeeding session, on
the great question of the Reform Bill. He had
ample employment in the preparation, production,
and defence of measures of financial and fiscal
policy. He felt, notwithstanding, the deepest in-
terest in the progress of thut question, and the con-
fidential terms upon which he lived with the leading
framers of the measure, especially with Lord Althorp
and Lord Durham, gave him many opportunities to
impress upon them his strong convictions on the
subject. Again in the exciting events of the next
year, when at one moment the fate of the monarchy
appeared to tremble in the balance, the advice and
remonstrances of Mr. Thomson were, it is well
known, not wanting with his more prominent col-
leagues to support them in that course of bold and
determined policy, which proved ultimately suc-
cessful in rescuing the country from the extra-
ordinary difficulties of that trying occasion.

Among other useful measures to which at this
time he devoted his attention, was the improvement
of the mode of keeping the public accounts, by the
commission appointed for the purpose in this year,
of which Sir Henry Parnell was chairman, and Dr.

view are

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

L the

ircliy

e and

well

col-

and

suc-

vtra-

Ijowring secretary. To the labours of tliis commis-
sion Mr. Thomson brought the most valuable as-
sistance, and succeeded at length in forcing upon our
[)n1)iic offices the mercantile system of double entry,
and the general princijdes of a sound accountancy.

On the occurrence of the dissolution in April 1831,
lie was once more elected for Dover, though as ususil
at the expense of a contest. The business of his office,
and the preparation of ncAv fiscal measures, occu[)ied
liis entire attention during the interval before the as-
sembling of the new Parliament in June ; and amongst
other matters on which he was thus engaged were
the sanitary precautions to be adopted to meet the
tlu'catcning scourge of the cholera morbus, which at
that period had commenced its invasion of our coasts.

In November Mr. Poulett Thomson went to l*aris,
where, in conjunction with Lord Durham, he set
on foot the preliminary negotiations Avith a view
to a new commercial treaty with France. A joint
commission was named by the two Governments
to discuss the commercial relations between their
respective countries, consisting of Mr. George Vil-
liers, (now the Earl of Clarendon) and Dr. Bowring
on one side, and Messrs. Freville and Duchatel on
tlie other. The instructions drawn up by j\Ir.
Thomson for the guidance of the British Com-
missioners is an able document, in which the state
of the question and the considerations to be had in
view are most perspicuously set forth.*

1831,

* See Dr. Bowring's Report, 18.'54.

LII'R OF LUltl) .SVDKNIIAM.

18.32. Thu lalKHirs of this commission, whicli was rc-

iicwod and contiiuicd at intervals up to 1835, were
not without fruit, tliou«»li tlie intc'ri'stcdo])positioii of
particular interests, Avliich happen unfortiuiately to
1h) strongly represented in the Freneh Chambers,
has prevented even up to the present hour the
definitive arrangement of any general treaty to
regulate the ctanmereial intercourse of the two
countries. A vast mass of statistical facts were
collected for the enlightenment of both governments.
Sound principles of international commerce were
established and assented to by both parties as the
basis of all future ari'angements ; nor have the
labours of the commission been devoid of practical
results. It has been called an abortion ; but when
constituted, the exports of British manufactures to
France did not amount to half a million sterling.
In consequence of the changes introduced, though
of a very minor character compared to what still
remains to be effected, the exports were quadruj^led.
They amounted in 1840 to more than two millions.*

* The principai modifications obtained by the commissioners
in the tariff" of France were —

Tiie admission of jotton twist of the higher numbers ;

The lowering of the duties on English tin ;

The removal of the prohibition on the export of French raw
silk ;

The lowering of the tonnage on English vessels to one-thin!
of its previous amount ;

The diminution of the duty on coals.

The foundation was also laid of the Post Office arrangements
since carried into effect between the two countries ; and the first
severe shock was given to the prohibitory system in F^-ance, of

LIFK OF LOHD SYDKNHAM.

In the ensuing session ^fr. Thoinson had to defi'iid
oil several occasions tlie alteration in the wine duties,
u'liich formed a part of Lord Althorp's iinancial
scheme, lie also experienced the most obstinate and
continued resistance from the West India interest
to the continuance of the Act by which foreign
sugars were admitted to be refined in tliis countiy, —
a permission by Avhich Hnoland obtains n very
valuable carrying trade, and is made the entrepot
of much international commerce.

In the same manner he had to contend in the
next year against repeated motions for continuing
exorbitant duties on foreign gloves and silks ; and
to defend the policy of Mr. Huskisson's alterations
in the navigation laws against the inveterate and
persevering hostility of Mr. Robinson, the member
for Worcester, and other supporters of the resti'ic-
tive system.

He moved for and presided over a committee to
inquire into the state of the silk trade ; and the
Report subsequently drawn up by the committee as
the result of their inquiry at length set at rest for
ever that long-disputed question, by proving that
the abolition of the protective duties, which were
declared so essential to the trade, had been pro-
ductive of the most remarkable improvement in its
condition and prospects.

I S.12.

which both countries cannot fail before long to reap tlie full
benefit in a free and unrestricted exchange of their surplus
productions.

50 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. He likcAvisc introduced and carried through Par-
liament in the session of 1832, a very large alter-
ation and consolidation of the Customs Duties, or
Tariff.

In the summer of this year, Mr. Thomson was
called upon for an exertion of moral courage, whicli
in many persons in a similar position would have
been found wanting. An action was brought
against him in the Court of King's Bench by a
person of the name of Bushell, an outvoter of
Dover, for the amount of expenses falsely alleged
to have been incurred by him on Mr. Thomson's
account, in the last Dover election. He deter-
mined to resist this imposition at all risks, and they
will be believed to have been considerable, by
those who remember the bitter and malicious spirit
in which he and other members of the aaministra-
tion were continually assailed by the opposition
press, and the eagerness with which every circum-
stance in their private conduct which could be laid
hold of was tortured into a ground for the most
odious and blackening charges against them. The
result of his firmness on this occasion afforded u
proof that it is far wiser to meet attacks of this
kind with boldness and determination, than to yield
to them in any degree, from the desire to avoid
being brought before the public in a manner which
may be open to misconstruction. His Journal ex-
presses his gratification at the result of the trial.

" 14th July. — A. came from the city to say tliat
the cause with Bushell was decided. I have come oil'

Avith fl

of cour

stop2)ec

clared i

carries

to Scar]

and to '.

A. says

John A^

this eve

thing cc

ceedinffi

has mad

now rar

best CO!

days ag(

rccommc

And yet

case of t

has cert{

not forof

five tales

bridge ^^

The ex

lie busini

liis healtl

morn in ir.

House, oi

more tha

successful

His Joi

LIFE or LORD SYDENHAM.

with flying colours. His own witnesses put him out )S32.
of court. Scarlett did not call any for ine, and the jury
stopped the judge as he Avas going to sum up, and de-
clared themselves satisfied. The verdict, of course,
carries costs, and is most honourable. I am obliged
to Scarlett, who is said to have exerted himself much,
and to have spoken of me in flattering terms. This,
A. says, Campbell, who led for Bushell, did too.
John Williams, whom I met at Tunbridge AVells
this evening, was in court, and declares that no-
thing could be more satisfactory than all the pro-
ceedings. I own I am much pleased. The result
has made me feel an emotion, a neiv one, which is
now rare. How little are the opinions of even the
best counsel to be depended on ! Scarlett, two
days ago, was very unfavourable to the cause, and
recommended a reference in the strongest terms.
And yet to-day he wrote to A., in court, that the
case of the plaintiff* was the weakest possible. He
has certainly been very friendly to me, and I must
not forget it. The jury were seven special and
live talesmen. I left town at three o'clock for Tiui-
bridge Wells."

The excessive application of Mr. Thomson to pub-
lic business during this session materially aff'ected
his health. Attendance on some committees in the
morning, his office, and the night passed in the
House, often till tw^o or three in the morning, was
more than any constitution could bear, any energy
successfully contend with.

His Journal, Avhich from about this ])eriod was

E 2

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. kept with tolerable regularity, contains occasionally
such entries as the following : —

" August 28th, Saturday. — A week of the hardest
possible labour. I have not returned from the
House any day till three o'clock; on AVednesday not
till four. It is impossible to stand this ! I find my
body quite exhausted, and my mind equally worn
out. All this week I have alternated between the
bank and silk committees, and then the House. On
Wednesday I carried my bill (the Customs Duties)
through the connnittee: was at it from five till two
in the morning, nine mortal hours !....! passed
my bill to-day, thank God ! "

At the close of the session, Mr. Thomson made a
tour of a couple of months through the manu-
facturing districts of Derbyshire, Lancashire, and
the west of Scotland, visiting many of the principal
factories and establishments, as well as Liverpool
and Glasgow, and returning south by Edinburgh
and the north road. He had been some time pre-
viously requested by a deputation from Manchester,
to offer himself as the representative of that borough,
in the approaching general election under the
Reform Act. But, unwilling to give up the time
necessary for canvassing so extensive a constituency,
he had declined the proposal. Upon being further
urged, he expressed his Avillingness to sit for
Manchester, if elected, but refused to take any
steps to obtain the seat, and dechired himself a
candidate once more for Dover. On his visit to
Manchester in August, he met Avith so friendly

and i
Iiavir
towai
Jie h{
rated
of his
profes
come
cumst
alter t
went
niittee
tentior
declan
withou
howev(
every
for hii
judged
too hig
or ever
well-kn
former
AFhei
Poulett
at the h(
thence,
Mancheii
elected
ill liis a

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

and flattering a reception, that he began to regret
having put it out of his power to take any steps
towards obtaining an honour, the value of which
he had never underrated, but which he had over-
rated the difficulty of securing. In consequence
of his former refusal, another gentleman, Mr. Loyd,
professing nearly the same political principles, had
come forward as a candidate ; and under these cir-
cumstances, it was too late for Mr. Thomson to
alter the determination he had avowed. He even
went the length of authorising Mr. Loyd's com-
mittee to publish a denial on his part of any in-
tention to olFer himself for Manchester, and a
declaration that he had been posted as a candidate
without his authority. His enthusiastic admirers,
however, would take no denial, and in spite of
cvcrv thing, persisted in canvassing the borough
for him; and the result proved that they had
judged correctly of their fellow- citizens, who were
too high-principled to require a personal canvass,
or even an address, from a statesman sufficiently
well-known to them by his pul)lic character and
former parliamentary conduct.

When, at length, the general election came on, Mr.
Poulett Thomson attended at Dover, and was returned
at the head of the poll. On arriving in London from
tlience, he was met by an express forwarded from
Manchester, announcing that he had likewise been
I'lected for that place by a large majority, and this
in his absence, without having solicited a vote or

E 3

1832.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. issued an address, nay, without having even given
any sanction to his nomination !

This was, indeed, an honour of which he might
justly feel proud. Unconnected by business or
residence with the district, unkno^vn to the electors
personally, kno^vn only to them by his public cha-
racter and parliamentary conduct, he had been
spontaneously selected as one of their represent-
atives in Parliament, upon the first occasion of
their exercising the franchise conferred by the Re-
form Act, by the constituency of the most important
seat of manufacturing industry in the empire. In-
stances of such elections, it is said, occasionally
occur in France. But in the history of parlia-
mentary elections in England, such a mode of
selecting a representative, so honourable to both
parties, the constituency and the object of their
choice, was, we believe, wholly unprecedented.

To Mr. Poulett Thomson, the honour thus con-
ferred was, from many circumstances, peculiarly
gratifying. He had earned it by his own exertions,
unaided by rank, station, or influence, without a
pledge, without even a promise, beyond that which
his past conduct held out. It confirmed, by the
unquestionable seal of public approbation, the high
opinion that had been formed of him by his friends
now in oflice. It amply justified their recent se-
lection of him as a colleague. It moreover proved
the truth of wliat they had always maintained
t]i rough the struggle for reform, as to the worthi-
ness of the constituency which their measure

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

created; while, at the same time, it imparted to
them a new element of moral strength, in the un-
solicited support and adhesion of a community
capable of making so noble an use of its newly
acquired franchises.

It was impossible for Mr. Poulett Thomson to
hesitate in the choice he had now to make of sitting
either for Dover or Manchester. Though he had
formed many attached friends in the former place,
and could not but feel regret at the dissolution of
his connection with them, yet the borough had
been too deeply imbued with the vices of the old
system of election, not to be always a source of
very great trouble and expense to its representative.
And, under any circumstances, the representation
of Manchester, by far the most important manufac-
turing constituency in the kingdom, was a station
not to be refused ; a position which would neces-
sarily give him an increase of weight and influence,
both in the councils of the government and in the
House of Commons, of the highest importance to
the efficiency of his exertions in the public service.
These were motives to which every other consider-
ation must yield. And accordingly, in pursuance
of them, Mr. Poulett Thomson issued without delay
a farewell address to the electors of Dover, and
started for Manchester, where preparations were
making on a scale of extraordinary magnificence
for a public entertainment to the new members.

This took place on the 27th December in the
theatre, the whole interior of which had been fitted

E 4

1832.

LIFE OF LOHD SYDENHAM.

18.S2.

Up with great splendour, unci was occupied by an
assembly of more than eleven hundred persons,
comprising a large portion of the wealth, respecta-
bility and talent of the town and immediate neigh-
bourhood, Mr. B. Heywood, the late member for
the county, being in the chair.

Mr. Thomson's speech to this assembly was wor-
thy of the occasion which called it forth, and may
be read with deep interest even yet. Already
there had appeared signs of something like differ-
ence among the members of the party by which
the great measure of the Reform Act had been
carried. The Avord finality had been spoken at
Lancaster by Lord Stanley. It had naturally
grated harshly in the ears of many ardent and
conscientious Reformers, who saw plainly that the
evils of the nomination system were mitigated, but
not eradicated by the Reform Act. These were
naturally alarmed, and anxious t^ learn whether
the principle of the finality of the Act was to be
the common motto of the entire government. On
the other hand there were many who feared that
no stopping-place could be found in the course of
organic change once entered upon, and that the
members of the Government themselves would not
venture to resist their partisans when urged
forward by them to fresh innovations on the
established Constitution. The line taken by Mr.
Poulett Thomson in his speech at Manchester
showed the fallacy of both these anticipations.
While repudiating the doctrine of finality, and
admitting that imperfections must still remain in

our rt

might

nounc

change

called

rather

that 1

princij

if broi

struct

Afte

which

reformc

Board <

reform

■with hi

lect the

decesso]

Avhile i

commer

to the p

may pe

tural fei

and to

and am

have liv

set up 1

pies on

realm, j

claim tl

informec

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

our representative system which future legislation
might be called upon to correct, he boldly de-
nounced the absurdity of frequent and unnecessary
change in what is but the instrument of legislation ;
called on his friends to look to practical measures
rather than theoretical grievances; and declared
that he was prepared to resist the adoption of
principles or measures, however good in themselves,
if brought forward inopportunely, or so as to ob-
struct greater and more pressing objects.

After passing in review the leading questions
Avhich were likelv to absorb the attention of the
reformed Parliament, the Vice-President of the
Board of Trade naturally turned to those plans of
reform which were more immediately connected
mth his OAvn department. And those who recol-
the inveterate persecution which, like his pre-

1832.

lect

decessor Mr. Huskisson, he had for years endured,
while attempting to carry out the principles of
commercial policy which he believed to be essential
to the prosperity, and even the safety of the state,
may perhaps sympathise with the human and na-
tural feeling with which he refers to these attacks,
and to the position he then occupied, as his best
and ample vindication from them. Those who
have lived to the present day, to mtness a claim
set up to the early advocacy of these same princi-
ples on the part of the highest statesmen in the
realm, as the main ground on which they can
clann the confidence of the intelligent and Avell-
informed classes, may perhaps be sensible of a still

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. warmer feeling towards one whose advocacy of

commercial freedom in those early tunes was not

such as to leave any doubt on the minds of his
hearers; who encountered -willingly, and almost
exclusively endured, the odium and hostility of
those who thought their interests compromised by
the threatened change of policy.

In many other points of view likewise, the passage
which follows from Mr. Poulett Thomson's speech
at Manchester in 1832, is well worthy of perusal
at the present time, when the questions ol' which it
treats are still subjects of discussion.

" Gentlemen, my excellent friend, our worthy chairman,
has done me the honour, in proposing my health as one
of your representatives, to allude to the particular subject
to which I have always lent my best advocacy — the ad-
vancement of liberal principles of commercial policy. I
feel that allusion under present circumstances in a way
which it is vain for me to attempt to describe. I have
been for years exposed to all the shafts which malice or
ignorance could point against me for the devotion I have
ever shown to those principles. I have been marked out
by every blockhead — ignorant of the most common prin-
ciples of commerce — men whom not one of you would
keep within your counting-houses in the most mferior
capacity — men utterly unacquainted with an} of those
great principles which have been not only so eloquently
developed within this country, but whicn have since been
put to the practical test of experience, as the butt at which
they could aim their pointless sarcasms. I have been
exposed for years to every thing which malevolence or
interest could suggest in the way of attack or vituperation.
I have seen myself accused of being a hard-hearted theorist
—a cold-blooded political economist — willing to sacrifice

at the
country
into my
portion
it: my
it has b(
felt that
has inde(
of this
the wor
— an hoi
siiould n(
convincir
cription.
shelter
ignorant.
You have
me impel
shield on
• Manche:
with trep
may seek
" But )
I have e^
freedom c
no restrict
sary, upo]
sentence,
Gentleme
great pro
Icgislatior
long been
as indeed
— cautiou
success h{
shown tha
what has

LIFE OF LORD SVDENHAM.

at the shrine of his own fancy the best interests of his
country and of liis fellow-citizens. I have had this rung
into my ears in speeches, and repeated ad nauseam by a
portion of the public press. Still I have stood erect under
it: my spirit has quailed, but it has not been broken —
it lias been bent, indeed, but I have still resisted. I have
felt that the day of my triumph would come at last — it
has indeed arrived. The confidence which you, the electors
of this great ni?tropolis of the manufacturing industry of
the world, have reposed in me, unsought and unsolicited,
— an honour which I never hoped to obtain, and which I
should never have sought to achieve — is indeed the most
convincing and irresistible answer to attacks of that des-
cription. You have interposed a barrier under whose
shelter I can proudly stand and defy the attacks of the
ignorant, or the scoffs and calumnies of the malicious.
You have conferred upon me an armour which has rendered
mo impenetrable to the weapons of such foes. With a
shield on my arm, upon which stands engraved the word
* Manchester,' I can encounter, as I did indeed before
with trepidation, but now with confidence, all those who
may seek to assail me.

" But what, may I now ask, are those principles which
I have ever thus advocated? They are the most perfect
freedom of exchange — a fair field for our industry — and
no restrictions, beyond what for fiscal purposes are neces-
sary, upon the exertions of our manufacturers ; — in one
sentence, to buy as cheap, to sell as dear as possible.
Gentlemen, we have made some progress, I will not say a
f,n'eat progress, towards removing some of that faulty
legislation, by which the industry of this country has so
long been oppressed. We began, as we were justified —
as indeed we should not have been justified in not doing
— cautiously, slowly, and therefore prudently; but as
success has attended our efforts, as all our attempts have
shown that the removal of prohibitions, the relaxation of
wluit has been so falsely termed protection, tends to the

1832.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. augmentation of our industry and tlie increase of om-

weultli, we have a ri<,dit to argue that we may proceed in

the same course. And what is that which has so falsely
been called protection ? Let any man scan it. Is it any
thing but an attempt to do that which no laws but that of
nature can do, to adjust the dilferent degrees of advantage
enjoyed by dilferent branches of industry — a system for
heaping upon what is already burthened an additional
burthen — imposing shackles upon the free exercise of
talent, and industry, and capital, oppressive to all, and
really beneficial to none ? But, say the advocates of this
admirable recipe for getting rich by Act of Parliament,
protection is necessary to secure our industry from foreign
competition. What are the effects it has produced in this
respect in this country ? You see it illustrated at home in
a manner which cannot fail to have been present to every
man's mind long ere this. Let me ask you what protection
has been given to that great manufacture which gives em-
ployment to hundreds of thousands — nay, to millions I
may say — within the great district that encircles your
city ? What protection has the cotton trade had ? I answer,
none whatever ! Unaided by any legislative enactment —
unassisted by the fostering hand of power — unprotected
by the Custom-House book — this great manufacture has
grown from an infant's condition until it has attained a
giant's strength. We see it with one arm encircle the
conquests of the new world, and with another shower its
productions into the very heart of that country, the vast
empire of India, which was formerly its successful rival,
and extending and pushing forth the fruits of its industry
even into the central regions of Africa, where no European
foot was ever yet stamped. This, gentlemen, is the success
which has attended a manufacture which was not the pet
of the legislature. Let me now mark the course of another
manufacture fenced round by protections of all kinds,
equally a production of a foreign country — the raw ma-
terial equally brought from a distance — and thus afibrding

a fit coi

was the

Were tl

— were

introduct

absolute

of iiidust

of the C

realise tl

that that

conipetitc

like its p

hrother ?

vigour wi

ill spite

ties exac

even in t

tors. In

of the fal

leave to i

your unw

but injud

capital ai

what I s(

doubt tha

petitors t(

" But,

narrow a '

presented

considerat

and devel

fullest ext

only give

foreign co

we extend

kind may 1

by sympa

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

VHI.f,

a fit coiiiparisou witli that which I have named. What
was the case witii silk i Was protection wanting tliere ?
Were there no hiws which restricted i'orei<^n competition
— were there no penalties upon those who attem])ted to
introduce it i And did all this protection, amounting; to
ahsolute and total prohibition, tend to make this branch
of industry flourisli and extend itself? Under the auspices
of the Coast Blockade and the Search Warrant did it
realise the theories of the ])rotectionists ? Was it found
that that manufacture, rivalling and outstripping all its
competitors in foreign countries, obtained an extension
like its poorer and unprotected, but therefore more hardy
brother? No such thing — not only did it not attain the
vigour which would enable it to reach foreign climes, but,
ill spite of your prohibitory hiws — in spite of your penal-
ties exacted from the unfortunate smuggler, it was met
even in this country at every turn by its foreign competi-
tors. In these two branches then we may read the history
of the fallacy of protection. My system, then, is this : —
leave to industry a full and fair field — relieve us from
your unwise protection — remove from us your well-meant
but injudicious care — leave us alone, let our talent, our
capital and our invention follow their free course, and
what I see before me to-day removes, if I ever had, any
doubt that we shall then have no rivals to fear, no com-
petitors to dread.

" But, gentlemen, is this all ? Do I take merely so
narrow a view of this great subject as that which I have
presented to you ? There are other and more important
considerations involved in this question. By extending
and developing our industry at home — by giving it its
fullest extension as regards foreign countries, (and we can
only give it that extension by consenting to receive from
foreign countries that by which they are able to pay us,)
we extend the benefits of a cominon band of union. Man-
kind may be knitted together for a time in various countries
by sympathies excited by accidental circumstances, but

1 832.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. there can l)o no common bond of union between nations

but one founded upon a fcolin^ of coinmon interest.

Make foreign nations dependent upon you for some of
their comforts and their conveniences, encourage them in
the prosecution of their industry by becoming their cus-
tomers, give to them the products of your own, in an
exchange advantageous to botli parties, and you raise iij)
mutual feelings of affection and of sympathy, wliich will
go farther than any thing else to prevent that which in
my mind has been, and is, the greatest curse that has ever
afflicted mankind — war.

" I have perhaps, gentlemen, advanced a step further in
some respects than those who preceded me were willing to
go; not in their acknowledgment of the principle, but in
the avowal of my willingness to act upon it, and I have
not hesitated to do so. I contend, and I have contended,
that if we consent to take from foreign countries that
which they produce, they must of necessity receive from
us in payment our productions. They may raise up
libraries of custom-house books — they may surround their
territories with custom-house ofiicers — they may fill their
seas with cruisers — but, if we are to take any thing from
them, they must take from us in return. The principle,
tlien, which I have advocated, is to follow out, straight-
forwardly, our own course, to remove the unnecessary
restrictions and prohibitions from the productions of other
countries, and to trust to one of two consequences result-
ing ; either a sense of their own folly, which will induce
them to adopt a better system of legislation, or to that
necessity which I contend must exist — if they wish to
take advantage of us — that they should admit, somehow
or other, what we can give them in payment."

Mr. Thomson's Journal contains but a brief re-
cord of this brilliant event, but it is worth tran-
scribing.

*' Sunday night, 30th December, 1832 This has

been a

had no

the Ky

Thursd

1250 p

spoke a

day dii

for ToA)

In tl

valuable

in the

lit ion o

chievoui

reductio

in our

largely I

first tin

of all tl

At a lat

Thomsoi

of the di

the reve

fiscal rej

pally, if

such as

But Mr.

tions of ]

sound pr

these, it

afford cj

variety o

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

been a week of prodigious excitement, and 1 have
had no time to set down one word. Monday at
the Excliange. Tuesday, Christmas Day, quiet.
Thursday, the Dinner, the proudest day of my life.
1250 people sat down, He3rvvood in the chair. 1
spoke an hour and a half, and, 1 think, well. Fri-
day dined at Heywood's, and Saturday night left
for ToAvn, verif ill. To-day sent for Copeland."

In the course of tlie following session, many
valuable alterations were effected by ^Ir. Thomson
in the customs duties. Besides the entire abo-
lition of the duty on hemp, an absurd and mis-
cliievous burden on all British shipping, a great
reduction was made in the duties on dye-stuffs used
in our manufactures, and on medicines consumed
largely by the poor. He likewise introduced for the
first time a methodical and rational classification
of all the customs duties retained in our Tariff.
At a later period in several successive years Mr.
Thomson carried out still further this simplification
of the duties on Imports, and their reduction wliere
the revenue would admit of it. The attention of
fiscal reformers had hitlierto been directed princi-
pally, if not wholly, to a few of the larger articles,
such as sugar, coffee, timber, wool, and cotton.
But Mr. Thomson saw clearly that while considera-
tions of revenue or of party policy might forbid the
sound principles of finance being at once applied to
these, it was yet in the power of government to
afford extensive and very sensible relief, botli to a
variety of branches of native industry, and to the

1832.

( I

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1832. consumer at large, by reduction of the heavy duties

imposed on some hundreds of small, and apparently

insignificant articles, which brought in little to the
revenue, while the high duties on them were a
grievous obstacle to their use in the arts or manu-
facture, or their direct consumption.

In bringing before Parliament these successive
measures, Mr. Poulett Thomson, wdth great tact
and judgment, avoided any boasting displa}', any-
thing like heralding them with a flourish of trum-
pets, which he rightly considered would only draw
the attention of the combined monopolists, his ha-
bitual opponents, to their value, and lead them to
thwart his scheme. He always confined himself on
these occasions to a very brief and simple statement
of the alterations he proposed, printing and laying
before the House a schedule of the amended duties.
And he thus generally succeeded in disarming op-
position, and passing his customs bills without
serious difficulty. But, modestly as these cliangcs
were introduced, passing almost in silence through
the House, — the little discussion they occasioned
being confined to the committee on the bill, when
the proceedings are rarely at all reported by the
public press, — it may be questioned whether the
practical benefits conferred in this unassuming and
unpretending manner on the public, did not infi-
nitely outweigh in real and permanent value, many
of those more ambitious and moi'c prominent mea-
sures of the same or other periods, the announce-
ment and discussion of which resounch^d throu'di

both h
politica
His I
of the
session,
to dispc
himself,
termine
bestowec
be made
so as to £
and conj
amount c
provemei
the minu
upon the

* Mr. Pc

considerable
to a trifling

These arti
Almonds.
Bark for tani
Cocoa.
Coffee from

sions, Indi)
Gums.
Hemp.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

both hemispheres, and were agitated by every
political coterie in the empire.

His practice was to ascertain from the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, at the proper period in each
session, the largest sum that he could be permitted
to dispose of for this purpose. He then applied
himself, by careful and searching inquiries, to de-
termine how the boon could be most advantageously
bestowed; — in other words, what reductions could
be made in the multifarious articles of the Tariff,
so as to secure the greatest benefit to the productive
and consuming classes, without risking any larger
amount of revenue. The result was an annual im-
provement sensibly felt by the public throughout
the minutest ramifications of trade ; while the effect
upon the revenue was comparatively trifling.*

1833.

* Mr. Poulett Thomson reduced the duties — in all to a very
considerable extent — in many cases from a prohibitory amount
to a trifling per centage, upon

217 Articles of Commerce in 1832

1833

1834

1835

1836

1838

373 articles in the

whole.

These articles comprised, among others,

Almonds.

Hides.

Bark for tanning or dyeing.

Furniture Woods,

Cocoa.

Chemical Oils.

Coffee from British Posses-

Sago.

sions, India, &c.

Seeds of

various kinds.

Gums.

Skins of all kinds.

Hemp.

Fresh Fruits.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAAI.

1833. Even where financial or political considerations
—- stopped him from carrying his reductions further,
Mr. Thomson had established principles and set an
example of system in the arrangement of our Tariff,
which his successors at the Board of Trade have
found it necessary to carry on to still further im-
provements of the same nature.

The records of the Board of Trade, and the
evidence of the able officers permanently employed
there, such as Mr. Maco-reo-or and the late ]\Ir.
Deacon Hume, attest that the more recent enlarged
alterations of the tariff effected by Sir Robert Peel
and Mr. Gladstone, are, to a great extent, but the
realization of projects and the carrying out of prin-
ciples laid down by Mr. Poulett Thomson during
his official connection witli that board, as desiderata
to be secured whenever the government had the
power to do so.

The main principles, for example, of the abolition
of all prohibitions on imports, the reduction of du-

Dried Fruits.

Wax.

Drugs and Dyes — a numerous

list.
Oils of various kinds.
Spices.
Currants.
Raisins.
Figs.
Prunes.
Woods used in tlie Arts.

Cochineal.

Indigo.

Rice.

Pot and Pearl Ashes.

Ivory and Teeth.

Asphalt.

Stone.

Canes.

Books.

Maps.

Mineral Water, &c.,

besides a reduction of one half the duty upon all unenumeratci
Goods or Merchandize.

ties on
a nom:
and ob
would
specific
princip]
and doc

In i\

than on

Parliami

Ireland

TJiomso]

House, h

his collet

sion as p

It was

undertak

he wiseb

in that c

of the pri

him to b(

On th(

Mr. Robir

for indirei

witli the

And on t

length, ai

motion up

Two gr

♦^manntins

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ties on raw materials employed in manufactures to
a nominal amount, and on manufactured articles
and objects of consumption to a per centage which
would defy the competition of the smuggler, were
speciiically laid do^vn by Mr. Thomson as the true
principles of our tariff, in more than one speecli
and document.

i;7

1 833.

In the session of 183^3, and indeed for more
than one of the succeeding years, the attention of
Parliament was chiefly taken up by debates on
Ireland and the Irish Church. In these Mr.
Thomson took but little part; although, out of the
House, his influence was continually exerted mth
his colleagues in oflice to obtain as large a conces-
sion as possible to the principles of religious liberty.

It was, indeed, proposed to him at this period to
undertake the oflice of secretary for Ireland; but
lie wisely declined the of^er, preferring to remain
in that department where his thorough knowledge
of the principles and practice of commerce enabled
liim to be most useful to the public.

On the 20th March, in resisting a motion of
Mr. Robinson in favour of the substitution of direct
for indirect taxation, he delivered a speech replete
with the soundest principles of financial policy.
And on the 2 2d April he spoke very much at
length, and with equal efitct, on Mr. Attwood's
motion upon currency.

Two great measures were passed in this session,
»^inanating in a large degree from him — the Act

F 2

G«

LIFK or LORD SYDENHAM.

I H33. for the renewal of the Bank Charter, and the Fac-
tories Regulation Act. Both of these measures he
looked upon rather as compromises, than as settle-
ments, of two difficult questions ; in neither of
which would the state of public opinion at the time
permit sound principles to be fully carried out.

On the subject of banking, and note issue espe-
cially, Mr. Thomson always entertained very strong
opinions. He had paid great attention to the ques-
tion, which his practical acquaintance with com-
merce enabled him thoroughly to master. He
served assiduously on the committee of secresy of
1832, on the question of the renewal of the Bank
charter, and in subsequent years attended closely
the several committees on joint-stock banks.

His opinion was always in favour of the exclu-
sion of all paper payable at sight, except the notes
of a single national bank issuing paper solely against
bullion, and unconnected with banking or private
interests. And such a Bank he at a later period
attempted to create in Canada ; by means of which
he hoped to establish a system of currency in that
colony, which should prove a model for other
countries. Unfortunately, this valuable project he
was prevented, by the pressure of other business,
from accomplishing, although a great advance was
made towards it, and its plan fully developed.
Under such a system he frequently asserted that
the exchanges would regulate themselves, panics
become impossible, and notes of less denomination
than five pounds might be permitted to circulate

witho

now I

in the

The

labour

occupii

sequen

sion aj

allottee

Thes

Iiis offi

mode i

tliis con

his time

ing up

sary for

returnin

month (

ciate th(

tween tl

Early

question

upon a

moderate

or slidin

debate,

delivered

be referr

ments wl

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

without risk, thereby liberating a very large capital,
now unproductively employed as their substitute
in the circulation of the country.

The arrangement of the act for regulating the
labour of children and young persons in factories,
occupied much of his attention, as did also in sub-
sequent years the superintendence of the commis-
sion appointed to carry out that act, which was
allotted to the Board of Trade.

These subjects, "with the other usual duties of
his office, including the difficult question of the
mode in which the refining of foreign sugars in
this country could best be permitted, fully engaged
his time during the session of 1833. On the break-
ing up of Parliament, he found change of air neces-
sary for his health, and made a tour of the Rhine,
returning by way of Paris, where he spent the
month of October, engaged in endeavours to nego-
ciate the arrangements of a commercial treaty be-
tween the two countries.

1834.

Early in the next session of Parliament, the
question of the Corn La^v^s came on for discussion,
upon a motion of Mr. Hume, in favour of a
moderate fixed duty, in place of the fluctuating
or sliding scale of the law of 1828. In this
debate, on the 7th March, Mr. Poulett Thomson
delivered a speech which may yet very profitably
be referred to as embodying all the main argu-
ments which still continue to be vainly urged by

. F 3

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1834. the advocates of such a modification of the law.*

— Events liave since, indeed, most foi'cibly confirmed

the opinions and predictions therein contained as
to the effect of the continuance of these laws. He
showed by a large body of evidence that our re-
fusal to take the chief agricultural produce of other
countries, and especially of the north of Europe
and America, was fast leading them to adopt an
equally restrictive policy towards our manufac-
tures, and indeed to combine, in the spirit of the
continental system of Napoleon, to shut our pro-
ducts out from the markets of the world. His
anticipations have, alas, been truly fulfilled. He
proved from former experience the tendency of a
fluctuating scale of duties to produce and aggravate
fluctuation in prices, contrary to the express
intention of its framers ; and the years that have
elapsed since he spoke have remarkably confirmed
this argument likewise. He proved that a fixed
duty would be as beneficial to the shipping as to
every other commercial and manufacturing interest.
He showed how seriously the farmer was deluded
and injured by a law which he is told was enacted
for his benefit, and to keep prices high and steady,
but which almost periodically pours into the markets
a flood of foreign grain, just at the moment when
they are turning against him, and it becomes
necessary for him to sell. He showed that Mr.
Huskisson's authority, whu^h then, as since, had

♦ See Appendix.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

been repeatedly quoted against a repeal or alter-
ation of the corn laws, was quite the other way;
that he had found reason to modify his opinions
latterly, since in 1830, after two years' experience
of the corn law of 1828, he had declared " his un-
alterable conviction that this law could not be
upheld if the existing taxation, national prosperity,
and public contentment were to be preserved, and
that it might be wholly repealed without affecting
the landed interest, while the people would be re-
lieved from their distress." Finally, Mr. Thomson
warned the House of the danger of delaying the
question until the distress of the commercial classes
increased, our national resources were further con-
sumed, our commerce perhaps irretrievably injured,
and the cry for cheaper food had convulsed the
country.

In thus giving utterance to his sentiments on
this most vital question, he was speaking against
the great majority of his colleagues, the government
as a body opposing any change in the law. And,
indeed, it was only by extreme firmness on his part
that he was enabled to obtain the assent of the
cabinet to its being treated as an open question.

In this year Mr. Thomson introduced some im-
portant and valuable improvements in the ware-
housing system, in a Bill which embodied all
former Acts on the subject, and enlarged their
powers, and the fjicilities thereby afforded to com-
merce. He likewise brought in and passed an
improved Customs Act, carrying out still further

F 4

1834.

LIFE OF LOKD SYDENHAM.

1834.

the principles of his former measures. When in
June the secession occurred of Lord Stanley, Sir
James Graham, and others from the ministry, the
differences which had so long prevailed in the
cabinet relative to the Irish Church having at
length reached their climax, Mr. Poulett Thomson
became President of the Board of Trade in place of
Lord Auckland, Avho was removed to the Admiralty.
The subsequent resignation of Lord Grey in July,
and the accession of Lord Melbourne to the post
of Prime Minister, made no further change in his
position.

The autumn of 1834 was j^assed by him in the
north of England, where he was for several weeks
laid up by an attack of gout, which had by this
time taken a very firm hold of his system. He
was now rarely free from a fit for more than six
months together.

In November occurred the dismissal of Lord
Melbourne's ministry, and soon afterwards the for-
mation of Sir Kobert Peel's short-lived ministry.
On the dissolution of Parliament at the close of the
year, Mr. Poulett Thomson, then of course out of
ofiice, went down to Manchester, and was re-elected
by a large majority.

Previous to the meeting of the new Parliament,
Mr. Poulett Thomson took a very active part in
preparing for the contest for the Speaker's chair, by
which the session opened. It was chiefly through
his solicitation that the repugnance of Mr. Aber-
cromby to allow himself to be put forward as the

Opposit
and his
success
result 1
and the
Lord L
Sutton,
Robert
against
pelled I
^lelbour
Poulett
of the P,
He w^
this, as
party w
strength
The ei
beginnin
severe h
this time
tlie sea a
and in 1
able to ,
holidays.
The n
through
land. It
death of
Victoria 1
Thomson

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

Opposition candidate for the chair was overcome, 1835-6-7.

and his utmost exertions were employed to secure

success to this move in the game of party. The
result proved the correctness of his anticipations,
and the choice made by the House of the present
Lord Dunfermline, in place of Sir C. Manners
Sutton, gave the first blow to the ministry of Sir
Robert Peel. The further and increasing majorities
against the minister, as the session went on, com-
pelled his resignation ; and on the return of Lord
Melbourne to power, in the middle of April, Mr.
Poulett Thomson resumed his office at the head
of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the cabinet.

He was again elected for Manchester, though on
tliis, as on every former occasion, the opponent
party were not satisfied without trying their
strength at the poll.

The ensuing session was protracted up to the
beginning of September, and the consequence of its
severe labours was, as ViSual, a fit of gout, which
this time lasted nearly two months. Repose and
the sea air of St. Leonard's restored him at length,
and in November he returned to town, but was
able to get to the sea again for the Christmas
holidays.

The next year's recess was passed in a tour
through Wales, Lancashire, and the north of Eng-
land. In July of the subsequent year (1837) the
death of William IV. and the accession of Queen
Victoria having occasioned a general election, Mr. P.
Thomson proceeded to Manchester, and Avas elected

Lri'K OF LORD svnENiiAi;.

I8.S7-8. for tlic filth time in live yeiir.s, the iiiujorities in liis

•(1 at

tion.

vvy successiv
On this occasion the numbers were —
Thomson - - 4158

Phillips • • y>7M)

Gladstone - - 22H1.

From thence he crossed the channel to Dublin,
and spent two months in a tour through Ireland,
the south of Scotland, and Northumberland, reach-
ing town in the Ijeginning of November, some time
previous to the meeting of Parliament in that
month. His tour in Ireland was chiefiy for the
purpose of forming an opinion, from actual observ-
ation, on the state of the poor there, with reference
t«' the question of an Irish Poor Law, for which the
government were pledged to bring in a Bill in
the ensuing session.

"We pass lightly over this period of Mr. Poulett
Thomson's life, because from the date of his entry
into the cabinet, and indeed from that of his taking
office, his conduct on political and public affairs
necessarily resolves itself to a considerable degree into
that of the government of which he formed an unit.
This is a sacrifice required of every public man, s(j
long as he holds office. Jle loses his individualit\ to
all outward appearance, being obliged to conforni
his conduct and even the expression of his opinions
to whatever the majority of his colleagues determine
upon. What passes in their ])rivate or cabinet con-
sultations remains of course unknown, except from

occasiom

record t

for cont(

imich, he

assured,

position

nient of

abroad,

stantial b

laws are

cxpectatii

on their i

In tlic

ever, he

liis own d

power he

though in

not, durin

public. 1

liamentar^

Indeed hi?

out his c;

liament, ii

general at

paraded of

merit or i

neverthele

any that s

ever achie^

consisted i

national cc

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

lett
try
:iiig

Ill's

into
lit.
so
to
Drill
ions
liiic
oii-

•01 u

occasional rumours, since such private notes us may
record tliese discussions are necessarily, as data
lor contemporaneous history, inviohible. Of this
much, hoAvever, all who knew Mr. Thomson will l)e
assured, that every opportunity afforded him by his
position was made the most of, for the advance-
ment of a truly liberal policy, l)oth at home and
abroad, for securing to the peo))le all those sub-
stantial benefits which good government and good
laws arc capable of affording, and for I'ealising the
expectations which the ]ieform nunistry held out
on their accession to otKce.

In tlic extension of commercial freedom, Iioav-
ever, he possessed the power, within the limits of
his own department, of doing much good ; and this
power he exerted, with untii*ing/eal and energy, al-
though in an unobtrusive manner. His name was
not, during this period, often produced before the
public. He took no very active part in the par-
liamentary debates on questions of party warfare.
Indeed his services to the public interests through-
out his career were chiefly rendered out of Par-
liament, in a form and manner which attracted no
general attention at the time. But, though not
paraded ostentatiously, as evidence of statesmanlike
merit or subjects of national gratitude, they were
nevertheless perhaps as valuable and important as
any that statesmen of the highest reputation have
ever achieved for the benefit of their country. They
consisted in a close attention to the interests of our
national commerce in all quarters of the world, —

1831).

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23 WEST MAIN STRHT

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

I8S9. that commerce on which our wealth, our power, our
greatness as a nation essentially rest, — in unceasing
superintendance of the important business of the
Board of Trade ; in communications with the parties
most interested and conversant mth the various
matters relating to our commercial and fiscal laws,
and the alterations from time to time required in
them; in a close attendance on parliamentary com-
mittees, and the examination at great length of
evidence bearing on such questions.

Mention has been already made of his unremitting
and successful endeavours to relidve the trade of the
country from fiscal burdens and obstructions, and
to cheapen the necessaries and comforts consumed
by the masses, by simplifying the Tariff and re-
ducing the import duties on almost every article in
general use whether of colonial or foreign origin.

In pursuit of the same great objects, during the
long period of his ofiicial service at the Board of
Trade he lost no opportunity for endeavouring to
improve the commercial relations of this country
with the other nations of the globe.

Negotiations were set on foot and prosecuted
with great zeal and vigour by him, in conjunction
with and through the agency of the Foreign
Office, — for the ready and zealous co-operation of
Lord Palmerston was never wanting in the prose-
cution of such objects, — for effecting commercial
treaties with, or arrangements for modifying the
tariffs of France, Spain, Portugal, Prussia, Austria,
Russia, Sardinia, and many other countries.

Wit

made

succeei

cial an

nature

Mr. Tl

lull

at Pari

H. Lai

Trade,

of Frar

Greteri

David,

examin

a view

most li

tercoun

nately s

and it t

come t

French

real coi

offered

Varic

results

The thi

importe(

It has s]

favoural

often-ini

ations i

LIFE OF LORD SYDENIIA^f,

With respect to France, reference has been already
made to the commission of 1831 — 1834. In the
succeeding years the attempts to establish commer-
cial arrangements of a more general and satisfactory
nature between the two countries were renewed by
Mr. Thomson.

In 1838-9 another joint commission was appointed
at Paris, — consisting, on our side of the Right Hon.
H. Labouchere, Vice-President of the Board of
Trade, Mr. Aston, and Mr. Macgregor ; on the part
of France of the Baron Freville, Peer of France, M.
Greterin, Director in Chief of the Customs, and M.
David, Secretary of the Minister of Commerce, — to
examine the tariffs of the respective countries, with
a view to propose such reductions as should appear
most likely to extend their mutual commercial in-
tercourse. Ministerial changes in France unfortu-
nately suspended the progress of this commission ;
and it was closed in May 1839, a conviction being
come to by the British commissioners that the
French government were unwilling to make any
real concessions on their part, in return for those
offered by Great Britain.

Various arrangements which promised beneficial
results had, however, been made on both sides.
The threatened increase of duties on linen yarns
imported into France was deferred for two years.
It has since been imposed. But the prospect of a
favourable termination to the long-pending and
often-interrupted negotiations for reciprocal relax-
ations in the commercial tariffs of England and

1839.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

18.39. France is not yet hopeless; and if such a happy
result is ultimately arrived at, it will have been
owing in a very great degree to the foundation laid
by the persevering efforts of Mr. Thomson.

"With Austria, Prussia, and the other German
States, Mr. Thomson made frequent efforts to ex-
tend our commercial relations. The ZoUverein, or
union of the several states of Germany mth Prussia
under a common tariff and system of customs laws,
in 1833 and afterwards, was never regarded by
Mr. Thomson with the apprehension and alarm
with which it was viewed in many quarters. On
the contrary, he clearly saw that a change which
loosened the fetters hitherto shackling the industry
of an European population of thirty millions, and
gave room for the development of their natural
resources, could not be otherwise than eventually
beneficial to all neighbouring countries. It did not
necessarily follow from a fusion of all the separate
conflicting tariffs of Germany into one, that the
character of that one should be more hostile to
British interests than the medley preceding it;
and, on the contrary, it afforded an available open-
ing for the negociation, with the representatives of
all Germany in a body, of a treaty of commerce
offering new benefits to British industry. Mr.
Thomson saw and determined to avail himself of
this opening. He obtained from Mr. Macgregor, a
gentleman fully imbued with his own views on in-
ternational commerce, and thoroughly acquainted
with the political and material condition of the

Germa]

on mar

sale ani

This

that t(

trade 1

in valu

Englan

necessa:

on the 1

for sira

British

To p

Thomsc

British

Deputie

which ■v^

for the ]

The r

fectly su

German

had it b<

return u

viz., Coi

gregor's

Mr. Pou

Laws in

with gei

tariff in

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

for, a

German States, a report on the effect of the " Union"
on manufacturing industry in Germany, and on the
sale and use of British manufactures there.

This report led Mr. Thomson to the conclusion,
that to preserve and increase tlie long-existing
trade between Great Britain and Germany, which
in value is second to none except that between
England and the United States of America, it was
necessary to propose a reduction in our import duties
on the leading articles of German produce, in return
for similar concessions bv the union in favour of
British manufactures.

To pave the way for such an arrangement Mr,
Thomson dispatched Mr. Macgregor in 1836, as
British commissioner, to attend the Congress of
Deputies from the several states of the union,
which was held at Munich in August of that year
for the purpose of revising the tariff of 1833.

The results of this mission would have been per-
fectly successful in obtaining large reductions of the
German tariff in favour of British manufactures,
had it been possible for concessions to be offered in
return upon two points of great value to Germany,
viz.. Corn and Timber. Extracts from Mr. Mac-
gregor's correspondence to that effect were read by
Mr. Poulett Thomson in his speech on the Corn
Laws in the session of 1839.* The reply he met
with generally to propositions for an improved
tariff in favour of England was this, *' We are

1839.

I " I

* See Appendix.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. all desirous to trade freely with you, but a re-
duction of your Corn duties to a fixed rate must
be the preliminary of any understanding as to
a reduction on our part of duties on your com-
modities."

On this essential point Mr. Thomson's hands
were of course tied, by the invincible resistance of
the supporters of the British Corn Laws. Had there
been any possibility of carrying a modification of
those laws, such as a fixed duty of 85. or even 10^. per
quarter on wheat, it was Mr. Thomson's intention to
propose a new treaty of commerce to the States of the
Zollverein, which he had every reason to know would
have been readily assented to by them, on terms
highly favourable to British commerce and manu-
factures. The opinion he had entertained from the
first of the Germanic Customs' union, was proved
to be correct. It is not that union, but our own
restrictive commercial legislature, especially our
Corn duties, which check and diminish our exports
to Germany.

In respect to Austria, Mr. Thomson's efforts to
obtain improved commercial relations were, how-
ever, crowned with success. Mr. Macgregor had
been commissioned likewise by him in 1836 to re-
port on the resources of that great empire, con-
taining a population of thirty-five millions, and to
endeavour to lay the basis of a commercial treaty
with its government. He found the authorities,
especially that enlightened statesman Prince Metter-
nich, fully alive to the immense elements existing

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

for a mutually beneficial commerce between Austria
and Britain, and to the wisdom of the principles of
a liberal system of trade between them. The result
was the negotiation and definitive arrangement of
a commercial treaty between the two governments,
which was signed in 1838 by Prince ^letternich and
Sir Frederick Lambe. This treaty established an
entirely new tarifi" for all tlic Austrian Customs,
sweeping away the whole prohibitive system of
Maria Theresa and Joseph II., which had been con-
sidered by many of the prejudiced Austrians as the
palladium of their industry. Its results have al-
ready been most beneficial, and must every year
become more so, to British industry. To Mr. Pou-
lett Thomson is due, so far as the British Cabinet
was concerned, the exclusive merit of originating
and perfecting this treaty.

One circumstance connected with it, and com-
municated by Mr. ]\Iacgregor, offers a remarkable
instance of the wise decision and boldness with
which Mr. Thomson habitually acted on any sudden
emergency which required instant determination.
An article relative to the navigation of the Danube
being considered indispensable by Prince Metter-
nich, who entertained ulterior views of the great
advantages likely to arise to both Austria and
England from the contemplated improvements m
the navigation of that river, and Mr. Macgregor
having reported that such an article would be in
contravention of our navigation laws, the question

1839.

LIFE OF l.OllU SVDENIIAJM.

i'liji

■|i'!
■i

1831). was referred at a very late period of tlie ncgoti-

ations to Mr. Thomson, who boldly took upon liim-

self the responsijjility of legalising such an agreement
prospectively by Act of Parliament, and authorised
Mr. Macgregor to consent to " a stipulation admit-
ting Austrian ships arriving with their cargoes from
the ports of the Danube, upon the same footing as
if they arrived direct with their cargoes from th(^
Austrian ports."

The letter conveying this assent arrived but thcj
day before that on which the treaty was to be finally
agreed to or relinquished; and upon the stipulation
thus happily acceded to at the proper moment, de-
pended the success of the negotiation. An act was
subsequently passed legalising the article in question ;
but for which act, not only that treaty with Austria,
but that likewise concluded in 1841 with the states
of the Germanic Union of Customs, the treaty of
the same year with the Hanseatic Republics, and
the recent treaty with Russia, would all, in their
most important stipulations, have been illegal, or
could not have been concluded.*

* The importance to our commercial and shipping interests
of the treaty of 1838 with Austria, is fully shown by Mr. Mac-
gregor in the first volume, now just issuing from the press, of
his elaborate and valuable work on " Commercial Statistics."
This volume forms a vast storehouse of facts, all combining to
teach one great lesson to governments ; namely, that the wealth
and strength of every country are mainly determined by the more
or less liberal character of its commercial policy.

Our
been s
Mr. Ml
procee(
ference
^ great ii
owing
son's in
ultimate
Nego
Thomsc
for imp]
Portuga
incompL
most pa:
will con
the proj(
with Tu:
In the
improve
tries he
unfortun
had oursd
had as
quished,
nations
which, 01
merce ha
lonial em]
teges she

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

oOtl-

hiiu-

mciit

insod

imit-

from

ngas

Q the

It the
inally
ilation
it, ele-
ct was
3Stioii ;
ustria,
states
aty of
3S, and
their
gal, or

interests
Ir. Mac-
press, of

ISTICS."

nning to
e wealth
he more

Our commercial relations with Naples having
been seriously injured by the sulphur monopoly,
Mr. Macgregor was directed by Mr. Thomson to
proceed to Naples to endeavour to arrange the dif-
ference, which, however, was not effected without
great intervening loss and interruption to our trade,
owing to obstacles beyond the reach of Mr. Thom-
son's influence, although the policy he pursued was
ultimately successful.

Negociations were likewise set on foot by Mr.
Thomson while presiding over the Board of Trade,
for improving our commercial relations "vvith Brazil,
Portugal, Spain, and Italy ; negociations Avhich w^ere
incomplete when he left the office, and still for the
most part remain so ; but which, it is to be hoped,
will come to maturity at no distant period. And
the project of a highly practical and valuable treaty
with Turkey was considered and proposed by him.

In the majjority of these efforts of Mr. Thomson to
improve our commercial relations with foreign coun-
tries he was unable to attain success, owing to the
unfortunate system of restrictive policy which we
had ourselves adopted at the close of the war, and
had as yet but slowly and by piecemeal relin-
quished, and which had naturally disposed other
nations to follow our example. The prosperity
which, on the whole, English industry and com-
merce has enjoyed by reason of her extensive co-
lonial empire, and the extraordinary natural advan-
tages she possesses, were, through a very common

G 2

1839.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. error of reasoning, attributed by foreign countries
to her restrictive system, wliich existed, it is
true, contemporaneously with tliese advantages,
but had incalculably checked and narrowed the
development of which they were susceptible. And
although, since the commencement made by Mr.
Iluskisson and ^Ir. Wallace, the government of
this country has been gradually relaxing the fiscal
obstacles opposed by legislation to the extension
of British commerce, the progress has been so
slow and apparently timid, each concession has
been so reluctantly wrung from the legislature,
and so large an opposing party has always existed,
composed of classes who have or believe themselves
to have an interest in the maintenance of protect-
ing duties ; and these have been so loud in declaiming
and writing against free trade as inimical to native
industry, and in favour of fiscal protections as
essential to its prosperity, — that foreigners, who
naturally look to us for instruction on questions of
this kind, may well be excused for still hesitating
between the two opposite opinions which yet agitate
ourselves on tliis great question.

Above all, until we give up our protecting duties
on raw produce, corn especially, it could hardly be
expected of the great grain-producing countries of
Europe and America, that they should enter cor-
dially into arrangements for permitting the intro-
duction of our manufactures. So long as we refuse
to admit their staple productions on terms of fair

recipr*
tariffs
The
vancei]
every (
fully c
powerf
the con
ment.
throusrl

strance.
Ont]
of the
that he
years to
founded
And,
of advoc
vote. I
supporte
section o

* Extra
son.

(transla

« I have
Corn Lawi
question mi
are struggli
words of L(
attempt to
saddening
truth, the g
union of Ei

vies
: is
ges,

the
And

Mr.
t of
&scal
[ision
n so
. has
iture,
istcd,
selves
otect-
Iming
kative
ns as
who
ons of

tating

^itate

duties
dly be
ries of
r cor-
intro-
refuse
of fair

LIFE OF LORD SYDKNIIAM.

reciprocity, at least, they will continue to maintain
tariffs of a hostile character toward us.*

The important principle of free trade, to the ad-
vancement of which ]\lr. Poulctt Thomson devoted
every effort, could not, tlierefore, be generally and
fully carried out without affecting interests too
powerful for a Minister of Trade to touch, requiring
the consent and co-operation of the entire govern-
ment. And this he failed in obtaining, but not
through want of energetic and persevering remon-
strance.

On the Corn Law question especially, the citadel
of the Protectionist party, it can be no secret
that he exerted himself to the utmost for a series of
years to induce the government to propose a change
founded on the principles of a moderate fixed duty.

And, individually, he never lost an opportunity
of advocating the same principle by his voice or
vote. In 1827 and 1828, as has been shown, he
supported Mr. Hume and a numerically insignificant
section of the House of Commons in denouncing

* Extract of a letter from M. Anisson to Mr. Poulett Thom-
son.

(translated) " Paris, April 12, 1839.

" I have followed with great interest your discussions on the
Corn Laws, and have seen with pain how little progress the
question makes. This is a terrible argument against those who
are struggling here for commercial liberty ; and certain recent
words of Lord Melbourne do not better our position when we
attempt to base it on the experience of England. All this is
saddening to those who have only at heart the triumph of
truth, the general interests of humanity, and the progress and
union of European society."

G 3

85
laap.

LU'E OF LOKU SYDENHAM.

1839. tlie tliictii{itin«^ scale tht'ii established, and recom-

mending a low fixed duty in its place. In 18.30,

when called on to acce[)t place under the govern-
ment of Lord Grey, he declined it unless with the
stii)ulation that he was to be at liberty to speak
and vote for an alteration of the existing corn law.
In 1834 lie vindicated tlitit right, and in the face
of the cabinet, of many of his friends who strongly
dissuaded him from the course, and of nmch public
and private attack, he spoke powerfully in favour
of such a change, in direct reply to his colleague in
the government, Sir James Graham. In 1835 he
joined the government again on the same condition,
and in 1839 he spoke at great length and voted in
favour of 3Ir. Villiers's motion for a committee.

His two sjieeches of 1834 and 1839, which will
be found in the Appendix, contain the most un-
answerable arguments upon this question, and in
fact will appear, upon examination, to exhaust the
subject, comprehending the substance of all that
has been since so repeatedly, but never more ably
or lucidly, put forward in spoken or "written essays,
by the recent and numerous advocates of the repeal
of the Corn Law.

It was therefore in no degree owing to any luke-
warmness or deficiency of zeal on his part upon
this most vital question, that the delay took place
in its advocacy by the government of which he
was a member. That delay may be far more justly
imputed, if blame exist any where, to the parties
most directly interested in the question, the ma-

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

lukc-
upon
place
ch he
justly
)arties
e ma-

nufacturing and coninierciul classes, who so long
slumbered over it, and could not be roused from
their torpor l)y the remonstrances of Mr. Thomson
himself, and other more far-sighted members of
those classes, until the crisis which he and they an-
ticipated had actually arrived, when the diminished
demand of foreign nations, prevented by the Corn
Law from becoming our customers, had brought on
an amount of pressure and distress, threatening the
decay and destitution of large portions of our
manufacturing and commercial industry, which de-
pend for their existence on foreign demand.

So long as this torpor existed, so long as the
public out of doors appeared careless of the matter,
Mr. Thomson could not but yield to the argument
of his colleagues, which was based on the indis-
putable fact, that to bring it forward was to break
up the government; and whilst other matters of
great importance to the welfare of the people re-
mained unsettled, and could be accomplished only by
a liberal ministry, it appeared to him, and to those
who agreed in his opinions, right to suspend their
determination, and defer the irrevocable step of a
ministerial declaration in favour of a great change
in the Corn Law.

The occasion, as every one knows, arose after
Mr. Thomson had left the cabinet and England,
and the result was what he and all expected
who knew the strong feelings of the agricultural
party on the question, and their power over the
legislature. Whether the great question has been

G 4

1839.

88 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. advanced by this step cannot, however, be doubted.

The very leaders of the opposing party now officially

admit that the existence of the present or, indeed, of
any Corn Law, is but a question of time. And when
its Repeal, as sooner or later it must be, is finally
cari'ied, and the principle of free trade thereby esta-
blished as the groundwork of our commercial and fis-
cal policy, it will be generally acknowledged that for
this great conquest of truth and ^visdom over folly
and error, the country will have been indebted in a
large degree to the perseverance, the energy, the
ability, and the tact employed by Mr. Thomson in
the slow but sure assault, by sap and mine, of this
the last and strongest citadel of the Protectionists.*

* The intense interest felt by him, even while absent and
engaged in other absorbing occupations, in the struggle making
on this question at home is evinced by several passages in his
private letters from Canada, — equally remarkable for the saga-
city with which they anticipate all that has since occurred.
On the 21st of March, 1841, he thus wrote to Lord John
II ussell : —

" Your finance is what I look to now with most anxiety. I
have told Baring that I do not think you will make anything by
trying to patch. He may either go to work in downright earne>t
with commerr'ial reform, sugar duties, timber duties, corn
duties, and thus get a large revenue by throwing over (^if he
can) landlords, merchants, West Indians, and Buxton and Co. ;
or he may come to a property tax.

" In the first case, nothing but a general and decided attack
upon all those different monopolies — a sort of commercial
reform bill — will give him a chance of success. In the second,
the impossibility of doing this, must be his plea for taking that
course. I feel satisfied that no little petty shifting of duties
on one article or another, will give you anything like the reve-
nue you want, and yet the attempt will probably be more
troublesome than the greater measure. So, if I did not dare

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

arne>t

corn

{ifhe

\ Co.;

attack
lercial
;cond,
g that
duties
reve-
more
t dare

One of the valuable measures adopted by Mr.
Thomson while he presided over the Board of

adopt either the one or the other really efficient course, I should
recommend him rather to have recourse to a loan, than attempt
such petty patchwork as I see is suggested in some of my
letters from home. But I suppose you will have decided all
this already."

Again, on the 25th of May, 1841, on learning the an-
nouncement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
Baring, in bringing forward the budget of that year, he writes
thus : —

" You have taken a bold step, and I am all impatience to
learn the result, which must of course have been ascertained by
tn.s time. But, whatever it be, I sincerely rejoice at your
having taken your stand with the country upon a great, an
intelligible, and, above all, a practical measure of reform. It
has every thing to recommend it, in what it touches, and in
what it lets alone. It does not meddle with religious preju-
dices ; it does not relate to Ireland ; it does not touch on any
of the theoretical questions of government on which parties
have so long been divided. It is a new flag to fight under,
and must prevail eventually, whatever be its success now.
The only criticism I should be disposed to pass on your pro-
ceeding, is the mode of introducing the question. I think
you might have produced a greater effect if you had discon-
nected it from the budget ; but, at a distance, it is not easy to
judge of tactics, and that might have been impossible."

12th June. — " The last accounts I have make me think that
the whole of your plan is likely to be upset by the Tories and
the class interests. But, never mind. The seed is sown —
and the flag of commercial reform is at last unfurled, and
sooner or later it must triumph. The debate of the 18th
May (my latest news) tells me nothing of what your course
will be ; but I trust, for your own sakes and that of the cause
that you will not have abandoned the helm to the Tories upon
the mere defeat upon the Sugar Duties, which was of course
inevitable. It seems to me that, having once entered upon this
new contest, you are bound to proceed with it. If they

1839.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. Trade, was the institution, in 1837, of the School
of Design at Somerset House. The inferiority of

beat you on Sugar, give them Timber ; if they beat you on
that, give them Corn. The discussions must benefit you, and
must injure them. And when beaten on all, and your course
of policy fairly before the country, test it with a dissolution,
which though it can scarcely be expected to give you a majority,
or render resignation unnecessary, will at least have ranged
parties under the new banners, both on one side and the other,
and enable you to force your measures on another government,
should your own not get back."

" I consider Lord John's speech on opening the Sugar Duties
as the crowning work even of his mind. He stands, indeed, in
a glorious position. After having done so much to remove the
restrictions upon opinion, and established civil and religious
liberty, he now stands forward as the Champion of Commercial
Freedom, and has boldly and unanswerably vindicated the
rights of the masses against the monopolies of classes. Whether
the attempt succeed or fail notv, he will have done for the
every-day material interests of the country that which he
before did in the interest of freedom of opinion ; and no man
before him ever did so much against such fearful odds."
To Lord John Russell himself he writes on the same date,
" I have read your speech upon opening the debate on the
Sugar question with feelings of admiration and pleasure which
I cannot describe. The free-traders have never been orators
since Mr. Pitt's early days. We hammered away with facts
and figures, and some argument ; but we could not elevate the
subject, and excite the feelings of the people. At last, you,
who can do both, have fairly undertaken it, and the cause has
a champion worthy of it. I regret that I am not once more
on the Treasury Bench to enjoy the triumph, and lend my
small assistance in the fight ; but you do not want it ; and it
is most gratifying to me to hear from you that I have been of
some service to you here at least."

" It seems to me to be an immense point gained to get a
new flag under which to fight. The people of England don't
care a rush for any of your Irish hobby-horses, and they arc

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

our manufactures in the essential quality of beauty 1839.
and taste of pattern, to those of the French and

not with you upon Church matters, or grievances of that kind.
Even the great success of our foreign policy has not touched
them the least, and I doubt whether twenty victories would
give you a borough or a county. But you have now given
them an intelligible principle offering practical benefits to con-
tend for ; and though defeated on it, as you doubtless will be,
defeat will be attended with reputation, and will make you, as a
party in the country, far stronger than you have been of late."

Upon learning the commencement of the elections, he writes
to his brother, 12th July, 1841,

" I am sorry, for your sake, that Lord John quits Stroud ;
but I honour and admire him more than ever for throwing
himself thus into the thick even of the Election Battle.
He is, indeed, a Leader. I wonder how long and often Peel
would have weighed matters before he had consented to
such a thing I The liberal party ought to buy him an estate,
or build him a house, or erect him a statue of gold. As
for me, who am in general not given to enthusiasm, I can-
not find terms for my admiration of his whole conduct. He
seems to rise with every difficulty, and each speech or act
seems unsurpassable till the next comes, and you find ii, still
superior to its predecessor."
And on the 11th August,

" The last accounts have brought me the conclusion of your
elections, which are worse than I was led to expect. But after
all it was impossible to look for much more, with such a host
of interest arrayed against you, and only the " unprotected
public " for you. Morpeth's defeat in the West Riding is the
worst in effect, as it gives the Tories fair grounds for asserting
that the manufacturing interests are divided upon your mea-
sures. The Yorkshire clothiers and flax-spinners deserve to be
ruined for their folly. And they stand a good chance of being
so, I am afraid ; for it certainly would appear that betM-een the
difficulty of getting returns for goods, caused by our exclusion
of foreign articles, and the immense increase of manufacturing
power abroad, the depression and distress of trade in England

LIFE OF LORB SYDENHAM.

1859. some other nations, had long been acknowledged as

' a great disadvantage in our competition with them,

in both the home and foreign market. This in-
feriority was justly attributed to the want of some
means of instruction in the art of design as adapted
to manufactures, open to such persons as were will-
ing to apply themselves to this branch of art. Jn
France, Bavaria, and Prussia, pubhc schools had
long ago been established for this purpose by the
respective governments ; and hence the superiority
of the continental manufactures in this respect.

The public voice has long since acknowledged
the great benefits likely to result, and partly realised
already, from this institution ; and the friends of
art and of our manufacturing industry will no

is not likely to be relieved by leaving things alone — the Tory
remedy.

" I am too much broken in health to take much more than
the interest of a spectator in the political struggle, if there be
one, next session ; and I shall not be at all sorry for the oppor-
tunity of trying by quiet and amusement to save the remains of
my constitution ; but I cannot but feel deeply anxious about
the country, and I am very gloomy as to its prospects. The
evil which ten years ago I predicted, if we did not liberalise
our commercial policy, has fallen on it. We have successful
rivals everywhere, and friends nowhere. Even the bold and
gallant struggle you have made is misrepresented, and attri-
buted, not to its true motive, a conviction of the truth of the
principles of free trade, but the desire to mislead other nations,
and prevent them from following you in yowv (^successful W)
policy of protection and prohibition. That, however, is no
excuse for the folly and ingratitude of the English people, for
which they will pay dearly if I am not mistaken."

0.56.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

doubt always be ready to acknowledge their obli-
gations to its founder.

The principle of affording a copyright in designs
employed in manufactures, (without which, indeed,
those engaged in this branch of art could have no
prospect of fitting remuneration,) was likewise
considered, and would no doubt have been intro-
duced by him to Parliament, as has been since
successfully accomplished by Mr. Emerson Ten-
nent, had he remained long enough at the Board
of Trade. He laboured, but in vain, also to per-
suade America and France, and other foreign
countries, to admit the principle of international
copyright. He had "with this view introduced into
Parliament, in the session of 1838, and successfully
carried into a Law, a Bill for enabling the Govern-
ment to make treaties with foreign Powers for this
very desirable purpose.

His endeavours to extend the warehousing sys-
tem, first at the sea-ports, and secondly, to the in-
land towns, were constant. Reference has been
already made to the acts of the 3 & 4 William 4.
c. 56. and 58., brought in by him for the former
purpose. The warehousing department has since
the passing of these acts become by far the most
important in the whole circle of our fiscal ar-
rangements. Its importance can best be judged of
by the fact, that the duties alone payable on the
goods at any time under the Queen's lock in the
several bonded warehouses in the kingdom have
been estimated at upwards of fifty millions ! The

1839.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. attempt to establish bonding warehouses in inland
towns has not yet been successful.

The enumeration of the public services of Mr.
Poulett Thomson while engaged at the Board of
Trade might be considerably extended, were it not
desirable to avoid details which would be tedious. It
was his anxious desire to enlarge and complete the
sphere of usefulness of that Board, and to render it,
as a ministerial department, worthy of the great
commercial empire of Britain. He took measures
for placing under its superintendence the regulation
of the important internal lines of traffic and com-
munication, the Railways of the island, which
sprung into existence only during his administra-
tion. He established a system for a preliminary
examination of the private bills brought before Par-
liament ; and especially of the applications for the
grant of charters to associations. In conjunction
with Lord Auckland, then President, he organized,
in 1832, a special department in the Board of Trade
for collecting, preparing, and printing digests of the
statistics of the empire ; and selected for its conduct
Mr. Porter, to whose valuable labours the public
are so greatly indebted for these indispensable ma-
terials of a correct judgment on all questions of
national economics. His views in fact of the
proper duties of the office comprised a gene-
ral system of supervision and regulation of all the
legislative, fiscal, and diplomatic arrangements,
that bear upon our foreign, colonial, and home

trade,
rlie po

* Sin
followin
fuller sts
sphere
given al
these va
lous of I

"My

have dot

It would

that he \

was enti

point on

hin, — V

Common

the Houi

legislatioi

not a sufl

alone ha\

made the

dividuals

jeeted all

wayonth

the result

ducted ni

of the H

parties at

deemed i

harbours

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ness of til

parts of h

I was ahv£

under my

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHA^r.

trade, and thereby largely determine the wealth, 1839.
the power, and the prosperity of the empire.* — — —

* Since the above was in type, the Editor has received the
following letter from Sir Denis Le Marchant, containing a
fuller statement of some of Mr. Thomson's efforts to enlarge the
sphere of usefulness of the Board of Trade than has been
given above, upon the authority of one who assisted him in
these valuable labours with a zeal for the public interests emu-
lous of his own.

" Harley Street, 4th May, 1843.
« My dear Sir,

" I have read your memoir with the deepest interest : you
have done no more than justice to Lord Sydenham's memory.
It would require all the bitterness of political hostility to deny
that he was entitled to all the credit you claim for him ; nay, he
was entitled to more, for you have but slightly touched one
point on which the country is under the greatest obligation to
hi n, — viz. his attention to the private business of the House of
Commons. He was, I believe, the first minister who awakened
the House to a sense of their responsibility in this branch of
legislation. He saw that the conflict of private interests was
not a sufficient security for the public ; his experience in trade
alone having shown him instances where private bills had been
made the means of largely and most unjustifiably enriching in-
dividuals at the expense of the country. Accordingly he sub-
jected all such bills that related to trade, or that bore in any
way on the province of his department, to the strictest supervision ;
the result of which was, that the investigation previously con-
ducted most imperfectly, perhaps dishonestly, by the committee
of the House, took place at the Board of Trade, where the
parties attended before him, and underwent the examination he
deemed necessary. Some of these inquiries, in the case of
harbours and trading companies, consumed much of Mr. T.'s
time ; and from the discrepancy of the evidence, and the eager-
ness of the parties, were, as he often said, the most unpleasant
parts of his duty. I can vouch for the truth of this observation, as
I was always present on these occasions, and had the department
under my own peculiar charge. It was also very disagreeable

G 8

LIFE OF T.nnu SVDFNIIAM.

183.9. In the early part of the year l8oG Mr. Poulett

Thomson had found his health so seriously affected

to him, after satisfying himself of the course which the House
ought to pursue in these cases, that lie encountered violent op-
position from members, whom the interests of their constituencies
had enlisted on the opposite side. Gradually, however, ho ob-
tained general support in these debates, even from his political
opponents, especially when it was perceived that he allowed no
political feeling to influence his decision, the public Mclfarc
being his sole object. In fact, his disregard of all personal and
politics ' onsidorations in the discharge of his duty was ever
most ' iOurable to him.

" His attention to private bills did not stop here, — he endea-
voured to obtain an alteration of the form in which they are
framed; and under his eye his secretary, Mr. Symonds, prepared
the valuable and voluminous papers on the construction of Acts
of Parliament which were printed by order of the House in
1836. The recommendations of this report have been partially
adopted, and have been of great service ; and it was at the sug-
gestion of Mr. Thomson, Avhilst engaged in these inquiries, that
the Breviates of private bills were introduced, this being only
part of the extensive reform he contemplated.

" You have noticed his attention to charters and letters patent.
Before his time all charters were issued by the Home Office ;
and of course that department not having the means of obtaining
accurate information on economical matters, they exercised
their jurisdiction very loosely. He made the Board of Trade
responsible, and took the most anxious care that the public in.
terests should receive adequate protection. Many were the
applications from banks at home and abroad which he rejected.
He framed a set of rules or conditions to be inserted in their
charters for security against the misappropriation of the capital,
that must have saved the fortunes of many individuals embarked
in such concerns from destruction. With the view of preventing
unnecessary applications to Parliament for private bills, he
brought into Parliament the Letters Patent Act, which he
would afterwards have extenaed, but his bill for that purpose
was defeated. " Yours most truly,

" Denis Le Marchant."

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

fuk'tt
ected

House
jnt op-
lencies
he ob-
olitical
wed no
welfare
nal and
as ever

! endea-
hey arc
rcpared
of Acts
ouse in
partially
the sug-
ies, that
ing only

3HANT.

by tlie long night sittings in tlie House of Commons,
flint he began to consider the necessity of some
cliangc from tlic position he then occupied to one
wliich should be more compatible with liis physical
powers. The most obvious mode of accomplishing
this end was by a removal into the House of Peers,
retaining his office. Circumstances, however, for a
time put a stop to this plan. But at a later
period of the session, when, after the ineffectual
attempt of Sir Robert Peel to form a ministry
in May, the government of Lord Melbourne had to
l)e reconstructed with alterations in its compo-
sition, he renewed his wish to make some change
hi his own position. And in discussing the idea
with his friends, the government of Canada was
mentioned as a post that might be open to him.
In conversation with Lord Spencer (his oldest and
warmest political associate and friend), the latter
recommended him to accept this noble task. And
Mr. Thomson's private journal quotes one of the
expressions he made use of, and which deserves to
find a place here, as characteristic of the real motive
and spring of the public conduct of both men.
" Lord A. said he thought Canada ' the finest
field of exertion for any one, as affording the
greatest power of doing the greatest good to one^s
fellow-creatures.'' I agree with him."

It was by this consideration, no doubt, that
his determination was guided, when, towards
the close of the session, new ministerial arrange-
ments being in contemplation (consequent partly

I83y.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

■ r i

1839. on Mr. Spring Rice's elevation to the peerage,

and appointment to the comptroUership of the

Exchequer), he liacl to make choice between the
Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and the Govern-
ment of Canada, which were offered to him. Either
alternative presented disadvantages perhaps of equal
force as respected health. The continued fatigue
of attendance in the House of Commons was likely
to be quite as injurious in the one case, as the se-
verity of a northern climate would be in the other.
His decision was therefore chiefly influenced by
the feeling of where he could make his abilities
and energies most useful. The situation of affairs
in Canada was perplexing, and the difliculties great
in the way of an harmonious settlement of the
all-important question of the union of the pro-
vinces, and the establishment of an entirely new
constitution for their future government. But Mr.
Thomson felt confident of being able to surmount
these difficulties. He expressed this confidence
repeatedly to his private friends. And the result
justified his most sanguine anticipations.

In truth his character and experience exactly
fitted him for the purpose. He possessed the
great qualities of tact and judgment in determining
the course to be pursued; firmness and decision in
the execution of his resolves; great quickness of
perception as to the character and capacity of those
with whom he had to deal, and a courteous and
conciliatory manner which charmed all with whom

he can

and a]

the m(

of the

timent

during

tliese

perliap;

an exj

tactics,

busines

to tlie

namely,

system,

with th

ment.

charactc

he went

first anc

It wai

tion mac

sliould t

was a mi

Thomsoi

that nob

that he c

sanction

might an

The e:

warn hin

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

rage,

the
I the
vcrn-
lither
equal
itigue
likely
he se-
other.
id by
)ilities
affairs
; great
3f the
3 pro-
y new
at Mr.
mount
idence

result

ixactly

id the
Iminiiig

sion in
Hess of

f those
ius and
whom

he came in contact. Added to this, untiring energy
and application, habits of business, information of
the most extensive kind, and a perfect knowledge
of the position of affairs in Canada, and of the sen-
timents of the Home Government upon it, acquired
during his attendance in cabinet councils where
these matters were discussed. Lastly, although
perhaps first of all in im2:>ortance, he had enjoyed
an experience of many years in parliamentary
tactics, and the mode of carrying through public
business in a popular assembly, of incalculable value
to the particular object of his mission to Canada;
namely, the establishment of a new representative
system, such as would be likely to work in harmony
with the Home Government and Imperial Parlia-
ment. His liberal principles and known public
character were guarantees also to the people whom
he went to govern, that their welfare would be the
first and principal object of his labours.

It was determined, in the changes of administra-
tion made at the same time, that Lord John Russell
should take the seals of the Colonial Office. This
was a matter of immense importance to Mr. Poulett
Thomson, as his confidence in and attachment to
that noble Lord were ever unlimited, and he knew
that he could depend upon having the support and
sanction of his chief under every difficulty that
iniojht arise in the execution of his duties.

The example of Lord Durham w^as a beacon to
warn him of many of these difficulties; and the

II 2

ISSf).

100

LIKK OF LOIM) 8YDKNIIAM.

18.'{{). mass of information collected by that noble Lord,
" and the able coadjutors l)y whom he was accom[)a-
nied, and embodied in his voluminous Report, oifered
him no doubt very material aid in tlie determination
of his future policy. AVitli Lord Durham himself
liis personal friendsliip had never ceased ; and from
him, as well as from Mr. BuUcr, he received wluit-
evcr otlier information they had it in their power
in private and friendly connnunications to afford.

In consequence of the arrangement thus deter-
mined on, on the 27th August, the day before
the prorogation of Parliament, a new writ was
moved for Manchester, on Mr. Poulett Thomson's
acceptance of the post of Governor-General of the
Britisli Provinces in North America*; and on the
same day he issued his farewell address to the
constituency between whom and Iiimself so long
and intimate a relation had existed; — a relation
which had proved a source of reciprocal pride and
honour to both the constituent body and their
representative.

On the 29th of August lie was sworn into his new
office before the Privy Council, and on the 5th Sep-
tember he had an audience of tlie Queen to take
leave, who graciously expressed her conviction that
he would be successful in the great object of his

* In the terms of Her Majesty's commission, tlie appointment
was that of " Governor-General of British North America, and
Captain-General and Goveriior-in-Chief in and over the Pro-
vinces of Lower Canada and Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, and the island of Prince Edward, and Vice-Admiral
of the same."

llio*

LIFE OF LOUD SYDDNIIAM.

101

mission, and her desire that he should re-enter her
service ut home on his return.

On the 13th (his 4()tlibirth(lMy), his preparations
hein;^ completed, Mr. Poulett TIk- i^on embarked at
Portsmouth in the Picpie tVir^att I'or lii.4 destination
in Canada. He a[)peared to keep up his spirits ad-
mirably; but some of his relatives who aceonipanied
him for a few miles to sea in Lord Ilurliam's yacht,
observed and lono- remembered the hist hjoks with
which he quitted them, and the expression of his coun-
tenance which told the struggle within : a presenti-
ment came over them that they saw him for the last
time, and it was evident that he shared in the feel-
ing. His health Avas, indeed, much shattered at
this time by continued attacks of gout, one of which
seized him the day after his embarkation ; and the
passage, which was very rough and unpleasant, was
a period of much bodily suffering. An entry in
his private journal, written when on board three or
four days, will exhibit his view of the state in which
he left public affairs, and of his own prospects.

" Saturday, 21 Sept. 1839 I have thought a

good deal Avithin the last few days of my position ;
and upon the whole I think 1 have done right, both
on public and on personal grounds. I have a better
chance of settling things in Canada than any one
they could have found to go ; and if I had not taken
it then, as I could not well have got out of the
government, I should have shared in the disgrace
next session. It is a great field, too," if I bring
about the union, and stay for a year to meet the

II 3

1 H.^l).

102

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1839- United Assembly, and set them to work. On the
other hand, in England there is little to be done by
me. At the Exchequer all that can be hoped is to
get through some bad tax. There is no chance of
carrying the House "with one for any great com-
mercial reforms, timber ^ corn, sugar, &c. ; party
and private interests will prevent it. If Peel were
in, he might do this, as he could muzzle or keep
away his Tory allies, and we should support him.
If he got in and had courage, what a field for him !
But he has not !

" On private grounds I think it good too. 'Tis
strange, however, that the office which was once the
object of my greatest ambition (the Exchequer)
should now be so disagreeable to me that I will
give up the Cabinet and Parliament to avoid it.
After all, the House of Commons and Manchester
are no longer what they were to me. I do not
think that I have improved in speaking — rather
gone back. Perhaps in Opposition, with more time
to prepare, I might rally again ; but I do not feel
sure of it. I am groAvn rather nervous about it.
The interruption and noise which prevail so much
in the House cows me. I have certainly made no
good speech for two years. It is clear, iVom what
has passed, I might have kept Manchester as long
as I liked. But till put to the test by my leaving
it, one could not help feeling nervous and irritated
by the constant complaints of not going far enough
or going too far. The last three years have made
a great change in me. My health, I suppose, is at

the b(
as it i
Am
ing ai
cmine
tionab
"R
melan(
he did
ought,
With i
for wa
recollc"
high ]
among
diate c
life of
years ;
man.
Hollan(
and ph
an acti
the con
the pol
then n
never
aristoci
hundre
been in
years a
of this

LIFE OF LOKD SYDENHAM.

103

long

made
. is at

the bottom of it. On the whole I think it is as well
as it is."

Another passage may merit extraction, as afford-
ing an insight into the secret sources of political
eminence, in the estimation of one who so unques-
tionably attained it.

" Read Life of Sir James Mackintosh. It is a
melancholy picture of talents — not misapplied, for
he did good — but failing to produce the effect they
ought, either for the public or their possessor.
With all his powers he never achieved eminence —
for want of perseverance. What a lesson! My
recollection of him certainly does not justify the
high reputation which he seems to have had
among distinguished men who were his imme-
diate contemporaries. But life, and especially the
life of public men, has been far more active of late
years ; and his character was not that of an active
man. He was more fitted to embellish society at
Holland House, when there was time for literary
and philosophical discussion, than for the duties of
an active statesman in these later days, or even for
the conversation of those who now form society in
the political circles in which I move, and which he
then moved in. It is strange though that I, who
never had half his recommendations to the Whig
aristocracy, and not a tithe of his talent, nor a
hundredth part of his information, should have
been in office with him as his superior, and for five
years a Cabinet Minister. I believe that the cause
of this is to be found in the dependence of the one

H 4

1839.

104

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1839. and the independence of the other. The knowledge
that I wanted not office for the sake of money, nor
patronage to procure me a seat, has done for me
that which his superior talents and knowledge,
wanting both, could not do."

After a rough voyage of thirty-three days, the
Pique anchored under the walls of Quebec ; but the
Governor-General was obliged to delay his landing
until the arrival of Sir John Colborne from Mon-
treal, which was not until the second day. On the
19th of October Mr. Thomson, on landing, was re-
ceived with the usual honours, and immediately
sworn into office. The reception he met with from
the inhabitants was most cordial, and augured well
for the success of his mission. This was the more
agreeable to him, as circumstances had rendered
it not improbable that a contrary feeling should
exist in the colony.

His appointment to Canada had, of course, been
canvassed by the London press, and by that party
among the colonial interest which had always been
at issue with him on the questions of undue and
extravagant differential duties for their supposed
protection it had been protested against. The
usual weapons of abuse, ridicule, jnd calumny
were levelled at him personally ; and aitor he left
the country, this continued for some time ; a p-^r
tion of the press exerting themselves, to all ap-
pearance, to prejudice his chance of succeeding in
his mission, and frustrate the great national objects
which he went out to accomplish. An address

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

105

even was got up to the Prime Minister, and signed
by several of the merchants of London interested
in the timber and Canada trade, deprecating Mr.
Thomson's appointment. Even some of his soi-disant
friends, who feared, perhaps, that their intrigues or
private interests might be thwarted by his activity
in the province, joined in this illiberal and ungene-
rous conduct.

The effect, however, of these attacks was exactly
the reverse of what their authors probably expected.
The papers containing them had, of course, found
their way to Canada before the Governor-General's
arrival there, and had created rather feelings of
disgust at their evident injustice and illiberality,
and the assumption displayed in them, than any
sympathy with the sentiments they contained.
Upon landing at Quebec on the 19th October, he
found a very strong impression prevailing in his
favour. The great bulk of the inhabitants were
prepared to receive him not merely with the respect
and honours usually paid to personages occupying
so high a station as the representative of royalty,
but with a spirit of cordial regard, and a sanguine
anticipation of the future results of his policy.

The merchants especially, who form a consider-
able portion of the higher ranks in Quebec, felt no
little pride in receiving a Governor-General who
had himself been bred to business like their own.
And they welcomed him with an address from their
body, expressing this natural sentiment, and their
high expectations of the results of his govermiient,

1839.

/ /A'^.t.

106

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. arising from their knowledge of his public cha-
racter. Such a compliment had never been paid
to any preceding Governor. His first levee, at
which this and other addresses were presented, was
more numerously attended than on any previous
occasion.

After a stay of a few days in the ancient castle
of St. Louis, he proceeded to Montreal, where, since
the second rebellion, the seat of government had
been fixed.

And here the real business of his Administration
commenced.

ADIV

> i.:

■; . if:'

PART II.

ADMINISTRATION OF LORD SYDENHAM

IN CANADA.

:i ?

ADMI

Before
ham's a
to an 1
adopted
cisely tc

The c
and Ltoy
the trea
gained 1
the date
tloment
that poii
entirely
and its t

The c
under tl
Coutumc
niaining
French ]

PxVRT II.

ADMINISTRATION OF LOBD SYDENHAM

CANADA.

Before entering upon a narrative of Lord Syden-
ham's administration, it will be necessary, in order
to an understanding of the measures which he
adopted, and the results which attended them, con-
cisely to review the state of Canada at this period.

The country included within the limits of Upper
and Lower Canada was ceded to Great Britain by
the treaty of 1763, as the fruits of the victory
gained by V;'olfe on the plains of Abraham. At
the date of the cession there was scarcely any set-
tlement fifty miles above Montreal, and even from
that point downwards the settlements were almost
entirely confined to the banks of the St. Lawrence
and its tributary streams.

The country was governed and the lands held
under the French law, known by the name of the
Coutume de Paris, — a system of which the re-
maining traces were effaced in Europe by the
French Revolution. By the terms of the capitula-

108

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENIIA^L

tion of Quebec the inhabitants had been secured in
the possession of their property and their privileges,
and in the enjoyment of their religion, and imme-
diately after the conclusion of peace a proclamation
issued, promising the future establishment of a
representative form of government, and in the in-
terval guaranteeing to the King's new subjects the
benefit of the laws of England.

At this time the population of Canada did not
exceed 70,000 souls; and during the years which
immediately succeeded, while, in the absence of all
legislation on the subject, the laws of England were
in force by virtue of the royal proclamation, con-
siderable progress was made towards the introduc-
tion of British customs and feelings. Nor were
there any complaints at that time of the hardship of
such a policy. On the contrary, the people, too
happy to be relieved from the iron despotism of
France, and grateful for the protection extended to
their religion and property, appear to have been
prepared cheerfully to accept such modifications of
their existing institutions as the British govern-
ment might think necessary. Even until a compa-
ratively recent period they continued to retain a
lively sense of the contrast between the French and
the British governments, and of the advantages
which they derived from their transfer in 1763 to
the latter.*

* The following extract of a speech, delivered by Mr. Papi-
neau at his election in July 1820 for the west ward of the city
of Montreal, will conclusively prove the assertion in the text: —

regula

'< Noi
wo assei
now ca
opportui
calamity
reigned
became
feeling
and thoi
every ot
could it
been mai
enumeral
many ye
those wh
glance to
fathers o
their legi
French ^
oppressiv
stantly n(
its depem
been conj
brity of
peaceful
military j
state of
from fa mi
coni])anie
sonal libe
of inhabi
homes an(
havoc froi
Ohio, to
IJay. Su
change I
character.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

In 1774 the government was placed on a more
regular footing by the act of the 14th Geo. 3., com-

" Not many days," said Mr. Papineau, " have elapsed since
we assembled on this spot for tlie same purpose as that which
now calls us together — the choice of representatives; the
opportunity of that choice being caused by a great national
calamity— the decease of that beloved Sovereign who had
reigned over the inhabitants of this country since the day they
became British subjects : it is impossible not to express the
feeling of gratitude for the many benefits received from him,
and those of sorrow for his loss, so deeply felt in this, as in
every other, portion of his extensive dominions. And how
could it be otherwise, when each year of his long reign has
been marked by new favours bestowed upon the country ? To
enumerate these, and to detail the history of this country for so
many years, would occupy more time than can be spared by
those whom I have the honour to address. Suffice it then at a
glance to compare our present happy situation with that of our
fivthers on the eve of the day when George the Third became
their legitimate monarch. Suffice it to recollect that under the
French government, (internally and externally arbitrary and
oppressive,) the interests of this country had been more con-
stantly neglected and mal-administered than any other part of
its dependencies. In its estimation, Canada seems not to have
been considered as a country which, from fertility of soil, salu-
brity of climate, and extent of territory, might have been the
peaceful abode of a numerous and happy population, but as a
military post, whose feeble garrison was condemned to live in a
state of perpetual warfare and insecurity, frequently suffering
from famine, without trade, or a trade monopolised by privileged
companies, public and private property often pillaged, and per-
sonal liberty daily viohited; when year after year the handful
of inhabitants settled in this province were dragged from their
homes and families, to shed their blood, and carry murder and
havoc from the shores of the great lakes, the Mississippi and the
Ohio, to those of Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and Hudson's
Bay. Such was the situation of our fathers : behold the
change I George the Third, a sovereign revered for his moral
character, attention to his kingly duties, and love of his sub-

109

110

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

monly called the Quebec Act, by which a council
was appointed, possessing, with the governor, legis-
lative powers in all matters except taxation. At
the same time the most perfect toleration was se-
cured to the Roman Catholic priesthood and laity ;
even the oaths of abjuration and supremacy being
in their case replaced by a modified form of oatli of
allegiance.

Had the act proceeded no further all would have
been well : the amalgamation which had begun be.
tween the two races would have gone on without
difficulty or interruption, and the institutions of the
country and the feelings of the people would, with-
out any severe shock, have been gradually Anglicised.

jects, succeeds to Louis XV., a prince then deservedly despised
for his debauchery, his inattention to the wants of his people,
and his lavish profusion of the public monies upon favourites
and mistresses. From that day the reign of the law succeeded
to that of violence. From that day the treasures, the navy, and
the armies of Great Britain, are mustered to afford us an invin-
cible protection against external danger. From thai day the
better part of her laws became ours; while our religion, pro-
perty, and the laws by which they were governed, remain
unaltered. Soon after are granted to us the privileges of its
free constitution ; an infallible pledge, when acted upon, of our
internal prosperity. Now religious toleration ; trial by jury
(that wisest of safeguards ever devised for the protection of
innocence) ; security against arbitrary imprisonment, by the
privileges attached to tlie writ of Habeas Corpus; legal and
equal security afforded to all, in their person, honour, and pro-
perty ; the right to obey no other laws than those of our own
making and choice, expressed through our representatives : — all
these advantages have become our birthright, and shall, I hope,
be the lasting inheritance of our posterity. To secure them lot
us only act as British subjects and freemen."

But al

Ainerii

cned al

had th

wise po

betwee

bourin^

ingly t]

already

in all t

since th

the En

law alo]

arrest t

to show

instituti

which h

the sym

subjects

nections

way cou

nity of

British

have an

itself th

which ^vl

The
during
a large j
displaye(
crown.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

V 1

ouncil
I legis-
i. At
vas sc-
laity;
' being
oath of

d have
jun be-
vitho\it
3 of the
I, with-
jlicised.

despised

But about this date began the discussions with the
American provinces; and British statesmen, fright-
ened at the independent and democratic spirit which
liad there sprung up, seem to have considered it a
wise poHcy at any price to raise an impassable barrier
between the New England States and their neigh-
bouring fellow-subjects of French origin. Accord-
ingly the act of 1774, in addition to the provisions
already noticed, re-established the French civil law
in all the conceded parts of the province in which,
since the treaty of Paris, it had been supposed that
the English law prevailed. The English criminal
law alone remained. The necessary eiFect was to
arrest the tendency to assimilation which had begun
to show itself — to revive and perpetuate those French
institutions which had preceded the conquest, but
which had begun to disappear — and to turn back
the sympathies of the Canadians from their fellow-
subjects of English descent to their ancestral con-
nections, subjects of the French crown. No surer
way could have been found of preventing a commu-
nity of feeling between Canada and the adjoining
British colonies ; but, although such a policy might
have an ephemeral convenience, it contained within
itself the seeds of permanent evils, the results of
which we feel at the present day.

The constitution of 1774 lasted 17 years; and
during the revolutionary struggle, which occupied
a large portion of that period, the French Canadians
displayed an unflinching attachment to the British
crown. But in 1791, still further to secure their

112

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

attaclunciit, and to leave them nothing to envy in
the institutions of the revolted provinees, tlie Impe-
rial Parliament consented, in deference to the ap[)li-
cations of a portiom of the inhabitants, principally
the English merchants who had now settled in
Quebec and Montreal, to confer on Canada a legis-
lature, framed after its own likeness, jind invested
with its own attributes. In imitation of the Par-
liament of Great Britain, the Canadian legislature
was to consist of its representative Assembly,
elected by 40s. freeholders (tantamount almost to
universal suffrage), and its Council, nominated by
the Cro^vn ; while, to draw still closer the resemblance
between the latter body and the House of Lords,
the seats in it were declared to be for life, and the
Crown was authorised to make them hereditary,
and to annex to them hereditary titles. This au-
thority, however, was never acted on.

It is probable that the British Government did not
at first contemplate a division of the province, but
merely an extension of the system established by the
act of 1774. But such a scheme naturally created
much alarm among the French Canadians; who
in a memorial presented to the Cro\vn, and dated
in December 1778, thus expressed their feelings :
— " It is our religion, our laws relative to our pro-
perty, and our personal surety in which we are most
interested ; and these we enjoy in the most ample
manner by the Quebec Bill. AVe are the more averse
to an House of Assembly, from the fatal consequences
which will result from it. Can we, as Koman

Cutlioli
the SEE
House
a time
balance
we and
which 01
have W€
see thos
at prese]
which tl
in propc
fear thai
sion crej
and nour
opposite
naturally
It was
some of
to concil
province ^
at the poi
and cons<
The coun
exclusivel
lands hel
soccage ;
been alre£
the Frencl
to each c
portion of

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

113

7 i»»
mpo-

ip[)li-

pully

d ill

legis-

ostc'd

: Par-

iiitiirc

mbly,

ost to

:ed by

blaiicc

Lords,

nd the

Vitary,

lis au-

id not
c, but
by the
reated
who
, dated
?lings :
ir pro-
most
ample
I averse
lueiices
koman

Catholics, hope to preserve for any length of time
the same prerogatives as Protestant subjects in a
House of Representatives ? and will there not come
a time when the influeii e of the latter will over-
balance that of our posterity? In this case should
we and our posterity enjoy the same advantages
which our present Constit tion secures to us? Again :
have we not reason to dread lest we should soon
see those taxes levied upon the estates which are
at present actually levied upon articles of commerce,
which the inhabitant pays indirectly it is true, but
in proportion to what he consumes? Shall we not
fear that we may one day see the seeds of dissen-
sion created by the Assembly of Representatives,
and nourished by those intestine hatreds which the
opposite interests of the old and new subjects will
naturally give birth to?"

It was apparently to obviate these objections,
some of which have been remarkably verified, and
to conciliate all parties, that the division of the
province was resorted to, the boundary being drawn
at the point where the grants of the French Crown,
and consequently the French settlements, ceased.
The country west of that point was to be governed
exclusively by English laws and customs, and the
lands held on the tenure of free and common
soccage ; the country to the east, as far as it had
been already conceded, continuing to be held on
the French tenure. Thus was apparently secured
to each class of the King's subjects, within this
portion of his dominions, the free and unrestricted

114

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

enjoyment of its own peculiar laws, language, and
religion.

Plausible as were the arguments by which this
arrangement was recommended, its defects did
not escape the Opposition of that day. They
pointed out the impossibility of excluding British
settlers from the French portion of Canada, and
its impolicy, even if it were practicable. They
predicted the war of races which must inevitably
arise, and the sense of nationality which would be
kept alive by the isolation of the French Canadians.
Nor, as they observed, was the scheme even consis-
tent mth itself, for while professing to separate the
French Canadians from their fellow subjects of
British origin, it also made provision for the future
settlement of the latter within the French division
of the province.

The efforts of the Opposition were unavailing,
and the bill passed. Experience has since verified
the predictions of Mr. Fox and his supporters, and
to the legislation of that date may be attributed most
of the difficulties which during twenty-five years
embarrassed the march of public affairs in Canada.
But at first the system appeared to work well. In
Lower Canada the French Canadians, a kind-hearted,
religious, and hospitable race, but remarkable rather
for simplicity and cheerfulness than for the energy
and self-assertion of the British colonist, and neither
understanding nor desiring self-government, took
little interest in politics, and were unconscious of
the power which the new institutions placed in their

hands.

of exp

was de

no den

did th(

appear

the go

rogativ

hands -

though

ment oi

In U

consists

the stru,

with th<

estates ]

party, th

in the n(

flinching

constitut

settlers r

to the fa

sufTerc J ;

hers, and

losses, a

a first

neither

contests.

This s

nience ui

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

115

!, and

h this
s did
They
kitish
I, and
They
/itably
»uld be
adians.
consis-
•ate the
ects of
i future
division

irs,

hands. Their revenue was small, and as any excess
of expenditure beyond the permanent appropriations
was defrayed out of the British treasury, there was
no demand upon them for suppUes, nor consequently
did they interfere with financial questions. They
appear to have trusted entirely to the good faith of
the government, allowing their constitutional pre-
rogatives to become worse than a cypher in their
hands — powerless as a means of advancement, al-
though an obstacle to any innovation or improve-
ment on the part of the executive.

In Upper Canada the population at this time
consisted principally of English famiUes, who during
the struggle for American independence had sided
with the British government, and to whom, their
estates having been confiscated by the victorious
party, the British government had offered an asylum
in the newly created province. Martyrs of an un-
flinching loyalty, and of attachment to the British
constitution in the country of their birth, these
settlers naturally, in their new abode, clung closer
to the faith for which they had so long fought and
suffered ; — while, being inconsiderable in num-
bers, and wholly occupied in repairing their recent
losses, and struggling against the difficulties of
a first settlement in a new country, they had
neither time nor attention to devote to pohtical
contests.

This state of things lasted without inconve-
nience until the commencement of the second

I 2

116

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

American war. The inhabitants of both provinces,
removed from the contests which were desolating
Europe, and secured by the navies of Great Britain
from foreign aggression, continued to grow in
numbers and in wealth, — their attachment to the
mother country nourished by pride in her victories,
and by gratitude for her protection. Accordingly
when the war broke out, no hesitation tarnished their
courage, or threw a suspicion on their loyalty. With
a self-devotion that has never been surpassed, the in-
habitants, whether of French or English origin, flew
to arms in defence of their country and institutions.
The struggle was short, but in the course of it none
displayed a more determined bravery or devotion,
joined to a natural aptitude for mihtary service,
than the French Canadians. The proof of their
courage and military skill is written in the battle
of Chateauguay, while to the loyalty and courage
of the Upper Canadians the heights of Queenstowii
bear imperishable testimony.

But events were now occurring in Europe, the
remote consequences of which aff^ected most se-
riously the Canadian provinces, and which, while
they have constituted in great measure the causes
of their rapid advance, brought with them likewise
those political contests which always attend the
progress of free states. Hitherto the population
was still small, and was in the course of augmenta-
tion only by its natural increase. So long as this
was the case there was nothing in either province
to alarm the older inhabitants, nor could the

compe

midab]

quarrel

brough

individ

timed c

secure

employ]

monly i

which j

hitherto

governn

Canada

the lang

mother i

leading f

States.

masses o:

war, and

cultural

hitherto

country

more acti

politics.

were mai

energy, c

kiiowledg(

hut little

nationality

been the

the pride

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

117

nces,
iting
'itain
w in

the
ories,
lingly

1 their
With
he in-
1, flew
itions.
t none
iTotion,
ervice,
■ their

battle
ourage
istown

)e, the
lost se-
while
causes
ikewise
id the
lulation
[menta-
as this
'ovince
lid the

competition for place or power become very for-
midable. The rising generation were not likely to
quarrel with the system under which they had been
brought up ; or if a more turbulent and energetic
individual at times arose, it was easy, by well-
timed concession, to disarm his opposition, if not to
secure his support. Even the struggle for official
employment, which in a young country is com-
monly the source of the jealousies and dissensions
which give rise to the earliest discontents, had
hitherto been spared to Canada. The choice of the
government had been necessarily confined in Lower
Canada to the English inhabitants, who alone spoke
the language and understood the constitution of the
mother country, and in Upper Canada to the few
leading families among the refugees from the United
States. But when the peace of 1815 let loose those
masses of population which had been tied up in the
war, and still more when the commercial and agri-
cultural crisis which followed forced many who had
hitherto held respectable stations in the mother
country to emigrate to her dependencies, a new and
more active spirit began to show itself in Canadian
politics. Among those who emigrated to Canada
were many men of excellent education, of great
energy, of considerable means, and of practical
knowledge of the world. These men who had
but little sympathy with that Franco-Canadian
nationality which in the Lower province it had
been the policy of the Constitutional act and
the pride of the • people to maintain, and who

I 3

118 LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

brought with them ro innate respect for the exist-
ing authorities of the Upper province, naturally
looked to acquire in their new country at least an
equal, if not a superior, standing to that which they
had left. But they soon found that while in Lower
Canada their professional prospects were injured
and their commercial speculations circumscribed by
by French laws and regulations, in Upper Canada
they had little chance, mthout local connection, of
obtaining either employment or influence. Against
such a state of things they naturally protested, and
tlie agitation produced by their existence at once
broke up the calm which had before prevailed. In
Lower Canada the French Canadians took fright
at the increase of power which the English minority
derived from the numbers and energy of the new
comers. In Upper Canada the old settlers foresaw
in them the most fonnidable competitors for that
station and influence which hitherto had been re-
stricted to themselves. Thus was created in both
provinces an active opposition to the government,
with this diff*erence, that while in Lower Canada
the new comers being of the same origin as the
office-holders, the opposition consisted of the ori-
ginal inhabitants, in Upper Canada it was composed
principally of the new settlers.

The spirit of opposition once aroused, it was not
difficult to find opportunities for its exercise. The
Assemblies were suddenly awakened to a sense of
their powers and importance, and the change was
assisted by the demand which the mother country.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

119

3xist-
irally
st an
I tliey
jower
ijured
)ed by
anada
Lon, of
gainst
d, and
t once
[1. In
friglit
Lnority
le new
oresaw
>r that
;en re-
both
iiment,
'anada
as the
be ori-
iposed

ras not

The

msc of

Joe was

)uutrv,

in the embarrassments consequent on the war, now
made for the first time, that they should defray
from local revenues such of their expenses as she
had hitherto paid from the Imperial Treasury. Dis-
cussions arose as to the manner in which the sup-
plies thus called for should be voted, and as to the
constitutional right of the Crown to certain revenues
independently of the local legislature. The discus-
sions spread to other subjects, and the representa-
tive branch soon found itself in either province at
issue with the executive.

It would have been natural to expect that in
colonies, the constitution of which was modelled on
that of Great Britain, the executive government, on
finding itself oj^posed by the popular body, would
have adopted some course analogous to that by
which, in the mother country, the harmony between
the Crown and the House of Commons is main-
tained. But unfortunately the principle, that the
executive government should be in harmony with
the representative body, which in the mother coun-
try is a truism, had not only never been recog-
nised in Canada, but when put forward had been
resisted, and denounced as democratic, revolu-
tionary, and almost treasonable. The arguments
fairly arising from the distinction between the
supreme power of the Imperial Parliament and the
subordinate functions of the Colonial Legislature had
been pushed far beyond their legitimate limits, until
the co-operation of the latter with the local executive
becmed to be considered a matter almost of indiffcr-

I 4

120

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ence, or at any rate not of sufficient importance to
be obtained by a sacrifice of predetermined mea-
sures or executive patronage. To this result the
claims which had grown up on the part of the
public servants, and the influence which they had
naturally acquired over successive Governors, no
doubt contributed in a considerable degree. The
tenure of office had been originally, as in England,
during pleasure; and it must be assumed that
in the first instance the Government selected only
such individuals as possessed the good-will and
confidence of the great mass of the inhabitants, and
were fitted to represent their interests. But as the
members returned to the first Assemblies Avere
either little fitted or little disposed for official life,
and as it was evidently very convenient for the
Government to be able to hold out to its servants
the prospect of some permanency in their appoint-
ments, the tenure during pleasure was gradually
converted in practice into a tenure during good
behaviour, and the officers acquired a quasi-pre-
scriptive right to be protected against loss of place
or emolument, so long as neither their capacity nor
their conduct could be impugned.

But the adoption of this policy had involved
another departure from English practice. As soon
as it was determined that the executive Government
need not be in unison with, or depend upon the
support of the House of Assembly, it had followed
that the Government should withdraw its officers
from that House, or at all events should divest such

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

121

the
lowed
fficers
t such

as might have seats in it of all pretension to speak
or vote as the organs of its views. To have done
otherwise — to have allowed them to speak and vote
as members of the Government, yet to have seen
them continually defeated and to have made no
change, — would have been too anomalous and humi-
liating, and could only have increased the violence
of the Opposition. Thus while the Canadian con-
stitution, unprotected by those safeguards against
popular pressure which result from the wealth, the
education, and the connections of the members of
our representative body, was also deprived of that
self-adjusting principle without which our House
of Commons, notwithstanding its natural and ad-
ventitious restraints, would become the instrument
of revolution, the great principle that the battle of
the Crown should be fought in the representative
body was entirely thrown aside, and the Govern-
ment was left "svithout the means of defence or
explanation in that body where its defence was all-
important.

At its first adoption this system had seemed to
answer the end of protecting the Executive from
popular pressure ; and so long as the distrust of
the Assembly was exhibited only in motions of
inquiry, demands for papers, or violent declama-
tions and resolutions, the isolation of the Crown
rendered such proceedings utterly ineffective. But
when distrust ripened into hostility, and the As-
sembly, chafing at the contemptuous neglect of
the Government in carrying out its own policy

122

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

without regard to their opinions or votes, pro-
ceeded from words to deeds, and began to pass
measures to weaken the Prerogative, and to
strengtlien their own hands, it became evident
that collision between the Executive and the
people must, if allowed to continue, break up the
foundations of the Constitution. To avoid this
the Government adopted, as its last resource, the
fatal policy of employing the Legislative Council
as a breakwater between it and the people. The
leaders of the Assemblies having adopted ultra-
popular doctrines, men were selected for the Legis-
lative Council who were known as their most
uncompromising opponents. Collision between the
houses once established the usual consequences
followed. Both parties became heated in the con-
test, and the leaders of the popular body, freed
from the usual responsibilities of party men —
secure against being called upon in power to redeem
the pledges made in opposition — proceeded to the
most extreme lengths. Measures were passed, with
the full knowledge that they must be thro^vn out
by the Council, and bills were sent up at such a
period and in such a form as to insure their rejec-
tion, for the express purpose of casting odium on
that body. At last, irritated by their utter impo-
tence against the passive resistance of the Govern-
ment, and rendered desperate by being placed under
a sentence of perpetual exclusion from power, the
]iopular leaders were ready to resort to almost any
means to remove tlic proscription under wJiich they

appar(

first ir

Canad

supplii

public

to del]

only n

The

l)rovin(

dififerei

each.

knowle

the nei

gislativ

structec

executi

nssembl

of Low(

by a. re

month

quired

election

Thest

on the

their ex(

proceedi

Lower (

rerd stat

the part

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

123

pro-
pass
A to
ddent
I the
ip the
1 this
e, the
ouncil
The
ultra-
Legis-
most
sen the
uences
le con-
freed
en —
edecm
to the
1, with
,\ii out
such a
rejec-
m on
impo-
overn-
under
ler, the
ist raiy
h they

apparently lay. Thus was the majority pushed on,
first in the Lower Province*, and afterwards in Upper
Canada f, to the extreme measure of stopping the
supplies ; and thus was gradually produced in the
public mind that exasperation which induced them
to demand a change in their Constitution as the
only means of deliverance from their difficulties.

The nature of the change sought by the two
provinces respectively sufficiently illustrates the
difference between the constitutional knowledge of
each. While the Lower Canadians, drawing their
knowledge of representative institutions only from
the neighbouring states, demanded an elective le-
gislative council, the Upper Canadians, better in-
structed by their English experience, asked that the
executive council should be made responsible to the
assembly. Both demands were resisted. In the case
of Lower Canada the refusal was solemnly sanctioned
by a resolution of the House of Commons in the
month of March, 1837. In Upper Canada it ac-
quired a momentary support by the defeat, at the
election of 1836, of several of the popular leaders.

These checks did not discourage the Opposition ;
on the contrary, they rather tended to stimulate
their exertions and to embitter their language. The
proceedings of the British Parliament in respect to
LoAver Canada were attributed to ignorance of the
real state of the case, — to misrepresentations on
the part of the British and official party, and to

* III J83fJ.

t In u<m.

V2i

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

anti-Gallic prejudices ; while in Upper Canada the
result of the election Avas, as usual in such cases,
and with about the usual proportion of truth, as-
cribed to corrupt interference on the part of the
Government.

Still nobody imagined that in either province any
party would be so mad or so wicked as to resort to
open rebellion, much less that the colonists would
array themselves in the field against the British
troops. Nor indeed can it be believed that the
leaders of the French Canadians contemplated such
a result. They had for many years been in the
habit of opposing the Government, and of inveigh-
ing against what they termed its tyrannical and
unconstitutional proceedings. By this course, and
by a dogged refusal of all compromise, they had
gradually obtained from successive Governments
almost every demand which they had advanced.
They were but little acquainted with English
politics, and were unaware of the slight interest
which at that time colonial questions excited in the
British Senate; and they had, accordingly, mis-
taken the forbearance and conciliation of the Home
Government for timidity, and the party attacks of
the daily press for the expression of national
opinion. The first check administered to them was
in the resolutions of 1837 ; and, taught by the
experience of the past, they expected, by violent
declamations and threatened resistance, to procure
the reversal of those resolutions, or at least to pre-
vent their being carried further. And as tlic

occasio

mation

while 1

men m

against

the whc

able ser

and it

stances,

that un

timents

invincih

more ig

attempt

into pr.i

ment wi

The tra

fire to ;

vember,

charged

rescued

body of

of a lar

diately r

But t

covering

had hith

cation be

as it wa

doubt as

ingly, wi

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

125

as-

occasion was more urgent, so were the decla-
mations more violent than at any former period ;
while the temper of the body from whom jury-
men must have been taken, secured the speakers
against all fear of legal consequences. During
the whole summer of 1837, seditious and treason-
able sentiments were propagated through the land;
and it is not surprising that, under such circum-
stances, the people should have become excited;
that understanding in their literal sense the sen-
timents they heard — relying with primitive and
invincible confidence on their leaders — and still
more ignorant than they of the madness of the
attempt — they should have been ready to carry
into practice the armed resistance to the Govern-
ment which was so loudly and constantly menaced.
The train was thus prepared, and an accident set
fire to it. Warrants having been issued in No-
vember, 1837, for the arrest of certain parties
charged with seditious practices, two of them were
rescued from a party of volunteer cavalry by a
body of armed peasants. The French population
of a large portion of the Montreal district imme-
diately rose en masse^ and the rebellion was begun.
But the rebellion at once tore away the flimsy
covering by which the objects of the French party
had hitherto been veiled, and drew a line of demar-
cation between them and their opponents as distinct
as it was universal. There could no longer be a
doubt as to the object of the contest ; and accord-
ingly, with very few exceptions, the British, of all

120

LIPE or LOUD SYDENHAM.

sluidcs of politics, were found ranged on the one side,
tlie French, witli equally few exceptions, on the
otlier. Tlie result was not for a Tuoment doubtful.
AVith the single exception of Saint Denis, where
the elements rather than the insurgents checked
the English forces, no resistance of the slightest
importance was offered to them. The handful of
troops then in Lower Canada marched, almost
witliout opposition, through the whole of the in-
surgent district, leaving the principal towns to be
protected by the volunteers. The insurrection not
only never succeeded, but never for a moment had
a chance of success. It is but justice to the French
Canadians to record that, notwithstanding the ex-
isting anarchy, and the exasperation to which they
had been inflamed by their leaders, scarcely an
act of wanton cruelty was perpetrated, nor did
they attempt to make the public disturbances a
means of private revenge. Atrocious as were the
murders of the unfortunate Weir, of Walker, and of
Chartrand, these were the acts only of individuals ;
and there were circumstances in each case to take
them out of the category of those outrages which
usually mark the conduct of insurgents, and leave
a stain on the character of a people.

In Upper Canada the most violent of those who
had been defeated at the elections of 1836 had
retained a rankling hatred of the government,
and a determination, at all hazards, to regain their
power. These men, who had hitherto concealec^
their disloyalty under an affectation of popular

j)nnci]
provin
from 1
for the
accord
under
the nei
d lately
ing of
constrt
disaffec
their o
roun^hb
single
crowdei
Macker
in the (
was no
single
the insi
Avhere
vagaboi
tier of
establis
ment.
The
though
presente
quired
Lower (
tion of

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

127

who

had

.nent,

then-

3eale(^

pillar

principles, imagined that the outbreak in the sister
province, and the consequent withdrawal of troops
from Upper Canada, afforded a favourable chance
for the overthrow of their own Government. They
accordingly raised the standai'd of revolt, and
under the leadership of Mackenzie marched to
the neighbourhood of Toronto. But it was imme-
diately evident that they had miscalculated the feel-
ing of the great mass of the population ; that in
construing occasional and partial discontent into
disaffection, they had interpreted other's feelings by
their own, and that the province was at heart tho-
roughly British and loyal. Without the aid of a
single soldier, the militia and volunteers, who
crowded on the lirst alarm to the capital, drove
Mackenzie and his crew from the province, so that
in the course of six days from the first rising there
was not within the continent of Upper Canada a
single insurgent in arms. The only remnant of
the insurrection was to be found at ^'avy Island,
where Mackenzie, with a body of the worthless
vagabonds who are always hanging about the fron-
tier of the United States, set up his camp, and
established what he called a provisional Govern-
ment.

The rebellions, however, in the two provinces,
though equally brought to the same conclusion,
presented very different considerations, and re-
quired very different treatment. The effect in
Lower Canada had been to bring out the disaffec-
tion of the great mass of the people, and to show

128

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

that their obedience to the existing Constitution
could, for the present, be secured only by coer-
cive measures. In Upper Canada the result had
been exactly the reverse: it had shown that in that
province the people were almost universally at-
tached to the mother country, and might well be
trusted with the protection of their own rights.
While, therefore, it was clear that a temporary
suspension of the representative legislature, and
an entire change of system, had become inevi-
table in Lower Canada, it was equally evident that
no such necessity existed in the Upper Province.
All that was there required was such a change in
the mode of administration as should bring the prac-
tice of the Government into unison with its proto-
type in the mother country, and thus remove the
feeling of discontent which Mackenzie and his party
had exaggerated into disaffection. Accordingly the
Act 2 & 3 Victoria, c. 9., by which the constitutional
act of 1791 was repealed, as far as Lower Canada
was concerned, and a more despotic form of govern-
ment substituted, Avas strictly confined in its oper-
ation to that province.

This measure, however, being altogether of a
temporary nature, it was necessary to couple with
it such further arrangements as might enable the
Government, as soon as the momentary emergency
had ceased, to propose to Parliament some perma-
nent measure for the future government of Canada.
With this view the Earl of Durham was appointed
Governor-General and High Commissioner to carry

out th(
and rej
the ren
to adof
sentatic
take an
every o
one of
present
of Cant
successf
tober, 11
Iiimself {
only five
In th(
return, t
the first,
quelled a
there wa
Upper Cj
peace ar(
self-style(
neighbou
however,
between
creased n
These f
of Lord I
comparati
mediately
the Upper

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

129

oper-

carry

out the act, and at the same time to inquire into,
and report upon, the causes of the insurrection, and
the remedial measures which it might be advisable
to adopt. The result of his mission was the pre-
sentation of the report so w^ell known to all who
take an interest in Canadian matters, and which
every one, whatever his p0'*il^^, must allow to be
one of the most remarkable state papers of the
present age. His administration of the government
of Canada, which appeared likely to have been
successful, was suddenly brought to a close in Oc-
tober, 1838, through a misunderstanding between
himself and the Imperial Government, having lasted
only five months.

In the 'svinter which followed Lord Durham's
return, a second insurrection, more hopeless than
the first, broke out in the Montreal district ; but was
quelled almost immediately by the troops, of whom
there was now a large force in the province. In
Upper Canada the only interruption to the general
peace arose from the hostile incursions of the
self-styled " sympathisers " and " liberators " of the
neighbouring states. The political excitement,
however, continued unabated, ancw the separation
between the ofiicial and reform party had been in-
creased rather than diminished by late events.

These feelings were stimulated by the publication
of Lord Durham's report, which, while it excited
comparatively little interest in Lower Canada, im-
mediately engrossed the whole public attention in
the Upper Province. Its two principal recommend-

130

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ations were, the Union, and the establishment f a
modified system of responsibility on the part of
the official body, according to the practice of the
mother country. The countenance which Lord
Durham gave by the latter recommendation to the
demands of the reformers, the war-cry mth which
he furnished them in the words " Responsible Go-
vernment," and the censure which he cast on the
conduct of the " Family Compact," by which name
the body of office holders had been long known*,
at once invigorated their hopes, and inspired their
efforts. After a long period of discouragement and
discountenance, they, for the first time, found the
justice of their complaints recognised by the highest
authority ; their demands enforced in powerful lan-
guage and convincing arguments ; and the changes,
for demanding which they had been denounced as
seditious, recommended by the Representative of
the Crown as the necessary conditions of the con-

* The use of this party term has been complained of, and its
appropriateness denied more tiian once; and, indeed, it was
one of the points on which the Committee of the Assembly of
Upper Canada, appointed in the spring of 1839 to answer Lord
Durham's Report as regarded that province, thought it worth
while to bestow particular attention. Without vouching for its
universal truth, it has at least enough verisimilitude to justify
its use ; and it has been so extensively adopted, that it would
be impossible to describe the political state of Upper Canada
without it. Those who are acquainted either personally or
otherwise with that Colony, will at once understand the party
to whom it refers ; those who are not, will, it is hoped, be
able sufficiently to gather from these pages the origin and
meaning of the term.

Stitui

whici

doubl

ought

with

mensG

posite

Lord 1

their ]

as vehc

and it

the yei

was tes

The:

tent the

and in t

Uj^per a

liament.

of Comn

in regarc

procurec

tomed to

it becam

It was to

nish thes

objects o

mained u

was selec

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

131

fa
Tt of
f the
Lord
to the
whicli
le Go-
yn the
I name
lown*,
i their
jnt and
ind the
highest
ful lan-^
hanges,
Qced as
ative of
lie con-

stitution. That they exaggerated the concessions
which the report contemplated there can be no
doubt; but the mere admission that the executive
ought, as a general rule, to be kept in harmony
with the representative body, was of itself an im-
mense advance toAvards their principles. The op-
posite party, who feared that in the fulfilment of
Lord Durham's recommendations would be involved
their loss of power, naturally attacked the report
as vehemently as it was embraced by the reformers ;
and it thus became the Shibboleth by which, during
the year 1839, the reality of men's political creeds
was tested.

The Imperial Government adopted to a great ex-
tent the recommendations of Lord Durham's report ;
and in the session of 1839 a Bill for the reunion of
Upper and Lower Canada was introduced into Par-
liament. But when that Bill was before the House
of Commons, it was found that so much information
in reirard to details was still wantiuja; which could be
procured only on the spot, and by a person accus-
tomed to the preparation of pohtical measures, that
it became necessary to lay it aside for the session.
It was to obtain this local information, and to fur-
nish these details, as well as to carry out the great
objects of Lord Durham's mission which had re-
mained unaccomplished, that Mr. Poulett Thomson
was selected to proceed to the province, invested

K 2

1839.

132

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. -with the same general powers and authority as had
been conferred on his predecessor.

There was another subject also which required
immediate attention, and for the settlement of
which Mr. Poulett Thomson's experience as a man
of business, and his acquaintance with matters of
trade, pointed him out as the most appropriate
selection — viz. the financial state of Upper Canada.
In that province the people had for several years
been exerting themselves to take advantage of
the unrivalled water communications offered by
the chain of great lakes and the Saint Lawrence.
With an enterprise worthy of an older country, but
without sufficient experience or means, they had
undertaken the construction of canals, to avoid the
falls of Niagara, and to overcome the rapids which
interrupt the navigation of the Saint Lawrence
between Kingston and Montreal. The first of these
great undertakings had been effected by the Wel-
land canal; the works of which had, however, been
completed in an insufficient and expensive manner,
and were constantly in need of repair. The second
had been commenced in the Cornwall canal ; a
work on a magnificent, perhaps an extravagant
scale, which had been arrested in mid course by
the failure of funds. These, and other works
for opening internal communications and making
roads, had necessarily caused a very large expen-
diture, for which, as yet, but little or no return had
been obtained. The consequence was, that, in tlie
summer of 1839 Upper Canada was on the eve of

ban!

itsd

of its

defic

depri

in tl

posit]

in a

was ]

which

the ii

no lo]

contin

sible ;

mannt

tually,

provi]

natun

Avouldl

the sol

that hi

opinioil

inform!

ance wl

tliey h

It ij

Thomsl

of Ocl

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

133

I had

aired
It of

man
ers of
priate
mada.

years
Lge of
ed by
rrence.
ry, but
3y had
M the
i which
.wrence
these
Wel-
, been
nanner,
second

Lnal ; a
avagant
urse by

works
making

expen-
urn had
t, in the
le eve of

bankruptcy; that, -svith an annual revenue of not I839.
more than 78,000/., the charge for the interest of
its debt was 65,000/.*, and the permanent expenses
of its government 55,000/. more, leaving an annual
deficiency of 42,000/. ; while the want of a sea-port
deprived it of the power of increasing its revenue
in the usual and least onerous way, by the im-
position of duties. To resort to direct taxation,
in a country so extensive and thinly inhabited,
Avas plainly impossible; and the ruinous expedient
which had been adopted of late years, of paying
the interest of the debt out of fresh loans, could
no longer be repeated. Yet, to allow matters to
continue in their actual state, was equally impos-
sible ; and the only question, therefore, was, in what
manner the Imperial Government might most eflfec-
tually, and at the same time most safely, assist the
province, so as to enable it to take advantage of its
natural resources, which, if properly developed,
would suffice to pay its debt ten times over. For
the solution of this question, it was indispensable
that her Majesty's Government should obtain the
opinion of an officer who, to every means of local
information, should unite an intimate acquaint-
ance with financial subjects, and in whose discretion
they had an entire confidence.

It has been already stated that Mr. Poulett
Thomson left Quebec for Montreal on the 22nd
of October, 1839. Immediately on his arrival

* Vide Parliamentary Papers, 1840.
K 3

134

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

i:. i

isrjf). in the Litter town he called together the Special
Council, which had been appointed by his prede-
cessor, and to which he abstained from adding a
single member ; because, as h 3 observed in address-
ing the Secretary of State *,

*' It appeared to me that to secure due weight in
the mother country to the judgment of u body so
constituted, it was indispensable to avoid even the
possibility of an imputation that I had selected for
its members those only whose opinions coincided
with my own.

" I had moreover every reason to believe, from
the motives which guided my predecessor in his
choice, that the council contains a very fair repre-
sentation of the state of feeling in the different
districts of the province.

" For these reasons I determined on making no
alteration whatever."

To this body he submitted certain resolutions
on the subject of the Union, to the effect that it
should be established at the earliest possible mo-
ment — that a civil list should be granted to the
Crown — that the debt of Upper Canada should be
borne by the United Province — and that the details
of the re-union measure should be settled by the
Imperial Legislature. After several days' discussion
these resolutions were carried by a majority of
twelve to three. In communicating this result to
Lord John Russell, Mr. Poulett Thomson thus de-

* Vide Parliamentary Papers, 1810.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

135

icial
edc-
ig a

ress-

H in
ly so
1 the
d for
cided

from
n his
[•epre-
forcnt

»g no

itions
hat it
mo-
o the
ildbc
letails
>y the
iission
ty of
ult to
Lis de-

scribed the feeUng which appeared to him to prevail
on the subiect in Lower Canada.* — "It is," he
observes, " my decided conviction, grounded upon
such other opportunities as I have enjoyed since
my arrival in this country of ascertaining the state
of public feeling, that the speedy adoption of that
measure (the Union) by Parliament is indispensable
to the future peace and prosperity of this province.

" All parties look with extreme dissatisfaction at
the present state of government. Those of British
origin, attached by feeling and education to a con-
stitutional form of government, althongh they ac-
quiesced for a time in the establishment of arbitrary
power as a refuge from a yet worse despotism,
submit with impatience to its continuance, and
regret the loss, thruugh no fault of their own, of
what they consider as their birthright. Those of
the French Canadians, who remained loyal to their
Sovereign and true to British connection, share the
same feelings. Whilst among those who are less
well affected, or more readily deceived, the suspen-
sion of all constitutional rights affords to reckless
and unprincij)led agitators a constant topic of ex-
citement.

" All parties, therefore, without exception, de-
mand a change. On the nature of that change
there exists, undoubtedly, some difference of
opinion.

" In a country so lately convulsed, and where

1839.

* Parliamentary Papers, 1840.
K 4

136

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

I8.39. passions arc still so much excited, extreme opinions
cannot but exist ; and accordingly, -whilst some
persons advocate an immediate return to the former
constitution of the Province, others propose either
the entire exclusion from political privileges of all
of French origin, or the partial dismemberment of
the Province, with the view of conferring on one
portion a representative system, while maintaining
in the other a despotism.

"I have observed, however, that the advocates
of these widely different opinions have generally
admitted them to be their asj)irations, rather than
measures which could be practically adopted, and
have been unable to suggest any course except the
Union, by which that at which they aim, viz. con-
stitutional government for themselves, could be
permanently and safely established.

" There exists, too, even amongst these persons,
a strong and prevailing desire that the Imperial
Legislature should take the settlement of Canadian
affairs at once into its own hands, rather than it
should be delayed by a reference to individual opi-
nions, or to the schemes which may be put forward
by different sections of local parties.

'' The large majority, however, of those whose
opinions I have had the opportunity of learning,
both of British and French origin, and of those too
whose character and station entitle thein to the
greatest authority, advocate warmly the establish-
ment of the Union, and that upon terms of perfect
fairness, not merely to the two Provinces, but to

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

137

the two races ^vithin this Province. Of the extent
to which this feeling with regard to the Upper
Province is carried, your Lordship will find a most
conclusive proof in the resolution of the Special
Council, respecting the debt of Upper Canada. By
this resolution, a large sum owing by that Province
on account of public works of a general nature, is
proposed to be charged on the joint revenues of the
United Province. Upon other details of the ar-
rangement the same feeling prevails. It would be,
however, useless for me to trouble your Lordship
with resj^ect to them, until I have had the oppor-
tunity of ascertaining the views and opinions enter-
tained by the people of Upper Canada. If, however,
as I trust, the principle of re-union should meet
Avith their assent, I am of opinion that it can only
be in consequence of demands of an unwarrantable
character upon their part that difficulty will arise
in settling the principal terms."

Fortified with the concurrence of the only legis-
lative body existing in Lower Canada, Mr. Poulett
Thomson left Montreal for the Upper Province on
the 19th November, and after a few hours' delay at
Kingston, arrived at Toronto on the 21st of the
same month. The excitement which had been
created by the publication of Lord Durham's report
still prevailed in all its original force. Writing to
the Secretary of State on the 22nd of the previous
September, Sir George Arthur had thus described the
state of the Province* : — " All the Avicked heads on

i83y.

* Parliamentary Papers of 1840.

138

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

isnf). both sides arc constantly at work plotting mischief;
and many inconsiderate persons, by the course they
are now pursuing at the ' responsible government '
meetings, promote the designs of the most criminal
characters. The foundations of civil order were
broken up by the occurrences of the year 1837, and
general mistrust and bad feeling open out a way
for the display of the worst passions of the worst
men, of which they seem keenly disposed to avail
themselves." And again, on the 15th of October,
he added — " Upon the whole, I wish it were in my
power to give your Lordship a more gratifying
account of the feeling throughout the Province,
from the impressions made in my own mind, than
I have it in my poAver to impart. Your Lordship
will observe in the stateinents herewith transmitted,
— and the same have been communicated to this
Government by many other sources, — that serious
disturbances in the Province arc still looked for."

The advent of the Governor-General and his as-
sumption of the Government of Upper Canada — a
measure which nothing but the peculiar circum-
stances of the time would have justified — had been
looked for with much anxiety, though with very dif-
ferent anticipations, by the two parties. While his
connection with the Home Government and his pre-
vious political career caused the official or " compact"
party to regard him with suspicion, as probably
inimical to their supremacy, the reform party were
naturally disposed for the same reasons to look to
him with more confidence and hope.

He a

vcmber
Corporj
Trade c
address
found I

* « To h
Tlior
Coun
sions

" May i

and comn
respect du
beg leave
this city.

" Amids
of GoveriK
of the poli(
have create
ants, we w<
advent of a
of our con
restore to j;
vince, give
rage tlie em
country to
" Having
Excellency'
government
upon the qi
vinces of I
express our
not be pred
the inhabita
lation who f
our nation a
ticularly wli

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

130

He assumed the Government on the 22nd of No-
vember ; on which day also he received from tlic
Corporation of Toronto, and from the Board of
Trade of that city, congratulatory addresses. The
address from the Corporation of Toronto will he
found below*, and is sufficiently indicative of the

lS3j).

\..

* " To his Excellency the Right Honourable Charles Poulett
Thomson, one of Her Majesty's most Honourable Privy
Council ; Governor-General of all Her Majesty's Posses-
sions in British North America, &c. &c.

" May it please your Excellency,

" We her Majesty's loyal subjects, the mayor, aldermen,
and commonalty of the city of Toronto, influenced by the
respect due to the Representative of our gracious Sovereign,
bog leave to congratulate your Excellency on your arrival in
this city.

" Amidst the doubts and incertitude which the frequent changes
of Governors and Lieutenant-Governors of these Provinces, and
of the policy of the Imperial Government with regard to them,
have created in the minds of the loyal and well-affected inhabit-
ants, we would fain hail the arrival of your Excellency as the
advent of a more certain, permanent, and prosperous condition
of our commercial, social, and political relations, which will
restore to prosperity the commerce and agriculture of the Pro-
vince, give a new impulse to internal improvements, and encou-
rage the emigration of our loyal fellow-subjects from the mother
country to this important appendage to the British Crown.

" Having understood that one of the principal objects of your
Excellency's visit to this Province, and of your assuming the
government thereof, is to ascertain the state of public opinion
upon the question of the proposed Legislative Union of the Pro-
vinces of Upper and Lower Canada; we beg respectfully to
express our conviction that any Legislative Union which shall
not be predicated upon the ascendency of the loyal portion of
the inhabitants, or which shall give to that portion of the popu-
lation who from education, habits, and prejudices are aliens to
our nation and our institutions ; and to that part of it more par-
ticularly which has been eiigagod in open rebellion or treason-

LIFK OF LORD SYDENHAM.

i8-^*)« Spirit of cxclusivl.sm which that body and their
friends were accustomed to advocate. The answer

able conspiracy against the government ; the same rights and
j)rivileges with the loyal British population of the Provinces,
who have adhered so zealously and faithfully at the risk of their
lives and property to their Sovereign and Constitution, would be
fatal to the connection of these Provinces with the parent country.
" Faithful in our allegiance to our Sovereign, and calmly but
earnestly determined, as far as depends upon us, the highest
muni ipal body in the Province, to perpetuate the connection
with the parent state, your Excellency may confidently rely on
our cordial support in whatever measures you may think advis-
able to adopt, tending to maintain that connection, and to
uphold the cherished constitution under which we live, and
which we are firndy resolved to the utmost of our power to pre-
serve inviolate and unchanged.

" (Signed) John Powell, Mayor.

" Council Chamber, 18th Nov. 1839."

His Excellency s Kepli/.

" Gentlemen,

" I thank you for your congratulations on my arrival in
this Province. I trust that the information which I shall ac-
quire during my stay here may enable me to recommend such
measures as may promote the agricultural and commercial in-
terests of this important Province. Among those measures the
re-union of Upper and Lower Canada appears to me the most
essential, and you have been rightly informed that one principal
object of my mission is to determine in what manner it can
most safely and most advantageously be carried into effect. That
measure is recommended by her Majesty's Government from a
deep conviction that it Mill cement the connection between tlie
colonies and the parent state, which it is the firm determination
of her Mujij-ty to ma^intain inviolate; but to be of permanent
advantage, it must be founded upon principles of equal justice
to all her Majesty's subjects.

" For this, and for all other measures having in view the advan-
tage of these Provinces, I shall confidently rely upon the support
and co-operation of the people of Ujiper Canada."

returned
Union sh
portion oi
sisting tlj
" equal ji
the effect
antagonisi
regard tlu
The Pa
the 3d oi
short time
employed
and in mi
ments of
such of t]
capital.*

* He also
for a visit to
a private let

" I arrive
enough : a
Cascades, tw
can be callet
miles; then
into Lake O
night on the
have describ
rence I Th(
yet what be
every two m
the job was i
suffer; and

ADMINISTUATION IN CANADA.

141

returned to it, by repudiating the doctrine that the
Union should be based on the ascendency of one
portion of the population over another, and by in-
sisting that it must be framed on principles of
" equ.'d justice to all her Majesty's subjects," had
the effect of confirming the feehngs with which the
antagonist parties had been originally disposed to
regard the Governor-General.

The Parliament had been summoned to meet on
the 3d of the following month, and during the
short time which intervened the Governor-General
employed himself in the preparation of his measures,
and in making himself acquainted with the senti-
ments of the people in general, and especially of
such of their representatives as had reached the
capital.* It had not been without much delibera-

1839.

* He also contrived to steal one holiday from public business
for a visit to Niagara, as appears by the I'pllowing extract from
a private letter, dated

" Toronto, December 3. 1839.

" I arrived here on Thursday week. The journey was bad
enough : a portage to La Chine ; then the steamboat to the
Cascades, twenty-four miles further; then road again (if road it
can be called) for sixteen miles ; then steam to Prescott, forty
miles ; then road twelve miles ; then, by a change of steamers,
into Lake Ontario to Kingston, and thence here. I slept one
night on the road, and two on board the steamers. Such as I
have described it is the boasted navigation of the St. Law-
rence I The weather was cold, but not bad after the first day ;
yet what between the journey itself, the receiving addresses
every two miles, the guards of honour and military nonsense,
the job was a most fatiguing one. However, my health did not
suffer ; and as I felt sure that once embarked in business I

142 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

183.9. tion that it was resolved to call again the existing
Assembly rather than resort to a dissolution, and
thus submit the question of a union to an Assembly
elected with especial reference to this matter. But
after the most ample consideration it was thought
better not to add the excitement of a general elec-
tion to that already existing on the question of
" responsible government; " and accordingly the old
Plouse, which had been elected in 1836, during the
administration of Sir F. B. Head, was called together.
The views which, at this time, Mr. Poulett Thom-
son entertained on the subject of responsible go-
vernment will be best explained by the following-
extract of a private letter addressed by him to one
of his friends in England, and dated 12th December,
1839.

should never get there, I started again on Saturday for the
Falls. It is only thirty-six miles across the Lake to Queenston,
and then seven to the Falls. So, by starting early in a Go-
vernment steamer, which I kept, I did the thing in a day, and
returned here to sleep. Then again at Niagara, Queenston,
and Drummondville, I had to face addresses and the military ;
still I got three or four hours for the Falls, and certainly they
beggar all power of description. The day was propitious. A
hard frost, which had produced the most magnificent icicles
wherever the drip was slow, and a brilliant sunshine to set off
the scene. The scenery is nothing ; or whatever beauty there
may be is certainly lost in the one absorbing object — the enor-
mous volume of water which dashes down. Unlike all the other
Materfalls which I have seen, where the water is a mere acces-
sory to the picture, here the water is every tiling, — the surround-
ing scenery but the frame in which it is set. I can imagine
nothing else in nature so awfully grand."

AD'MINISTRATION IN CANADA.

143

for the
enston,
a Go-
ay, and
enston,
litary ;
y they
|)us. A
icicUis
set oflP
' there
e enor-
other

magme

" I am not a bit afraid of the responsible government cry.
I have already done much to put it down in its inadmissible —
sense ; namely, the demand that the council shall be respon-
sible to the assembly, and that the governor shall take
their advice, and be bound by it. In fact, this demand
has been made much more for the people than hy them.
And I have not met with any one who has not at once
admitted the absurdity of claiming to put the council over
the head of the governor. It is but fair, too, to say that
every thing has in past times been done by the different
governors to excite the feelings of the people on this
question. First, the executive council has generally been
composed of the persons most obnoxious to the majority
of the assembly. And next, the governor has taken ex-
treme care to make every act of his own go forth to the
public on the responsihility of the executive council. So the
people have been carefully taught to believe that the gover-
nor is nobody, and the executive council the real power,
and that by the governor himself. At the same time they
have seen that power placed in the hands of their oppo-
nents. Under such a system it is not to be wondered at
if our argument founded on the responsibility of the
governor to the home government falls to the ground.
I have told the people plainly that, as I cannot get rid of
my responsibility to the home government, I will place
no responsibility on the council ; that they are a council
for the governor to consult, but no more. And I have
yet met with no * responsible government ' man who
was not satisfied with the doctrine. In fact, there is no
other theory which has common sense. Either the gover-
nor is the sovereign or the minister. If the first, he may
have ministers, but he cannot be responsible to the govern-
ment at home, and all colonial government becomes im-
possible. He must therefore be the minister, in which

case he cannot be under the control of men in the colony."

It has already been stated that heretofore the

18.09.

144

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

isiio. Government had studiously avoided the appearance
of having an organ in the House of Assembly, and
that the public officers who happened to be members
of that or the other house had been in the habit
of speaking and voting according to their individual
views without reference to those of the Government.
Under such a system it was not ordy impossible for
the Government to feel sure of carrying out its
policy, but it was difficult to persuade the public
of the good faith and sincerity with which its mea-
sures were brought forward. A better practice
was now to be substituted ; and accordingly before
the commencement of the session the Governor-
General explained fully to the public officers who
had seats in either House the views of the Home
Government and his own on the measures about to
be brought forward, and the course which it would
be necessary for them in their official character to
pursue; and to prevent all misunderstanding as
to the principles on which the Government was in
future to be conducted, as far as regarded the re-
lations between the Governor and the principal
officers of the Crown, he gave publicity to the
despatch from Lord J. Russell of which a copy will
be found below.*

* Copi/ of a Despatch from Lord John Russell to the Right
Honourable C. Poulett Thomson.

« Sir, " Downing Street, 16th Oct. 1839.

" I am desirous of directing your attention to the tenure

on which public offices in the gift of the Crown appear to be

held throughout the British Colonics. I find that the Governor

himself and every person serving under him are appointed during

Pie

cscenc

tli :; royj
Governc
of the pi
the adm
other pu
positive
two last
the subo
resignatic
ing a teni
bably, in
the liighc
tlie time (
amongst (
socurit}' f(
tlie least
unwilling
residence
liabit whic
possible,
there, has
alleged in
tions of t
ferent com
communici
liereafter c
Canada.

" You w
known, tlia
licr Majest
tenure duri
Hill he call(
any sufficie
(liei)cy of tl
(lovernor m
afions whic

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

145

He was fortunate enough to obtain the acqui- I839.
cscence of all the official members of the legislature

Right

1 839.
tenure
W to be
)vernor
I during

tl, i royal pleasure ; but with this important difference — the
Governor's commission is in fact revoked whenever the interests
of the public service are supposed to require such a change in
the administration of local affairs ; but the commissions of all
other public officers are very rarely indeed recalled, except for
positive misconduct. I cannot learn that during the present or
two last reigns, a single instance has occurred of a change in
the subordinate colonial officers, except in cases of death or
resignationj incapacity or misconduct. This system of convert-
ing a tenure at pleasure into a tenure for life originated, pro-
bably, in the practice which formerly prevailed of selecting all
the higher class of colonial functionaries from persons who at
the time of the appointment were resident in this country ; and
amongst other motives which afforded such persons a virtual
security for the continued possession of their places, it was not
the least considerable that, except on those terms, they were
unwilling to incur the risk and expense of transferring their
residence to remote and often to unhealthy climates. But the
habit which has obtained of late years of preferring, as far as
possible, for places of trust in the Colonies, persons resident
there, has taken away the strongest motive which could thus be
alleged in favour of a practice to which there are many objec-
tions of the greatest weight. It is time, therefore, that a dif-
ferent course should be followed ; and the object of my present
communication is to announce to you the rules which will be
hereafter observed on this subject in the Province of Lower
Canada.

" You will understand, and will cause it to be made generally
known, that hereafter the tenure of Colonial offices held during
her Majesty's pleasure, will not be regarded as equivalent to a
tenure during good behaviour ; but that not only such officers
will be called upon to retire from the public service as often as
any sufficient motives of public policy may suggest the expe-
diency of that measure, but that a change in the person of the
(lovcrnor will be considered as a sufficient reason for any alter-
ations which his successor may deem it expedient to make in

v..

146

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. in the proposed measures, and the assurance of their

"~~ support during the session ; but as several of these

gentlemen had previously been opposed to the

the list of public functionaries, subject of course to the future
confirmation of the Sovereign.

" These remarks do not extend to judicial offices, nor are they
meant to apply to places which are altogether ministerial, and
which do not devolve upon the holders of them duties in the
right discharge of which the character and policy of the govern-
ment are directly involved. They are intended to apply rather
to the heads of departments than to persons serving as clerks or
in similar capacities under them ; neither do they extend to
officers in the service of the Lords Commissioners of the Trea-
sury. The functionaries who will be chiefly though not exclii-
sively affected by them, are the Colonial Secretary, the Treasurer
or Receiver-General, the Surveyor-General, the Attorney and
Solicitor-General, the Sheriff or Provost Marshal, and other offi-
cers who, under different designations from these, are entrusted
with the same or similar duties. To this list must also be
added the Members of the Council, especially in those Colonies
in which the Executive and Legislative Councils are distinct
bodies.

" The application of these rules to officers to be hereafter
appointed will be attended with no practical difficulty. It may
not be equally easy to enforce them in the case of existing
officers, and especially of those who may have left this country
for the express purpose of accepting the offices they at present
fill. Every reasonable indulgence must be shown for the expect-
ations which such persons have been encouraged to form ; but
even in these instances it will be necessary that the right of
enforcing these regulations should be distinctly maintained in
practice, as well as in theory, as often as the public good may
clearly demand the enforcement of them. It may not be unad-
visable to compensate any such officers for their disappointment
even by pecuniary grants, when it may appear unjust to dispense
with their services without such an indemnity.

" I have, &c.
♦* (Signed) J. Russell."

Unioi

cumsi

them

which

the dc

an act

reason

an ec]

has m^

It is
the spo
with w
or cons
with w
tracts f]
vnll sh(
culties,
surinoui
he said,

" I hav
little tini
to pieces
opening,'
whole I
fill the en:
hand with
more unrt
House of
" I do
newspaper,
least our i

their
these
3 the

future

ire they
■ial, and
IS in the
govern-
y rather
jlerks or
ittend to
lie Trea-
ot exchi-
^•easurer
rney and
)ther offi-
pntrusted
also be
Colonies
distinct

lereafter
It may
existing
s country
It present
e expect-
orm; but
; right of
tained in
ood may
be unad-
ointmeiit
dispense

SSELL.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

Union, when brought forward under different cir-
cumstances, the fact that Mr. Thomson had required
them to advocate the views of the Government under
which they held office, and that he had promulgated
the despatch above referred to, was denounced as
an act of unparalleled tyranny and oppression. Un-
reasonable as was such an accusation, it yet found
an echo in this country, where the same principle
has invariably prevailed.

It is scarcely possible for those who were not on
the spot to understand the extent of the difficulties
with which Mr. Poulett Thomson had to contend,
or consequently to appreciate the skill and courage
with which he encountered them; but a few ex-
tracts from his private correspondence of this period
mil show his own impressions as to those diffi-
culties, and the means by which he proposed to
surmount them. Writing on the 8th November
he said, —

1839.

((

I have indeed an arduous task before me, and very
little time to do it in; for I suppose I shall be pulled
to pieces if I do not get a settlement * ready for the
opening.' However, it is a great field — and upon the
whole I think I did wisely in leaving Baring to try to
fill the empty boxes of the Exchequer, and in trying my
liand with the rebels, French or British. They caiHt be
more unreasonable than the ultras on both sides of the
House of Commons.

" I do not despair of getting through my task, 'f the
newspapers in England will only leave me alone, or at
least our friends pay no attention to what they say, but

L 2

\_-

148

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

I839. let me work quietly with the people here. The time is

sadly against me. People in Downing Street will expect

something for the meeting of Parliament, and to settle
the affairs of two distracted provinces, whose capitals arc
600 miles apart, in the depth of winter, which it is here
even now, and in three months, is not a very possible job.
But I shall do my best."

On the 20th November and the Stli December,
writing from Toronto, he said, —

" I have succeeded in Lower Canada in far less time
and with greater ease than I could have expected from
Sir John Colborne's account to me of the state of feel-
ing, especially in his own council. The fact is, that his
council ran riot, and did not know how to proceed. I have
given them my opinion strongly, at the same time that I
expressed my willingness to hear and give due weight to
theirs. This course has shortened business (for there is a
strong wish to be guided by the Home Government), and
produced unanimity. So far, therefore, as the Lower
Province is concerned, I look upon the Union as settled.
The decision, too, I have reason to know, gives the
greatest satisfaction to the Province generally, and nearly
all are prepared to accept the measure, if it can be carried
through Parliament, with the utmost cordiality. The fact
is, that all parties there are dead-sick of the present state
of things, and desire a return to Constitutional Government.
Of course the extremes have their different crotchets for
arriving at this end. The ultra-French desire an imme-
diate return to the old Constitution. The ultra-British
the disfranchisement of the French Canadians. But
even they have been satisfied, I believe, by a little manage-
ment and a good deal of firmness, that both were equally
out of the question, and have now joined with the great
mass who hold the middle opinion in favour of the Union
measure. The * Canadien ' and the * Montreal Herald '

lie do
nimity
"I
will, I
despair
country
Upper
best th
ten yei
for the
at pres(
oneself
probabl;
both, ar
instituti(
could no
appears
liere is
split intc
each oth(
so much
TJie Cons
in spite o
are more
The defic
All publi(
the provii
it was.
the depart
heing surj
only aston
much as I
have foug
fellows, wl
to keep uj
nient upon

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

149

lie IS
xpect
settle
Is are
3 here
ic job.

mber,

iS time
cl from
)f feel-
hat his

I have
3 that I
;ight to
ere is a
it), and

Lower
settled.

es the
[l nearly

carried

he fact

nt state

nment.

lets for

imnie-

British

But

nanagc-
equally

le great
Union

iHerald'

lie down together upon this point. In short, the una-
nimity is wonderful.

" I have now the Upper Province to deal with, which
will, I fear, he a more difficult matter. But I do not
despair ; and certainly, so far as all the real interests of the
country are concerned, the Union is far more necessary to
Upper Canada than to the other. If it were possible, the
best thing for Lower Canada would be a despotism for
ten years more ; for, in truth, the people are not yet fit
for the higher class of self-government — scarcely indeed,
at present, for any description of it; and by carrying
oneself the measures which a House of Assembly will
probably never carry, one might gradually fit them for
both, and, at all events, leave them an amount of good
institutions which the United Legislature, when it came,
could not destroy. But in Upper Canada the case, as it
appears to me, is widely different. The state of things
here is far worse than I had expected. The country is
split into factions animated with the most deadly hatred to
each other. The people have got into the habit of talking
so much of separation^ that they begin to believe in it.
The Constitutional party is as bad or worse than the other,
in spite of all their professions of loyalty. The finances
are more deranged than we believed even in England.
The deficit 75,000/. a year, more than equal to the income.
All public works suspended. Emigration going on fast//*om
the province. Every man's property worth only half what
it was. AVhen I look to the state of Government, and to
the departmental administration of the province, instead of
being surprised at the condition in which I find it, I am
only astonished it has been endured so long. I know that,
much as I dislike Yankee institutions and rule, /would not
have fought against them, which thousands of these poor
fellows, whom the Compact call rebels, did, if it were only
to keep up such a Government as they got. The excite-
ment upon * Responsible Government ' is great. Not that

L 3

1839.

V-

150

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. I believe the people understand what they are clamouring
for by that word ; but that they feel the extreme uneasi-
ness of their situation, owing to financial embarrassments,
and hate the dominant party in the Government with
intense hatred. I do not wonder at the cry for Respon-
sible Government, when I see how things have been
managed.

*' Then the Assembly is such a House ! Split into half
a dozen different parties. The Government having none —
and no one man to depend on ! Think of a House in which
half the members hold places, yet in which the Govern-
ment does not command a single vote ; in which the place-
men generally vote against the Executive ; and where
there is no one to defend the Government when attacked,
or to state the opinion or views of the Governor ! How,
with a popular Assembly, Government is to be conducted
under such circumstances, is a riddle to me. I am now more
than ever satisfied that the Union affords the only chance
of putting an end to the factions that distract the country ;
the only means of recruiting its finances by persuading
Great Britain to help the Upper Canada Exchequer ; the
only means by which the present abominable system of
government can be broken up, and a strong and powerful
administration, both departmental and executive, be
formed. And unless the people will assent to the general
outline of it, and Parliament will then carry the details,
upon which they would never agree, with a high hand, the
province is lost. From all that I can hear or see, I would
not give a year's purchase for our hold of it, if some great
stroke is not given which shall turn men's thoughts from
the channel in which they now run, and give a fresli
impetus to public works, emigration, and the practical
improvement of the country's resources.

" It is indeed a pity to see this province in such a state.
It is the finest country I ever knew, even what I have
seen of it in a circle of thirty or forty miles from here;
and by the accounts I receive the Upper part is even

super:

pariso

facilit

Amer:

"\^

shall I

terms,

and o]

to thin

full shi

thing.

House

willing,

hesitati

no half

The
a spee
Genera
and m^
British
which
legislat

" Honou

« Gentlei

"In

Bri.ish N

reign, I h

of visiting

" I am

jesty's fix(

sisting be

Kingdom,

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

151

unng
iieasi-
nents,

■with
jspon-

been

o half

lone —

which

overn-

i place-
where

tacked,
How,

iducted

iw more
chance

Duntry ;

suading

er ; the
tern of
owerful
ive, he
general
details,
nd, the
I would
e great
its from
a fresh
ractical

a state.

I have

In here;

is even

superior. Lower Canada is not to he named in com-
parison. The climate, the soil, the water-power, and -
facilities of transport, finer than any thing in North
America.

*' Whether in their present state of violent excitement I
shall be able to persuade the people to come to reasonable
terms, I cannot venture to say ; but I am sure it is the last
and only chance. After having brought ■ and ■

to think that the French Canadians ouglit to have their
full share of the representation, I shall not despair of any
thing. But what I hear, and have as yet seen, of the
House of Assembly, is not encouraging. If they are not
willing, however, I shall appeal to the people without
liesitation ; for the state of things admits of no delay, and
no half measures."

The session was opened on the 3rd December by
a speech from the Throne, which the Governor-
General purposely modelleJ rather after the form
and manner of the royal speeches delivered to the
British Parliament, than the lengthier manifestos
which had been usual in addressing the provincial
legislature.* His object was of course to avoid

* Speech to the Legislature of Upper Canada.

" Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council,

and
" Gentlemen of the House of Assembly :

*' In discharge of the duties of Governor-General of
British North America, confided to me by our gracious Sove-
reign, I have deemed it advisable to take the earliest opportunity
of visiting this Province, and of assembling Parliament.

•' I am commanded by the Queen to assure you of her Ma-
jesty's fixed determination to aiaintain the connection now sub-
sisting between her North American possessions and the United
Kingdom, and to exercise the high authority with which she

L 4

1839.

152

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. introducing topics of excitement likely to arouse
prolonged discussion, before the fitting period had

has been invested by the favour of Divine Providence, for the
promotion of their happiness and the security of her dominions.

" It is with great satisfaction I can inform you that I have
no grounds for apprehending a recurrence of those aggressions
upon our frontier which we had lately to deplore, and which
affixed an indelible disgrace upon their authors.

" If, however, unforeseen circumstances should again call for
exertion, I know from the p&dt that in the zeal and loyalty of
the people of Upper Canada, and in the protection of the parent
state, we possess ample means of defence ; and to those I should
confidently appeal.

" I earnestly hope that this state of tranquillity will prove
favourable to the consideration of the important matters to
which your attention must be called during the present session.

" It will be my duty to bring under your consideration, at the
earliest possible moment, the subject of the legislative re-union
of this Province with Lower Canada, recommended by her
Majesty to the Imperial Parliament. I shall do so in the full
confidence that you will see in the measure which I shall have
to submit, a fresh proof of the deep interest felt by the Queen
in the welfare of her subjects in Upper Canada; and that it will
receive from you that calm and deliberate consideration which
its importance demands.

" The condition of the public departments in the Province
will require your best attention. In compliance with the address
of the House of Assembly of last session, the Lieutenant-
Governor appointed a commission to investigate and report
upon the manner in which the duties of those departments are
performed. The commissioners have already conducted their
inquiries to an advanced stage ; and the result of them will be
communicated to you as soon as they shall be completed.

" I am happy to inform you that her Majesty's Government
have concluded an arrangement for opening a communication
by steam between Great Britain and the British possessions in
North America. In the completion of this arrangement her
Majesty's Government have allowed no consider.ition to interfere
with the paramount object of conducing to the public advantage

arrive
ceedec

and cot
tije par
taking ^
" Th,
by you
the Bill:
royal pi

« Th(
early ai
credit h
essential
ment, it
pensable
enabling
defray tli
my anxi
object; £
calculate
this fine
by whom
contracte
shall dire
diately si
" 'J'he
every reg
the servic
"It is
commerci
the banks
I congrat
greater s«
circumsta
beneficial
" I am
tlie casua

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

153

'ouse
had

or the
inious.
I have
issions
which

;all for
alty of
parent
should

1 prove
iters to
ession.
1, at the
e-union
by her
the full
all have
Queen
,t it will
[1 which

•rovincc
address
I ten ant-
report
mts are
id their
will be

•

irnment
Inieation
jiuns in
lent her
Interfere
Ivantage

arrived for their consideration. In this he suc-
ceeded. The speech was very favourably received,

and convenience. I feel confident that the liberality with which
the parent state has assumed the whole expense of the under-
takinj; will be duly appreciated by you.

" The answers of her Majesty to the various addresses adopted
by you during your last session, and her Majesty's decisions on
the Bills passed by you, but reserved for the signitication of the
royal pleasure, will be made known to you without loss of time.

" Gentlemen of the House of Assembly :

" The financial condition of the Province will claim your
early and most attentive consideration. To preserve public
credit is at all times a sacred obligation ; but in a country so
essentially dependent upon it for the means of future improve-
ment, it is a matter no less of policy than of duty. It is indis-
pensable, then, that measures should be at once adopted for
enabling the Provincial Revenue to fulfil its obligations, and to
defray the necessary expenses of the Government. It will be
my anxious desire to co-operate with you in effecting this
object ; and I feel confident that by the adoption of measures
calculated to promote the full development of the resources of
this fine country, the difficulty may be overcome. The officer
by whom, under your authority, these obligations have been
contracted, will be able to afford you every information ; and I
shall direct a statement of your financial condition to be imme-
diately submitted to you.

" The estimates for the ensuing year will be prepared with
every regard to economy, compatible with the due execution of
the service of the Province.

" It is with great satisfaction I find, that notwithstanding
commercial difficulties which prevail in the neighbouring states,
tlie banks of this Province have resumed specie payments ; and
I congratulate you upon the guarantee thus afforded of the
greater security and stability of our pecuniary transactions ; a
circumstance which cannot fail to be attended with the most
beneficial results.

" I am commanded again to submit to you the surrender of
the casual antl territorial revenues of the Crown, in exchange

1839.

154

1839.

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

and an address founded on it was voted unani-
mously in two days, instead of being debated for
a week, as had been not unusual on former occa-
sions.*

for a civil list ; and I shall take an early opportunity of ex-
plaining the grounds on which her Majesty's Government felt
precluded from assenting to the settlement which you lately
proposed. They are of a nature which lead me to anticipate
your ready assent to their removal, and to the final settlement
of the question.

" Honourable Gentlemen, and Gentlemen :
" In assuming the administration of the Government of these
Provinces at the present time, I have not disguised from myself
the arduous task which I have undertaken. The affairs of the
Canadas have for some years back occupied much of the atten-
tion of the Imperial Parliament, and of the Government ; and
their settlement upon a firm and comprehensive basis admits
of no further delay.

" To effect that settlement upon terms satisfactory to the
people of these Provinces, and affording security for their con-
tinued connection with the British Empire, will be my en-
deavour; and I confidently appeal to your wisdom, and to the
loyalty and good sense of the people of this Province, to co-
operate with me for the preparation and adoption of such
measures as may, under Divine Providence, restore to this
country peace, concord, and prosperity.
•< Toronto, December 3. 1839."

* In a private letter, dated December 3. 1839, he thus de-
scribes the ceremony of opening the session : —

" I opened my Parliament to-day ; and really the matter was
very creditably conducted. The Toronto dragoons are not
quite equal to the Life-guards, and Arthur's coach (for I did
not bring my equipages up here) not quite so smart as her
Majesty's. But I flatter myself that I looked very regal on the
throne, with my cocked hat on ; and the hall of the Legislative
Council beat the House of Lords hollow. We had all the
Toronto ladies, luid heaps of fair Americaners, who came over

ADMINISTHATION IN CANADA.

155

in.'ini-
d for
occa-

r of ex-
eiit felt
I lately
ticipate
tlement

of these
I myself
s of the
e atten-
iit ; and
admits

to the
eir con -
my en-
d to the
, to 00-
)f such

to this

hus de-

tter was

ire not

)r I did

as her

on the

pslativc

all the

\e over

A few days after the opening of the session the
question of the re-union was brought before both
houses in the usual form, by message. * The con-

for the sight; and the commons made as much noise, and
looked as dirty, as they do in Westminster. So upon the whole;
I think my J*rovincial Parliament quite as good as the old one.
" The worst part of the thing to me, individually, is the cere-
monial. The bore of this is unspeakable. Fancy having to
stand for an hour and a half bowing, and then to sit with one's
cocked hat on to receive addresses. Poor royalty ! I learn to
feel for it. Then the misery of always being on parade 1
When I get over the first blush, however, I hope to remedy this
a little."

* " In pursuance of the intention expressed in his speech
from the throne, the Governor-General desires now to bring
under the consideration of the House of Assembly the subject
of the re-union of this Province with Lower Canada, recom-
mended by her Majesty in her gracious Message to both Houses
of Parliament on the 3d of May last.

" For several years the condition of the Canadas has occupied
a large portion of the attention of Parliament. That they should
be contented and prosperous ; that the ties which bind them to
the parent state should be strengthened ; that their administra-
tion should be conducted in accordance with the wishes of the
people, — is the ardent desire of every British statesman ; and the
experience of the last few years amply testifies that the Imperial
Parliament has been sparing neither of the time it has devoted
to the investigation of their affairs, nor of the expenditure it
has sanctioned for their protection.

" The events which have marked the recent history of
Lower Canada are so familiar to the House of Assembly that it
is unnecessary for the Governor-General further to allude to
them. There the constitution is suspended ; but the powers of
tiie Government are inadequate to permit of the enactment of
such permanent laws as are required for the benefit of the
people.

" Within this Province the finances are deranged ; public
improvements are suspended ; private enterprise is checked ;

1839.

•7.

,•!'"•■■

.'.'

'.'i

156 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. clitions on which it was proposed to base the mea-
■ sure were, — 1st, Equality of representation for each

the tide of emigration, so essential to the prosperity of the
country and to the British connection, has ceased to flow; while
by many the general system of government is declared to be
unsatisfactory.

" After the most attentive and anxious consideration of the
state of these Provinces, and of the difficulties under which they
respectively labour, her Majesty's advisers came to the conclu-
sion that by their re-union alone could those difficulties be
removed. During the last session of the Imperial Legislature
they did indeed refrain from pressing immediate legislation ; but
their hesitation proceeded from no doubt as to the principle of
the measure, or its necessity ; it arose solely from their desire
to ascertain more fully the opinions of the Legislature of Upper
Canada, and to collect information from which the details might
be rendered more satisfactory to the people of both Provinces

" The time, then, is now arrived beyond which a settlement
cannot be postponed. In Lower Canada it is indispensable to
afford a safe and practicable return to a Constitutional Go-
vernment ; and, as far as the feelings of the inhabitants can be
there ascertained, the measure of the re- union meets with ap-
probation.

" In Upper Canada it is no less necessary to enable the Pro-
vince to meet her flnancial embarrassments, and to proceed in
the development of her natural resources. There are evidently
no means in this Province of fulfilling the pecuniary obligations
which have been contracted, bat by a great increase in the
Local Revenues ; but so long ah Lower Canada remains under
her present form of government, iieither Province possesses
any power over the only source frvjm which that increase can
be drawn. Nor even were it possible to restore a representative
constitution to Lower Canada, unaccompanied by the union,
would the position of this Province be much improved, since
past experience has shown the difficulty of procuring assent to
any alteration of the Cvstoms Laws suggested from hence.

This Province has engaged in undertakings which reflect the
highest honour on the enterprise and industry of her inhabitants.
The public works which she has completed or commenced have

provm
amoun

been co

addition

and secij

fice: Lc

Without

done so

itself, mi

developn

of Provi(

" Wit)

financial

complete

hilities ; i

to establ

both, and

ing of att

—the Uu

measure i

to the oc(

" Thos

are a jus

the terms

the Provi;

List for s

Executive

sary for i

Governmc

great satii

that upon

biy had p

session ; ai

to invite tl

effected.

mendation

Governor-

circumstar

Imperial I

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

province. 2d, The grant of a civil list, of which the
amount should be settled by the Imperial Parlia-

been conceived in a spirit worthy of a successful result But
additional means are indispensable to avert the ruin of some,
and secure the completion of others. Nor will that alone suf-
fice : Lower Canada holds the key to all these iniprovements.
Without her co-operation, the navigation for which nature has
done so much, for which this Province has so deeply burdened
itself, must remain incomplete, and a barrier be opposed to the
development of those great natural resources which the hand
of Providence has so lavishly bestowed on this country.

" With a view to remove all these difficulties ; to relieve the
financial embarrassments of Upper Canada ; to enable her to
complete her public works, and develope her agricultural capa-
bilities ; to restore Constitutional Government to Lower Canada ;
to establish a firm, impartial, and vigorous Government for
both, and to unite the people within them in one common feel-
ing of attachment to British institutions and British connection,
— the Union is desired by her Majesty's Government ; and that
measure alone, if based upon just principles, appears adequate
to the occasion.

" Those principles, in the opinion of her Majesty's advisers,
are a just regard to the claims of either Province, in adjusting
the terms of the Union ; the maintenance of the three estates of
the Provincial Legislature ; the settlement of a permanent Civil
List for securing the independence of the Judges ; and to the
Executive Government that freedom of action which is neces-
sary for the public good, and the esiablishment of a Local
Government adapted to the wants of the people. It was with
great satisfaction, then, that her Majesty's Government learned
that upon the question of the Union itself, t!ie House of Assem-
bly had pronounced tlioir decided judgment during their last
session; and it will only remain for the Governor-General now
to invite their assent to the terms upon which it is sought to be
effected. That decision was indeed accompanied by recom-
mendatiotis to wliich the Government could not agree ; but the
Governor-General entertains no doubt that, under the altered
circumstances, they will no more be renewed. It will be for the
Imperial Parliament; guided by their intimate knowledge of con-

157

1839.

158

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. ment. And 3d, The equal support of the public debt.

In each House the resolutions led to long and in-
stitutional law, and free from the bias of local feelings and
interests, to arrange the subordinate details.

*' The first of the terms of re-union to which the Governor-
General desires the assent of the House of Assembly, is the equal
representation of each Province in the United Legislature. Con-
sidering the amount of the population of Lower Canada, this
proposition might seem to place that Province in a less favour-
able position than Upper Canada ; but under the circumstances
in which this Province is placed, with the increasing population
to be expected from emigration, and having regard to the com-
mercial and agricultural enterprise of its inhabitants, an equal
apportionment of representation appears desirable.

" The second stij)ulation to be made is the grant of a sufficient
Civil List. The propriety of rendering the judicial bench inde-
pendent alike of the Executive and of the Legislature, and of
furnishing the means for carrying on the indispensable services
of the Government, admits of no question, and has been affirmed
by the Parliament of Upper Canada in the acts passed by them
for effecting those objects. In determining the amount of the
Civil List, the House of Assembly may be assured that the
salaries and expenses to be paid from it Avill be calculated
by her Majesty's Government with a strict regard to economy,
and the state of the Provincial finances.

" Tliirdly, the Governor-General is prepared to recommend to
Parliament, that so much of the existing debt of Upper Canada
as has been contracted for public works of a general nature
should, after the Union, be charged on the joint revenue of the
United Province. Adverting to the nature of tlie works for
which this debt was contracted, and the advantage whicli must
result from them to Lower Canada, it is not unjust that that
Province should bear a jjroportion of their expense.

" On these priiieijiles, the Governor-Cicneral is of opinion
that a re-union of the two Provinees may l)e effectr r|, equitable
and satisfactory ii> its terms, and beneficial in its results to
all classes. He submits them to the consideration of the
House of Assembly in the full conviction of their importance,
and in the hope that they will receive fhe assent of that

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

159

tercsting debates; but in the Council they were
carried without much difficulty by a majority of
fourteen to eight. Of the minority all but two
were inhabitants of Toronto, where the probable
effect of the measure on that city, as the seat of
government, made it generally unpopular.

In the House of Assembly the deliberations were
much more protracted. During their previous
session that house had adopted resolutions approving
of an Union, but on certain specified conditions ; of
which tlie principal were, —

1st. That the seat of Government of the United
Province should be in Upper Canada.

2nd. That the members returned to the Assembly
from each Province should ])c, from Lower Canada
fifty, from Upper Canada as at present (/. e. 62, with
a faculty of increase with increase of population).

3rd. That after a time, not later than 1845, the
elective franchise in counties should be restricted
to those holding their lands in free and common
socage.

1839.

House. Fortified by tho exprossion of tlioir opinion, her Ma-
jesty's Govermnoiit and Parliament will be able at once to npply
themselves to the full development of the scheme, and to the
consideration of the provisions by which it may be carried
into effect with the grc atest advantage to the people of both
Provinces. If, in the course of their ])roceedings, the
House of Assembly should desire any information which it
is in the power of the Governor-General to afford, they Vtill
find him ready and anxious to communicate with them frankly
and fully, and to aid by all the means in his power that settle-
ment, on which he firmly believes that the future prosperity and
advancement of these Colonies maitdy depend."

160

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1839. 4th. That the English language alone should be
spoken and used in the legislature and courts of
justice, and in all other public proceedings.

These resolutions, — which were in exact harmony
with the sentiments of the Corporation of Toronto,
embodied in their Address, of which a copy has been
given, — it was attempted again by the members of
the " compact " party to press upon the House.
The result, could they have been carried, would
have been utterly to strip from the French all poli-
tical power of any kind. By the second condition
they would, notwithstanding their superiority of
numbers, have been condemned to a hopeless and
constantly increasing inferiority of representation.
By the third they .would in less than four years
have been almost entirely disfranchised, the French
country being with few exceptions held on the
scigneurial, and not the free and common socage
tenure ; while by the last they would have been
placed under an interdict not only in the Senate,
but in their courts of justice, and indeed in every
other public assembly.

To conditions so unjust and oppressive, Mr.
Poulett Thomson determined to give his unqualifii.'d
opposition ; and after repeated debates and adjourn-
ments, they were rejected by large majorities, and
the resolutions introduced l)y the Government
carried with only a slight alteration. This, how-
ever, did not take place until the 1 Dth of Decem-
ber, the liouse having been tlien in debate on
the matter for nearly a fortniglit. No time

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

161

was lost by the Governor in acting on the re-
solutions; and he was accordingly enabled, by the
22nd of the following month, to transmit to her
^lajesty's Government a draft of the bill which
seemed to him best adapted for carrying the Union
into effect.

Writhig at this date, in a tone of not unnatural
exultation, he thus expressed his o^vn view of the
value of what he had in so short a space of time
succeeded in accomplishing : —

" December 2^.

" This mail will take you home tlie assent of the
Assembly to the Union, and to the terms and conditions
1 proposed; and give you besides, by an almost unanimous
vote, their full assent that the Civil List, both in its
amount, and in tlie offices for which it provides, shall be
left to the Government and the Governor-General, when
he has to arrange tlie new United Government. You
have now, therefore, the full consent of the Legislature of
both Provinces to the settlement of this great question,
and can announce it to Parliament and the country in
your Speech, if the packet only arrives in decent time.
The rest is your own affair. But I must anxiously im-
plore you to lose no time. After fifteen years of trouble
and contest, you have now the golden opportunity of
settling the affairs of Canada upon a safe and firm footing,
insuring good government to the people, and securing
ample power to the Crown, and that with their oivti con-
sent, accompanied by a request that no further appeal
should be made to them upon the subject. If it be not
now seized, I tell you the occasion will never rise again,
and you may as well give up the Provinces at once.

" It is in\possible to describe to you the difficulties I
have had to contend with to get this matter r-ctled as it has
hien in the Assembly. I owe my success altogether to

1839.

162 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

J 839. the confidence which the reform party have reposed in

me personally, and to the generous manner in which they

have acted by me. A dissolution would have been greatly
to their advantage, because there is no doubt that they
would have had a great majority in the next Assembly ;
and it must have been most galling to them to see me, as
well as themselves, opposed by a number of the placeholders
without my turning them out. But they gave up all these
considerations ; and in this country, where the feeling of
hatred to the family compact is intense, they are not
light, and went gallantly through with me to the end.
The journals of the proceedings in the Assembly, which I
send you, will show you the sort of opposition I have had.
To the Union itself there are not more than eight or ten
out of the whole House who are opposed, — all the family
compact ; but these few contrived to propose all sorts of
things to which they knew I could not assent as conditions
to its acceptance, in order to secure the votes of the
placemen, and some few others, who were pledged last
session to these foolish stipulations. But the reformers
and the moderate conservatives, unconnected with either
the compact or with office, kept steady ; and the result
has been that on every occasion the opposition were beaten
hollow, and all their proposals rejected by large majorities.
I had dissolution pressed upon me very strongly, and
there is no doubt that with it I could have got over all
difficulty ; but then I must have made up my mind to
great delay, and I doubt whether the measure would have
gone home in time for you to legislate. However, thank
God, it is all right at last, though T assure you the anxiety
and fatigue have been more than I like.

*' I am much wanted at Montreal; but 1 think I shall
stay on here for three weeks or a month louger, in order
to try my hand at the clergy reserves. My popularity is
just now at its utmost height, and it may be possible to
use it for that purpose. The House adjourns to-day, and
I shall employ this week in trying whether I can biinu

people
I conf(
almost
botli i]
'juestie
sibJe, h
not be
greatesi
causes
scarcely
if possil

And
date of

"I hi

triumphs
And it 1
and ptass
been witi
nient.. in
in good 1
dissolutio
through t
"Itissom
an answei
.lust two
the Assen
chain of a

"We
tln-ee feet
vcjy possi
^I'oes, anc
• il my dc/

Hiivin
which 1

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

163

d in
they
catly

they
[ihly;
le, as
alders

these
ing of
•e not
e end.
hich I
,'C had.

or ten

family
sorts of
Lditions

of the

pd last

formers

cither

result

beaten

Ijorities

;ly, and

lover all
mind to

lid have

I', thank
anxiety

I shall
|m order

darity is
Issible to
[day, ami

m bring

■s.

people together upon any decent plan of settlement. But
I confess I am not sanguine ; for there are as nuuiy minds
almost as men, and they are all dreadfully committed,
both in the House and with their constituents, upon this
{[uestion, for twenty different projects. If it were pos-
sible, however, to come to some conclusion which would
not be addressed against in England, it would be the
greatest boon ever conferred on this province, for it
causes a degree of excitement throughout it which is
scarcely credible. I will at least make some attempt at it,
if possible."

And to anotlier corresijiondent he wrote, under
date of the 31st Dec. 1839 —

" I have done my business. The Union is carried
triumphantly through the Legislature of both Provinces.
And it now only remains for Parliament to do its duty,
and pass the Bill which I shall send home. It has not
been without trouble, and a prodigious deal of manage-
ment., ill which my House of Commons' tactics stood me
in good stead, for I wanted above all things to avoid a
dissolution. My ministers vote against me. So I govern
through the opposition, who are truly * Her Majesty's.' . . .
" It is something to have completed my business before I get
an answer to iny announcement of arrival in the country.
Just two months from the day of my landing at Quebec
the Assembly sent me their final address, completing the
chain of assents which I required.

" We h&ve now winter in good earnest here. Snow
tbree feet deep, and twenty degrees of frost. Still it is
veiy possible to walk with worsted stockings over one's
shoes, and I get about an hour of it when I can. This is
; 11 my cUIassemcni; so my life is not gay."

Having disposed of the princi[)al question with
which his mission was connected, the Govern or-

M 2

is.'jy.

164

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1810. Goiioral, as he had announced in his private letter,
directed his attention to the settlement of the irri-
tating and still more difficult question respecting
the clergy reserves. This question, which had
been in debate in Upper Canada for twenty years,
luid produced in the minds of the inhabitants
all the soreness and excitement which universally
attend religious questions. The debate had ori-
ginally been raised by the members of the Scotch
church, who regarded it not merely as a question
of property, but as involving their i)Osition as an
established cluirch. Tlie claim, however, which
they put forward in the first instance had since
been assumed and insisted on by the other Pro-
testant comnmnities in the province; so that the
discussion had long enlisted almost the whole popu-
lation on one side or the other.

It had for many years been the endeavour of the
Government to bring this irritating discussion to a
settlement, and bills had been introduced in each
successive session for the purpose. But hitherto
the divisions in the house had frustrated all at-
tempts ; eacli party, though too weak to carry its
own measure, being strong enough hj uniting with
others to throw out what was proposed by its op-
ponents. In this way agitation had been kept alive,
until, among the causes which led to the discontent
that preceded the insurrection, the clergy reserve
question was universally beheved to have been one
of the most important.

But, apart from the general expediency of settling

this

sider

brini:

vince

Canai

all h

public

stitut

tion

not

future

domin

cess of

land a

not bee

the ret

the sac;

There c

fail at

become

J^arliam

^vhile th

the time

clinatioii

or to a

temporal

^vantincf

the clerc

the Unio]

that as tl

united le

AlJMINlSTUATION IN CANADA.

105

ttor,
ir ri-
oting
had
rears,
tants
psally
1 ori-
jcotcli
cstioii
as an
which
. since
p Pro-
lat the
p popn-

ettlin,!!

this question at any time, there were speeial con-
siderations which made it extremely desir.'ible to
bring it to a conclusion before the Union of the Pro-
vinces. It was the one great grievance of Ui>[)er
Canada, the ever-rankUng wound which forbade
all hope of the restoration of a healthy state of
public feeling. AV'hatever changes in the con-
stitution might take place, so long as this irrita-
tion was unremoved, peace and harmony could
not be hoped for. But it was evident that the
future destinies of Canada, as a part of the British
dominions, depended mainly on the immediate suc-
cess of the experiment about to be tried. In Eng-
land a feeling had of late years grown up, and had
not been without its advocates in Parliament, that
the retention of Canada was impossible, except at
the sacrilicc of all that made its possession valuable.
There could be little doubt that if the Union should
fail at once in restoring tranquillity, and if it should
become necessary again to invoke the interference of
Parliament, this feeling would increase and extend ;
while those who entertained it would have neither
the time nor the means, nor perhaps even the in-
clination, to inquire into the origin of the failure,
or to ascertain Avhether it were attributable to
temporary or permanent causes. Nor were there
wanting many who saw, in the unsettled state of
tlie clergy question, the most serious objection to
the Union itself. Many conscientious persons feared
that as the latter measure would introduce into tlie
united legislature a considenible body of Roman

M 3

1810.

s..

IG6

LIl'E OF LOKL) SY1>KN1IAM.

18 K). Catholic members, the interests of the Chun^h of

Eii<^kiii(l, and generally of tlie Protestant eoni-

munitics, might be exposed to danger. That these
fears were groundless it is unnecessary to say to
any one acquainted with the French C'anadians, and
their entire freedom from the disposition to reli-
gious intolerance ; but the objection was phmsiljh-,
and both in Upi)er Canada and hi the m(»ther
country was likely to have weight with many who,
on other grounds, would support the l^nion.

Influenced by these considerations, the Governor-
General determined to introduce into the Assembly
a bill for the final disposal of these reserves. \U
was not, as we have seen, unaware of the difficulties
which surrounded such a measure, nor of the little
advantage which had attended the efforts of succes-
sive Lieutenant-Governors of Upper Canada. Kor
could he be insensible to the fact that while tlic
credit of his administration, at Icjist in Enghmd,
Avould receive but slight additional lustre from
success, it would suffer a very serious damage
from failure. But the result was too important to
be affected by any selfish considerations, involving
as it did nothing less than the future prosperity
and peace of the country.

The favourite scheme, with the majority of tin;
Upper Canadians, had long been the ai)pUcation ol"
the reserves to general education ; and bills for
that purpose had been repeatedly passed by the
Assembly, but had failed in the Legislative Coun-
cil. To such a measure Mr. Poulett Thomson

^v'ns

awtjy

poses

carric

dentl

fmpc;

persoi

amon^

after i

supj^o

resorv

nised

numb(

introd

in thf

able n

pendec

Act, u

perial

tirmati

it Avas

the su

was de

visions

colonia

tioned

same o

was int

Commo

althou^'

iinmedit

ADMINISTUATION IN CANADA.

1G7

ill of
com-
tlicsc
iiy to
u, and
vlTi-
isil)U',

J who,

crnor-
cmMy

u lit

cult'ns
c littk'

Kor
ilc tlic
lo-lmid,

; iVoiu

ainaL':<:
ant tu
olviii;.!
pcriiy

of the
Ition oi"
Ills lor
jby the
Coiiii-

lUlllSOll

was opposed : first, because it would have taken
away the only fund cxtdusively devoted to pur-
l)0ses of religion; and secondly, because even if
carried in the provincial legislature it would evi-
dently not hav(^ obtained the sanction of the
fniperial Parliament. Ue, therefore, entered into
personal connnuiaeation with the lending individuals
among the principal religious communities, and
after many interviews succeeded in obtaining their
support to a measure for the distribution of the
reserves among the religious conununities recog-
nised by law, in proportion to their respective
numbers. A bill embodying this principle Avas
introduced in the Assenddy, and carried botli
in that house and in the Council by consider-
able mjijorities. Its operation, however, was sus-
pended imder the provisions of the Constitutional
Act, until it should have been laid before the Im-
perial Pjirliament, and have received the special con-
firmation of the Crown ; and subsequently, when
it was before the Plouse of Lords, a reference on
the subject having been made to the Judges, it
was decided by that high authority th.at its pro-
visions exceeded the legislative authority of the
colonial parliament. It w^as accordingly not sanc-
tioned by the (^ueen ; but another bill to effect the
same object, and embodying the same principles,
was introduced by the Government in the House of
Commons, and passed by the legislature. Thus,
although the law as it actually stands was not the
innncdiate result of Lord Sydenham's labours; yet,

]si 4

ISK).

>s..

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-S)

1.0

I.I

-|2i£ 12.5
2.0

1.8

'•25 1.4 IIIIII.6
= = ili^

^ 6"

'^%

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

■1

1G8

LIFE OF LOKl) SYDENHAM.

1840.

as its provisions wore based on his measure, and as
without the guidance and sanction which that mea-
sure afforded it would have been impossible for
the Imperial Parliament safely to legislate in the
matter, nor indeed would the attempt have been
made, the credit of the settlement is justly due to
him.

The public despatches of Mr. P. Thomson on this
subject will be found in the papers printed for Par-
liament in 1840 ; but it may not be uninteresting
to show from his private letters the importance
which he attached to it. With this view the fol-
loAving extracts have been selected from among
many similar passages. AVriting while the Bill was
still before the Legislative Council, he says —

" The Clergy Reserves have been, and are, the great
overwhelming grievance — the root of all the troubles of
the province, the cause of the rebellion — the never-failing
watchword at the hustings — the perpetual source of dis-
cord, strife, and hatred. Not a man of any party but
has told me that the greatest boon which could be con-
ferred on the country would be that they should be swept
into the Atlantic, and that nobody should get them ; for
after all there is little to divide, — there will be nothing,
after deducting the charges, for the nexc ten or twelve
years ; but the difficulty lay in the settlement. And when
to this never-failing source of excitement here you add
tlie consideration that by the Union, if you left the (pies-
tion unsettled, you would throw the agitation of it into
the Lower Province, where, amongst all its ills, the great-
est of all, religious dissension, is hitherto unknown, the
necessity for a settlement becomes doubly great. Thank
God, 1 shall achieve it. My Bill, of which I sent you a
copy, has gone through the Assembly by a considerable

and as
it mca-
blc for
in tli(j
c been
clue to

on this
or Par-
resting
Drtanco
the fol-
among
iill Avas

le great
ubles of
r-failing
of dis-
irty but
be con-
)e swept
cm ; for
lotbing,
• twelve
id when
oil add
e qiies-
it into
great-
11, the
Thank
t you a
de ruble

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

majority, thirty to twenty, and I feel confident ^hat I
can get it through the Council without the change of a
word.

" If it is really carried, it is the greatest work that ever
has been done in this country, and will be of more solid
advantage to it than all the loans and all the troops you
can make or send. It is worth ten Unions, and was ten
times more diihcult.

" You will laugh at me ; but if it were possible to make
you understand the state of feeling upon this subject, and
the evils which this question has caused, which you cannot
do, you would not. I confess, too, that I had little hopes
of succeeding in tho Assembly. For fifteen years (.'very
Governor has only made the matter worse ; and though I
might have got the Council to agree to giving the funds
to education, I never thought I could get the Assembly,
which for thirteen years has voted for that and against
religious purposes, to consent to such a plan. But I told
you that I would work to some purpose, and I have done
it. Ten members, who had always before voted for edu-
cation or public works, voted generously for me this time,
though they may lose their seats by it."

In a subsequent letter he adds, —

" The Council has voted my Bill by fourteen to five.
To-day I have received the addresses of both Houses,
and the Bill has gone home to you. The Bishop has
excited his Clergy to petition against it, so you will
have an address moved in the House of Lords. You will
remember that it is to Dr. Strachan that we owe this matter
being still open. Fifteen years ago he might have settled
it, if he would have given any thing to the Church of
Scotland. I liave put a history of this question into a
despatch, which you can lay before both Houses. If the
Lords reject the Bill, upon their heads be the conse-
quences. I will not answer for the Government of tlie
Province, if the measure should come back. In case there

160
1810.

170

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. is any blunder made by the lawyers, you must re-eiuicL
the Bill in England ; for here it cannot come again with-
out the most disastrous results."

The session closed on the 10th February, 1840,
having exhibited for the first time in Canada the
working of a government majority on the same
principles on which the parliamentary business is
conducted in the mother country. In the course
of it the question of Responsible Government had
been necessarily brought into debate in the As-
sembly ; and an address had been adopted praying
for communication of the views of the Home Go-
vernment on that subject. The Governor-Genend
refused to lay before the House any despatches,
feeling that such a course would only give rise to
exciting and unsatisfactory debates ; but he stated
in his answer, " that he had received her Majesty's
commands to administer the government of these
provinces in accordance with the well-understood
wishes and interests of the people, and to pay to
their feelings, as expressed through their represen-
tatives, the deference that is justly due to them."
This answer, "which, when taken in connection
with Lord J. Russell's despatch of 16th October,
1839, conceded the principle of responsibility as far
as it had ever been demanded by the moderate
reformers, was perfectly satisfa<;tory to them, and
secured to the Government their cordial support.
In the speech with which he closed the session,
the Governor-General expressed his gratification at
the improved state of feeling in the province, and

night

that

ADM1N18T11ATI0N IN CANADA.

171

-enact
, with-

1840,
la the
same
Less is
course
it had
ic As-
raying
QC Go-
rencriil
atches,
rise to
stated
ijesty's
these
rstood
pay to
presen-
hem."
cctioii
tober,
as far
derate
, and
pport.
ession,
ion at
e, and

his gratitude for the attention given to the im-
portant subjects which he had brought under the
notice of the legislature. He concluded in the fol-
lowing terms : —

" On your return to your different districts, I earnestly
hope tliat it will be your endeavour to promote that spirit
of harmony and conciliation which has so much distin-
guished your proceedings here. Let past differences be
forgotten — let irritating suspicions be removed. I rejoice
to find that already tranquillity and hopeful confidence in
the future prevail throughout the Province. Let it be
your task to cherish and promote these feelings : it will be
mine cordially to co-operate with you ; and by administer-
ing the Government in obedience to the commands of the
Queen, with justice and impartiality to all, to promote her
anxious wish that her Canadian subjects, loyal to their
Sovereign, and attached to British Institutions, may,
through the blessing of Divine Providence, become a
happy, an united, and a prosperous people."

His private letters expressed the same feelings.

" I have prorogued," he says, " my Parliament, and 1
send you my Speech. Never was such unanimity ! When
the Speaker read it in the Commons, after the prorogation,
they gave me three cheers, in which even the ultras united.
In fact, as the matter stands now, the Province is in a
state of peace and harmony which, three months ago, I
thought was utterly hopeless. How long it will last is
another matter. But if you will settle the Union Bill as
I have sent it home, and the Lords do not reject the Clergy
Reserves Bill, I am confident I shall be able to keep the
peace, make a strong Government, and get on well. It
has cost me a great deal of trouble, and I have had to work
night and day at it. But I was resolved on doing the
thing." — " The great mistake made here hitherto was,
that every Governor threw himself into the hands of one

1810.

172

LIFE OF Umi) SYDENHAM.

1810. P'irty or the otlier, and became tlieir slave. 1 have let
—-— - them know and feel that I will yield to neither of them —
that I will take the moderate from both sides — reject the
extremes — and govern as I think right, and not as they
fancy. I am satisfied that the mass of the people are
sound — moderate in their demands, and attached to British
institutions ; but they have been oppressed by a miserable
little oligarchy on the one hand, and excited by a few
factious demagogues on the other. I can make a middle
reforming party, I feel sure, which will put down both.

" You can form no idea of the manner in which a Colo-
nial Parliament transacts its business. I got them into
com])arative order and decency by having measures brought
forward by the Government, and well and steadily worked
through. But when they came to their own affairs, and,
above all, to the money matters, there was a scene of con-
fusion and riot of which no one in England can have any
idea. Every man proposes a vote for his own job ; and
bills are introduced without notice, and carried through a/t
their stages in a quarter of an hour ! One of the greatest
advantages of the Union will be, that it will be possible to
introduce a new system of legislating, and, above all, a
restriction upon the initiation of money-votes. Without
the last I would not give a farthing for my bill : and the
change will be decidedly popular; for the members all
complain that, under the present system, they cannot
refuse to move a job for any constituent who desires it."

On the close of the session, the Solicitor-General-
ship having become vacant, the Governor-General
offered it to Mr. Baldwin, a gentleman who was re-
garded as the leader of the liberal party of Upper
Canada. Mr. Baldwin had formerly been called to the
executive council by Sir F. B. Head, but had almost
innnediately retired, on the ground that his advice
was not asked in the conduct of the Government,

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

173

ivc let
lem —
id the
s they
)le are
Britisli
serable
a few
middle
)oth.
a Colo-
m into
)r ought
worked
rs, and,
of con-
ave any
>b ; and
)ugh all
greatest
jsible to
2 all, a
Vithout
md the
ers all
cannot
?s it.

3neral-
kneral
ras rc-
|Upper
to the
ilmost
idvicc
iineiit,

5111(1 that he would, therefore, by remaining, become 1840.
responsible in public o[)inion for measures over
which he had no control. Since that time he had
taken little part in politics ; but, as his excellent pri-
vate character and unimpeachable integrity gave him
much influence with his party, Iiis accession to the
Government promised to bring with it a consider-
able addition of strength. Mr. Daldwin accepted
the office of Solicitor-General, but was not at this
time replaced in the executive council.

Having waited only sufficient time to complete
those matters which the parliamentary session left
in progress, Mr. Poulett Thomson, on the IStli Fe-
bruary, left Toronto for Lower Canada, and reached
Montreal on the evening of the next day. The dis-
tance, which is 3C0 miles, was performed in a
covered sleigh in less than thirty-six hours, being
probably the most rapid journey ever made in
Canada over the ordinary winter roads.

In Lower Canada, no less than in the Upper
Province, the uneasiness which had heretofore pre-
vailed had by this time begun to yield to the feel-
ing of security which the tranquillity of the early
part of the winter had tended to produce. In a
climate like Canada, where, in the winter, military
operations are almost impossible, and the Govern-
ment, therefore, comparatively defenceless, that sea-
son wiU naturally be chosen by those who may pur-
pose to disturb the public peace. Accordingly, in the
years 1837 and 1838, the month of November had
heralded in those outbreaks which had been put

174

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. down at St. Charles and OdoU Town ; and at tlic
return of the same month in the year 1839, ru-
mours of projected insurrections, and of attacks
from the United States' frontier, had reached tlie
Government from many quarters. Those who
Avere in Canada at this date will bear witness to
the dread with which the winter season was not
unnaturally looked forward to, particularly by the
rural population ; among whom an impression had
begun to prevail that its return would always
be signalised by insurrectionary movements within
the province, or " sympathizing " outrages from
without. Such had been the alarm thus created,
that even after the first outbreak many families
living near the American frontier had left their
homes to seek in a more distant part of the country
a securer habitation ; and the second insurrection
had naturally tended to increase these feelings. It
had therefore become indispensable, at any risk,
to break the spell, and thus to stop the alarm which
would in course of time have depopulated the
frontier districts of the country. It was under
such circumstances that the Governor-General had,
previously to leaving Montreal in November, 1839,
re-enacted the suspension of the Habeas Corpus;
and few will be disposed to assert that in the
then existing circumstances of Lower Canada, and
in defiance of the opinions of those on the spot,
Mr. P. Thomson would have been justified in refus-
ing to assume the responsibility of that measure,
especially when he was about to leave the govern-

[it the
0, ru-
t tacks
;d the
! who
ess to
IS not
by the
n had
ilways
within
; from
reatcd,
fimilies
, their
ountry
rection

rs. It

Y risk,

which

1 the

under

xl had,

1839,

orpus ;

n the

a, and

spot,

refus-

asure,

lovern-

ADMINISTHATIUN IN CANADA.

ment in the hands of another. But the tranquillity
which prevailed during this winter having removed
the necessity for continuing this suspension, the
ordinance which had been passed for that purpose
was allowed to expire in the spring of 1840, and
the administration of justice was relieved from this
last evidence of the late disturbances.

Following up the principle which had guided
liim in Upper Canada, the Governor-General, shortly
jifter his arrival in ^lontreal, had summoned the
Special Council to meet at that city for the settle-
ment of such questions of purely local interest as
could not without inconvenience be left for the
United Legislature. AYriting from Montreal on
the 18th March, 1840, he thus describes the task
then before him : —

" I have been back three weeks, and have set to work
in earnest in this province. It is a bad prospect, however,
and presents a lamentable contrast to Upper Canada.
There great excitement existed ; but at least the people
were quarrelling for realities, for political opinions, and
with a view to ulterior measures. Here there is no such
thing as a political opinion. No man looks to a practical
measure of improvement. Talk to any one upon education,
or public works, or better laws, let ilm be English or
French, you might as well talk Greek • him. Not a man
cares for a single practical measure — the only end, one
would suppose, of a better form of government. They
have only one feeling — a hatred of race. The French
hate the English, and the English hate the French ; and
every question resolves itself into that and that alone.
There is positively no machinery of government. Every
thing is to be done by the governor and his secretary.

175

i 810.

17G

LIFE OF LOUD SYDKNIIAM.

18K). There are no lieads of departments at all, or none whom

one can (lej)end on, or even ^et at ; i'or most of them are

still at Quebec, and it is difficult to move them up here,
because there arc no public buildings. The wise system
hitherto adopted has been to stick two men into some office
whenever a vacancy occurred ; one Frenchman and one
Britisher! Thus we have joint Crown surveyors, joint
sheriffs, &c., each opposing the other in every thing he
attempts. Can you conceive a system better calculated
to countenance the distinction of race?" — "The only
way, under these circumstances, in which I can hope to do
good, is to wait for the Union, in order to get a Govern-
ment together ; and that I shall do. Meantime, what I
am chiefly anxious about now is to get a good division of
the province for judicial purposes, which I shall make fit
in with the proposed municipal districts. I hope to get
an entirely new system of judicature, introducing circuits
for the judges, and district courts for minor civil causes.
I have already established stipendiary magistrates ; and a
rural police in this district, commenced by Lord Seaton, I
mean to extend generally over the whole province in a few
weeks by an ordinance. The hand of the Government is
utterly unknown and unfelt at present out of Montreal
and Quebec, and not the slightest means exist of knowing
what is passing in the rural districts. It is with this view
that I have proposed, and attach the greatest importance
to, the establishment of lieutenants for each municipal dis-
trict, who shall likewise preside over the council. This is
very necessary in Upper Canada, but indispensable here.
You will see that I propose to reserve a power, in my
Bill, to appoint one or two deputy-governors or lieu-
tenants, with such powers as the Governor-General may
see fit to delegate. This is essential. The province is
1000 miles long, and without some one at each end on
whom we can confide it will be impossible to manage. Very
good men may be got, for 1000/. a-year at the outside, for
what I want."

tiou

ordii

tiitio

and \

been

— an

pice,

seigjii

The i

tw^o

comin

ratiniii

obtain

scarce

establi

dians,

Island

with se

had, sii

ferance

notwitl

their c

for the

existen<

great d

were in^

tenants.

power

defect i

in their

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

177

whom
111 are
I here,
lysteiu
! office
id one
, joint
ing he
lulatetl
3 only
e to do
rovern-
wluit I
sion of
lake fit
to get
circuits
causes.
i; and a
^aton, I
a few
ment is
Montreal
novving
lis view
ortance
)al dis-
This is
! here,
in my
r lieu-
al may
incc is
nd on
|. Very
de, for

Among the other ineaHures occu})ying his atten-
tion at tins ))erioLl, and which he proposed to effect by
ordinance before the establishment of the new consti-
tution, was the incorporation of the cities of Quebec
and jMontreal, of which the former ctn'porations had
been allowed to expire during the dissensions of 183G,
— and the incorporation of tlie seminary of St. Sul-
pice, in order to provide for the gradual extinction of
seigneurial dues in the city and island of Montreal.
The importance of reviving the corporations of the
two principal cities of Lower Canada needs no
comment, — the necessity and justice of incorpo-
rating the St. Sulpice seminary to enable them to
obtain an equitable commutation of their dues, was
scarcely less imperative. This society, originally
established in 1663 for the conversion of the In-
dians, and the ecclesiastical superintendence of the
Island of Montreal, and endowed by the French Crown
with seigneurial rights over the whole of that island,
had, since the conquest of Canada, continued on suf-
ferance to retain their former possessions and dues,
notwithstanding that, in the capitulation of Quebec,
their claim to do so had been specially reserved
for the King's future decision. But as their legal
existence as a corporation was doubtful, they had
great difficulty in enforcing disputed claims, and
were incapable of commuting their dues with their
tenants. It would certainly have been in the
power of the Crown to have taken advantage of the
defect in their title, and to have supplanted them
in their seigneurial capacity ; but such a proceeding

IHM).

178 T.IFE OF LOUD SYDKNUAM.

1840. towards a body instituted purely tor relijj^ious and
cliaritablc purposes, and against whose fa'tliful dis-
charjrc of their duties not a suspicion eouhl bo
breathed, would ]iav(^ been grossly unjust and im-
politic. At the same time the continuance of
the sei^neurial tenure in a growing conunercial
city was exceedingly inconvenient, luid tlie govern-
ment h.'ul therefore h)ng been anxious to connnute
this temu'e on erpiitable terms. A re[)ort on the
subject had been furnished by the Canada conmiis-
sioners of 1(S;>(), and a definite arrangement liad
been setth'd witli the seminary by Mr. C. Ihdler,
chief secretarv to Lord Durham: but tlie limited
legislative powers tlu'U [>ossessed by tlie Special
Council prevented its being carried into effect ;
and it accordingly remained for Lord Sydenham t(^
pass an ordin.'uice for that purpose. In so doing
he strictly adhered to Lord Durham's agreement.
A strong opposition was got up to the measure by
the ultra British party in Lower Canada, and their
sentiments on the subject were re-echoed in the
House of Lords by the Bishop of Exeter, who,
however, was unable to obtain the assent of that
house to an address to the Crown against the ordi-
nance. Our readers can hardly have forgotten the
remarkable debate which then took place, nor the
testimony borne by noble lords on both sides of
the house to the justice of the claims of the semi-
nary. A more exemplary, self-denying, virtuous
body of ecclesiastics, it would be impossible to find
in any part of the world. They have always been

distil
Grea
was (
to tl
been

rebel)

the h'

But,

past, i

ceptai

about

desirec

some

tion.

who w

solicito

explain

politica

vernme

veheme

offer, a

on a sui

afterwa

his elecl

felt hin

easy to

recollect

and Lor

distance

ADMINlsrUATlOX IN fANAUA.

JTU

i and

il ais-

1(1 bo

(.1 im-

icc of

H'l'cinl

ovcni-

iiniutc

^n tlic

)iiiiuis-

nt IkhI

liuller,

limited

Si)Ocial
effect ;

[linm to

) doinf»'

cement.

ure by

id their
ill the
, who,
of that
lie ordi-
ten the
or the
ides of
e semi-
irtuous
to find
lys been

distiiinjuislied Ibi- tlicir loyalty and nttaelniient to
Great Hi-itain ; siiid din'ln;^- tlie rel)eUioii no effort
was omitted on thcii* [)art to brin^ back their flocks
to their alleoimice, as no exertion hud previously
been wantino; to pi'cveiit the ontbresik.

T^p to this time tlie circumstances of the two
rebellions had almost entirely excluded irom power
the leading members of the French Canadian j)arty.
But, anxious if j)ossible to fb'aw a veil over the
past, and to pivpare the way for a favourable {ic-
ceptance by that people of the new institutions
about to be conferred on them, the (jovernor-fieneral
desired at this date to associate to his o()vernment
some of the principal individuals of that extrac-
tion, lie accordingly offered to ]\Ir. Lafontaine,
who was considered as the leader of the party, the
solicitor-generalship of Lower Canada, then vacant;
explaining to that gentleman at the same time his
political views and intentions as to the future go-
vernment of the country. Mr. Lafontaine, being
vehemently opposed to the Union, declined the
offer, and the negotiation led to no result. But
on a subsequent occasion, more than twelve months
afterwards, Mr. Lafontaine having been defeated at
his election for the first Parliament after the Union,
felt himself justified, on what principles it is not
easy to understand, in publishing in the papers his
recollections of the conversation between himself
and Lord Sydenham, naturally giving to it, at that
distance of time especially, the colour of his own

\ 2

1840.

180

1840.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

feelings and impressions. Yet, even so distorted,
the whole conversation shows that Lord Sydenham
was then, as he had always been, desirous to pro-
tect the French Canadians in a fair share of poli-
tical power, and to maintain their equality with
their fellow-subjects.

The session of the Special Council continued till
the end of June.* AYriting from Montreal on the
27th of that month, Lord Sydenham ^ays, —

* The following extract from a private letter will show the
close attention of the Governor-General to public business
during this interval, as well as the nature of the occasional re-
laxations which he allowed himself: —

" June 15. 1840.

" You ask about my health. It is better than it has been for
years, which I attribute to the very regular life I lead, and to
the absence of House of Commons atmosphere. Then, to be
sure, if it were not for the interest I take in my business, and
the quantity of it, it would be a dull life enough. Work in my
room till three o'clock ; a ride with my aide-de-camp till five ;
work again till dinner ; at dinner till nine ; and work again till
early the next morning. That is my daily routine. My dinners
last till ten when I have company, which is about three times a
week; except one night in the week, when I receive about 150
people, who dance, sing, amuse themselves, and rather bore me.

*' I have done myself some good by a little excursion I made
last week up the Richelieu, and so round by St. John's and the
railroad back ; — three days of air and exercise. The weather
was lovely, though very hot, especially for riding. The mode
of going about is convenient enough. I took a small steamer,
which carried one's horses, so that I could leave the boat when-
ever I pleased, and ride into the country to see the different
places I wished to visit away from the river. Those counties
bordering the Richelieu were formerly the garden of Lower
Canada ; the soil rich to a degree ; but they are now used up
completely by the abominable mode of cultivation pursued by

ment.

orted,
jnhain
pro-
f poli-
j with

ed till
on the

show the
business
iional re-

, 1840.
been for
d, and to
en, to be
ness, and
rk in my
till five ;
again till
y dinners
e times a
bout 150
bore me.
n I made
s and the
; weather
'he mode
steamer,
)at when-
different
counties
>f Lower
used up
rsued by

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

" I have closed my Special Council, and send you home
my ordinances. They have done their work excellently
well, thanks to Stuart and my new solicitor-general, who
turns out admirably." ....*' I have passed some, but
not all the measures which are indispensable previous to
the Union. The Registry Bill still remains ; but that I
shall get through in the autumn, after it has been for two
or three months before the public, which was the course
I adopted with the Judicature Bill, and found most advan-
tageous. Education also stands over ; for it is impossible
to do any thing in that until we get the municipalities
erected in the districts."

And to another correspondent he writes, —

*' I have been very much occupied here making great
changes in the laws of the Province preparatory to the
Union, and have had infinite trouble ; but I have carried
three or four great measures on large and extended prin-
ciples, which the people here are not quite capable yet of
comprehending, but which they will see the benefits of when
they are in operation. Nothing but a despotism could
have got them through. A House of Assembly, whether
single or double, would have spent ten years at them."

Immediately afterwards he left Montreal for
Quebec; whence, in a few days, he sailed for Nova

the habitans, and present a melancholy picture : the population
rapidly increasing, and the people unwilling to quit their neigh-
bourhood to settle on new land, until actually starved out. The
physical state of the people is, however, even better than their
moral condition. Their ignorance and credulity are unbounded,
and no wonder they became the victims of the agitators who
stirred them up to rebel in 1837 and 1838; for all this district
was the focus of the outbreak. To be sure, a miserable out-
break it was ; put down with the utmost ease by a single regi-
ment."

N 3

181
1840.

182 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. Scotia, the government of which he had received

the Queen's commands temporarily to assume, in

order to put an end to collisions which had arisen
between the Executive Government and the House
of Assembly.

In Nova Scotia, as in Upper Canada, the popula-
tion had gradually outgro^vn the monopoly of
power in the hands of a few large families, which
seems to be the almost necessary condition of
colonies in their infant state. There, as in Upper
Canada, the popular branch of the legislature, cha-
fing against the passive resistance of the executive,
had addressed the Crown in language which, under
a better system, would probably never have been
heard. They had asked for the removal of their
governor, and had not obscurely hinted at the
stoppage of supplies. These were evidently the
signs of a coming storm; and the Home Government,
determining at once to anticipate and arrest it, con-
fided the settlement of the difficulties to the Gover-
nor-General, leaving him a full discretion as to the
measures to be recommended. He arrived in Ha-
lifax on the 9tli July ; and having been sworn into
office, entered immediately on the task committed
to him. After an unrestricted communication Avith
the officers of the Government on the one hand,
and the popular leaders on the other, he was enabled
on the 27th July, a fortnight only after his arrival,
to recommend to Lord John Russell certain changes
in the legislative and executive councils of the pro-
vince, Avhich, having been subsequently carried into

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

183

jeived
ae, in
arisen
House

opula-
)ly of
which
Lon of
Upper
e, cha-
3utive,
under
e been
f their
Lit the
ly the
iment,
con-
Gover-
to the
n Ha-
n into
nutted
with
hand,
nabled
rrival,
langes
le pro-
d into

effect under the administration of Lord Falkland,
have entirely reconciled the previous dissensions.
Since that time the province of Nova Scotia has
been free from internal disturbance ; and, however
distasteful the changes may have been to particular
individuals, they have been undoubtedly satisfac-
tory to the great body of the inhabitants. Thus
by a frank admission of not unreasonable or illegi-
timate demands, all those heartburnings and dis-
sensions by which other colonies have been dis-
tracted, and which no after-concessions have been
sufficient to allay, were avoided in Nova Scotia.

The principles on which the Governor- General
proceeded in this instance cannot be better ex-
plained than in his own words. In a letter dated
27th July 1840, he thus writes: —

" I will briefly recapitulate the principle on which I
think the changes I recommend should be made, and the
mode in which I am of opinion they should be carried into
effect.

'* The defects in the present system seem to me to be,
that the Executive Council is composed in a way which,
whilst it has created dissatisfaction, has afforded the Go-
vernment no assistance or strength whatever; — that we do
not derive from our officers that aid in the management of
public affairs in the legislature which is absolutely indis-
pensable for the conduct of them in the colony ; — that, as
a necessary result of this, the Government does not and
cannot perform what is in my opinion one of its first duties,
viz. propose and submit to the legislature, with the full
weight of its authority, whatever measures may appear to
be called for for the good of the province, and the very
consideration of which would divert men's minds from the

N 4

1840.

184

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. agitation of abstract points of government such as we have

seen raised here.

" The principle on which I would proceed is, first, to
compose the Executive Council in such a way that it should
comprise only the leading official servants of the Govern-
ment, and a few of the most influential members of either
House — but especially those of the House of Assembly ;
and, next, that the law officers of the Crown, and any other
public servants whom it may be desirable to make use of
in that way, should be required, when necessary, to be-
come members of the Assembly, as well as of the Executive
Council, in order to afford their assistance there ; and that
their whole undivided time and talents should be at the
disposal of the Government.

*' Acting upon this principle, I have proposed to remove
from the Executive Council all the gentlemen who are not
members of either House ; to take in the Attorney-General,
and to add to it some influential members of the Assembly
or Council. The gentlemen who would go out would
not feel themselves personally aggrieved, as they are ex-
cluded only because they do not fulfil the conditions of
the appointment. Their honorary distinction may be left
to them as a mark of respect. I have also recommended
that the collector of customs should cease to be a member
of the Council. On the other hand, I shall suggest that

Mr. * * * be reinstated in the Council, and Mr. and

some other member from that party be added to it. I

should myself have been glad to replace Mr. ; but I

understand objections are entertained to this, and I there-
fore would not wish to press it. Some other member,
however, of that party should be substituted. The declar-
ations publicly made by Mr. * * *, with respect to his
former agitation of responsible government, entirely re-
move all objection to him which existed on that score.

" I next deem it indispensable that the Attorney-General
should give up the chair, and should devote his whole
time and talents to tlie duty of the office and support of

((

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

185

e have

irst, to
should
overn-

either
iiiibly ;
y other

use of

to be-
ecutive
nd that

at the

remove
are not
reneral,
ssembly
would
are ex-
lons of
3e left
nended
lember
st that
— and
it. I
but I
there-
ember,
declar-
to his
ly re-
re.

eneral

whole

port of

the Government in the Assembly of which he is a member.
This he is willing to do ; and it would be very desirable
that the Solicitor-General should also become a member of
the Assembly, if his health permitted it.

" In the Legislative Council I think that one or two
additions should be made from the popular party, in order
to remove the imputation of an exclusive character now
attached to that body. But I am not prepared to suggest
the persons.

*' With these changes I feel satisfied the Government
will acquire the necessary strength in the Legislature ; and
if the proper direction be given to their labours, and due
firmness evinced in controlling them, the Council will
prove a very useful and powerful engine in the hands of
the Governor. They will afford no triumph or victory to
either party ; and I am satisfied they will meet the views
and wishes of the Government at home, because they carry
out the wishes expressed by Lord John Russell, that such
modifications should be made in the Executive and Legis-
lative Councils as might bring those bodies more into
harmony with the general opinions of the popular branch
of the Legislature, and introduce into them some of those
who exercise influence there."

To Lord John Russell he wrote at the same time
as follows : —

" Halifax, 27 th July, 1840.
" My dear Lord John,

" I have put matters quite right for you for the present
in Nova Scotia. Except a few persons without the slight-
est influence in the Colony, all is now peace and harmony.
I read people, parties. Assembly and all, a good lecture in
an answer I gave to an address, of which I hope you will
approve.* At least the people here do so as fully as I

* The Address and Answer referred to are as follows: —
" To His Excellency the Right Honourable Charles Poulett

1840.

186

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. could wish, and I have not the least doubt that tiiere is no

colony in the British dominions that can be governed more

easily than this.

Thomson, Member of Her Majesty's Privy Council, Go-
vernor-General in and over the British Provinces of North
America, &c.
" We, the inhabitants of the town of Halifax, offer our con-
gratulations to your Excellency on your arrival in Nova Scotia,
and beg leave to express the high sense we entertain of the
manner in which you have discharged the im|)ortant duties of
(lovernor-Genoral of the British Provinces of North America.

" The impartial consideration of all subjects connected with
the prosperity and social advancenuMit of these Provinces,
which has invariably characterised the CJovernment of Great
Britain, demands an expression of gratitude ; and we should ill
represent the feelings of Nova Scotians, if we did not assure
your Excellency of our high respect for you as the Represent-
ative of our Sovereign and the head of this Government.

" It is our pride to belong to a nation rendered so conspi-
cuous by the commanding influence she possesses throughout
the world ; and, while we cherish the hope that affection and
attachment for the person and Government of our Sovereign
will secure for us and our children a continuance of the
blessings we enjoy under our unrivalled Constitution, we feel
assured that the wise provisions of your Excellency, in the Go-
verinnent of the Colonies committed to your care, will cement
those ties which now bind us together, contribute to our welfare
and prosperity, and remain a lasting testimonial of your ability
and experience."

Answer.

" Gentlemen, — I beg you to accept my warm acknowledg-
ments for your address.

" In obedience to the Queen's commands, I have visited Nova
Scotia ; and although my stay within this Province must neces-
sarily be short, and is not unaccompanied by the sacrifice of
other duties, I shall consider myself amply rewarded if my
presence here shall tend to your future advantage, by enabling
me to reconcile differences which unhappily appear to have

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

187

[1 Nova
neces-

ifice of
if my

labling

** I have told you in a dispatch, as fully as I can in such
a document, the causes of this mighty storm in a very -

prevailed, and to remove misunderstandings, in which alone I
feel satisfied they have originated.

" You have been pleased to express your approbation of my
discharge of my duties since I have assumed the Government
of British North America. My earnest endeavour has been to
put an end to personal and party feuds, and to lead the people
of these Colonics from fruitless and idle disputes upon theoretical
points of Government to the consideration of their real and
personal interests — the amelioration of their laws — the ad-
vancement of their commerce — and the improvement of their
country.

" It is the anxious desire of the Queen that her British North
American subjects should be happy and prosperous — that they
should enjoy that freedom which is the birthright of Britons,
and bless the tie which binds them to her Empire.

*' Her commands to her Representative are, that he should
consult their wishes and iheir feelings — that he should promote
their interest by well-considered reforms — and suit his admi-
nistration of affairs to the gro\ving importance and varying
circumstances of each Colony ; that, whilst it should be alike
his interest and his duty to listen respectfully to the opinions
which may be offered to him, and to seek the advice of those
who may be considered to represent the well-understood wishes
of the people, he can devolve the responsibility of his acts on
no man, without danger to the connection of the Colony with
the Empire, and injury to the best interests of those whose
welfare is committed to his care.

" It is in obedience to these commands, and in the spirit of
the declarations of her Majesty's advisers, and of myself, that I
have humbly endeavoured to discharge my duty to the Queen
and to these Colonies.

" I feel confident that the people of Nova Scotia, distin-
guished for their loyalty to their Sovereign, and proud of their
connection with the British Crown, will yield to no attempt to
inspire them with other feelings, or to lead them to demands
Incompatible with these principles.

" My acquaintance with your affairs has deeply impressed

1840.

188 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. small ocean, and the mode I have taken to quell it, as well
as what I recommend to be done There are

me with the conviction of the injury which must be inflicted upon
your real interests by the contentions which we have to deplore.

" I find in Nova Scotia all the elements of prosperity. You
possess an overflowing Treasury, under a system of taxation
which may well be envied by your fellow-subjects at home ;
you enjoy liberty equal, if not superior, to theirs ; industry
may find on your shores not merely a bare return, but an
ample reward ; the Crown has conferred on you, by your
Constitution, the most ample power for securing good laws, and
in the exercise of its controul it seeks your advancement and
your interests alone.

" It is to the right use of this power, and to the improvement
of these advantages, that I would earnestly draw your attention.
That much may be done by yourselves for your own benefit is
obvious. The imperfection of your judicial system — the ne-
cessity for municipal government — the abuses which disgrace
the administration of those resources which you believe to be
devoted to public improvements — these and other subjects are
matters of vital importance to you.

" Permit me, then, to take this opportunity, through you, to
impress on the people of this colony these my honest convic-
tions. It is the duty of the Representative of the Crown, and
of those who are responsible to him in the administration of
your affairs, to lead the way in improvement, and to submit for
adoption whatever may be calculated to remove abuses or pro-
mote your advantage ; and the Queen will expect from him a
faithful discharge of these duties. But upon your co-operation
must depend the success of his endeavours, and his efforts can
fail or succeed, only in proportion to your readiness to support
and assist him in the task.

" Whether charged with the immediate administration of your
affairs, or called on only for more remote superintendence and
advice, I shall ever be ready to offer my best assistance in ad-
vancing these objects ; and to whomsoever these duties belong
as the Representative of our Sovereign, you may confidently
rely upon his carrying out her beneficent wishes for the pros-
perity and contentment of her people within this Province."

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

no parties here before the public in the way we under-
stand them, or as they exist in Canada. At least five-
sixths of the Assembly care nothing about politics, and
think only of their roads and bridges. There are half a
dozen men of some ability on both sides, who have unfor-
tunately all been alienated instead of conciliated to the
Government. The Crown officers are excellent men,
liberal and popular, but no power was given them, and
their advice neither taken nor sought .... so that in
the Assembly the Governor has lately possessed not even
one solitary friend to stand up for him, or affect to do the
Government business. In this state of things it is not
surprising that the Assembly ran riot, or that the disap-
pointed ambition of a few individuals led them into
extreme measures.

•' But I have calmed all this for the present. The
leaders on both sides (I mean of course the parliamentary
leaders, for I can recognise no others) are entirely satisfied
with my recomposition of the Council, and I should have
proceeded to carry it into effect myself, if I had not found
the people perfectly reasonable, and willing to wait. I
have therefore thought it best to do nothing myself, and
to leave you the opportunity of sending out directions to
make the changes I have proposed." *

189

1840.

* In order to facilitate the changes suggested by Lord
Sydenham to the Colonial office, Sir Colin Campbell, then the
Governor of Nova Scotia, to whom probably it would have
been personally unpleasant to carry them into execution, was
removed to the Government of Ceylon, and replaced by Lord
Falkland in the month of October, 1840, under whose manage-
ment the affairs of that colony still continue. The following
passage of a letter from Lord Sydenham to Lord Falkland in
the following year will explain some of the difficulties in Colonial
administrations with which his experience in Canada had made
him acquainted, and the temper in which he was accustomed to
nieet them : —

190

LIFE OF LOT^l) SVDKNIIAM.

1840.

Having paid a short visit to New Brunswick,
and spent two days with its kind-hearted and lios-
pitable T/icutenant-Governoi', Sir John Harvey, the
Governor-Cjicneral i*eturnod to (Janada; and shortly

<* Moiitmil, 12tli May, 1H4-1.
" I liave watched your proceedings with great anxiety, and
am most gratified at the result. I tliink it in the highest

degree creditable to your tact and judgment." '* I enter

completely into the difficulties of which you s))cak in carrying
out improvements, Jiotwithstamling your (rovcrnmciital ma-
jority, as they term that sort of thing in Franco. It is the mis-
fortune of all popular governments in our colonies. The
people are made legislators, before they have either intelligence
or education to know how to set about their work; and as,
under such circumstances, selfishness and a preference of their
little local jobs to any views of general advantage must prevail
amongst them, the progress of practical improvement cannot
but be slow. But do not despair. You have certainly no
grounds m hatever to do so, for you have achieved a vast deal
even in this your first session ; and your power and influence
will daily become more and more consolidated, especially when
it is seen, as I know it will be, that you are most cordially sup-
ported at home. That is, indeed, nine-tenths of the battle.
Your colonial ultra-Tories will soon give up their violence
when they are satisfied of this. And the ultras of the opposite
side may be kept in order. When I find myself getting gloomy
at the opposition of little petty interests to great improvements,
and by the dijficidty of making peo])le understand what is really
for the general benefit, I turn back to my oivn recollection oftvhat
teas the condition of the House of Commons not many years ago,
with reference to all the great improvements tvhich we have either
carried or raised to a position in tvhich they must be soon
carried ; such as Parliamentary Representation, the Poor Laws,
Municipal Reform, County Administration, the Tithe Question, both
in Ireland and England, Slavery, Free Trade, Sfc, and I become
very merciful towards these poor Colonists. So advance steadily,
and depend upon it you will succeed in your objects ulti-
mately."

ADMINISTHATION IX CANADA.

191

afterwjirds made a tour through the eastern town-
ships, a country unsurpassed by any part of the con-
tinent of America in beauty of scenery and fertility
of soil. Hitherto a fear of the len<;th of its winter
has deterred emigrants from settling there ; but as
the seasons become moderated by the advance of
cultivation, there can be no doubt that this most
delightful portion of Canada, already settled almost
exclusively by a population of IJrirish descent, will
become a favourite resort of the emigrant. In his
progress through these townships, Alr.Poulett Thom-
son was everywhere welcomed with enthusiasm, and
received addresses of congi'atulation from all par-
ties.* By this time the Union Act had passed the

1840

]

* Extract from a private letter of 6th August: —
" These toM nships when? I now am are really worth seeing.
They are the only really valuable part of Lower Canada, out-
side the towns of Quebec and Montreal. But they are splendid I
It is the scenery of the Wye and of Westmoreland ; only finer
than either or both. Hill and valley, mountains in the back
ground, beautiful streams and lakes, and forests of hard wood,
not pines, in the greatest luxuriance. The district is separated
from the flat and sterile, though thickly inhabited banks of the
St. Lawrence, by a strip of 50 or 60 miles of ugly country ; and
there this paradise (m summer') begins. But it is not susceptible
of great improvement, because there is no water communica-
tion ; and the produce therefore cannot be brought to market,
except the cattle which can ivalk. Settlement, therefore, pro-
ceeds slowly, and will not advance much, especially with Upper
Canada (which has all the luxuriance and the best water com-
munications besides) bidding against it in the market of labour
and settlement. The farms, however, are good ; and the people
(generally Americans or English) industrious and intelligent.
My reception, to be sure, has been enough to put me in good
humour with them ; for I have done nothing for two days but

192

LIFE OF LORD SYDRNIfAIVf.

1840. Britlsli Mouse of Commons, and there was every

reason to expect that it would very shortly become

law.

In the montli of August, anxious to make him-
self acquainted with every part of the province
under his government, he prepared for a tour
through Upper Canada. He left Montreal on the
19th of that month; and passing up the St. Law-
rence to Kingston, and thence by Hamilton and
Niagara to Lake Erie, made the voyage up that
Lake, and finally returned to Montreal by way of
Toronto and the Rideau canal.* It is unneces-

pass under triumphal arches, and receive addresses of thanks
and praise. I have done a good deal for this part of the coun-
try in the way of law-making, and they are proportionately
grateful."

* Extract from a private letter of 27th August, IS^O, dated
Drummondville (the Falls): —

" Here I am on my road to the West, and with the windows
and balcony of my rooms facing the most magnificent sighj; on
earth, with beautiful weather; and, if they would only give me a
minute's respite from business and show, very much disposed to
enjoy myself. I arrived on Sunday, and mean to complete my
week nearly. As for attempting to describe the Falls, it is im-
possible to convey any idea of them. Vulgarly they are only
two great milldams, and in painting they can only appear so ;
but the effect they produce on the mind from their magnitude
is indescribable.

" We have a host of Yankees, either in the house, or
arriving daily from the opposite shore, a gun-shot off, to see
Mr. Governor Thomson. You never saw or can imagine such
a set of people ; but they are great fun. I gave them a review
yesterday of the 93rd, a Highland regiment in kilts, M'hich
delighted them not a little I guess. I overheard one of them
say * I guess these Britishers do it a'most as handsome as the
Buffalo Citizen Militia!' Another said to me to-day, meaning,

ADMINISTIIATION IN CANADA.

1D3

every
ecoine

1 him-
^vince
i tour
Dii the
. Law-
n and
p tliat
way of
ineces-

[' thanks
le coun-
;ionately

0, dated

'indows
light on
Ive me a
)osed to
plete my
it is im-
[re only
)ear so ;
[gnitude

luse, or

to see

le such

review

M'hich

\i them

as the

waning,

siiry to say inoiv of this progress tlian tliat in the i«to.
course of it he entered into personal communication
with people of all ranks and polities in every part
of the 1 Province, and that he every where received
the most cordial um\ oratifying reception. A num-
ber of addrc'sses were presented to him apj)roving
of the i)uiiey whicli he had followed, and of the
provisions of the Union Act. Even at Toronto,
where on his first arrival his reception, as will be re-
membered, had been the op[)()sitf' to friendly — and
where, since his death, his memory has been most
violently ass.ailed by a section of the inhabitants —
a very com})limentary address was adopted and pre-
sented to him unanimously. AVliatever might be
the motives of this address, — whether it proceeded
from a sincere conviction of the benefits of his
policy, or was dictjited, as some have asserted, by a
desire to conciliate his favourable consideration to

I presume, to pay me tlie highest compliment, ' I opinionate
that you are very like our old Hickory' (Jackson) — ' youdowiis
them everlasting locusts of place-goers, and wo'nt stand no up
but your own ; ' — pretty true, by-the-by. Yesterday on the bal-
cony a Yankee lady was walking with her little girl ; the child
said, * Manniia, I can't bear this.' Upon which mamma looked
daggers at her, and said, ' How can you talk so before the
Governor? You should say, I can't tolerate this.' Such is their
(lolicacy of language. What it is, practically, you may imagine
from the circumstance of my bed-rooms opening on a balcony
that is common to the house ; and there is not a young lady in
the hotel who does not walk up and down staring into the
window of the room, which is about 8 feet square, every
morning whilst I am going through all the processes of my
toilet."

194 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. their claims to be the metropolitan city, — it is well
worthy of notice. A copy of it is accordingly sub-
joined, together with the Governor's answer.*

* Address of the Inhabitants of Toronto.

" To His Excellency the Right Honourable C. Poulett Thom-
son, Member of Her Majesty's most Honourable Privy
Council, Governor-General in and over the British Pro-
vinces of North America, &c. &c. &c.

" May it please your Excellency, — We, the inhabitants of
the City of Toronto, beg to congratulate your Excellency on
your return to Upper Canada, and to renew the expression of
our devoted loyalty and attachment to her Majesty's Person
and Government.

" We entertain a high sense of her Majesty's care for the
welfare of her subjects in British North America, in having
selected a statesman of your Excellency's superior attainments
and abilities to administer the Government.

" We beg further to express our concurrence in the declar-
ations which your Excellency has made of the principles upon
which the Government of the Colonies shall be conducted.

" It has been a source of great gratification to us that your
Excellency has personally visited the sister colonies of her
Majesty on this continent, and that your Excellency has also
mide a tour through a great portion of this Province. In this
we perceive an anxiety on the part of your Excellency to be-
come acquainted with the position, climate, productions, and
resources of the several Provinces, and from personal observ-
ation to ascertain not only their value to the British Crown,
but at the same time to 'earn the wants of the people.

" We cannot permit the present opportunity to pass without
expressing our thanks to your Excellency for the exertions
which your Excellency has used in effecting those important
changes in the regulation of the Post Office Department, and
in the Tea Trade, as affecting these colonies, which have re-
cently been concurred in by the Home Government at your
Excellency's suggestion.

*' Since your Excellency's assumption of the government of
British North America, changes in the constitution of this

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

195

well
sub-

Thom-
1 Privy
ih Pro-

tants of

ency on

jssion of

Person

for the
1 having
ainments

e declar-
)les upon
ited.

;hat your
of her
has also
In this
icy to be-
jions, and
l1 observ-
Crown,

Is without
1 exertions
Important
lent, and
have re-
at your

[•ninent of
of this

A tAvelvemonth had not yet elapsed since Lord
Sydenham had landed at Quebec, and already all

Province and of Lower Canada have been effected, of such
vital importance as will materially influence our destinies.
During the progress of these proceedings various opinions have
agitated the public mind, and approbation or opposition has
been freely and openly given, as the parties agreed to or dis-
sented from the great questions under discussion.

" The Imperial Parliament having enacted that a Legislative
Union between Upper and Lower Canada shall take place, we
trust that, whatever may have been the opinions of individuals
upon the policy of so vital and important a change in our con-
dition, all classes of people in either Province will, since our
destinies have become united by the law of the land, bring
into the discussion of all questions arising under this new con-
dition of our affairs that spirit of loyalty, unanimity, and good
feeling, which are so essential to the prosperity of every
country.

(Signed) " John Powell,

" P. Paterson, Jr., Secretary." Mayor.

Reply.
" Gentlemen, — I beg to thank you for your Address, and
I am anxious at the same time to convey to the inhabitants of
your city my warm acknowledgments for the kind reception
they have afforded me on my return to Toronto.

" I receive with great satisfaction the expression of your
concurrence in the principles upon which my administration of
the affairs of these Provinces is conducted. These principles,
opposed alike to the opinions entertained by extreme parties, I
am determined firmly to maintain ; and to exercise the power
confided to me by the Queen in accordance with what I feel to
be the real interests of the people, and what I believe to be
also the deliberate and well-considered desire of the vast ma-
jority.

" I am gratified to learn that the Fiscal Measures which I
have felt it my duty to recommend for the benefit of these
Provinces have met your approval. You may rely upon my
omitting no oppoi'tunity of urging upon her Majesty's Govern-

O 2

1840.

196 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. the principal objects of his mission had been ful-
filled. The details of the Union Act had been ar-
ranged and carried in the Imperial Legislature —
the Clergy Reserve question had been settled —
and throughout the Colony peace, good feeling, and
hope had taken the place of agitation, dissension,
and despondency. The description given by the
Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada of the state
of feeling in that province in September, 1839, has

ment, or the Imperial Parliament, any measures falling under
their control which may conduce to the advantage or improve-
ment of the Canadas.

" I have indeed derived the greatest pleasure from my visit
to the various districts of Upper Canada. It has afforded mc
the means of making myself personally acquainted with different
parts of the Province, and will, I trust, enable me to advance
their interests ; but above all, that visit has been most gratifying
to me, as it has amply shown the feelings of the great majority
of the inhabitants — their desire to conciliate differences — their
determination to address themselves to the real interests of the
country — and the confidence they are pleased to repose in the
humble but honest exertions which I havp made, and shall con-
tinue to make, for the improvement of this portion of her
Majesty's dominions. I trust that the inhabitants of Toronto
will emulate the general feeling of the Province by discarding
violent party and personal feeling, and lend their willing assist-
ance in the great work which is before us.

" Confident in the support of the people, whom I believe no
less sincerely desirous of attention to their practical interests
than they are opposed to renewed agitation upon theoretical
points of government, I shall pursue the measures which appear
to me calculated to promote the prosperity and advance the in-
terests of the Colony ; and my utmost ambition will be gratified
if, through the blessing of Almighty Providence, I can see these
fine Provinces take that station in the mighty empire of Great
Britain to which they are justly entitled."

jcn ful-
>een ar-
,ture —
ttled —
ng, and
sension,
by the
he state
839, has

ling under
r improve-

m my visit
fforded me
th different
[to advance
gratifying
at majority
ices — their
rests of the
jpose in the
i shall con-
ion of her
of Toronto
discarding
lling assist-

believe no

lal interests

theoretical

lich appear

ance the in-

gratified

in see these

Ire of Great

' I

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

been quoted on a previous page ; the change which
had by this time taken place was testified by every
address presented to the Governor-General during
his progress in Upper Canada and through the
eastern to^vuships, and especially by that from
the people of Toronto. Nor were there wanting
other and more substantial evidences of this change
in the stimulus to trade and emigration which had
been produced by the existing tranquillity.*

On his return from Upper Canada, the Governor-
General was met by the gratifying intelligence that,
in acknowledgment of his services, the Queen had
been pleased to raise him to the peerage by the
title of Baron Sydenham of Sydenham in Kent and
Toronto in Canada. Another triumph had also
been prepared for him, which, however, the weak
state of his health pre/entod. The citizens of
Montreal, — those whose correspondents had twelve
months before petitioned the throne against his
appointment, and who were notoriously opposed in
politics to the party to which in the mother country
Lord Sydenham had belonged, yet, sensible of the
benefits which they had derived from his adminis-
tration, and anxious to repair the mistrust which

* There can scarcely be a surer test of the prosperity of such
a country as Canada than the amount of immigration into it.
The numbers who have arrived by the way of the St. Lawrence in
the last five years were as follows:— 1838, 3266; 1839, 7439;
1840, 22,234; 1841, 28,046; 1842, 44,374. In the two latter
years there was also a considerable immigration from the United
States.

o 3

197

1840.

198

1840.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

they had at first evinced, prepared to give him a
public reception on his return. He was obliged,
however, to decline this honour, having been at-
tacked during his tour by his old enemy the gout.

The following extract from a private letter, dated
Bay of Quinte, 18th September, 1840, shows his
own feelings in respect to the country through
which he had passed, and its prospects at that
moment : —

" This tour has indeed been a triumph — a series of
ovations. You can conceive nothing more gratifying than
my progress through Upper Canada, especially in the
west : nor, indeed, with one exception, any thing more
fortunate ; for I have had beautiful weather and good
health, and have been able to keep my time very exactly
at the diiferent places, so as to receive all intended honours,
and satisfy and please the people.

" That exception was Lake Erie. The Government
steamer in which I embarked was altogether the filthiest
and vilest concern which ever floated on water. Admiralty,
not Provincial, of course ; and my patriotism prevented
me from hiring a Yankee steam-boat instead, which would
have conveyed me safely and comfortably. We had a
storm on the lake, and got very nearly lost ; and what was
as bad, I could put in no where to see the coast, but was
obliged to run for Amherstburg. The same thing happened
on Lake Huron, where the sea runs as high as in the Bay
of Biscay ; and, to complete the catastrophe, in running
up the river Thames to Chatham away went the rudder
and tiller, both as rotten as touchwood. So I abandoned
* the Toronto ' to cut a fresh rudder out of the woods, and
was right glad to get the rest of my tour by land.

" I had a carriage on board and plenty of saddle-horses ;
and as the roads are not impassable at this time of year,
on horseback at least, I made it out admirably.

■J

I
I

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

199

give him a
as obliged,
g been at-
the gout,
itter, dated
shows his
•y through
ts at that

—a series of
itifying than
ially in the
thing more
;r and good
very exactly
ded honours.

Government
the filthiest
Admiralty^
prevented
hich would
We had a
d what was
st, but was
g happened
in the Bay
in running
the rudder
abandoned
woods, and

hd.

[dle-horscs ;
me of year,

((

» '\

Amherstburg, Sandwich, River St. Clair, Lake Huron,
Goderich, Chatham, London, Woodstock, Brantford,
Simcoe, the Talbot Road and Settlement, Hamilton,
Dundas, and so back to Toronto. You can follow me on
a map. From Toronto across Lake Simcoe to Penetan-
guishine on Lake Huron again, and back to Toronto,
which I left again last night for the Bay of Quinte. All
parties uniting in addresses at every place, full of confi-
dence in my government, and of a determination to forget
their former disputes. Escorts of two and three hundred
farmers on horseback at every place from township) to
township, with all the etceteras of guns, music, and flags.
What is of more importance, my candidates every where
taken for the ensuing elections ; in short, such unanimity
and confidence I never saw, and it augurs well for the
future. Even the Toronto people, who have been spend-
ing the last six weeks in squabbling, were led, I suppose
b^ the feeling shown in the rest of the province, into
giving me a splendid reception, and took in good part a
lecture I read them, telling them that they had better
follow the good example of peace and renewed harmony
which had been set them elsewhere, instead of making a
piece of work about what they did not understand.

" The fact is, that the truth of my original notion of
the people and of this country is now confirmed. The
mass only wanted the vigorous interference of a well-
intentioned Government, strong enough to control both the
extreme parties, and to proclaim wholesome truths, and
act for the benefit of the country at large in defiance of
ultras on either side.

" But, apart from all this political effect, I am delighted
to have seen this part of the country ; I mean the great
district, nearly as large as Ireland, placed between the
three lakes — Erie, Ontario, and Huron. You can con-
ceive nothing finer! The most magnificent soil in the
world — four feet of vegetable mould — a climate certainly
the best in North America — the greater part of it ad-

1840.

200 LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1840. mirably watered. In a word, there is land enough and

capabihties enough for some millions of people, and for

one of the finest provinces in the world ; the most perfect
contrast to that miserable strip of land along the St. Law-
rence, called Lower Canada, which has given so much
trouble.

" I shall fix the capital of the United Province in this
one of course. Kingston will most probably be the place ;
but there is every thing to be done there yet, to provide
accommodation for the meeting of the Assembly in the
spring."

Lord Sydenham returned to Montreal in the close
of the month of September, and immediately ad-
dressed himself to the preparation of those ne-
cessary ordinances which still remained to be passed
in the Special Council before the Union could be
safely brought mto operation. Among these the
most important Avere the ordinance for the esta-
blishment of municipal institutions, and that to
provide for the registration of incumbrances on
real property. The former it had been intended,
in the first place, to provide for in the Union Act,
and clauses for that purpose had been framed and
sent home by Lord Sydenham ; but when the bill
containing them came to be discussed in Parlia-
ment, they were opposed by some members con-
nected with Canada; and there being reason to fear
that the great bulk of the Opposition might take
the same view, on the ground that there was not
sufficient local information in England to enable
Parhament to legislate safely ^m such details, the
Government, anxious to obtain the unanhnous

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

201

enough and
lie, and for
iiost perfect
he St. Law-
Mi so much

incc in tliis
B the pUice;
, to provide
mbly in the

ntlie close
liately ad-
those 11 c-
) be passed
L could be
these the
the esta-
d that to
ranees on
intended,
nion Act,
amed and
n the bill
in Parlia-
bers con-
on to fear
light take
e was not
to enable
tails, the
naniirious

assent of Parliament to the chief measure of the
Union, agreed to leave out the clauses, and the sub-
ject was accordingly remitted to the provhicial
authorities.

The importance which Lord Sydenham attached
to the establishment of this municipal system at the
same time with the Union, and his extreme disap-
pointment on learning the omission of the clauses
in which it had been embodied, appear in every
letter written by him about this period. An ex-
tract from one may suffice.

1840.

" No man in his senses," he writes, " would
for a moment of the Union without its being

think
accom-
panied by some sort of Local Government, in which the
people may control their own officers, and the executive
at the same time obtain some influence in the country
districts.

" Without a breakwater of tins kind between the Cen-
tral Government and the people. Government with an
Assembly is impossible in Lower Canada, a'ld most diffi-
cult in Upper Canada; and it is absurd to ex -ect that any
good system can or will be established by the Provincial
Legislature, even if time admitted of its being proposed
to them. No colonial legislature will divest itself of the
great power it now possesses of parcelling out sums of
money for every petty local job ; and although by the
Union Bill the initiative of money votes will be confined
to the Government, this provision will become null, be-
cause the moment that the executive is called upon to
provide for all these local expenses, with the details of
which it cannot be acquainted, it must renounce the task,
and leave it in the hands of the members themselves. A
distinct principle must be laid down, that all purely local
expenses be borne by the localities themselves, settled and

202

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. voted l)y tlicm, and that only great works be paid for out

of tlie

al funds

provmcii
_ [or is it only with reference to the Canadas that it
was all-important for Parliament itself to have laid down
the principle and details of Local Government. Since I
have been in these Provinces, I have become more and
more satisfied that the capital cause of the misgovernment
of them is to be found in the absence of Local Govern-
ment, and the consequent exercise by the Assembly of
powers wholly inappropriate to its functions. Members
are every where chosen only with reference to the extent
of job for their particular district which they can carry.
Whoever happens to lead a party in the House, of twelve
or fourteen members, may at once obtain a majority for
his political views by jobbing with other members for
votes upon them, or by rejecting their jobs as the penalty
of refusal oust them from their seats. This, indeed, is ad-
mitted by the best men of all parties, and especially of
the popular side. But it is equally admitted that they
cannot of themselves change the system. In both Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick I was told that if Parliament
laid down a system of Local Government for Canada, then
it was likely that in these Provinces too the Assembly
would adopt it ; but, without that, it would be impossible
to get it done. So, by this step, if Lord John has really
been forced to take it, not only has all chance of the
Union Bill working well been destroyed, but also the
hope of a change of system throughout all the Provinces.
Last year, if you remember, we made it a sine qua non to
the Union ; indeed, our scheme was altogether based on it.
The establishment of Municipal Government by Act of
Parliament is as much a part of the intended scheme of
Government for the Canadas as the union of the two
Legislatures, and the more important of the two. All
chance of good Government, in Lower Canada especially,
depends on its immediate adoption."

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

203

)aid for out

aclas that it
I laid down
;. Since I

more and
government
al Govern -
ssembly of

Members
the extent

can carry.
!, of twelve
lajority for
embers for
;he penalty
leed, is ad-
specially of
I that they
both Nova
Parliament
nada, then

Assembly
impossible

has really
ice of the
also the
Provinces.
jud mm to
ased on it.
jy Act of

scheme of
the two
two. All
especially,

It is only necessary to look at the map of Canada
to understand Lord Sydenham's feelings on this
subject. Extending on a line nearly 1500 miles,
comprising within its limits a great variety of
climates, and inhabited by persons of different
origins, it is impossible that the wants and interests
of each separate locality should be properly un-
derstood or decided on by an authority oerma-
nently fixed at any central spot. Yet, without
the power of local taxation for local purposes, no
work, whether important or inconsiderable, could
be undertaken except by the assistance of the
central authority. In respect to the main roads
and bridges in Lower Canada, an imperfect au-
thority was, it is true, vested in the Grand Yoyers,
and the ecclesiastical buildings in the Roman Ca-
tholic parishes were maintained by the contri-
butions of the community ; but these were the only
substitutes for local poAvers, and it is evident how
small a portion of the wants of the people they
Averc sufficient to meet. Under the old system, all
applications for pecuniary assistance had been ad-
dressed directly to the House of Assembly; and
every Governor, no less than Lord Sydenham, has
borne testimony to the fact, that the power of
granting or refusing them had been made an in-
strument of political influence by the leaders in
that body. But under the Union Act, Avhicli
placed the initiative of money votes in the CroAvn,
it Avould have been for the Government to exercise
this power ; and it is easy to perceive that an at-

1840.

204

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1840. tribute which in the hands of the popular body
had been a means of strength, would to the ex-
ecutive power be a cause of weakness. No man
nor set of men, however upright or indefatigable,
could bear up against the odium of having to de-
cide upon the innumerable demands for assistance
from every quarter of the province. No office
which could have been established would have been
competent to collate and determine the conflicting
claims from every spot, from Cape Gaspe to Sand-
Avich ; nor, if it could have been done, would there
have been a possibility of satisfying the rejected
applicants of the justice of the decision.

Under such circumstances, it became indispens-
ably necessary to relieve the. Government from this
invidious duty, and to provide for the growing
wants of the province. Nor was it less an object
to educate the people in habits of self-government,
and thus to prepare them for the exercise of those
more important Ic gislative duties which under the
Union Act would be devolved upon them. But
feeling, as we have seen from his private corre-
spondence, the great difficulty of persuading a popu-
lar assembly to divest itself of powers so extensive,
and fearing that even if this could be accomplished
it would be impossible to attach to the measure those
securities which are indispensable to a monarchical
form of government, he now determined, on the
loss of the clauses in the Imperial Parliament, to in-
troduce into the Special Council of Lower Canada
a bill for the establishment of municipal authorities

ADMINISTRATION IN ( VADA.

205

)pular body
to the cx-
i. No man
idefatigable,
wing to dc-
r assistance
No office
d have been
; conflicting
pc to Sand-
would there
:he rejected

c indispens-

nt from this

he growing

IS an object

government,

ise of those

L under the

:hem. But

vate corre-

ing a popu-

) extensive,

complished

asure those

fionarchical \

ed, on the

nent, to iri-

ver Canada

authorities

in that part of the province ; trusi g th it when once
established there, they might be tjikv n as a ^ lodel by
tlie United Legislature for similar institutions in tli»^
other part of Canada. This expectation, as we sh:
afterwards see, was verified in the first session . '"
the United Legislature ; but in the mean time their
omission in the Union Act had disturbed the entire
plan of the Governor-General, and occasioned great
delay, loss of time, trouble, and anxiety.*

The second ordinance, to which allusion has
been made, that for the establishment of registry
offices, had long been called for by the great body
of the English inhabitants of Lower Canada. The

* In a private letter of this period Lord Sydenham describes
the inconvenience thus occasioned.

" The rejection of the Local Government clauses has ruined
me quite. For although I shall institute off my own anvil all
that I want for this Province in that waj', I shall have to get it
for the other from the Legislature — a difficulty the more where
there are already too many to contend with. But above all, the
necessity of getting the laws passed here for this and other pur-
poses causes a delay which is most mischievous. Could I have
dissolved at this time, or a month ago — which I should have
done had I had the power of making the arrangements after the
Union by proclamation, as was proposed — I should have had
plenty of time to organise the Government, and get things
in order under the Union before the Parliament meet. Now,
I have all these laws to make before the proclamation of
the Union — am compelled, therefore, to delay that, and conse-
quently the elections also, till January or February, and then
shall have little or no time left for the organisation of the Go-
vernment or the preparation of measures before I must meet the
Parliament. My scheme was a perfect whole ; but by pulling
out one of the principal pegs, the whole machinery has been
deranged, and my calculations all routed."

1840.

20G

LIFK OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1840. want of it, and the indetorininatc character of
mortnragcs (/ij/pofhA/ues) or claims having the
effect of mortgages, had made it unsafe either to
buy land or to lend money upon it, and had thus
operated as a drawback to the advancement of the
country. According to the French Canadian law,
there is scarcely a pecuniary obligation which a
man can incur, whether by his own act, by the
sentence of a competent court, or by his social
position, which does not form a hypotlt^que on his
property. Nor was there any means of discovering
these incumbrances ; for while the law imposed on
notaries an obligation of secrecy in respect to such
as were executed before them, there were others
called " tacit hypoth^ques," which could only be
ascertained by an intimate acquaintance with the
social connections and obligations of the proprietor.
Many attempts had been made before the rebellion
to remedy these inconveniences, and bills had re-
peatedly been introduced for that purpose into the
legislature. But, although some progress had been
made towards a better system, the most serious of
the evils remained uncorrected. As this was a
question altogether of a local nature, and to the
solution of which the Upper Canadians could bring
no assistance, it appeared peculiarly desirable that
it should be settled before the Union was pro-
claimed.*

* The following extracts from some private letters written at
this period, relating to this and other subjects then engaging
Lord Sydenham's consideration, may be interesting to the

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

207

The discussion on these and the other ordinances isio.
])rotracted the session of the Special Council till

reador ; especially those passages which contain his opinions on
the cliaracter and extent of emigration for which Canada oHers
an opening.

« Montreal, November 23, 1810.
" I have got my Special Council together, and am hard at
work at the legislative oven. One great coup at least I hav«!
achieved. I have got a registry bill, the * Asses Bridge * of the
Province for the last twenty years, which meets with nearly
universal assent from both French and English. It will be law
in a few days, and will be really a miracle. A simple tiling
enough, you would think, unless where you have, as in England,
all the attorneys to fight you on it; but, in truth, a most ditii-
cult job here, where we arc cursed with all the old French law
of before the Revolution, ' Hypotheques tacites et occultes,'
Dowers* and Minors* rights, * Actes par devant Notaires,' and
all the horrible processes by which the unsuspecting are sure to
be deluded, and the most wary are often taken in ; yet still
' vested rights ' — that terribly delicate thing to deal with, and
about which one feels the more delicate in proportion to the
power one possesses of dealing with them.

♦< The only things I cannot manage here, which I should like
to deal with, are education and emigration. The first I can
do nothing in ; first for want of money, and next that I cannot
get the priests to agree to any feasible scheme. They pretend
to be in favour of something, but are in reality opposed to
teaching the people at all, being weak enough to think that so
long as they are ignorant they are under their control. The
rebellion ought to have taught them better, for then the masses
all left the priests for the agitators.

" For emigration I have done here nearly all that is possible,
and little enough it is ; yet I do not see how to do more. Wake-
field's plan of bringing out labourers by the sale of lands is
utterly impracticable in these colonies. Land is worth nothing
except through the labour that is bestowed upon it ; and that is
barely remunerated, even putting out of the question the cost of
transport. The whole land revenue, arising from sales, of the

208 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. the month of February, 1841, and delayed the
"~~ proclamation of the Union, which it had in the

two Canadas does not reach 20,000/. a year — which might
bring out 2000 or 3000 people. This year we have 23,000 by
voluntary emigration, and shall have probably double next year I
To talk of an emigration fund from land, then, is ridiculous.
The only thing to do is to encourage voluntary emigration by
affording all the assistance in one's power to forwarding and
placing the people when they arrive, and either locating them
or getting work for them. This I have done. I have despatched
above 7000 to the Upper Province at the expense of Govern-
ment, who would not otherwise have been able to get on ; and
as many from Quebec to this place (Montreal) besides. For
here again is one of the capital blunders made in England upon
this subject. You treat Quebec as Canada — think that when
you have thrown a shipload of poor starving emigrants under
the rock there, you have placed them in a situation to provide
for themselves. On the contrary, they have to go four or five
hundred, many eleven or twelve hundred miles further, before
they can do so. And this is expensive, dilatory, and difficult.
But suppose them arrived at their destination, what is to become
of them ? Land they cannot purchase ; and if it is given to
them it is of no use, for they must starve for a twelvemonth till
it yields a crop. Besides which, Irish and English labourers
know no more of clearing and settling a forest than they do of
the longitude. It would take them a day to cut down a tree,
which a back-woodsman will do in three minutes. Well then,
they may labour for wages. But few people ca' afford to pay
for labour. Labour must be valuable according to the value of
what it produces; and the farmer here can no more give a
dollar a day, with his prices, than he could a guinea. This is
the fact. It is true there is a great outcry for labourers, and
more labourers ; but when it comes to the point of hiring them,
unless it be during the harvest, every farmer in Upper Canada
will tell you that he cannot pay them. Even this year one half
of my 22,000 emigrants must have been unemployed, or have
gone to the States, but for the public works I was carrying on.
" This is a bad picture of the chance for emigration on a

3la3''ed the
lad in the

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

first instance been intended to fix for the begin-
ning of the year. But its labours at last drew to

209

1841.

which might
ve 23,000 by
lie next year I
is ridiculous,
migration by
•warding and
locating them
re despatched
e of Govern-
get on ; and
besides. For
]in gland upon
ik that when
igrants under
on to provide
o four or five
irther, before
and difficult,
is to become
It is given to
slvemonth till
lish labourers
,n they do of
|down a tree,
Well then,
fFord to pay
the value of
nore give a
ea. This is
Ibourers, and
[hiring them,
)per Canada
ear one half
ed, or have
arrylng on.
ration on a

large scale, of which you talk so loudly in England. But
although I consider it impossible to frame any great plan
such as people seem to look for, and which has been hinted
( I at but never explained in Lord Durham's report, I by no
means despair of good. I shall send Dr. Rolph to England
j i again to agitate, and if possible promote the sending off people
; by themselves, their landlords, or their parishes ; and in this
way I have no doubt of getting at least twice as many next year
as this. I shall devote all my means on this side of th° water
to settling them either with people who may be able to afford
to pay for labour — of which there are some, though not many
— or to locating them in parts of the country tvliere public ivorhs
are being carried on, so as to combine settletnent with wages.
Tiiis, by the by, I have already done to great advantage this
year; but not by sticking the emigrant himself there, who knows
nothing of clearing, or 'life in the bush;' but by making a
place for his labour, by transplanting an old woodman further
into the forest. Lastly, by undertaking as many public works
as I can possibly get through — where the emigrants can be
sure of employment — may save money — become accustomed to
the country, climate, and hardships of bush life, and eventually
])rovide for themselves as settlers. By directing all my resources
to these objects, and combining them, I believe that much good
may be produced in five or six years ; thirty or forty thousand
a-year being introduced, of whom probably two thirds may
remain and make good workmen. But to attempt to do more,
in this colony, is a mere delusion.

" And now to pay you for all this story I Avill recommend
you, whilst on the subject of settlement, a little work by an
American woman, which contains by far the best account of life
in the bush I have read ; equally applicable to Upper Canada
as to Michigan — of course putting aside the sentiment and the
poetry, which is thorough ' Broadway.' Get it, and it will
amuse you. It is called 'Home in the West; or, Who'll
Follow?'"
On the same subject he writes, at a later date —

210

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. a close, and the necessary proclamation was issued,
fixing the day of Union for the 10th of February.

"I have sent home a long Report on Emigration*, which some
of yon won't like because it tells the truth, and declares that to
throw starving and diseased paupers under the rock at Quebec
ought to be punishable as murder. Send me out good stout
English peasants who know what toork is ; give them the means
of getting up the country 600 or 700 miles where it is to be
had ; and I will take as many as you can get, and promise them
independence. Or give me some yeomen with a few hundred
pounds each, and let them take prudent advice — buy cleared
farms — not throw themselves into the bush, where they are as
helpless as they would be in the Great Desert; and I will
secure them comfort and perfect independence at the end of a
couple of years — but not money. That is a thing never to be
mentioned. Pigs, pork, flour, potatoes, horses to ride, cows to
milk ; but you must eat all you produce, for devil a purchaser
is to be found. However, the man's chief wants are supplied,
and those of his family ; he has no rent or taxes to pay, and he
ought to be satisfied. But send me no Irish paupers; nor young
gentlemen with 500/. or 600/., who fancy that upon that they
may be idle, and are hardly used because they cannot get 200/.
or 300/. a-year income in return for it. The Province abso-
lutely teems with persons of this character — lawyers, broken-
down merchants, clerks, soldiers — who have come out here to
farm ; lost their money through their ignorance of the business ;
or have been unable to brook plenty without the enjoyments of
civilised life — the lot of those who succeed best; and all these
are applicants for places, of which there is one perhaps to one
hundred candidates. So you see competition is nearly as rife
here as in the mother country."

And again, at another date, he writes —

" I told you in my last that Wakefield's doctrine won't do in

* This Report was laid before Parliament by Lord J. Russell,
and is reprinted in the Appendix for the information of those
who take an interest in Emigration.

Cam
ditie
man
these
field
grant
iinnie
witlio
even i
comm
Wake
came
to nia
M'liat \\
land-jc
indeed
people
compai
North
setilemc
land-jo
stead o;
have ad
to com
be pure
■ selves,
homo,
the colo
adopted
namely,
,])ower o
ftliey got
■jobbers :
and by n
tivatcd 1;

ras issued,
February.

, which some
dares that to
ck at Quebec
it good stout
em the means
re it is to be
promise them
, few hundred

but/ cleared

re they are as
t; and I will
t the end of a
ng never to be
ride, cows to
vil a purchaser
ts are supplied,
to pay, and he
)ers; nor young
upon that they
annot get 200/.
Province abso-
iwyers, broken-
,me out here to
of the business ;
e enjoyments of
; and all thest
perhaps to one
is nearly as rife

rine won't do in

I Lord J. Russell,
Imation of those I

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

It is not difficult to understand the reasons which
pointed out this day as peculiarly appropriate.

Canada. To force concentration here is the greatest of absur-
dities. There is no fear of people spreading too much. No
man will go far into the woods if he can help it. The evil of
these Provinces — or rather of the Upper, which is the only
field to be thought of for colonization — has been the improvident
grants of land to individuals, who have become possessed of
immense tracts, three fourths of the country, which they hold
without doing any thing tc them, and preventing any settlement,
even in their neighbourhood, by their refusal to make roads and
communications. So far from a high price being essential, as
Wakefield has it, I would willingly give land to settlers who
came botid fide to establish themselves, and would engage
to make roads, &c. But there is, alas ! none to give, except
wliat is rendered valueless by the neighbourhood of these cursed
land-jobbers, who cut off all access to it. Talk of a high price
indeed ! I could buy any number of thousand acres of these
people at 25. per acre. The worst evil of all is the grant to
companies — such as the Canada Company, and the British
North American Company — unaccompanied by conditions that
Mtlement should be carried on by them. They have become
land-jobbers also ; spent their capital in buying more land, in-
stead of improving and settling what was granted to them ; and
have added to the other nuisance. The first step, therefore, is
to compel thv holders of lands to bring them into the market to
be purchased by bond fide settlers — or to improve them them-
selves. I would willingly have suggested a tax to be laid on at
home, as Lord Durham does in his report ; but I do not think
the colonists would like legislation of this kind. So I have
adopted a course which I know will prove equally eflficacious ;
namely, to give the inhabitants in their district councils the
power of levying a rate for roads, bridges, &c. The moment
they got the power they will use it; and then good-bye to the
jobbers: for the inhabitants feel the cause of their suffering;
and by making the tax equally heavy on uncultivated as on cul-
tivated land, they will very shortly bring these gentlemen to

p 2

211

1841.

212

1841.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

The anniversary of the marriage of our Sovereign,
it was also the anniversary of the conclusion of the
treaty which in 1763 ceded Canada to the British
Crown ; and of the assent to the Act of the Imperial
Parliament which in 1838 had deprived Lower
Canada of its former Constitution. The public
voice had already designated it as the day best
adapted for the solemnity before the Official Pro-
clamation made its appearance.

On that day accordingly the Commission of
Lord Sydenham, as Governor in Chief of the United
Province, was opened in Montreal in the presence
of the Commander of the Forces, the Judges of the
Court of Queen's Bench, the Heads of the Civil and
IMilitary Departments, and a considerable body of
the inhabitants. At the same time Lord Sydenham
issued a proclamation explaining and vindicating
the objects of the Union Act, and urging on the
inhabitants of the now United Province a sincere
co-operation with the mother country in the mea-
sures necessary for their advancement and happiness.
This proclamation concluded in the following
terms: —

** Inhabitants of the Province of Canada ! Hence-
forward may you be united in sentiment as you are from
this day in name. Who can visit, as it has been my good
fortune to do, the extensive regions which are now unite

book. Employment will in the mean time be found for thou-
sands of emigrants upon the roads and communications thus to
be made, and allotments of land given them, or purchased bv
them where they find work."

vai

coi

her

citi

you

sub

any

tage
opei
ofi
1 clian
'■ thei
subje
i peroi
Gove
soug]
handi
you
May
that t
ness
that
annoi

writs
serve
begar
violei
any ^

most

Frenc

Carrie

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

213

Sovereign,
iision of the

the British
he Imperial
ived Lower
The public
be day best
Official Pro-

mmission of j
3f the United
the presence
Fudges of the
the Civil and
rable body of
.rd Sydenham
d vindicating
ro-insc on the
nee a sincere
y in the mea-
bud happiness.
Ihe following

hada ! Hence-
las you are froiiil
\s been my goodF
are now united

found for tliou-l
inications thus toj
or purchased by

in one common denomination, and fail to acknowledge the
vast resources they present lor all that can conduce to the
comforts and happiness of man ? A part of the mighty
empire of England — protected by her arms — assisted by
her treasury — admitted to all the benefits of trade as her
citizens — your freedom guaranteed by her laws, and
your rights supported by the sympathy of your fellow-
subjects there — Canada enjoys a position unsurpassed by
any country in the world.

" It is for you its inhabitants to cultivate these advan-
tages — to avail yourselves of the new era which now
opens upon you. Our gracious Sovereign, and the people
of England, watch with anxiety the result of the great
cliange which has to-day received its completion. It is
the first wish of the Queen to rule in the hearts of her
subjects, and to feel that they, are contented and pros-
perous under her mild and just sway : her Parliament and
Government, in conferring on you new institutions, have
sought only your happiness and advantage. In your
hands now rests your own fate ; and by the use which
you will make of the opportunity must it be decided.
May the all-wise Disposer of events so ordain your acts
that they may tend to the promotion of peace and happi-
ness amongst you, and may He pour his blessing upon
that Union of which it is my pleasing duty this day to
announce to you the completion ! "

Immediately after the proclamation of tlie Union,
writs were issued for the election of members to
serve in the first House of Assembly ; and now
began, in Lower Canada at least, a struggle more
violent and acrimonious than had perhaps marked
any previous election in that province. It is al-
most unnecessary to say that the great mass of
French Canadians were averse to the Union as
carried out in the act of the Imperial Parliament.

V 3

1841.

214 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM,

1841. They looked upon it as a measure intended gra-
■ dually to obliterate those remains of nationality,

" their language, their laws, and their institutions,"
to which they clung with the tenacity of despair.
They entertained some fears, not very clearly de-
fined, that it would involve danger to their reli-
gious rights, and to the possessions of their church ;
and they regarded it as the triumph of their old
opponents the " British Party," and the establish-
ment of a " British Ascendency " interest within
their own country. Nor can we be surprised at
these fears. Unacquainted with the inhabitants of
Upper Canada, they could not but look upon them
as the natural allies of their fellow-countrymen in
the Lower Province ; and with no information as
to their sentiments beyond the public journals,
they could not forget the language which had been
used towards themselves in the Legislature of
Upper Canada by the once dominant party of that
province — the resolutions on the Union which less
than twelve months before Lord Sydenham's arrival
that party had carried, and which in his time they
had attempted to renew — nor the manner in which
the Corporation of Toronto, claiming to be " the
highest municipal body in the province," had in-
sisted on the '' ascendency of the loyal portion of
the inhabitants," and the subjection of the French
population as " aliens to our nation and our insti-
tutions," as the terms on which alone they could
acquiesce in the Union. Nor, more than all, could
they forget the sufferings which their fellow-couii-

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

215

tended gra-
iiiitioniiiity,
Qstitutions,"
' of despair.
7 clearly de-
their reli-
leir church ;
of their old
he establish-
erest within
surprised at
[habitants of
i upon them
mtrymen in
formation as
lie journals,
ch had been
gislature of
arty of that
n which less
lam's arrival
is time they
ner in which
to be " the
3e," had in-
il portion of

the French
id our insti-

they could
m all, could
fellow-couii-

trymen had undergone at the hands of the Volun-
teers from that part of the province during the
rebellion.

These natural fears on the part of the mass of
the people had been cherished and fomented by
their leaders ; many of them, no doubt, sympathizing
to a great extent in the alarms of their less in-
structed fellow-countrymen, and all of them feeling,
certainly, that with the extension of the theatre on
which they were hereafter to act their own import-
ance, and with it their power, would be curtailed.
To give effect to this hostility, a committee had, as
far back as the month of October, 1840, been esta-
blished by Mr. Neilson at Quebec, for the purpose
of procuring the return of members who disapproved
of the Union. In the address to the electors of
Lower Canada put forth by this committee, it was
strongly urged that " no consideration whatever
should induce us to vote for any candidate who
does not disapprove of that Act, and its iniquitous
provisions ; for, in voting for such a candidate,
we should give our consent to the Act, and approve
of those who have advised it ; we should proclaim
our own dishonour, and dishonour our country, in
stretching forth the neck to the yoke which is
attempted to be placed on us, till it be repealed or
amended, so that the injustice which it authorizes
shall cease. But it will not be sufficient not to
vote for any approver of the Act to reunite the two
provinces : every elector who will suffer such a
candidate to be chosen by staying away from the

p 4

1841.

216 LIFE OF L01{D SYDENHAM.

1841. place of election, or not voting against him, will be

equally guilty." The address concluded by giving

detailed directions as to the mainier in which the
elections might be most effectually perverted to a
means of defeating the Constitution under which
they took place.

This document was published very extensively
throughout Lower Canada, — it was posted up in
the most conspicuous places, and was read and ex-
plained to the people in the French parishes when
they assembled, as is their practice, round the
church doors after mass. They were at the same
times addressed by itinerant orators, who stimu-
lated their fears, and held out to them the hope that
by a strong demonstration on their parts, the Im-
perial Parliament might be compelled to repeal the
Union. The effect of these proceedings was soon
evident. The French Canadians became united
too'ether throuf^hout the Province in a firm and
avowed determination to return only such members
as should render the working of the Union Act
impossible.

While such was their policy, the opposite party
were not less active. As the opponents of the
Union comprised almost every French Canadian, so
among its supporters might be reckoned, with few
exceptions, the whole of the British inhabitants of
Lower Canada. Nor was the distinction of race,
which for so many years had envenomed every
contest in Lower Canada, as unmeaning in this
instance as in others. The favour which the

hn, will be
by giving
I which the
'orted to a
idcr Avhich

extensively
sted up in
jad and ex-
.'ishcs when
round the
it the same
who stiinu-
ic hope that
rts, the Im-
repeal the
rs was soon
inie united
a firm and
;h members
Union Act

losite party
3nts of the
anadian, so
d, with few
labitants of
on of race,
»med every
ng in this
which the

ADMINISTUATION IN CANADA.

measure found in the eyes of the British party was
fully as natural as the dislike of the French Canadians. ~
Averse, from habit and associations, to an arbitrary
form of government, the British party had borne with
Impatience the deprivation of those free institutions
to which they had been accustomed. Nor, so long as
they were deprived of all influence over the Executive,
did they feel secure against a return on the part of
the Government to that conciliatory policy of which
they had so loudly complained before the rebellion.
Still any measure for the re-establishment of Re-
presentative Institutions in Lower Canada alone,
however guarded or restrained, must have had
the effect of replacing them under the power of
those whom they had for years been accustomed to
consider their enemies, and against whose open re-
bellion they had recently been in arms to assist
the Queen's troops. It would have been a sub-
jection of the victor to the vanquished, — of the
loyal to those who had fallen from their allegiance,
to which they never would have submitted, and
which had it been proposed would have provoked a
resentment and resistance far more formidable than
that of the French Canadians. The Union alone pro-
mised an escape from these difficulties. It ensured
to them the restoration of their suspended privileges,
— it put an end to all fear as to the future pohcy of
the Government, — and it brought with it the means
of obtaining such arrangements as were required
for the advancement of the commercial prosperity
of the country. Better acquainted than their

217

18H.

218 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. fellow-colonists with the temper of the Upper

Canadians, they knew that in the mass of that

people they should find as enterprising a spirit,
and as eager a desire for the development of the
natural resources of the country, as actuated them-
selves. They were therefore determined to meet
the preparations of the French Canadians with
equal exertions, — to contest every place where
they had a chance of returning a member, —
and to vote for those only who were prepared to
give the Union a fair trial, and to support, as a
general rule. Lord Sydenham's Administration.

Nor can it be doubted that other and less ex-
cusable motives mingled with these reasonings.
The French Canadians, the mortification of their
defeat and the triumph of their opponents still
rankling in their memories, looked to the elections
as an opportunity for retorting on the British
a portion of their own recent humiliation. The
British, on the other hand, at all times inclined to
regard "svith something of contempt their less ener-
getic fellow-colonists, and deriving a still stronger
impression of their own superiority from the events
of the last few years, saw the fruits of their victory
in danger of being wrested from their hands by
the mere numbers of their opponents. Thus, a feel-
ing of revenge on the one hand, and of contempt
on the other, contributed to exasperate the senti-
ments Avith which, on other grounds, each party
regarded the Union.

These feelings were of course reflected in the daily

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

219

he Upper
,s of that

a spirit,
mt of the
ited them-
id to meet
lians with
ace where
lember, —
repared to
)port, as a
;ration.
d less ex-
reasonings.
»n of their
nents still
le elections
he British

on. The

nclined to
' less ener-
11 stronger

the events
leir victory

hands by
hus, a feel-
contempt

the senti-

each party

n the daily

press, which for many weeks before the elections was
filled with little else than this all-absorbing topic.
But when men have been long in the habit of re-
garding each other as natural enemies, and have
had their passions continually excited by inflam-
matory language, it can be matter of no surprise
that their feelings should at last force a vent, — that
violent deeds should su iceed to violent words, — and
that each should endeavour to compass the defeat
of his opponent by the readiest and most effectual
means. Anticipating the possibility of such occur-
rences. Lord Sydenham, in issuing writs for the
election of the Assembly, accompanied them by a
proclamation, calling on the magistrates and other
officers of the Government, and all individuals of
every rank, to exert themselves for the preservation
of the peace.

The elections connnenced on the 8th of March :
the watchwords of either party may be anticipated.
While the French shouted for equality of repre-
sentation, and the maintenance of their privileges,
the English assumed to be supporters of the British
connection, of the Union, and of the policy of the
Government. Thus the Government became in-
evitably, and without any action of its o^vn, mixed
up with the contest, and was, as usual, held respon-
sible by its opponents for whatever extravagance or
violence its supporters might commit. In the
district of Quebec but little opposition was at-
tempted to the French candidates ; but in Montreal,
where politics had always been more violent, many

1841.

220

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. I>rltish candidates were in the field. The first

victory gained by them was at Beauharnois, where

Mr. Dunscombe, a Britisli merchant, defeated Mr.
Dewitt, a gentleman of American origin, who had
formerly voted with Mr. Papineau. This success
gave intense satisfaction to the British party, and
encouraged them to redouble their exertions in the
remaining counties. The result was, that members
who advocated the Union were eventually returned
for the French counties of Montreal, Rouville,
Terrebonne, Vaudreuil, and Chambly.

There is no doubt that at those elections a good
deal of violence occurred, and that without it the
result might in some instances have been different.
Each party threw on its opponents the responsi-
bility of having been the assailants ; and in the
midst of the conflicting assertions maintained by
each it was impossible then, and would be still
more impossible now, to decide with confidcice on
tliis point. It is probable, however, that the blame
might not unfairly be divided. Thus at the
election for Montreal county, the French Canadians
on the first day took possession of the poll, and in
the struggle of the British party to record their
votes, two Irish electors were struck do"vvn, one of
whom died on the spot. His body having been
brought into the city, the most violent excitement
was naturally produced among his fellow-country-
men, and on the following day the English and
Irish voters having flocked in great numbers to
the poll, the French Canadians, apprehensive of

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

221

The first
ois, where
bated Mr.
,, who had
lis success
party, and
ions in the
t members
y returned
Rouvillc,

3ns a good
lout it the
1 different.
i responsi-
nd in the
itained by
d be still
fide ice on
the blame
IS at the
Canadians
oil, and in
cord their
^vn, one of
ving been
xcitement
v^-country-
glish and
imbers to
tensive of

the consequences, abandoned the struggle, and their isn.

member retired without furtlier contest. Here

at least the first violence appears to have been on
the part of the French Canadians, although the
triumph was eventually with the British party.
Again at Terrebonne M. Lafontaine, who admitted
that the great bulk of his followers had come
from their homes armed with cudgels, and that
those who had not had halted on their way at a
wood to provide themselves, withdrew without
polling a vote, because he found that his opponents,
though, according to his own showing, not more
numerous than his followers, had seized what ap-
peared to him the more advantageous position for
a fight. In this instance no collision took place
at the hustings ; but as the French Canadians
showed themselves at least as much prepared for
a conflict as the English, there is no ground for
imputing to the latter any greater disposition to
break the peace than to the former. The conse-
quence, however, having been the return of the
English candidate, he and his friends were of course
denounced as having brought about this result by
violence and intimidation. It is, indeed, probable
that at both these elections, and especially at Terre-
bonne, where, as was afterwards shown, some
of the French Canadians had armed themselves
with bayonets and knives, a fierce contest, not
without bloodshed, must have ensued had both
parties stood their ground. Fortunately for all
parties the French Canadian candidates declined

222

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. to do SO. They contented themselves with pro-
testing against the proceedings of the returning
officers, and with charging upon the Government,
or rather upon Lord Sydenham personally, the
whole blame of these transactions. No story was
too absurd or extravagant to be denied currency
at such a moment. Lord Sydenham was accused
of having hired bodies of rioters to proceed from
county to county to interrupt the elections, and
of having contributed large sums of money from
the public treasury to the expenses of the En-
glish candidates.* The impossibility of such ac-
cusations did not interfere with their credibility.
The defeated party were determined to recognise
nothing short of some extraordinary agency in their
defeat, and easily persuaded their followers into the
same belief; yet, in truth, nothing occurred that
might not be explained on the most reasonable
grounds. To any one who had watched the state of
affairs in Lower Canada during the preceding five or

* In a recent London paper a story was published, under the
signature of an " English Traveller," to the effect that Lord
Sydenham had taken 20,000/. from the Jesuits' estates for elec-
tion purposes. This is a fair sample of the trash that passes
current in steam-boats and bar-rooms, and which is picked up
and retailed with an air of authority by credulous " English
travellers." The story is about as rational as would be an
assertion that the Prime Minister of this country had drawn an
equal sum for similar purposes from the Education Fund, or
the Crown Land Revenues. Even had Lord Sydenham been
disposed so grossly to abuse his trust, which it is absurd to
believe, every body in Canada knows that it would have been
purely impossible for him to do so.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

223

with pro-
returning
irernment,
nally, the
story was
currency
s accused
jeed from
ions, and
)ney from
the En-
' such ac-
redibility.
recognise
)y in their
s into the
rred that
easonable
le state of
ng five or

, under the
that Lord
es for elec-
that passes
picked up
« English
3uld be an
i drawn an
»n Fund, or
nham been
absurd to
have been

six years, and who had especially adverted to the ex-
citing and violent language used on both sides imme-
diately before the elections, it was necessary to look
no further for a sufficient cause. Each party, re-
garding the Union with the feelings which have been
described, felt that on the result of this election de-
pended the success or failure of that measure, and
each jjaxly was resolved to carry his own point by
K every means in his power. The matter at issue was
no transitory question of party politics, — it was the
Constitution of 1791 or 1841, — the maintenance of
the Union, and with it British connection, or a re-
turn to the old Constitution, and with it a speedy
separation from the mother country. And when it
is recollected that only two years before the same
parties, animated by the same feelings, had been ar-
rayed against each other in civil warfare on the same
spots, it is rather a matter of surprise that no more
deadly and sanguinary struggles should have cha-
racterised these elections, than that the disturb-
ances which did occur should have taken place.

But it has been said that the Government might
have anticipated the occurrence of riots, and have
prepared against them. It has been already shown
that Lord Sydenham did take every precaution le-
gally in his power, by issuing a proclamation calling
on the magistrates and others to preserve the peace.
Further than that he could not go. In the case
of Montreal alone would it have been possible,
even if it had been considered legal, to have inter-
fered after the election had commenced. In that

1841.

224

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. case, the returning ol.cer applied on the evening
of the first day, after the riot in which a British
voter had been killed and his countrymen driven
from the polling place, for a body of troops to be
stationed on the following day at the hustings. His
application was not supported by the magistrates,
nor did it appear that any effort had been made by
the civil power to put doAvn the previous disturb-
ance. Under these circumstances Lord Sydenham,
after consulting with his law officers and such of
his executive council as could be got together, came
to the decision, it is to be presumed on their advice,
that, in the absence of any proof that the civil
powers were insufficient to the occasion, and with-
out a formal demand from the magistrates, he could
not legally station military at the polling place, in
anticipation of the possibility of a riot. This de-
cision was not adopted until after many hours'
anxious deliberation, protracted till a late hour at
night. In the case of the Terrebonne election no op-
portunity was given for interference. No one fore-
saw, or could have foreseen, what then took place ;
and unless the Government had two days before
the election despatched troops from Montreal to be
stationed in the vicinity, it would have been impos-
sible to have interfered vrith any effect. The same
was the case in the other elections. But it is
scarcely necessary to point out the position in which
the Government would have placed itself, or the
reproaches to which it would have been subjected,
had it on the plea of the possibility of disturbance

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

225

le evening
a British
len driven
oops to be
tings. His
lagistrates,
n made by
LIS disturb-
Sydenham,
ad such of
jther, came
leir advice,
t the civil
, and with-
}s, he could
pg place, in
This de-
any hours'
ate hour at
;tion no op-
o one fore-
ook place ;
ays before
itreal to be
een impos-
The same
But it is
In in which
If, or the
subjected,
isturbance

surrounded the various polling places with bodies
of troops. There can be no question that so un-
constitutional a proceeding would have excited the
indignation of the whole country, and would have
vitiated every election where it occurred. Yet if
any blame be attributed to Lord Sydenham in the
matter, it must be for not taking such a step as
this ; since for the neglect of the civil authorities,
if neglect there were, he cannot be considered
responsible. He had done every thing in his power
by reminding them of their duties, and calling upon
them to perform them ; the rest depended on
themselves.

But there is another point connected with the
elections which has been vehemently attacked by
the opponents of Lord Sydenham, and on which
some explanation is necessary; viz. the electoral
limits assigned by him to the cities of Quebec and
Montreal. By the Union Bill, as originally intro-
duced into Parliament, only one member was given
to each of these cities ; but Sir R. Peel having
suggested that with a view to ensure a greater
representation to the commercial interest certain
commercial bodies should be created, in whom the
right of representation should exist. Lord John
Russell, in order to meet this suggestion, gave two
members instead of one to Montreal and Quebec.
When Liie Union was proclaimed it was quite evident
that if the electoral limits of those cities were made
the same as their municipal limits, the increase of
their members would not only not attain the object

1841.

226

LIFE 01 LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. contemplated by Parliament, but would place the
- commercial interests in a worse position than before ;
because the numerical superiority of the suburbs
would enable them to return both members, and
thus to increase the French representatives in the
House. Convinced that such would be the result,
Lord Sydenham determined in discharging the
duty imposed on him by the 21st clause of the
Union Act, so to define the limits of the town as
to carry out the intentions of both parties in the
House of Commons, by thromng the suburbs into
the counties. He was well aware that in so doing-
he exposed himself to attack, and that he would
be accused of having disfranchised a body of voters
for purposes of personal ambition ; but he was
" not to be deterred by the fear of such misrepre-
sentations from doing what he conceived to be
his duty with reference to the expressed intentions
of the Imperial Legislature, and to the essential
interests of the province. Had he shrunk from
this responsibility, the commercial interests of the
country would, in a house of eighty-four members,
have had no representative : the eiFect of the course
which he pursued was to secure the return of four
English members, — three of them connected with
the trade of the country ; the fourth the Judge of
the Vice- Admiralty Court at Quebec, a gentleman
whose private and professional character stand
equally high.

At the end of May Lord Sydenham left Montreal
for Kingston, at which place the Legislature had
been summoned to meet on the 13th June. Tho

J'lJ^

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

227

place the
lian before ;
iic suburbs
mbers, and
iives in tlic
I the result,
arging the
ause of the
he town as
irties in the
uburbs into
in so doing
it he would
dy of voters
but he was
'h. misrepre-
;eived to be
|d intentions
fhe essential
hrunk from
;rests of the
Lir members,
>f the course
urn of four
luected with
;he Judge of
I o-entleman
'acter stand

ift Montreal
islature had
Ijune. Tlio

unusual length of the winter, and the period of
the assizes in Upper Canada, had made it necessary
to put off the meeting till that time ; but had it
even been otherwise, the state of Lord Sydenham's
licalth would have prevented an earlier session.
It has been already mentioned that from his first
arrival in Canada he had been subject to attacks of
gout; which, however, severe as they were, had
never hitherto interfered with the discharge of
liis duties. But in the month of April of this
year he had been seized with an attack far more
violent and alarming than any he had before had,
the gout having flo"svn to his stomach and placed
his life in imminent danger. From this attack he
continued slowly but gradually to recover until the
middle of the month of May, when the disease re-
appeared in his right arm and hand, and confined
him to liis bed for several days. Under such circum-
stances it would have been impossible for him to
leave Montreal before the end of that month.

The elections had all been concluded early in the
month of April; when the numbers, as far as a
judgment could be then formed, were as follow : —

1841.

Government Members
French Members -
Moderate Reformers
Ultra Reformers
Compact Party
Doubtful -
Special Return
Double Return

7
6

Q 2

228

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. Of these parties the two first could alone be ex-

pected to act as firm and consistent bodies ; the

one in support, the other in o2:)position to the mea-
sures which might be brought forward by the
Governor-General. The moderate reformers would
generally be found in support of the Government,
the ultras almost always in support of the Oppo-
sition. The line which would be taken by the
compact party could scarcely be predicted; but
it seemed very improbable, looking to the prin-
ciples generally professed by them, and to their
former language respecting the French of the
Lower and the ultra reformers of their o^vn Pro-
vince, that they could be found acting with either.
Adverting, therefore, to the large proportion of the
moderate party, and to the wide differences by
which the other parties, with the exception of the
French and ultra reformers, were separated from
each other, there was every reason to suppose that
during the apj)roaching session the Government
would find no difficulty in carrying its measures
in the House of Assembly. Still there were cir-
cumstances which made it difliicult to calculate
with certainty on this result ; and among these was
the composition of the moderate party, and the
course which several of its members had pursued
in previous Parliaments of Upper Canada. Hitherto
they had been constantly in opposition ; and having
a single and distinct object always before them — viz.
to popularise the administration of the Government,
and to remove the influence which had, in their

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

22U

me be ex-
odies; the
the aiea-
•d by the
ners would
)vcrnment,

the Oppo-
en by the
icted; but
) the prin-
d to their
ich of the
• o^vn Pro-
with either.
)rtion of the
ferences by
Dtion of the
irated from
appose that
government
ts measures
^e were cir-
to calculate
[fr these was

y, and the

ad pursued
la. Hitherto
and having

ithem — viz.
tjovernment,

ad, in their

opinion, interfered with the right working of the con-
stitution — they had had no difficulty in preserving
their cohesion. But it seemed questionable whether,
as supporters of the Government, they would have
consistency and resolution enough to hold together
for any length of time; and whether they wo aid
be able to resist the taunts and reproaches of the
more violent men, with whom they had been at
one time united in the pursuit of a common object;
and, more than all, it remained to be shown whether
they would be proof against the mania which from
time to time appears to possess almost every poli-
tician on the American continent — of opposing the
Government for the simple purpose of showing his
independence of executive influence. The necessity
of giving up minor points for the sake of unanimity,
and of avoiding a hostile vote for fear of damaging
a government whose general policy is approved, is
a lesson seldom understood by juvenile politicians,
and had certainly never been taught in Canada.
It remained to be seen whether the moderate re-
formers in the Assembly would in this respect bo
apt scholars or not.

The near approach of the session brought with
it many rumours of intended attacks on the Govern-
ment, the assailants being understood to be the
ultra reform party of Upper Canada, supported by
the French. The motives of each were different ;
the former aiming at a greater extension of popular
influence, the latter desiring only to embarrass the
working of the Union. Many were the projects

(^ 3

181.1.

230

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. started; but tlicir very variety, and the imprac-

ticablc nature of most of them, showed the want

of any fixed plan or decided leader. This want
was at last supplied from a quarter whence the
Government had the least right to look for oppo-
sition ; but in order to a full understanding of Avhat
followed, it will be necessary to go back a little in
the order of events.

It will be remembered that before leaving Toronto
at the close of the session of 1839-40, Lord Syden-
ham had appointed Mr. Baldwin Solicitor-General
of that Province, but without a seat in the Executive
Council. On the Union, Lord Sydenham having
decided, with a view of carrying out the new princi-
ples of Administration, to constitute the principal
officers of the Government the Executive Council,
informed Mr. Baldwin, in the month of February,
1841, that he had recommended him to the Queen
for that appointment, and apprised him at the same
time of the names of his colleagues. Mr. Baldwin
accepted the appointment, on the ground, as he
stated, of his confidence in Lord Sydenham per-
sonally; but took the opportunity of writing to
four of his colleagues to protest against being sup-
posed to feel any political confidence in them.
He then went to his election as an officer of the
Government and member of the Executive Council ;
and in the month of April, having come to Mon-
treal, Avas sworn into office in the presence of some
of those very colleagues whom he had denounced.
Nothing further occurred till within two or three

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

231

vo or three

days of the session, wlien Mr. Baldwin, still rctuin-
ing his office and scat at the council board, entered
into communication with such of the French mem-
bers of Lower Canada and ultra liberal members
of the upper part of the Province as had reached
Kingston, relative to the course which they intended
to pursue in the coming session. The result of these
communications was a proposal from him to Lord
Sydenham, within forty-eiglit hours of the opening
of Parliament, to change certain office-^" of his
Government, and to substitute for them several
French Canadian members. This proposal Lord
Sydenham at once rejected: 1st, On the ground of
the time and manner in which it had been brought
forward ; and, 2nd, On account of the unqualified
opposition of the French Canadian members to the
principle of the Union Act. Further correspondence
passed; and eventually on the day of the opening
of the session Mr. Bakhvin, though still professing
liis confidence in Lord Sydenham, resigned his
office. He had previously assisted at several meet-
ings of the reform party, at which it had been pro-
posed to bring forward a vote of want of confidence
in the Administration.

Mr. Baldwin is a man most honourable and con-
scientious in his private capacity, and the readiness
with which, on this and a former occasion he
gave up office, makes it impossible to attribute to
liim any interested motive ; yet it seems equally
impossible to reconcile with the principles of po-
litical honour by which British statesmen are go-

H 4

isti.

232 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. verncd the conduct which in this instance he
pursued. It cannot be denied that his entering
into communication with those who were avowedly
hostile to the Government of Avhich he was a
member, not for the purpose of bringing them
over to support the Government but, as it was ap-
pear, of concerting with them the means by which
their hostility could be made most effective, and
the Government coerced into a compliance with
their demands, was fair neither to the Governor-
General nor to his colleagues. Nor had he even
the excuse, such as it might have been, that the
Opposition were irresistible, and that he was there-
fore, in reality, serving the Government and the
country, by compelling the adoption of such mea-
sures as would anticipate collision. The event
showed that so far from being irresistible, the
actual Opposition was not even formidable, and
that it could have been made so only by a general
adoption of Mr. Baldwin's views. Nor is it easy
to explain why, if Mr. Baldwin had been content
to acquiesce, with only the protest which has been
mentioned, in the formation of the Government
during four months, he should have become so
strongly impressed with its defects at the very
moment when his secession from it would be most
injurious. There can be no doubt that an attack
of this nature, from such a quarter and at such a
moment, was calculated very seriously to embarrass
Lord Sydenham ; but he was saved by his oAvn
firmness and courage, and by the honest straight-

ADMINISTKATION IN CANADA.

233

stance lie
entering
avowedly
he was a
jing them
it was ap-
i by which
ictive, and
ance with
Governor-
d he even
n, that the
was there-
it and the
such inea-
The event
stible, the
dable, and
y a general
is it easy
en content
h has been
overnment
become so
the very
Id be most
an attack
at such a
embarrass
y his own
>t straight-

forward generosity Avith which the moderate re-
formers came out in his support. There were "
many among that party who did not like the com-
position of the Executive Council, and who would
liave desired to see the introduction into it of some
French Canadian members; but confiding entirely
in Lord Sydenham's own intentions, and in his
desire to administer the government with justice to
Jill parties, they refused to entertain any questions
Avliich could throw obstacles in his way, or put to
hazard the success of his policy. They gave him
credit for sincerity in his professions, and admitted
the impossibility, so long as the French Canadians
persisted in uncompromising hostility to the Union,
of confiding to them a share in the working of
that measure. Accordingly, when ^Mr. Baldwin
separated himself from the Government, he did so
to reunite himself not to the large body of mode-
rate reformers who represented the majority of the
people of Upper Canada, but to the four or five
ultra members whose politics bordered very nearly
on democracy. This transaction, looking to the
character of the gentleman who was the principal
actor in it, and to the manner in which he con-
ducted his negotiation with the representative of
the Crown, illustrates more clearly perhaps than
any thing else the ignorance at that time prevailing,
even among the leaders of political parties in
Canada, as to the principles on which a system of
responsible government can alone be carried on.

1841

l.ll-U OK LOUD SYDKNIIAM.

18 n. The TTousc met on tlie 14th June*, and elected
as its Speaker, uiumiinously, ^Ir. Austin Ouvillier,
M. P. P. for tlie eounty of lluiitin<j;don, — a gen-
tleman of Frencli origin, who had sat for many
years in the Assembly of Lower Canada, but had
lost his seat before the rebellion, in consequence
of his having refused to follow Mr. Papineau in the
extreme course which he adopted. On the fol-
lowing day the speech from the throne was de-
livered.

The peculiar posture of affairs, and the well-
kno'svn sentiments of the Governor-General, made
men look with unusual interest for the appearance
of this sj^eech ; nor were their expectations disap-
pointed. It commenced by adverting to the im-
prisonment of MacLeod, and proclaiming, with
reference to the proceedings in the United States
against that individual, " her ^lajesty's fixed

* EXTRACT OF LETTER TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

"Government House, Kingston, June 12. 1811.

" I tliink we shall do very well here. I have really a very
fair house for the Assembly and Council to meet in ; and the
accommodation would be thought splendid by our members of
the English House of Commons. But the fellows in these
colonies have been spoilt by all sorts of luxuries, — large arm-
chairs, desks with stationery before each man, and Heaven
knows what — so I suppose they will complain. The house I
lodge in is really a very nice one — or rather will be when
finished ; which will just fit the arrival of my successor : and
the public offices are far better than either at Montreal or
Toronto. But the confusion of the move is tremendous, and
the practical consummation of the Union is, I assure you, far
from a honey-moon."

md elected
I OuvilUer,
,— -a gen-
for many
a, but had
)nscquencc
leau in the
n the fol-
le Avas de-

the well-
cral, made
ippearance
ions disap-
to the im-
ling, with
ited States
ty's fixed

SSELL.

mc 12. 1811.

oally a very
in ; and the
members of
ws in these
— large arm-
and Heaven
'he house I
ill be when
cesfeor : and
VTontreal or
endous, and
Lire you, far

ADMINISTllATION IN CANADA.

(li'tei'inlnation to protect with the wliole weiglit of
her power " all her Canadian subjects.* It then,

* To the enibarrassinjj; and delicate questions arising out of
the proceedings against MacLeod, much of Lord SyihMdiani'.s
attcutiorj had necessarily been directed. Writing to Lord J.
Kussell on the 2Sth January, 1811, he says, —

" I had heard nothing of the affair till Fox \vrot(» to me, but
I have since been in correspondence uith Sir (i. Arthur about
it, and we are, in tht! main, (piite agreed. It is a very awkwaril
business. If MacLeod couUI be hanged uitliout its committing
us, I must say that it wouhl not much signify, for he richly de-
serves it for his folly, not to say uickedness. I believe there is
no doubt that he was not at the burning of the Caroline, but he
has been boasting every where that he was, and doing what he
could to get himself tak(!n up. However, that cannot i)e, and
if the Yankees really hanged him, which a Lockport judge and
jury are pretty sure to do, it would be a case of war. It is
most important, therefore, to get time for the settlement of the
affair between the two Governments without its being com-
plicated by MacLeod's conviction, and therefore he will bo
bailed under indemnity to his sureties from the Government,
and an application will further be made (but on his behalf only,
and without the Government appearing) to postpone the trial.
If this last be done, there will probably be time to have this
niatt(!r settled. If it be not, then I think MacLeod's bail must
be forfeited, rather than allow him to go to trial. I wait the
further report from Lockport in order to settle this point.
Some understanding must, however, be come to without delay
with the Americans on the " Caroline " affair, as well as on the
extraordinary principle laid down by Mr. Van Buren, that in-
dividuals are to be held personally responsible for their acts
when performed under the orders and authority of their Govern-
ment, or we shall have a hundred cases like Mr. MacLeod's in
the next twelvemonth.

"The only good that has resulted from this case is that
stronger evidence even than was possessed before as to the em-
l)loymcnt of the Caroline has come out in the examinations,
and therefore our ground in that is better than it was. Very

235

IHM.

236

1841.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

after briefly alluding to the alterations in the post-
age arrangements with Great Britain adopted at

likely after March, we shall not find as much difficulty in
coming to an understanding with the new Presidential govern-
ment. At present the expiring Administration has only one
object in view, namely, to leave as much embarrassment as pos-
sible to their successors, which they will pursue without any
regard to consequences. Whatever happens, however, I shall
take no steps with the state of New York, as I am satisfied that
we ought to confine ourselves wholly to the General Govern-
ment and make them responsible."

At a later* date, when the mob at Lockport had interfered
forcibly to prevent MacLeod being released on bail, Lord
Sydenham wrote thus to Mr. Fox : —

" With respect to the case itself, you will, I hope, hear from
Lord Palmerston by the steamer of the 10th of this month. I
confess it seems to me almost impossible for the British Govern-
ment to avoid demanding MacLeod's release, let the conse-
quences be what they may. If ******'s statement be correct,
as I have no reason to doubt, there may be a difficulty in the
Federal Government yielding without fresh powers for the pur-
pose ; but it is quite clear that if such are really necessary in
order to put an end to the conflicting jurisdictions of the
Central and States Governments, they must be given, or else
there is an end to all diplomatic relations with the United States.
A hundred such cases as MacLeod's may occur, and so long as
the Federal Executive has no power to deal with them, or may
have its decision over-ruled by another tribunal, it is mere
mockery to appeal to it, or carry on the farce of a negociation
as between the two national governments. It is to be hoped
that the last outrage at Lockport which so clearly establishes
the fact, that the courts of law have not the power, even if thev
had the will, to do justice in cases of this description, may
satisfy the Americans themselves of the necessity of some
change in their laws or practice. If it does not indeed, I con-
fess that my hopes of keeping the peace will be small. It ap-
pears, likewise, that the Whigs are less inclined to push matters
to an extremity than the expiring administration. There may

lawi

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

237

the post-
dopted at

difficulty in
ntial govern-
las only one
ment as pos-
without any
vever, I shall
satisfied that
eral Govern-

id interfered
I bail, Lord

le, hear from
is month. I
itish Govern-
t the conse-
it be correct,
Rculty in the
i for the pur-
necessary in
jtions of the
riven, or else
Jnited States,
nd so long as
them, or may
l1, it is mere
negociation
to be hoped
ly establisjies
, even if they
jription, may
sity of some
ndced, I con-
mall. It ap-
j)ush matters
There may

Lord Sydenham's suggestion, proceeded to advert
in general terms to the development of the resources

be a chance, therefore, of getting over the business, but in the
mean time it is satisfactory to feel that even in Canada we are
much better prepared for a brush if it comes to one, than they
are on the other side.

" The outrage at Lockport is altogether so disgraceful to the
Americans ; it exhibits in so strong a light, not merely the ab-
surdity of their system upon this particular subject, but the
abominable condition of their institutions. The outrage and
injustice perpetrated on one of the Queen's subjects by their
" People," in defiance of their laws and under their supposed
protection are so gross, that I think a statement of the case and
a demand for redress made ad hoc, and passing by the first
points which are already referred home, would embarrass them
excessively. They could scarcely again refer us to the Courts,
for it is clear they have no power to enforce their own decrees,
and unless they did that, I do not see what remains for them
but to yield."

On the 25th July, 1841, he again adverted to the subject in
the following terms : —

" My neighbour Jonathan is getting too bad. MacLeod's
business is a disgrace to any civilized country, but a pretty
specimen of this land of liberty, where the pride of the people
seems to be that they are entitled to break, as well as make,
laws for themselves."

And on 4th August following he writes: —

" MacLeod will now take his trial, and his conviction or
acquittal will depend altogether on the political opinions of the
judge and jury ! If they are Whigs he will be acquitted ; if
Loco-foco he will be found guilty. The merits of the case, or
the acknowledged fact that he Avas no more at the burning of
the Caroline than I was, will weigh not a feather in the scale,
either way. Read Judge Cowan's Judgment on the Point of
Law ! And the same thing exactly would happen if the case
were carried either before the Senate of New York, or the Su-
preme Court of the United States.

" What a people, — what a country !"

1841.

238

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841.

of the country by wcll-considcrcd and extensive
public Avorks ; and announced that to re-establish
the credit of the United Province, to enable it to
reduce the interest on its public debt, and so to
raise the necessary funds for completing the works
that had been begun, the Home Government had
consented, on Lord Sydenham's recommendation, to
pledge the credit of the mother country to a loan of
no less than 1,500,000/. In regard to emigration, the
speech stated that assistance would be afforded by
the Home Government to convey destitute emi-
grants from the port of debarkation to the place
where their labour might be made available. It
pointed out the necessity of establishing throughout
the province a system of self-government similar to
what had been already established in Lower Canada
by ordinance, and stated that a measure for that
purpose would be introduced ; and it urged upon
the attention of the Legislature the most imj)ortant
of all subjects — the establishment of a comprehen-
sive and efficient system of education, which in the
party contests of recent years had been neglected.
In the concluding paragraphs Lord Sydenham, as
he never failed to do when opportunity offered,
renewed his earnest exhortations to peace, good
will, and contentment.

" Canada," (he observed,) " united under a constitution
which tlie Imperial Legislature has framed with an earnest
desire for the welfare of this portion of the British Empire,
cannot fail to prosper under prudent and sago counsels.
The generous aid which I have already announced to you, —

extensive
ce-establisli
enable it to

and so to
; the works
nment had
ndation, to
:o a loan of
^ration, the
ifforded by
titute emi-
the place
ailable. It
throughout
t similar to
ver Canada
re for that
irged upon

important
lomprehen-
hich in the

neglected,
lenhani, as

y offered,
eace, good

constitution
1 an earnest
ish Empire,
ge counsels.
k1 to you, —

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

tlie intention which I am also empowered to state on
the part of the Government to devote annually a large
sum for the military defences of the province, — the fixed
and settled determination which I have the Queen's com-
mands to declare, that her North American possessions
shall be maintained at all hazards as part of her empire,
are pledges of the sincerity with which the mother country
desires to promote the prosperity of Canada, and to assist
in the well working of the new institutions which it has
established. The eyes of England are anxiously fixed on
the result of this great experiment. Should it succeed,
the aid of Parliament in your undertakings, the confidence
of British capitalists in the credit you may require from
them, the security which the British people will feel in
seeking your shores and establishing themselves on your
fertile soil, may carry improvement to an unexampled
height. The rapid advance of trade and immigration
within the last eighteen months affords ample evidence of
the effects of tranquillity in restoring confidence and pro-
moting prosperity. May no dissensions mar the flattering
prospect which is open before us ! May your efforts be
steadily directed to the great practical improvements of
wliich the province stands so much in need; and under
the blessing of that Providence wliich has hitherto pre-
served this portion of the British dominions, may your
councils be so guided as to insure to the Queen attached
and loyal suhjects, and to United Canada a prosperous
and contented people ! "

It might have been expected that a speech
couched in such terms, and announcing such inten-
tions, would have disarmed opposition ; but this
was not the case. The attack was commenced by
]\Ir. Neilson of Quebec, who on the address in
answer to it moved an amendment directly con-
demnatory of the Union, to the effect that " there

239

1841.

240 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. are features in the act now constituting the govern-
ment of Canada which are inconsistent with justice
and the common rights of British subjects." On a
division, the majority against this amendment was
two to one, the numbers being fifty to twenty-five.
Of the minority eighteen were French Canadians,
or represented French Canadian constituencies ; six
were of the extreme Upper Canada party, including
Mr. Baldwin ; the remaining one was the member
for Gaspe. Another amendment moved by the
same party met with a still more signal defeat,
being rejected by a majority of fifty-four to twenty -
one.* Throughout these debates Mr. Baldwin acted

* The discussion of those parts of the Union Act which were
beyond the competency of the local legislature Lord Sydenham
had always discouraged. Writing to a member of his special
council in October, 1840, he said, " My desire always was t^at,
so long as the question of the Union was to be discussed on
this side of the Atlantic, there should be the most full and free
expression of opinion upon its policy and merits, and I carried
this desire so far as to invite even those in the Upper Province
who were the immediate servants of the Crown, to give their
unrestrained and unbiassed votes and opinions upon the mea-
sure whilst it was before them. But the Union being now the
law of the land, and not a measure revocable by the legislature
of these Provinces, but by the Imperial Parliament alone, the
position of this question is quite changed. The supreme au-
thority has given us the Union, and has laid down distinctly the
conditions and principles on which it is to be effected ; and in
these it has assigned no power of change to the Provincial le-
gislature. It hl^s also specified certain details in which the
power of alteration is given to that body. To endeavour to
effect the last then is a legitimate attempt, in the event of these
details being unsatisfactory to the people. But to endeavour
to persuade the country, as is done by some of the agitators
now at work, that tiie first admit of change, and that by the

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

241

the govern-
nth justice
;ts." On a
idment was
:wenty-five.
Canadians,
lencies; six
Y^ including
he member
ied by the
^nal defeat,
:• to twenty-
Idwin acted

ict which were

lOrd Sydenham

of his special

ways was t^at,

discussed on

t full and free

and I carried

pper Province

to give their

ipon the mea-

being now the

the legislature

ent alone^ the

supreme au-

distinctly the

ected ; and in

Provincial le-

in which the

endeavour to

event of these

to endeavour

the agitators

d that, by the

and spoke with the Opposition, notwithstanding
that he had only just ceased to hold office under
the constitution which he thus denounced as un-
just and oppressive, and that he had resigned
liis office, not because he disapproved of the pro-
visions of the Union measure, but because the ad-
ministration of it was not entrusted to his friends.

The next question of importance was connected
with the French elections, and was calculated, both
from the manner in which it was brought forward
and the propositions which it involved, seriously to
embarrass the Government, and to place it in a
false position before the country. It has been
stated that the violence which occurred at several
elections in the district of Montreal having resulted
in the return of members pledged to support the
Union, the Government had been accused by its
opponents of having instigated, or at least of not
having discountenanced, that violence. The can-
didates defeated at those elections petitioned tlie
Assembly; but when their petitions were brought
up, it appeared that through a misconception of
the law none of them had been prepared in the
only form in which they were " receivable " by the
House, and that the time limited for their pre-
sentation did not admit of their subsequent alter-

logislature of the United Province, is to fly in the face of the
Imperial authority, and to practise the most mischievous delu-
sion on the people : a course which it is the duty of the Queen's
I -presenta^ive, whoever he may be, to expose and check by
every moans in his power."

18H.

242

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. ation. On discovering this error it was at first
attempted to get over the difficulty by persuading
the House to disregard, or rather to misinterpret
the law ; but that being found hnpossible, a bill
Avas brought in by Sir A. Mac Nab, the leader of
the " compact " party, to relieve the petitioners by
extending the time within which their petitions
should be receivable; and this motion was of course
supported by all the French members, and by their
allies, the ultra liberals of Upper Canada. The
Government opposed it on the ground that it was
in the nature of an ex post facto proceeding; and
that it was unjust to the sitting members, who by
the laches of the petitioners had acquired a legal
title to their seats. They oiFered, howevet*, in
order to purge the Government from the imput-
ations cast upon it, to consent to any inquiry which
the House might desire, and to co operate in any
well-considered measure for preventing a repetition
of violence at elections. But the Opposition, feel-
ing their advantage, refused all compromise.

Those who brought forward this motion had of
course well calculated not only the embarrassment
which it must cause to the Government, but the
advantage which it would bring to themselves.
They were, no doubt, well aware tliat the Govern-
ment could not agree to the proposed measure, and
that it would therefore enable them both to represent
the Government as endeavouring to stifle inquiry and
to destroy the freedom of elections, and to put them-
selves forward as the advocates of popular rights.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

243

as at first
persuading
lisinterprct
ible, a bill
3 leader of
itioners by
r petitions
is of course
,nd by their
lada. The
that it was
ceding; and
ers, who by
lired a legal
howeveV, in
the imput-
iquiry which
erate in any
a repetition
osition, feel-
iinise.

otion had of
^arrassment
mt, but the
themselves,
the Govern-
neasure, and
to represent
inquiry and
to put them-
uilar rights.

Nor had they over-estimated the eifect of such a
motion on that want of cohesion in the moderate
reform party to which allusion has been made.
Many of those who habitually supported the Go-
vernment, and who invariably expressed their con-
fidence in Lord Sydenham, either led away by the
specious arguments or frightened by the taunting
reproaches of their opponents, voted on this occa-
sion against the Government. The bill was accord-
ingly carried by considerable majorities in the
House of Assembly, and sent up to the Legislative
Council; but that body, less exposed to popular
pressure, required some further justification than
" public notoriety " for a measure of so unusual a
character. They accordingly desired a communi-
cation from the Assembly of the grounds on which
the bill had proceeded ; and receiving no more sa-
tisfactory answer than that its object was to remedy
an error of the Lower House as to the existing
state of the law regarding election petitions, they
refused to concur in it. Thus was the statute book
of Canada preserved from a law which would have
jiftbrded a very dangerous, and not very creditable
^)recedent, to subsequent times.

With this exception the session proceeded har-
moniously. Lord Sydenham's opinion as to its pros-
pects, and the eff'ect of its successful commencement,
is shown in the following extract of a private letter
written by him on the 27th of June, a fortnight
after the opening : —

R 2

1841.

244

1841.

LIIE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

((

It may be satisfactory to you to know that the first
test of the Union Act lias more than answered my expec-
tations. I always considered the first start of the United
Parliament as the touchstone of the plan. The entire
want of acquaintance with each other's feelings, character,
political history, or state of parties, which prevails between
the inhabitants of Lower and Upper Canada respectively,
always made one feel that the opening was the crisis of
the great work ; if not as regarded its success ultimately,
yet at least with reference to what must be one great
element of even that ultimate success, namely, the opinion
that would be formed on it in England, where people look
only to the great features of the case, and will not take
the trouble or give the necessary time to understand de-
tails. I have therefore been very nervous upon this
point, and the more so as I found that within the last
month an attempt was making to throw every thing into
confusion, and at least ensure a stormy opening. My
officers (ministers !), though the best men, I believe, for
their departments that can be found, were unfortunately,
many of them, unpopular from their previous conduct, and
none of them sufficiently acquainted with the manner in
which a government through parliament should be con-
ducted to render me any assistance in this matter. I
had therefore to fight the whole battle myself; and it has
been a considerable pull on both one's adroitness and
temper — particularly as I had* a ministerial crisis' on
my hands on .he very day of the meeting. The result,
however, has been complete success. I have got the largo
majority of the House ready to suj^port me upon any
question that can arise ; and, what is b(.'tter, thoroughly
convinced that their constituents, so far as the whole of
Upper Canada and the British pa^'t of Lower Canada arc
concerned, will never forgive them if they do not. Who-
ever follows me now may, with management, keep every
thing quiet, and rule with comfort. There may be a
little bickering about the civil list, but I do not dread it.

ADMINISTHATION IN CANADA.

245

luit the first
1 my expec-
f the United
The entire
vs, character,
i^ails between
respectively,
the crisis of
is ultimately,
be one great
^, the opinion
i people look
,vill not take
lulerstand de-
ls upon this
thin the last
ry thing into
pening. My
I believe, for
mfortunately,
5 conduct, and
lie manner in
ould be con-
s matter. I
; and it has
Iroitness and
ial crisis' on
The result,
got the large
ue upon any
r, thoroughly
the whole of
Canada arc
) not. Who-
, keep every
re may be a
not dread it.

We have had discussed all the great topics, — the Union, 184-1.

Responsible Government, the Parliamentary conditions of

the Union Act, confidence in the Administration, — every
subject on which excitement might have been raised, and
the agitators have entirely and signally failed. Except
the rump of the old House of Assembly of Lower Canada
and two or three ultra-radicals who have gone over with
my solicitor-general whom I have got rid of, every mem-
ber is cordially with me and my Government. Thus we
shall go quietly to work at the measures of improvement
which I have prepared, and we are sure of a peaceable
and useful session. The Government officers will have
time to acquire practice in their new vocation ; the
English and French members will learn to understand
each other's real views and opinions ; and the result will
be to increase the majority which the Government already
has, and render the new system perfectly stable.

" What I have seen, however, and had to do in the course
of the last three weeks, strengthens my opinion of the
absolute necessity of your sending out as my successor
some one with House of Commons and Ministerial habits,
— a person who will not shrink from work, and who will
govern, as I do, himself. Such a man — not a soldier, but
a statesman — will find no difficulties in his path that he
cannot easily surmount; for every thing will be in grooves
running of itself, and only requiring general direction."

From the cominenccment of the session, the la-
bour and anxiety wliicli had devolved on Lord
Sydenham exceeded what he had gone through at
any previous period of his administration. On its
very threshold he had been deserted and opposed,
as we have seen, by the member of his Government
from whom he had expected the most efficient aid ;
and the other members who had seats in the Assembly
were, as he states, with one or two exceptions, unac-

246

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. quainted with parliamentary Inisincss, and incxpe-
ricnccd in the management of [)arty politics. Under
snch circumstances it became necessary for him to
decide not only on the [)rinciples of the measures to
be introduced, but on the manner of introducing
them, and the means of preventing or defeating op-
position. To these objects liis attention Avas inces-
santly directed, and the knowledge of parliamentary
tactics wliich he had acquired by many years' prac-
tice in the House of Connnons became the most
essential element of his success. He entered into
the fullest intercourse with members of every party,
and during the whole day and a large portion of
the night no moment of his time was unoccupied.
His unceasing exertions were rewarded in the suc-
cess of all the Government measures. He obtained
the sanction of the Legislature to a measure ex-
tending to Upper Canada the municipal institutions
established in Lower Canada by ordinance, thus
affirming the details as Avell as the principles of the
Special Coimcil legislation on this subject, which
had been denounced by the French Canadians. He
introduced and procured the passage of Acts creat-
ing a " Board of Works " for the whole province,
thus taking from the hands of irresponsible
parties the power of jobbing with public funds, —
for revising the customs laws, with a view not only
to an increase of revenue, but to the encourage-
ment of commerce, — for readjusting the currency,
and for providing more extensive means for the
education of the people, by the establishment

ADMINISTHATION IN CANADA.

247

nd incxpc-
us. Under
for him to
loasurcs to
iitroducing
feating op-
Avas inces-
liamcntary
scars' prac-
e the most
ntored into
very party,
portion of
moccupied.
in the suc-
le obtained
leasure ex-
institutions
lancc, thus
iples of the
ect, which
idians. Ho
Acts creat-
3 province,
responsible
c funds, —
w not only
encourage-
currency,
IS for the
tiblishment

rliroughout the province of common schools. ]>c- i8H.

sides these measures, he arranged with the Legis- ~

luture the application of the liberal assistance of
tlie Home Government to the establislnnent of the
public credit, the completion of their public v>'orks,
and the opening up of the vast regions at present
almost impossible of access; — works which, were
all else forgotten, would of themselves constitute
the practical and most enduring monument of the
benefits Avhich Canada derived from his admin-
istration.* ^lany other acts of great importance
relating to the judiciary, to the settlement of emi-
grants, and to other subjects of a local nature, were
brought in by the Executive and passed ; and on
the subject of " responsible government," which
question was again dragged into discussion by Mr.
Baldwin, Avith a view of putting the sincerity of
the Government to the test, he introduced and
carried unanimously a series of resolutions in oppo-
sition to those proposed by Mr. Baldwin, distinctly
recognising the irresponsibility of the Governor
to any but the Imperial authorities, and placing
the doctrine on that sound and rational basis which
he had ever maintained. These resolutions, which
may be considered as embodying his views and those
of the then House of Assembly on this important
question, will be noticed hereafter.

It would be tedious to follow the course of the

* For a ful'or explanation of tlie scheme of these works, see
the Message to the Assembly of 20th August, 184-1, printed in
the Appendix.

R 4

248

1841.

LIFK Ol' LUUI) NVDKNilAM.

session minutely ; it is enon^j^h to say, that witli tlie
execution of the French Mh'ction Bill and one other
measure the Government was successful in every
thing that it brought forward, and was almost
invariably supported by considerable majorities.
That other exception was a proposal for the esta^
blishmcnt of a government bank of issue, which
was evidently a question not of a political cha-
racter; nor, considering the extensive influence of
the private banks in Canada, can its failure be
mattei' of surprise.*

* Adverting to this measure, Lord Sydenluiin thus writes on
the nth of July : —

'* There is one of my Canadian measures on tiie anvil now
in which you will feel an interest, and wish me success, I am
sure. IJut as it involves private and class interests, and not
political questions, upon which I am sure of my majority, I do
not feel certain of getting it through ; but if I can, I shall rejoice
more than at any other work which I have been able to ))erform ;
for it will not oidy be goo<l for this country, but will set an
example to England, by which she may profit in a year or two
when the Bank Charter is to be renewed. For it is the esta-
blishment of a perfectly sound pa[)er currency by means of a
single state bank of issue, based upon the pure principle of the
issue of paper against bullion or coin, to the exclusion of any other
paper whatever, payable on demand ; the principle, in short, for
which I contended in the Cabinet in the first instance in 18.'3'{,
and which Sam. Loyd has since so ably advocated in a pamphlet.

" Circumstances at this moment are most favourable for the
change ; for the charters of nearly all the banks in both Pro-
vinces have cither to be renewed this session, or have only a
few years to run. They are therefore at my mercy. This
country, too, affords a greater field for the operations of such a
bank than perhaps any other in the world. Owing to the wretched
state of the pa])er issue in the United States, there can be little
doubt that in two or three years the j)apcr of our bank wouhl

thus writes oii

ADiMlNISTUATlON IN CANADA.

The followiii<:]^ i)assap^('S from letters written to
liis friends in Knp^lund as the session advanced
convey his private feelings of gratification, swclUng

|)(! the chief circulation of all the States borderitig on Canada,
which would tax the Americans for our benefit to the extent of
()0,{)0()/. ov 70,000/. a year.

"If you want to see the full-blown benefits of unlimited
paper-nulls, you should come to this side of the water. There
is an agio between every village and its next neighbour in the
States, and nothing circulates but things called Shin Plaisters,
iioti's of from one dollar to half a dollar. A dollar not(! is
something like a 501. note with us, — as rare and astonishing
when you get a sight of one.

"I calculate the medium circulation of the Province at about
1/200,000/. at present, for which a rest of one fourth would be
anijile ; so that I at once get 900,000/. to dispose of, or a clear
gain of 40,000/. to .'jOjOOO/. a year, according to the value of
money here. But I have not the least doubt that the extension
of the circulation in the United States would, in a few years,
more than double this profit. There will, however, be some
deductions from this, as I must buy out the existing banks in
order to carry my scheme.

" My chief difficulty is, that there is not a man in the legisla-
ture who understands these subjects at all, and to whom I can
intrust my bill with any confidence. However, I get the
members generally to come to me, and I give them lectures
upon it; and thus, though there will be little argument of much
value employed in its discussion in the Assembly, I do not de-
spair of carrying my point by the mere weight of authority,
and the confidence which most of them place in me.*

" Have you had the curiosity to read Mr. Clay's plan for a
bank in the United States? It is a miserable make-shift; but
even such as it is, I am told the President will veto it."

* In the Appendix will be found a sketch of this plan and a
IMemorandum, drawn up by Lord S. to explain its object and
advantages.

249

1841.

250 LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. at last into a tone of exultation, at the success
which attended his exertions.

On the 27th July, 1841, to Lord John Russell he
wrote : —

" You arc right in saying that if matters had not hcgun
so favourably as they have, all that an ill-disposed Opposi-
tion could do under the Union Act would be to retard the
prosperity of the colony. But then I have a sort of
parent's pride in promoting that; and therefore although
the Government com/(/ have been conducted, and as far as
England is concerned I don't think you would have been
troubled, my hopes and projects would have been disap-
pointed by the delay. And I should not have been satis-
fied if the work I had carved out for myself had not been
done, although what you had given me to do was. So I
am well pleased that it has turned out otherwise. The
people in the Assembly are very slow, to be sure, and lose
a great deal of time in useless talk. However, every day
adds strength to the mode of government which I have
adopted, and we shall get on with business faster by and
bv I have no doubt. What I see of Assemblies, however,
confirms my opinion of our having done right hi getting
so much ciccomplished in the Special Council. The legis-
lation which was passed there would have taken ten years
of an Assembly. And now, perhaps, I may not get all 1
want through ; but I siiall, even in this session, carry
iuany most useful and important measures, and the rest
will follow. The Union, at all events, is firmly and irri.'-
vocably established, and the new government thoroughly
organised. In fact all that is essential is complete, and
time will render the working of the system more easy,
and mature whatever is now wanting."

On the 4th August, 1841, he again wrote to Lord
John Russell in the following terms : —

3tctoLord

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

*' I am sure you will learn with pleasure that our pro-
ceedings here go on prosperously. I have got through
two most important measures already ; and if the session
produced no more, we should have done good service.
But the rest will follow rapidly, and I do not despair of
carrying my bank scheme, which is quite aji extra. Your
connection with North American matters will thus termi-
nate most prosperously; and I think whoever will compare
the state of things two years ago when you sent me out
to do your work with that which exists at present, will
not venture to aflirm that any secretary of state before
ever produced half so great a change. One province
then without a constitution — under arbitrary power — with
scarcely any good laws — with its whole framework, both
of society and administration, completely disjointed; the
other in a state of the greatest excitement and discontent;
— both without any thing approaching to a government
or departmental responsibility. Noic, the constitution
restored to one, and greatly improved in both — many
most excellent institutions established by law in one, and
improvements making in the other — the great and ha-
rassing questions of Church Revenue and Responsible
Government settled — the offices of Government arranged
so as to ensure responsibility in those who are at their
head, and an efficient discharge of their duties to the
governor and the public — the legislature assembled,
acting in harmony with the executive, and really employed
in beneficial and practical measures of legislation — public
tranquillity restored, and its trade and immigration nearly
doubled. I think that whoever may succeed you in the
Colonial department will hardly be able to present such a
picture, which I have not overcharged, and which I cer-
tainly do not paint in order to take credit to myself; for I
repeat that it is to you it is due, for no one could have
been the immediate instrument of producing the change,
even if he had fifty times the talent or zeal which I can
pretend to, if it had not been for your directions and en-

251

1841.

252 hlFK UF LUUl) SYDENHAM.

18 H. courageincnt, and for the assistance which you supphed in

En<i^lan(l.

'* I shall of course stay here till every thing to he done
this session is well through, and I have heen enabled after
its close to do what is required in setting any new laws
or institutions in operation. Nothing, therefore, can now
prevent or mar the most complete success, and Canada
must henceforward go on well, unless it is most terribly
mismanaged."

On the 28th August he again wrote to Lord John

Russell : —

*' Whether in or out of Downing Street, you will I am
sure be glad to learn that I have carried my great measure
of the District Councils, and yesterday went down to
assent to it in the Queen's name ; so that is law now for
the whole province, and tlie Union Act has received the
addition without which, as I told you last year, when you
left out my clauses, it was in my opinion unmanageable.
I have carried this bill too in exactly the same terms as
my ordinance for the Lower Province, thereby setting up
the Special Council legislation by the sanction of the
United Legislature. But every thing that I foretold in
my despatch to you of September last, when I was very
nearly abandoning the whole concern for want of these
clauses, came to pass. The Tories opposed the measure
because it gave too much power lo the people; the lladi-
eals because it imposed checks on that power. And
with many members the bill was most unpalatable, though
they did not like to avow the real motives of their dislike,
because it is a death-blow to their own jobbing for local
])urposes. The combination was so strong that on a
most important clause in the connnittee, that of the no-
mination of wardens by the Crown, we could only throw
out an amendment making them elective by the casting
vote of the chairman ; the Tories actually voting for
liieir election by the people, in order to quash the bill.

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

258

After this clause, however, every thing went on prosper- 1841.

oiisly ; and the measure passed by forty-two to thirty in

the Assembly, and unanimously in the Council without
amendment. But there could not have been the slightest
chance of getting such a law for the whole province, if it
had not been already enacted for Lower Canada. Now
it is impossible for any Governor or any Parliament to
prevent the Union Act working well. All my otlier
measures are through too, except the public works, and
the ways and means i'or such of them as may be decided
on ; but that is the affair of the Assembly exclusively, and
thoy may do what they like about it. I have given them
a ])retty good bill of fare * to choose from, which I send
you in case you should not get the oiFicial despatch. If
not adopted now, it will be next session, which is as good,
for the country are wild for it.

" The Parliament will therefore, I hope, be in a state to
prorogue in a fortnight or three weeks at farthest, and
tlicn it will take me nearly as much longer to wind up, as
I am determined to leave nothing unsettled which I can
do. But at the end of tha^ time, the middle of October, I
trust that 1 shall hear the guns pealing from the rock of
Quebec : and a most deliu'htful sound it will be to me."

Oil the same day he wrote thus to his brother : —

" My success has been triumphant, more so than I ever
expected or had ventured to hope. I shall leave, I trust,
a field which my successor, whoever he be, cannot mis-
manage. With a most difficult opening, almost a minority,
with passions at l)oiling heat, and prejudices such as I
never saw to contend with, I have brought the Assembly
hy degrees into perfect order, ready to follow wherever I
may lead ; have carried all my measures, avoided or beaten

* Sec tlie message to the Assembly of the 20th August,
printed in the Appendix.

254 LIFE or LOKD SYDENHAM.

1841. off all disputed topics, and have got a ministry with an

avowed and recognised majority capable of doing what

tliey think right, and not to be upset by my successor.
My last feat has been to carry the Municipal District
BtU for Upper Canada, word for word after my own or-
dinance for the Lower ProvincL- ; thereby not only giving
the complement to the Union (for you know I always
declared that without such institutions the Union coi.'d
not work), but setting up my own particular legislation by
the sanction of the United Parliament. The bill has
passed both Houses, and I proceed to-day in state to give
it the royal assent, in order to make })erfectly sure of its
being law, even if I were to quit this world the day after.
But the trouble I have had to do this has completely
justified all my anticipations of the next to impossibility
of our getting such a measure through a Provincial As-
sembly, and the utter hopelessness of the effort, but for
the course which I followed of dictating it, whilst I was
dictator, for one part of the province first. One party hated
the measure because it was to give power to the people;
another because it placed that power under wholesome
control by the Crown ; a third because it deprived the
members of the Assembly of all their past power of jobbing.
But I beat them all three, to the utter astonishment of the
spectators; and at last carried my work, the Bill, the whole
Bill, and nothing but the Bill, by a majority of forty-two
to twenty-nine, or more than one third. I have now ac-
complished all 1 set much value on ; for whether the rest
be done now or some sessions hence, matters little. The
five great works I aimed at have been got through — the
establishment of a board of works with ample powers ;
liie admission of aliens; a new system of county courts; the
regulation of the public lands ceded by the Crown under
the Union Act ; and lastly, this District Council Bill.

*' I think you will admit this to be pretty good work for
one session, especially when superadded to half a dozen
minor measures, as well as the fact of having set up a

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

255

Government, broufj^ht together two sets of people who hated
each other cordially, and silenced all the threatened attacks
upon the Union, which were expected to be so formidable.

*' But as the people are willing to work on, I have given
tlieni out a fresh programme within the last five or six
(lays, which I send you, involving four more great measures.
This they have immediately set to work upon, and I shall
really not be surprised to sec them carried too ; though
certainly I do not expect it, and indeed have told the
House that I leave it to them to do as they please, satisfying
myself with putting before them what my views arc, which
may be filled up hereafter.

" What do you think of this, you miserable people in
England, who spend two years upon a single measure ?

" The worst of it is that I am afraid I shall never be good
for quiet purposes hereafter ; for I actually breathe, eat,
drink, and sleep on nothing but government and politics,
and my day is a lost one when I do not find that I have
advanced some of these objects materially. That, in fact,
is the secret of my success. The people know that I am
ready at all hours and times to do business, and that what
I have once undertaken I will carry through; so they follow
my star.

" However, this will avail me nothing in England. No
one there knows the difference between an active and a
supine administration of affairs in a colony ; and for all
the credit to be got, except j)erhaps from Lord John, it
will be as if I had never done any thing. So, though I
write to you in high spirits, and recount my kauts
fails, you need not think that I shall come back bragging of
tliem, or expect to find that they have rendered me half
so marquant a person as a good speech in the House of
Commons or a successful breakfast at Greenwich would
have done."

1841,

The Legislature having sat nearly three months,
the time approached when Lord Sydenham would

25 G LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. be entitled to consider the object of his mission

■ accomplished by the closing of the first session of

the Piirliament of the United Provinces. The state
of his health had long since warned him that his
constitution would no longer endure tlie continued
fatigue of such laborious exertions as he had been
engaged in latterly, nor the severity (»f anotlier
Canadian winter. So early as March of this year,
writing to his brother in England, he said —

" I have the gout in my hand, and can liold the pen
with difficulty. This is now the eighth or ninth fit I have
liad in twelve months, which is really no joke. Yesterday
T could scarcely have signed my name to my own reprieve
if I had been sentenced to be hanged. To-day it has
shifted into the other hand, and the right is freer, thougli
terribly stiff and sore."

In the beginning of the next month, another
attack of a still more serious character occurred,
which has been already mentioned a.s having given
rise to the most alarming symptoms. On the 10th
of April he wrote to Lord John Russell —

" I have fortunately very little to say ; for I cannot
write, and am not very fit to dictate. The doctors
thought me gone last Monday, but I got through it ; 1
suppose to show them that they know nothing about
either killing or curing. I shall be weak, I am afraid, for
some time ; and as they have coaxed tlie gout into the
hands, and will do nothing to give it a chance of jumping
again into the st(miach or heart, it may be some time
before I can hold a pen."

And on the 20th of the same month, writing with
liis left hand, he says —

ADMINISTRATIOX IN CANADA.

257

IS mission
session of
The state
m that his
! continued
[3 had been
of anotlier
' this year,
id —

hold the pen
nth fit I have
, Yesterday
own reprieve
"o-day it has
freer, though

th, another
r occurred,
iving given
In the 10th

for I cannot

[The doctors

jhrough it ; 1

)thing about

im afraid, for

lut into the

le of jumping

le some time

'riting with

" I have had a narrow csca])e ; but, thank God, have
got througli witliout much liarm. It has, however, con-
vinced me of the impossibih'ty of remaining another winter
in this country, and will hasten, or at all events confirm, my
determination to quit it the moment the session is at an
end. Fancy what a climate, when the snow is still two feet
deep on the 20th April ! "

Before he had completely recovered from the
effects of this last seizure, a relapse took place early
in May, and it was ':nly towards the close of that
month that he could use his pen again. On the
25th he thus writes —

" At last I can write to you with my own hand. Grey-
will have told you why I could not by the last packet. I
was ill in bed, and utterly unable either to write or dic-
tate. Not gout merely, but i'ever, and horrible prostration
both of mind and body. In fact I have been done by the
work and the climate united, and God knows whether I

shall see the other side of the Atlantic again ! If

God give me strength to get through my Parliament, I
shall at all events be off" the instant it is over."

The removal to Kingston benefitted his health
in some degree, but could not eflfectually restore
it. He wrote on the 5th of June, a few days after
his arrival at Alwington House (a private mansion
on the edge of the lake, which had been fitted up
tor his residence) —

" After Montreal the quiet of this place is delightful.
I have a beautiful view of the lake, and grounds going
down to it. For two years nearly I have not been able to
take a stroll without my hat, or without the sentinels
presenting arms, and I enjoy being able to do so amaz-

1841.

258

1841.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ingly. The worst, however, is, that I do not recover
strength, which hitherto I always did very rapidly after
an attack. My work oppresses me as it never did before,
and I am ready to hang myself half a dozen times a day.
I am in the midst of the bustle attending the opening of
the session, and have besides a ministerial * crisis ' on my
hands. The latter I shall get through triumphantly ;
unless my tvand) as they call it here, has lost all power
over the members, which I do not believe to be the case.
But the excitement and worry are more than I can stand
in the present state of my health, and I do not know how
it will end. I long for September, beyond which I will
not stay if they were to make me Duke of Canada ant!
Prince of Regiopolis, as this place is called."

Again, on the 25th of July —

" I have not been able to get away from Kingston for a
day ; nor do I think that I should get much benefit by
doing so, unless it were for really a long time. It is the
constant and unceasing labour and worry, unvaried by tlic
least relaxation, which knocks me up, and prevents me
from getting back my strength ; and that can be cured
only by a break-up of the whole thing. My job will be
done at the end of the session, and I don't think I could
gather any more laurels here ; though I should perhaps be
willing to stay for another year, if I could do so with any
chance of living through it. But since that is out of the
question, as my doctors tell me, and as 1 indeed feci
myself, home I must go."

Under these circumstances, Lord Sydenham had
taken the necessary steps for enabling himself to|
quit Canada at the close of the session. He sent i
home his formal resignation by the mail, which left
Kingston on the 25 th of July ; and he had pre-
viously obtained from the Home Government a I

ADMINISTUATION IN CANADA.

259

not recover
apidly after
■ did before,
times a day.
e opening of
risis ' on my
iumpbantly ;
ist all power

be the case.
1 I can stand
ot know bow

which I will
f Canada and

Kingston for a
Lch benefit by
ne. It is the
nvaried by the
1 prevents nie

can be cured
Vly joh will bo

think I could
uld perhaps be
Ido so with any

t is out of the

I indeed fed

rdenham had

Ig himself to|

Ion. He sent]

iil,whiclileft|

he luicl pre-
government a

l(!uve of absence for some months on the gronnd of
lioalth, wliich Avonhl luive dispensed liim fi'oin the
necessity of remaining jit his post until he received
intelligence of the acceptance of his resignation.

As the session advanced his health rather im-
proved under the influence of the purer air of
Kingston, the occasional exercise he was enabled
to take there, and perhaps also the excitement of
Ills success. He wrote towards the end of August
ill the highest spirits on this last account, as has
been seen in the extracts already given from his
private letters.

It was but a few days after the date of the last
of these, that the fatal accident occurred which
was to bring his labours to a premature close, and
annihilate the anticipations he had begun to in-
dulge of a not inglorious repose in the society
of the friends from whom he had so long been
separated.

On the 4th of September he was returning
home from an excursion on horseback, when in
ascending a hill at a canter his horse stumbled
over a stone and fell, Lord Sydenham's right leg
being unfortunately caught beneath the animal.
The horse was soon on his feet, and moved for-
ward some little distance, dragging the rider with
his foot in the stirrup. From this position he
was soon extricated and carried to his residence,
tlien close at hand. On examination it was found
that the principal bone of the leg was fractured
obliquely, and a large and fearful wound created

s 2

1841.

260

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

»;.'•

I84i. above the knee by the angle of a stone agauist
■ which the Hnib hiid been dragged. Severe as

these injuries were, for several days ho appeai'ed
to be going on favourably. No fever si j)ervened,
and tlie medical men considered that the bone of
the leg was uniting. His worst symptom was a
continual restlessness and want of sleep. lie him-
self repeatedly expressed doubts as to his ultimate
recovery ; l)ut they seemed rather to proceed from
the lowness produced by confinement, pain, and
want of rest, than to be caused by any positive
sensations of failing strength.

During this fortnight of protracted suffering,
scarcely relieved for a moment by intervals of rest,
Lord Sydenham's mind was still actively employed
in endeavouring to complete the great public
measures which he so anxiously wished to carry
through the Legislature before its separation. Not-
withstanding the agony he endured, his interest in
these proceedings never for a moment relaxed. Pie
received the officers of the Government and the
members of both Houses as freely, and conversed
witli them as fully, as at any former period. He
continued to make the necessary preparations for
carrying out the legislative mer.sures which had
been already passed so soon as the session should
be over ; and only a week before his death he re-
ceived the notification that the Queen had been
pleased to accept his resignation, and in testimony
of lier approbation had honoured him with the
grand cross of the Bath.

•lohi

mucli
more

l)u.sin(
be. J
Tlioiif
aiiothc
for the
issues
success
for hill
"I
a week
Jeg, can(
is very
always
to my
that I
doctors,
moved
You wi
write, o
»ie youi

Hev

time, r(
to Quel

" I sh
sent for 1
fogo hou

AD.MINISTHATION IN CANADA.

261

vtTe lis
ppciired
irvened,

bone of
m was u
lie liiiii-
ultimiitc
eed ti'oiii
ahi, and

positive

suffering,
[s of rest,
employed
it public
to carry
on. Xot-
iterest in
ixed. He
and the
conversed
nod. He
itions foi'
diicli had
on should
th he re-
had been
testimony
with the

On the llth of September he -wTotc thus to Lord
.Tolin Russell: —

" My dear Lord Jolin,

" I have recc'ivfd yours of tlio 18tli Aiij,'ust. I am
imich obli<>od to you Tor tlie rod riband, but a jj^rcat deal
more for tlic kind manner in winch you reconnnonded it.

*' You will have seen tiiat I was determined to do all my
husiness before cominj^ away ; and a pretty session it will
he. Every measure will have been trlutnphantly carried.
Though 1 could not get the Hank through, it must succeed
another year. The House o^ As^embly wished to defer it
for the session ; but in the mean time they have taxed the
issues of private banks, which will insure its passing. My
successor, therefore, will have little of legislation even left
for him.

" I wish I had managed my own matters as well. But
a week ago my horse fell with me, broke the bone of my
leg, and made a large hole above the knee. The accident
is very painful, especially as the gout, which coward-like
always takes one at a disadvantage, has stepped in to add
to my sufferings ; and, under any circumstances, I fear
that I must have three weeks or a month of bed. The
doctors, however, tell me 1 am sure to be in a state to be
moved by water to Quebec in time to get off this autumn.
You will understand from this account of myself why I
write, or rather dictate, to you as little as possible. Believe
me yours, &c.

" Sydenham."

He wrote likewise to Lord Falkland at the same
time, requesting him, if possible, to send the Pique
to Quebec to take him home.

'• I should very much like (he said) to have that frigate
sent for me. She brought me out, and 1 should rather like
to go home in her. Besides which I shall probably be able

s 3

1841.

"?u

'^^.

•V*'.

s^^%%

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WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

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'4^

262 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. to do Captain Boxer a service, if he manages to come

to Quebec, which I sliould he desirous of doing.

" Mv ParHament will be finished next week. They
have done all their business, and only missed one tiling-
T wanted them to do — a bank of issue; but that will
come.

** Adieu, my dear Lord Falkland. I am at my sixth
day, and neither fracture nor wound improve upon ac-
quaintance — which you must receive as my apology for
not writing to you more fully.

" Yours very truly,

'* Sydenham."

The anticipations of his return home contained
in these letters were not destined to be fulfilled.
Indeed, in the shattered state of Lord Sydenham's
constitution, fears might reasonably have been en-
tertained from the first that his system had not
strength sufficient to bear the shock, or to repair
the internal mischief occasioned by it. Gout, too,
as we have seen, supervened, adding to the suffer-
ings and weakness of the patient, and diminishing
the chances in his favour.

On the ninth day it became evident that no pro-
gress had been made towards the knitting of the
fractured bone, and alarming symptoms began to
manifest themselves in cramps, commencing in the
leg and extending gradually to the stomach and
throat — yet still the medical men considered hhn
in no immediate danger. The prorogation of the
Legislature had been first fixed for Wednesday the
15th of September, but at the request of the As-
sembly had been postponed to Friday the 17th. Up

es to come

CL'k. They
cl one tliint>-
It that will

at my sixth

v^e upon ac-

apology lor

fDENIlAM.

e contained
be fulfiUed.
Sydenham's
,ve been en-
nn had not
or to repair
Gout, too,
the suffer-
diminishing

:hat no pro-
Itting of the
lis began to
icmg in the
Itomach and
isidered hhvi
ktion of the
jdnesday the
It of the As-
lelTth. Up

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

to Thursday night there was no apprehension of a
fatal result ; and during the whole of that day Lord
Sj'denham was occupied in deciding on the bills sent
up to him by the Legislature, and in dictating the
speech with which he proposed to close the session.
On Friday morning he corrected his speech, and con-
tinued to transact public business ; but he was evi-
dently worse, and the prorogation Avas therefore
postponed — in the afternoon of that day his medical
attendants fearing that delirium might come on,
he was advised to depute General Clitherow, the
senior military officer on the spot, to prorogue the
Houses. In the night between Friday and Saturday
the 18th a change took place, which for the iirst
time thoroughly aroused his family to his imminent
danger, and showed that his sufferings were fast
approaching to a fatal termination : all his symp-
toms were in those few shoi't hours fearfully aggra-
vated, — the spasms by which for several days he
had been tortured became more frequent and in-
tense, and his strength was evidently fast failing.
Those who had hoped most were now forced to
allow that hope was no longer reasonable ; and the
only question was, how many hours he might still
linger in agony.

He became very soon aware of his own state ;
yet even in those trying moments, when all worldly
prospects were fast fading from his sight — when
the reward of success and the discredit of failure
were becoming alike indifferent, his sense of duty

s 4

263

1841.

264

1841.

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

still kept alive his interest in public matters. With
a calmness and tranquillity most astonishing to
those who witnessed it, he continued between the
paroxysms of pain to devote his attention to such
public matters as required immediate decision.
His faculties remained unimpaired ; and early in
the day he executed his will, in which, among other
legacies, was one " in token of his friendship and
esteem" to Lord John Russell. AYlien this part
of his will was subsequently read over to him, he
repeated twice in a firm and emphatic tone, " Ke
was the noblest man it was ever my good fortune
to know." Among the many testimonies which
during his public life Lord John Russell may
have received, none can have borne more deeply
the stamp of sincere attachment and admiration
than these few words from the dying lips of his
friend and fellow- statesman.

In the afternoon Lord Sydenham invited all the
members of his family to unite with him in receiv-
ing the Holy Sacrament. After the administration
of that sacred ordinance he took leave of them in-
dividually, addressing to each some words of kind
remembrance, accompanied by some token of his
regard. He then desired to be left alone with his
chaplain; and during the night he continued con-
stant and fervent in prayer, and in preparation for
the awful change about to take place. No murmur
at his untimely fate ever escaped his lips, but in
his death he evinced the same firmness and strength
of mind which in life had been his distinguishing

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

characteristic. Throughout the night his suffer-
ings continued unabated, and repeatedly those who
watched thought that his last moment was come ;
but it was not until seven o'clock of Sunday the
19th that he breathed his last.

265

1841.

Lord Sydenham's death naturally created the
most intense feeling throughout the Province.
Until within the last twenty-four hours no one
had .contemplated the probability of a fatal result ;
and the news of it came therefore on the public
with the force of an unlooked-for and sudden
shock. Nor could any one fail to be struck with
the peculiar and melancholy circumstances which
marked this event. He had just reached the term
proposed by himself to his labours ; he had accom-
plished every object for which he had been sent out;
he had struggled against and overcome difficulties
by which a less resolute and persevering character
Avould have been vanquished ; and he had received
from the hands of his Sovereign the most distin-
guished tokens of her approbation and confidence.
His fame was at its zenith, and he was on the point
of returning to his native land to enjoy the honours
which he had so laboriously won, when the prize
was snatched from his hands, and his career brought
to an untimely close. Never had a more impres-
sive lesson on the vanity of human life and the
worthlessness of its ambition been read to the world.
No words that the moralist might use could equal

266 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. tho reflections to which the facts themselves gave
— rise.

But Avhile to Lord Sydenham's immediate friends
his death was a cause of poignant grief, to the great
majority of the people of Canada it came in the
light of a public misfortune. The great complaint
which had been on the li^^s of all, the source to
which they attributed the misgovernment of former
years, was the ignorance which, whether rightly or
wrongly, they considered to prevail in the Home
Government as to their real wants and wishes.
They had looked to Lord Sydenham to supply this
deficiency ; and had trusted that in his place in
the House of Lords his personal experience and
local knowledge would prevail with whatever party
might for the time be in power. Every man,
whether his supporter or opponent, was willing to
acknowledge his energy, his talents, his peculiar
aptitude for business, his quick apprehension, his
indefatigable industry. Nor when they saw him
toiling day and night in the public service, through
good repute and evil repute, in sickness and pain
no less than in health, could any refuse to give him
credit for the interest which he ever expressed in
the welfare of the country. To all who had looked
to his future career with such hopes and feelings,
his death appeared like another link in that fatal
chain of accidents which had constantly deprived
Canada of its ablest friends at the moment when
their advocacy would have been most effective.

These sentiments naturally found an echo in the

ADMINISTKATION IN CANADA.

2G7

3lvcs gave

ate friends

) the great

me in the

complaint

source to
; of former
rightly or
the Home
1(1 wishes.
;upply this
IS place in
rience and
ever party
very man,
willing to
s peculiar
msion, his

saw him
e, through

and pain
) give him
pressed in
lad looked
d feelings,

that fatal

deprived
lent when
ictive.
3I10 in the

public press, which from one end of the Province
to the other gave utterance to expressions of sincere
regret over tlie untimely fate of their late gover-
nor. With scarcely a single exception, the public
journals exhilnted on this sad occasion tlie most
creditable feeling — they laid aside for the moment
their personal and party politics, and united in
one general testimony to the services which Lord
Sydenham had rendered, and to the loss which the
Province had suffered. These tributes were after-
wards collected by a member of the Assembly, at
one time Lord Sydenham's most uncompromising
and ablest opponent, but latterly (from a convic-
tion of the wisdom and rectitude of his policy) his
sincere eulogist and supporter; and some selections
from them are presented to the reader in the Ap-
pendix, as affording the most unquestionable and
satisfactory evidence of the feelings to which Lord
Sydenham's death gave rise at the time.

Nor, indeed, when we look back at the effects
produced by his short but vigorous administration,
can we be surprised at the unanimity which pre-
vailed on this occasion. He had found the Provinces
staggering under the effects of the two rebellions ;
their inhabitants divided against each other, their
improvements arrested, their exchequers empty,
their credit annihilated, each man mistrusting his
neighbour, and all looking to the military force as
the only security against renewed violence and
ultimate separation from the mother country. In
less than two years the picture was reversed. He

1841.

268

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. left the Provinces in the most complete security
and repose; safe not only against foreign aggres-
sion, but against intestine discord : liope and con-
fidence revived in every bosom, the public works
again in progress, credit re-established, and the
union with the mother country cemented and
placed on a broader and more secure basis. In the
addresses which greeted his successor on his arrival
no circumstances formed so frequent a subject of
congratulation as the profound tranquillity whicJi
then prevailed, and the revival of hope and con-
fidence. Comparing these testimonies with the
account of the Upper Province given by the Lieu-
tenant-Governor one month only before Lord
Sydenham's arrival, it is impossible not to recognise
at once the wonderful effects of his policy.

To produce this extraordinary alteration Lord
Sydenham had had recourse to no organic change
in the constitution, but had brought it about merely
by adopting a more liberal system of administering
the Government, and by enlisting the sympathies of
the people and their representatives on the side of the
Executive. Up to his time it had been practically
the custom to consider the popular and executive
branches of the constitution as naturally and ne-
cessarily antagonist to each other; and thus had
grown up on the one hand a jealousy of encroach-
ment, and on the other an impatience of opposition,
which made co-operation between the two purely
impossible. To such an extent had these feelings
been carried, that at the commencement of the

ADMINISTUATIUN IN CANADA.

2()9

ke security
gn aggrcs-
e and con-
blic works
I, and the
3ntcd and
is. In the
his arrival
subject of
Llity wliicli
e and con-
with the
I the Lieu-
fore Lord
D recognise

ition Lord
iiic change
out merely
ninistering
ipathies of

side of the
practically

executive
y and ne-

thus had

encroach -
)pposition,
wo purely
3e feelings

it of the

session of 1839-40 in Upper Canada, an attempt
was made to prevent connnunication to the (Jo-
vcrnor of the daily proceedings of the Plouse of
Assembly; and some members even complained of
the presence of individuals of the Governor's house-
hold among the crowds who daily attended the
debates, lest they should carry to the Governor's
ear the proceedings of the House !

The moment of Lord Sydenham's arrival was
peculiarly favourable for the introduction of a
better system; indeed had he been himself less
anxious on the subject, it would have been forced
on him by the circumstances of the time. The dis-
cussion of the " responsible government " doctrine
had roused every man's attention to the principles
of representative government, and to the manner
in which those principles had been carried into
effect in Canada ; and there was a general feeling,
both among the supporters and opponents of that
doctrine, that the time was come beyond which it
would be no longer possible to postpone a declar-
ation of the views of the Government upon it. ]3oth
parties Avere eager for such a declaration; but it
was by the "compact" party th-. the subject
was first brought formally into disc :>]sion in the
House of Assembly, in the hope of eliciting from
Lord Sydenham some answer unfavourable to the
popular party. That answer, as we have already
seen, avoided the snare by abstaining from all
argument, and simply enunciating the broad prin-
ciple that the Government was to be conducted in

1841.

270

1811.

MKH OF LOKl) SYDKNIIAM.

litirmony with tlie well-iiiKk'rstood wislies of tlic
jKiople; or, in other words, that the attempt to go-
vern by a minority woukl be abandoned ; and tliis
dedaration was received by all moderate men as
sufficient. Jt was, liowever, far from ecjually sjitis-
factory to tlic "compact" party, who were anxious
to push the Governor to more specific propositions,
which tliey well knew would give occasion to cavil
and argument, and might possibly bring about an
eventual rupture between him and his supporters.

But in this attempt they were foiled by Lord
Sydenham's prudence. In truth no one under-
stood more perfectly than he did the impossibility
of defining a principle of government by precise
terms, and the consequent danger of making the
attempt. Even in the mother country, where the
practice has been so long established and so well
understood, where the theoretical anomalies are
less striking, and where there exists no extraneous
authority to be consulted, who would venture
to define the exact limits of the prerogatives of
the crown, or the responsibility of ministers, or lay
down any invariable rule as to the circumstances
which should justify their retention or lead to
their resignation of office? How much more im-
possible, then, to do so in a society where both
practice and principle had been hitherto alike un-
known, — where party feelings were much more
intense, and where, therefore, there would naturally
have been much greater disposition to push the
theory to its extreme results? Accordingly, on

ADMINISTWATION IN CANADA.

271

lies of tlic
il[)t to ^o-
; and this
Ltc men as
iisilly satis-
re anxious
'opositioiis,
on to cavil
r about an
ipporters.
1 by Lord
ine undcr-
ipossibility
by precise
Halving tlie
where the
lid so well
•malies are
extraneous
Id venture
)gatives of
ers, or lay
umstances
)r lead to
more ini-
diere botli
) alike un-
uch more
naturally
push the
lingly, on

this first opportunity, Lord Sydenham confined
himself to such general terms as were sufficient to
meet the hnniediate object of putting an cud to
angry discussion. But on the next occasion that
ottered itself, namely, during his visit to Nova
Scotia, he entered more at large into the subject;
fortified, no doubt, by the experience which he had
acquired during the intervening period, and anxious
before the new constitution came into operation in
Canada to leave no question as to the course which
he meant to pursue. Upon this occasion, tliere-
fore, he expressed himself, as wc have already seen,
in the following terms : —

" It is the anxious desire of the Queen that her British
North American subjects should be happy and prosperous,
— that they should enjoy that freedom wliicli is the birth-
right of Britons, and bless the tie which binds them to her
empire.

'* Her commands to her Representative are, that he
should consult their wishes and their fjeelings, — that he
sliould promote their interest by well-considered reforms,
and suit his administration of affairs to the growing im-
portance and varying circumstances of each Colony ; — that
whilst it should be alike his interest and duty to listen
respectfully to the opinions which may be offered to him,
and to seek the advice of those who may be considered to
represent the well-understood wishes of the people, he can
devolve the responsibility of his acts on no man, without
danger to the connection of the Colony with the Empire,
and injury to the best interests of those whose welfare is
committed to his care.

*' I feel confident that the people of Nova Scotia, dis-
tinguished for their loyalty to the Sovereign, and proud of

18H.

272

LIKK OK LOKI) SVDKNIIAM.

I',.;

18H, their connection with tlic British Crown, will yield to no

attempt to inspire theni with other feeling's, or to lead

them to demands incompatihlc with these princii)les."

The tliird jukI last occasion on wliicli ho lui-
nounced his views on the subject was in the lleso-
hitions brou«^ht forward by his Council in the
United Legislature, in substitution for those i)ro-
posed by Mr. Baldwin, and carried luianiniously.
These Resolutions were as follows: —

" 1. That the head of the Executive Government of
the Province bein<^ within the limits of his Oovernment
the representative of the Sovereign, is responsible to the
Imperial authority alone ; but that nevertheless the ma-
na^^ement of our local affairs can only be conducted by
him, by and with the assistance, counsel, and information
of subordinate officers in the Province.

** 5i. Tliat in order to preserve between the different
branches of the Provincial Parliament that harmony which
is essential to the peace, welfare, and good government of
the Province, the chief advisers of the representative of
the Sovereign, constituting a Provincial Administration
under him, ought to be men possessed of the confidence of
the representatives of the people ; thus affording a gua-
rantee that the well-understood wishes and interests of the
people, which our gracious Sovereign has declared shall
be the rule of the Provincial Government, will on all oc-
casions be faithfully represented and advocated.

" S. That the people of this Province have moreover a
right to expect from such Provincial Administration the
exertion of their best endeavours that the Imperial autho-
rity, within its constitutional limits, shall be exercised in the
manner most consistent with their well-understood wishes
and interests."

ADMINISTHATION IN CANADA.

273

ic'Ul to no
or to li'iul
iplc's.

;h he aii-
tlic lleso-
;il in thu
those \n'i}-
Liihnously.

'eminent of
jlovernment
iible to the
ess the m<i-
(luluctecl by
information

he difierent
niony which

I moreover a
stratioii the
lerial autho-
ircised in tlie
Itood wishes

These several dochifatioiis (.'ontaiii a ibnnal and
coniph'ti' fecoi'd of Lord Sydmliain's views on tla;
subject of responsible ^^overnnient. There is no
mystiticution about them, nor can any man pretend
to misunderstand tlieir tenor. They end)o(ly the
two great prin(;ipU\s which he ever asserted, and
which formed the hniding rules of liis administra-
tion; viz. —

1st, That as her ^lajesty's re[)resentative he was
hinirielf responsible to the Imperial authorities
alone; and,

2nd, That it was his duty so to form and con-
duct the Government as to ensure its harmony
Avith the majority of the House of Assend^ly.

The combination of tliese two principles has been
regarded by some as impossible; and it has been
objected that if the Governor is to conduct his
administration through an executive council who
are to be kept in general accordance with the
House of Assembly, he must become in practice
the creature of the Council, and tlirough them of
the Assembly; and that his responsibility to the
Lnperial Government piust be nugatory. That
the result need not be so, requires no stronger
proof than Lord Sydenham's own Administration.
No Governor could have had greater difficulties to
contend with ; none could have found parties more
exasperated against each other; none could have
had to encounter an opposition more compactly
united, or unscrupulously determined. Yet against
all these difficulties he succeeded; not after a

ISH.

274 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. lapse of time and varying chances, but at once,

and unequivocally; and throughout he contrived

to reconcile the two apparently conflicting prin-
ciples. No man ever asserted that he was the
creature of his council, or that the policy which
was followed during his administration was not
his own: on the contrary, the general accusation
against him was, that he carried his own views too
exclusively against those of his advi; rs, and that
he was too much, rather than too little, of a Go-
vernor. Yet that he carried the Assembly with
him is equally indisputable, and that without any
unworthy or temporising concessions to popular
feeling, and without ever compromising the duty
which he owed to the Imperial Government. The
plausibility of the objection lies really in the con-
templation of extreme rather than of ordinary
cases, — of what may, instead of what will, happen.
Nor is sufficient weight given to the personal cha-
racter of the Governor, and to the legitimate in-
fluence of his position, — on the right use of which
almost everything must depend. This will be evi-
dent on a very little reflection.

Every one must admit that the first principle
to be maintained in every part of the British do-
minions is the supremacy of the Imperial Parlia-
ment and Government; and that this supremacy
ought not to be limited or bartered away for any
consideration whatever. But it is equally unde-
niable that this authority cannot be used for the
management of the daily routine of Colonial Go-

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

275

t at once,
contrived
iting prin-
le was the
)licy which
n was not
accusation
n views too
rs, and that
le, of a Go-
semoly with
^vithout any
to popular
ng the duty
iment. The
T in the con-
of ordinary
will, happen,
personal cha-
;o:itiniate in-
,se of whicli
s will be evi-

vcrnmcnt, both because of its distance from the scene
of action, and because of its unavoidable ignorance
of local details. " Nee Deus intersit," &c. is an apho-
rism peculiarly applicable in this case. The inter-
ference of the metropolitan power must be reserved
for those extraordinary cases " where," in the words
of Lord John Russell's despatch to Lord Sydenham,
" the honour of the Crown or the interests of the
Empire are deeply concerned. " This is no new theory.
It pervades the whole of Lord Glenelg's instructions
TO the Commissioners and the Earl of Gosford in
July, 1835; and in his instructions to SirF. Head
of December of that year is expressed in the fol-
lowing terms : — " Parliamentary legislation on any
subject of exclusively internal concern, in any Bri-
tish colony possessing a Representative Assembly,
is as a general rule unconstitutional. It is a right
of which the exercise is reserved for extreme cases,
in which necessity at once creates and justifies the
exception."

But cases in which the honour of the Crown or
the interests of the Empire could be affected by the
proceedings of a colonial legislature must be very
rare ; and it will seldom be found that the colonists
so far misunderstand the nature of their position as
to offer any resistance to the Government in such
matters. They must relate almost exclusively to
I the foreign relations of the Empire, or to regula-
tions connected with its trade, — subjects on Avhich
the incompetency of a subordinate legislature is so
self-evident and acknowledged as to leave no room

T 2

1841.

276

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. for question. In the improbable event of a colonial

legislature putting itself in opposition on these

points to the Imperial Government, the course is
plain. As their success in such a struggle would
be independence, the whole power of the Empire
must, if necessary, be put forth to prevent that
success. But in the daily routine of internal go-
vernment, in that which comes home to the feelings
and. interests of every individual, the metropolitan
authorities can have no motive for interference;
nor can any imperial interest be affected by it.
Those duties which embrace, among other things,
the improvement of the municipal institutions and
of the local judiciary, the establishment of schools,
the assistance and direction of public works, the
selection of the magistracy, the appointments to
the militia, the nominations to office, and other
matters of a like nature, are far beyond the cog-
nisance of the home authorities, and must be left
to the Governor and his advisers. Every one who
has lived in a colonial society will bear testimony
to the importance of these questions, and to the
effect which may be produced on the popularity
and influence of a government by a right or a wrong
use of the prerogative of the Crown in the distribu-
tion of appointments, whether lucrative or merely
honorary. In a society where hereditary rank is
unknown, even the latter appointments, as the
only means of distinction mthin the reach of the
great bulk of the people, are sought "svith an avidity
which to an European eye would appear unreason-

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

277

able. One of the charges most commonly brought
against the old official party of Upper Canada, and
which most contributed to their unpopularity, was
their supposed exclusiveness in the distribution of
this kind of patronage.

But even the Governor cannot discharge duties
of this nature except with the advice of his subor-
dinate officers. It is impossible for one who has
not passed his life in the colony, and mixed fa-
miliarly with its inhabitants, to be acquainted
with the qualifications and claims of the respective
candidates for office in a country so extensive as
Canada. For assistance, therefore, he must look,
and has always looked, to those about him. Under
the old system the official party naturally and ex-
cusably recommended their own friends — those
who thought with them in politics, and whose
opinions they accordingly looked upon as embody-
ing the true faith; and as this party were often in
Upper, and always in Lower Canada, in a minority
in the Legislative Assembly, and as their tenure of
office was virtually permanent, the magistracy and
militia soon came to be filled mth those who did
not carry with them the confidence of the people.
This inconvenience is at once put an end to by
making the existence of the Executive Council
to depend on its carrying with it a majority in
the House of Assembly ; in which case the coun-
cillors ^vill naturally consult not their own prepos-
sessions alone, but the wishes of the bulk of the
representatives of the people. It then remains for

T 3

1841.

278

LIFR OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

18 n. the Governor only to <]^nar(l ap^ainst a too exclusive
]>'dvty bias, or a too ^reat seeking of popularity in
sueli matters.

It may no doubt be argued that collisions will
ai'ise between tlie (iiovernor and the majority in the
House of Assembl}^, and that in tliat case the Gover-
nor Avill almost invariably be compelled to give way.
Admitting the truth of this argument, it nmstalso ho
admitted that the existence of such collision would
be a prima facie evidence of unskilfulness or want
of knowledge on the part of the Governor. In-
vested as that officer is Avitli the disposal of the
Avliole patronage of the colony, and fortified as wc
nnist assume him to be by a knowledge of political
affairs and an accpiaintance with the management
of mankind as superior as his rank, his influence
ought to be, and must be, only not conclusive
with his council. With the power of immediately
changing that body, the range of his policy would
be circumscribed only by limits which not only his
existing council, but which any council likely to
obtain a majority in the actual Assembly, or in
one to be elected on a dissolution, would refuse to
overstep. If such a case should indeed arise, who Avill
pretend to say that the Governor ought not to give
way ? To invest him with power to resist the almost
unanimous voice of the people in matters relating
to their own internal concerns, would be to establisli
an Executive despotism, — a proposition to which
few Englishmen would be prepared to accede.

Cases, of course, may be imagined in which the

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

cxtrt'inc use of their power cither 1)y the executive
or tlie le«^islature would bring the (joverniiient to
a (lend lock ; but this is a defect inherent in every
system of mixed government, and indej)endent of
the mode of its administratiim. It is, however,
sometimes further argued that a colonial legisla-
ture, anxious to carry some o])ject beyond their
jiu'isdiction, might, in order to compel the Ciiovern-
mcnt to give up the point, embarrass its march in
matters which fall within their jurisdiction. If
such should be the case, — if a colony should really
pervert its constitutional powers to a weapon of
offence against the authority from which it derives
its constitution, the remedy is to be found, not in
a despotic administration of the government, but
in a curtailment or deprivation of the powers thus
a])used. The argument goes far beyond the case
to which it is applied : it goes to prove, if it prove
any tiling, the inappropriateness of representative
government to a colonial society, — the impossibility
of establisliing such a constitution without laying
the foundation of an early separation from the
parent state.

Nor is the argument of those less unreasonable
who maintain that if a collision should arise between
the imperial and the local authority, the former
would by the concession of responsible govern-
ment have been deprived of a portion of its power
to enforce obedience. Can it be supposed that the
mother country would speak with less influence
when it could appeal to a long course of liberal

T 4

279

1841.

280

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. treatment, than when by a system of unreasonable
opposition or restraint it had chafed the temper
of the colonial population into fury ? Or is it pos-
sible to believe that such opposition can produce any
other effect than irritation and contempt, in place
of submission and respect? In point of fact, the
feelings caused by a system of needless and unrea-
sonable obstruction are much more dangerous to the
power of the mother country, and the permanence
of the connection, than a dozen isolated acts of
straightforward authority.

In short, it is a mere truism to say that a
representative legislature, wherever established,
must influence the conduct of the executive go-
vernment, and that if it is not allowed to act in a
regular and legitimate manner it will act by con-
vulsion. But the success of responsible govern-
ment, or, if that name be objected to, of constitutional
government, under a representative system, must
depend in a colony, as in the mother country, on
the discreet and forbearing use of the powers vested
in the several authorities which together constitute
the state. If one of these make an extreme use of
its powers, the equilibrium will be destroyed, and
confusion must ensue. The Imperial Government,
in the first place, must forbear from exercising
capriciously or unnecessarily its undoubted right
to control the local policy of the Governor, — the
Governor must abstain from using the prerogative
of the Crown in contempt of or opposition to the
well-known feelings of the people; and they on

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

281

their part must not attempt to push popular theories 1 84i.
beyond the legitimate limits of a mixed govern-
ment, or to coerce the Governor into measures in-
consistent with his duty to his sovereign. But to
carry out this system, it is evident that almost
every thing must depend on the Governor himself.
He must possess the confidence of the Home Go-
vernment to secure his independence of action and
the consistency of his policy. He must be fitted
to obtain the respect of the people, that he may
arrest any tendency on their part to extreme mea-
sures ; and he must be endowed Avith moral courage,
firmness of mind, and extensive knowledge, that he
may direct the councils of his ofiicial servants, and
take the lead in the introduction of those measures
which are required for the public advantage.

These qualifications were united in an eminent
degree in Lord Sydenham. His position as a
cabinet minister, and the change by which simul-
taneously with his appointment to Canada Lord
John Russell took charge of the Colonial depart-
ment, were an earnest to all the world that he
would be sure of the support of the Home Govern-
ment. He was thus invested, from his first landing
at Quebec, with an influence which no previous Go-
vernor had possessed, and which every succeeding
day tended to confirm. It was observed that Lord
John Russell not only affbrded him the most prompt
and generous support, but took every opportunity
of proclaiming that support in the most public
manner — that in every series of papers laid before

282

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. Parliament this fact was brought prominently for-
ward, and that sometimes papers were published of
whicli this was apparently almost the whole object.
These documents being immediately copied into the
Canadian newspapers, no inhabitant of the Province
could fail to know the terms of mutual confidenoe
and respect which subsisted between Lord John
Russell and Lord Sydenham. The authority which
he derived from this circumstance formed an es-
sential element of his success, since it was felt
that he was clothed "vvith the full power of the
British Government ; that in what he decided his
decision would be final; and that his promises or
threats were equally sure of fulfilment.

P>ut his personal character and previous political
career were also exactly suited to assist him in his
task. AVhile as the son of a merchant, and himself
at one time engaged in trade, he possessed an
authority with the mercantile community which
probably no other man could have obtained, his
intimate connexion with the liberal party in Eng-
land, was a security to the Reformers of Upper
Canada against his falling into the hands of the
" Compact." And thus while the merchants of
Quebec and Montreal, on the one hand, were pre-
pared to support a Governor who, for the first time,
understood their commercial schemes and interests
as well as themselves, — who was always ready to
enter into communication -with them on such sub-
jects, and who was scarcely less anxious than they
to foster the advancement of the country, the Re-

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

283

formers of Upper Canada willingly abated in his
favour a portion of the jealousy with which they
had been accustomed to regard their successive
Governors ; and which, however unwise, was under
the circumstances not unnatural. Had his political
ch.iracter and habits of business been less known,
it is not improbable that the indifference of tlic
commercial body of the Lower Province and the
jealousy of the Upper Canada Reform party might
have induced them to stand aloof, until he had
given some unequivocal pledge as to his intended
policy ; and thus the success of his mission would
have been at least postponed, even if it had not
been permanently endangered.

But the most useful of all his qualities, — those
without which neither he nor any other Governor
could at such a crisis have succeeded, — were his
moral courage, indomitable energy, and intimate
acquaintance with parliamentary tactics. It is im-
possible attentively to consider his career, or to read
the extracts which have been given from his private
correspondence, without being struck with his ad-
mirable decision and energy. His courage appeared
ever to rise with the emergency, as if the difficul-
ties which would have affrighted others did but
add a zest to the excitement which he derived from
the struggle. It was- the possession of these qua-
lities which enabled him to take that decided line in
the session of the Upper Canada Legislature which
breathed consistency into the unsteady councils of
liis supporters, while his knowledge of parliament-

1841.

284 LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. ary proceedings .showed him how to turn their num-
bers to tlie best possible account. The same quali-
ties enabled him to brave the virulent attacks of the
French Canadians and their adherents, and finally
to discomfit the unexpected hostility which burst
upon him at the opening of his last parliament,
from a quarter which, up to that moment, he had
considered friendly. Had he at that conjuncture
evinced any wavering or despondency, ^Ir. Baldwin
and his party would probably have triumphed, and
the working of the Union Act might have been
seriously impeded. Lord Sydenham's resolution
saved that measure from at least the ill omen of a
bad beginning, and thus secured for it a success
which admitted neither of dispute nor qualification.
Had Lord Sydenham's administration in Canadji
been prolonged, there is good reason to believe
that of those who had been his most inveterate
opponents during the first session of the United
Legislature, many would have been brought over
to a less uncompromising opposition, if not to
actual support. Even among the French members,
symptoms of a change were visible, of which Lord
Sydenham had not been slow to avail himself. To
several of that party he had promised appointments,
which he did not live to bestow on them, but which
they received from the hands of the Commander of
the Forces after his death. These members would
naturally have supported his government ; and there
were so many reasons why the great mass of that
people should range themselves on the same side,

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

285

that it seems scarcely probable that they would
long have continued blind to the falsehood of the
representations which charged Lord Sydenham
with hostility towards their race. That he was
actuated by a feeling the very opposite to this, is
shown by every act of his administration. Had it
been otherwise, how completely might he not have
annihilated the political power of the French j^arty
at the time of the passing of the Union Act !

No one will deny that in the year 1889 there
was in England a general dislike to the restoration
to the French of any share of political power. Nor
was this feeling unnatural. In his Report * Lord
Durham had described in the following terms the
sentiments of the two races in Lower Canada.
" Removed," he says, " from all actual share in the
government of their country, they (the French
Canadians) brood in sullen silence over the memory
of their fallen countrymen, — of their burnt villages,
of their ruined property, of their extinguished
ascendency, and of their humbled nationality. To
the Government and English they ascribe these
wrongs, and nourish against both an indiscrimi-
nating and eternal animosity. Nor have the English
inhabitants forgotten in their triumph the terror
with Avhich they suddenly saw themselves sur-
rounded by an insurgent majority, and the incidents
which alone appeared to save them from the un-
checked domination of their antagonists. They

1841.

* Page 20.

286

LIFK OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. find tlicmaclvcs still a minority in the midst of u

hostile and or^uniscd pC'oi)lt'; jq)[)ivli(.'nsions of

secret conspiracies and sanguinary designs haunt
them unceasingly; and their only liope of safety is
supposed to rest on systematically teri'ifying and
disabling the French, and in preventing a majority
of that race from ever again being predominant in
tmy portion of the legislature of the province. I
describe in strong terms the feelings which appear
to me to animate each portion of the population ;
and the picture which I draw represents a state of
things so little familiar to the personal experience
of the people of this country, that many will pro-
bably regard it as the Avork of mere imagination ;
but I feel confident that the accuracy and modera-
tion of my description will be acknowledged by all
who have seen the state of society in Lower Canada
during the last year. Nor do I exaggerate the
inevitable constancy any more than the intensity
of this animosity. Never again will the present
generation of French Canadians yield a loyal sub-
mission to a British Government ; never again will
the British population tolerate the authority of a
House of Assembly in which the French shall pos-
sess, or even approximate to a majority." — In a
subsequent part of his Report he again expressed
himself on the same point in words scarcely less im-
pressive. " I have already described," he observes,
" the state of feeling which prevails among each of
the contending parties, or rather races ; — their all-
pervading and irreconcilable enmity to each other ;

ADMINISTIIATION IN CANADA.

287

tlio entire and irrcmeduible disafl'ection of the whole
French population; us well us the suspicion with
Avhich the English regard the Imperial (jiovernnient ;
and the determination of the French, together mth
tlie tendency of the Fnglish, to seek for u redress of
their intoleruhk' j)resent < vils in the cliances of a
separation liorn Great IJritain." And in sunnning
up his report he hud reconinieiidcd that " in order
to prevent the confusion and danger likely to ensue
from attempting to have populnr elections in dis-
tricts recently the seats of open rebellion, it will
he udvisuble to give the Governor a temporary power
of suspending by proclamation, stating specifically
the grounds of his determination, the writs of
electoral districts, in which he may be of opinion
that elections could not safel}^ take place."

Such opinions, coming from so high an authority,
appeared to justify the fears which had been before
produced by the insane proceedings of the French ;
and accordmgly when the first Union Bill was
brought forward, the general objection urged
against it was the danger of entrusting political
power to men whose disaffection was so notorious.
In England, therefore, Lord Sydenham could have
anticipated no difficulty, had he thought fit to throw
the weight of his personal experience into the scale
against the French. Nor had he more to fear in
Upper Canada. We have seen that on his first
landing in the capital of that province he was met
by an address from the corporation of Toronto, the
self-styled "highest municipal body in the pro-

is n.

288

LIFE OF LORD SYDKNIIAM.

18 ti. viiico," in which the asocndcncy of the British, and

^ the subjection of the "jiliens," i.e. the French, was

strenuously insisted on. We have also seen that
in the session of 18^58-9, tlie Assembly of that
province had adopted resolutions on the subject of
the Union which would have placed the French in
a hopeless minority, and have proscribed their
lanmiaij:e and their laws. What could have been
easier for Lord Sydenham, had he really been hostile
to that race, than to have acquiesced in the passing-
of similar resolutions in the session of 1839-40?
No direct action would have been necessary on his
part; he had but to withhold his opposition, and the
former resolutions would again have been placed
on the journals of Upper Canada. It was his stre-
nuous opposition alone, — his uncompromising deter-
mination, notwithstanding the timidity and reluc-
tance of some of the local authorities, that defeated
that proposal, and secured for the French the ample
share of representation which they now enjoy. Had
he taken the opposite course, and cither seconded
Lord Durham's suggestion, that the Government
should be vested Avith a discretionary power to
suspend writs in French counties ; or supported
the resolution of the Assembly of Upper Canada,
that the Lower Province should return but 50
while the Upper Province returned 02 members, —
there can be no question that, so supported, these
provisions would have been incorporated by the
Imperial Parliament into the Union Bill. In that
case the French might really have complained of

ADMINISTHATION IN CANADA.

289

itisli, 1111(1
[inch, WHS
seen tliiit
yr of tluit
subject of
Freucli in
ibcd their
have been
(oen hostile
lie passing
1830-40?
sary on his
on, and the
)eeii \)hiced
as his stre-
ishig detev-
and relue-
at defeated
ii the ample
ijoy. Had
r seconded
noverniueiit
power to
supported
»cr Canada,
|rn but 50
embers, —
►rted, these
ed by the
In that
iiplained of

lu'ing depriv(!d of a fair share of re[)r('Scntation — a
complaint wliich at present is quite uin*easonablc.*
jhit how does Lord Sydenham's conchict towai-ds
tlie French after Ids return from Tppcr Caiiachi
l)i'ar out this accusation, so often and so confidently
repeated that at last it obtnined currency, if not
l)elief ? One of his first measures wjis to offer M.
lijifontaine the a[)pointment of Solicitor-general,
wliich Avould of coui'se have led to liis havini*- ji, seat
ill the Executive Council, with the avowed object,
;is M. Lafontaine himself declared, of reconciling
tlie French to the Covermuent, and of dispelling

* Tlio wliol(> population of United Canada is about 1,150,000,
of whom about (J.'jOjOOO arc in Lo\v(m- Canada, and 50(),(K)0 in
tli(! ll|)i)(>r I'rovincc. Of the 050,000 in Lower Canada |)ro-
bably 500,000 arv. Fn^ncli ; but as almost the whole stream of
I'liiit^ration passes through Lower Canada to the U[)j)('r Province,
and as the number of emigrants during the year 184-2, including
those from the United States, w^as upwards of 50,000, and will
in the present season be probably greater, it is evident that in
a very few years the balance of population will be in favour of
Upper Canada, and against Lower Canada. If, then, the pro-
portion of representatives from each Province had be<!n fixed,
as the objectors would have proposed, simply with reference to
numbers, it would have been necessary very shortly to alter
tluit proportion to keep pace with the fluctuations in the popu-
lation, and the superiority which in the first instance Lower
Canada would have obtained, in a very few years would have
passed from it, and for ever, to Upper Canada. Nothing,
therefore, can be more short-sighted than the wisdom of those
who, with such facts before their eyes, are still perverse enough
to sacrifice all their future advantages for a precarious and most
sliort-lived benefit, and who insist on denouncing as oppressors
and tyrants those who, with more prescience than themselves,
(lot'oat this suicidal policy.

184.1.

290

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

'!=■

184-1. that stubborn suUcnness which was gradually un-
~ fitting them for the right use of free institutions.
Nor is it unimportant to consider the time and
circumstances under which this oiFer was made.
It was made almost immediately after Lord Sy-
denham's return from Upper Canada — as soon as
possible after the permanence of the existing tran-
quillity had been ascertained ; not forced upon
him by the pressure of circumstances, but his
own spontaneous act, and evidently intended as
an amnesty for the race whom M. Lafontaine was
supposed to represent. To those who think that
the French were justified in their rebellion, this
ofibr may appear insufficient ; but to all who feci
that the rebellion was unjustifiable — that the French
had much to atone for, and the Government much
to forgive, this early tender of reconciliation will
appear not satisfactory only, but generous. Unless
Lord Sydenham had been willing, in deference to
M. Lafontaine's objections, to abandon the Union,
or at least to recommend a modification of the terms
which had been solemnly sanctioned by the Special
Council of Lower Canada and the whole Legislature
of the Upper Province, it is not easy to understand
what more he could have done. The objection taken
by M. Lafontaine shut the door against all further
negotiation -with him — it amounted to a positive
refusal on his part, and of course on the part of his
adherents, to co-operate with the Government, ex-
cept at the price of the Constitution.

Shortly afterwards it devolved on Lord Sydenham

adually un-
nstitutions.
e time and

was made.
c Lord Sy-
_as soon as
dsting tran-
forccd upon
ces, but Ills

intended as
ifontaine was
lo think that
•ebellion, this
, all who feci
lat the French
jjrnment much
Qciliation will
rous. Unless
deference to

,n the Union,

»n of the terms

)y the Special
)le Legislature
ito understand
)bjection taken
[nst all further
to a positive'
:he part of his
[vernment, ex-

ord Sydenhain |

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

to nominate the first members of the corporations
of Quebec and Montreal, it having been found im-
possible, in the absence of any assessment roll, to
provide the necessary arrangements for their elec-
tion. This, then, was an occasion on which, if he
had been truly described, his hostility to the French
would have shown itself. Yet what was the case ?
In the Quebec Corporation, the mayor, two out of
six aldermen, and six out of tAVclve councilmen.
were selected from the population of French origin ;
while at Montreal he took from the same race three
out of the six aldermen, and four out of the twelve
councilmen. Had M. Lafontaine not refused to
allow himself to be appointed, the proportion of
French in the Montreal Corporation would have
l)ecn larger.* Even the most violent of the French
journals were forced on this occasion to allow that
the fittest men had been named, and that, had the
matter depended on a popular election, the choice
would scarcely have been different ; and to this fact
the most conclusive testimony has been since borne
by the re-election of all but one of those of Lord
Sydenham's nominees in Montreal, who thought fit
to become candidates for a second term of service.

The next measure which Lord Sydenham brought
forward, exclusively relating to French interests,

* It had been generally supposed that the French population
of Montreal far exceeded the English ; but the census whicli
has recently (ISIS) been completed shows the reverse to be the
tact; the French population numbering only 17,000, the English

23,000.

u 2

291

181.1.

292 LIFK OF LORD SYDENHAM.

1841. was the St. Sulpice Ordinance, of which the object
has been already expUiined. A considerable portion
of the English party of Lower Canada was opposed
to this measure ; and there was good reason to ex-
pect, as turned out to be the case, that it miglit
meet with opposition in the Imperial Parliament.
Considering how long its settlement had been al-
lowed to stand over, and the multiplicity of busi-
ness which Lord Sydenham had on his hands, he
might well have found an excuse for leaving the
question still unsettled, had he been, as was said,
hostile or even indifferent to the claims of the
French population. But he felt that to do so
would be unjust ; that the accommodation to which
the Seminary had previously consented was not
more than they were equitably entitled to receive ;
and that the present was the only certain oppor-
tunity of procuring it for them. He accordingly
resolved, in spite of the labour and odium thcre1)y
entailed on him, to carry through the Ordinance.

During his last Parliament, as has been already
stated, he again made a tender of reconciliation to
the French — not under compulsion, for by that
time his supporters had triumphed in the Assembly,
and the principal measures of the Session were
secure — but from a sincere desire to obliterate the
injurious distinctions of race, and to unite all par-
ties in support of the Government. It is, perhaps,
not surprising, that the French Members should at
this period have held aloof; that, knowing howl
shortly his administration must, under any circiun-

ADMINISTRATION IN CANADA.

293

h the object
able portion
was opposed
•eason to cx-
liat it miglit
rarliament.
had been al-
Lcity of busi-
lis hands, he
[• leaviiij^ the
, as was said,
jlaims of the
hat to do so
ition to which
iited was not
ed to receive ;
certain oppor-
:e accordingly
idium thereby
Ordinance,
been already
[Conciliation to
for by that
the Assembly,
Session were
obliterate the
unite all par-
It is, perhaps,
ibers should at
knowing how
ir any circiua-

stances, be brought to a close, they should have
been unwilling to incur the charge of inconsistency,
Avliich would have followed any change of senti-
ment towards him. But this does not detract from
the merit of his constant endeavours to promote
their real interests in spite of their opposition. He
felt, indeed, as all have felt who have attended to
the aifairs of Canada, — and as no one has shown
more convincingly than Lord Durham, — that it
would be impossible, and even if possible most un-
wise, to interfere with the tendency to Anglifieation
which is the necessary consequence of the Union.
He felt that to perpetuate institutions which must
create an insurmountable barrier between two sec-
tions of a people was a political absurdity ; and
that the sooner the party which would eventually
have to give Avay became alive to their position,
the better for the permanent interests of all. He
would, therefore, encourage no hopes that this es-
sential principle of the Union -Bill would be modi-
iied ; but in reviewing the course which he pursued
ill respect to the French, from the first moment of
his arrival in Canada to his death, no unprejudiced
person can believe that he was actuated by any
other feeling than an anxious desire to consult their
welfare and just rights, so far as his duty to the
other inhabitants of the Province and the empire at
large would permit.

In truth, the anxiety which Lord Sydenham felt
for the prosperity of Canada was too sincere and
absorbing to allow him wantonly to disregard the

u 3

184.1.

294

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

1841. feelings of any considerable portion of its inhabit-

ants. During tlie two years of his administration

every energy of his strong and eminently practical
mind was engrossed in the single task of advancing
its interests ; and while the extracts of his private
letters, which have been given in the previous
pages, show the intensity of this feeling, its con-
stancy even unto death is proved by the terms of
the Speech* which, on his death-bed, he dictated
for the close of the Session, and by the directions
which in the intervals of pain he continued to give,
within the last twelve hours of his life, relating
to public affairs. Canada, it has been truly said,
was on his heart: he died as he had lived — its
friend. His name has passed from among us — he
has left none to wear his hardly-earned honours;
yet, so long as Canada shall continue a part of the
British dominions, his memory must be associated
Avith her destinies — an example to future governors
to guide and encourage them in their difficulties —
to show how the energy of one man may diffusic!
itself through a whole society, and how a straight-
forward uncompromising firmness may confound the
inveterate opposition of its adversaries, and insure
the sincere and generous attachment of its friends.
His career is still too recent for the world to do
it justice ; party and personal feelings have not
had time to subside. Nevertheless even already,
among those who were opposed to him in life, a

* Vide Ai3pendi'':.

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

295

its inhabit-
iiinist ration
bly practical
►f advancing
his private
lie previous
ng, its con-
:he terms of
he dictated
le directions
lued to give,
[ife, relating
a truly said,
d lived — its
long us — lie
led honours;
. part of the
)e associated
re jrovernors
lifficulties —
may diffufcic
V a straight-
jonfound the
, and insure
its friends,
world to do
;s have not
veil already,
m in life, a

truer appreciation of his merits, and a more en-
larged interpretation of his policy, have begun
to show themselves ; and we may rest assured that
this feeling will daily extend. His will be the
fate of other noble spirits who have been engaged
in the active struggles of political life: envy or
hatred may distort and misrej)resent their conduct,
while their course is yet unfinished ; but the calmer
and more disinterested tribunal of public opinion
will do them justice, when their removal from the
scene shall have left men's minds unbiassed.

" Virtutt'in incoluniem odimus,

Sublatam ex oculis quscriruus, invidi."

Lord Sydenham died at the age of forty-two ; an
iige at which the public career of many statesmen
is only commencing, of few is more than half
iiccomplished. Had his life been prolonged, ;Mid a
stronger constitution permitted him to continue
to devote his talents and experience to public
business, few living men, perhaps, would at this
time have commanded a larger share of the con-
fidence of the community, or possessed, whether
ill or out of office, a greater influence over the
course of affairs by which the national welfare is
determined.

No man, we often hear, is long missed. His
place is quickly filled, and the world goes on as
l)efore, or as it would have done had he not left it.

u 4

296

LIFE OF LOUT) SYDENHAM.

In the case of Lord Sydenham, lie had, in fact,
for the two years previous to his decease, been
withdrawn from the immediate focus of British
politics ; and though the report of his brilliant
administration in Canada excited much warm ad-
miration among his friends in this country, and
extorted praise and respect even from his political
opponents, still a public man who is lost sight of
for two Avholc years in the centre of the 2)olitical
arena runs much chance of being forgotten alto-
gether.

Had he, however, been permitted to return from
Canada, Lord Sydenham's own energies and perse-
vering anxiety to forward the march of improve-
ment must, under any circumstances, have secured
to him a high position in public estimation. And
the tendency of events, since the period of his
quitting England, has been precisely of a nature to
render his peculiar qualifications of more than
ordinary value and importance in the conduct of
public affairs. From the epoch of the decease of
Mr. Huskisson he had been generally looked up to
as the leading advocate of the doctrine currently
known as that of Free Trade^ — of the important,
and till of late disputed principle, that the industry
of a country thrives best when left to its own
devices, uninterfered with by legislative and fiscal
shackles imposed for the pretended object of encou-
raging and protecting it. He had gone further
than Mr. Huskisson himself had ever ventured in
laying down this great principle, and in recom-

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

207

ad, in ftict,
!ccasc, been
, of British
his brilliant
zh. warm ad-
iountry, and

his political
lost sight of

the political
rgotten alto-

I return from
es and perse-
L of improve-
havc secured
Qation. And
)eriod of his
A' a nature to
f more than
c conduct of
le decease of
looked up to
•ine currently
le important,
the industry
to its own
ive and fiscal
ject of encou-
gone further
ventured in
id in recom-

mending it fur adoption as a state maxim.* He
liad never wavered for an instant in the expres-
sion of his opinion in its favour, nor in a fearless
determination to act up to it so far as a just regard
to circumstances would permit ; and he had, in
fact, vigorously and indefatigably striven to carry
it out into practice during nine years of official
power. He endured, without flinching, the savage
storm of ridicule, calumny, and misrepresentation,
which from the countless organs of the various mono-
polies was daily, weekly, and monthly poured forth
upon him, as previously upon Huskisson, for daring
to make war against their darling system of (mis-

* Lord Sydenham's opinion had always been strongly ex-
pressed on the question of what is often called " the Reciprocity
System," and which has been of late frequently debated. Con-
coding the advantage of securing favourable terms of admission
into foreign countries for the products of our industry by com-
mercial treaties, if to be obtained by negotiation, — and no one,
as we have shown, laboured more assiduously or successfully
than himself to obtain such, — he yet always contended that the
chance of obtaining such advantage might be too dearly pur-
chased ; that it was a suicidal policy to maintain high import
duties for a permanence because other countries were so foolish
as to do so too ; that, in fact, our best and safest policy is to set
an example of moderate duties to all other countries, which they
will be compelled to follow, or, if not, that they will be the
sufferers, not we ; that to whatever extent we buy of the foreigner
we must from the nature of things sell to him an equivalent; in
short, that our chief care should be not to impede our import
trade, leaving our exports to take care of themselves, as they
cannot fail to do. This argument has never been more lucidly
advanced than in Lord Sydenham's Speech on the Silk Trade
in 1829 (see pp.27 — 33.), and in that to his Manchester Con-
stituency of 1832 (p. 62.).

298

LIFE OF LOUD SYDENHAM.

called) protection ; and this at a time when those
who now claim the credit of having always sup-
ported the principle of commercial freedom either
opposed him, or at the best stood coldly and
silently aloof, and left him to bear the full weight
of the odium then attaching to its advocacy. And
now events which his sagacity long since foresaw
and predicted as inevitable had brought about a
crisis in the commercial and economical history of
the country, in which the full application of this
principle could brook no longer delay, if the nation
were to retain its pre-eminence in wealth and
power, and be preserved from impending ruin — a
crisis in which the leaders of the very party that
had for years past thwarted and calumniated the
efforts both of Mr. Huskisson and Lord Sydenham
to liberate trade from the restrictions ui the " pro-
tective " system, were forced themselves to come
forward and admit the soundness of the doctrine
they had so long allowed their followers to revile
unchecked, and the neci^^sity of far more largely
acting upon it than they had permitted their po-
litical opponents when in power even to propose
with any chance of success.

As this crisis approached, and before Lord
Sydenham's death, many who saw with dread the
blackening of the horizon, and heard the threaten-
ings of the coming storm, looked with anxiety for
the expected return of one whose experience and
judgment was, in their opinion, well fitted to cope
with its emergencies, and exert, even out of office,

LIFE OF LOUD HYDENIIA.^

2D9

when those
ilways sup-
edom cither
coldly and
I full weight
icacy. And
incc foresaw
trht about a
il history of
ation of this
if the nation
wealth and
Lng ruin — a
y party that
imniated the
•d Sydenham
ui the " pro-
lives to come
the doctrine
crs to revile
more largely
ted their po-
to propose

)efore Lord

th dread the

the threaten-

anxiety for

)crience and

itted to cope

lout of office,

ji salutary influence in the national 'Unc'ls on its
occurrence. And their regret was pn>|^>ortion{ uly
severe when this hope was destroyed l)y his pre-
Hiature and melancholy dissolution.

Nor, whatever sincere respect we may entertain
for the abilities of those who now hold the fore-
most rank in that noble contest into which he,
Avith them, would have so warmly entered as into
liis natural element, had his life been spared, can it
l)e gainsayed that no one individual among his
survivors unites so many of the peculiar quali-
fications which he possessed for successful service
in this particular cause. His comprehensive and
liberal views of commercial policy were founded not
upon book-learned theory, caught up from the sugges-
tions of pamphleteering economists, but upon exten-
sive practical acquaintance with commerce, and an
experience gained in the superintendence through
many years of the whole range of the commercial
interests of this mighty empire : with this, an in-
timate acquaintance with finance — habits of order
and business — indefatigable application — the confi-
dence of practical men built upon a long intercourse
— and, moreover, the tact, judgment, and prudence
taught to a mind of great natural sagacity by a
long and intimate acquaintance with parliamentary
tactics and ministerial responsibility.

Possessing these acknowledged qualifications,
had Lord Sydenham returned to this country with
the additional reputation acquired by his brilliantly
successful administration of Canadian affairs, where.

300

LIFK OF LOUD SYJ)i:NlIAM.

being isolated from all others, liis individuul ubilities
liud been Immfj^ht out tlie more conspicuously, it
cannot be questioned tiiat he would have com-
manded a hif^h position in public opinion, and nmst
liavc taken a very prominent and valuable share in
the discussions that have been, and are yet goin^r
on, upon the absorbing questions of the day relative
to commercial legislation.

These speculations are perhaps useless at present ;
but not so, it may be hoped, this attenq)t to record
and present to the public a review of the acts and
opinions of one who did so much, Avliile living, to
jidvance the prosperity of the country by giving
ireedom to its industry, and whose authority may
yet have some influence in guiding the current of
public opinion, now setting so strongly, and, as it
would appear, irresistibly, in the direction which
for so many years he laboured to give to it.

Nor, it is hoped, will the portion of this memoir
which relates to his Canadian administration be
devoid of a similar value. It may serve to teach a
lesson of great practical value with respect to the
treatment of Colonial dependencies. The time is
gone by when the important task of representing
in them the sovereign authority can be safely en-
trusted to unskilful or inexperienced hands. The
peace of the empire, the progress and future des-
tinies of great nations, can no longer be jeopardized
in this manner. It requires a mind of no ordinary
vigour and capacity to encounter successfully tlie
ever- varying difficulties of such an office — above

LIFK OF LOHO SYDKNHAM.

aoi

:ill, where tlie Colony possesses an indi'ponclent
lo«^islature, and perhaps no lengthened experience
in the exereise of sueh an institution. I»y executive
misuianagenient a colony may be very easily ruined
iind 1 )St, or the parent state weakened and dis-
tressed by its forcible retention. A mere <^lanee
lit the history of Canada durin<^ the last few years,
will inply demonstrate to the most casual observer
that such a colony is only to be preserved and ren-
dered a real source of strength, power, and wcaltli
to the mother country, through the rapid develoj)-
nicnt of their common resources by a cordial union,
when the sovereign power within it is delegated to
some statesman who, like Lord Sydenham, can
temper conciliation with firmness, mildness with
decision, — who, without trenching on the freedom of
representative institutions, knows how to maintain
the supremacy of the imperial authority, and whose
personal influence, prudent skill, and practical
knowledge of mankind may enable him so to work
upon the discordant materials he has to deal with,
as to obviate those shocks and collisions to which
new and popular institutions are ever liable, and
which at a distance from the central supreme autho-
rity are more than ordinarily hazardous.

Such a governor as Lord Sydenham is, indeed,
not to be always obtained. Perhaps one so hap-
pily fitted for the task will never be again seen.
But he has afforded a high standard towards which
to approximate in our estimate of the qualificatior.s
required for such an office.

302

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

Canada has, certainly, no less reason than this
country to deplore his loss ; since, even though
absent from her, he might have been relied on to
watch over her destinies, with which so much of
his own future fame is embarked, and advocate
her cause on every opportunity in the Imperial
Councils. But it may be reasonably hoped that
the great institutions and large schemes of public
economy which were founded by him, will survive
the embarrassments that mismanagement or party
^ dissensions may for a time occasion ; and that this
Province, of which the natural resources are so
vast, may long continue incorporated with the
glorious Empire of Britain, growing in wealth,
power, and prosperity into the mighty and ulti-
mately independent nation which it is, no doubt,
destined hereafter to become. For this prospect
both countries will, it is confidently anticipated,
ever consider themselves in a large degree ni-
debted to the wise resolves and vigorous action of
Lord Sydenham's administration of the aifairs of
Canada in the years 1839, 1840, and 1841.

The public character of Lord Sydenham has
been anticipated in the narrative of his public
career. Little remains to be said but what would
be mere repetition. His mind was of a class pe-
culiarly fitted to deal mth the necessities of the
bustling and practical period in which he lived,
and that was the secret of his early and rapid
success in the arena of politics. His was not,
however, a parhamentary reputation of the usual

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

303

n than this
^en though
relied on to
so much of
id advocate
he Imperial

hoped that
les of public
will survive
ent or party
md that this
[irces are so
ed with the
r in wealth,
ity and ulti-
s, no doubt,
his prospect

anticipated,

e degree m-
ous action of

ihe aiFairs of

841.

denham has
his public
what would

If a class pe-

Isities of the

;h he lived,

and rapid

|is was not,
>f the usual

stamp, acquired by oratorical display, or gladia-
torial powers of debate. He seldom attempted
iiiiy flights of eloquence, though in some of his
earlier speeches there are passages which cannot
be read, and certainly were not heard, witliout
creating strong emotion. His voice, however, in
speaking was not well modulated, and this is well
kno^vn to be essential to successful oratory. The
subjects to which he exclusively confined him-
self in addressing the House of Commons werc;
moreover, necessarily dry and unentertaining, full
of details of facts and figures, usually of the most
uninteresting character to such an assembly as the
House of Commons. On the exciting party ques-
tions of the day he rarely opened his mouth ; and
hence his services to his party were liable to be
undervalued by those who look rather to the de-
1)ates in the House, than to the principles on which
the government is carried on, or the mode in which
it conducts the affairs of the country. In fact he
ever disliked and avoided speaking, vmless when
the commercial or financial interests of the country,
to which he devoted himself, required the exposure
of some abuse, or the suggestion of some legislative
improvement, or when the business of his office
rendered defence or explanation necessary.

His fame must rest, as has been noticed in an
earlier part of this memoir, not so much on what
he did or said in Parliament, as on what he did
and proposed to do out of it, — on his consistent,
and to a great degree successful efforts, to expose

304

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

the fallacy of the miscalled " Protective System,''
and gradually but effectively to root it out of the
statute-book, and thereby to free the universid
industry of Britain from the mischievous shackles
imposed, and yet partially maintained, by an igno-
rant and mistaken selfishness — to allow the de-
velopment of its inherent energies, unincumbered
by the officious patronage of the legislature — to
permit it to make (as under such circumstances it
is sure to do) that vigorous, rapid, and healthy
progress, which must secure to all engaged in it a
continually increasing remuneration, and to the
nation at large a corresponding increase of her
power, her strength, and her prosperity.

His Canadian administration may be looked on
as a brief though brilliant episode in his public life,
which, while it confirmed the high opinion ever
entertained of him by his friends, convinced those
who had under-estimated his powers before of their
extent and variety — convinced every one that in
all the great qualifications of intellect, temper,
habits, and acquired information that constitute a
statesman, few have been so rarely gifted as the
lamented subject of this memoir.

In private life Lord Sydenham was universally
loved and esteemed. His amiable disposition and
pleasing manner excited the warmest attachment
among those who were admitted to his intimacy,
and in every circumstance that affected their happi-
ness he always appeared to feel the liveliest personal
interest. In the midst of his unceasing occupations

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

305

) System,''
out of the
universal
Ls shackles
)y an igno-
)W the de-
ncumbered
lature — to
mstanccs it
^nd healthy
aged in it a
and to the
ease of her

•

e looked on

s public life,

opinion ever

niced those

sfore of their

one that in

ct, temper,

constitute a

;ifted as the

universally
[position and

attachment
lis intimacy,

their happi-
liest personal

occupatioiis

he never failed to find time for any work of kind-
ness or charity that offered itself, and even for the
attentions required by the forms of society.* His
assistance was always promptly and eagerly af-
forded, whenever he could oblige a friend or confer
a favour on a meritorious object. His integrity
and sense of honour were of the loftiest character,
and his disinterestedness carried to an excess. The
remuneration, indeed, for his arduous public ser-
vices in office, with which he was contented, was
far inferior to that of any other official of equal
station, and much below (be it said in passing)
what a just and wise appreciation of the importance
of the post would assign to it. But never having
married, his wants were moderate, and his private
fortune more than compensated the exiguity of his
official salary. That he remained single may per-
haps be partly attributed to an early disappoint-
ment ; but chiefly to his incessant occupations and
failing health. The friendships he formed with
individuals of either sex were both strong and
lasting. Indvjed few men were more fitted by
nature to captivate and enchain affection. His
person and countenance were singularly prepossess-
ing: : his manner full of charm and refinement, and
his address frank, manly, and courteous : his dispo-

• In a letter to an idle friend >vho had been remiss in corre-
spondence, he says, tersely and truly, " You have no time of
course — no one who has nothing to do ever has."

306

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

sition obliging : his regard to the feelings of others
exquisite. His mind was amply stored with varied
information, acquired from books, from frequent
foreign travel, from an acquaintance "svith the
leading characters of the day, and a special inti-
macy with the subjects of paramount interest in
these bustling times. His remarkable aptitude for
foreign languages made his conversation as pleasing
and his society as much sought after by foreigners
as by his countrymen. Few men were more gene-
rally popular in the circle in which he moved, and
this was ever the highest and most intellectual of
whatever place he inhabited. He was a sincere
Christian, and the account given of his last hours
by the reverend gentleman who fulfilled the last
painful duties towards him, as his chaplain, is at
once aifectiiig and consolatory to his intimate friends
and connections, among whom his loss created a
void which can never be supplied.

It is not, however, in his private capacity, but
rather as a public benefactor, that it has been the
object of this Memoir to record him, and it may
safely be concluded by the expression of an opinion,
that the annals of no country can produce an in-
stance of one, who, in a spirit of truer patriotism,
during the brief period permitted to his earthly
career, more nobly, ardently, devotedly pursued,
in defiance of ridicule, obloquy, and the most odious
misrepresentation, through good repute and through
bad, and at the sacrifice of his own ease, health,

ir
d

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

307

)f others
ii varied
frequent
nth the
cial inti-
terest in
itude for
; pleasing
breigners
Lore gene-
oved, and
llectual of
a sincere
last hours
d the last
blain, is at
late friends

created a

pacity, but
as been the
md it may
an opinion,
iuce an in-
patriotism,
his earthly
pursued,
most odious
,nd through
sase, health,

and even life itself, the one great object which
was ever uppermost in his thoughts to the last
moment of his existence, — namely, the increase of
the happiness of his fellow-creatures, by all such
means as are within the reach of those gifted
statesmen who wield the supreme power of Im-
perial Britain.

None knew better than he the amount of that
power, — the influence which Great Britain, at the
head of the advancing energies of the civilised
world, exercises over the destinies of mankind.
And the task which he laid do^vn for himself, on
arriving at manhood, and assiduously laboured
through the remainder of his life to accomplish,
was, in truth, the highest, the noblest, the most
godlike, which it is given to man upon earth to
undertake. Time and power were not afforded
him to give full effect to his exertions, or bring
them to maturity. Nevertheless, those who here-
after review the events of the age he lived in will,
it is believed, see reason to assign to their impulse
no inconsiderable share of the beneficial progress
which is now generally making towards a right
understanding and a practical exemplification in
this country, followed as she is sure to be at a
distance by other states, of the great problem how
human institutions can best secure, and least inter-
fere with, the spontaneous development of man's
ingenuity and industry in the production and just
distribution of all the material comforts and enjoy-

X 2

308

LIFE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

ments of existence, which a gracious Providence
has abundantly placed within his reach.

This, and the impress of his influence on the
future history of our North American Colonies,
will form Lord Sydenham's most enduring and
appropriate monument.

'rovidence

ce on the

Colonies,

iiring and

APPENDIX,

X 3

APPENDIX I.

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE OF LORD SYDENHAM.

The following passages from Lord Sydenham's private
correspondence, whilst in Canada, relating to matters of
general interest, not having found a place in the body of
the Memoir, are here appended, under an impression of
the value attaching to his opinions on such subjects.

As Governor-General of the entire North American
Provinces, he had the responsibility of directing such mea-
sures as became necessary from time to time for checking
the continual encroachments of the people of Maine within
the disputed territory — encroachments which threatened
the absolute invasion and dispossession of our early settle-
ments on the Madawaska, and the occupation by the
Americans of the entire country in dispute, pending the
determination of the question of right between the two
Governments. The following passages from letters written
in 1840-1, evince Lord Sydenham's determination no
longer to tolerate the continuance of these one-sided en-
croachments. The decisive steps taken by him of posting
troops in the Madawaska settlement, probably more than
anything else contributed to dispose the people of Maine to
assent to a final arrangement of the question, by putting
an end to their chance of gaining any further advance in
the unauthorised mode in which they had hitherto been
permitted to appropriate the territory.

In the late parliamentary discussions on the Boundary
Question and Ashburton Treaty, blame has been cast on
the Government of Lord Melbourne for permitting these

X 4

312

APPENDIX 1.

encroachments. It will be seen that there was no hesitation
at head-quarters as to the course to be pursued in this
matter, and that, if blame is due anywhere, it must rest
with the inferior functionaries.

((

Toronto, 12th September, 1840.
I am sorry to hear of a fresli dispute between Sir
Colin Campbell and Sir John Harvey ; but in this case the
first seems to me to be clearly in the wrong. I told him
most distinctly and emphatically that I would not permit a
gun to be removed, or a soldier withdrawn (unless in sub-
stitution) from the American frontier, and he assured me
that it should not be done. If his guns are in more danger
now than they have been for the last eighteen months, he
may send a force to protect them. Of that I am no judge ;
and the military authorities can best decide the question.
But my instructions are, and I have told Sir Colin I should
see them followed, that things should remain in statu quo
upon the American border ; and that I would not consent
to a cartridge being taken away. I am the more resolved
on this after the conduct of Sir John Harvey, in having
permitted Colonel Parke quietly to take a census of the
Queen's subjects in Madawaska, instead of arresting him
instantly, as he ought to have done. The fact is we owe all
that has happened in the disputed territory to his mis-
management. First, his " convention" with General Scott,
in which he was completely outwitted by the New En-
glander; next the occupation of Fort Jarvis, which he
ought never to have allowed ; and, lastly, a series of en-
croachments crowned by this last proceeding at Madawaska,
all of which would have been checked, if a company had
gone there last winter as 1 directed.'*

TO LORD PALMERSTON.

U. C. 5th September, 1840.
** I earnestly hope you will adopt my plan of having the
territory kept pending the inquiry that must precede a

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCK.

313

esitatioii
I in this
nust rest

er, 1840.
ween Sir
i Ccise the
told him
'. permit a
3S in sub-
isured me
)re danger
lonths, he
no judge ;
question,
n I should
statu quo
ot consent
e resolved
in having
us of the
'.sting him
e owe all
his mis-
|eral Scott,
New En-
which he
■ies of en-
adawaska,
ipany had

Iber, 1840.
[having the
precede a

settlement, l)y regulars on both sides acting under com-
missioners. That will be our only security. In such a
country (I wish you could see it), the Civil Posse, a
fellow armed to the teeth, and who can put a riile ball
through the ace of hearts at one hundred paces, is a far
more dangerous sentry than a United States' soldier — and
he is under no control whatever. The officers of the reffu-
lars will do all they can to keep order and put down the
predatory attempts of the civilians ; and they pride them-
selves on keeping up a good understanding witli our troops.
I have had many instances of this good feeling lately
along the frontier, especially in the west, where they go
even so far as to refuse to receive our deserters. But
some temporary arrangement must be come to this
autumn, or Maine will 'go a-head' again in the spring.
Think of the impudence of the people, or, as it is now said,
of the central government, in sending to take a census of
the Madawaska settlement. Harvey was weak enough only
to protest, and my order to arrest Mr. Parke arrived too
late of course."

Montreal, 24th November, 1840.
*' The Maine people at the Fish River have recom-
menced their operations, and now pretend to exclusive
jurisdiction up to the mouth of the Madawaska River, thus,
in fact, cutting off our communication with New Brunswick,
or, at least, commanding it. This is, of course, not to be
tolerated, and 1 have ordered a sufficient force into the Ma-
dawaska settlement to support the civil power and protect
the Queen's subjects, if the Fish River people proceed to
carry their threats into effiict. I consider this to be,
under the circumstances, an indispensable measure of pre-
caution, though I dare say it will be made much of at
Washington, and complained of as one of aggression. I
entertain little doubt myself that these fresh encroach-
ments are the result of a fixed plan of policy, consisting in
a determination to delay all settlement of this question,

ai4

ArPKNDIX I.

and in the mean time to push forward point by point, a
little at a time, hoping that each new move may be con-
sidered in itself too unimportant to lead us to go beyond
a 'protest.' But be it weakness only or treachery on
the part of the Government, it is quite clear to me that
our only course is to resist any move, whatever it may be,
and show by our acts, not merely by our words, that we
will support such resistance. 1 am of opinion, likewise,
that by adopting that course, the Central Government
will be more likely to come at last to some arrangement
leading to the final adjustment of the question, than if
they found their advantage in its delay, as they have done
now for three or four years.

" What will be the effect of the Presidential vote upon
this question and others in the States ? I shall be very
glad to hear your opinion. Will there be a suo^jension of
all great questions during the remainder of Van Buren's
reign ? That seems merely the necessary consequence of
such a form of Government. Imagine a Ministry at
home under a notice to quit that day six months ! "

Government House, Montreal, 26th December, 1840.
" I now know my ground as well as my men pretty
well, which I did not last year when I had just arrived
We owe every thing that has happened to the course
that has been pursued in the disputed territory. The
object of the Americans is delay ; and no wonder, for it
has been wonderfully profitable to them. Four years ago
they never pretended even to jurisdiction north of the
Mars Hill ; scarcely north of Houlton. Now they have
got the whole valley of the Restook, all the southern bank
of the St. John except our settlement, a fort at the Fish
River, and claim and exercise jurisdiction over the Mada-
waska settlement, north and south banks, down to the
Madawaska River ! They have got away from us all the
best territory, 10,000 square miles; they are filling it
rapidly with settlers and lumberers. The warden.

EXTRACTS FROM C'ORRESrONDENCE.

:nr)

r point, a
y be con-
ro beyond
\chcry on

me that
it may be,
s, that we
, likewise,
overnment
rangcment
>n, than if

have done

1 vote upon
all be very
.^^jension of
an Buren's
sequence of
Ministry at
hs ! "

M'Laughlin, who was liero the other day, dare not sliow
his face to the south of the river ; and this is, after all, the
only land that is good fin- any thing, all to the north being,
as Professor Ren wick truly said to me, not worth the ex-
pense of his own survey. This they have done by the
*' go-a-hcad " principle on their side, and the "protest"
principle on ours. But it is really time that some check
was put to this system, or I have no doubt that next year
they will walk into Canada and establish themselves there
likewise. I know of no means of doing this but at last
drawing a line, and showing, not telling, them, that they
cannot pass it. Then, and then only, will they stop ; and
finding that nothing is to be made by further delay, they
will probably negociate at last upon reasonable terms.
For this reason I shall now keep my troops at Madawaska,
and persevere in my line of policy according to my in-
structions, unless the Government choose to take it out of
my hands.

" I have written to Lord John to carry into effect the
Duke of Wellington's plan of colonising the valley of the
St. John's. I could throw five or six hundred families into
it next year ; but I want money for it, as the land that is
left to us is bad, and the expense will be considerable.
However, it is well worth doing, and I wish you to con-
sider it."

The following strong opinions on the effect of the poli-
tical institutions of the United States upon the national
character may, perhaps, have been something coloured by
the annoyance experienced, both before and during the
administration of Lord Sydenham, along the entire frontier
of our North American Provinces, from the aggressions of
the lawless bordering population of the States — aggres-
sions which for a long time kept a portion - f the inhabit-
ants and the Government of those provinces in a state ap-
proaching to hostility with large bodies of the people of
the Union, whom their own Government appeared to have

316

APPENDIX I.

no power to control. But, after making every allowance
for the unavoidable influence of such feelings on Lord
Sydenham's mind, the picture here presented by the hand
of one who, throughout his life, proved himself an ardent
advocate of the freest institutions which are compatible
with civilised society, is painful to the contemplation of
those who have hitherto witnessed, with deep interest, the
great experiment of self-government now for half a cen-
tury going on in North America : —

" As far as I can judge from hearsay and the observation
which, as a neighbour, and having pretty important busi-
ness to do with them, I can make, I should say that
Marryatt is only too lenient to the Yankees in his second
series. I do not mean in his criticisms upon their social
habits. Spitting and chawing, eating with their knives or
bolting their meals, or sleeping three in other people's
beds, are all disagreeable in their way, but regard only
themselves or any unfortunate traveller ; but I mean in
greater matters. Their government seems to me the worst
of tyrannies — that of the mob, supported by the most
odious and profligate corruption. No man who aims at
power dare avow an opinion of his own. He must pander
to the lowest prejudices of the people, and in their parties
(the two great ones which now divide the Union, the Loco-
focoes and the Whigs), the only object of the leading men
of either is to instil some wretchedly low sentiment into
the people, and then exploiter it for their own advantage.

*' There is scarcely a statesman of either who would not
adopt the most violent or the basest doctrine to-morrow, if
he thought that he could work it to advantage with the
majority. If you remember the character of the news-
paper editor in Cooper's novel of * Homeward Bound,'
you have the type of the whole people, high and low. It
is the corruption of Walpole's House of Commons ex-
tended over a whole people. Peculation and jobbing, the
only objects ; delusion and the basest flattery of the people,
the means. The joke is, that we in Europe are apt to

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

317

allowance

on Lord

the hand
an ardent
;onipatible
plation of
terest, the
lalf a cen-

:)bservation
rtant busi-
d say that
his second
their social
ir knives or
ler people*s
regard only
I mean in
le the worst
y the most
ho aims at
Lust pander
heir parties
k, the Loco-
eading men
timent into
[advantage,
would not
■morrow, if
;e with the
the news-
,rd Bound,'
d low. It
imons ex-
ibbing, the
[the people,
are apt to

fancy that the Government is a cheap one, the patronage
little, the means of corruption small, and the people care-
ful of their own interests as opposed to the attempts of
their rulers : this, all because we find the President getting
only 5000/. a-year ! The reverse of ail this is the fact. I
will venture to say that there is more jobbing and dirty
work in one State of the Union, than in all Downing
Street and Whitehall. Every place is the object of party
contest, uHu '/.ley are innumerable in each little Govern-
ment of each State. The people being the direct be-
stowers of all, if not immediately, at least indirectly, are
adulated in the most disgusting and degrading way ; and
the trash from which an educated minister or borough-
monger in England would turn with disgust, is greedily
swallowed by them. The result, of course, is general de-
basement. Those who aim at place and power are corrupt
and corrupters. The masses who bestow them are igno-
rant, prejudiced, dishonest, and utterly immoral. You
will naturally say, under such circumstances, how is it that
they advance so rapidly and so steadily ? It is the mil-
lions of acres of good land alone that does this. Exhaust
the means by which all their unquiet spirits and ruined
speculators now find a fresh field, and the bubble will
burst at once. If they drive us into a war, which, how-
ever, I do not think likely, the blacks in the South will
soon settle all that part of the Union; and in the North
I feel sure that we can lick them to their heart's content.

" A Republic could answer in former times, in countries
where there was no people or few — the bulk of the popu-
lation helots and slaves ; but where there is a people, and
they really have the power, Government is only possible
by pandering to their worst passions, which makes the
country unbearable to a man of any education, and the
central Government itself a bye-word amongst civilised
nations. I hope that we may live long enough to see this
great bubble burst ; and I do not believe that we need be
very long-lived for that."

318

APPENDIX I.

On the occurrence of the outrare at Lockport, when

the mob forcibly prevented the liberation of Macleod, on

bail, he writes : —

24th February, 1841.

" Was tliere ever such a state of society in a country
calling itself civilised ? The judges of the land getting out
of bed to render an account of their conduct on the bench to
a committee chosen by the mob in the streets ! and not an
effort made by the civil power to maintain order. It quite
justifies Madame Roland's last saying. Unless we settle
this whole question now with the American Government,
we shall have nothing but trouble all along the frontier,
for the Yankees will take to arresting people as a good
speculation. I trust therefore that Palmerston will insist
on reparation being nicidc, and on a distinct understanding
being arrived at, that when the two governments nego-
ciate, the matter is to be settled by them, and not by the
separate states, with whom we cannot deal."

*' There never was such a trumpery affair as that nigger

business at Chippewa The complaint made by

Stevenson is only a pretence to serve as an electioneering
manoeuvre, and leave an embarrassment the more for the
party coming into power. The administration, press, and
their public men are now using all their power to raise a
cry against England. You will have seen of course that
wonderful Report of the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
This, however, will do us no harm, for every thing being
' party * in America, the more the Locofocos abuse us,
the more will the Whigs, who govern after the 4th March,
cling to us."

Montreal, 12th April, 1841.
" No man can say how the feelings of so mobile a
people as the Americans may be upon any point six
months from the time he speaks. But at present, I am
satisfied that they have no desire for war with England.
They are too calculating a people, and fight not for glory,

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

319

rt, wlien
:leod, on

y, 1841.

country
tting out
I bench to
lid not an

It quite
we settle
krernment,
3 frontier,
Eis a good
will insist
erstanding
ents nego-
not by the

:bat nigger
: made by
;tioneering
are for the
press, and
r to raise a
course that
fTii Affairs,
hing being
abuse us,
4th March,

\pril, 1841.
o mobile a
point six
esent, I am
h England.
)t for glory,

but plunder, which they know they cannot now get in
Canada. You must not in the least heed their speeches
or declarations in their popular assemblies. They are such
a set of braggadocios, and there is such a submission on
the part of their public men to the claims of their ex-
travagant vanity and self-sufficiency, that their language is
always in tlie superlative. But their acts will be very dif-
ferent. Mr. Pickens, in explaining that his Report was a
peaceable one, blurted out the whole character and conduct
of his countrymen, when ho said that he did not mean war
— all he wished was to frighten us by big words and
Billingsgate.

" In two or three years I hope we shall have a good hold
on the vastly increasing population of the Western States
by their interest through the St. Lawrence ; indeed we
liave some now. The eastern sea-board is certainly with
us, and the south have their cotton interest as well as their
slave-fears, so that I really anticipated no cause for alarm
of war being rashly entered upon through the ambition or
restlessness of the people, if we once put an end to these
border-feuds, which have now endangered the peace, and
will inevitably do so again unless brought to a close by a
distinct arrangement between the respective governments
that they will not permit it to be jeopardised by individual
acts of violence and outrage."

On the subject of emigration. Lord Sydenham wrote
thus : —

" I consider any scheme for paying the expense of the
passage of emigrants by the sale of land, utterly inappli-
cable to these colonies.

" This expense, therefore, must be borne either by the
individual emigrants themselves, or by companies inter-
ested in the settlement of their lands here, or by the pro-
prietors in England or Ireland who combine for the
purpose of sending them out. Neither is it in my opinion
just or expedient that mere paupers should be transported,

320

APPENDIX I.

to be landed under the rock of Quebec, vvitliout means to
transport themselves to where labour is in demand, and
utterly unfit, both from want of capital and of the neces-
sary knowledge of the mode of clearing heavy-timbered
land, to become settlers. To be of service to the colony,
and to succeed themselves, emigrants should consist of two
classes — either of hardy, well-disposed labouring men,
with or without their families, possessed of sufficient
means either of their own, or provided by others, to enable
them to reacli the interior of the province, and subsist
themselves tolerably until work can be obtained, that is,
perhaps, for a few weeks, without claiming any pecuniary
assistance here, or being exposed to the demoralisation
and disease which are produced by loitering about the
towns or sheds near them ; or else of industrious families,
possessed of moderate capital, and accustomed to farming
pursuits, who can either purchase and clear a new settle-
ment, or, what is far more advantageous to them, buy out
the old settler, who is generally inclined to emigrate
further into the forest, and who performs the work of
pioneer at half the expense and labour which it would
cost the others. Emigrants of either of these classes may
come out with the greatest advantage to the province, and
with a certainty of attaining, if well-conducted and indus-
trious, a degree of independence and comfort for them-
selves and their descendants, which are quite beyond their
reach at home.

" I am well aware that these opinions do not meet the
view of those who are very sanguine of producing, by
some not very well-defined means, what is called a great
emigration ; but they are the result of the best consider-
ation I have been able to give on the spot, and after visit-
ing nearly every part of these two provinces. Neither do
I think that the great object of relieving Great Britain in
those localities in which there is a redundant population,
or that, still more important in my opinion, of introducing
here a British population, will be unduly limited by acting

KXTllACTS FKOM COHRESPONDENCE.

321

neans to
and, and
ic neces-
timbcrcd
- colony,
st of two
ing men,
sufficient
to enable
d subsist
1, that is,
pecuniary
n-alisation
ibout the
5 iauiilies,
;o fanning
icw scttle-
1, buy out

emigrate
; work of

it would
lasses may
|vince, and

,nd indus-
for them-

ond their

meet the
(vicing, by
id a great

consider-
lafter visit-

leither do

Britain in
population,

itroducing
by acting

on them. It is not too mucli to expect, that when landed
proprietors are desirous of rendering their })roperty more
valuable by clearing their estates, or parishes seek to
relieve themselves from heavy charges, they should be
called upon to defray all the expense of transporting these
poor people, and providing them the means of maintaining
themselves, which is all that we seek ; and on the other
hand, it is right that those who voluntarily emigrate with
a view of settling, should clearly understand that it is
useless to attempt to enter upon the bush without capital.
But under these conditions, I am satisfied that the Canadas
could take off with ease 50,000 or 60,000 persons annually
for a very considerable time to come."

ON THE MISREPRESENTATION OF CANADIAN AFFAIRS IN

ENGLAND.

18th April, 1841.
** I got yesterday a paper with a report of the Bishop
of Exeter's speech on the St. Sulpice seminary ordinance.
I wish I were strong enough to send you a despatch on
one or two points. The greater part of his facts are pure
inventions, and well might Lord Melbourne say that " he
could not be instructed on some of them." It is impos-
sible to guard beforehand against such efforts of imagin-
ation: his main charge against me is that I attended the
deliberations of the council on this ordinance, which he
says was unprecedented, unusual, and even reprobated
by myself. By the by, he mis-quotes my despatch in order
to prove this last position. But the others are equally
untrue, and he ought to have known it, because the mode
of conducting business in the council was perfectly well
known to those whom he calls his informers. I always at-
tended all the deliberations in council, on measures of any
importance — a practice which was of the greatest use
to the council, as well as to myself.

" But the Duke of Wellington seems to have out-heroded
the bishop himself, for his charge is that ' this ordinance

:\22

APPENDIX I.

^-»

was proposed by mc, and not by any member of the
special council.' Could not any noble Lord have referred
his Grace to the Act of Parliament, in which he would
have found that nothing of any description could be con-
sidered by the council except it was proposed by me.
That no councillor had power to originate any thing : and
that whether the measure were great or small, it must
equally emanate from the Governor.

" Pray thank Normanby for his speech from me, as 1
cannot write ; but after all it is amusing that Nicolet, the
point on which it seems the whole question turned with
you, is really no precedent at all. However the noble
Lords who did not know that the Roman Catholic religion
was an established religion in Canada, may well be excused
for not understanding the difference between a lay and
ecclesiastical corporation."

On the question (which appears to have been lately re-
opened) relative to the choice of the seat of Government
for the United Province of Canada, Lord Sydenham writes
on the 9th April, 1840: —

" I shall certainly make the seat of Government in the
Upper Province. Toronto is too far, and out of the way.
But Kingston or By- town would do. The people, the
soil, the climate of the Lower Province are all below par.
All are excellent above. Marryatt has not said a word
too much of Upper Canada. It is the garden of the
whole North American continent, and is in fact the source
of all the wealth and trade of the Canadas. The Lower
Province, except the eastern townships, is nothing but a
fringe some seven or eight miles deep along the St. Law-
rence, with two cities, Montreal and Quebec, which, being
the shipping ports for the whole of Upper Canada, have
become wealthy and populous. But the source of their
prosperity even is all in the Upper Province. The wheat,
the timber, the cattle, all come from them. Lower Canada
will not even now support itself with bread. The soil is

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

323

eferved
would
je con-
by me.
ig: and
it must

ne, as I
olet, the
icd with
he noble

c religion
3 excused

a lay and

lately re-
3vernment
lam writes

eitlier exhausted, owing to tlie ignorant system of agricul-
ture pursued by the French Canadians, or the cultivation
of wheat altogether put a stop tc by a Jly, which for the
last eight years has destroyed all the crops, and caused its
culture to be abandoned. The townships are different ;
but there they are a grazing country, and want water
communication for other produce. A rail-road may even-
tually open them up, perhaps. All our efforts ought
therefore to be directed to Upper Canada, and I shall
turn mine all that way as soon as the Union is through.
There is some pleasure in working with and for an intel-
ligent and enterprising set of men ; none at all in dealing
with fellows who only think of cutting each other's throats."

And at a later date, viz. lltli July, 1841, he writes: —

'* I have every reason to be satisfied with having selected
this place (Kingston) as the new capital. There is no
situation in the province so well adapted for the seat of
Government, from its central position ; and certainly we
are as near England as we should be any where else in
the whole of Canada. My last letters reached me in
fifteen days, from London ! So much for steam and
railways."

((

ON THE ST. JOHNS RIVER, AS A BOUNDARY.

Montreal, December 28th, 1840.
I wish you would give me the means of settling a few
hundred emigrants next summer, along the St. John's
River. I will have the line surveyed by the ordnance in
the spring, and allotments made directly after, and 1 could
get plenty of good people for the purpose. But the good
land is, melancholy to state, all to the south of the river,
and, therefore, settlement will be expensive. However, a
line of road with good defences might be marked out, and
these parties established to make it, and settle upon
it. Pray think of this, and give me some authority if you
can. It would be money well laid out."

V 2

324

API'KNDIX I.

TO SIR GEORGE ARTHUR.

Ifith August, 184.0.
*« If practical benefits are felt by the Upper Canadians,
they ought to be in good humour, since I have got them
their letters delivered for a halfpenny, instead of from
four to eight shillings, and their tea cheap from the United
States. But, I suppose, as generally happens, they will
care little for these boons when they have got them."

THE RED INDIANS.

Montreal, 23d April, 18tO.
" Catlin is probably correct enough in his description of
the Indians in their prairie, or forest life. But I wish
he had exhibited them in their demi-civilised state, in
which I have the honour to be ' their Great Father,' as
you probably have seen in the newspapers. They are ten
times worse than when wholly savage. It has been a
great mistake to attempt to settle or christianise them.
Whether baptism alone will save their souls and send them
to Paradise instead of their own traditional hunting
grounds, I cannot determine, but certainly their works will
not. They have acquired the most disgusting vices of
civilised life, and none of its refinements or advantages.
They should be amalgamated with white men, and not
separated, if they are not to remain in their wild state. I
have a village of them eight miles from here, a perfect pest,
and the most debauched, idle, and quarrelsome set of men
and women in the country. The attempt has failed every
where."

STEAM NAVIGATION OF THE LAKES.

" As the admiralty did not choose to try the Archimedean
screw here, I have built a boat myself on the Ericson's
propeller principle, which I am expecting from Montreal
daily. I am told that it works admirably. I have called
her the * Union,* and as soon as she arrives I shall despatch
her into Lake Erie, in order that she may, if it answers,

EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

325

, 1840.

ot them
of from
} United
hey wiU

ril, 1840.
ription of
,t I wish
state, in
ather,' as
ey are ten
IS been a
lise them,
send them
1 hunting
works will
y vices 01
idvantages.
, and not
1 state. I
lerfect pest,
set of men
■ailed every

rchimedean
He Ericson's
Bn Montreal
have called
all despatch
it answers,

solve the problem of a steam-boat really going from
Quebec to Michigan.

" I very much like your idea of sending the materials of
iron steam-boats from home in packages, which may travel
up the canals, as they now do to India. In case of a war
we might launch a fleet of such upon any of the lakes in
an incredibly short time."

The following passages show the lively interest wliich
Lord Sydenham took in the exciting state of our Foreign
Relations, consequent on the signature of the celebrated
treaty of July, 1840, and his cordial agreement in the de-
cisive policy pursued by Lord Palmerston on that critical
occasion : —

12th September, 1840.

" They seem rather disturbed in England by the aspect
of French affairs ; but I am convinced it is all bluster,
which will only make the people there ridiculous, and end
in smoke ; but not that of gunpowder. I highly approve of
the Quadruple Treaty. The whole diplomacy of France
has been one continued series of trick, intrigue, and en-
croachment for the last three years, and it was quite time
to let Louis Philippe know that we would unite with
Austria and Russia, without his concurrence, if he chose
to be unreasonable and treacherous. I was most anxious
for this before I left England; but Palmerston was ham-
pered with his Spaniards. That affair, however, being
settled, he has done it, and wisely too."

5th October, 1840.
** Are you going to war with Louis Philippe? Really
all this bluster looks a little like it. But, in spite of
their anger and their boasting, I am delighted that the
Quadruple Treaty draws us off from the French, who have
been intriguing against us for the last three years in every
quarter of the globe. The Austrian and Russian alliances
have long been desiderata with me, though I scarcely

Y 3

326

APPENDIX I.

hoped that Palmeraton would carry them into effect. I
give him the greatest credit now for having done it. His
course has been prudent at first, and vigorous at last, both
in arguments and in acts."

24th December, 1840.
'* I congratulate you sincerely upon the result in Syria.
You know my opinion on the treaty and the policy ; and,
therefore, you will understand how truly I rejoice at the
brilliant way in which effect has been given to it. I could
not guess how Thiers was to excuse himself ; but I really
could never have believed that he would not have made a
better defence. I have the most sincere pleasure in crow-
ing over the anti-July-treaty people hereabouts, who pre-
dicted all sorts of mischief. Even the high Tories are
compelled to confess that England never stood higher in
the scale of nations, either for the power she has dis-
played, or the justice and moderation with which she has
used it."

26th January, 1841.
** You are certainly most wonderfully successful in your
foreign undertakings. I suppose Pekin will have fallen
long before this, and the St. George will have assumed
his proper place over the Dragon with six claws. Shall
we found a new dynasty vice the Tartars? But what is
the use of all this glory if your seats slip from under you ?
What an animal John Bull is ! gorged with glory in all
parts of the earth, and yet ready to turn upon the authors
of it ! I am afraid that the possession of power is making
me terribly inclined to despotism ; for 1 am thinking of
planting my cabbages rather under the shadow of Metter-
nich or the Czar, than in the midst of Chartists or Sans
Culottes."

a27

APPET^DIX II.

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF THE LATE LORD SYDENHAM
BY THE PRESS OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICA.

ones are

[The publication from which the following extracts are
taken was printed at Toronto shortly after the decease of
Lord Sydenham, at the press of the Examiner Office.
The notices were collected by Mr. Hincks, at that time
Editor of the Toronto Examiner, but now Inspector-
General of Public Accounts for the Province of Canada,
and a Member of the Executive Council.]

{From the Official Gazette.)
Kingston, Monday, September 20. 1841.
Province of Canada.

Sunday, 19th September.

It has pleased Almighty God to call to His Mercy his
Excellency the Right Hon. Charles Baron Sydenham, of
Sydenham in the county of Kent, and of Toronto in Ca-
nada, one of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy
Council, Governor General of British North America, and
Captain General and Governor in Chief of Canada, Nova
Scotia, and New Brunswick, and of the Island of Prince
Edward, &c. &c. &c.

His Excellency expired this morning at 5 minutes past
7 o'clock, at the Government House in this town, after
an illness of fifteen days.

Y 4

328

AITENBTX II.

Cur readers will perceive by the following comniuni-
cation that the mortal remains of his Excellency Lord
Sydenham are to be consigned to the tomb on Friday
next. We understand that tho chancel of St. George's
Church is selected as the place of interment,

Hull of the Common Council, Kingston,
September 2\. 1841.

The following official communication, addressed to his
Worship the Mayor, was laid before the Council : —

Government House, Kingston,
20th Sept. 1841.
Sir, — I have the honour to inform you that it is in-
tended that the funeral of his Excellency the Governor
General should take place on Friday next. The pro-
cession will leave Government House at 1 1 o'clock a. m.
precisely.

I have the honour to be, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

T. W. C. Murdoch.
His Worship the Mayor.

Whereupon the Common Council passed the following
resolution : —

" That Friday next, the 24th instant, being the day
appointed for the funeral of his Excellency the Governor
General, the Common Council do recommend to all the
inhabitants of the town to observe that day as a day of
mourning, with every suitable solemnity, and that all
shops and places of business be closed, and all trading
and mechanical operations cease during the day.

" J. Counter, Mayor."

NOTICKS OF THE DKATH OK LOUD SYDENHAM. 1^21)

niuni-
Lord
Friday
eorge's

ungston,
I to his

Kingston,

it is in-

jovernor

rhe pro-

ock A. M.

ant,

URDOCH.

Ifollowing

the day

iGovernor

lo all the

a day of

that all

[l trading

[ayor."

{From the Kingst<m Chronicle.)

SKCONO KDITION.

We stop the press to insert the following' interesting
communications which have just heen luinded to us by
tlie Hon. the Speaker of the Legislative Council : —

Kingston, silst Sept. 1841.
My dear Sir, — It will, I am sure, he satisfactory to
yourself and the other members of the Legislature to be
made acquainted with the terms of the speech which had
been prepared by the late Governor-General, to be de-
livered on the prorogation of the Legislature, but which
his lamented illness prevented. It was the last public
document dictated by him, and breathes throughout
those sentiments of attachment to this country, and of
anxiety for its advancement, which he ever felt and ex-
pressed. The last few words — the concluding prayer for
the happiness of Canada — were dictated on Friday morn-
ing, at a time when the hand of death was upon him.

As this document is of a public nature, you are of course
at liberty to communicate it to the other members of the
Legislative Council, or to the public, in any way you
think most proper.

I have the honour to be.

My dear Sir, faithfully yours,

T. W, C. Murdoch.
The Speaker of the Legislative Council, &c. &c.

(Copy.)

Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and
Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

In relieving you from further attendance in Parliament,
it affords me the highest gratification to be able to con-
gratulate you on the important results of your labours
during the present session.

'Am

AI'PENDIX II.

Called together under a new constitution, and repre-
senting interests so various and extended, it was impos-
sible but that difficulties should arise on your first meet-
ing; but those difficulties have been overcome by your
prudence, while the new measures which you have per-
fected, and the improvements which you have introduced
into the existing law will remain as a memorial of your
industry and zeal. 1 have also to thank you for the
attention that you have paid to all those measures which
were submitted to you by my direction.

To some of the Bills which you have passed I have had
particular pleasure in assenting, feeling as I do that they
will confer the most important and permanent benefits on
the people of this province. The Bill for the establish-
ment of district councils, while it assimilates the system
in this section of the province to that which I had pre-
viously established in Eastern Canada through the Special
Council, aflTords to the people the most ample security for
the proper management of their local affairs, and presents
at the same time the best means of instructing them in
the advantages and responsibilities of a representative form
of government. The Bill for the promotion of education
is a measure of great value. It has ever been the anxious
desire of the Queen to extend to all classes of her Ma-
jesty's subjects the blessings of education; and having
received her Majesty's commands to bring this question
under your consideration, I shall have peculiar satisfaction
in reporting to the Queen the assent I have been enabled
to give to a legislative enactment upon the subject. The
Bills for the establishment of a board of works and for
carrying on public improvements are of vital interest to
the commercial prosperity of this country, and I consider
that the system established by those measures will con-
stitute a new era in the trade and agriculture of the
province.

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LOUD SYDENHAM. 881

(1 repre-
s impos-
fst meet-
by your
lave per-
Ltroduced
1 of your
for tlie
res wliicli

have had
that they
)enefits on
estahhsh-
he system
I had pre-
the Special
lecurity for
pd presents
ff them iu
ative form
■ education
:he anxious
of her Ma-
and having
is question
satisfaction
een enabled
)ject. The
Irks and for
interest to
d I consider
•OS will cou-
ture of the

Gentlemen of the House of Assembly ^

I thank you in the name of her Majesty for the readiness
with which you have voted the supplies for the current
year, and for the large and, I trust, ample provision which
you have made to support the credit of the province, and
to provide by an increased revenue for the augmented
charge which will be caused by the works which you have
sanctioned. In the exercise of the powers with which you
have invested me for the raising of funds, and for their
application when raised, it will be my earnest endeavour
so to shape my proceedings as to insure to the province
the greatest possible advantage.

Honourable Gentlemen and Gentlemen^

Having received her Majesty's gracious permission to
return to England for the recovery of my health, it is
probable I may not again have an opportunity of meeting
you in parliament.

I take this occasion, therefore, to express to you my
sincere gratitude for the confidence you have shown me,
and for the support which I have throughout received
from you. While I cannot look back on the two last
years without feelings of the deepest emotion, my an-
ticipations for the future are full of hope and confidence.
In the manner in which the present session has been con-
ducted, and in the results which it has produced, 1 feel
the fullest assurance that the anxiety of the Queen and
the Imperial ParHament for the welfare of Canada will
not be disappointed, — that the constitution which they
have bestowed on this country will be productive of peace,
of happiness, and prosperity. To me it must ever be a
source of the highest gratification, that in the accomplish-
ment of these great measures I have been permitted to
bear a part. It now remains for you to carry out in your
liomes the good work you have so well begun ; to ob-
literate past dissensions ; to co-operate in giving edett to

332

avpp:ndix II.

the new institutions ; and to inculcate that spirit of enter-
prise and contentment which is essential to the well being
of a community.

May Almighty God prosper your labours, and pour
down upon this province all those blessings which in my
heart I am desirous that it should enjoy !

{From the Montreal Gazette.)
It is with deep sorrow that we perform the painful duty
of announcing the demise of His Excellency the Right
Honourable Charles Poulett Thomson, Baron Sydenham
and Toronto, Governor General of all Her Majesty's
Provinces on the Continent of North America. This
melancholy event took place at Alwington House, near
Kingston, on Sunday morning, at seven o'clock, to the
general regret of all her Majesty's subjects in the pro-
vince, and, we much fear, to the no small detriment of
the public affairs of the country, with every branch of
which his Lordship was intimately conversant, and which
he uniformly conducted with a vigour of mind and de-
cision of purpose, which will ever reflect lustre on his
public character as her Majesty's representative in these
provinces.

His Lordship's last illness was severe, though of but
short duration. On the 4th instant, while riding, for
exercise, in the neighbourhood of Kingston, his horse
stumbled and fell with him, by which his right leg was
fractured near the ancle, and also received a severe contu-
sion above the knee. The accident was unfortunate in
every respect, and still more so in its fatal consequences ;
but it was not of a character to excite alarm, except in
connection with its anticipated influence upon the painful
malady of the gout, to which his Lordship was, we be-
lieve, subject from early life, to which he had been a
martyr almost ever since his arrival in Canada, and from
a severe attack of which he had scarcely recovered when
the lamentable accident took place. The fears anticipated

NOTICES OF THE DFATH OF LOKD SVDKNIIA.M. IVA'ii

it of enter-
well being

and pour
lich in my

ainful duty
r the Right
I Sydenham
f Majesty's
srica. This
louse, near
ock, to the
in the pro-
letriment of
y branch of
L and which
nd and de-
istre on his
;ive in these

)Ugh of but
riding, for
, his horse
ight leg was
evere contu-
fortunate in
msequences ;
n, except in
the painful
was, we be-
had been a
la, and from
overed when
s anticipated

were but too fatally realised. The gout returned, as we
are informed, with redoubled violence ; and a painful ill-
ness of a few days, which his Lordship bore with fortitude,
put an end to his mortal existence.

His Lordship, as Mr. Thomson, succeeded Sir John
Colborne, now Lord Seatou, in the immediate administra-
tion of this province, and arrived at Quebec on the IGth
of October, 1839. On the 19th he assumed the reins of
Government ; and soon afterwards visited this city, and
other parts of the country, holding sessions of the then
existing legislatures of Upper and Lower Canada. On
the 10th of August, 1840, her Majesty was pleased to
raise the late Governor General to the peerage of the
United Kingdom, by the titles to which we have already
alluded, as a distinguished mark of approbation, no doubt,
of the manner in which he conducted the important go-
vernment entrusted to his care. On the 20th of May
last, his Lordship, while still in delicate health, left this
city for Kingston, for the purpose of opening the first
session of the United Legislature of Canada, but which,
from the alarming character his indisposition had assumed,
he was only destined to close by deputation. It was in-
tended that this ceremony should take place in his Excel-
lency's apartment on Friday last ; but his Lordship was
unable to undergo the fatigue, and in accordance with the
provisions of the Act of Union, a commission was issued,
appointing Major General Clitherow to be Deputy Go-
vernor for the purposes therein mentioned ; which, we
believe, were confined to the giving the royal sanction to
some of the bills passed during the session, reserving
others for the signification of her Majesty's pleasure, and
proroguing the Provincial Parliament.

This is not the time to speak at large of the true char-
acter and merits of the various public measures, which will
long render the short but important administration of
Lord Sydenham memorable in the history of this province.
It will be sufficient merely to observe, that the whole of

y>u

ArrKNDix II.

them were directed to tlio pjreat national and cardinal
point of cultivating' tiie resources of the province ; of lay-
mp; the foundation of free and liheral institutions, which,
if administered in the spirit in which they were conceived,
cannot fail to render it happy and prosperous ; and of
perpetually cementing its welfare and its interests with
those of the mother country. Above all, the deep inter-
est, the unquenciiable zeal, the patriotic ardour, the firm-
ness of purpose, and the undeviating resolution and per-
severance which, at all times and on all occasions, were
exhibited by his Lordship, in carrying into effect the grand
healing measure of the reunion of the provinces, justly
entitle his memory to the lasting gratitude and reverence
of his countrymen both at home and abroad, and his tomb
to be inscribed with the word " Union," as a beacon to
direct a people, still somewhat divided, from the shoals
and quicksands of jealousy and dissensicm.

In his official and private intercourse with the people of
this province. Lord Sydenham was of easy access, of un-
affected manners, affable in conversation ; which, without
the least show of undue assumption or arrogance, he
always, and almost instantaneously, directed to the leading
topic of business or discussion. As a practical man of
business, it may safely be said that he had few equals.
With these and other excellent qualities, which we stop
not to discuss at the present moment, the death of Lord
Sydenham will be sincerely and generally lamented in this
province.

The administration of the government now devolves on
his Excellency Sir Richard Jackson, Commander of the
Forces in the province, until further instructions shall have
been received from home.

{From the Montreal Courier.)
Lord Sydenham is dead. — The energetic mind from
whose labours Canada has received so much, and to

NOTICKS OF rilK DKATH OF LORD 8VDRN1IAM. 'Al]f)

whose untiring gonins and skill she yot looked to re-
ceive so much more, is stilled cand powerless. The lips
which dictated the wisest policy this country ever knew,
are mute and motionlesb. The high intellect which could
comprehend the most intricate questions, and unravel as
l)y magic the entangled interests of the country, has ceased
to exist; and all that belonged to the man has been swal-
lowed up by death, leaving enough to cause us ever to re-
gret that intentions so vast, designs so important, deter-
minations so firm, talents so transcendant, should thus
pass away, as it were in the face of their own glory.

We can scarcely bring ourselves to write the words that
announce this event. It has come on us like a thunder-
clap. It is the saddest conclusion to a mighty triumph
that the imagination can picture. Wolfe conquered and
died — his was the victory of the soldier. Lord Syden-
ham has done no less — but his is a peaceful victory,
and yet his fate is the same.

If there was ever a man who I'ell a martyr to his prin-
ciples, that man was Charles Poulett Thomson. Canada
has had the best of him — his last parting energies were
exerted in her cause — his last breath yielded for her. It is
not three months since that he told Colonel Prince he
would " die in harness and in carrying out those measures
which he deemed essential to the salvation of this country J" —
Canada should remember this. It should be recorded on
liis tomb — on the monuments that we should raise to
his memory, now that he has departed from amongst us.

It is now two years since Lord Sydenham arrived in Ca-
nada to carry out the plans which Lord Durham had done
little more than suggest. Since the moment he set foot on
our shores he devoted himself to the task with an energy
which his weak state of health rendered it quite impossible
he could sustain for a long period of time, and which lat-
terly had reduced him to the last stage of weakness. Still
he would not desist; and even had the state of political
parties allowed him some time to unbend from the severe

336

APPENDIX IT.

duties of his office, it is possible that the man would have
rejected the opportunity. None was less inclined to trust
to others what he could do by himself than Lord Syden-
ham. He combined in himself all the qualities of the man
of business and the statesman ; and had his bodily vigour
been as powerful as his mental, nothing could have with-
stood him.

Lord Sydenham's name is for ever connected with the
fortunes of Canada. The Act of Union was in a great
part his work, and the success which has hitherto attended
its practical oj)erations all his. The reward of nobility
which his conduct drew from the sovereign could not have
been better deserved. It was purchased with his life.

His Lordship has not been in one respect more fortu-
nate than the meanest of his fellows ; he could not escape
slander. His enemies will now perhaps observe the motto
— *' De mortuis nil nisi bonum;'^ but their shafts could not
touch him ; and his policy, which will survive his body,
offers the best defence to his memory.

{From the Montreal Herald.)

A special messenger, who left Kingston about nine
o'clock on Sunday morning, the 19th, arrived in town
yesterday afternoon about two, with the melancholy in-
telligence of the decease of his Excellency the Governor
General.

This unexpected event has thrown a gloom over the
whole community. Whatever shades of political or party
feeling may have existed, and in all enlightened commu-
nities such will always exist, they appeared to merge into
one full and only feeling of deep, heartfelt sorrow. Every
one spoke and felt as if a personal benefactor had been re-
moved from among them.

The decease of his Excellency we look upon as the
greatest public calamity, whether we regard it as being, in
the meantime, deprived of an energetic governor, or of
an intelligent and powerful advocate afterwards in the

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 837

ould have
(d to trust
rd Syden-
)f the man
lily vigour
liave with-

d with the
in a great
;o attended
of nobility
Id not have
lis life,
nore fortu-
[ not escape
e the motto
ts could not
3 his body,

about nme

led in town

ancholy in-

e Governor

11 over the

[cal or party

led commu-

merge into

low. Every

^ad been re-

hpon as the
las being, in
^rnor, or ot
lards in the

House of Lords. His administration, whatever may have
been its faults, has been characterised by a comprehensive
conception of the interests of Canada, and an untiring as-
siduity to promote them. The province will continue to
advance from the impetus which it has received, when the
head that foresaw and the hand that directed it are lying
coid in the grave. If mistakes have been made, it will
not be without advantage to party to reflect, when most
disposed to violence, that all of us, those whom we praise
and those whom we censure, are alike liable to the same
errors, as we all are to the same accountability for our
actions to Almighty God, our great and final judge.

{From the Canada Timea.)

We regret to announce the tidings of the decease of
Lord Sydenham, Governor-General of British North
America, which event took place at Kingston on Sunday
morning last, at seven o'clock.

The immediate cause of his death was iufl:anmation,
which terminated in lock-jaw. This ensued from the
fracture of his leg, about a fortnight since, by a fall from
his horse. His constitution was in a delicate condition,
he having but a short time ago recovered from a severe
attack of the gout. The return of this disease, since the
unfortunate accident, could not be resisted by his en-
feebled frame, and he gradually sunk under its effects.

We must candidly confess that language fails us when
we approach the mournful subject of Lord Sydenham's
death ! So suddenly has the effect of the intelligence we
yesterday received come 'upon us, that if a thunderbolt
had fallen at our feet, we could not have been more com-
pletely astounded. Party feeling was, of course, thrown
aside — forgotten! We thought only of the ?naw, — yes,
the NOBLEMAN, who but a few days since presided
over the destinies of Canada.

We had looked forward to Lord Sydenham's adminis-
tration as one which would not only have been the means

338

APPENDIX II.

of ultinuitely softening down tlie asperities that have for a
long time goaded tlie ]nibh'c of this province ahiiost to
desperation, but wliich would also have tended p^reatly to
the advancement of the country in the moral, the politi-
cal, and the intellectual scale.

{From the Christian (iffardiau.)

It is with the deepest sorrow we fifive publicity to the ofR-
cial announcement of the death of his Excellency the Go-
vernor General. A solemn and depressinpf u,loom is over the
province, and an inscrutable Providence arrests and disap-
points our attention, and we involuntarily ask, Why is it?
That such an event should take place at the present junc-
ture of Canadian affairs, when, after deep anxiety and
much deliberation, extensive plans have been devised, and
only remain to be carried out — that such an event should
take place when, at the close of the first session of the
Parliament of United Canada, the entire community are
looking forward with the liveliest expectations for days of
unprecedented civil, commercial, and religious prosperity —
that at the very moment when his Lordship is about to enter
on a splendid career for the achievement of what his wisdom
designs — we say at such an eventful and interesting mo-
ment to have our hopes prostrated, is to be resolved into
the actings of a sovereignty which befits Him only who is
" Lord of lords." How fugitive are sublunary anticipa-
tions, and how soon the brightest day may be overcast !
Verily, O God, " thou turnest man to destruction ; and
sayest. Return, ye children of men. For we are consumed
by thine anger, and by thy wrath are we troubled." Wise
shall we be if in the present melancholy exigence Ave learn
without forgetfulness the lesson of our mortality , and wiser
still if we desire and prepare for '* life and immortality."

The country has sustained an irreparable loss. As a
gentleman. Lord Sydenham was distinguished for his
urbanity and condescension of manner : easy of access, and
politely attentive to the poorest person who might seek an

NOTIfES OF THE DEATH OF T.OUD SYDENHAM. iVi^

liave for a
almost to
greatly to
the politi-

to the ofli-
cy the Go-
1 is over the
i and (lisap-
Why is it?
•esent .ji"ic-
auxiety and
devised, and
3vcnt should
ssion of the
iinnunity are
3 for days of
prosperity —
l)out to enter
Lt his wisdom
[cresting mo-
■esolvcd into
only who is
tary anticipa-
le overcast!
[ruction; and
ive consumed
^bled." Wise
jnce we learn
|ity, and wiser
imortality."

loss. As a

jhed for his

f access, and

light seek an

interview witli Inm, he was beloved by all, and will long
be remembered. As a statesman, he had a clear ))ereep-
tion of the extent and bearings of a subject, and was over
comprehensive in his views, ample and correct in liis plans,
practical in his purposes, and in the j)rosecution of his
measures evinced ** the stern exaltedness of zeal." As a
governor, his mind was ex|)ansive, taking in every object
which claimed his consideration. The people whom he
ruled were his caro, and their concerns he disinterestedly
made his own. Sel.'lshness was incompatible with his
elevated station, and was a sin unconnected with his ad-
ministration. It becomes not us to state what there was
to perplex and conibund a common spirit when he assumed
the functions of his dignified oflice ; but gratitude forbids
our shunning to declare, that at his death he left harmony
where there was discord, and brilliant hopes where brooded
black despair. His fame as the Governor General of
British North America will be transmitted to the latest
posterity ; and if faithfulness to an important trust be the
crowning virtue of a representative, royalty itself will
deplore his loss. The Christian churches of the province
are his debtors, and not the least so the Wesleyan Me-
thodists, for the valuable services he rendered them. The
youth of our country have been deprived of a father, and
the lovers of civil and religious freedom of a conscientious
and noble advocate. To say no more — the magnificent
public improvements his Excellency projected, and was
about to see accomplished, have rendered his illustrious
name indelible in the hearts of a grateful, but now, alas !
a bereaved people. Be this his highest eulogium : — Lord
Sydenham died as he lived — the Friknd of Canada !

TO THE EDITOR OF THE CHRISTIAN GUARDIAN.

Kingston, Sept. 27. 18+1.
My dear Sir, — I left Toronto on Monday, the 20th
instant, on board the Niagara steamer. A little west of
Coburg we met the St. George steamer, from Kingston,

z 2

340

APPENDIX II.

vvliose flag, half-mast high, told us that " a prince and a
great man had fallen." Though the mournful intelligence
was fully expected, this silent announcement agitated my
whole frame, and prompted the involuntary exclamation,
** For the sake of my country, would that I could have
died for thee ! " The countenance of almost every person
in Kingston bore testimony to some public calamity. The
assemblage at the funeral was immense ; the solemnities of
the melancholy occasion were appropriate and deeply
affecting. You will receive accounts of them in Kingston
papers. This is a mournful conclusion of the first session
of the first Parliament of United Canada ; and it is ren-
dered still more afiecting by the recent publication of the
speech with which the late Governor General had intended
to prorogue Parliament, characterised by the natural and
simple elegance of his fine taste, the sentiments of which
are noble and patriotic, and the conclusion of which
breathes a suppliant effusion of the heart, which one cannot
but wish the lips might have been permitted to utter.

Unlike the cloie of any session of the legislature which
was ever held in either province of Canada, the termination
of the late session will produce throughout Canada the
opposite feelings of grateful joy and melancholy grief.
The same post which conveys to the people of Canada the
tidings of the harmonious and happy conclusion of a
session unprecedented in the productiveness of compre-
hensive and valuable measures for the general improve-
ment and social and intellectual elevation of the province,
conveys to them the appalling announcement that death
has terminated the earthly career of the noble mind which
conceived those improvements and originated those institu-
tions which will form a golden era in the annals of Cana-
dian history, by laying the foundation of Canadian pros-
perity and greatness. While blessings are multiplied
upon us, the agent of those blessings is removed from us;
and our country is, at the same moment, thrilled with joy
and consternation, and on the same day vocal with thanks-

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 341

ce and a
telUgence

tated my

ilamation,

ould have

3ry person

nity. The

nnnities of

nd deeply

1 Kingston

irst session
it is ren-

tion of the

id intended

natural and

ts of which

1 of which

1 one cannot

) utter.

ature which
termination

Canada the
choly grief.
Canada the

;lusion of a

of compre-

■al improve-

;he province,

It that death
mind which
hose institu-
;als of Cana-
Luadian pros-
■e multiphed
[ved from us ;
lied with joy
with thanks-

givings and clothed in sackcloth, luminous with hope and
involved in mourning. Thu> do the strokes of providential
ch.istisement accompany the out-beamings of providential
nuuiificence ; and tlic brightest picture of human life is
shaded with disappointment, sutfering, and bereavement.
It is in heaven only that death is unknown, that pain is
never felt, and tears are never shed.

Utterly incompetent as I am to offer an appropriate
tribute to the merits of Lord Sydenham, I should violate
the obligations of gratitude, and be dead to the emotions
ol patriotism, were I noi to express my deep sense and
profound admiration of the priceless value of his labours,
and the generous ardour of his feelings for the welfare of
my native country.

Lord Sydenham belongs essentially to Canada. His
nobility was fairly earned in her service ; the ripest fruits
of his experience and acquirements are embodied in her
institutions ; his warmest and latest sympathies are blended
with her interests ; his mortal remains repose, by choice,
among her dead ; and his name is indelibly inscribed in
the affectionate esteem and grateful recollections of her
inhabitants. Plutarch mentions it as the misfortune of
Phocion, that " he came to the helm when the public
bottom was just upon sinking." Tliat which was the bad
fortune of the Athenian general has, by superior skill,
been made the good fortune of our late Governor General,
as well as the salvation of Canada. The " public bottom"
of our best interests and last hopes was, indeed, visibly
and rapidly sinking when Lord Sydenham " came to the
helm ;" but his Excellency has not only saved the sinking
sliip, he has piloted her safely amid the rocks and shoals
of party selfishness and ignorance, and made adverse winds
tributary to the progress of his voyage.

It is not easy to determine which is most worthy of ad-
miration, the comprehensiveness and grandeur of Lord
Sydenham's plans, the skill with which he overcame the
obstacles that opposed their accomplishment, or the

z 3

Al'l'KNUlX II.

(lUL'nchk'ss ardour and ceaseless industry with which he
pursued them. To hiy the foundations of public liberty,
and, at the same time, to strengthen the prerogative — to
promote vast public improvements, and not increase the
public burdens — to i)rovide a comprehensive system of
education upon Christian principles, without interference
with religious scruples — to promote the influence and secu-
rity of the Government by teaching the people to govern
themselves — to destroy party faction by promoting the
general good — to invest a bankrupt country with both credit
and resources, are conceptions and achievements which
render Lord Sydenham the first benefactor of Canada, and
place him in the first rank of statesmen. His Lordship
found a country divided, he left it united ; he found it
prostrate and paralytic, he left it erect and vigorous ; he
found it mantled with despair, he left it blooming with
hope. Lord Sydenham has done more in two years to
strengthen and consolidate British power in Canada by his
matchless industry and truly liberal conservative policy,
than had been done during the ten previous years by the
increase of a standing army and the erection of military
fortifications. His Lordship has solved the difficult prob-
lem, that a people may be colonists and yet be free ; and,
in the solution of that problem, he has gained a triumph
less imposing but not less sublime, and scarcely less im-
portant, than the victory of Waterloo ; he has saved mil-
lions to England, and secured the affections of Canada.

In the way of accomplishing these splendid results, the
most formidable obstacles opposed themselves. At the
foundation of these lay the hitherto defective theory and
worse than defective system of colonial goveriunent, — a
system destitute of the safety-valve of responsibility, of
the attributes of freedom, and of the essential materials of
executive power — a system which was despotic from its
weakness, and arbitrary from its pretences to represent-
ation — a system inefficient in the hands of good men, and
withering in the hands of mistaken or bad men. There

NUTICK« OF TlIK DEATH OF LOUD SYDENHAM. Ml\

were the wron^rs, and abuses, and public bankrupicy whicli
had ^M-()\vu out of tliis system ; tlierc were 'he party
interests and the party combinations and iiostillties wliich
this system iiad Ibstered ; tiiere were the prejudices of one
portion of the popuhition and tiie fears and suspicions of
another ; there were the prescriptive assumptions of long
possessed power, and the clamorous demands of long ex-
clusion from power ; and, worst of all, the conflicting
claims of ecclesiastical pretensions; there was the absence of
public confidence, and the absence of any one man or body
of men able to command that confidence. To lay the
foundation of a government adapted to the social state and
character of a population thus depressed, divided, and
subdivided ; to provide for the efficient administration of
all its departments ; to create mutual confidence, and in-
duce united action among leading men of all parties, with-
out sacrifice of principle on the part of any, was a task
difficult and hazardous to the last degree, and for even
attempting which Lord Sydenham has been frequently
ridiculed by persons of reputed knowledge and experience.
It has often been said of his Lordship, as it was said of
the Earl of Chatham, that he ** had made an administra-
tion so checkered and speckled; had put together a piece
of joinery so crossly indented and whimsically dove-tailed;
a cabinet so variously inlaid ; such a piece of diversified
mosaic, such a tessellated pavement without cement ; here
a bit of black scone, and there a bit of white ; j)atriots and
courtiers ; king's friends and republicans ; whigs and tories ;
treacherous friends and enemies ; that it was indeed a very
curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to
stand on." But Lord Sydenham's acute discernment dis-
tinguished between the former and present state of things;
he knew that a difference of opinion or of party under the
former constitution of either Upper or Lower Canada did
not necessarily or fairly involve a similar difference under
the new constitution of United Canada ; he possessed the
requisite energy and patriotism to act upon his convictions,

z 4

344

APPENDIX II.

and coiiiinuuced the illustration of his advice to obliterate
the differences of the past, by selecting his advisers and
public officers according to individual fitness and merit,
irrespective of former personal opinions or party con-
nexions. The individuals of widely discordant parties who
opposed Lord Sydenham's government upon the ground of
former party associations, have been signally disajjpointed
in their plans and expectations, whilst his Lordship's
success equally redounds to his own honour and the public
benefit. Few administrations of government in any
country have acted so harmoniously and cordially on so
great a number of important measures as the new admi-
nistration formed by Lord Sydenham. An old writer has
quaintly but truly observed, " If a man should see a large
city or country, consisting of great multitudes of men, of
different tempers, full of frauds, and factions, and animosi-
ties in their natures against one another, yet living toge-
ther in good order and peace, without oppressing and in-
vading one another, and joining together for the public
good, he would presently conclude there were some excel-
lent governor, who tempered them by his wisdom and
preserved the public peace, though he had never yet
beheld hi.a with his eye." Never was the maxim of a
great statesman more strikingly illustrated than in the
government of Lord Sydenham, that " The wisdom of
government is of more importance than the laws."

By extreme partizans of all shades Lord Sydenham has
been the object of unsparing abuse ; but, as Burke has
beautifully remarked, *' obloquy is a necessary ingredient
in the composition of all true glory ; and it was not only
in the custo'7.1 of the Romans, but it is in the nature and
constitution of things, that calumny and abuse are essen-
tial parts of triumph." Lord Sydenham's government was
instinct with <mergy, yet equally characterised by im])ar-
tiality, mildness, and liberality. The dying Pericles is
/eported to liavo said to his applauding admirers, '* You
foigel the only valuable part of my character : none of my

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LOKD SYDENHAM. 345

obliterate
visers and
iiid merit,
jarty coii-
>arties who
) ground of
sappoiiited

Lordship's
. the public
It iu any
iially on so

new adnii-
L writer has
. see a large

of men, of
ind animosi-
living toge-
ing and in-
the public
some excel-

isdom and
never yet
Inaxini of a

;han in the
wisdom of

Idenham has
Burke has
ingredient
Ivas not only
|; nature and
are essen-
irnment was
Id by impar-
Pericles is

irers,

You

none of n»v

fellow-citizens was ever compelled through any action of
mine to assume a mourning robe.'" Lord Sydenham has,
indeed, left Canada clad in sackcloth and mourning, yet
not for any act of his government, but for the sacrifice of
his own life in it.

Lord Sydenham had finished the forty-second year of
his age on the Sunday before his decease. The death of
such a man at such an age would, under any circum-
stances, be a mournful event. He had lived just long
<;nough to develop his great powers, while there seemed,
according to all human calculations, enough of life re-
maining to aflbrd ample space for their matured exercise.
" The tree was old enough to enable us to ascertain the
quality of the fruit which it would bear, and, at the same
time, young enough to promise many years of produce."
But the peculiar circumstances under which we have lost
him, — at such a time, so unexpectedly, when so much
was still expected from his future eflbrts, and so much
gratitude felt for his past efforts, — add to every feeling of
regret, and make the disappointment more severe and
poignant to all thinking minds. But '* the Judge of the
earth will do right," although " His ways are in the great
deep, and his paths past finding out."

To genius Lord Sydenham possessed no pretensions ;
but what has been said of Charlemagne was true of hi.^
Lordship : — he possessed '* a great understanding, a great
heart, and a great soul." His mind was enunently prac-
tical and habitually active ; he was a shrewd observer of
men and things ; his knowledge- was various and extensive,
and always ready for practical application; and he descended
to the minutest details of public business with astonishing
quickness and accuracy. The interests of the country
which he governed engrossed all his care, ar.il seemed to
form the element of his daily being. His plans were bold,
comprehensive, and energetic; and, having been delibe-
rately adopted, he would not suffer prejudice or clamour
to turn him aside from the pursuit of them. Hj valued

34f>

APPENDIX II.

prerogative only as the means of protecting and promoting
public liberty and happiness. His dispatches to the Se-
cretary of State for the colonies explaining the principles
and objects of his measures, breathe the most ardent and
generous feeling in behalf of the civil and religious free-
dom and growing happiness aud prosperity of the people
of Canada. The publication of them will furnish the best
eulogium upon his motives and character, while the oper-
ation of his magnificent jilans will form a lasting monu-
ment of his wisdom and patriotism.

What Mr. Fox remarked of his friend the Duke of
Bedford, may be said of Lord Sydenham, — *' He died, it
is true, in a state of celibacy ; but if they may be called a
man's children whose concerns are dear to him as his own
— to protect whom from evil is the daily object of his
care — to promote wiiose welfare he exerts every faculty of
which he is possessed — if such are to be esteemed our
children, no man had ever a more numerous family."

I have time to add no more, nor to correct what I have
written. When I commenced this unpremeditated and
hasty sketch, 1 intended nothing more than to give vent to
the feelings of my heart in a couple of paragraphs. But
the subject has grown upon me — rather has overwhelmed
me ; and what I have said seems but a passage where there
might be a volume — but a sickly ray, when there ought to
be meridian splendour. Lord Sydenham's political con-
duct belongs to history ; and 1 rejoice to learn that a most
suitable and able historian has been selected by his Lord-
ship himself in the person of his chief secretary.

At the commencement of his Lordship's mission in
Upper Canada, when his plans were little known, his difh-
culties lorn)idal)le, and his government weak, I had thi-
pleasing satisfaction of giving him my humble and dutiful
snp|)ort in the promotion of his non-party and provincial
objects ; and now that he is beyond the reacii of human
praise or censure — where all earthly ranks and distinc-
tions are lost in the sublimities of eternity — 1 have the

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM!. 347

iromoting
o the Se-
ll rinciples
rdent and
rious free-
i\\e people
li the best
! the oper-
Ing monu-

; Duke of
He died, it
be called a
as his own
)ject of his
•y faculty of
teemed our

mily.

what I have
ditatcd and
(>ive vent to
aphs. But
(verwhelmed
I where there
Jere ought to
lolitical con-
that a most
)y his Lord-

•

mission m
|vn, liis dilli-
I had the
I and (Uitiful
id provincial
|i of human
land distinc-
I havr the

melancholy satisfaction of bearing my liumble testimony to
his candour, sincerity, faithfulness, kindness, and liberality.
A few days before the occurrence of the accident which
terminated his life, I had the honour of spending an even-
ing and part of a day in free conversation with his Lord-
ship ; and on that, as well as ou former similar occasions,
he observed the most marked reverence for the truths of
Christianity — a most earnest desire to base the civil insti-
tutions of the country upon Christian principles, with a
scrupulous regard to the rights of conscience — a total ab-
sence of all animosity against any persons or parties who
had opposed him — and an intense anxiety to silence dis-
sensions and discord, and render Canada contented, happy,
and prosperous. I am told that, the day before his la-
mented death, he expressed his regret that he had not
given more of his time to religion. Ills mind wa*- per-
fectly composed ; he was in the lull possession of his ra-
tional powers until he " ceased at oi .je to work and live."
He transacted official business in the acutest agonies of
suffering, even "when the hand of death was upon him."
The last hours of his life were spent in earnest supplication
to that Redeemer, in humble reliance upon whose atone-
ment he yielded up the ghost. Those who were most inti-
mately ac(j[uainted and connected with Lord Sydenham are
most warndy attached to him, and most deeply deplore
their loss ; and few in Canada will not say, in the death of
this lamented nobleman and distinguished governor — 1

have lost a friend.

Yours very truly,

E. Ryerson.

{From the Christian Guardian.)
LORD Sydenham's dying prayer for Canada.

" May Almighty God prosper your labours, and pour
clown upon this })rovince all those blessings which in my
heart 1 am desiious that it should enjoy." — The conclu-
sion of the late Ciorernor-Gencra/\- last public document.

;U8

A1TK^'D1X II.

Ill another column will be found a letter from T. W. C.
Murdoch, Esq., Chief Secretary, to the Speaker of the
Legislative Council, witk a most interesting document ac-
companying it — " the speech which had been prepared
by the late Governor-General, to be delivered on the pro-
rogation of the legislature, but which his lamented ill-
ness prevented." The secretary's letter is beautifully
simple and touching ; the speech produces a powerful
emotion ; and the conclusion of it is perfectly irresistible,
dictated as it was ** at a time wlien the hand of death
was upon" the noble writer. If it be true, that the ruling
passion is strong in death, our distinguished, but departed,
Governor-General loved Canada ; and this speech, which
he dictated, but did not, could not, deliver, is remarkably
confirmatory of the opinion we expressed last week —
*' Lord Sydenham died as he lived, the friend of Canada."
Canada was on his Lordship's heart. Two years ago he
left his native land, at the command of our beloved
sovereign, and arrived in the colony at a time when the
aspect of affairs was repulsive rather than attractive ; and
we believe it is beyond the power of any person to allege,
that he did not live resolved to please his sovereign and
benefit her Canadian subjects. A difference of opinion has
been expressed on some of his Excellency's measures, of
the merits of which it is not our province to speak ; but
only one sentiment can be uttered respecting his Excel-
lency's unreserved devotedness to our interests — a devoted-
ness which no obstacles could dishearten, no bodily afflic-
tions limit, and which death only could terminate. And
when this was inevitable, his request was, that he might
be buried in Canada — the land of his attachment, the
land of his undying solicitude, the land of his glorious
deeds. He died blessing Canada. Undisturbed be his
ashes till the morning of the resurrection ! — Canada was
in his Lordship's i^laiis. It is even a hackneyed saying,
** the Governor-General attempts too much for the country."
The truth is, he thought much, and was ever occupied

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 349

1 T. W. C.

ker of the
cument ac-
n prepared
on the pro-
mented ill-
beautifully
a povverful
irresistible,
id of death
i the ruling
ut departed,
oech, whieh
remarkably
ast week —
of Canada.''
ears ago he
our beloved
le when the
ractive ; and
m to allege,
ivereign and
[ opinion has
jnieasures, of
speak ; but
T his Excel-
a devoted-
lodily afflie-
linatc. And
at he might
hment, the
his glorious
Irbed be his
Canada was
lyed saying,
he country."
cr occupied

with projects intended for our good. A catalogue of tlie
bills which have been passed in Eastern and Western
Canada under his administration, with the reasons which
led to their adoption, and the results which have followed,
or are likely to follow their adoption, would say much in
favour of the greatness, originality, and wisdom of his
mind ; and all he did, he did for our country. — Canada
was in his prayers. ** May Almighty God .... pour
down upon this province all those blessings which in my
heart I am desirous that it should enjoy!" What *' all
those blessings" were we may without mistake suppose
from his lofty and liberal official course — blessings civil,
commercial, educational, and religious, for the old and the
young, the poor and the rich, the untaught and the accom-
j)lished, the pious and the profane, to latest generations

— blessings which we believe it was the desire of his heart
should be universally diffused. This then was our dying
chief ruler's prayer, when the heart was ceasing to beat

— when the hand had nearly forgotten its cunning — when
earth was receding — when the veil of eternity was being
drawn ; in that dread moment he remembered — Canada.
Never did patriotism utter language invested with a deeper
pathos, or breathe a spirit more befitting the bed of death ;
and of the regretted intercessor, and all like him whose
stupendous public acts are their triumph and their praise,

we affirm,

'* They never fail who die
In a great cause."

To his Lordship's last prayer we say Amen : and from
the Atlantic to the Huron, in every human dwelling, and
deep in every British heart, and loud on every fervent
tongue, will be heard the solemn response.

{From the Examiner.)

It is with feelings of the deepest regret that we give
publicity to the announcement of the demise of the Go-

350

APPENDIX II.

vcriior-Genoral of British America. The sufferings en-
dured by liis Excellency since the occurrence of the late
unfortunate accident have been intense, and were borne
with the greatest fortitude. We understand that he was
in the full possession of his faculties to the very last. On
the morning of his death he took an affectionate leave of
all his friends, who were most sincerely and devotedly at-
tached to him. Whatever differences of opinion may have
existed on particular measures of Lord Sydenham's ad-
ministration, wc feel assured that his Lordship's name will
long be held in grateful recollection by the people of
United Canada. His Lordship assumed the government
of these provinces at a period of the greatest difficulty ;
and when we compare the present state of public feeling
with that which then existed, we are bound to admit that
his administration has on the whole been an eminently
successful one. The result of the first session of the
United Legislature, which we have elsewhere referred to,
must have been in the highest degree satisfactory to his
Lordship, confirming, as it has d(me, the hopes of some,
and dispelling the fears of others, as to the working of that
union, which it was the especial object of his mission to
carry into effect. His Lordship was on the eve of his de-
parture for England, where he would doubtless have been
rewarded with fresh marks of the favour of his sovereign,
when the accident occurred by which he has been cut off
in the prime of life and in the full vigour of his intellect.
Well may we join in the common exclamation, " Sic tran-
sit gloria mundi !" We feel but little inclination at present,
either to review the general policy of the distinguished
nobleman whose loss we have now to deplore, or to specu-
late on the disasters which may befal this couitry in con-
sequence of his death. We shall defer these topics till a
more fitting opportunity offers. At present we shrll con-
tent ourselves with joining our coteinporaricr,, and the
public at large, in expressing those feelings of sincere
sorrow which, we are well assured, pervade all classes of

NOTICES or THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 3')!

wrings 011-
f tlie late
ere borne
lat he \v«as
last. On
te leave of
votedly at-
1 may have
iham's acl-
j name will
people of
Tovcrnmcnt
difficulty ;
blic feeling
I admit that
, eminently
sion of the
referred to,
ctory to his
es of some,
ving of that
mission to
re of his de-
s have been
s sovereign,
jeen cut off
lis intellect.
'* Sic tran-
at present,
istinguishcd
or to spccu-
itry in con-
topics till a
e shrll con-
, and the
of sincere
111 classes of

society. In this city, most of the principal merchants
show tlieir feelings by partly closing their windows. We
presume that there will be due regard paid to the event in
all our churches next Sunday ; and are pleased to hear of
one clergyman who intends to deliver a discourse upon the
subject on the evening of that day.

{From the Examiner.)

We have copied elsewhere, from the Kingston Chronicle^
an account of the funeral of the late lamented Governor
General, and w^e have alsc, transferred to oiu* columns
some of the notices of his Lordship's death by the cotem-
porary press, In this section of the province political hos-
tility seems to have been entirely forgotten ; and there is
one general acknowledgment from all quarters, not only of
the great talents of the deceased nobleman, but of his un-
wearied exertions for the interests of Canada. It was oin*
misfortune very frequently to be compelled to dissent from
the line of policy adopted by Lord Sydenham, more espe-
cially from that followed in the eastern section of the pro-
vince ; but we have been ever readv to make allowances
for the difficulties with which he was encompassed, and we
should be ungrateful indeed were we to withhold our
humble acknowledgments for the many essential services
which he has rendered to our adopted country. During
his Lordship's brief administration, the union of the Ca-
nadas was matured and carried into full operation. True,
the Union Bill is far from perfect in its details ; but we are
justified in asserting that public opinion has quite sufficient
influence in the House of Assembly to insure the amend-
ment of all objectionable provisions, and that too at no
very remote period. The principle of responsible go-
vernment has been fully recognised. The members of the
Administration, all of whom were heads of departments,
distinctly avowed, on the floor of the House, their re-
sponsibility to Parliament for the measures of govern-
ment. They acted together in perfect harmony and con-

352

APPENDIX IT.

cert witli ropfard to those measures ; and, althouj^li there
were occasional deviations from British practice, yet that
practice was always acknowledged as their rule, and a
more strict adherence to it in future may he anticipated.
Whatever political differences there may have been in the
House, it was felt by every one that there was an admini-
stration, and that its existence depended on the support of
a parliamentary majority. Were we to pause here, we
feel that we should have said enough to prove that the
name of Lord Sydenham should ever be held in grateful
remembrance by the people of Canada. But we are bound
further to acknowledge, that we are indebted to the energy
and practical talents of his Lordship for the most important
measures of last session, more particularly for the mag-
nificent scheme of public improvements, and the favourable
arrangements relative to our debt. It is not, in all proba-
bility, at the present moment that full justice will be done
to the administration of Lord Sydenham, although, as far
as the press is an indication of public opinion, there has
never, we believe, been a more general expression of re-
gret for the loss of a public man. Widely extended, how-
ever, as is that feeling, it will, we are assured, be much
more so after the lapse of a few years. The existing po-
litical asperities will then have entirely subsided, and Lord
Sydenham will only be remembered as the founder of our
constitution, and as the individual who brought into prac-
tical operation that sound British principle of responsible
government, by means of which alone the connection
between the colony and the parent state can be pre-
served.

{From the Toronto Patriot.)

It is with feelings of no ordinary regret and solemnity
that we have to announce the untimely death of the repre-
sentative of our sovereign, the Governor General of British
North America. This melancholy event took place on
Sunday morning at seven a. m.

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OE T.ORD SYDENHAM. ^!>o

ugl\ there
?, yet that
lie, and a
nticipatcd.
)cen in the
an admini-
support of
e here, we
re that the
in grateful
e are bound
, the energy
3t important
,1- the mag-
ic favourable
in all proba-
will be done
lough, as far
n, there has
3ssion of re-
tended, how-
3d, be much
existing po-
ed, and Lord
mder of our
it into prac-
responsible
connection
can be pre-

id solemnity
lof the repre-
Iral of British
pok place on

His Excellency's health, which iiad never been strong,
was rapidly improving up to the happening of the accident
by which his leg was lately fractured. The eflect produced
tliereby on his weak constitution was fatnl. Two or tiiree
days siiice, the spasms of his old disease again attacked
him, but until Friday no positive alarm for his life was
felt ; all that night his strength rapidly failed, and on
Saturday his death was hourly looked lor. His own
physician, Dr. Farndon, Dr. Sam])son, and Dr. "NVidmer
were in constant attendanci'. Towards noon, the hour
lixed ibr the prorogation of Parliament, he continued to
sink with fatal swiftness. The Rev. Mr. Adamson, Chap-
lain to the Legislative Council, attended him almost with-
out intermission, and administered to him those last con-
solations of our holy religion, which we are assured by a
constant eye-witness of the melancholy scene v/ere deeply
and sincerely appreciated by the dying sufferer. On Satur-
day evening he received the sacrament in company with
most of his household, and a])peared calmer and better
after that holy rite. During the night his sufferings are
described to have been of the most agonising and trying
description, and his fortitude under their cruel pressure
remarkable and determined. A few minutes past seven
on Sunday morning he was released by death from his
agonies. He was perfectly sensible and collected to the
very last moment. The Rev. Mr. Adamson, by his espe-
cial desire, never quitted him to the last.

Thus died, in the prime of life and the full vigour of an
active mind and strong intellect, the Governor-General of
British North America. Throughout the vast dominions
that he governed, the occurrence of such an event cannot
fail to give rise to feelings of no ordinary nature. His so-
journ amongst us has been marked by unprecedented and
marvellous changes. His name has little prospect of being
forgotten ; and to another period, and perhaps another
generation, may be devolved the task of writing the epi-
taph of the departed representative of royalty.

A A

'MA

APPKNDIX II.

We believe his lixcelleiicy expressed a desire to be
buried in Canada.

(From the Church.)

Lord Sydenham breathed his last at Alvvington House,
near Kingston, on the morning of Sunday last, the 19th
September, at five minutes past seven o'clock.

His Lordship came to this country with a shattered
constitution, and even had not tlie accession of Sir Robert
Peel to power entailed upon him the necessity of return-
ing to England, the severity of the climate would not have
permitted him to remain. Accordingly he had prepared
for his departure on the close of the session, and liad even
heard of the arrival of the frigate at Haliffix which was to
convey him home. His health, which not long before had
suffered a severe shock, was gradually improving, when
the fate I accident occurred, which, from the first, gave rise
to uneasy apprehensions, and ultimately terminated his
existence

Such a melancholy termination to a splendid and pros-
perous career of human greatness, must excite a deep and
general sympathy ; and the most determined opponent of
Lord Sydenham's administration will, if he be worthy of
the name of man, bury all personal animosity in his tomb.
We do not ask any one to suffer emotions of compassion
to overpower his judgment, and alter his conscientious
opinion of his Lordship's character as a statesman ; but we
trust that his memory will be treated with that forbear-
ance which is consistent with a love of truth, and with
that gentleness and pity which the circumstances of his
mournful departure suggest. Far away from his native
land, with few of his kindred about him, in the very hour
when success had crowned his administration, and when
he was about to return home, and, for the first time, take
his seat in the noblest and most august legislative assembly
in the world, the House of Lords, death came, and, in a

NOTK'KS 01- rilK DRATH OF LORD SVDKNHAM. o5.J

Bsive

to be

ttnv days, levelled to the ground the fabric of prosperity
and grandeur wliich had just received its completion.

jton House,
St, the 19th

a shattered
,f Sir Robert
y of return-
)uld not have
iKid prepared
and luid even
which was to
ng before had
.roving, when
first, gave rise
jrinmated his

did and pros-

te a deep and
opponent of

be worthy of
in his tomb.

,f compassion
conscientious
man ; but we
that forbear-

lith, and with
[Stances of his
»m his native
the very hour
,on, and when
irst time, take
Ltive assembly
Ime, and, in a

{From the British Colonist.)

It becomes our painful duty to convey to our readers
the melancholy intelligence of the lamented death of his
Excellency the Right Honourable Lord Sydeidiam, Go-
vernor General of British North America, who departed
this life at Alwingtou House, near Kingston, on Sunday
morning last.

The memory of Lord Sydenham will always be nvered
by the people of Canada, and no tribute of respect which
they can show to his departed worth can express the debt
of gratitude which the country owes his Lordship. From
the period of the first arrival of the late Governor Gene-
ral (then the Right Honourable Charles Poulett Thomson)
at Quebec, in October, 1889, to the day of his death, he
not only evinced the greatest anxiety for the welfare of
the country, the government of which he had been charged
with by his sovereign ; but even when labouring under
severe bodily affliction, his government was distinguished
by a degree of vigour and energy unusual luider former
administrations, and which did not fail to unite the great
hody of the people in his support, and to call forth the
marked approval of his sovereign. Looking back to the
first proclamation issued by the late Governor General, on
his assuming the government at Quebec on the 19th Oc-
tober, 1839, we find that his most anxious wish was
declared to be to promote to the utmost of his power the
welfare of all classes of her Majesty's subjects — to recon-
cile existing differences — to apply a remedy to proved
grievances — to extend and protect the trade, and enlarge
the resources of the colonies entrusted to his charge — and
above all, to promote whatever may bind them to their
mother country, by increased ties of interest and affection.
Tiie progress of his government from that period to the

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WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80

(716) 072-4503

•sj

356

APPENDIX II.

N.^

close of the first parliament of the province at Kingston,
is tlie best evidence that can be pointed to, to sliow the
faithfulness of his adherence to his first announcement ;
and that, too, amidst difficulties and obstacles which few
could have summoned the courage to contend against, far
less the ability to overcome.

The tranquillity and contentment which now prevail
throughout the country, are in striking contrast with the
unsettled state of the provinces of Upper and Lower
Canada, when the late Governor General first assumed
the government ; and were there nothing further to be
grateful for than the progress that has been made in recon-
ciling differences, that is of itself sufficient to endear to
the Canadian people the memory of their departed ruler.

On the first arrival at Toronto of the late Governor
General, addresses of congratulation were poured in from
all parts of the province, and these were conveyed and
presented by deputations from the various districts. The
last session of the U. C. Parliament followed, at which
that great and important measure, the Union of the Pro-
vinces, was agreed to ; and afterwards his Excellency
having visited all parts of the countr)', the addresses that
were presented to him by the people confirmed their
former declarations of confidence in his goverimient, and
conveyed their perfect acquiescence in the measure for a
union that had been adopted. The best proof of the suc-
cess, and of the beneficial effects to the country of that
change, is to be found in the many valuable measures that
have been passed by the Parliament just prorogued, and
the great good which, by proper management and care on
the part of the people themselves, must inevitably result
from them.

To Lord Sydenham the people of Canada are greatly
indebted for the establishment of those local municipal
councils which place the management and control of their
affairs in their own hands. This, under proper directions,
and by the exercise of a prudent judgment on the part of

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 357

at Kingston,
to shoNV the
louncement -,
;s which few
d against, far

now prevail
:rast with the
r and Lower
first assumed
further to be
nude in recon-

to endear to
^parted ruler,
late Governor
lOured in from

conveyed and
districts. The
wed, at which
on of the Pro-
lis Excellency

addresses that
lonfirmed their

jvernment, and
measure for a

•oof of the suc-

lountry of that
measures that

prorogued, and

iut and care on
levitably result

ida are greatly
llocal municipal
Icontrol of their
[oper directions,
It on the part of

the people, is the greatest boon that has ever been con-
ferred on tliem. His Lordship drew a broad distinction,
between the works that ought to be undertaken by the
province and those which ought to be performed by dis-
tricts, for which latter purpose these councils liave been
established. This he thus explained, — ** I am of opinion
that works of general utility should be undertaken by the
province, and are subjects for deliberation by the execu-
tive and the legislature ; but it is no less necessary that
upon all the lesser matters affecting their interest, the
people should acquire habits of self-dependence, and that
means should be afforded them in each separate district, of
effecting themselves that which they consider for their own
interest." The District Council Act may be regarded as
a legacy from a great ruler to a grateful people !

But in these cursory remarks it is not our purpose to
review the government of Lord Sydenham, nor even to
allude to the great leading measures of his administration ;
but we have been led imperceptibly into the foregoing
statements, which we trust may not be considered inap-
propriate.

Lord Sydenham, like all mankind, had his enemies as
well as his friends ; but, in this province, the former were
few in comparison to the latter. His great care has been
to advance the public welfare ; and that he should have
had to encounter in the performance of so arduous a task,
personal or even the most bitter sectional opposition, is
only what might have been expected. Under his Lord-
ship's auspices, the government of the country has been
placed upon such a basis, as that, hereafter, to be success-
fully carried on, it must be cherished and supported by the
people — it must find a place in their affections.

His Excellency having expressed a wish to be buried in
Canada, we have been informed that the funeral will take
place on Friday next, and that his remains will be depo-
sited within the episcopal church at Kingston. Lord
Sydenham is dead ! In peace rest his ashes ! He has

A A

358

APPENDIX II.

~- -*■

been a benefactor to Canada, and no true patriot can deny
the fact !

The administration of the government devolves upon
Lieutenant General Sir Richard Jackson, commanding the
forces in Canada.

{From the Kingston Herald.)

All is finished ! — Parliament is prorogued, and the Go-
vernor General is no more ! — *' Sic transit gloria mundiJ"
Let us now be caUn, and reflect on these occurrences as
men and Christians.

The first Parliament of United Canada has ended well
— well beyond all expectations —and much good has been
achieved. The labour was arduous, and could not possibly
be completed in one session ; but the main positions of the
new government have been sustained, and some of the
most essential measures of reform effected. Conflicting
opinions have not been carried out to injury in any way,
and all have parted in good humour.

What most concerns the people's liberty — the insti-
tution of district councils — is secure ; and secured, may
be amended. The board of works is established, and an
improved system of education will be introduced. Fiscal
regulations of a critical nature are very properly suspended
till well adjusted in all their bearings. We say this much
merely to proclaim our feelings on the eventful occasion,
reserving, for the future, details and strictures.

The death of Lord Sydenham, when it happened, seems
as if the Almighty decreed that matters so momentous
should be sealed with the utmost solemnity. No sooner
had the hand of his Excellency performed its most im-
portant offices, subscribed his will, and superscribed all
the instruments of the legislature, than it ceased to
move ; and there was but time for the effusion of affec-
tionate feeling, thoughts of a better world, and for admi-
nistering the holy sacrament to the dying man before his
spirit returned to him who gave it.

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 359

iot can deny

volves upon
manding the

, and the Go-
loria mufidi.''
scurreuces as

IS ended well
good has been
d not possibly
ositions of the
some of the
1. Conflicting
i-y in any way,

y — the insti-
secured, may
ilished, and an
[luced. Fiscal
erly suspended
say this much
ntful occasion,
res.

Ippened, seems
|so momentous
No sooner
its most im-
iperscribed all
it ceased to
fusion of affec-
, and for admi-
man before his

The death of Lord Sydenham, thus strikingly marked,
can leave but one impression on the public mind — sub-
mission to the All-wise Disposer of events, and a humble
trust that God will never abandon those who are worthy
of liis regard.

As an instrument, Lord Sydenham will be looked back
to as specially appointed and singularly efficient. In busi-
ness he was indefatigable ; and what he accomplished in
this way must have been great indeed. As a statesman,
he was undoubtedly wise and prudent ; for however some,
who have heretofore basked in favour, may complain of
neglect to them, and of promoting others whom they
looked upon with prejudice, yet sure we are nothing else
could have secured peace ; and, peace secured, this noble
province needs but time to be prosperous and happy. —
So be it.

Lord Sydenham came to this country charged with the
execution of a commission of surpassing difficulty and
delicacy. During the two years that he laboured inces-
santly through good and evil report, and through the an-
guish of a sick bed, he met and conquered every obstacle
that rancorous political prejudice and self-interest, super-
added to the insidious workings of secret political con-
spiracy, could present to the attainment of his object. His
experience in the great world of imperial politics armed
him at all points — he was never unprepared. He knew
too well human nature, and the springs of action and mo-
tives of public men, to be taken unawares by any event or
combination of influences calculated to thwart his mea-
sures or drive him from his course. If to this experience
we add those rare personal qualities known to all who la-
boured with Lord Sydenham — a firm and settled pur-
pose, unswerving resolution, indefatigable application to
business, and, sustaining all, an inconceivable energy in
promoting the execution of his plans, we shall have the
secret of his mastery over men and over events. All who
have marked the recent progress of public affairs in this

A A 4

360

APPENDIX II.

country will be impressed with the conviction, that hud the
directing mind been endowed with qualities of any lower
grade — had the " man at the helm" possessed a less firm
hand, than were displayed in the administration of the
nobleman whose melancholy decease we have just wit-
nessed, the Union would not have weathered the storms
and rude buffets to which it has been exposed.

{From the Brockville New Era.)

Could our pen supply words expressive of one half ol
the pain and sorrow with which this melancholy event has
filled us, we might find some slight relief from the con-
sciousness of having at least unburthened ourselves of a
heavy weight of mingled duty and affliction ; but never
more than at this moment did we feel the absolute inade-
quacy of language to depict the unaffected grief of the
soul. The news of the death of Lord Sydenham — of the
first, the greatest, man who has practically legislated for
this country — has, in defiance of the knowledge we pos-
sessed of his recent complicated sufferings, burst upon us
with a startling solemnity we could not have believed it
possible the event could inspire ; and our whole being
seems as it were enshrouded in an atmosphere of stupor,
in which we are alive but to one bewildering consciousness
— one continuous and melancholy wailing cry of ** Lord
Sydenham is dead."" In truth, our reason, not less than
our feeling, is stultified ; and we look upon the fatal ter-
mination of the days of the highly gifted statesman and
nobleman, not only with that deep regret which is due to
him in his public character, and which will be shared by
the whole country, but with a profound personal sorrow,
for the existence of which we can only account, by attri-
buting it to the power and influence of that private respect
for his character which his Lordship's public acts have had
a direct tendency to command in the minds of all reflecting
men. And if thus sincere be our regret for the sad de-
mise of liord Sydenham, with whom we have never had

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. oG 1

that had the
of any lower
ed a less firm
•atioii of the
ave just wit-
d the storms
d.

)

>f one half of
loly event has
rom the con-
ourselvcs of a
11 ; but never
bsolute inade-
d grief of the
iham — of the
legislated for
ledge we pos-
urst upon us
ive believed it
whole being
ere of stupor,
consciousness
cry of ** Lord
not less than
the fatal ter-
statesman and
hich is due to
be shared by
rsonal sorrow,
lount, by attri-
private respect
acts have had
if all reflecting
["or the sad de-
,ave never had

tlie honour of more than a single interview, and our
opinion of wliom has been formed wholly from the public
conduct pursued by him in this country, what must not be
the poignancy of grief of those who have been honoured
with his private confidence and friendship ? and who have
had ample opportunity of observing the intricate and
powerful springs of the master-mind which, in the space
of a few short months, and amid difficulties the most dis-
heartening and discouraging, had achieved so much for
this country ?

Alas ! what is hvmian life but vanity i what the most
brilliant imaginings and deeds of the most talented and the
most mighty, but so many idle and evanescent dreams,
which a passing breath, a casualty of the moment, may
wholly overturn and destroy? High in the reputation
which he had gained by his own profound talent for diplo-
macy — rich in the approbation bestowed upon his un-
ceasing and successful labours by his sovereign — con-
scious of having merited the good will and opinion of the
people of this country, whom he had ruined his health to
benefit — Lord Sydenham was already preparing to return
to England, to repose for a period (long or short, as the
political changes in the Imperial Government might in-
duce) from the toils and sufferings, bodily as well as men-
tal, inseparable from his difficult government, when an
accident savouring of fate — of destiny — occurs, which puts
an end, not only to the high hopes formed by the country,
but to all his own fair expectations of enjoying in tem-
porary quiet the reward of his successful public life.

There is something so painfully affecting in the manner
of Lord Sydenham's death, or rather in the causes which
have led to it, that the bereavement comes upon us with a
suddenness — a shock we should not have experienced
under any ordinary dispensation of Providence. Had his
Lordship even perished solely by a natural return of that
malady which had already so grievously aflflicted him since
his arrival in the country, the mind, being prepared for its

'M\'2

AITKNDIX II.

possible recurrence, would have been in some degree armed
tor tlie stroke, which would have fallen less heavily upon
it ; but, knowing as we do that the disease, which has ter-
minated in death, has been brought on wholly by the de-
plorable tissue of circumstances to which we have relerrcd,
it is impossible (puerile though it be) to prevent a feeling
of deep bitterness, not only against the vile road, the
stumbling horse, but all the concurrent and adverse causes
which have contributed to the catastrophe, from mingling
with and increasing in a tenfold degree the sorrow which,
however profound, would have been in a measure subdued
by a knowledge that the immediate and chastening hand
of God had alone inllicted the blow. Is there not some-
thing melancholy in the thought, that, with conunon care
and with common prudence, the valuable life of Lord
Sydenham might have been spared, not only to the people
of this country, for whom he has already done so much,
and for whom he intended so much more, but to his own
personal friends and accjuaintance ? Is there not some-
thing painfully agonising in the very natural assumption
that his Lordship himself, even while in the act of in-
dulging in anticipations of an honourable future in his own
beloved country, after having raised this to dignity and
consideration, was cut short in his visionary speculation by
the warning and outstretched finger of relentless death,
who had already marked him for his own ? Is there not
something inexpressibly heart-rending in the reflection, that
the ill-fated statesman and nobleman, whose departure for
England it had been rumoured would take place on the
22d of September, lies on the 22d of September a cold
and inanimate corpse in Alwington House, freed alike
from the pains and the pleasures, the vain aspirations
and fluctuating desires of this poor and transitory exist-
ence — and heedless as well of the sincere regret of his
warmest admirers, as of the affected condolence of those
who, while paying a forced tribute of regret to the man,
can but ill conceal their deep exultation at the final re-

NOTICES OF THK UKA'l'H OF L(.)HI> SYDKNII AM. .'Jli.'l

iiioval of the Governor i U' tl»ese things do not tend to
impress ns with the uhsolnte nothingness of tliis life —
the vanity of all human distinction and power — we know
not through what more o})propriate ehannel the lesson can
reach us.

Ours is no hollow praise tendered at the footstool of
power — no heartless tribute to the merit of one who has
the ability to reward it. Alas ! Lord Sydenham is power-
less to do us good, or to do us harm. While living, no
fulsome panegyric, no personal praise (deeply impressed
though we were with a sense of his extraordinary firmness
of character and high political attainments) ever escaped
our pen. If we noticed his Lordship (//en, it was only
through his public acts, which, we hesitate not to say,
have been unequalled in benefit by any thing ever hitherto
done for any country in the same limited time, and will
never be surpassed. But now that death —the melancholy
death we have already noticed — has removed the barrier
a sense of delicacy would not permit us to overleaj), we
feel that we can, without fear of our motive being mis-
understood, give vent both to our admiration of his Lord-
ship while living, and to the imfeigned grief with which
his most unfortunate demise has oppressed us. Yet where-
fore do we write as though we were alone in our lament-
ation ? At present the astounding event has bowed many
a noble heart in the silence of sorrow ; but there speedily
will be a reaction, when the voice of the people will be
loud to proclaim the magnitude of the evil they have sus-
tained. As long as these mighty waters shall flow — as
long as these noble forests shall remain — so long shall en-
dure the mingled regret and gratitude of a people for the
memory of the noble and disinterested ruler, who sacrificed
health and life for the promotion of their good, and who,
with incomparable resolution — with a grandeur of mind
wonderful beyond estimation — devoted even the last mo-
ments of his existence, and these marked by extreme
bodily agony, to them and to them alone ! Lord Syden-

3G4

Ari'KNDIX 11.

ham's name and acts, like the name and acts of his equally
nohle-iniiided predecessor iiord l^iirham, to whose com-
prehensive pUuis he was destined to give practical eflect,
must for ever live in the page of Canadian history, and
he identified with the advancement of Canadian [)rosperity.
The length and ])ersonal character of our remarks wholly
j)reclude the introduction into our ])resent number of
matter bearing more fully upon the lamented Statesman's
public conduct since his arrival in this country, but we
shall take an early opportunity of passing this in review in
the manner it deserves.

{From the Hamilton Journal and Express.)

Such is the brief announcement which conveys to an
afflicted people the mournful intelligence of the death of
their best friend. Prepared as they were for the blow by
preceding accounts, yet the reality was received as a shock;
and deep are the feelings of regret which pervade every
class of the community, eschewing party politics for the
time, and mingling in one lament at the loss of a great
man, and the humbling reflection of the mutability of all
human aspirations. Lord Sydenham's administration of
Canada will form a theme for the historian's pen, and in
other times and by other men justice will be done to his
great abilities and labours. His arrival in this province,
hailed as it was by the reformers with anticipations of the
most cheering nature, was the precursor of a happy and
prosperous era for Canada, that fully justified the confi-
dence the people were ready to award him. Combining
statesman-like talents of the highest order with great
practical experience, and much personal industry, he was
the very man among all others best suited for the arduous
and responsible duties of Governor-General over the most
important of Britain's colonial possessions. Lord Dur-
ham's report, that admirable theory of political govern-
ment, was the text book by which Lord Sydenham was
guided ; and the pecuHar sagacity with which he applied

XoriCKS OK rilK DF.ATll nI' LORD SVDI'.MIAM. M'u)

princijiles, liitliorto coiisidcri'd as adapU'd only to British
practice, in tl)o administration ol' Canadian (jovcrnnient,
entitle him to a pliice in the catal()<^ue ol' the benefactors
of tliis province, superior to all that have j,n)ne befoie him,
and, we believe, not inferior to any that may follow. The
great principle of responsible ^t'overnment, so liberally
conceded to this province by tlu' Hritisii Ministry, al-
thouf^h evidently necessary to the administration of Ca-
nadian afTairs, still recjuired much j)atient and earnest
attention to ensure its peaceable and successful application.
For harassed as he was on the one hand by the violent
opposition of the factious, the disappointed, and the
bigoted, and but feebly supported on the other by those
who, although every consideration of duty and interest
should promj)t them to active exertion, remained in sloth-
ful apathy, Lord Sydenham had difliculties to contend
with at the commencement of his career in this province
which few men but himself could have surmounted. All
these obstacles gradually vanishing before bis cool deter-
mination and indomitable perseverance, the late Governor-
General was rapidly consummating those extensive and
beneficial schemes which he had hitherto so successfully
directed, when the abrupt stroke of death terminated alike
his mortal career, and the progress of that extensive poli-
tical system which would ultimately have redounded so
greatly to his own honour, and have resulted in so much
advantage to the country. That Canada has reason to
mourn so severe a loss is too painfully apparent to require
argument. And in England a blank will be left in the
political circle which will with difficulty be filled.

It is melancholy to reflect, that at the very time when
Lord Sydenham, purely by the power of his own tran-
scendent talents and indefatigable industry — by his nim-
bleness of intellect and political integrity — by his vast
practical knowledge and business-like habits, had elevated
himself first to a prominent political position and high
ofiicial estimation in i.ngland, — then to the no less ho-

'in I'

AIM'KNDIX ir.

iioui'fibic, and far inoi'carduDUH, appointment of pacificator
to u valuable colony, agitated by inteinal dissension and
threatened by lorei<,ni aj^gression ; with its commerce de-
pressed, ])ublic ini])rovement at a stop, and property every
day depreciatinpf in value — an apjxMntment in wliich the
success that crowned his endeavours procured lor liim Ins
Sovereign's approbation and the gift of a peerage : — wc
say it is melancholy to reflect that at that period when,
in all human probal)ilityi he had many years of useful
activity, or honourable retirement, to pass through, Pro-
vidence should, in its wisdom, have seen fit to cut him oil'
from among those \vhv> had watched his progress, and
would hav(! rejoiced in his triumj)h.

It is no insignificant testimony to the j)urity of inten-
tion, the integrity of conduct, and the sagacious foresight
which characterised Lord Sydenham's administration, that
even those who, when he first came to this province, were
the most violent in their opposition, and the most rabid in
their abuse, afterwards moderated in their opinions, and
idtimately became his warm supporters. It speaks much
for the liberality and honesty of his policy ; it says much
for his watcliful attention and earnest anxiety to promote
the welfare of the province, that out of the most discord-
ant elements he managed to evolve harmony in action ;
that with a legislature composed of every shade of political
complexion, he was enabled to pass measures of vital im-
portance to the country.

The circumscribed limits of a newspaper notice are in-
sufficient to reconsider even briefly the various incidents in
the career of this gifted and distinguished nobleman ; but
we could not announce his death without expressing what
we are sure will be echoed by all our readers — our un-
feigned admiration of his talents, our sincere regret for his
sudden and premature decease, and our deep sense of the
loss Canada has sustained by this melancholy event.

NOTICKS OF TMr. DKA IH nl" LoUD SVUKMIAM. IU\7

d' pacilkatov

)mnK'rci! de-
roperty every
in which the
I fov him his
i-erajife : — wc
period when,
ars of useful
through, Pro-
;o cut him ofl"
progress, and

nity of inten-
ious foresight
listration, that
province, were
( most rabid in
I opinions, and
spcaiis much
it says much
ty to promote
most discord-
)ny in action ;
ade of political
s of vital im-

notice are iu-
us incidents in
obleman ; but
pressing what
ers — our un-
! regret for his
sense of the
event.

(From the Canada Inquiror.)

'J'here are events occasionally occurring in the world
which for the moment so absorb and overawe the heart of
man, as to render him indilferent to every thing save the
engrossing feeling which then engages him. The death
of his Kxcellency Lord Sydenham, (jovernor-General of
British North America, is one of these events. The fever
of political excitement, the bickerings of party, the hopes
and fears, the joys rnd sorrows of a pvd)lic, subside into
one subdued and overpowering feeling of regret that a
no))le sj)irit has passed from amongst us; that he who so
lately ruled the destinies of our land, with honour to him-
self and advantage to the j)eople, has been cut off in the
zenith of his glory, and in a few short days been doomed
to change the pomp and pride of state, the trappings and
blandishments of earthly })ower, for the cold and lonely
habitation of the grave. It is honourable to the memory
of his Excellency, that this regret is as universal as it is
sincere ; and it would be strange indeed, if a man who
lias finished a career like his was not universally lamented,
for even the blindest and most bigoted of his political
opponents must admit that his life was alike distinguished
for the unimpeachable honour and sterling integrity of his
character, as it was adorned by the commanding talents
and unwearied energy which he possessed; and lliat the
great efforts of his life were expended in securing the
happiness and prosperity of his fellow-men. Canada,
which formed the scene of his last and noblest exertions,
and has been the means of securing him his greatest and
most signal honours, has been destined to receive his last
mortal remains, to witness the climax and decline of a
life which has added vigour to her institutions, and
placed her government on a basis best constituted to
secure her rights and happiness. Equal justice to all was
the motto on which he started his administration in 1839,
and on that principle it has been nobly conducted. Whc-

308

AIM'EN'DFX II.

ther wo regard tlie great measures of his policy, tlie imiou
of tlie provinces, the principles of responsibility to the
people he recognised, the Municipal Council Bill, or look
to the minor details of his political course, we are struck
with the firmness and energy of purpose — the persever-
ance, the toil and trouble it cost him ; and although
sometimes he deemed it necessary to conceal the ends of
his policy that he might the better mature its execution,
yet these ends were generally a[)])r()ved of when known,
and spoke the wisdom and sagacity of the statesman who
carried tliom into operation. His views of the govern-
ment of Canada were founded on shrewd observation and
deep reflection, and whoever his successors may be, we
are confident they cannot adopt a better chart for their
guidance than mav he gleaned from the course he has
taken, and the instructions he may have left. A system
of government based upon less liberal views will never
succeed in Canada. But we cannot now digress into poli-
tical discussion — our object is to pay a passing tribute to
the memory of departed worth ; yet how can we in a few
short sentences record our opinions of a man whose life
has been an ornament to the world ? That life is now no
more — peace to his ashes ! Lord Sydenham is gone ;
and we are sure tliat his memory will live in grateful re-
collection, so long as there are hearts to feel and heads to
appreciate the goodness and greatness of his character —
the wisdom of his public, and the kindness, urbanity, and
refinement of his private life.

{From the Woodstock Herald.)

We promised in our extra of Wednesday to advert
more fully to the subject of Lord Sydenham's lamented
and untimely death ; and we now proceed to fulfil that
promise.

We are not of those who fear that the prospects of
Canada can now be buried in the grave of any one man,
however great ; but if the measures of liOrd Sydenham

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 3G9

y, the union
>ility to the
Bill, or look
^e are struck
he pcrsevcr-
,ul although
the ends of
ts execution,
A-hen known,
tatesnian who
[ the govern-
)servation and
•s may he, we
hart tor their
course he has
At. A system
2WS will never
o-ress into poli-
sing tribute to
an we in a few
nan whose life
life is now no
ham is gone ;
n grateful re-
;l and heads to
is character —
urbanity, and

)

Isday to advert
liam's lamented
to fulfil that

Le prospects oi
any one man,
lord Sydenham

were, in general, sucli as held forth a reasonable prospect
of future prosperity and greatness to this gigantic colony

— and few, comparatively, despaired of their ultimate
efficacy — there is deep reason to deplore the sudden re-
moval of the master spirit that had triumphed over so
many obstacles thrown in the way of their accomplishment
by the fiercest party malignity, and had gathered assist-
ance and support from among the most discordant mate-
rials. Though there is not the slightest probability of a
change in the general policy of the provincial government,

— d(.'sired by one party and feared by another, — still
there is danger of failure, to a certain extent, from inca-
pacity on the part of the successor of the original architect.
There may be more of listening to interested counsel, and
there may be also an injudicious intermeddling with de-
tails at the outset, that may create alarm, from its being
mistaken for a subversion of principle ; to say nothing of
the obvious difficulty that one mind, however acute in its
perceptions and comprehensive in its grasp, must natur-
ally encounter in carrying out the designs of another.
But, after all, delay and temporary embarrassment will,
we trust, be the worst consequence to be anticipated from
the sudden death of Lord Sydenham ; for we feel as well
assured that the new ministry in England will not revert
to the old folly of appointing an inexperienced man to
this important trust, as we are that they will not send out
one to undo what has already been done in the way of
effecting a mighty change in the whole system of govern-
ment in Canada. Lord Sydenham's successor must be a
statesman, to be able to comprehend and follow up the
measures already in progress. No doubt many of them
may require modification, but they must not be touched
by the hand of an apprentice. Some of them are daring
and hazardous experiments ; but to check them in their
incipiency now would not only insure the evil which is
dreaded from them, and which might be averted by skilful
management, but would accelerate the advance and ag-

B B

370

APPENDIX II.

gravate the amount of that so much deprecated evil —
revolution.

It is not our purpose, however, to speculate on the pro-
bable success or ftiilure of the measures of Lord Syden-
ham, farther than to acknowledge that the palpable good
already produced by their partial development, in our
opinion, gives an earnest of their ultimate complete suc-
cess, which we once dared not to expect. Our object now
is to offer a brief but sincere tribute to the memory of the
distinguished nobleman now no more. And this we can-
not better do than by a simple allusion to the all but
miraculous change which has come over the political spirit
of Canada since his arrival among us, and a passing glance
at the mighty — we had almost said mysterious — influence
which one intellect has so visibly exercised over the myriad-
minded public in so short a time. Such is the change
wrought within two years, chiefly by the agency of one
man, that the country almost seems to be inhabited by a
different race of people. Two years ago, men regarded
each other with suspicion, jealousy, and hatred. Society
was split up into factions, having apparently in view no
object in common but to annoy and crush each other.
The general good was merged in the strife of party — one
powerful faction clinging convulsively to the time-worn
prejudices out of which its ascendency had grown, and
with the conservation of which the maintenance of that
ascendency was felt to be identified ; and another faction,
strong in numbers, clamouring for some change in the name
of reform, and in that of equal privilege, grasping at a
transfer of exclusive supremacy. The spirit of compactism
was all-pervading ; for though the compact of each locality
may each have had a different shibboleth, it had a monopoly
of power and patronage in its own locality. Here all but
the natives of one country, or the professors of one creed,
and there those not of another country or creed, were, or
considered themselves to be, the subjects of proscription,
and consequently of oppression. It was, perhaps, this

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 371

ecated evil —

,te on the pro-
Lord Syden-
palpable good
iment, in our
complete suc-
Dur object now
memory of the
id this we can-
to the all but
3 political spirit
a passing glance
ous — influence
aver the myriad-
li is the change
I agency of one
3 inhabited by a
men regarded
'atred. Society
ntly in view no
ush each other,
of party — one
the time-worn
liad grown, and
itenance of that
another faction,
ange in the name
grasping at a
it of compactism
t of each locality
t had a monopoly
Here all but
irs of one creed,
creed, were, or
of proscription,
.s, perhaps, this

real or imaginary exclusion of certain classes from all
chance of preferment to office, more than any other cause,
out of which one rebellion had arisen in Upper Canada ;
and, from the same cause, aggravated by conscious dis-
comfiture on the one part, and unseemly triumph on the
other, there were strong indications and gloomy fore-
bodings of another and a fiercer outbreak, when the late
Governor-General arrived with a message of hope, and a
promise of ** equal justice" from the Queen. Simulta-
neously with the deliverance of that message and that pro-
mise, the fierce bowlings of party rage began to subside ;
and for once the people of Canada were found forgetting
" past differences," and rallying round the representative
of their sovereign, for the purpose of cheering him on in
the pursuit of the great and good purpose of his mission.
Unanimity succeeded discord, and hope took the place of
despondency. It is true that some of the ultras of the
two ultra parties stood aloof, and a few still continue to
stand sullenly by ; but the people were no longer arrayed
under party banners against each other. It is also true
that a miserable outpost of each of the two conquered fac-
tions, composed of men unable to view the public good as
a thing altogether independent of and distinct from the
gratification of their paltry personal ambition, or the pro-
motion of their exclusive personal interests, still maintains
its original ground of opposition to the restoration of har-
mony ; but such men are only holding themselves up to the
contempt and derision of the people.

We come, now, to speak very briefly of the influence
which he who is now no more exercised over all who
came within his reach. With one or two exceptions, all
bowed at once before the mighty magician, and joined
hand in hand, though in bitter opposition before, in
assisting to carry out his policy. The intellectual wealth
and the moral worth of the land had only to approach
him, and they were at once enlisted into his service.
They who had shunned each other, as if each had con-

BB 2

372

APPENDIX II.

sidered the other tainted witli leprosy, met together in
his presence, and went away arm in arm, communing
with one another on that mysterious influence which had
brought tliem together and made them brothers. It is
a base mind only that can find no other than base mo-
tives for extraordinary conduct ; and on a dispassionate
review of the wonderful drama that is just closed, we
cannot help attributing the whole of its astonishing shift-
ings to the mastery of a superior intellect. If it was not
so, the history of the world furnishes no such accumu-
lation of instances of gross dishonesty and servile syco-
phancy as is presented in that of the bygone session of the
Provincial Parliament. But we do not believe that all this
subserviency was a matter of bargain and sale ; it was an
involuntary homage to the resistless power of a great
and energetic mind. The light of that high intellect has
been suddenly withdrawn by the hand of death, but its
influence will long continue to be felt on the destinies of
Canada. If the successor of Lord Sydenham shall follow
in his footsteps, though at an humble distance, Canada
may say in his own parting words when he heard that the
Parliament was prorogued, " Then all is right."

{From the Nova Scotian.)
In taking up our pen to fulfil our promise, by giving to
the people of the Lower Provinces a view of Lord Syden-
ham's Canadian policy, there are two reflections which make
the task sufficiently painful, — he has recently met with an
accident, which, to a person worn down with labour as he
was when we saw him last, may be a serious infliction, and
he is about to retire from his government. One cannot
turn to the topics which must be embraced by such a re-
view without feeling that his lordship can scarcely afford
the slightest further inroad upon a constitution already
sufficiently delicate, and that Canada can but ill spare the
master mind which has grappled so vigorously with her
difliculties, and reduced in an incomparably short space of

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 373

together in

commvining
:e which had
,thers. It is
an hase tno-
dispassionate
St closed, we
)nishing shift-

If it was not
such accumu-

servile syco-

session of the
ve that all this
lale ; it was an
rer of a great
;h intellect has

death, but its

he destinies of

am shall follow

istance, Canada

heard that the

;ht."

_5e, by giving to
of Lord Syden-
ons which make
tly met with an
th labour as he
is infliction, and
It. One cannot
by such a re-
scarcely afford
:itution already
lut ill spare the
rously with her
short space of

time the most chaotic materials to something like cohesion
and order. We are well aware that, in attempting to do
justice to the Governor-General's character and policy, we
shall have to differ with many worthy persons in Canada
whose interest and feelings have been crossed in the onward
march of his government ; but these will, we trust, do us
the justice to believe, that while we are prepared to defend
the full exercise of strong executive power in the extra-
ordinary condition to which the Canadas were reduced, we
have neither the information necessary, nor the wish, to
vindicate every act of authority, or every measure of the
Government ; and that, while we approve in the broad
outline the general bearing of Lord Sydenham's policy, no
man in the colonies more sincerely mourns over the de-
plorable events, the gross blunders of rulers and people,
which left no alternative but vigorous measures, or the
separation of these colonies from the British crown. To
those who raise the cry that Lord Sydenham has sub-
sidised the press, we would merely say, that he acquired
his influence over ours by means which reflect no discredit
upon his character nor upon our independence. By the
exhibition, throughout our personal intercourse with him,
of talent which we had rarely seen possessed by colonial
governors, he won our respect ; by a course of invariable
frankness, courtesy, and justice towards ourselves, and by
his gallant bearing in the midst of trials which might well
have put the highest qualities of statesmanship to the
proof, that sentiment has been, perhaps, deepened into
something like personal attachment ; and while we feel
conscious that no power he possesses could compel us to
an act of political subserviency, we are happy to be able
to prove that all the malignity of his enemies cannot pre-
vent us from expressing, after the closest observation of
his career, and while power is passing from him, our
almost unqualified approval of his Canadian administration.
It is in the highest degree gratifying to us, who, since his
visit to Nova Scotia have expressed full confidence in his

BB 3

374

APPENDIX II.

views, and done our best to strengthen his hands, to find
that those who petitioned against and denounced his ap-
pointment, and who, both here and elsewhere, have never
ceased to misrepresent his acts and foretcl his failure, have
been covered with mortification and disappointment, that
almost every act of his government has been crowned with
success, and that the more important objects of his mission
have been completely accomplished.

In order to understand the value of the service which
Lord Sydenham has rendered to her Majesty and to
British America, it is necessary to recal for a moment the
state of things which his lordship had to encounter. Did
he succeed to political inheritance, so wisely husbanded,
and so fairly established, that even bad management could
scarcely lessen its value or disturb the security of the pos-
session ? Did he take the helm of state when the vessel was
tight and sound, with perfect instruments, a fair wind, a clear
sky, and a crew well disciplined and well disposed ? Was
not the estate wasted by years of bad management, until
the tenants were at war with the landlord or with each
other, and even the title of the property was drawn into
angry controversy ? Was not the ship tempest-tost, shat-
tered, and almost unseaworthy, with ignorant vacillation
or eccentric severity on deck, and mutiny below, without
an instrument that could be relied upon, or a blue spot
in the heavens to admit of an observation ? The state of
Canada when Lord Sydenham assumed the government
might well have appalled any man not desirous to wreck
his reputation. A long course of maladministration, or,
rather, of administration often well meant, but based upon
no principle which the people could understand or respect,
had prepared the way for open insurrection, and aroused
foreign interference in both provinces, to be followed by
the suspension of the constitution, and the establishment
of despotism in the one, and in the other by a state of
things which, perhaps, was a great deal worse ; the forms
of civil government being retained, but affording rather a

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 375

shelter from which a fragment of the population might
insult and annoy the remainder, than any real protection
to the people. Lord Durham's mission, although of im-
mense value, because it laid bare the real causes which
convulsed Canada, and shadowed forth the remedies, had
been so brief, so disastrous, so unproductive of practical
results within the country itself, that, however invaluable
that volume in which the experience and principle of his
lordship and his able coadjutors was embodied might
have been — and no man estimates the report more highly
than we do — still, until reduced to practice, it was ^ut a
book, a theory, the value of which the enemies of colonial
freedom might altogether deny, and which its fondest
admirers might well be excused for doubting, until expe-
rience had demonstrated the applicability of the new prin-
ciples to the exigencies of colonial society. The task of
consummating the union which Lord Durham had pro-
nounced to be indispensable, of grappling with those evils
which he had fully exposed, and of applying the principles
of representative government indicated in his report,
devolved then upon Lord Sydenham ; and it is rare that a
statesman so firm, so sagacious, and indefatigable follows
in the wake of a projector so bold. He left the shores of
England under no very favourable auspices. The timber
merchants of London had denounced him, and the cue was
taken up by their dependants and correspondents in the
colonies ; the Tories viewed him with suspicion, and the
Liberals who had embraced Lord Durham's theory feared
that he would be less liberal, and might not carry it out.
When he arrived in Canada the country was boiling with
strong passions. The murders of Weir and Chartrand ;
the burnings of St. Charles and St. Eustache ; the courts
martial and military executions ; the border invasions and
incendiarism, with the marches of troops and the raids of
Glengarries, — were all so fresh in the minds of a population
who had recently passed through scenes so deplorably
exciting, that there might be said to be few families

B B 4

376

ArrENDix II.

which had not cause of mourning for some injury done or
loss sustained, or in whose circle some strong personal an-
tipathy or political predilection did not almost overpower
respect for the law, and smother the better feelings of our
nature. In both provinces the mass of the population
were denounced as disloyal ; and while one of the parties
who had invoked the bayonet held it to be the only safe
instrument of government, the other sullenly and sulkily
kept aloof, lending no cordial support to legitimate autho-
rity, as though biding its time to excite fresh trouble and
pre' 'ce additional embarrassment. Property was depre-
ci" S ; business unsafe ; and the tide of emigration setting
from, instead of to, the provinces. We think that no man
will deny that this is a faithful picture of the state of
Canada when Lord Sydenham landed at Quebec. That
the country presents a very different aspect now, we be-
lieve to be equally undeniable ; and although there is a vast
deal yet to be done, we can scarcely — contrasting Canada
as it was two years ago and as it is — believe that in so
short a time so much has been accomplished.

Lord Sydenham's first care was to endeavour to calm
the excited feelings of all parties, to satisfy the disloyal
that it was in vain to attempt to uproot the Queen's
authority, and to assure those who had loyalty in excess
that that authority was quite sufficient for their protection.
This done, his next task, and a difficult one, was to call
around him a Special Council, and frame a body of ordi-
nances to meet the present necessities of the Lower Pro-
vince, in which there had been a total lapse of legislation,
and where martial law had for years taken the place of the
ordinary law of the land. He had then to meet the
assembled Legislature of the Upper Province ; and here
one of his chief difficulties arose, from the strong convic-
tion that must have forced itself upon him, and which the
sequel proved, that the House — although to dissolve it
would have been hazardous — did not truly represent the
people. His position in the Upper Province for a long

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 377

time Ccalled for the exercise of the utmost prudence and
circumspection. The Reformers distrusted him because
he denounced responsible government by that name, and
the Tories began to suspect that his mode of administering
representative government was wide as the poles asunder
from that which had obtained under the reign of the
Compacts. In spite of all the obstacles which beset him,
he succeeded in carrying the Union Bill and several other
important measures through b' th branches of the Legisla-
ture in the Upper Province, and through the Special
Council.

These measures passed, an anxious period succeeded, in
which they were to be reviewed by both Houses of Parlia-
ment. No man who knew what that ordeal was, who felt
how deeply the peace of Canada and his own reputation
were committed, and who had Lord Durham's recent ex-
perience of the inconsiderate violence of English party
warfare before him, could have slept on a bed of roses
from the time that the Union Bill. and Ordinances crossed
the Atlantic until they returned, sanctioned by the highest
authority in the realm. A part of this interval was spent
by Lord Sydenham in visiting Nova Scotia, and conducting
the investigation into her affairs which led to the entire
change of that disastrous policy, and the repudiation of
those principles which had for years embroiled the people
with their government, and brought, at last, the legisla-
ture and the executive into open and violent collision.

The Union Bill having been sanctioned, then came the
period of its proclamation, — of the arrangement of the
electoral districts, — and of the return of the members of
the first Parliament. This was a season of much labour
and of intense anxiety, drawing upon the Governor-Gene-
ral's firmness, sagacity, and knowledge of the country
almost every hour. Whether the charge of direct inter-
ference in elections be well founded or not, and it appears
to rest upon slight evidence, one thing is very clear, that
a person situated as his lordship was who could be indif-

378

APPENDIX II.

fereiit to the course of the elections, and who did not take
every proper precaution to secure a working majority dis-
posed to support liim, and give the Union Bill a trial,
must have been lamentably deficient in conmion sense and
practical statesmanship. There was, in fact, no alternative
but to secure his majority, or throw aside all that had been
done, and go back to the old evils, to be followed by fresh
outbreaks, and a further resort to the bayonet. "We are
far from approving of any open violence in the conduct of
the elections ; but we do think that it would have been
most unwise for the Governor- General, having the power
in his hands to change and alter the electoral divisions, to
leave the franchise so distributed as to render certain, or
even at all probable, the return of a body of men who
would have voted the Union Act a nullity, repealed his
ordinances, and, perhaps, commenced anew that course of
obstructive policy which had ended in open insurrection,
and the establishment of arbitrary power.

{From the same.)
It becomes our melancholy duty to turn from tracing
the beneficial effects of Lord Sydenham's administration to
record the particulars of his death and burial. A great
man has gone down into the tomb, and we must be occu-
pied for a time with his obsequies, reserving for some more
fitting opportunity the less painful task of discussing his
measures and explaining his policy. The news of Lord
Sydenham's death did not much surprise us. It seemed
to us from the first almost a necessary result of an acci-
dent so severe operating upon a frame so delicate. We
were disposed to hope almost against hope ; for we could
not bear the thought that a man so young, with a mind so
active, was to pass so suddenly from the elevated sphere to
which he had attained, that all his information and expe-
rience was to be lost to the legislative body in which he
was soon to have taken his seat, and to the governments
to which, no matter what their politics, it would have been

NOTICES OF THE DEATH OF LORD SYDENHAM. 370

did not take

1 majority dis-
n Bill a trial,
non sense and

no alternative
[ that had been
lowed by fresh
)net. We are
the conduct of
3uld have been
ring the power
ral divisions, to
der certain, or
ly of men who
y, repealed his

that course of
n insurrection,

freely imparted. Our fears rather than our hopes were to
be realised. Lord Sydenham is no more ; but it is satis-
factory to find, now that there is nothing to be gained or
lost by the free expression of opinion, that almost every
Canadian paper speaks of his lordship in terms even more
respectful and complimentary than those we employed last
week.

It must be highly gratifying to the great body of the
people of Nova Scotia, who have nobly seconded Lord
Sydenham in his efforts to regenerate their country, to
find how universal the testimony is to his worth, and how
many there now are compelled to praise who did not so
early appreciate his character, nor so cordially assist him.

fn from tracing
[ministration to
irial. A great
must be occu-
for some more
discussing his
news of Lord
|us. It seemed
lult of an acci-
delicate. We
for we could
with a mind so
vated sphere to
ion and expe-
Ly in which he
e governments
ould have been

380

APPENDIX III.

MESSAGE OF THE OOVERNOR-OENERAL TO THE HOUSE OF
ASSEMBLY ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.

[20th August, 181-1.]

SYDENHAM.

In pursuance of the declaration contained in his Speech
from the Tlu'onc, the Governor-General solicits the at-
tention of the House of Assembly to the Public Im-
provements which it may be desirable to carry into effect
within the Province, and to the means by which these
works may be safely and successfully undertaken.

It has appeared to the Governor- General of great im-
portance that Parliament, as well as the Executive, should
have distinctly brought before them, in one general plan,
the whole of the different Works which arc demanded by
the public voice, and appear likely to tend to the increase
of trade, and to the advantage of the country. Such
works as the Legislature shall decide upon adopting may
thus be conducted upon one uniform system — having re-
ference as well to eacli particular work as to the whole ; and
great advantages will result, both as regards their execu-
tion and in making provision for the funds necessary for
the undertaking.

The Governor-General accordingly directed a Report to
be prepared upon the subject by the President of the Board
of Works ; and that Department having now been estab-
lished by law for the whole Province, he transmits this
document for the consideration of the House of Assembly.

This Report will be found to embrace all the great im-
provements which appear at all desirable for some time
to come, or that afford promise of rendering a return for the
capital to be expended upon them ; viz.

MESSAGK ON PUBLir IMPROVEMENTS.

.'i81

niE HOUSE OF
PUOVEMfiNTS,

1 in his Speech
solicits the at-
le Public Im-
arry into effect
>y which these
taken.

al of great im-
ecutive, should
[C general plan,
demanded by
to the increase
ountry. Such

I adopting may
m — having re-
the whole ; and
is their execu-

necessary for

ted a Report to
it of the Board
low been estab-
transmits this
le of Assembly.

II the great im-
Ifor some time

return for the

The completion of the Wtlhind Canal — The opening
tlie communication between Kingston and Montreal, by
tJje River St. lyavvrence, for Scliooners and Steam-boats

— The improvement of Lake St. Peter, and the naviga-
tion between Quebec and Montical for vessels of largo
burthen — Opening the River RichelieJJ, so as to perfect
the navigation through that river by the Cliijiii])ly Canal

— The construction of Slides it;!* Timber, and other works
on the Ottawa — The improvement "f the Inland Waters
of the Newcastle District — The construction of a Povl
and Light Houses on Lake Erie, and the improvement of
Burlington Bay Harbour — The establishment or improve-
ment of great lines of Road from Quebec to Amherst-
burgh and Port Sarnia, from Toronto to Lake Huron, and
between Quebec and the Eastern Townships — and the
improvement of the Metis Road, and of the communica-
tions near the Bay of Chaleurs.

The total cost of all these works thus enumerated
would involve an expenditure of about 1,470,000/. Pro-
vincial Sterling, to be spread over a period of five years
necessary for their completion.

Whether the whole or any part of these works shall be
decided upon by Parliament, it is clear that in the present
Financial state of the Province, whatever is required for
their construction must be provided by drawing on the
Public credit.

The statement of the Provincial receipt and expendi-
ture, submitted to Parliament, although exhibiting, after
the payment of the charges for the public service, a con-
siderable surplus in proportion to the revenue, affords
nothing from which, as capital, the cost of works of any
importance can be defrayed.

Parliament must therefore provide the means for rais-
ing the Capital required for the execution of those Public
Works which it may determine to adopt, and at the same
time afford such security as may be necessary for the an-
nual interest upon the money to be borrowed, as well as

382

APPENDIX III.

for the gradual extinction of the debt, until the works
themselves become productive.

If the whole of the Works specified in the Report are
determined upon, the charge for interest upon the total
sum required, calculated at the rate of interest usual in
this Province, would be between 80,000/. and 90,000/.—
a charge which it would be difficult to impose at once
upon the country.

Means however exist by which such an increase of the
charge upon the Revenue of the Province may be mate-
rially reduced, whilst the Capital itself may notwithstand-
ing be provided.

The reduction of the interest of the Public debt through
the assistance to be afforded by the Imperial Parliament
will probably reduce the present charges upon the Provin-
cial Revenue by a sum of between 15,000/. and 20,000/.
per annum, which will thus become available security for
any fresh loan. There will remain, after effecting this
conversion, a surplus of from 250,000/. to 300,000/., still
farther to be raised under the Imperial guarantee at a
low rate of interest, by which an additional saving will be
effected of about 6,000/. a year.

A very considerable amount of the Capital required
might be raised without any charge whatever for interest,
by the assumption by the province of the issue of paper,
payable on demand, which is now enjoyed by the private
Banks, or by individuals, without their being subjected to
any charge whatever in return for the power thus accorded
them by the State. If that power were •''esumed to the
fullest extent, a capital representing a revenue of not less
than 35,000/. a year might be provided. But even under
such arrangement as would afford great advantages to the
various Banks at present issuing paper, as a compensation
for their being in future deprived of that power, a revenue
of not less than 15,000/. or 20,000/. might safely be re-
lied on.

The union of the two provinces has now placed within

iAFESSAGE ON PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS.

883

til the works

he Report are
ipon the total
crest usual in
md 90,000/.—
mpose at once

increase of the

may he mate-

r notwithstand-

Lc debt through
rial Parliament
)on the Provin-
)L and 20,000/.
ble security for
r effecting this
1 300,000/., still
guarantee at a
saving will be

apital required
er for interest,
issue of paper,
by the private
ng subjected to
thus accorded
esumed to the
nue of not less
Jut even under
vantages to the
compensation
>wer, a revenue
it safely be re-
placed within

the control of the Parliament the regulation of the Cus-
toms Duties, which under the separate Legislatures was
attended with so much difliculty, and a wise and prudent
re-adjustment of some of those duties will render the
revenue far more productive than at present, and easily
furnish, without any injury to the trade of the country,
or any pressure on the People, what may be further re-
quired to provide for the remaining charge.

There is also one of the works to which, although great
importance is justly attached to it, it will, in the opinion
of the Governor-General be just, as well as possible, to
affix a condition by which the annual charge above sub-
mitted for the whole may be diminished — The navigation
of the St. Lawrence involves the expenditure of nearly
one half of the whole sum calculated on. That work is
undoubtedly highly desirable — but it scarcely justifies so
great an expenditure at present, unless some diminution
of the annual charge for interest upon the sum to be raised
can be obtained. Nor is such a diminution to be unhoped
for. Many Capitalists in England are interested in the
promotion of this work, and especially in seeing the com-
munication between Lake St. Louis and Lake St. Francis
established on the Southern side of the River St. Lawrence.
The Governor-General has reason to expect that assist-
ance will be afforded upon this condition — and he would
not therefore recommend that this undertaking should be
sanctioned, unless as a condition, the greater part of the
capital required for it can be raised at a low rate of
interest, not much exceeding that which the province
would have to support for such part of its debt as will be
guaranteed by England.

Entertaining these opinions, the Governor-General has
therefore directed measures to be submitted to the House
of Assembly embodying them, which he recommends to
their favourable consideration.

However large the expenditure may appear, to which
the improvements recommended by the Board of Works

384

APPENDIX III.

will amount, the Governor-General feels that it is his
duty, looking to their vast importance, to submit them to
the judgment of the Country, and a measure will there-
fore be presented to the House which comprises the whole
of them.

If they are undertaken, it is no less the bounden duty
of Parliament and of the Executive Government, to take
care that means sufficient for their completion are pro-
vided, and that the credit of the Province shall be sus-
tained in any engagements which are rendered necessary
for raising funds for that purpose. He has therefore
directed that, simultaneously with the proposal for the
works themselves, measures should be submitted to the
Assembly for the conversion of the debt — for the esta-
blishment of a Bank, and for the regulation of the Customs
— and he desires to express his anxious wish to concur
with the Assembly in whatever decision they may arrive
at, by which objects of so much importance to the welfare
of the Province may be obtained consistently with that
due regard to the interests of the People, to Public Cre-
dit, and to the maintenance of engagements, without
which it would be alike unjust and impolitic to attempt
to carry them into execution.

Kingston, August 20th, 1841.

The Message was accompanied by memoranda respecting
the various public works here recommended, showing
the ultimate cost of their completion, and the amount
of the appropriations proposed to be appointed thereto
for the several years respectively, prepared and sub-
mitted for the consideration of His Excellency the
Governor-General by Mr. Hamilton Killaly, Chairman
of the Board of Works.

385

that it is his
ibmit them to
ire will there-
Ises the whole

bounden duty
iment, to take
;tion are pro-
I shall be sus-
ered necessary

has therefore
•oposal for the
bmitted to the

for the esta-

of the Customs
wish to concur
hey may arrive
e to the welfare
ently with that

to Public Cre-
ents, without
llitic to attempt

knda respecting

Inded, showing

Ind the amount

jointed thereto

ired and sub-

[ixcellency the

laly, Chairman

APPENDIX IV.

MEMORANDUM ON THE PAPER CURRENCY SUGGESTED FOR
CANADA, BY LORD SYDENHAM.

The questions of the standard and of the currency must
be considered.

The standard is different in Upper and in Lower
Canada, and it is desirable to assimilate them, which may
be done either by simply raising the standard of Upper
Canada, or vice versa, or by adopting a new standard
generally for the whole province. The latter plan might
be the best ; and the course which was followed lately in
the West Indies, the details of which are in the possession of
the Government, may be adopted, or what would be prefer-
able, if it were possible, a dollar standard might be taken.

It does not, however, appear absolutely necessary to
make application to the legislature upon the point of
standard, as I apprehend that it should be regulated under
the prerogative, by order of the Council at home, as was
done in the case of the West Indies. This, however,
must be considered.

But the question of currency, namely, of the issue of
paper money representing coin, is one the settlement of
which admits of no delay.

The charters of the banks of Lower Canada expire at
the end of this session, and application will be made for
their renewal. The charters of the Upper Canada banks
are near their expiration also, with one exception, and all
these banks even are applying for additional powers, either
to extend their term or increase their capital.

It is absolutely necessary, therefore, that the principle
upon which the issue of paper money, payable on demand,
shall be conducted should be decided at present ; and
this may be done in one of two ways. First, by intrusting

C C

386

APPENDIX IV.

to private individuals or to joint stock companies, under
charter, the powder to issue, subject to certain regulations.
Secondly, by the State keeping in its own hands that
power, and establishing a bank of issue, upon fixed prin-
ciples determined by the legislature.

The evils attending the first system are various. Le-
gislation must be conducted on this subject, not with a
view to good and sound banks properly managed, but in
order to control the possible abuse of the powers granted
by ill-conducted banks, and to avert the mischief which
their operations necessarily produce on society ; and it is
next to impossible to devise any conditions by which this
can be effected.

The Treasury with this intent have laid down certain
rules and conditions, to be observed as a sine qud non
to a consent of the crown to any new charters or the
renewal of the old ones. These conditions cramp mate-
rially the action of the chartered banks, and are loudly
complained of, as was seen last year in the discussion
upon the renewal of the charter of the Upper Canada
bank and others, especially that provision which deter-
mines that no notes under four dollars shall be issued.
Yet even these provisions are utterly inadequate to the
ends sought, namely, the establishment of a sound paper
currency, convertible at all times, regulating itself with
reference to the real demands of the country, and not
exposing the value of every man's property to be sud-
denly increased or diminished by fluctuations arising from
over-issue at one time, and rapid contraction at another.
No conditions of any kind can prevent numerous banks of
issue in competition one with another, and in great igno-
rance of each other's proceedings, from at one time flooding
the country with paper, and at another being compelled,
if their notes are made convertible, suddenly to withdraw all
accommodation, and reduce the general circulation far below
its natural limits. No conditions can effect this, even though
the number of banks of issue to be chartered were very much

MEMORANDUM ON THE PAPER CURRENCY. 387

)anies, under
n regulations,
n hands that
m fixed prin-

various. Le-
ct, not with a
Luaged, but m
)Owers granted
mischief which
nety ; and it is
i by which this

id down certain
a sine qud non
charters or the
ns cramp mate-
1, and are loudly
k the discussion
Upper Canada
jon which deter-
shall be issued,
^adequate to the
,f a sound paper
lating itself with
[ountry, and not
,erty to be sud-
lons arising from
;tion at another.
Linerous banks of
d in great igno-
jne time flooding
being compelled,
iy to withdraw all
lulation far below
this, even though
d were very much

confined ; but it would also be found impossible so to limit
them, especially in a country like this. The legislature
would never be able to refuse a charter to a bank at
London, at Sandwich, at Perth, or in any small district,
upon the ground, either of their capital being too small, or
the wants of the district not requiring such an establish-
ment. If they complied with the conditions of a certain
proportion of notes to capital, or of bullion to notes, which
might be laid down as generally applicable, there would
appear to be no reason whatever for refusing their demand.
Tne adoption of the principle of confiding the issue of
paper money, payable on demand, to chartered banks,
must, therefore, necessarily lead to a vast extension of
those establishments, mismanaged no doubt in a greater
degree as their numbers increase ; and no security what-
ever could be afforded that in the course of a few years
we shall not arrive at the state of things we have seen in
the neighbouring States. It can hardly be supposed,
either that the State should consent, if called upon to
adopt this principle, and devolve upon individuals the so-
vereign power of coining, to do so without obtaining at
least some return for its own advantage. In England,
where this system has been partially followed, as relates
to country banks, and where the exclusive privilege of issue
within certain local limits is given to the Bank of England,
a price is paid for it in the shape of stamp duties upon the
notes issued, and a very considerable revenue is received
by the country in return for the power of which it thus
divests itself. Here this has not been the case ; but it can
scarcely be expected that the State will again consent to
make so large a sacrifice as would be implied by pur-
suing the old plan. If it be deemed necessary to con-
tinue the system of issue by joint stock banks, it is clear
that they ought to contribute at least some portion of that
profit which the State would itself make by reserving the
power in its own hands. "Yet even this arrangement,
although it would benefit the public purse, and greatly

(^ C 2

388

APPENDIX IV.

diminish the desire of banks to continue their issues (as
has been found to be the case in England, where numerous
joint stock banks, having the power of issue, have found
it the best policy to repudiate it, and to use the notes of
the Bank of England, confining themselves to the real
business of banks of deposit), all the other inconveniences
and disadvantages of such a system would remain unre-
medied. It is most desirable, therefore, to adopt the
second system which has been alluded to, and this
country affords greater inducements for doing so than are
to be found in any other in the world, whilst the time is
equally propitious.

First, there can be no doubt that under such a system
as will be proposed upon this principle, in the course of a
very short time, it is probable that a large proportion of
the circulating medium of paper in those States of the
Union which border upon Canada would be supplied by
the notes of such a bank.

Secondly, as nearly all the charters of existing banks of
issue are expiring, the way is open for such a change
without any injustice to individuals or bodies of men.

The plan suggested would be the establishment of a
Provincial Bank for issue only, under the direction of three
Commissioners, acting upon fixed rules laid down in the
Act.

A prohibition of the issue of all notes payable on
demand by any but the Provincial Bank.

The Provincial Bank to issue a given amount of notes of
any denomination not less than one dollar, and after that
amount to issue further notes only upon bullion or coin,
or in redemption of its own notes, if by desire of the
holder.

N. B. It may be assumed that the average circulation of
Canada is at the present time in notes about 1,000,000/.

This then may be taken as the amount which might
safely be issued, provided a reserve of bullion or coin vhk
kept against it to the extent of 250,000/. It would not

MEMORANDUM ON THE PAPER CURRENCY. 389

tjir issues (as
ere numerous
;, have found
! the notes of
3 to the real
^conveniences

remain unre-
to adopt the
to, and this
ig so than are
Ist the time is

such a system
the course of a
5 proportion of
3 States of the
be supplied by

xisting banks of
such a change

[ies of men.
iblishment of a
Tection of three
lid down in the

|tes payable on

>ount of notes of

r, and after that

bullion or coin,

3y desire of the

Lge circulation of
oout 1,000,000/.
Jint which might
[lion or coin '>^i^
ll. It would not

be possible for the circulation to be reduced below that
difference, say 750,000/., without such a fall of prices as
must inevitably bring in bullion, and again extend the
paper circulation. If the million were found inadequate
to the wants of the country, as it probably would in a
short time, the fact would be made apparent by notes being
demanded of the bank in return for bullion over and above
that sum. The bullion or coin being thus increased, and
the proportion which it bore to the paper in circulation
thus greatly augmented, it would become manifest that a
larger amount than the million might be kept in perma-
nent circulation, and that at the end of one or two years,
when this might happen, the fixed amount might be
varied by the legislature: 1,500,000/. or 2,000,000/. might
be issued as that amount, with only a reservation of
bullion equal to one fourth, as in the first instance.

One fourth then of the given amount to be invested in
bullion or coin.

The other three fourths to be employed in public works
under the authority of Parliament, or in redemption of the
provincial debt.

Powers to be provided to enable the Provincial Bank
either to establish branches at the three great cities, for
the exchange of its notes for bullion or coin, or to make
arrangements with banks of deposit there for the use of
its notes, on condition of their doing this duty for it.

A prohibition on the Commissioners from engaging in
any transaction of the character of a bank of deposit, and
strictly confining them to the issue of notes for bullion or
coin, or in exchange for their own notes.

The advantages of such a system would be the following.
First, a paper currency would be established perfectly
secure of convertibility into the value which it represented.
It would be subject to no fluctuations except those which
the greater or less amount of the real transactions of the
country demanding a circulation imposed on it. It would
effectually prevent all those most injurious fluctuations in

CO 3

390

APPENDIX IV.

the value of every man's property which arise from the
over-issues and sudden contractions necessarily attending
the issue of paper by a number of conflicting bodies.

Secondly, The whole profit of the issue, in other words
of the power of coining a cheap currency, would belong to
the State ; at the lowest calculation equal to 30,000/. or
35,000/. a year, and capable, for the reasons above stated,
of increasing to double or treble that amount.

Thirdly) a large sum, not less than 750,000/., would be
at once placed at the disposal of the State for the prosecu-
tion of public works, without the necessity of going into
the money market to borrow, and thus increasing the rate
of interest which the Province would have to pay for the
large loans it may be called upon to contract.

Draft of Resolutions to be proposed to the House of
Assembly of Canada relative to the Currency.

1. That it is expedient that a Provincial Bank of Issue,
under the management of commissioners, be established by
legislative enactment, to which shall be confided the sole
power of issuing paper payable on demand.

2. That the Bank shall issue notes of 1 dollar and
upwards to the extent of 1,000,000/. currency, and no
more, until otherwise provided for by legislative enact-
ment, except in redemption of its own notes, or in ex-
change for bullion or coin.

3. That the said issue of 1 ,000,000/. shall be made one-
fourth against bullion or coin, and three-fourths against
government securities, purchased by or paid in to the
bank ; and that the interest arising from all such securities
shall be carried to the public account of the province, after
deducting the expense of management, and of any pay-
ments specially charged by parliament, as hereinafter
provided.

4. That from and after the 1st of Marc h^ 1843, it shall

MEMORANDUM ON THE PAPER CURRENCY. 391

not be lawful for any bank or individual to issue any
promissory note made payable on demand.

5. That each of the banks now issuing paper payable
on demand throughout the province shall make a return
of the average amount of its circulation of such paper
during the years 1840 and 1841, and of the amounts of
bullion and coin in its coffers during the same period.

6. That to every such bank whose charter would be
unexpired on the 1st March, 1843, there be made an al-
lowance by the Bank of 2^ per cent, per annum on the
amount of the difference between such circulation and the
bullion or coin in its coffers, for the term of years for
which such charter shall be unexpired, provided such term
exceed ten years ; and if such charters have expired, or
have less than five years to run after 1843, then for the
term of ten years. Each such bank to have deposited
government securities approved by the Commissioners, or
bullion or coin to the extent of such amount with the
bank of issue, having received its notes in exchange.

7. That the charters of banks now in existence in the
Province which expire before the 1*^ of March, 1843, be
renewed, with power to issue paper payable on demand
up to that date, when such power will cease by law ; but
that any facility for increase of capital, for suing and being
sued, for limited liability of shareholders, &c., be given to
such banks for such time as they may desire the same,
subject only to such cessation of issue.

c c 4

392

APPENDIX V.

SPEECH OP MR. C. POULETT THOMSON, IN THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS, ON THE 26tH OF MARCH, 1830,

On moving " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into
the Expediency of making a Revision of the Taxes, so that the means
of paying the Sums voted by the House, and all other Charges, may
be provided with as little Injury as practicable to the Industry and
Improvement of the Country."

Mr. Labouchere having postponed a notice, in order to
allow precedence to this motion, Mr. Poulett Thomson
rose and spoke as follows : —

Sir, — In rising to make the motion of which I have
given notice, I have to acknowledge the courtesy of my
honourable friend in postponing his very important no-
tice, a courtesy and kindness which I should never have
thought of demanding upon personal grounds, but which
the vast importance, as well as the nature of the motion
which I have the honour of bringing under tl.'e consider-
ation of Parliament, may fairly claim ; especially when, as
I am happy to remark from what has passed in previous
debates, the subject has already attracted so much atten-
tion. It is painful to me at any time to solicit the indul-
gence of the House on my own behalf, and that feeling is
increased upon the present occasion, when the importance
of the subject of which I propose to treat renders me
more than usually sensible of my own incompetency to do
justice to it, and when I shall be compelled by its nature
to trespass upon the patience of my hearers for a more
than usual length of time. The deep conviction, however,
which I entertain that no subject was ever submitted for
deliberation of greater importance than this, whilst it sup-

SPEECH UN REViaiON OF TAXES.

39^

HE HOUSE OF
1830,

I to inquire into
3o that the means
ler Charges, may
the Industry and

36, in order to
ilett Thomson

' which I have
curtesy of my
important no-
ild never have
ids, but which
|of the motion
r tl.»e consider-
cially when, as
d in previous
much atten-
licit the indul-
that feeling is
he importance
at renders me
petency to do
by its nature
Irs for a more
tion, however,
submitted for
whilst it sup-

ports me in the task which 1 have undertaken to perform,
gives me ground to hope that I shall not ask in vain for
that indulgence, whicli this House is never backward in
extending to tliose who claim it upon sucli grounds.

Sir, I am aware that in introducing so large a subject as
that of a great part of tlie taxation of this country to the
consideration of Parliament, I may expose myself to the
charge of presumption. I may be told, that I am under-
taking a task whicli does not become a member of this
House unconnected with official station, and holding no
responsible situation ; that I am trespassing upon the pro-
vince of the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose immediate dut)' it is
to regulate the financial concerns of the empire ; but I
trust that the nature of the motion which I have in view
will serve to acquit me of such an accusation. I do not ven-
ture to propose to the House any plan of financial reform,
any positive proposition of change ; I am conscious that
to do so would not become my situation : all that I shall
venture to do will be to endeavour to lay before the House
such a statement as I trust may induce it to think that it
becomes it to turn its attention seriously to the slate of
the taxation of the country, to take the matter into its
own hands, and through a committee of its own to insti-
tute such an inquiry as will lead to relief, if it appear that
an alteration in the system can effect any ; or, if it shall
not, at least satisfy the people that no such relief can be
afforded. Neither can I admit, that what has occurred
during the last fortnight is any argument why 1 should
relinquish the purpose I have in view, and leave in the
hands of Government the inquiry which I propose. On
the contrary, although 1 am fully sensible of the import-
ance of the reductions which have lately been announced,
they rather furnish me with an additional motive to per-
severe : for whilst I give the Government credit for the
full value of the sacrifices they have made, I cannot but
regret that the principles which were announced by the

.'U)4

APPENDIX V.

Chancellor of the Exchequer in proposing thein, to which
J entirely assent, should not have been more fully acted
upon ; and that instead of contenting himself with a mere
reduction of taxes, he should not have endeavoured, by a
much more extended review of our whole system, to re-
lievo tliis country to an infinitely greater extent without
any greater sacrifice of revenue. The partial adoption,
therefore, of measures similar to those which I imagine
would be recommended by the conniiittee which I propose,
confirms me in the opinion of the propriety of urging its
appointment, and at the same time relieves me from the
possibility of being suspected of bringing forward this
motion from party or interested motives. Far from being
actuated by any such feelings, my sincere wish is to sup-
port and encourage ministers in the views which they pro-
fess to take, and to render them the assistance which 1
think they require to carry them into effect ; I mean the
concurrence and the reconnnendation of a committee of
this House : and I may add, that I greatly rejoice that I
am able, in introducing the statement which I shall have
to submit, showing the extremely injurious nature of a
portion of our system of taxation, and the absurdity and
unfitness for the end it proposes to have in view of a great
part of it, to be able to congratulate the Government
upon having admitted the principle, and of having done
something at least to remedy the evil.

It seems to me, Sir, that the object of this motion is
one which in any times can hardly fail of being a njost
desirable one. No man will deny that when a revenue is
to be raised at all, it should be raised in that manner which
will take as little from the pockets of the people, and
allow as much of that which is taken to pass into the
coffers of the Exchequer as possible ; nor will any one
assert, I presume, that in any country, and at any time,
there can be so perfect a system of finance as to make any
inquiry into the mode of collecting the national income
needless. Under any circumstances, then, and in any state

8PKKCH (»N REVISION OF TAXKM.

39:)

leiii, to which
re fully acted
f with a nicvo
avo lived, by a
system, to re-
xtent without
tial adoption,
ich I imagine
lich I propose,
y of urging its
J me from the
r forward this
Far from being
wish is to sup-
Anch they pro-
stance which 1
ct; I mean the
a committee of
r rejoice that I
ch I shall have
is* nature of a
absurdity and
view of a great
le Government
if having done

this motion is
being a most

[n a revenue is
manner which

lie people, and
pass into the
will any one
at any time,
IS to make any
itional income
Lnd in any state

of things, such an investigation as 1 propose to entrust to
u committee would In* one of the most important, and one
of the most useful, which any legislative body could de-
U'gato to a portion of its members. But if this be the
case, how much more inonu-ntous is sucli an inquiry at the
present time, and under the present circumstances i Let
any man look impartially upon the condition of this coun-
try at the present ni< ment, and say, if he can, that such an
inquiry is not impeiatively called for, that it is not un-
avoidably necessary. It is nothing more than an act of
justice to those who pay the taxes, and of justification to
those who impose them. And how stands public opinion
upon the point ? It is curious indeed to observe, that
there is only one single subject upon which all parties in
the country without the least exception are agreed. Whe-
ther we look to the petitions on our table, or consult the
opinions of public writers, or consider the debates in this
House, we shall find a diversity of opinion upon all sub-
jects but one. Some consider a greater reduction of ex-
penditure necessary. Some deem further retrenchment
impracticable. Some believe that relief might be afforded
by a depreciation of the standard, by an issue of paper
money ; others condemn such a proposal as the most in-
jurious that could be adopted. Some look to a parlia-
mentary reform as a remedy for our distress. Some are
opposed to any change of the kind. Many attribute the
sufferings of the people to the system called free trade :
the more enlightened and more reasoning part of society
reject such an idea as absurd. In short, upon all these
subjects a difference of opinion exists. Upon one only,
whether you read the language of public opinion conveyed
to you through the press, whether you listen to the voice
of the people expressed at county meetings, or their pray-
ers brought up to the table of the House, on one subject
only is an opinion common to all ; and that point is — that
the system of taxation requires revision ; that our imposts
press too heavily upon the productive industry of the
country.

396

APPENDIX V.

I am not one who am prepared to yield obedience to
any opinion because it happens to be popular ; but when
I find one prevailing sentiment upon a subject of deep
importance, I feel myself bound — I hold the legislature
bound to consider it with more than connnon attention. 1
have endeavoured to do so ; and all the consideration
which I have been able to give — all the investigation
which I have been able to make, convince me that the
opinion so universally expressed on this subject is not less
just than it is general. In explaining the grounds upon
which I have come to this conclusion, it is not necessary
that I should venture upon any lengthened review of the
state of the country. After the protracted debates on
this subject which have within these few days occupied
the attention of the House, and in which every possible
topic connected with it has been discussed, it becomes
needless for me to do so. It has scarcely been denied, in-
deed, by any one, that taxation is one of the main causes
of the sufferings under which we labour. The honourable
member for Essex, indeed (Mr. Western), has stated his
disbelief of this doctrine. He thinks that because a heavier
amount of taxation was borne during the war, the present
reduced amount may be supported without inconvenience
during peace ; and his conclusion is (and an erroneous
one I believe it to be), that therefore a relief from taxation
will not be a remedy for the existing distress. I will not
now stop to inquire whether the reduction talked of has
been a real or only a nominal one. I will admit, for the
sake of argument, that there has been a reduction of our
burthens ; but admitting this, I differ entirely from the
honourable member for Essex, and I am perfectly con-
vinced that the greater weight then pressed less heavily on
the industry of the country than the lessei amount does
at present. Are there no circumstances to account for
this result? Does it follow that becr.use this country
sustained greater taxation then, she is r>ov/ able to support
even a diminished pressure? What was our condition

SPKECll 0\ REVI.SIUN OF TAXES.

39'

obedience to
ir ; but when
bject of deep
he legislature
1 attention. 1
consideration
! investigation
^ me that the
ject is not less
grounds upon
not necessary
review of the
2d debates on
days occupied
every possible
jd, it becomes
een denied, in-
he main causes
^he honourable
has stated his
;ause a heavier
ar, the present
inconvenience
an erroneous
from taxation
ss. I will not
talked of has
admit, for the
duction of our
irely from the
perfectly con-
less heavily on
|i amount does
to account for
|e this country
ble to support
o'jr condition

dunng the war ? Was the state of our industry the same ?
Was it not indeed quite peculiar ? Owing to the disco-
veries of science, to the genius of an Arkwright, a Har-
greaves, and a Watt, our industry had been developed in
a manner and with a rapidity unparalleled in the history
of man. Owing to the unsettled state of the world, the
advantage of these discoveries was turned almost exclu-
sively to the benefit of England. Our command of the
ocean gave us the monopoly of the commerce of all the
universe ; our ships were alone the carriers of every na-
tion ; our passport alone was respected throughout the
globe. There was a depreciation in the standard which
rendered our taxation comparatively light ; but above all,
the same circumstances which gave us the monopoly of
improvement and of commerce, not only confined our
capital to our own shores — not only prevented it from
migrating to seek employment elsewhere, but made Eng-
land the rallying point, where alone the capital of other
countries could find a profitable and secure investment.
No wonder if with these advantages we suffered less
severely from the pressure of taxation ! To the state of
this country during the war may be applied with greater
truth what was said by Mr. Pitt of its condition during a
previous struggle —

'* Per damna per caedes, ab ipso
Ducit opes, animumque ferro."

With the peace all these advantages have passed away,
and we have to meet the new state of things under the
languor to which immense exertion must leave either an
individual or a country subject. We enjoy no more the
exclusive use of machinery. We possess no longer the
monopoly of commerce. Our currency is again at its
standard value. We have all the world for competitors in
arts, in industry, in improvement. Our prices can no
longer regulate, they must follow those of other coun-
tries ; but above all, not only does the capital of other
nations no longer seek investment with us, but our own

398

APPENDIX y

may find employment in other parts with equal security
and greater advantage. Nor is it our capital only, but the
skill, the industry, the intelligence which have been raised
at home, which constitute our wealth and form our power,
if oppressed here, will emigrate elsewhere ; and we have
to meet, not the competition of foreign industry alone,
but that of our own native soil, transferred to climes
where its scope is less controlled, and its exertions less
oppressed. This is the danger we have to dread ; and
how are we to avoid it ? I have said that our prices must
follow those of other countries ; prices, I need scarcely
say, are made up of profits, of wages, and of taxation,
which falls upon the one or the other. Wages are, I fear,
reduced to their necessary rate. Taxation then must fall
upon profits, and so it is. We see the rate of profit un-
duly reduced, and the necessary result must be, that our
capital, unable to compete with that of other countries
less burthened than our own, will seek employment where
it can find it unrestrained. How then can we hope to
preserve it, and to support our industry, but by removing
or reducing those burthens ? If we refuse to do so, we
force the capital, the skill, the ingenuity, which we have
raised with so much care, to seek another field, where they
can put forth their powers unmolested and unimpeded.
We sacrifice the natural advantages we possess in our
insular position, in our mines of coal and of iron, the ac-
quired advantages of our accumulated capital, our skill,
our priority of industry and of art. We must sink in the
scale of nations.

Nor is this idle speculation. The history of the world
reads us a lesson not to be disdained. No one can have
studied this subject even but a little, without being struck
with the similarity of the circumstances in which this
country is now placed, and those of Holland during the
last century. Whoever will take the trouble attentively
to peruse that admirable work of M. de Luzac, " La
Richesse de la Hollande," will there see the operation of

SPEECFI ON REVISION OF TAXES.

399

an erroneous system of taxation on the industry and con-
dition of that country. Holland was formerly situated
nearly as we are now. It had emerged from lengthened
and expensive wars with a heavy burthen of public debt.
It had not a numerous poor, but their place in its expen-
diture was supplied by the necessity of keeping up the
dykes. From the foremost place in commerce and manu-
factures amongst the nations of the world, its industry
declined gradually, but steadily ; and by that writer, as by
all who have discussed the subject, that decline was accu-
rately traced to one cause — oppressive taxation. So
great was the anxiety of the Dutch Government to ac-
quire information on this important subject, that various
commissions were appointed for the express purpose : one
of the most interesting reports from which was that made
by a commission appointed in 1751, in the reign of Wil-
liam IV., from which I shall, with the leave of the House,
read the following extract, so applicable does it appear to
me to the condition of this coinitry at present. The ex-
tract is from a report of a committee appointed to inquire
into the best means of amending the commerce of the
republic. It says, '•' The oppressive taxes which have,
under various denominations, been imposed on trade, must
be placed at the head of all the causes that have co-
operated to the prejudice and discouragement of our com-
merce and manufactures ; and it may justly be said that it
can only be attributed to that, that the trade of this coun-
try has been diverted out of its channel, and transferred
to our neighbours, and must daily be still more and more
alienated, unless the progress thereof be stopped by some
quick and effectual remedy." This was the language of
those who inquired most closely into the subject in Hol-
land. Let us at least guard ourselves in time from the
chance of being called upon to institute similar inquiries
some years hence, and of receiving a similar explanation.
But I may perhaps be told, this is all very true :
taxation is clearly an evil : we know it ; but we have en-

400

AITENDIX V.

tered into engagements — we have plighted our faith. It
is here that I wish to meet my opponents. I agree witli
wliat was said by tlic honourable member for Callington
on a former night, upon the necessity of maintaining in-
violably the pu))lic faith. I entirel}^ concur with him. T
go further ; for I should say, although you are oppressed
by this heavy responsibility, I am not only ready to main-
tain that amount of revenue which is requisite to support
it, which may be necessary to uphold all establishments
conducive to the dignity, safety, and honour of this coun-
try ; but I am prepared to assert, that under a good sys-
tem all these burthens may be rendered light, and not
only the existing engagements of the country religiously
adhered to, but that she may be placed in a situation to
make further exertions, if necessary, and wield a greater
power than ever she did before.

It is not of the amount of revenue that I complain —
it is not of the extent of taxation. It is not the sum of
money which passes into your treasury : it is the manner
in which you raise it, which checks your industry, destroys
your energy, and must leave you at last to ruin and
poverty. It is not by the amount of taxation that the
injury which it inflicts is to be measured : it is by its
efTects. It is the incidence of taxation to which we have
to look. This is the only standard by which we can mea-
sure the taxation of any country ; and this has been the
concurring opinion of all who have studied the subject.
We find it in our own country : we find it in others. I
have already referred to the state of Holland; I might
appeal to Frjmce and Spain. All the writers upon Spain,
Ulloa, Usteritz, and others, concvir in opinion that the
decline of that country was more to be attributed to the
imposition of the Alcavala, the most odious tax ever im-
posed in any country, than to any other circumstance
whatever ; and the flourishing condition of Catalonia and
Valencia, where it did not exist, amply confirms this view.
Sully, Vaubanc, Turgot, and others, agree in attributing

SPEECH ON REVISION OK TAXES.

401

ur faith. It
I agree with
jr Callington
.iiitaining in-
with him. I
ire oppressed
:ady to main-
ite to support
stablishments
of this couri-
er a good sys-
light, and not
;ry rehgiously
a situation to
ield a greater

I complain —
^ot the sum of
is the manner
lustry, destroys
|t to ruin and
jation that the
: it is by its
which we have
;li we can mea-
s has been the
|d the subject,
in others. I
and; I might
vs upon Spain,
,nion that the
[ributed to the
Is tax ever im-
circumstance
Catalonia and
rms this view,
in attributing

the miserable condition of France to tlie system of taxation
more than to any other cause ; but to tlie incidence, and
not to the amount. Sully showed, that in order to raise a
reveiuie of 80,000,000 francs, 150,000,000 were actually
taken from the people. When M. Turgot came into the
administration, he had an exact calculation made of the
expense required for keeping up the roads. He found
that it would amount to 10,000,000 francs; whilst it ap-
peared that by the system of Corvee the execution of
repairs was carried on at an expense of 40,000,000 to the
people. Turning to English authorities, I find that on
the importance of the incidence of taxation, Adam Smith
has the following passage, with which I must trouble the
House : —

'• Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out
and keep out of the pockets of the people as little as pos-
sible, over and above what it brings into the public trea-
sury of the state. A tax may either take out or keep out
of the pockets of the people a great deal more than it
brings into the public treasury, in the four following ways:
— First, the levying of it may require a greater number
of officers, whose salaries may eat up the greater part of
the produce of the tax, and whose perquisites may impose
another additional tax upon the people. Secondly, it may
obstruct the industry of the people, and discourage them
from applying to certain branches of business which might
give maintenance and employment to great multitudes.
While it obliges the people to pay, it may thus diminish,
or perhaps destroy, some of the funds which might enable
them more easily to do so. Thirdly, by the forfeitures
and other penalties which those unfortunate individuals
incur who attempt unsuccessfully to evade the tax, it may
frequently ruin them, and thereby put an end to the
benefit which the community nnght have received from the
employment of their capitals. Fourthly, by subjecting
the people to the frequent visits and odious examination
of the tax-gatherers, it may expose them to much unne-

D D

402

APPKNDIX V.

cessary trouble, vexation, and oppression ; and tliough
vexatioji is not, strictly speaking, expense, it is certainly
equivalent to the expense at which every man would be
willing to redeem himself from it."

Let the House but examine our present system, and say
how far it agrees in almost every respect with the descrip-
tion of that kind of taxation which Adam Smith so justly
deprecates. How are the taxes raised in this country, in
which it should be our peculiar care to throw no impedi-
ment in the way oi" the productive employment of our
capital and of our labour ? Let gentlemen look at the
returns upon the table, which show that 6,000,000/. of
taxes are levied upon raw materials, and upwards of
2,000,000/. on your own manufactures.*

Nor is it surprising that our system should be faulty.
If any one feel astonishment, let him consult the history
of British taxation, and he will cease to entertain any.
By far the greater part of our taxes were imposed during
a period of excitement and of disturbance, whilst we were
struggling for our existence, and only thought how to
meet the exigency of the passing hour. In the year 1 793
the whole revenue raised was only 17,000,000/., and this
amount was carried rapidly in the course of a few years
by successive taxation to the enormous sum of 70,000,000/.
No wonder, then, that true principles should have been
lost sight of, and that the system then adopted upon the
pressure of the moment should have been faulty in every
respect. Let me not be told that Mr. Pitt gave the sanc-
tion of his name to such measures : I know he did : but it
was in defiance of his own principles, and in contradiction
of his own recorded opinions. I know that, yielding to
the necessities of the times, urged on by a desire of pro-
viding means for a war every year of which he believed
would be the last, he departed from the principles which
in better times had guided his policy. But it is to those
times, from 1788 to 1793, that I would appeal. Were

* See Pari. Pap. 1829, p. 172.

SPKECH ON RKVJSION OF TAXKS.

408

and though
it is certainly
man would be

system, and say
th the descrip-
Sinith so justly
:his country, in
row no impedi-
loynient of our
en look at the
; 6,000,000^. of
md upwards of

lould be faulty,
nsult the history
entertain any.
; imposed during
, whilst we were
thought how to
[n the year 1793
10,000/., and this
e of a few years
li of 70,000,000/.
tould have been
..opted upon the
|n faulty in every
tt gave the sanc-
,w he did : but it
in contradiction
[that, yielding to
a desire of pro-
iich he beheved
principles which
,ut it is to those
appeal. Were

Mr. Pitt now alive, 1 would call upon him to support my
proposition upon the principles which he himself then laid
down when he carried those measures into execution,
upon which, now that the spirit of party has died away,
his fame as a financier (and as a financier only do I speak
of him) is acknowledged to rest, — his two great measures,
the commutation act and the commercial treaty with
France. Fatal, indeed, has it been to this country that
events interposed to prevent him from following up such
policy as this. But if the sound judgment of Mr. Pitt
yielded to the pressure of the great struggle in which we
were engaged, no wonder if his successors should have
committed similar errors, and that we should see each
succeeding Chancellor of the Exchequer wield his power
without regard to any principle or any interest. It was
reserved, indeed, for Mr. Vansittart to show by his ad-
ministration the soundness of Swift's remark, that the
arithmetic of the exchequer is not like the arithmetic of
common life : for him it was reserved to despise the prin-
ciples of philosophers and statesmen, to disregard the ex-
perience of all previous times, and assume as a mathe-
matical proposition that by doubling his rates of duties
he would double his revenue. But 1 shall not stop to
blame the minister, and still less to impugn the parlia-
ment who could sanction his measures. It is easy, indeed,
to believe that the statesman who could gravely propound
the astonishing proposition, that the one pound note and
a shilling were worth the guinea, which was currently
sold at twenty-seven shillings, and the House of Commons
which could sanction such a monstrous absurdity, should
not have been difficult in coming to an understanding
upon other matters of finance as preposterous and as
ridiculous. My wish, however, is not to find fault with
the minister or with the parliament, but to expose the
errors of both, and apply a remedy. It is only necessary,
indeed, for the House to make itself acquainted with the
subject, to see thepropriety of reviewing it. The manner

DD 2

404

Al'l'F.XDIX

in wliicli, ill the days to wliicli I allude, taxation was
treated is truly ludicrous. The le«^islature seemed to
treat taxes as an amusinj^ game ; and the House will
scarcely believe the various changes, the tricks, the ex-
periments ol' all kinds to which, in the course of a lew
years, the taxation of the most important articles of our
consumption have been repeatedly subjected. Let mc
just state a few of them. I find that the tax upon
tobacco, one of tbe most important articles of revenue
during thirty-five years, from 178J) to 1825, has been
changed eight times. Tt was once 350 per cent. ; it was
let down to 200 per cent.; it was raised again to 1200
per cent.; and let down again to 800 per cent. Wine,
during the same period, was changed ten dillerent times
in England, eleven in Ireland. Foreign spirits in
twenty years were altered eleven times ; sugar in thirty
years seventeen times ; tea seven times ; and glass five
times. Surely here we have proof that our taxation has
been imposed without much consideration, and upon no
very definite principles. This is wli.c I propose to con-
sider. In proceeding to state my views, and the course
which I should recommend to be taken, I shall I fear
have to enter into a detail of figures, which 1 trust the
House will pardon ; but it is by figures and by facts that
this question must be decided, and not by rounded periods
or by eloquent sentences.

I propose to divide the taxes, which I shall have to
consider, into two branches. First, those which press
most injuriously on the raw materials used in our manu-
factures or on the manufactines themselves, and which
ought to be repealed altogether ; and, secondly, the class
of taxation which is the principal object of my motion,
and to which I wish to call the particular attention of the
House, — those taxes of which the rates are far too high,
and a great reduction in which will, I shall be able I hope
to show, be followed by no reduction whatever of re
venue o

SrEECU ON KKVISION OF TAXES.

405

taxation was
re seeniecl to
u> House will
ricks, the cx-
Durse of a few
articles of our
ctecl. Let me
the tax u})on
;les of revenue
8'25, has heen
2r cent. ; it was
again to 1200
ir cent. Wine,
dillerent times
jign spirits in
sugar in thirty
and glass five
ur taxation has
1, and upon no
jropose to con-
and the course
, I shall I fear
lich 1 trust the
nd by facts that
rounded periods

I shall have to
»se which press
d in our manu-
ves, and which
|ondly, the class

of my motion,
[attention of the

ire far too high,
|l be able I hope
whatever of re

I begin then, Sir, witli the taxes upon such articles as
I consider in the liglit of raw materials or manufactures,
and which press hard upon the industry of the country ;
many of them unfit to be objects of taxation at all, in my
judgment ; and others exposed to such obnoxious, and
harassing, and expensive regulations as to make them, in
a national point of view, not worth the trouble and ex-
pense of collecting. 1 shall instance but a few, but these
the most injurious. To begin with timber. The nett
revenue from that is about ! ,500,000/. ; an enormous sum
to be levied on an article which necessarily enters into
our buildings, our ships, and nmst be of first necessity in
the industry of the country. But I do not find fault with
its amount : my objection is to the manner in which it is
imposed. By the papers laid upon the table of the House
it is clearly shown that by our impolitic exclusion of the
timber of the Baltic, except at a scale of duty amounting
almost to a prohibition, we tax the consumers of this
country to the extent of 1,500,000/. more for the sup-
posed benefit of a j)articular class, but which is in reality
as much a dead loss to the country as if it were thrown
into the sea.* Nor is this the only evil ; for whilst you
force the consumer to pay an exorbitant price, you make
him take an inferior article, quite unfitted for the purposes
for which he requires it. This 's one of the blessings we
owe to Mr. Vansittart's administration, who by his pro-
ceedings in 1809, 1810, and 1813, on the vain pretext of
ensuring a supply and rendering us independent of foreign
aid, imposed this tax upon the country, forced a bad
article upon the consumer, and destroyed a trade which
gave employment, in 1809, to no less than 428,000 tons
of British shipping, or one fourth of the commercial navy
of the kingdom, f I shall not, however, dwell upon this
article, because I am aware that there are political con-
siderations, however futile in my opinion they may be,

* 8ee Pari. Pap. 1828.

f See Lords' Report on Foreign Trade.

D D 3

-lor,

APPENDIX V.

which are involved in its discussion, and because the sub-
ject is of such nuij^nitude, and of sucii importance, as to be
vvortliy of a separate discussion ; and J cannot beHeve that
it will not soon obtain one. 1 sliail only atlirm \uy belief,
that by clianf»'ing the system, by reopening the trade to
the Baltic, you have it in your power to relieve the con-
sumer to a great extent, and to inerense your revenue at
least one half.

The next article to which I come involves purely
financial considerations. It is hemp ; the duty on which
amounts to only about 70,000/. The rate is about 4/. 1 3s.
per ton, or about 16 per cent. The House will recollect
that I last year called their attention to this subject.
The duty levied on this article is at once the most absurd
and the most monstrous of any in your customs; for
whilst you tax an article in its raw state, not produced at
home, of the first necessity for the greatest interest of
this country, your marine, you admit it in a manufac-
tured form to be used in your shipping, if purchased and
manufactured abroad. You hold out a premium to the
manufacturers of foreign countries, whilst you deny to
your own even an equality of position as regards the raw^
material, which might give them a chance of fair com-
petition. This is hideed breaking not only every sound
principle, but even those principles which have hitherto
guided your policy, and the result, I need scarcely add,
has fully proved the wisdom of your law ; your marine
suffers, your importation has declined one half, and your
own manufacturers are ruined.

I come next to soap, the gross duty on which I find
to be, in 1828, the last year I have an account of,
1,414,954/. ; the nett only 1,210,754/. The duty on hard
soap (and the revenue on soft soap is next to nothing) is
3d. per lb., or 110 to 130 per cent., or in some cases
even more. This is a large sum, and I must fairly own
that I do not think it at all an unfit object of revenue.
But it is clear that the duty is far too high to answer the

SI'KKCH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

407

jausf tlie sub-
•tance, as to be
at believe that
irm iny belief,
r the trade to
lieve the con-
;)uv revenue at

iivolves i)urely
duty on which
s about i'l. 13s.
ic will recollect
) this subject,
he most absurd
r customs ; lor
lot produced at
test interest of
in a manufac-
purchased and
kremium to the
•it you deny to
[regards the raw
;e of fair com-
iily every sound
\\ have hitherto
d scarcely add,
; your marine
half, and your

U which I find
m account of,
le duty on hard
[t to nothing) is
in some cases
lUst fairly own
ject of revenue.
Ih to answer the

purpose, and the regulations for collecting it lead to
frauds of the grossest description. There is no duty in
Ireland, and it is notorious that a large quantity of soap
is smuggled back again from that country into England.
There is no fixed rule for the collection of the revenue :
there (ire no less than seven different modes of levying it :
in London there is one way, in Liverpool another, in Hull
a third, and so on. This is meant to avoid fraud, and the
result is to invite it, and of course to l.-irass the fair
trader. I know of two houses who avail themselves of
some of the existing regulations to carry on an extensive
business entirely with the capital of the government. I
will shortly explain how. There is a drawback on the
exportation of soap to Ireland, which is paid innnediately,
whilst the duty is not required until the expiration of six
weeks from the manufacture of the soap. Two houses in
Liverpool, exporting their soap to Ireland, immediately
after it is made receive their drawback, which exceeds in
amount the value of the soap, and which they ha^ e not to
pay in the shape of duty for nearly five weeks, during
which time therefore they hold in their hands the capital
of the government, and actually trade with it. But there
is no end to the various frauds which arise under this
svstem. I should tire the House were I to enter into a
further detail of them. I will only remark, that I am
satisfied if the duty be reduced to 60 or 70 \)vr cent, at
the outside, if it be levied equally over the United King-
dom, and, above all, if the regulations be simplified, your
revenue would rather increase than diminish.

But if I pass by this duty so easily, I cannot do so
with the next article I come to, one which enters largely
into the manufacture of soap, barilla, the duty on which
was, in 1828, 59,21-9/. ; at a rate, in spite of late reduc-
tions, of 100 per cent. That duty was avowedly imposed
for the exclusive benefit of a few families in Scotland,
who vainly hoped to protect the manufacture of kelp.
This plan has completely failed : for whilst the manu-

I) D 4

I OH

AIM'KM)IX V.

facturer has been oppressed, the producer of kelp lius (juitc
lost his market, shice lie has been met by the introduction
of a factitious alkali, or what is called sonde factice,
which has conii)letely undersold hini. Is it to be borne
that, for the sake of protecting nominally a few individuals,
or to raise such a miserable duty, you should oppress one
of your most important branches of manufacture ?

I may be told perhaps that this is a trifle. Not so, how-
ever, is the next article to which I shall allude ; that of
sea-borne coals, the nett duty on which, in 1828, amounted
to 833,072/. It is quite impossible to justify the con-
tinuation of this tax for one hour. Since its imposition
circumstances have entirely changed ; and whoever will
refer to the debates which tool: place so often u[)on this
subject, will find that the groiuids on which it was de
fended are completely different from those of the present
day. At the various periods at which this duty was im-
posed, — for instance, during the early periods of the war,
— coals were principally used for fuel ; and although the
tax fell heavily on individuals, and affected their comforts,
it did not operate on the manufactures of the country.
But now, when that article has become so important in
this respect, is it politic, is it just, to compel manufac-
turers to establish themselves in inland parts, where they
can obtain coals at a cheap rate, and to prevent them from
fixing their works on the coa^t or in the capital ? On
what principle of equity or of justice can you call on the
manufacturer of Norwich or of London to pay a duty on
an article from which you exempt his neighbour at Man-
chester or at Paisley ? Whoever will inquire but briefly
into this subject, will see the injurious effects of this duty.
In the glass manufacture, for example, it has completely
driven the manufacturer of the metropolis from the coai^ser
to the finer kind of goods. Under the general use of
steam-power, which prevails more or less through every
branch of industry, it must seriously injure almost every
manufacturer who comes within its operations. It is, I

SPKECII ON WKVIJSION (>F TAXK.s.

K)(»

t' kelp has (^uitc
he introduction
. soucU' fnctice,
it to ho home
few individuals,
uld oppress one
[icture ?

3. Not so, how-
allude; that of
1828, amounted
justify the con-
e its imposition
id whoever will
often ui)on this
r'hich it was de
e of the present
lis duty was im-
riods of the war,
[ud although the
their comforts,
of the country,
so important in
mpel manufac-
rts, where they
vent them from
e capital ? On
you call on the
pay a duty on
;hbour at Man-
uire but briefly
cts of this duty,
has completely
rom the coai'ser
general use of
through every
•e almost every
Itions. It is, I

maintain, utterly indefensible; and I should proposi; its
removal with as little delay as mav be.

I shall not trouble the House with any more remarks
upon the taxes on raw materials. I hold in my hand a
list of J307, many of which could, in my ()i)inion, be most
advantageously dispensed with, and others essentially re-
duced ; but I shall call its attention to the taxes on those
articles of manufacturing industry which arc peculiarly
()j)pressive, and peculiarly deserving of incjuiry — I allude
to those on glass, [)aper, and printed calicoes.

The gross duty on glass for the year 1828 amounted, in
Great Britain (1 exclude Ireland, as it is a mere trifle,
only 20,000/., and has been lately imposed), to 95;3,2r)7/. ;
the nett duty to 577,725/., the difference being either re-
turned or sacrificed in the collection. And here I would
entreat the House to remark, that, for the sake of such a
sum as half a million, a charge of collection on nearly a
million is incurred. The duty is Gd. per lb. on flint, but
equal to 7d. from the mode of its collection — in other
words, upwards of 100 per cent. ; the glass, when made,
selling for l.v. to l.s-. 2d. This, too, is a very much reduced
duty from what it was : and here the House will observe
an admirable illustration of the effect of heavy duties on con-
sumption, and consequently on revenue. In 1794, the
last year in which the duty was 2 l.v. 5d. per cwt. for plate
and flint, and other kinds in proportion, the quantities
paying duty were as follows : —

Flint and Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle.

Cwt. 67,615 20,607 83,940 227,476

The duties were successively raised to 49a'. ; and at last by
Mr. Vansittart, in pursuit of his favourite theory, in 181.3,
to 98*. ! And let us see the result: in 1816 the con-
sumption had declined to

Flint and Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle.

Cwt. 29,600 6,140 3o,502 135,595

In 1825, Government saw a part of their error, and re-

410

AITKNDIX V.

(luct'd tlie duty by one half, still leavinj^ it too high. But
mark tho cfU'ct : in I8'i8, the last yi-ar lor which I have
the returns, the eonsuuiption rose to

Flint and Plate. Broad. ('rown. Bottle,

Cwt. ()H,i;{| ()!>.W fH),(;()3 22I,H()4

Still, however, only about the same as in 1794. It ap-
pears, therefore, that, notwitlistanding the iiicrease ot" po-
pulation and general luxury, the consumption has been
ke])t down by your imj)rovident system, and is actually now
less than it was livc-and-thirty years ago. But here again
the duty is far from being the greatest evil. Let any one
turn to the; Act, he will find thirty two clauses of regida-
tious, ])enalties, prohibitions, all vexatious to the manu-
facturer, and all to be })aid for by the j)ublic. I have said
that the duty on Hint glass is ChL j)er lb., the glass when
made selling for l.v. JUit the excise officer has the power
of imposing the duty either when the gluss is in the pot at
Sd. per lb., or after it has been turned out at Vul. ; the
glass when turned out gaining 100 per cent. It is found
more advantageous to the revenue to exact the duty on
glass in the pet at od. ; and in this way the duty is raised
to Id. Nor is this all : the manufacturer is driven by this
method into the necessity of producing fre([uently an ar-
ticle which he does not want. He makes the fine glass
from the middle, the coarser from the top and bottom of
the pot. He frequently wants only fine glass, and he
would remelt the flux of the coarser parts if he had not
paid duty upon it ; but of course he is unable to do so.
All the glass manufacturers whom I have consulted agree
that the wln)le cost of the excise to the consumer, besides
the duty, which is 100 per cent., is 25 per cent. ; ar.d be-
sides, there is great inconvenience and oppression from the
frauds which are daily taking place. And observe the ef-
fect which is produced upon your trade both at home and
abroad.

A manufacturer, who has lately travelled through
France, the Netherlands, and Gernuiny, has assured me,

Sl'EKCIi ON ULVISION Ul I'AXKS.

ill

too \\'\{i;h. But
)!• wliicli I have

Bottli'.

I 1794. It ap-

; increase of po-
rtion has been

II is actually now
IJut here a^ain

il. Let any one
uuses of regula -
s to the nianu-
lic. I have said
, the ^'lass when
L'r has the power
s is in the pot at
out at ()f/. ; tlie
nt. It is found
act the duty on
|he duty is raised
is driven by this
ie([uently an ar-
s tlie fine gUiss
and bottom of
e ghiss, and he
Is if he had not
unable to do so.
consulted agree
insumer, besides
|r cent. ; ai;d bi-
ression froni the
ll observe the ef-
th at home and

ivelled through
Ihas assured me,

that our manufacturers could advantageously cope with
foreigners, were it not for the duties imposed by the go-
vernment. Labour is as ciieap in this country, our inge-
imity is greater, and mat(;rials are also as cheap; it is,
then, the vexatious, onc;rous duty alone, that gives the
foreign manufacturer the advantage over the J^nglish. lint
the edect of the duty goes further ; it operates to prevent
all improvement in the article, because, to im])iove, ex-
periments must be niac< • it a man, vvitli a duty (>f 12.>
per cent, over his head, is not very likely to make many
experiments. This argument applies especially with re-
spect to colours. A manufacturer has assured me that he
has never been able to produce a beautiful red, b(;cause
the duties have prevented his trying the nc^cessary experi-
ments without his incurring a great risk or loss. Thus a
miserable duty, amounting to only .500,000/., and upon
which a charge of 10 per cent, is made for collecting, is
allowed to imj)ede our native industry, to put a stop to all
improvement, and be a source of endless oppression and
fraud. 1 really cannot believe that tlwi Legislature will
resist such an appeal as the manufacturers of this article
could make to them, or refuse to relieve them from the
gratuitous injury which is inllicted on them.

[ now come to the duties levied on paper, the gross
produce of which for IH2H, (Ireland again excluded, where
the duty only amounts to 23,900/.) 1 find to be 7 1'3,422/.,
the nett amount 099,541/. ; from which the charge of col-
lection remains to be deducted. The duty is on some
kinds of paper 1^^/., on others 2^6/., on others 3d. per lb.,
varying from 50 to 150 per cent, on the different kinds of
paper ! Surely 1 need scarcely press upon the House the
utter impolicy of taxing to such an extent an article of
such infinite importance to this country. It is, in fact, a
tax u])on science, upon knowledge, on the diffusion of edu-
cation and of useful information. But here again tlu'
amount of the tax levied forms but a small part of the
expense to which the public must necessarily be put to

412

AITENDIX V.

repay the manufacturer for all the trouble and nnoyanee
to which he is subject by the regulations of the law under
which he carries on his business. The vexatious nature
of this act is almost incredible. I must trouble the House
with some slight description of them in the words of the
manufacturers themselves. One of them, upon whose
accuracy and honour I can rely, writes to me thus : —

" We are bound to give twenty-four or forty-eight
hours' notice (according to the distance the exciseman
lives) before we can change any paper, and to keep it in
our mills for twenty-four hours afterwards before we send
it to market, unless it has been re-weighed by the super-
visor ; to have the different rooms in our manufactories
lettered ; to have our engines, vats, chests, and presses
numbered ; and labels pasted on each ream ; should we
lose one label the penalty is 200/. I generally write a
request for 500 labels to the excise at one time, and should
any person get into my mill and steal or destroy them the
penalty would be 100,000/. I believe there is not any
kind of paper pays more than 20s. per ream duty. If the
penalty were iOs. it would be quite sufficient to answer
every purpose for the security of the revenue. We are
obliged also to take out a yearly licence ; and a mill with
one vat pays as much as one that has ten."

Another says, " It is no slight aggravation of the evil,
that the laws are so scattered and confused as to render it
almost impossible for anybody to have a perfect knowledge
of them ; and frequently what is a great annoyance to an
honest man, is no check to a rogue. It is true, the excise
laws are seldom, or perhaps never, acted upon to their ut-
most rigour ; but still they confer almost unlimited power
on those who have the administering of them, over the
property of all who come under their influence ; and I am
persuaded that they never could have existed if they had
affected the whole of the community."

This last observation I think well deserving the serious
consideration of the House. It is, in fact, the real gricv-

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

413

and nnoyance
f the law under
2xatious nature
uble tlie House
le words of the
0, upon whose
iC thus : —
or forty-eight
the exciseman
L to keep it in
before we send
i by the super-
r manufactories
sts, and presses
am; should we
generally write a
time, and should
estroy them the
lere is not any
m duty. If the
dent to answer
enue. We are
and a mill with

tion of the evil,
as to render it
rfect knowledge
mnoyance to an
true, the excise
pon to their ut-
mlimitcd power
them, over the
;nce ; and I am
:ed if they had

,'ing tlie serious
the real griev-

ance of your excise laws; and I can safely affirm, that if
there be a law under their influence which requires re-
vision, it is that which we now have before us.

But I now turn to the last tax of this description on
which I shall think it necessary to dwell. The subject
has already been partially brought before the House
during the last session, b\' my honourable friend the mem-
ber for Montrose, in moving for some returns of which I
shall avail myself — I mean the tax on printed calicoes.
It is matter of surprise to me, that this most impolitic im-
post should have been allowed to continue, especially when
it was declared by the committee of 1818 to be " partial
and oppressive, and that its repeal was most desirable."
Who, indeed, can examine it, and not feel the truth of
this observation. Is it credible, that, in order to raise a
nett revenue of 599,669/., a gross tax sliovdd be imposed
of 2,019,737/. ? and yet this was the return according to
the paper on your table for the year 18^28! And these
figures are still far from showing us the real cost of the
collection of this tax. That nuist be taken upon the gross
produce ; and, supposing the rate of collection for the excise
to be 5 per cent., which is less than it really is, you have a
cost of 20 per cent, on the nett produce of this tax for
charges. In addition to this, from all the inquiry I have
been able to make, the increased cost to the manufacturer
is fully 5 per cent, upon the whole quantity made, so that
you have thus two sums, of each 100,000/., levied on the
public for the sake of exacting a duty of 600,000/. But
the revenue is again in this case far from being the mea-
sure of the injury you inflict. The inequality of the tax
constitutes its chief objection. The duty is levied upon
the square yard at 3^c?. per yard. Thus the piece of calico
which sells for Gd.^ duty paid, contributes equally with that
which is worth 5s. per yard. You levy an onerous and
oppressive tax of 100 or 150 per cent, upon the poor, who
are the purchasers of inferior cottons, whilst the rich, who
buy only the finest kinds, pay but 10 or 15 per cent.

414

Al'l'KNUIX V.

I have thought it necessai'}', Sir, to tlttail these taxes to
the House, as those relating to this branch of my subject,
which I consider most injurious, and the repeal of which 1
should most earnestly recommend, as soon as it can be
done consistently with the revenue required for the wants
of the country. They amount after all to but a moderate
sum ; but the gain to the public from their abolition is not
to be measured by their pecuniary amount, although that
would considerably exceed any loss to the Exchequer.
For convenience sake I will just repeat what in my opinion
would be the amount of both. I take iiemp at 70,000/.,
barilla at 69,000/., coals 800,000/., glass 577,000/., paper
699,000/., printed calicoes .599,000/., making a total of
2,814,000/., but which, deducting the charges of collection
upon the gross duties respectively, cannot produce to the
Exchequer more than about 2,600,000/. The gain to the
public, however, by the removal of this amount, I think J
am fairly justified in taking at a sum of at least 3,600,000/.,
even if we only look to the positive pecuniary saving by
their having no longer to defray the increased cost of every
article which is subjected to these onerous duties, and the
vexatious regulations which attend their exaction ; but the
real gain would be infinitely greater, if we take into ac-
count, as we ought, the new employment for capital, the
skill, the improvement in art which would at once be
brought into action, if the various branches of industry
which now languish under the pressure of these taxes
were set free.

If I b(; asked what substitute 1 propose in the place of
those taxes which I desire to see reduced, I should reply,
that a very large proportion of their amount, if not the
whole, might be supplied by a reduction in the expendi-
ture of the country ; but should that not be found prac-
ticable, there are certainly various sources of revenue to
be found, infinitely less burthensome to the community.
The bounties on the fisheries, the bounties on linen, both
useless and mischievous, should be abolished, and would

Sl'KKCll ON KKVISION OF TAXKS.

ll.-i

these taxes to
3f my subject,
eal of which 1
as it can be
[ for the wants
)ut a moderate
ibolition is not
although that
le Exchequer,
in my opinion
ip at 70,000/.,
(7,000/., paper
:ing a total of
es of collection
produce to the
rhe gain to the
ount, I think 1
ist 3,600,000/.,
liary saving by
;d cost of every
duties, and the
iction ; but the
J take into ac-
br capital, the
d at once be
es of industry
f these taxes

in the place of
should reply,
|nt, if not the
the expendi-
)e found prac-
|of revenue to
le community.
Ion linen, both
Id, and would

constitute a considerable sum. Various plans have already
been suggested, and more could undoubtedly be found, of
raising so small a sum in a way much more advantageous
to the industry of the country. One, for instance, has
been suggested by Mr. Humphreys (I mention it only be-
cause every thing which comes from him is worthy of
attention), of equalising the duty upon stamps and trans-
fers, and applying the legacy duty to real property, as well
as personal estate ; the last item alone he calculates would
yield 1,500,000/. I do not mean to say that I am by any
means friendly to the adoption of such a measure ; on the
contrary, I should be adverse to it in the way he proposes
it; but I merely advert to it, or to the plan suggested by
my honourable friend the member for the Queen's County,
to show that if ever the attention of a committee were
drawn to the whole subject, I have no doubt that means
would be found of supplying whatever might be required,
without taxing productive industry to the extent which
the taxes I have enumerated do.

And here, Sir, I take the opportunity of saying a word
on the great question introduced the other night by my right
honourable friend the member for Liverpool into ^lis
speech, — T mean the question of a great mutation of tax-
ation, and the substitution of a direct tax upon income
for a large portion of our indirect taxes. T thinkit but just
to myself, and but fair to the House, to declare my concur-
rence in the view which he takes upon this subject. I
agree with him in thinking that, under proper regulations
and with sufficient securities, such a change would be bene-
ficial in the highest degree to the industry and improve-
ment of the country : but having said thus much of my
own individual opinion, which I should be ready at a pro-
per time to justify and support, I must declare that the
consideration of such a plan forms no part of my present
motion, and I feel myself therefore by no means called
upon to discuss it.

ik;

AITENDIX V.

I sl)all now tlieretbre pass to the consideration of tlic
second brancli of my subject, by far tbe most important
part of it; the second class of taxation which I propose to
consider, namely, of those articles in which a considerable
reduction of rate may, in my opinion, be clTected without
producing any falling ofl' in the revenue. It is to this
important point that I am anxious more particularly to
direct the attention of the House, as it is upon this sub-
ject that I think a connnittee would be eminently useful.
The more I have considered this branch of our revenue,
the more convinced I have become, that we have within
our own power the means of greatly diminishing the pres-
sure upon the people, and of ailbrding them increased
means of enjoyment without injuring in any important de-
gree the income of the state.

If, Sir, there be one principle more clearly established
than any other in financial science, it is the axiom of Dr.
Swift, that in the calculations of revenue two and two do
not always make; four, but much more frequently only
one — in other words, that there is a point in taxation,
where, by increasing the amount of your duties, instead
of increasing your revenue, you defeat your own purpose ;
and that, on the ':ontrary, by lowering duties which have
been unduly raised, you not only augment the means of
enjoyment of the consumers, but you increase the actual
amount of your revenue. Wherever we turn in the his-
tory of our own taxation we find this doctrine amply
illustrated. Unfortunately we have too many examples
of the one principle, that increased taxation does not in-
crease revenue ; but we have likewise proof enough of
the other, that augmented revenue may follow diminished
duties. The history of Ireland affords the most striking
illustration of the first of these rules. A case is there
established, which is written in characters too legible not
to serve as a guide to future financiers, — one which ought
to bring shame upon the memory of its authors. The re-
venue of Ireland, in the year 1807, amounted to 4,378,000/.

SPEEril ON REVISION OK TAXES.

417

tration of the
lost important
h I propose to
a considerable
fected without
It is to this
particidarly to
u})on this suh-
inently useful,
f our revenue,
ve havt^ within
shing the pres-
hem increased
J important de-

rly established
i axiom of Dr.
two and two do
frequently only
t in taxation,
duties, instead
own purpose ;
ies which have
the means of
lase the actual
urn in the his-
oc trine amply
lany examples
1 does not in-
oof enough of
ow diminished
most striking
case is there
^oo legible not
\q which ought
lors. The re-
I to 4,378,000/.

Betwoeji that year and the conclusion of the war, taxes
were successively imposed, which, according to the calcu-
lations of chancellors of the exchequer, were to produce
3,400,000/., or to augment the revenue to the extent of
7,700,000/. What was the result ? Why, that in the
year 1821, when that amount, less about 400,000/. for
taxes afterwards repealed, ought to have been paid into
the Exchequer, the whole revenue of Ireland amounted
only to 3,844,000/., {)eing 533,000/. less than in 1807,
prr-'ious to one farthing of these additional taxes having
been imposed. Here is an example to prove that an in-
crease of taxation does not tend to produce a corre-
sponding increase of revenue, but, on the contrary, an
actual diminution. The contrary principle, that for which
I contend, is equally well illustrated in the later periods
of Irish financial history ; but it is singularly well exem-
plified upon the largest possible scale by that of the
United Kingdom within the last few years, and to that
I propose to refer. By the papers laid before the Finance
Coimnittee, it was shown, that, between the years 1823
and 1827, taxes were repealed which should have pro-
duced a loss to the revenue of 9,182,571/. But what was
the nett loss? only 3,308,316/. ; the enormous difference
of 5,874,255/. being made up by increased consumption.
With such examples before us, with such facts staring us
in the face, can we doubt for a moment, tiiat by acting in
a similar way we may confidently look for similar results ?
Let us examine, then, how far our system of taxation
affords us the oppiu'tunity of following out this principle.
When we come to this consideration, it is curious indeed
to observe the ample means we have of doing so. I shall
have occasion by and by to advert to some duties of minor
importance; but I would first draw the attention of the
House to the five great branches of indirect taxation in
this country, all taxes levied upon articles in most general
use amongst all classes of society in this country, amount-
ing to no less a sum than upwards of 15,000,000/. These

E E

418

APPENDIX V.

five great sources of revenue were as follows, in the year
1828, the last I have the accounts of, for the United
Kingdom.

Net produce of Sugar
Tea -
Tobacco
Foreign Spirits
Wine

£5fl0'ifi00
3,177,000
2,793,000
2,921,000
1,699,000

^15,592,000

Now it is plain, that if we can, by diminishing the rates
of duties on these articles, at the same time not only not
diminish, but perhaps even augment the revenue, on
articles so essentially necessary to the comforts of all
classes of society, we shall be effecting a most important
service, and conferring a vast benefit upon the country.
And yet. Sir, I am prepared to assert, that not only would
that be practicable, but that such a result would be in-
evitable. I am prepared to show, that in doing so the
House could scarcely be said to be trying an experiment,
or risking anything whatever ; for we have only to go
through the history of the taxation of every one of the
articles that I have mentioned, and we shall find that each
affords the clearest possible illustration of the truth of
what I affirm. This is what I propose now to do ; and
although I shall, I fear, have to trespass much on the
patience of the House, I rely upon their indulgence for
being allowed to produce so interesting a case.

I begin, then, with the article of wine. And here 1
must allude to an opinion which was delivered by the right
honourable gentleman opposite, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, in opposing a proposition of my rigl.t honour-
able friend the member for Inverness-shire, last year, for a
reduction of the duty on sugar. He contended that an
increase of consumption and of revenue might follow the
reduction of duty on an article of luxury, but would not, to
the same extent at least, in articles of general consump-

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

411J

, ill the year
r the United

,00'-i,000
,177,000
,793,000
,921,000
,099,000

,,592,000

hing the rates
le not only not
le revenue, on
comforts of all
most important
m the country,
not only would
It would be in-
|n doing so the
an experiment,
ave only to go
very one of the
lU find that each
of the truth of
now to do ; and
;s much on the
indulgence for

lase.

And here 1
tred by the right
Lllor of the Ex-
ky rigl.t honour-
?, last year, for a
itended that an
light follow the
lut would not, to
^neral consump-

tion. From that proposition I dissent; and I maintain
directly the reverse. Still, as wine may be considered
partly an article of luxury, and partly of necessity, I trust
that I shall obtain the concurrence of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, who maintains his principle, as well as of
those who agree in mine, which I believe to be more cor-
rect. Indeed, it is only necessary to refer to facts, to be
convinced that the application of this principle to the
duties on wine would lead, not to a diminution, but an in-
crease of the revenue. The House will not be a little
surprised, I am confident, hy the extraordinary effects
which have followed the duties that have, from time to
time, been laid upon this article. A century ago we con-
sumed in this country, up«)n an average, annually, 14,000
hogsheads of French or Bordeaux wine. It appears that
we now only consume, with the present high rate of duty,
1400 hogsheads. The right honourable gentlenuui oppo-
site seems to doubt this statement, but 1 can assure him
that it approaches as near as possible to accuracy. But
it is not my intention to refer to such nmote periods ; I
come to a calculation as to the duties levied, and the effect
of their imposition upon this article, since the year 1786.
It is to be borne in mind, that at that period Mr. Pitt
took infinite pains to carry into effect a commercial treaty
with France, and witli that view, and for the purpose of
facilitating tiie execution of that treaty, he lowered, to a
very considerable extent, the duties upon French wines
consumed in this country. That system of commercial
taxation then introduced by Mr. Pitt, had it been perse-
vered in, would have conferred great and lasting benefits
on this country and upon France. Now the average
annual consumption of French wines in Grcnt Britain,
separately from Ireland, from 1791 till 179^3, amounted to
270,000 gallons ; the duty was then but 3.?. 9d. per gallon,
the average amount of duty was 52,0001. : the annual
average consumption of all foreign wines for those three
years amounted to 7,500,000 gallons, and the total amount

E E 2

420

AITENDIX V.

of duty levied thereon to \ ,V2ti,()0i)/. In the year 1813,
when tlic duty had been raised iiilO per cent., the con-
sumption of French wines in tliis country declined from
Ji70,00() to ,'J(),880 j,adlons ; the revenue by the increase
of duty only rose to 73,000/. from 5^,300/. ; and thus,
though the duty had been increased from 3.v. J)r/., which it
was in 1791-3, to l(>.v. 5d., that is, though the duty upon
French wine had been in this manner actually quintupled,
there had been only an increase of one-third in the re-
venue.

I will now refer to the duties raised in 1820 and 1822.
At that period the duty had indeed been lowered from
16.V. Cid. to 11*. M. upon French wines, but it remained at
7«. 8c?. upon other wines ; the consec^uence was, that the
annual consumption of French wines had increased to
171,000 gallons: the duty increased to 102,000/., yet the
total annual consumption of foreign wines amounted to
only 5,000,000 gallons ; the total revenue raised to
1,803,000/. Here is a complete proof of the truth of the
principle for which I contend. The increase of the duty
had been followed by a great diminution in the consump-
tion of wine, but by only a trifling addition to the amount
of the revenue as compared with 1791 : for though at this
period — I mean 1820 and 1822 — the duty was lowered
from 16«. 5d. to 1 l.y. 5d. on French wine, which had
therefore increased, it remained the same on other kinds,
and the total consumption of foreign wines in this country
had falh*n off from 7,500,000 gallons, which it was when
the low ri.te of duty existed in 1791, to 5,000,000 gallons,
and the revenue was only raised from 1,122,000/. to
1,803,000/., though the duty had, in the interval that
elapsed between those two periods, been raised 320 per
cent.

Now, what was the effect of lowering the duty ? In
the year 1825 the duty on French wine was reduced to 6s.
per gallon, and the duty upon other foreign wines to 46'.
per gallon; the consequence was, that the consumption of

SI'KKCII ON KKVISION UF TAXES.

421

he year 1813,
ent., the ctm-

dccHned from
)y the increase
[)l. ; and thus,
.v. \)(L, which it

the duty upon
illy quintupled,
third in the re-

,820 and 1822.
n lowered from
It it n^mained at
ce was, that the
lad increased to
)2,00()/., yet the
les amounted to |
;venue raised to
the truth of the
use of the duty
ill the consump-
^11 to the amount
for though at this
uty was lowered
ine, which had
on other kinds,
[es hi this country
hich it was when
,,000,000 gallons,
11 1,122,000^. to
the interval that
n raised 320 per

|g the duty? In
vas reduced to 6s.
teign wines to 4s.
le consumption of

French wine increased to, in 1828, 550,000 jrallons, pro-
ducing' a revenue of 13(>,()0()/., and tlie total consumption
of foR'i^ni wines rose to 7,580,000 gallons, producing a
revenue of 1,50(),000/. Thus, though the duty was
lowt'rt'd 50 per cent., you had a positive increase of re-
vt-nue from French wines of 35 per cent., with an increased
consinnj)tion of 300 per cent., and, taking all foreign wines,
the revenue was only diminished 12 per cent., whilst the
consumption was augmented 45 per cent. This was the
case with the duties on wine in England. I will now
refer the House to Ireland, where the eli'ect of an increase
of duty is still more remarkable. In Ireland, in the years
1789 and 1790, when the duty upon French wine was
SSI. 7.V. per tun, the average annual consumption amounted
to 490,000 gallons, producing a revenue of 02,000/. The
duty upon other foreign wines was then 22/. 4.9. per tun,
and the total consumption of foreign wines at that period
in Ireland amounted to 1,400,000 gallons, producing a re-
venue of 135,000/. From that period the duty was suc-
cessively raised to 44/., 54/., G4/., 75/., 87/., and 105/.,
and at length it was raised by Mr. Vansittart to 139/., and
thus the duty remained until 1814, when the rates were
assimilated to those in Great Britain. What was the
efi'ect of this increase of duty ? A gradual decline, until,
in the years 1820 and 1822, when the duty had been
raised to ll.y. 5d. per gallon on French wine, and to 7s. Sd.
on other foreign wines, the consumption of French wine
in Ireland amounted to no more than 21,500 gallons, pro-
ducing a revenue of 12,300/. ; and the total consumption
of foreign wines in Ireland amounted to only 566,000
gallons, producing a revenue of 188,000/. Thus, there-
fore, though in this instance the duty had been raised
500 per cent., the revenue upon French wine, compared
with that produced in 1788-90, had been reduced one-
fifth part ; the total revenue upon the consumption of wine
in Ireland had been only raised 30 per cent., and the con-
sumption had been diminished 60 per cent. In the year

E E 3

422

Ah'l'KNDlX V.

LSJi5, wlieii, as ill this country, a still greater reduction
was made in the duty on wine in Ireland, the consumption
of French wine increased tliere, in 18Ji8, to r>r>,()()() gallons,
proiluciiiff a revenue of Hi, TOO/. ; and tlu' total consump-
tion of foreign wines in Ireland increased to 1 ,00.'J,00()
gallons, producing^ a revenue of lf)iJ,(K)0/. Thus, tliongli
the duty had been, in this instance, reduced 50 per cent.,
the reveniu' had actually increased (> per cent., and tlu?
consumption had increased 50 ])er cent. Jiut still the
consumption of wine in Ireland is less by one-third than
if was in ITfK), though the population in that country has
iiiore than iloubled since that time.*

These facts are sullicirnt to prove the utility and pro-
priety of a])plying the ])rinci])Ie of reduction to the duties
upon these articles. 1 will ask, after such instances, whe-
tlier, if the duty were now reduced to ',i,s. per gallon on
French wine, we should not still be likely to collect a
revenue equal to the present? It may he said, however,
that there is a treaty in the way, between this country
and Portugal, to prevent us proceeding; further with such
reductions, and that it would not be right to do any thing
in that way now. I do not want to have any thing done
hastily. I do not want tlie Government to make a sudden
alteration in the system, but I sincerely hope that our
interests will not be sacrificed to the miserable idea of
keeping up a connection with Portugal, and that no such
consideration will prevent us from taking our neighbours'
produce when they can give it us good and cheap, it being
quite obvious that they must afford us a market in return
for our own. France, it is said, w^ould not take our goods
in return for her wine ; but that is absurd. If we take
her wine, she must take our produce in return, or some-
thing for which our produce has been exchanged.

I now proceed to a most important article — I mean
tobacco. Tobacco has become an essentially necessary ar-
ticle of consumption amongst the lower classes of society
* See Pari. Pap., article Wines, September, 18-20.

Sl'KliCH ON KKVISION OF TAXK«.

423

ill this country. It may he considered by lionourable
gentlonicn us u luxury, but anion{,'st tlie lower chissis in
tliis country it has become an article absolutely necessary
to their comlort; and there is none upon which the im|)o-
sition of hi<rh duties tends more to lead to a contraband
trade. I will show, that tiie principle for which I contend
may be also most advantaj^eously applied to this article. 1
will state to the House the avera;:e consumption of to-
bacco in Great Britain, at dillerent periods, according to
the returns on the table.* In the year 17{)5, when the
duty was 1*. iid. per lb., the consumption of tobacco
amounted to l(),i)7Ji,()00 lbs., producing a revenue of
()5{),()00/. In the year 1 8()() the duty was raised to Ji.v. '2d.
— now that duty might be considered fair enough, and not
too high. The consequence was, that it did not affect the
consumption, wl\ich increased to the extent of ,'3,000,000 lbs.,
the consumption in 181^, the last year of that duty, being
15,04.'J,000 lbs., and the revenue ])roduced 1,079,000/.
Afterwards the duty was successively year after year
increased, until it was actually doubled — tiuit is, raised
to 4'S. per lb. ; and the conse({uence was, that in the
year 1824, that is, the last year before the duty was
changed, and a reduction made in it, the consumption of
tobacco amounted to only 13,08,'3,000 lbs., and though the
duty had been doubled, the revenue, instead of being
raised to 3,400,000/., only amounted to 2,027,000/. In
tile year 1825 the duty on tobacco was reduced to 36'. per
lb. The consequence was, that the consumption of to-
bacco increased in 1827 to 14,704,000 lbs. ; and though
the duty liad been lowered one-fourth, the falling off in
tiie revenue, wliich should have been 656,500/., was only
404,000/., for the revenue produced amounted to
2,223,000/.

In the case of Ireland the argument is still stronger ;
and it is to be recollected that tobacco is even a greater
necessary in Ireland than it is in this country. From 1794

* Pari. Pap., Sess. 1829.
E E 4

424

Al'PENDIX V.

till 1797, the annual average consumption of tobacco in
Ireland amounted to 7,947,000 lbs. ; the duty was then
only Hd. per lb., and the revenue produced amounted to
215,000/. Now in the year 1820, the consumption had
diminished to 2,582,000 lbs., being about one-fourth of
what it had been in 1797, while in the mean time the duty
had been raised to 4*. per lb.; and thus, though the duty
had been raised 600 per cent., instead of producing, as one
would have expected, a revenue amounting to 1,290,000/.,
it only increased the revenue to 510,000/., being not quite
double the revenue raised in 1797. In the year 1825 the
duty on tobacco was reduced to os. per lb., and the con-
sumption in 1827 had increased to 4,041,000 lbs., and the
revenue produced amounted to 603,037/. Thus, though
the duty had been reduced one-fourth, instead of pro-
ducing, as might have been supposed, only 387,000/., it
produced 603,000/., or one-sixth more than the higher rate
of duty produced. The population in Ireland has doubled
since 1794; and it is only reasonable to conclude, therefore,
that the consumption of tobacco should also have doubled
since that period : yet here there is a difference of 4,000,000
lbs. between the consumption now and that in 1794. It
is quite preposterous to conclude that a population of
seven or eight millions would be content with a consump-
tion of 4,013,000 lbs., when a population of 3,000,000,
in 1794, consumed 7,500,000 lbs. The article being, then,
of prime necessity amongst the lower orders in that coun-
try, it is quite plain that smuggling to a vast extent must
be going on at present in it. I would certainly myself
propose leaving a duty of 200 per cent, upon this article,
but at present we have a duty of 900 per cent, upon it,
which only holds out an extraordinary temptation to
smuggling. According to all accounts laid before the
House on this subject, smuggling in this article in Eng-
land, Ireland, and Scotland, is carried at present to the
greatest possible extent. I have heard it stated — and 1
have the fact upon the best authority — thai numbers oC

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

425

,f tobacco in
ty was then
amounted to
mmption had
one-fourth of
thne the duty
,ugh the duty
ducing, as one
o 1,290,000/.,
eing not quite
year 1825 the
., and the con-
10 lbs., and the
Thus, though
iistead of pro-
y 387,000/., it
the higher rate
nd has doubled
lude, therefore,
o have doubled
>ce of 4,000,000
t in 1794. It
population ot
ith a consump-
of 3,000,000,
icle being, then,
rs in that coun-
ast extent must
ertainly myself
pon this article,
r cent, upon it,
temptation to
laid before the
article in Eng-
presenL to the
slated — and I
hal numbers ol

vessels are constantly leaving the ports of Flushing, Os-
tend, &c., carrying contraband tobacco to this country.
It is a fact which was established in evidence before a com-
mittee of this House, that seventy cargoes of tobacco
containing 3,644,000 lbs., were smuggled in one year on
the coast of Ireland, from the port of Waterford to the
Giant's Causeway alone.* In Scotland, the smuggling in
this article is also carried on to a great extent. There is
no doubt that the only mode of meeting this system of
snmggling, and effectually putting it down, consists in
fairly reducing the duty upon this article. 1 think that if
the duty upon it were re 1 need to I*, or \s. i)d. per lb.,
the revenue would be greatly served, and smuggling put
down.

The next article to which I shall advert, is that of
foreign spirits, which again affords the most convincing
proofs of the principle in question. In the years 1789
and 1790, the average consumption of brandy and gin in
Great Britain was 2, 1 1 3,000 gallons ; that of rum 2,21 7,000
gallons ; the duty on brandy and gin was then only 5a'.,
and the duty on rum only 4a'., and the revenue produced
amounted to 1,000,000/. In the years 1816 and 1817,
when the duty on brandy and gin had been raised to
18a'. 9c/., and the duty on rum to 11«. 6d., the consump-
tion of brandy and gin amounted to 900,000 gallons, and
that of rum to 2,87 1 ,000 gallons, producing a revenue of
2,470,000/. Thus though the duty had been increased
nearly 400 per cent, upon brandy and gin, and 300 per
cent, on rum, the revenue had been only a little more
than doubled, and the consumption had fallen off, notwith-
standing an increased population, by one fourth. But
there is a still stronger case, in reference to the mode in
which those articles have been taxed. In 1801 and 1803,
when the duty was 9a'. 5d. on brandy and gin, and 7a'. 6d.
upon rum, the total average consumption amounted to
v5,799,000 gallons, producing a revenue ol 2,408,000/. In

* St'c Revenue EiKjuiry.

426

APPENDIX V.

1816 and 1817, when the duty upon the former spirits
had been raised to 18*. 9d., and on the latter to 11*. 6c?.,
the total consumption amounted to only 3,771,000 gallons,
producing a revenue of 2,470,000/. Thus in this case,
though the duty on brandy and gin had been doubled, and
that upon rum raised 50 per cent., the revenue was only
increased 2,000/., instead of being increased by 2,000,000/.
as might have been supposed.

I shall now advert to the reduction of the duties upon
those spirits, to show how it has acted in increasing the
revenue. With regard to rum alone. From the year
1822 till 1825, the average consumption was 2,757,000
gallons, producing a revenue of 1,544,600/. ; in 1826-28,
when the duty was reduced to 7*. It/., the average con-
sumption of rum increased to 4,314,000 gallons, and the
revenue produced amounted to 1,537,000/. Thus, though
the duty liad been reduced one-third, the revenue still con-
tinued the same. That I take to be a case in point. But
perhaps it will be said that the increased consumption of
rum was owing to a falling off in the consumption of other
foreign spirits. No such thing. The total consumption
of brandy, gin, and rum had increased from 4,237,000
gallons, the average amount in 1822-1825, to 5,994,000
gallons in 1826-1828, and the revenue had risen from
2,993,000/. to 3,123,000/. ; thus proving that a reduction
of duty had been followed by an increased consumption
of all kinds of foreign spirits, and by a corresponding in-
crease of the revenue.

Perhaps it will be said that I do not make a sufficient
allowance for a falling off in the consumption of English,
Scotch, and Irish spirits, occasioned by the consumption
of foreign spirits. I am prepared with an answer for that
objection ; and here again I will show, that a reduction of
duty has been attended by an increase of consumption and
of revenue. It will be found that in 1821 the spirits
made in Scotland amounted to 2,229,000 gallons; the
duty was 5*. 6d., and the revenue produced was 727,000/.

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

427

former spirits
:ter to \\s. 6c?.,
71,000 gallons,
us in this case,
en doubled, and
venue was only
I by 2,000,000/.

the duties upon
I increasing the
From the year
was 2,757,000
n. ; in 1826-28,
he average con-
Cfallons, and the
Thus, though
evenue still con-
e in point. But
consumption of
miption of other
tal consumption
from 4,237,000
?5, to 5,994,000
had risen from
hat a reduction
,cd consumption
rrcsponding in-
take a sufficient
Ition of English,
lie consumption
answer for tliat
it a reduction of
[onsumption and
821 the spirits
)0 gallons; tlic
was 727,000/.

In 1 828, after the duty had been reduced to 2s. per gallon
English, the consumption increased to 5,716,000 gallons,
and the revenue produced amounted to 809,000/. In
Ireland, in 1821, the amount of the consumption of spirits
was 2,649,000 gallons, the duty was 5s. 6d. per gallon,
and the revenue produced was 912,000/. In 1828, after
the duty was reduced, the consumption rose to 9,937,000
gallons, and the revenue increased to 1,395,000/. Here,
permit me to say, are instances which admit of no miscon-
ception, which require no arguments to support them !
It was given in evidence formerly, before a Committee
of this House, and previous to the reduction of the duty
upon spirits in Ireland, that 10,000,000 of gallons were
consumed in Ireland, and that 7,000,000 of that was con-
traband spirits. I quote that fact to show how a fair and
moderate rate of duty tends to put an end to that system
which is created and maintained by an immoderate and
excessive rate of duty. But it may be said that the re-
duction of the duty on spirits tends to the diffusion of
immorality and drunkenness. Now that I take to be a
very idle and silly objection. I think that nothing can be
more absurd than an attempt on the part of the legislature
to control by law the dispositions of the people, as to what
drink they shall take, and what they shall not take. I
will refer those who make suggestions of that kind to what
took place in 1743 or 1745, when the gin act was brought
in, and when a heavy penalty was imposed upon any one
who dealt in gin. Yet it was proved that, in spite of
that, 6,000,000 of gallons of gin w^re consumed in Lon-
don alone.

There are tv.o articles more to which I shall advert,
namely, sugar and tea. Before I do so, I wish to observe,
that by the reduction of duties upon tobacco and spirits,
we shall not only increase the revenue, but that we shall
he thus enabled to put down the system of smuggling,
which high duties encourage and maintain, and we can
then dispense with the expensive coast blockade guard,

428

APPENDIX V.

which it is necessary to keep up at present. By doing so,
by reducing the duties upon spirits and tobacco, we shall
equally serve the revenue and promote the morals of the
country. From the evidence of Mr. Dean, an officer of
the government, before the finance committee, it would
appear, that the smuggling in these articles alone renders
the maintenance of the preventive establishment abso-
lutely necessary ; and that for this purpose only is the
country called upon to bear an expense of nearly 700,000/.
I need scarcely urge upon the consideration of the House
the great advantage that would result to the country from
getting rid of the whole of that system, and of the de-
moralizing practices of which it is the unavoidable cause.
It is well known that all along the coast smuggling pre-
vails to a great extent — it is equally certain that it arises
from the causes which I have stated, and that the esta-
blishments for checking it, which they do but imperfectly,
are scarcely a less evil than the offence against which they
are directed.

I now come to the article of sugar, and upon this I
shall not feel it necessary to say much ; both because the
subject has been already so ably discussed in former de-
bates, and because I really think that my case has been
almost admitted. No one surely will be found to deny,
that if without any sacrifice of revenue we can assist that
very suffering interest, the great body of West India pro-
prietors, it is our duty to do so. But when, in addition
to that, we can benefit so essentially the great body of
the people of this country, who more or less all consume
sugar, I really cannot express my astonishment that some
reduction of this duty should not already have taken place.
What does all the evidence of past experience, both of
your accounts and of your own officers, say? Why,
that a reduction of duty is unavoidably followed by in-
creased consumption and even of revenue, and that of
course the opposite result follows an opposite course. Lot
us take the consumption of sugar in 1801, when the

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

429

. By doing so,
)bacco, we shall
e morals of the
n, an officer of
mittee, it would
es alone renders
blisliment abso-
pose only is the
nearly 700,000/.
on of the House
;he country from
and of the de-
mvoidable cause.
; smuggling pre-
tain that it arises
d that the esta-
, but imperfectly,
minst which they

and upon this I
both because the
[?d in former de-
my case has been
le found to deny,
/e can assist that
West India pro-
irhen, in addition
le great body of
less all consume
liment that some
have taken place,
erience, both of

TS,

say

Why,

followed by in-
Lue, and that of
Lsite course. liOt
llHOl, when the

duty was 20s. : it then amounted to 2,77.'3,000 cwt. In
1821, twenty years afterwards, when your population had
increased in Great Britain from 10,000,000 to 14,000,000,
it remained stationary, nay, it had rather fallen off, for it
amounted only to 2,(376,000 cwt. ; and why was this ?
The price had increased from natural causes, and you had
raised your duty to 27.v. During the few past years, the
natural price of sugar has fallen materially, and the effect
is visible in the increased consumption, which in 1828
amounted to 3,285,000 cwt. But what would be the case
if you were to diminish your duty to I8s. or 20a'. ? Is it
not to be supposed, that with a population of 17,000,000
in Great Britain, and above all with one of 7,000,000 to
8,000,000 in Ireland, rising in wealth and in means of
purchasing every day, your consumption would rapidly
augment, and your revenue with it ? The Chancellor of
the Exchequer, in arguing this question last year, sup-
posed that a reduction of duty to 20*. would be followed
by a loss of revenue of 400,000/... allowing for an in-
creased consumption of 500,000 cwt. I am of opinion,
that a far greater increase of consumption would really
take place, and I may refer him to the evidence of Mr.
Irving, in his Letter, laid before the Finance Committee,
for a proof of what I say. I have not the slightest doubt,
that if the duty were reduced to 20s. the revenue would
be a gainer and not a loser by the transfer. But I shall
not go at any further length into this article, and I pass
to the next.

I mean tea. I certainly am not for proposing a reduc-
tion of the duty upon this article as long as the monopoly
of the East India Company continues, for that 1 believe
would only be taking money out of the pockets of the
public to put it into those of the company. But the trade
ought to be thrown open, and the enormous duty reduced
at the same time. I wish too more particularly to allude
to tea, because the history of its taxation furnishes the
most striking example of the effects of various duties upon

430

APPENDIX V.

it, and serves to illustrate and confirm in the clearest man-
ner the principle for which I am contending.

In 1745 the duty was 4.?., and the consumption amounted
to only 750,000 lbs., and the revenue was 151,000/. In
the following year the duty was reduced to 1*. per pound,
and the immediate result was, that the consumption in-
creased to 2,000,000 lbs., and the revenue instead of fall-
ing off actually amounted to 243,000/. From 1748 to
1783 succeeding Chancellors of the Exchequer, disregard-
ing the experience of what had then taken place, suc-
cessively raised the duty to 119 per cent, at whicli it stood
in 1783, when the consumption was only 5,857,000 lbs.,
and the revenue 700,000/. At this period Mr. Pitt intro-
duced his celebrated commutation act, by which the dutv
was reduced to 12^ per cent., and let the House mark the
immediate effect. The consumption rose in 1787 to
10,692,000 lbs., and the revenue raised was 343,000/.
Thus, though the duty was reduced to one-tenth part of
what it was, the revenue only fell off one-half. The duty
was again changed, but it still remained moderate in 1799
at 25 per cent., when the consumption had gradually in-
creased to 24,853,000 lbs. Since then unfortunately a
different system has prevailed ; the duty has been suc-
cessively raised to 96 and 100 per cent., and let us observe
the effect. In 1828, the consumption only amounts to
26,000,000 lbs. ; so that although we have increased in
population nearly to the extent of doubling, the amount
consumed remains but what it was thirty years ago. Can
any thing be more striking than these facts ? And wliat
is the necessary inference ? It must be, that as the con-
sumption of what is called tea has increased far beyond
that extent, the article passing under that denomination
must be an adulterated one.

By the reduction, therefore, of the present enormous
high duty on tea, we should not only benefit the revenue,
but we should benefit the consumer, by promoting an in-
creased consumption of the genuine article, and by getting

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

431

e clearest man-

•

ption amounted
151,000Z. In
, Is. per pound,
;onsumption in-
instead of fall-
From 1748 to
quer, disregard-
tken place, suc-
tt which it stood
' 5,857,000 lbs.,
1 Mr. Pitt intro-
r which the duty
House mark the
ose in 1787 to
[ was 343,000/.
»ne-tenth part of
half. The duty
loderate in 1799
lad gradually in-
unfortunately a
has been suc-
nd let us observe
)nly amounts to
e increased in
ing, the amount
years ago. Can
';ts? And what
that as the con-
ased far beyond
t denomination

resent enormous

lefit the revenue,

jromoting an in-

', and by getting

rid of the adulterated article that is now so common. It
was given in evidence before the Committee of Smuggling,
in 1783, that 4,000,000 lbs. of spurious tea were sold in
this country, although tlie consumption of duty-paid teas
was only 5,000,000 lbs. If thai was the case then, what
must be the fact now ? We have, before tl\e East India
Committee, the evidence of a gentleman, a foreigner, well
acquainted with tlie tea of other countries and of this,
who declares that he does not believe that what is called
** tea," which he meets with in inns and shops in the in-
terior of the country here, has the slightest infusion of the
real plant ; that, in fact, it is all composed of sloe leaves.
[ should certainly not desire to interfere with the home
manufacture ; but, seriously, such a system of fraud and
adulteration ought to be put an end to. I conceive that
a reduction of the duty on this article would tend mate-
rially to increase the revenue ; and I scarcely think that
any one can doubt that such would be the result.

1 should apologise to the House for the length of time
that I trespass upon its indulgence ; but I consider it ne-
cessary to state the grounds upon which I seek for the
appointment of this committee. I make no specific pro-
position ; I merely call for a Conmiittee of Inquiry. If
I obtain that committee, I should like to see these reduc-
tions made in the duties I have spoken of; a reduction in
the duty on tobacco to I*. Qd. per lb,, — in that on foreign
spirits to 10*., — in that upon tea to 50 per cent., — in
that upon foreign v/ines to one half its present amount,
and in that upon sugar to 20s. These reductions, I am
satisfied, would be followed by an increased revenue.

I shall now advert to the article of stamps. I moved,
some time ago, for returns of the amount of stamp duties
upon sea policies, fire insurances, and the stamps upon
newspapers and advertisements. The stamps paid upon
sea policies, in the year 1816, amounted to 282,000/. ;
and the ships entered inwards and outwards for all parts
of the world, in that year, amounted in tonnage to

432

APl'KNDIX V.

.'i,954,()(K) tons. Now, in tlie year 1826, tlu? last for
which 1 liavi' the returns, the amount of stamp duties paid
upon sea policies amounted only to 219,000/., and the
amount of tonnage of the ships entered outwards and
inwards in that year was 5,154,000/. ; thus showing an
increase of business to the amount of 1,100,000 tons, or
one fifth over 1810, and a diminution of duty of two
fifths. Whence could this arise but from our high rate
of duties, which drove insurers to make their policies in
the United States or Holland, where they could insure at
a cheaper rate ? I know of my own knowledge that such
has been the case, and that policies are daily entered into
in the United States, in Holland, in Germany, in other
countries, instead of being made here, in consequence of
the diiference of the stamp. Can it be otherwise in these
times, when a difference in price of one quarter or one
half per cent, is sufficient to influence the destination of
commercial business, and is of material consequence in the
present low rate of profit ? Now, if we reduced to a
reasonable extent this tax, we should bring back this
business to ourselves, and at the same time increase the
revenue by the change. If his Majesty's Government
persevere in this pernicious tax, they must send all insurers
across the water.

With regard to fire insurances, the case is yet more
flagrant. The premium in the fire insurance offices in
London, in cases of common risk, is calculated at Is. Gd.,
and upon that 3s. stamp duty must be paid to government.
This tax of 200 per cent, obviously prevents many from
insuring who would otherwise insure. Many who would
be anxious to insure their property at the expense only of
1*. 6d. per cent, are deterred from doing so when they
reflect, that upon that insurance they must pay a duty of
200 per cent, to the government. What has, in fact, been
the consequence of this high rate of duty ? A man
having one house, with valuable furniture, may even under
this duty insure it ; but does that hold good with respect

SPEECH ON liEVISION OF TAXES.

433

1, tho last for
np duties paid
KM)/., and the
outwards and
us showing an
)0,000 tons, or
,f duty of two
a our high rate
their policies in

could insure at
ledge that such
ily entered into
nnany, in other

consequence ol
herwise hi these

quarter or one
lie destination of
^sequence in the

e reduced to a
bring back this
ime increase the

y's Government

send all insurers

ase is yet more
urance offices ui
dated at Is. Cc?.,
to government,
ents many from
any who would
expense only ot
,g so when they
ist pay a duty of
ias, in fact, been
.uty ? A man
may even under
,od with respect

to the great proportion of risks ? Even in those cases in
which there is but one insurance to be effected, the pos-
sessor of property will be little inclined to pay three
times the real value of the risk incurred to secure him-
self; but of course whenever that risk can be divided, as
is the case in farm buildings, in cottages, in many houses
belonging to the same owner, in all those cases in which,
hy the division of the chances of fire, a proprietor may
become his own insurer, he will see tiiC advantage of doing
so, and abstain from applying to an office at all, and of
course from contributing any thing to the revenue. Does
not the amount of insurances clearly show that something
is defective in the system? In 1806, when the duty
was 2s. 6d., the capital insured in Great Britain was
262,716,000/., in the ten years ending 1815, it had in-
creased to 402,360,000/. The duty was then raised to
.3.V., and in the eight following years, the last for which I
have returns of the capital, in 182i3, it had only increased
to 420,804,000/. ; and the revenue, which under the low
duty had increased in ten years from 266,000/. to 518,000/.
or doubled, only rose from 592,000/. to 631,000/., or
between seven and eight per cent., though no doubt there
has been an immense increase of capital and property in
this country during that period. If the government duty
were reduced one fourth upon fire policies, I am sure the
revenue would be, in that instance, materially increased.

I shall now direct the attention of the House to the
stamp duties upon newspapers and advertisements. My
noble friend near me has already adverted to that subject.
But I would go further than my noble friend, who has re-
commended that the present duty of 4c?. upon newspapers
should be reduced to 2d., for I would reduce it to Id.,
and I am sure the revenue would benefit by the reduction.
We can only judge of the effect of these stamp duties by
comparing the state of our newspapers and their circula-
tion with those of other countries. The inhabitants of
the United Kingdom lay a high claim to superior intelli-

F F

434

APPENDIX V.

gence, and to a high literary character. Now let the state
of the newspaper press show liow the matter really stands.
I hold in my hand a return made to Parliament in 18;31,
with regard to the newspapers in Great Britain and Ire-
land. It appears from this return, tliat there were then
thirteen daily papers in London, with an average circula-
tion of 2,200 each, making a total circulation of 36,000. By
this return it further appears that there were 334 news-
papers altogether in Great Britain and Ireland, of which
twenty were daily papers, to wit — sixteen in London, and
three or four in Dublin. Strange to say, Scotland, with
all its wealth and intelligence, has not a single daily paper.
The total amount of the circulation of these papers was
27,827,000, with a population of 23,000,000. Now if
we look to the United States, we shall find that with a
population of 10,000,000, the number of papers is infi-
nitely greater. It is stated by Cooper that there are 800
newspapers in the United States, that of these fifty are
published daily, and that the total circulation of them
amounts to 64,000,000; thus establishing the fact, that
the United States has five newspapers for its population
in proportion to one in the British Isles. France esta-
blishes equally well this important fact, tlie bad effect of
our stamp duties in preventing the circulation of news-
papers. There are four daily newspapers in Paris, the
rrrculation of which amounts to 50,000, and the total daily
newspaper circulation in Paris is estimated at 80,000,
while the circulation of papers in London averages only
36,000. Yet in this country, according to the calculation
of Mr. Colquhoun, there were in 1812, 123,000 heads of
families, with an income of 800/. per year, a number now
probably amounting to at least 140,000; double or treble
what exist in France or the United States.

It would be also most desirable that the duty upon ad-
vertisements should be reduced ; it is at present a most
unequal tax, for the same duty, namely, 3*. Gd. is charged
on an advertisement of one line or of fifty lines. This

Sl'EKCH ON KKVISION UF TAXKS.

4;i5

,v let the state-
really stands,
.rnent in 18^1 »
ritain and Ire-
tere were then
vcrage circula-
. of 36,000. By
vere SS^! nevvs-
Aand, of winch
in London, and
, Scotland, with
[igle daily pap^^r.
besc papers was
0,000. Now if
ftnd that with a
f papers is infi-
lat there are 800
.f these fifty are
ulation of them
ig the fact, that
n- its population
iS. France esta-
:he had effect of
ulation of news-
,rs in Paris, the
nd the total daily
.ated at 80,000,
^n averages only
to the calculation
ll 23,000 heads of
Lr, a number now
double or treble

le duty upon ad-

,t present a most

35. Gd. is charged

afty lines. This

tax is a great obstruction in the way of advertising. Un-
doubtedly hononrable nieinbers who have a double number
of The Times hiid iqxm their table in the morning, may
be led to imagine, from seeing the crowd of advertisements
in that inmiense sheet, that no such obstruction exists;
but I would merely refer them to the United States, to
show how nmcli more advertising is resorted to where no
duty upon advertisements exists. It appears from a state-
ment upon which 1 feel disposed to place the fullest reli-
ance, that the yearly number of advertisements in the
United States amounts to 10,000,000, while the total
number of advertisements in the United Kingdom only
amounts to 9().3,()()0, or about one-tenth of the number
that is published in the United States. We have but to
look to the walls of this metropolis to be convinced, that
no indisposition exists on the part of the people here to
advertise, and to perceive that the check upon their doing
so consists in this duty. I should, therefore, be for re-
ducing the duty, as 1 am sure its reduction would encou-
rage advertising, and increase the revenue. I have read
a letter on this subject from the able and intelligent editor
of the Scotsman, an Edinburgh paper ; and I quite concur
with the writer in his views. I would recommend the pe-
rusal of that letter to the Right Honourable Gentleman
opposite (the Chancellor of the Exchequer). I have ex-
amined the statements vvhicli he makes, and I find no flaw
in them. He proves, I think, incontrovertibly, that the
reduction of the dutv on advertisements would increase
the revenue, and that if the duty were lowered upon news-
papers to one penny, we should have newspapers sold for
twopence-halfpenny instead of sevenpence, as at present.
I am for removing all obstructions against tlie diffusion of
knowledge, intelligence, and useful information.

Sir, I have now endeavoured, very imperfectly I fear, to
bring the system of taxation of which I complain, before
the House. I have attempted, in the first place, to point
out such taxes as appear to me to be worthy of consider-

F F 2

-lao

AITENDIX V.

ation, for tho purpose of cfTt'ctinj? tlieir entire repeal. T
trust that I have been able to show to the House, that
the amount wliich they yield to the Treasury is far from
compensatin*,^ for the eharj^e of their collection, for the
barriers which they oppose to improvement, and for the
injury they inflict on the industry of the country, and the
fair increase of that class of manufacturing skill on which
they press. At the same time, I am far from proposing
to lop off even such an amount of revenue as they con-
stitute, — as I have said, about 2,600,000/, — at once,
without that deficiency being supplied, either by reduction
of expenditure, by the removal of some improper boun-
ties, or by the substitution of some other impost. But
still I desire that the subject should be fully considered ;
that the nature of these taxes should be narrowly inquired
into, in order that they may be gradually removed as we
are in a condition to do without them, or to obtain their
amount from sources of taxation less injurious to the
community. Such an inquiry surely is deserving of the
attention of a Committee of this House.

But should there exist any doubt upon this point, it
appears to me that there can be none as to the second
branch of my subject ; namely, the propriety of reviewing
the duties upon the great articles of consumption which T
have enumerated, in order to ascertain whether their pre-
sent state does not defeat the very object you had in im-
posing them ; and whether, by reducing their scale, you
may not even augment your revenue, at the same time
that you relieve the burthens of the people. I have been
obliged to trouble the House very much at length on these
branches of revenue ; but I trust that I shall be forgiven,
when I remind them that each of the articles to which I
have been obliged to refer them, furnishes the most apt
illustration of the principle for which I contend, in both
its bearings. Each of these articles to which I am now
anxious to apply my principle has already put it to the
test. In each we have seen, that an increase of duty

SrEECH UN REVISION OF TAXES.

437

iro repeal. T
2 House, that
•y is far from
ction, for the
t, and for the
untry, and the
skill on which
rom proposing
o as they cou-
)0/,— at once,
sY by reduction
mproper houn-
impost. But
illy considered;
rrowly inquired
removed as we
to obtain their
njurious to the
eserving of the

n this point, it

to the second

ty of reviewing

mption which I

ther their pre-

ou had in ini-
;heir scale, you

the same time
I have been
length on these
,all be forgiven,
tides to which I
!S the most apt
lontend, in both

hich I am now
ly put it to the

crease of duty

beyond the bounds of moderation, has invariably produced
a diminished consumption, and a but slightly augmented
revenue; that, on the contrary, a diminution of duty has
greatly increased the consumption, and has been attended
seldom with any considerable falling off, frequently with
even an increase of revenue.

Am I not justified, then, in maintaining that this would
be the consequence now ? Am I not authorised to hope,
that what has been shown by experience always to follow,
would now also ensue? But above all, have I not a right
to call upon this House to inquire into the case, and to
apply the princij)le, if it be satisfied of its correctness?
That it would satisfy them that it is in their power to
afford substantial relief to the people, with but little in-
jury to the revenue, — 1 entertain not the slightest doubt.
I hold in my hand a scale of future duties and consump-
tion, which I have submitted to many who are best ac-
quainted with this subject, and who agree in believing
that I have rather underrated both the revenue and the
probable consumption ; — and yet, by adopting the duties I
propose, — gradually of course, — a relief might be afforded
to the people of between 6,000,000/. and 7,000,000/., at
the cost of less than 1 ,000,000/. to the Exchequer.

If, then, we have it in our power, by the reduction of
duties, to yield relief to the people with perfect security,
and without doing more than a temporary injury to the
revenue ; I do not think it possible for any man to object
to our adopting such a line of conduct. Undoubtedly,
Sir, I am not aware of the course which his Majesty's
ministers intend to pursue upon this subject. I have
already disavowed any hostile intentions, or any but the
most friendly feelings to them, in bringing it forward. In
proposing that the whole taxation of the country should
be taken into consideration by a select committee, as was
done in the year 1783, and as was the intention of the
Finance Committee, as I think is manifested in their fourth
report, — 1 protest that 1 am actuated by no want of con-

F F 3

438

APPENDIX V.

fideiice in his Majesty's advisers. My object, Sir, is far
different ; it is to arm them with greater power to do good,
and to assist them in the praiseworthy object, which they
have already commenced, of reducing the burthens which
press upon the people. My object, in short, on this subject
is to give them that power which they cannot exercise
effectually, as I conceive, without the assistance of a com-
mittee.

Sir, I am not sanguine enough to expect that the
alterations which I have taken the liberty of proposing,
can be made without produciiig some deficiency in the
revenue in the earlier stages of their operation ; a tempor-
ary deficiency, and temporary is all that it could be, might
perhaps occur during the first year of reductions, and for
this some expedient would be requisite. Supported by a
committee, and carrying into execution its recommenda-
tion, the Government might fairly ask from Parliament a
vote of credit for this purpose ; and that, permit me to
say, with much greater confidence, than if they wen-
acting merely upon their own responsibility. There is
another reason which I consider to be a justification for
asking to go into this conimittee, and which induces me to
prefer this course. Tl;ere are a great variety of interests
deeply concerned in this subject ; all of which may be fully
heard in the committee, and their different claims impar-
tially decided on. We should have an opportunity,
amongst other things, of examining into the extent of
smuggling, and into the various frauds on the revenue,
occasioned by the impositioii of high duties, — subjects
which could be brought before a committee with a chance
of obtaining a much fuller investigation than they could by
any possibility obtain from the members of Government,
who are necessarily engaged "ath many other various and
important occupations.

Whatever the determination of Government may be
upon this motion, Sir, 1 trust that the tone and temper of
my observations may make them sensible that \ am only

SPEECH ON REVISION OF TAXES.

439

desirous to carry that object which they and I equally
profess to have at heart — I mean, the reduction of such
duties as press most heavily on the productive industry of
the country. What the determination of his Majesty's
Government may be on this subject, I repeat, I shall not
presume to augur ; but 1 trust that, be the decision of
the Government what it may, the House will support me
hi the motion which I have made for nominating a
committee for the purpose of inquiring into this subject,
and of having it laid open before them. In calling for an
inquiry into the system of taxation, I appeal for support
to those, who, on a late occasion, voted for the Honourable
Baronet's proposal for a committee to inquire into the
extent and causes of the national distress, and to report
whether any, and what remedies could be applied for its
relief. I offer them here a motion which goes practically
to the object which they had in view. In this committee
they will have an opportunity, which they ought not to
lose, of gaining that information for which they have
recently expressed such strong anxiety.

I appeal also for support to those honourable members
who opposed that proposition, conceiving that it was too
vague and general in its terms, and that no good could be
derived from acceding to it. Here they have a definitive
proposition — here they have a motion for inquiry into a
specific object for the relief of the people. I appeal like-
wise, Sir, for support to all those, who, in the course of
the present session have presented petitions from the
people, complaining of the severe distress under which
they are suffering. Here they will see a prospect, at
least, of affording their constituents that relief to a great
extent, without doing any injury to the revenue ; and 1
cannot conceive how those honourable members can face
their constituents, who are daily sending up complaints of
the severity of taxation, and calling for some alteration in
the mode of collecting it, if they refuse to enter into an
inquiry, out of which no liarm can come, and from which

V I 4

440

APPENDIX V.

some good, perhaps, may arise. On the one side, if you
grant this inquiry, you prove to the people that you are
anxious to alleviate their distress, by affording them
the articles most necessary to their subsistence and comfort
at a cheap rate, — to the country, that you desire to afford
this relief, but at the same time to meet the claims of the
national creditor, and to preserve inviolate the public faith,
— and to the world you will present the spectacle of a
legislative body fulfilling its highest duty, occupied in the
attentive consideration of the interests of those from whom
it derives its power, and anxiously endeavouring to remodel
its system so as to meet the necessities of this situation.
On the other hand, if you refuse this inquiry, it can only
be for reasons which I can scarcely conceive ; you can only
do so under the notion that Parliament is incompetent to
conduct it ; and, allow me to say, in doing so, you will
abandon the most important portion of your duty, and
send the people discontented and dissatisfied away.

For these reasons, and upon these grounds, I put my
motion, with confidence, into the hands of the Speaker,
gratefully thanking the House once more for the indulgent
ativ^.tion with which it has listened to my observations. I
beg leave to move, Sir, that "a Select Committee be appoint-
ed to inquire into the expediency of making a revision of the
taxes, so that the means of paying the sums voted by the
House, and all other charges for the public service, may
be provided for with as little injury as practicable to the
industry and improvement of the country."

441

3 side, if yow
that you are
ffording them
ce and comfort
lesire to afford
I claims of the
le public faith,
spectacle of a
iccupied in the
ose from whom
ring to remodel
: this situation,
iry, it can only
J ; you can only
incompetent to
g so, you will
your duty, and
ed away,
mds, I put my
the Speaker,
or the indulgent
observations. 1
littee be appoint-
a revision of the
ms voted by the
ic service, may
•acticable to the

APPENDIX VI.

SUBSTANCE OF THE SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HONOUR-
ABLE C. POULETT THOMSON ON THE CORN LAWS,
MARCH 2. 1834.

[From Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xxi. third series.]

Often as it had fallen to his lot to address the House,
which he always did with feelings of great anxiety ;
yet he could unfeignedly assure it, that he never rose to
address it under stronger feelings of trepidation than those
which he experienced at that moment. He had the mis-
fortune to differ in opinion upon this subject from many
of those friends with whom he was in the habit of acting,
and, above all, he had the misfortune to differ from his
right honourable friend, the First Lord of the Admiralty.
It would, however, be unworthy of the little character
which he trusted that he had been enabled to obtain — and
he should be unworthy of representing that great con-
stituency which, unsolicited, had done him the honour of
sending him as its representative to the House of Com-
mons — he should be a traitor to the opinions which he
had always expressed, and the votes which he had always
given upon this subject, if he did not, unhesitatingly, but
still with great diffidence, proclaim the views which lie
entertained upon it. " I must first," said the right honour-
able member, " correct a statement made by the noble
Lord who has just sat down. That noble Lord has stated,
if I understood him correctly, that he had withdrawn his
amendment, because it was the desire of the Government
that the motion of the honourable member for Middlesex
should be lost in as small a minority as possible." 1 deny
tliat. The circumstance of my being here as a member of
the Government, and yet voting with the honourable mem-
hcr for Middlesex, iss at once an answer to the statement
A'hicli the noble Lord hits made.

442

APPENDIX VI.

The Earl of Darlington: On what uthority does the
right honourable member deny my sta: .ment?

Mr. Poulett Thomson : The authority upon which I deny
the statement is this — that it is an open question in the
Government, for the truth of which 1 appeal to my noble
friend sitting near me, and it is on this ground that I. am
iierc as a member of liis Majesty's Government, though
not in the Cabinet, advocating the opinion, and voting for
the motion of the honourable member for Middlesex.

The Earl of Darlington: What I said was this : I said
that a communication, sent as an appeal to me to withdraw
my amendment, came from a high quarter in his Majesty's
Government. I had it, in point of fact, in writing from
one who is not only a member of the Government, but
also a member of the Cabinet.

Mr. Poulett Thomson : If that be all the statement of
the noble I<ord, it does not at all impugn my assertion.
What may be the opinions of the individual members of
the Government, be it the head of that Government, or
any other member of the Cabinet, is a different question ;
but if I misunderstood the noble Earl in supposing him to
say, that it was the wish of his Majesty's Government,
taken collectively, to leave my honourable friend, the
member for Middlesex, in as small a minority as possible,
then I hope he will excuse me for such an unintentional
misinterpretation of his meaning ; but if I did not mis-
understand him, then the very fact that I am here, a mem-
ber of the Government, holding the official situation whicli
I do, advocating and prepared to vote for a change in tlu'
Corn-laws, is, I think, a sufficient answer to his assertion.
— The right honourable gentleman then proceeded to
observe, that he was sorry that this circumstance had given
rise to any heat, as his object in discharging the duty whicli
he had to perform was, to keep in mind the example of
the honourable member for Middlesex, who had introduced
this subject with the utmost good temper, with calmness,
and with the absence t)f every t()|)ic which could excite
anger and animosity in those whom lie addressed. Ho felt

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

44;^

urity does the

n which I deny
c^uestion in the
jal to my noble
ound that I am
Liiment, though
, and voting for
Middlesex,
vas this : I said
me to withdraw
in his Majesty's
in writing from
government, but

:he statement of
(rn my assertion,
[dual members of
Government, or
fFerent question •,
[supposing him tt)
y's Government,
able friend, the
ority as possible,
an unintentional
if I did not mis-
am here, a meni-
lal situation which
ir a change in the
to his assertion,
en proceeded to
..stance had given
|ng the duty which
the example of
10 had introduced
r, with calmness,
uch could excite
Idrossea. He feU

ihe necessity of following that example the more, because
he could not disguise from himself, from the appearance of
the House last night, that he was about to speak to an un-
favourable audience. At the same time, he felt bound to
urge upon the majority, if he had the misfortune to differ
from the majority in opinion, that Gvery thing which he
liad to say coidd only put weapons into their hands to be
used against him ; and being the strongest, although they
differed from him — nay, because they differed from him

— lie was sure, that they would feel bound to extend to
him an indulgent and patient hearing. He had stated,
that he would endeavour to keep his share in this discus-
sion within the bounds of moderation and good temper.
If any thing, in the course of his remarks, should fall from
liis lips whieli might seem to reflect upon personal interests

— and this question, unfortunately, appeared to have been
mixed up with personal interests — he trusted that what
he had already said — namely, that he differed on this sub-
ject from his best and nearest friends, would be sufficient
to convince honourable gentlemen, that such an offence on
his part must be unintentional, and that he could not
mean any personal disrespect. He agreed wit'i every gen-
deman who had yet addressed the House on the other side
of the question, and particularly with his right honourable
friend, the First Lord of the Admiralty, that it would be
most desirable that now should be the time to brin^' this
question to a final issue. He wished, in the utmost sincerity
of heart, that it was possible to bring it to such an issue
now. Above all he agreed with his right honourable
friend in thinking that this question ought not to be argued
on the individual interests of one class or another ; it was
with regard to the general interests of the community at
large that the House was bound to legislate. Upon these
grounds, in spite of what had been said last night, he
should not find any fault with those who were to l)e the
judges on this question. Whatever might be the individual
intenvsts mixed up with this question, so far as it regarded
tho landlords, he was satisfied to place the decision of it in

•lU

AITE^NDIX VI.

the hands of the gentlemen of the House of Commons ;
being quite convinced that, though they might, in his
opinion, form an erroneous judgment, they would still act
fairly, honourably, uprightly, and conscientiously. In the
course of the debate, his right honourable friend, the
First Lord of the Admiralty — to whose speech he must
refer as being the most able which he had yet heard on
that side of the question — had stated that, in arguing the
case on the principle of the general interests of the country,
he must go through the various interests, and show that the
Corn-law was advantageous to them all. His right honour-
able friend had certainly made what he should term rather
a landlord's speech — a speech which, whatever might be
its merits in other respects, was certainly calculated to
catch as many stray votes as possible. He did not quarrel
with his right honourable friend for that, although he
should jjresently venture to criticise it ; but he hoped that,
after his disclaimer of all intentional offence and after his
acknowledgment that he should be guilty of great impro-
priety were he to say any thing imputing motives of per-
sonal interest to any speaker, he might be permitted to
submit the arguments of his opponents to a close examin-
ation, without exciting their animosity and ill-will. He
hoped, too, that the question would be argued without any
of those sneers against political economy, and those decla-
mations against philosophy, which did not enforce argu-
ment, though they might gain cheers. He had heard, he
owned, with much regret, his right honourable friend iji-
dulge a little in such sneers ; in that his right honourable
friend only resembled other honourable members, for he
believed that there was no man who came down to thai
House prepared to talk on a question like the present, who
was not, in his own opinion at least, the very beau ideal r.{
a political economist. It might be that, like the r^an win
talked prose all his life without knowing it, there might be
some honourable members who, talking against political
economy themselves, talked political economy with(nit

Sl'EIX'II (JX rilK fUKN LAWS.

41 Tj

e of Commons;
y might, in his
y would still act
itiously. In the
able friend, the
speech he must
lad yet heard on
It, in arguing the
ts of the country,
ind show that the
His right honour-
lould term rather
hatever might he
nly calculated to
le did not quarrel
;hat, although he
but he hoped that,
^ence and after his
:y of great impro-
\g motives of per-
t be permitted to
,o a close examin-
and ill-will. He
■gued without any
, and those decla-
Inot enforce argu-
He had heard, he
ourable friend in-
vight honourable
members, for he
ime down to thai
the present, who
very beau ideal <^1
like the !^an wli-^
it, there might be
against political
economy withuiit

knowing it ; though, perhaps, none of the best. His right
honourable friend should have recollected also, that a sneer
at philosophy might be in his hands a double-edged weapon
which might cut both ways, for unless he was very much
mistaken, he had seen propounded in pamphlets, not
very foreign from the question, doctrines which qualified
their author for taking out his diploma in the university of
Lagoda, with the unanimous approbation of the philoso-
phers of the celebrated island of Laputa. He trusted that
they should hear no more of such observations, but that
the question would be argued on its own merits. His right
honourable friend, the First Lord of the Admiralty, and
other honourable members who had followed him in the
debate, had very fairiy and candidly divided in their argu-
ment the various interests concerned in this question. His
right honourable friend had said, *^^hat he would divide the
country into four classes — the landlords, the farmers, and
the agricultural labourers on one side, and the consumers
on the other. [Cries of " ^o.'''] He said yes; he gave
his honourable friend credit for it ; for nothing could tend
more to the eliciting of truth, than that honourable
members should understand each other clearly as to the
terms they used. The landlords, they were told, were
mainly interested in the decision on this subject. His
right honourable friend, at the close of his speech, had
told the House, that a political consideration entered into
the question — that it was necessary to maintain the land-
lords in the position which they occupied at present, and
that the continuance of the existing relations between
th^m and their tenants was indispensable to the tranquillity
and well-being of the country. Be that as it might — and
for the present he would not dispute it — he thought tiiat,
in the exposition of the view which he took of the subject,
he should be able to show that the interests of the land-
lords were not involved in the continuance of the Corn-
laws as they at present existed, but that those interests
would be better consulted by a change of those laws. He

44(3

ArPKNDlX \'l.

I)ad no occasion to argue that point at lengtli, for he liacl
only to refer to the speech of tlie lionourable member for
Surrey, whose observations last night elicited so much
applause from a large portion of the House, and seemed to
be accepted by them as a correct representation of their
case. In speaking of the condition of the landlords, the
honourable member, speaking from his own knowledge,
and from the experience afforded by his own farms, said —
*' Forty years ago I was receiving 20.y. an acre. The
charges upon it at that time were so tind so ; the charges
on it are the same now, with an addition of 6s. more. I
receive no more rent now than I did then. The only
difference in my condition as a landlord then and now is,
that then my rents were well paid, and now they are ill
paid." Now, he wished the House to recollect that forty
years ago there was no Corn-law save one, and that was
inoperative, for the importation of foreign corn was free ;
and yet, on the statement of the honourable member for
Surrey, his condition was the same now as it was then, with
only this distinction, that formerly his rents were well paid,
and thai now they were ill paid. To this part of the subject
he would again return, but he would now turn to another
class of arguments. The noble Lord, who had preceded
him had said, that that man must be perfectly ignorant of
affairs in the country who could say that the farmer was
not more than any one benefited by the present restrictions
on the importation of foreign corn. Now for his own part
he could not conceive on what grounds the farmer, unless
he were burthened with a lease for a term of years, could
be interested in the existence of restrictions upon the trade
in corn, even supposing prices to be affected by it. To the
farmer it must be matter of indifference, if he had not a
lease for a definite term, for he employed his capital in
farming just upon the same principle as capital was em-
ployed in any other trade ; and on taking a farm from year
to year, would take care to give only so much for it as
would leave him a fair return for interest, risk, and labour.

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

147

gth, tor he had
ble member for
icited so much
', and seemed to
ntatlon of their
,e landlords, the
own knowledge,
m farms, said —
an acre. The
so; the charges
1 of Gs. more. 1
:hen. The only
then and now is,
now they are ill
^collect that forty
,ue, and that was
tru corn was free ;
rable member for
itwas then, with
ts were well paid,
►art of the subject
,v turn to another
ho had preceded
■ectly ignorant ot
t the farmer was
■esent restrictions
' for his own part
he ffirmer, unless
m of years, could
ms upon the trade
edbyit. To the
if he had not a
ed his capital in
capital was em-
a farm from yeav
much for it as
risk, and labour.

If indeed lie had been deluded in the prospects held out to
him when he took his lease, he must be a sufferer by the
present state of prices ; but if his farm were merely taken
from year to year, it was difficult to see how the farmer
could be interested in the continuance of restrictions. But
what had been the effect of the legislation of Parliament
upon the farmer ? What had been the condition of the
farmer under the legislation of the last nineteen years ?
If there was any man who had a right to complain of their
legislation it was the farmer, who had been deluded by it
into taking his farms on terms which were positively
ruinous, and who had suffered severely in consequence of
tiiat delusion. What said the Corn-law of 1815? What
was tiie language then held to the former both in that and
the other House of Parliament ? He was told, that the
price of corn would not fall below 80*. a quarter, and upon
that assurance numbers of honest and industrious farmers
embarked their capital in farming speculations. Then
came the Corn-laws of 1827 and 1828; and what promises
did they hold out ? He supposed, that his right honour-
able friend would not dispute the accuracy of his quotation
from Mr. Canning's remarks in introducing the Corn-law
of 1827, which, as regarded the question under consider-
ation, were equally applicable to the present Corn-law,
the Corn-law of 1828, which, indeed, the honourable
member for Essex did denounce at the time as worse than
tlie Corn-law of 1815. Mr. Canning's language, on intro-
ducing the Corn-law in 1827, was as follows : — *' I think
this project will tend to equalise the price, and keep that
equalisation of prices steady. The market will, indeed,
assume such a steadiness, that instead of a fluctuation
hetween 11 2i'. at one time and 28.f. at another, the vibra-
tions will probably be found to be limited within the
small circle of from about 55s. to about 65s."* It was
upon that promise that the farmer went ; and how had ex-
perience justified that promise ? On turning back to the

* Hansard (new series), xvi. p. 770.

44S

Ari'i:Ni)i\' VI.

list of prict's .since that Act was passed, he found that, on
tlie 'ii5th of January 18.'31 , tlie price of wheat was ITys. 1 1</.,
and that on tlie present day, it was 48.v. and a fraction.
By tlie assurance of this Bill the farmer had hecn deluded,
and had more thai; any one a rif^ht to complain of the
injury which the law had inflicted upon hiin. So far from
being benefited by this legislation, the farmer had been
deeply injured by it. The noble Lord, he believed, would
assent to that remark, for the noble Lord, if he did not
misunderstand him, implied that the farmers had taken
their leases upon a calculation that they would get at
least C)2s. per quarter on wheat ; whereas they had not
received it by 8.9. or lO.v. His right honourable friend,
the First Lord of the Admiralty, had touched very slightly
upon the case of the farmer. The noble Lord who had just
spoken had done so too ; and they had both failed in
convincing him that the farmers wdio had taken their farms
in 18L5 and in 1828, in the expectation of getting 80.s\
and 60s. respectively for a quarter of wheat, had not been
injured by the operation of the law. He would next
refer to the case of the agricultural labourer. What had his
right honourable friend said upon that subject ? He had
rested the whole of his case upon one hypothetical assertion
made by Mr. Oliver in his evidence. He begged honour-
able Gentlemen to recollect that Mr. Oliver said, not
that if the Corn-laws were altered, but that if the Corn-
laws were altered in a particular way, certain effects would
follow. He had assumed, that if there was such a fall in the
price of corn as would throw out of cultivation 2,000,000
acres, there would be thrown out of employment 250,000
labouring men, with families dependent on them ; making
altogether 900,000 persons. That was an argument founded
upon an assumption of Mr. Oliver's — an argument based
upon no solid foundation whatever — an argument that
had been refuted by none so strongly as by his right
honourable friend, for at least one-half of his arguments
went to show, that the result of the change proposed
by the honourable member for Middlesex, would not

Sl'EECH UN THE CORN LAWS.

449

found that, on
was 756'. U</m
lul a rractiou.
been deluded,
)mplain of the
1. So far from
rmer had been
believed, would
1, if he did not
ners had taken
y would get at
s they had not
lourable friend,
led very slightly
3rd who had just
both fiviled in
taken their farms
of getting 80.S.
at, had not been
He would next
r. What had his
bject? He had
thetical assertion
begged honour-
Oliver said, not
that if the Corn-
:ain effects would
such a fall in the
.-ation 2,000,000
loyment 250,000
m them ; making
rgument founded
argument based
II argument that
as by his right
jofhis arguments
[change proposed
esex, would not

be a reduction in the price of corn. But if the result
of the change would not be to lower the price of corn,
wlmt would become of the arguments of Mr. Oliver, which
wci o built altogether upon the supposition that there
would be a great fall in the price of corn, which would
throw a vast (juantity of land out of cultivation ? But what
reason was there, he wished to know, for the sup])osition,
that, under the operation of any such change, a great
quantity of land must be thrown out of culture ? What
had been the fall in price for tlie last fifteen years ? It
amounted to I5s. or 20*. a quarter. Did any one suppose
such a reduction would be caused by repealing the Corn-
laws? He knew that it could not be the case ; and he had
no hesitation in avowing it, for he was not one of those who
went about in public places promising cheap bread — nay,
bread almost for nothing — if the corn-laws were repealed ;
on the contrary, whenever he had had occasion to address
any large body of his countrymen, he had told them, that
at the present prices, the abolition of those laws would
cause little, if any, reduction ; and that opinion he was
then ready to repeat. He had always contended, that
steadiness of price, not any considerable fall of price,
would be the consequence of a judicious alteration : but
greater cheapness would be the result, because there would
be an increased and a more regular demand for labour ;
and the labouring classes would get more wages, and would
be able to purchase more of the necessaries of life
for the amount they received. What reason was there
to apprehend a reduction of price ? All the argu-
ments which had been urged by his right honourable
friend on this part of the question had been built upon
tile simple assumption of Mr. Oliver. Take away that
assumption — let the assertions of his honourable friend
receive as much credit as Mr. Oliver's, — and tney
would go to show, that the price of corn would not
fall materially, and that no agricultural labourers would
be thrown out of employment. That was the answer,

G G

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IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

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Sciences
Corporation

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1.25 1.4 1.6

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23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

■-. i"Orfa-rt -Kitii-

450

APPENDIX VI.

borrowed from his right honourable friend, whicli he
gave to the argument his right honourable friend had
borrowed from Mr. Oliver. Upon the subject of the
general Interest, it was true his right honourable friend
had boasted of the discovery of some new machinery,
some •* vicious circle," as he had called it, by which, sup-
posing the people of this country to have the power
of purchasing their corn as they could get it cheapest,
they were somehow or another to find themselves getting
from bad to worse, and that at last in consequence of this
odd hocus pocus, which he knew not how to describe,
except as the " vicious circle " mentioned by his rigiit
honourable friend, they were to find themselves ruined
and starved in consequence of a perfect plethora of good
things. To this point, however, he would return. He
would now pass to the point he had first alluded to —
viz. what benefit tlie present Corn -laws conferred on the
agricultural interest, on the landlords, the tenants, and
the agricultural labourers. He did not wish to advance
any further argument to prove the negative of the proposi-
tion, that the Corn-laws have been beneficial to the landed
interest, than that contained in the book before him, the
Agricultural Report itself, framed in the year 183."}, after
eighteen years' experience of the operation of the Corn-
laws. This report told a tale — would to God it were
any other ! — a tale of ruin to the agricultural interest,
which he, for one, most sincerely lamented, and would
most anxiously (and he believed never more than by the
vote he should give that night) seek to remedy. In that
report, to which he wished to pay all possible respect,
(though he was bound to say that he did not think it was
absolute wisdom) he found a description of the declining
interests of those engaged in agricultural pursuits. He
found it stated, that the capital of the fanners had
diminished since 1821. Now, the Committee of 1821
had previously declared, that prices did not give remu-
nerating returns for capital; but it was hoped, that the
savings which had been effected might enable the farmer

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

451

1, which h»'
i friend had
bject of the
arable friend

V machinery,
y which, sup-
fe the power
t it cheapest,
selves getting
quence of this

V to describe,

, by his right
iiselves ruined
nhora of good
d return. He
: alluded to —
)nferred on the
le tenants, and
vish to advance
, of the proposi-
al to the landed
before him, the
^ear 183.S, after
,n of the Corn-
to God it were
Liltural interest,
ted, and would
)re than by the
medy. In that
(ossible respect,
lot think it was
of the declining
1 pursuits. He
le farmers had
imittee of 1821
not give remu-
hoped, that the
tnable the farmer

to go on, and eventually regain what at tliat time he was
losing. In the report of last year he found a regret ex-
pressed, that these flattering hopes had not been fulfilled
— that the capital of the farmer had been expended and
lost — and that his condition now was infinitely inferior to
what it was in 1821. Further, it was said, that the pro-
ductiveness of the soil was diminished; but, in this last
inference, he (Mr. Thomson) did not agree ; he thought he
could controvert it ; but he would take it merely as the
declaration of the Committee, which would stand in favour
of his argument. The Committee of 1821 had declared
their opinion, that the produce of the country was sufiicient
for its consumption, except, perhaps, on extraordinary
occasions, and that it was therefore unwise to depend upon
foreigners for the supply of corn. But twelve years had
been sufficient to sweep away all the conclusions which the
Committee of 1821 had come to, for the last Committee
expressly said, that, in ordinary seasons, the produce of
our own soil was not sufficient to render us independent
of foreigners for a supply of corn. The law had sought to
establish that independence ; and, after eighteen years of
suffering — eighteen years of decay — eighteen years of
privations and vicissitudes — what was the result ? Why,
we had become dependent on foreigners, while, by our
exclusions, we told them not to grow us a supply. The
report of the Committee of 1833 gave a lamentable de-
scription of the condition of the small landed proprietors ;
it drew a picture of the distress of the smaller yeomen
which needed not to be represented to the House, but
which no man who felt an interest in his country's welfare
could do otherwise than lament. To this, then, they were
come, after eighteen years' experience of the operation of
the Corn-laws, — of those laws which they were now again
told were indispensable to the interest of the landlord and
the tenant. Here was a report made by a Committee of
the House, after mature deliberation, which declared this
fact, — that our produce was diminished, that our yeomen

G G 2

452

APPENDIX VI.

were suffering deeply, our farmers ruined, and that our
boasted independence of foreigners in the supply of grain
was at an end! Upon this representation, he would take
his stand as an argument, if he had no other, against the
existence of the Corn-laws. Eighteen years had elapsed
since they were established ; and it appeared, from evidence,
that the state of the agricultural interest had been, during
that time, retrograding from bad to worse — from com-
parative prosperity to absolute ruin. Try, then, he would
say, another system, — try the system, which, as he would
presently show, had been found to operate well for the
landlord, for the tenant, and the labourer ; and, at least,
do not persevere in a course which experience showed had
been attended only by increasing misery, and increasing
wretchedness to the very interest which you were anxious
to protect. Nor was the extent of the baneful influence
of these laws discerned when their effect on the agriculture
alone of the country was considered. What, let him ask,
had been their effect on its commerce ? He meant to con-
sider the question of the restrictions on the importation of
foreign corn as a general one, and to show how it had
operated in depressing our manufactures and commerce.
What were its effects in 1815, when, though peace was
declared in Europe, the different states, harassed by a long
war, were distracted in their internal arrangements, and
when the United States were still engaged in war ? What
were its effects then, when, from one end of England
to another, the powers of steam were developed, — when
spinning-jennies and flax-frames were in active motion, —
when, in short, all those different arts for which this coun-
try had been so much distinguished, and which we had
then carried far towards perfection, were utterly unknown
to the greater portion of the natives of both hemispheres ?
Above all, there were few restrictive laws in the different
states, — none of those prohibitory tariffs which now en-
circled every frontier. We had then a field for our industry
and enterprise. The advantage we had maintained in Europe
was entirely owing to our success in manufactures, and that

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

453

and that our
ipply of grain
le would take
31, against the
rs had elapsed
from evidence,
1 been, during

; from com-

then, he would
;h, as he would
:e well for the
; and, at least,
nee showed had
and increasing
u were anxious
ineful influence
1 the agriculture
at, let him ask,
:e meant to con-
e importation of
liow how it had
and commerce,
pugh peace was
rassed by a long
■angements, and
in war ? What
;nd of England
eloped, — when
Lctive motion, —
which this coun-
which we had
[utterly unknown
.th hemispheres ?
in the different
•s which now en-
for our industry
jtained in Europe
Ifactures, and that

might have been preserved. We were at least fifty years
in advance in all that could render manufactures success-
ful ; but we neglected the opportunity ; we failed to seize
this advantage, and in lieu of it imposed the Corn-laws ;
and continuing in this course of policy, we obliged the
other nations of Europe, in self-defence, to manufacture
for themselves, — to turn their ingenuity and skill, rude
as it was, to the cultivation of mechanical arts, in which
we then alone excelled. — To turn their ingenuity and
skill, did he say ? To form those qualities newly, for pre-
viously they possessed none. We obliged them to enter
into competition with us, to make those articles for them-
selves which we would not suffer them to purchase from
us, because we refused to receive in exchange those com-
modities which they alone could give in exchange. Thus,
by rapid steps, we forced them to be our rivals, when they
would gladly have become our friends and dependents.
He would pause for one moment, to observe on an expres-
sion which had been used in this debate by the honourable
member for Middlesex, and which he did not think had
been very correctly appreciated. The honourable member
for Middlesex said, that he felt inclined to treat this ques-
tion as a European question. Though he was disposed to
assert, that it was a European question, inasmuch as it in-
volved the prosperity of other nations, and their commercial
relations with us, still he did not urge that view of the case.
He was prepared, on the contrary, to consider the question
as a British question alone, and did not wish to consider it
in any other light. But let it be recollected, when British
interests were talked of, what were the interests invested
in, dependent upon, and living solely by, foreign trade.
It was easy to say, that foreign trade should not be en-
couraged, and that British manufactures should be upheld ;
but the last was dependent on the first. British trade was
a trade with foreigners. He would tell those who wished
to check foreign trade that they were thirty or forty years
too late. He would not go into any statement with regard

GG 3

454

Ari'ENDIX VI.

to population : he would not ask whether 960,000 familieis
were dependent on the agriculture of Great Britain, or
1,400,000 on manufactures and commerce; for he did not
wish to separate their interests, to support one interest at
the expense of another ; but he would ask, of what worth
would the land of the country be, — where would be the
market for its agricultural produce — without its manu-
factures ? What was the relative position of the two
classes ? The cultivator of the soil readily found a market
at home ; he was not obliged to go to foreign climes to
seek a market for his produce, nor was he compelled to
regulate the cost of his commodities according to the price
they obtained in other countries. He could get the very
best price for them, which the competition at home, or
the diminution of the means of the manufacturers and
consumers enabled him to secure ; and the legislature com-
pelled the manufacturing and commercial classes, against
whom a monopoly was created on behalf of the landowner,
to give almost whatever price he might demand. Now,
what, on the other hand, was the condition of the com-
mercial and trading interests ? Were honourable gentle-
men aware that our exports varied from 34,000,000/. to
36,000,000Z. annually, the produce of our manufactures
and industry. But could the British manufacturer regulate
his prices by the demand at home ? Could he obtain the
equivalent of his labour valued by the equivalent of labour
at home ? No ; he was obliged to send his produce to
distant climes, to contend with the natives of those coun-
tries who laboured for almost nothing a-day — to despatch
them to find a market even in the interior of Africa, and
in the most distant regions of the globe. Was it not,
when the two interests were compared, a sufficient advan-
tage on the side of the agriculturist ? — was it not sufficient
that, for ali the produce of the soil which had to be sold
to the consumer, the agriculturist had the priority of that
market in which the manufacturing and commercial classes
were the principal customers ? Even if the restriction
were taken off the importation of corn, the agriculturist

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

455

[)00 families
Britain, ov
r he did not
e interest at
f what worth
would be the
ut its manu-
of the two
iind a market
;igu climes to
compelled to
g to the price
I get the very
1 at home, or
ifacturers and
gislature com-
lasses, against
he landowner,
mand. Now,
n of the com-
urable gentle-
4,000,000/. to
manufactures
turer regulate
he obtain the
alent of labour
vis produce to
of those coun-
— to despatch
of Africa, and
Was it not,
ifficient advan-
it not sufficient
had to be sold
jriority of that
imercial classes
the restriction
tie agriculturist

would have only to contend with the foreign grower, after
he had been saddled with the different charges for freight,
insurance, transfer-commission, and merchants' profit.
Our manufacturers could not effect their sales under such
advantageous terms, but had to submit to all the charges
he had mentioned before they could produce their com-
modities in the market. There was, then, on the one
hand, an almost unlimited market for the produce of agri-
culture close at hand, while the market for the manufac-
turer was at a distance, and his near agricultural neighbour
had all the advantages of the expense it would cost the
manufacturer to send his goods abroad. To his sales
there was a bar in the expense of transport ; to the sales
of the farmer there were no such bars. There was, in
the nature of circumstances, a great advantage in favour
of the agriculturists ; and why should they not be con-
tented ? But, with regard to the effect this restrictive
system had upon industry generally, his right honourable
friend had said, " How were your complaints warranted,
when the fact was, that in spite of this restriction, the
trade of the country had increased, and the export of
manufactures had been increased with those countries
whence corn comes, and you had not to complain of any
loss of trade ? " He entirely agreed with his right honour-
able friend's qualification, when he asked whether an aug-
mentation of manufactures, and an increase of exports,
could be considered inconsistent with a system of restriction
on the importation of foreign corn. Who said it was so ?
But when the vast amount of raw material imported into
this country was considered — when it was recollected,
that Great Britain was in a manner the manufacturing
workshop of the world — it would easily be seen that
the question resolved itself into one of degree. His
assumption was, that had it not been for the restrictive
laws on corn immediately following the peace, British ma-
nufacturing industry would have taken a flight unequalled
even in the days of Arkwright or of Watt, and supplied

G G 4

456

APPENDIX VI.

without competition the whole of the world, instead of be-
ing, as now, scarcely able to compete with foreigners. It
would bo easy to refer to documents in proof of this
assumption. His right honourable friend (Sir James
Graham) had, in his observations, merely repeated the
arguments made use of by a noble friend of his (Mr.
Thomson's) in the other House of Parliament — arguments
which he should be ashamed of himself, if he did not refute,
because they were calculated to involve the question in
mystery. His right honourable friend had said, that in order
to show that our exports had gone on Increasing to those
countries from which we imported corn, he would read a
statement of either the official or declared value of our
exports, whichever the House pleased ; neither were par-
ticularly called for, and his right honourable friend read a
statement of the official value. He wished, instead of the
official value, that he had given their declared value, be-
cause the question was not exactly one of the quantity,
but of the value of exports. By the statement of his right
honourable friend, it appeared, that some increase in ex-
ports had taken place between 1828 and 1832; but he had
had the curiosity to ascertain what his right honourable
friend had not stated, the declared value, not only during
that period, but also during the years 1818, 1819, 1820,
1821, and 1822. During those years, there was some
corn imported, but not near so much as in the period
selected by his right honourable friend. This was the re-
sult of his inquiry. The total declared value of the exports
from this country of British produce and manufactures
only, during the years quoted by his right honourable
friend, viz. from 1828 to 1832, was 82,425,000/; while in
the five years he had referred to, viz. 1818 to 1822, the
declared value of the exports was 92,312,000/., showing a
diminution of 9,887,000/. It might be, however, objected
to this argument, that it embraced a period in which the
influence of alterations in the currency might have pro-
duced extraordinary results. But he would say, that put-

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

457

nstead of be-
ireigners. It
proof of this
(Sir James
repeated the
of his (Mr.
— arguments
lid not refute,
e question in
I, that in order
iasing to those
would read a
; value of our
ther were par-
3 friend read a
instead of the
ared value, be-
' the quantity,
3nt of his right
nerease in ex-
]2 -, but he had
ht honourable
ot only during
8, 1819, 1820,
ere was some
in the period
Ihis was the re-
of the exports
manufactures
;ht honourable
,000/ ; while in
8 to 1822, the
lO/., showing a
ever, objected
in which the
ght have pro-
say, that put-

ting the question of currency aside altogether, would any
honourable member answer in the negative to this propo-
sition, that under a freer system of trade, instead of a di-
minution, there would have been an immense increase in
the declared value of the exports ? He had stated, and
he would repeat, that few men could really judge of the
extent of mischief and injury which had been inflicted
upon trade, first, by the imposition of the Corn -laws, and
secondly by a continuance in them. While those laws re-
mained unchanged, what did the House think we were to
say to those countries, against whose commercial restric-
tions we were constantly protesting ? What, if the United
States of America passed an almost prohibitory tariff upon
British manufactures, if Prussia attempted to establish a
commercial supremacy over the whole of Germany, if
Russia refused to open her ports to our manufactures, —
what answer must we expect from those countries to our
remonstrances ? They would say, " Can you ask from us
the adoption of a more liberal system while you close your
ports against the only article we produce ? Can you, with
any show of justice, call upon us to revise a system which
we have adopted in deference to your example, and which
we hope to follow with equal success ?" Were we, indeed,
to preach up to those people the true doctrines of trade,
and tell them, that restrictive duties were bad while we
ourselves continued to enforce them ? [Hear .'] He ac-
cepted that cheer ; it did not shake him in his view of the
case ; and if any thing could convii- . lim of its soundness,
it would be that which was alluded tL> last night, and which
was received almost with a sneer — the present commercial
state of France. The condition of France at the present
moment exhibited a state of things which was an illustra-
tion of what he had always contended for, that, let tlie
disposition of the Government be what it might, if one
people exchanged with another the articles of their re-
spective produce, — if it were their mutual interest to be
each other's customers, — they would be found, as in

458

Al'l'ENDlX VI.

France now the vast proportion of the people were found,
absolutely knocking at the doors of the Legishiture, with
u force not to be resisted, and demanding the accjuiescence
of the Government in measures of free connnerciai inter-
(jourse. This might, ere long, be the case in other coun-
tries, and niiglit eventually happen in them all. The
progress might be slow ; it might be attended with diffi-
culties ; but perhaps it was not the less certain ; nor would
it be less wise in the Legislature not to oppose itself to
that course. Why not, then, follow the plain and direct
course, and get rid at once of those restrictions on trade,
which were the only impediments to social intercourse ?
and why give an opponent a handle, by professing one
thing and doing another ? He would not trouble the
House with reference to many papers on the subject ; but
he hoped, at the same time, he might be permitted to read
one which touched on this very point. It was an extract
from a paper published not many years ago; and from it
would be seen the kind of spirit which had been excited
upon the Continent against us, and how much we had lost
by our obstinate perseverance in those laws of restriction.
The paper was dated in the year 1 829 ; and it came from
Berlin. [Mr. Baring : Is it a newspaper ?] No, a private
communication ; and if he were to mention from whom it
came, it would receive the respect of the right honourable
gentleman opposite. The right honourable gentleman
then read a paper, which stated, " that the liberal part of
the public press in Germany was calling clamorously
upon their Governments to adopt means to break down
the commercial ascendency or monopoly, as it was termed
in these writings, of England ; that the Allgemeine Zeitung,
the paper which had the most extensive circulation and
influence of any published within the confederacy, had
taken the lead in these declamations, and was publishing
a series of articles, in which it was expressly stated that
the commercial advantages of England must be reduced,
and her prohibition of importation be met with correspond-

SPEECH ON THE COKN LAWS.

4 .59

were fouiul,
slature, with
ac(iuiescence
iicrcial inter -

other coun-
m all. The
ed with diffi-
n ; nor would
30se itself to

in and direct
3ns on trade,
intercourse ?
rofessing one
t trouble the
'. subject; but
mitted to read
vas an extract
; and from it
been excited
;h wc had lost
of restriction,
it came from
No, a private
from whom it
it honourable
gentleman
iberal part of
clamorously
break down
it was termed
neine Zeitung,
rculation and
federacy, had
as publishing
ly stated that
be reduced,
li correspond-

ing restrictions by the States of the Continent ; tiiat it
would be ibund necessary to establish a second ' Conti-
nental system,' and to exclude British manufactures from
the markets of Germany until the ports of England were
opened for the agricultural ])roduce of the Continent." The
writer proceeded to say, *' that he was aware the A/lgemeine
Zeitung was not to be considered the official organ of any
of the German Governments ; but that it spoke the lan-
guage of a very powerful commercial party in Germany ;
and that when the proprietor of that paper was consulted
by their majesties of Bavaria and Wirtemberg before any
negotiations of connnercial intercourse were commenced,
it was impossible for these anti-English feelings not to find
their way into the Councils of the States." He read this
as a proof of the feeling which existed on the Continent
on the subject of our restrictive system. He instanced
this as evidence of the sentiments entertained. The
honourable member for Essex (Mr. Baring) might rest
assured that the paper just quoted came from the hand of
no mean authority ; and it was no trifling matter, for
the prosperity of a large portion of the people of this
country depended on it. He would now come to the
question more immediately before the House, as to the
mode of settling the question of the Coni-laws, by refer-
ring the point of a fixed or a fluctuating duty to the
consideration of a Committee. He found, that all the
arguments he had heard alleged against such a course re-
solved themselves almost entirely into one. The argument
made use of by the Committee in their Report, the argu-
ment of his right honourable friend (Sir James Graham),
that of the noble Earl the member for Shropshire (the
Earl of Darlington) were all meant to show, that a fluctu-
ating scale of duties produced a fixity of prices. He found
that the noble Lord (the Earl of Darlington) had withdrav/n
the Amendment of which he had given notice, and which
vas to declare, that a fluctuating scale of duties was better
than any other scale of duties that could be framed. He

4G()

APPENDIX VI.

(Mr. C. V. Thomson) was glucl to find that tlie noble
Lord liad done so. He did not believe that the House
would have been induced to assent to such a Resolution ;
but W it consented to such a Resolution, it would fairly be
entitled to be put on a looting with that House of Com-
mons that declared that a one-pound note and a shilling
of a depreciated currency were equivalent to a guinea,
which was selling at the time for 27.v. or 28*. The noble
Lord's Motion had been withdrawn ; and he begged to
recal the attention of the House to what the question be-
fore them really was. It must be considered to be this,
and nothing else : was the present scale, as applied to corn,
preferable to a fixed duty ? He agreed with those who
said, that the object of the honourable member for Mid-
dlesex was not to impose a precisely fixed duty, but the
principle of his proposition rested upon that basis. It cer-
tainly was true, — and he wished to call attention to the
fact, — that the honourable member for Middlesex did not
desire, in affirming his Motion, to pledge the House to the
imposition and continuance of any fixed duty. The exact
terms of the Motion were these : — " That the House do
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House for the
purpose of considering the Corn-laws, (9 George IV.,
cap. 60.), and of substituting, instead of the present gra-
duated scale of duties, a fixed and moderate duty on the
import, at all times, of foreign corn into the United King-
dom, and for granting a fixed and equivalent bounty on
the export of corn from the United Kingdom." Now that,
he would submit, was not to be considered by any means
as binding the House to any particular amount of duty, to
any rate or mode of imposing such duty, or to any scale
according to which it might be increased or diminished ;
all these considerations were very properly left to the
Committee ; they were now only called upon to decide
between a fixed and a fluctuating duty. Having thus far
proceeded with the question, he should beg leave to ask
honourable members, as well on the one side of the House

Sl'KKCn ON TFIi; COIIN I-AWS.

401

.IS on tl)o other, what constituted tlic ninin nr^'Mnu'nt in
support of tlu' pr(>s(Mit system? It was founded iipon
tins: — tiint the vary in j( scale of duty produced fixity of
prices. If there was any tliiiifj^ whicli couUl !){> said in an
especial dej^ree to form the great, and, as it was esteemed,
the conclusive argument, in support of the system, it was
this; yet he believed there was not a man living who,
possessing an ordinary share of understanding, and apply-
ing his mind, free from prejudice, and with an earnest
desire to ascertain the truth, who would not candidly de-
clare, that the facts did not support any such conclusion.
For his part, he found it impossible to avoid giving the
flattest denial to the assertion, that the operation of that
varying scale was to produce fixity of price. His right
honourable friend, in arguing this point last night, had
made a quotation from a letter of Mr. Huskisson's. He
(Mr. C. P. Thomson) had cheered him, not for the reason
that his right honourable friend then supposed, but on an
entirely different ground. His right honourable friend
quoted the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, with the view of show-
ing that that distinguished statesman approved of the Corn-
law of 18^8, whereas the letter had reference to the Corn-
law of 1827. He (Mr. C. P. Thomson) should have been
much surprised if the late Mr. Huskisson had expressed
himself in such terms of approbation of the Corn-law of
1828; and if he did so, he must have changed his opinion
at a much later period. For the memory of Mr. Huskisson
he entertained the profoundest respec t : unconnected, as
he was with him in politics, he (Mr. Huskisson) had been to
him an object of admiration; but honoured as he had been,
when a very young man in parliament, by his kindness and
advice, he became one of esteem and attachment ; and he
(Mr. C. P. Thomson) should be most ungrateful, did he
not speak of him with the highest respect, in terms of the
sincerest regard. When looking to the sentiments ex-
pressed by that distinguished man, the circumstances
under which they were delivered ought to be borne in

462

APPENDIX VI.

mind. Mr. Hiiskisson was, at that time, defending him-
self before his constituents, for not having gone the length
of a total prohibition. On such an occasion, surely it was
natural that he should use the most specious arguments
that presented themselves. He did not mean to imply
that he insincerely used them ; but it was unfair to bind
a man to certain opinions he had expressed, if he had
subsequently honestly withdrawn them. He should, there-
fore, call the attention of the House to what were the
later opinions of Mr. Huskisson, when he had arrived at
maturity in his opinions, and at independence ; and when
he was no longer looking to the attainment of the same
objects he had in view when he wrote that letter.

The Earl of Darlington asked if the right honourable
gentleman meant to cast an imputation on the character
of Mr. Huskisson ?

Mr. Poulett Thomson said, he would be the last man in
that House to throw the slightest imputation on the cha-
racter of Mr, Huskisson ; and he had no doubt whatever
but that he entertained the opinions expressed in the letter
at the time he wrote it. The opinions of Mr. Huskisson,
which he should quote, were expressed on the 25th of
March, 1830, two years after the Corn-law of 1828 had
come into operation, and were as follow : — " It was his
unalterable conviction, that they could not uphold the
existing Corn-laws with the existing taxation, and increase
the national prosperity, or preserve public contentment ;
that those laws might be repealed, without affecting the
landed interest, while the people would be relieved from
their distress, he never had any doubt whatever." Here,
then, was the answer he should give to the declaration of
Mr. Huskisson, quoted by his right honourable friend.
It was the opinion of the same statesman, when it might
be considered that his sentiments on the subject had been
more matured. But what, after all, did the letter of Mr.
Huskisson state ? It found fault principally with the alter-
ations that had been made in the policy of the country in

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

463

fending hini-
ne the length
surely it was
us arguments
ean to imply
nfair to bind
id, if he had
should, there-
irhat were the
lad arrived at
ce ; and when
t of the same
etter.

ht honourable
I the character

;he last man in
on on the cha-
oubt whatever
ed in the letter
VIr. Huskisson,
n the 25th of
of 1828 had
— "It was his
ot uphold the
n, and increase
contentment ;
; affecting the
relieved from
tever." Here,
declaration of
durable friend,
when it might
bject had been
letter of Mr.
with the alter-
the country in

1765; and it declared, that, for a long time, the country
had been pursuing a vicious course of policy. It stated,
that a free trade in corn would be detrimental to all interests,
by producing fluctuation, and rendering this country de-
pendent upon foreigners for its supply. Now, how far
Mr. Huskisson had changed his opinion on the subject, he
(Mr. C. P. Thomson) had already shown. But he would
bring against Mr. Huskisson another authority, who had
answered him so completely, and had referred to so many
facts, and had gone into such exact calculations, and had
adduced such important arguments on the subject, that it
would be unnecessary for him (Mr. C. P. Thomson) to do
more than request the attention of the House whilst he
referred to a few passages. They were from a work that
he would recommend to the attention of every honourable
Member in that House ; and he was sure that his right
honourable friend would not be inclined to undervalue
it. The book he alluded to was entitled " Free Trade in
Corn the real Interest of the Landowner and the true Policy
of the State i' by a Cumberland Landowner. He (Mr.
C. P. Thomson) was anxious to refer to that work, because
he found his own opinions and sentiments expressed in
much better language, and in a much more forcible manner,
than he could put them. With respect to the alteration
made in the year 1765, he found this passage : — " Since
the year 1765, at which time a great alteration was made
in our Corn-laws, the supply of British corn, cattle, &c.,
and of almost every other sort of merchandise, has increased
most amazingly." Further on, he found the same writer
proceeding to say, — " We have, then, the most conclusive
evidence, founded on facts and experience, that neither an
extraordinary increase in the supply of labour, nor of corn,
has been followed by a fall of prices ; on the contrary,
they have been nearly doubled ; and were more than
doubled between the years 1780 and 1806, when the trade
in foreign corn was most free, and our foreign commerce
most prosperous." He (Mr. C. P. Thomson) could not

■■■s^fes

464

APPENDIX VI.

"v.

help saying, that he had been delighted to find, when he
wanted an answer to Mr. Huskisson's letter, that he could
refer to so able an authority as the writer of that book.
When he had such weapons at hand, he did not want any
other armoury to go to. He would read another extract
from the pamphlet, in answer to Mr. Huskisson's remark,
that a free trade in corn would be detrimental to all in-
terests. " To propose to enrich a nation by forcing a
permanent scarcity of corn, and by obstructing the natural
course of trade, is, indeed, at variance with common sense.
The consequences cannot be mistaken : — the embarrass-
ment of our shipping, mercantile, and manufacturing in-
terests, — want of employment, and desperate poverty
among the labouring population, — an increase of crime,
and a tendency to emigration, — a loss of our currency,
and a fall of the prices of labour and of corn, — a diminu-
tion of the public revenue, and a derangement of the public
finances, — and, more than all, the certain eventual ruin
of the agricultural interest itself; — these are the bitter
fruits of a blind and selfish policy, rapaciously grasping at
undue gain, and losing hold of advantages placed within
its power." In another place, this writer contrasted the
state of Poland with that of England in these terms : —
" When England, the land of marine affairs and of com-
merce, and the best workshop or manufactory in the world,
attempted to sell corn in opposition to Poland, a country
in want of these advantages, she perverted the natural
order of trade ; she sold that which it was most profitable
for her to buy ; and, destroying the means of her natural
customers to buy what it was most profitable for her to
sell, she artificially lowered the prices of every description
of merchandise throughout the long period of sixty -four
years. So much for the crusade against the natural order
of commerce. No sooner, however, was a sound system
of trade in corn adopted, and large importations made,
than the medium price of middling corn again rose most
rapidly. As a proof how remarkable the freedom of the

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

465

lid, when he
hat he could
)f that book,
lot want any
)ther extract
ion's remark,
tal to all in-
by forcing a
ig the natural
ommon sense,
he embarrass-
Afacturing in-
erate poverty
ease of crime,
our currency,
jj — a diminu-
it of the public
1 eventual ruin
are the bitter
sly grasping at
, placed within
contrasted the
|hese terms : —
.•s and of com-
:y in the world,
[and, a country
;d the natural
,.ost profitable
of her natural
ible for her to
:ry description
of sixty-four
natural order
sound system
frtations made,
igain rose most
freedom of the

corn trade had a happy re-action on the general commerce
and manufactures of the kingdom. Dr. Adam Smith has
observed, — that ' the Yorkshire manufacture declined,
and its produce did not rise to %vhat it had been in 1755
till 1766.' " But the author of the pamphlet did not stop
here : he was not satisfied with Dr. Adam Smith's observ-
ations, and he proceeded to say, — " So far Dr. Smith
simply notices the fact, but he appears to have overlooked
the cause. He points out the revival of our trade, and
fixes the date of this amendment ; but he has failed to
recognise its precise coincidence with the change in our
Corn-laws, and with the commencement of the free import-
ation of foreign grain into this country. Till 1815 the
corn trade was free, and commerce prospered. In that
ill-fated year the prohibitory system became operative ;
and as in 1766 trade and manufactures revived precisely
at the moment when the restrictions on the import of
foreign corn were removed, so, in 1815, when these re-
strictions were again imposed, commerce languished, manu-
factures failed, and universal distress overspread the land."
Before he laid down the pamphlet, which he then held in
his hand, he should say, that it contained the most satis-
factory answer both to the quotation from Mr. Huskisson's
letter, and to the speech delivered last night by his right
honourable friend. It might be matter of taste ; but he
confessed he should much rather take the opinions of the
Cumberland Landlord than any thing that might proceed
upon the subject, even from Mr. Huskisson himself. He
would now proceed to the question of fluctuations. Now,
how did that matter stand ? He would ask, whether there
had really been, as had been asserted by almost all the
honourable gentlemen who had opposed the Motion, that
there had been less fluctuation in the price of corn under
the last Corn-bill than at any former period ? [** Hear/""]
To what period did the noble Lord who cheered refer ?
Were they, in imitation of the Report of the Agricultural
Committee, to refer back only for a period of fifteen years ?

H H

4(;()

APPENDIX VI.

What fair comparison could they possibly institute within
that period ? The noble Lord perhaps would say, that he
(Mr. Thomson) ought to take years of peace. His right
honourable friend (Sir J. Graham) was interrupted yes-
terday by an honourable gentleman, who said, that a
comparison could not be made between years of war and
peace. His answer was — that he would then take periods
before and after 1827. That was no answer at all ; for in
the year 1827, in his opinion, though not in that of the
honourable member for Essex, they had a worse C(n'n-law
than at the present time. He thought, therefore, honour-
able gentlemen could not institute any comparison between
the present time and any period in which the Corn-law of
1815 was in operation. Then to what period must they
go back — to 1797 ? But that would carry them into the
difficulty before referred to, for, with one slight exception,
the whole period between 1790 and 1815 was a period of
war. He would, therefore, go back to the period of peace,
when the trade in corn was almost free. He was aware,
that it was stated in the Report of the Agricultural Com-
mittee, that there were no accurate returns of the average
prices of corn previous to the year 1790. There were,
however, some returns of the price of corn, which would
lead to tolerably correct conclusions. He confessed that
he was surprised to see it stated, in the Agricultural Re-
port, that there were no returns previous to 1790. Did the
Committee look to the Act of 1770? Were they ignorant
of it ? He knew that under that Act the averages were
not struck in so perfect a manner as they were then, or as
they were even in 1815 or 1792. At the same time, how-
ever, under the Act he had just referred to, some important
averages were made. By the Act of 1770, the average
price of corn in the London market, should be published
in the Gazette at fixed periods. He would take, therefore,
the average price of corn for a number of years then, and
compare it with the averages for a similar number of years
from 1829. He found, that taking the five years from

SPEECH ON THE CORX LAWS.

467

titute withiu
I say, that he
e. His right
erruptecl yes-
said, that a
u's of war and
u take periods
r at all ; for in
in that of the
vorse Corn-law
rcfore, honour-
,arison between
he Corn-law of
viod must they
y them into the
light exception,
was a period of
period of peace.
He was aware,
rricultural Com-
s of the average
There were,
irn, which would
e confessed that
agricultural Re-
,1790. Did the
re they ignorant
\e averages were
were then, or as
isame time, how-
some important
70, the average
lid be published
take, therefore,
years then, and
number of years
five years from

1829, tlje higliest average price i>f wheat for any year was
G6s. 4<d., and the lowest average price was 52s. lOr/., that
was to say, the average price of the year 1831 was G6s. 4r/.,
and the average of 1833 was 52s \0d. ; thus making a differ-
ence between the average of the highest year and the lowest
year of 13.?. 5d. He would now take from 1771 to 1775 in-
clusive, — the five first years under the operation of the Act
of 1770. He found during that period the highest average
price of corn for any one of those years was 52s. 8d. , and
the lowest yearly average was 47*. 2d. ; thus making the
greatest difference only 5s. 6d. instead of 13*. 6d. He
would then take the five years from 1781 to 1785, inclu-
sive. He found that the highest average for any of those
years was 52s. 8d., and the lowest 44*. 4c?. ; thus showing
the greatest difference to be Hs. 4f/. Now, he begged the
honourable members to recollect, that the greatest differ-
ence in the average of the five years under the Corn-law of
1828 was 13*. 6d. He would ask them, therefore, whether
what he had just read was not sufficient to show that there
was greater fluctuation in prices at present than there was
formerly ? Did it not show that the Corn-law that had
been passed to prevent fluctuation had failed in its object ?
But he would not stop there. He was prepared to con-
tend, that taking yearly averages did not furnish any thing
like a correct criterion by which to judge of the extent of
fluctuations in the course of a year. The price of com at
one period of a year might be 80s. a quarter, and at an-
other 40*.; and yet the yearly average might make it
appear 60*. Under such circumstances the country might
labour under all the evils of the greatest fluctuation in
prices, and yet it would not be apparent. He would,
therefore, adopt a course which he thought would make
the matter much clearer to the House. He would take
a period since the passing of the last Corn Bill, and take
the highest and lowest average prices, not for years, but
for periods of six weeks. He would compare those aver-
ages with similar averages that had been made of the price

H H 2

468

APPENDIX VI.

of corn between 1783 and 1791. He obtained the latter
averages from returns printed in the Gazette of the price
of corn in the port of London, and signed by the Lord
Mayor. The returns undoubtedly were only the returns
of prices of wheat in London ; but that would rather tell
against his argument than if he took the whole country, as
it must be quite clear that, in a single market, the price was
much more liable to fluctuation than when the sales of the
whole kingdom were taken into account. He would take
from 1783; and he found that the highest and lowest
average prices of corn, as given by the Lord Mayor, and
published in the Gazette, were as follows : —

.V. d. s. d. s. d.

In 1784 the prices varied from 48 2 to 41 10 difterence G 4

In 1785 - - - - 37 5 to 34 6 difference 2 1 1

In 1786 - - - - 36 2 to 33 10 difference 2 4

In 1787 - - - - 44 10 to 36 1 difference 8 9

In 1788 - - - - 43 1 to 42 9 difference 2 4

In 1789 - - - - 54 1 1 to 47 difference 7 1 1

From that statement the House would see that the largest
amount of difference was 8*. 9d. ; the lowest 2s. 4c?. ; those
had been the fluctuations under a system which had been
referred to as greatly inferior in its working to that which
had prevailed since the year 1828, when a measure was
introduced, which professed so to regulate prices that they
should always vary between 55*. and Q5s. That was Mr.
Canning's statement, and on his statement the bill was
passed. Now, if prices were even kept within that range,
he should deem it too extensive ; but, how stood the fact,
and what had been the operation of the bill ?

s.
In 1828 the prices varied from 75
In 1829 .... 75
In 1830 .... 72
In 1831 .... 73
In 1832 . ... 63

Any honourable gentleman who took the trouble to ex-
amine the returns would see that the boasted effects of the

d. s.

3 to 56

difference

3 to 56

3 difference

11 to 56

1 difference

5 to 60

5 difference

5 to 52

5 difference

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

469

ed the latter
. of the price
by the Lord
y the returns
ikl rather tell
lie country, as
, the price was
he sales of the
\ie would take
jst and lowest
rd Mayor, and

s. d.

lifferencc C 4
liffcrence 2 U

iifference 2 +

difference 8 9

difference 2 4

j.Ufference 7 H

that the largest
t^sAd.\ those

which had heen

ig to that which

a measure was

prices that they

That was Mr.

ent the bill was
ithin that range,
w stood the fact,

fill?

s. d.

'difference 19 3

[difference 19

difference 16 10

, difference 13

I difference U

Le trouble to ex-
sted effects of the

graduated scale, which was to limit the fluctuations within
a range bounded by 55 and ()5, had been to create an
extent of fluctuation far greater than its projectors at all
anticipated, and extended nuich beyond any amount of
fluctuation which ought to exist under a sound and well-
regulated system. He contended, also, that a fluctuating
scale of duties was most injurious to the consumer, and
was, above all, injurious to the party honourable gentle-
men said they were anxious to protect. The fluctuating
scale had proved most deceptive to the farmer. By means
of that scale, immense importations of corn had taken
place far beyond the power of the market to take off* at
once ; and the consequence had been that the farmer had
suffered most severely. Sometimes a low average had
been obtained for the purpose of importation, by holding
back the corn on hand, and running up the price, until
the duty had been reduced to the minimum ; then the re-
action had taken place, and the fall been accelerated by the
weight of what liad been thus introduced into the market.
He did not like to trouble the House by referring to
papers, but there was one other which he felt called upon
to direct attention to. He wished to allude to what took
place in 1830. It would be in the recollection of many
honourable members, that it was much feared that the
harvest of 1830 would prove a very bad one ; the greatest
fears were expressed on the subject, and, above all, on the
Corn Exchange. The price of corn rose rapidly in June
and July, and the duty decreased to the extent of 2*., 4*.,
and 6*. a-week on the quarter, but still not a single quarter
of corn was brought out of the bonded warehouses. The
harvest came on, and was a moderate one ; although it was
not of the average quantity, it was of good quality. The
farmer of course expected to obtain for the deficiency a
higher price for his corn. Just previous to the harvest,
however, the prices had risen to that extent that the duty
fell to nothing, and the consequence was, that in the course
of six weeks, namely, from the 5th of August to the 30th

HH 3

470

Al'rENDlX VI.

of September, during which period it was thought that the
harvest would be deficient, not less than 1 ,{^50,000 quarters
of wheat were taken out of bond, and carried into the
market. The consequence was, that prices fell to a ruin-
ous extent, and the farmers could get nothing like a remu-
nerating price for their corn. He begged the House to
recollect that that was under a law framed for the protec-
tion of the farmer — under a law that was to give him com-
plete prosperity. He asked whether it would not have been
much better for the farmer if there had been a fixed duty ?
The farmer naturally calculated on getting something more
than the average price for his produce, in proportion to
the diminution of the crop ; but he found, just as the
harvest came in, instead of prices rising or continuing
high, that in the course of six weeks, the price of wheat
fell no less than 1 l.y. 3d. per quarter, from 72s. lid. to
61*. 8d. He contended, that a fixed duty of from 8*. to
10*. the quarter, under which foreign corn could at all
times come into the markets of this country at a moderate
price, would have prevented this occurrence and the con-
sequent loss. He now begged to call the attention of the
House to the effect of the fluctuating law upon our ship-
ping. In order to reach a given market before the average
changed, it was necessary to ship the corn without loss ol'
time ; and hence it followed, that the instant the ports of
this country were thrown open for the admission of foreign
corn, the vessels on the spot were used for the purpose.
It therefore happened that by far the larger proportion of
the foreign grain imported into our ports reached this
country in foreign, and not in British, bottoms ; but would
this be the case if the present Corn-laws were not in being ?
Undoubtedly it would not, and consequently he was justi-
fied in saying that these laws operated most injuriously
upon our shipping interest. One of the witnesses ex-
amined before the Committee on Trade of last year,
Mr. Young, — a gentleman who did not take the same
view that he (Mr. Thomson) did with regard to the ship-

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

471

iglit that the
,000 quarters
ried into tlie
[ell to a ruin-
like a remu-
the House to
)r the protec-
rive hinicom-
not have been
I a fixed duty ?
>niething more
proportion to
d, just as the
or continuing
price of wheat
ml 2s. Wd.to
of from 8a'. to
n could at all
r at a moderate
;e and the con-
ttention of the
upon our ship-
ore the average
without loss of
lit the porta of
ssion of foreign
)Y the purpose,
r proportion ol
s reached this
ms ; but would
•e not in being ?
,y he was justi-
ost injuriously
witnesses ex-
of last year,
take the same
rd to the ship-

ping interest, and whose opinion he would, therefore, the
more readily quote upon this particular point, gave the
following evidence : Mr. Young was asked —

" Do you think that having a larger proportion of the
carrying trade of corn would be beneficial to you?" —
*' Yes, it would; if there was a fixed duty upon corn, 1
have no doubt it would be beneficial to us, for, at the pre-
sent time, if the ports are opened, orders go out to the
foreign ports ; the foreign ships are at home and get
freighted ; and, before the English ships can get out, the
principal part of tlie orders are filled up, and the freights
get lower ; we are, therefore, disappointed when we get
there."

** Do you consider that the alteration from a fluctuating
to a fixed duty would be the means of giving additional
employment to the British shipping ?" — "Yes, it would."

Mr. Hedley, another witness whom he questioned on
the subject, gave evidence to the same purport. Mr. Hedley
was asked —

** Do you think the shipping interest would be benefited
by an alteration of the Corn-laws ? " — "I think, if there
was a fixed duty, it would give very great increased em-
ployment to British shipping, instead of foreign, in the
early part of the year. At the present moment, when any
prospect of bad weather occurs during the harvest, or even
in the spring of the year, the orders are sent out so quickly,
that there is not time to send English vessels out, and the
foreign vessels are taken up forthwith. Now, if there was
a fixed duty, there would be none of that speculation, and
we should have a supply of corn of a superior description ;
there would be a regular import instead of a fluctuating
one. I think, if there were a fixed duty, British shipping
would become the carriers of nearly all the corn."

" You have stated that you think the English shipping
interest would be benefited materially by the change in
the Corn-law you have mentioned ; would not that depend
upon the comparative expense at which ioreign and British

H H 4

472

Al'l'KNDlX VI.

ships could be navigated ^" — '• 1 tliinlc that Britisli ship-
ping could he navigated as ciieap as foreign ; and even if
it could not, I should prefer Mritisii shi|)ping in bringing
corn ; you have no dependence upon the foreigner bringing
corn ; he perhaps runs into foreign ports, and you have
nothing but trouble aiul vexation with him ; a great nuiny
of them have run into Norway, &c."

He came now to the efiect produced by this fluctuating
law on trade, and that was his principal objection to it.
He had already stated, that he did not give in to the de-
lusion, that if the Corn-laws were repealed or modified to
the extent of the present propositicm, corn would be much
cheaper. He did not expect any such thing ; but his
opinion was, that the price of wheat, under such circum-
stances, would be much more ecpiah Now, it was appa-
rent to common sense, that their object should be, if they
were obliged to take large supplies of corn, such as they
did at present, from foreign countries (and the report of
the Agricultural Committee stated that we depended on
foreign supplies in ordinary years) — their object, he re-
peated, should be to make the most of wliat they were
obliged to take. Now, under the existing Corn-laws our
trade in corn with foreign countries, owing to the fluctu-
ations and the irregular demand, was looked upon by them
as an absolute nuisance. When a rise in the price of corn
took place here, the consequence was a sudden demand
from this country for corn from foreign countries, so as to
disturb their prices to an incredible extent. The demand
came so suddenly, and was to such an extent, that the
effect of it was to derange their system, and completely
unsettle their markets. It appeared from an article that
was recently given in a paper published by authority in
Germany, that the demand from England for corn came
generally so suddenly there, and so greatly disturbed all
their internal operations, that it was considered by them
rather as an injury than a benefit. But this was not all.
Did our present trade in corn with foreign countries, large

81'EKl'H ON THE CORN l.AWS.

473

British ship-
; and even if
f in bringing
jrner bringing
»ncl you have
a great nuiny

lis fhictuating
)bjection to it.
3 in to the de-
or niodilied to
vouUl be much
:hing; but his
r such circvun-
iv, it was appa-
3uld be, if they
n, such as they
id the report of
e depended on
object, he re-
vhat they were
Corn-hiws our
r to the fluctu-
upon by them
le price of corn
;udden demand
in tries, so as to
The demand
xtent, that the
and completely
an article that
by authority in
\ for corn came
[ly disturbed all
lidered by them
[his was not all.
.countries, large

as it was, induce them them to take Knglish goods in
return ? Did it tend to produce among them a taste for
Kn^Mish manufactures ? No sucli thing. There was no
doubt that a trade, un(U'r an e({ual and fixed duty, and a
constant conununication, would produce such an eflect.
Could then; be a doubt that such would be the case, con-
sidering that during the last five years we had iinj)orted
an amount equal to (),()()(),()()() (piarters of wheat from
foreign countries i Could it be denied, that if such a trade
were carried on u])on ecpial and steady princi|)les it would
tend to diffuse a taste for, and to promote the consumption
of, English manufactured goods on the Continent of Ku-
rope ? lUit, as the existinj^ law stood, foreign corn came
to us at rare intervals, and at a high price. Mow much
of that price which was eventually paid for foreign corn in
this country went into the pockets of the producers of it ?
After the charges for warehousing, for interest of money,
for insurance from fire, were deducted from the price
which it fetched, it would be found that a very small pro-
portion indeed of the total sum paid for it went into the
pockets of the producers of the corn. Now, that was one
of the main objections to the existing system of Corn-laws.
With the present fluctuating duty, while we had to pay a
high price for foreign corn, the revenue did not gain by
the increased price. The producers of the corn were not
gainers by it. In fact, a great proportion of that price
was money actually lost. He would appeal to honourable
members whether the interest that was necessarily charged
for corn laid up in the warehouses of Dantzic for three or
four years, and then deposited in the warehouses in London
for two or three years, was not lost to those who had pro-
duced that corn, as completely and entirely as if it had
been money thrown away ? As he had said before, a great
proportion of the various charges to which foreign corn
was subjected, must be regarded as money thrown away.
When he was connected with business, the calculation
was, that kiln-dried wheat could not be kept for less than

474

ArFENDlX VI.

Ss. or iOn. u quarter Hiinuully. Therefore, there was a
positive loss to that amount — replaced by nothing — con-
ferring advantage on no one — whicli might be saved by
an alteration of these laws. But then they were told, that
if the present system were altered, they would depend too
much on foreign countries for their supply of corn. Now,
in reply to that argument, it was only necessary to refer
to the Report of the Agricultural Committee, which showed
that, at this moment, we were dependent on foreign coun-
tries for a very large supply of corn, and that supply too
obtained under all the disadvantages incidental to the
fluctuating duty at present in existence. Was it not rea-
sonable to suppose that if that duty were a fixed and e(j[ual
one, though that supply might be obtained much cheaper,
it would be obtained on fairer and juster terms ? The
advocates of the present proposition had been taunted with
the supposition of placing this country at the mercy of
foreign countries for its supply of corn in time of war.
He was surprised to hear his right honourable friend last
night repeat that taunt, and quote Mr. Huskisson, to the
effect, that Europe, under such circumstances, might shut
her ports against us. What was the fact ? — and fact was
in this case a thousand times better than theory — why,
that in the middle of the last war, when the greatest efforts
that were ever resorted to were made to shut us out from
the Continental markets, we actually imported a larger
quantity of corn than we had ever imported at any previous
period; no less in amount than 1,400,000 quarters were
imported into this country at a time when we were at war,
and when, according to the extract read by his right ho-
nourable friend from the pamphlet of Mr. Huskisson, this
country would sink under the opposition of the Continent.
His right honourable friend, the First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, had shown last night, that the fluctuation at Rot-
terdam, under a system of free trade in corn, was still
greater, within the last three years, than in Great Britain,
wheie the trade was fettered by restrictions. But the

Sl'EECH ON THE CUKN LAWS.

47.-i

there was »
)thing — coii-
t be saved by
rere told, that
Id depend too
f corn. Now,
L>ssary to refer
which showed
foreign coun-
lat supply too
dental to the
^as it not rea-
Rxed and ec^ual
much cheaper,
• terms ? The
3n taunted with
t the mercy of
in time of war.
able friend last
iiskisson, to the
ces, might shut
— and fact was
theory — why,
greatest efforts
lUt us out from
ported a larger
at any previous
quarters were
e were at war,
ly his right ho-
uskisson, this
the Continent,
.rd of the Ad-
uation at Rot-
corn, was still
Great Britain,
ons. But the

cause of tlie changes in Rotterdam might in a great mea-
sure be traced to our Corn-laws. That market, from its
proximity and convenience, was immediately alfected by
our murk '. and being the theatre of speculation, prices
were more afh-cftMl there than even here. 'Ihen they had
been told, that even if u fixed duty should be imposed
upon thf imporf«ti(m of corn, the prices would not be
lower than fhey were at present. His right honourable
friend, while tin whole of his aii^iiments went to show
that the adoption of such a duty would be the ruin of the
agriculturists, had also contended that, under such circum-
stances, the prices would not be lower than they now were.
His right honourable friend showed that the average price
of wheat in Volhynia and in Ireland was almost precisely
the same. Was not that circumstance a sufficient answer
to those who said, that if a fixed scale were adopted, the
landlords would be ruined, and the farmers severely in-
jured ? If prices were the same in Volhynia and Ireland,
the preference would be sure to be given to the corn from
Ireland, because of the necessary charge of 10*. or 15.y.
per quarter on the transport of Polish corn. Now, for his
part, he knew not how his right honourable friend could
reconcile his statement, that prices would not fall in con-
sequence of the adoption of a fixed rate of duty, with that
ruin to the farmers and landlords which bo ^ad so con-
fidently predicted as the inevitable result of such a mea-
sure. They had been told that the landowners were
entitled to peculiar protection, as the land had peculiar
burthens to bear. He was not the person to object to
what was fair and right ; and if it could be shown that the
landowners were subjected to greater burthens than other
classes, he would say, that they should be protected. He
was well aware that the doctrine he was about to pro-
pound was one that was not calculated to render him
popular; but he would not for that reason shrink from
declaring his sincere opinion of what he conceived to be
just. He agreed with his honourable friend, the member

476

APPENDIX VI.

for Middlesex, that as this law had only existed since 1815,
the landowners liad no legal claim on the country for com-
pensation, but he thought they had an equitable claim.
He would not dispute that the landowners had a claim to
a certain degree of protection. He would give them com-
pensation for it. Let them make out their bill of costs ;
and he for one would pay it with a great deal of pleasure.
He would say, let the landowners be remunerated for any
charges to which the land might be specially subject. His
right honourable friend had referred to Mr. Ricardo, as
being of that way of thinking. He knew that Mr. Ricardo
was ; but what did that gentleman say besides ? He had
calculated those charges, and had said, that a fixed duty of
10.9. was nearly double the amount that was required to
compensate the landed interest. His right honourable
friend had quoted Mr. Ricardo as if he were with him,
and against the imposition of a fixed duty ; but he would
find, that the authority of Mr. Ricardo was against him
on that point. Mr. Ricardo proposed the adoption of a
certain fixed duty, as being a full and suflficient compen-
sation to the landowners. Let them adopt that plan, and
do not let them throw away the various sums which he
had shown were thrown away in the shape of different
charges under the existing system. By the adoption of
such a plan as that of a fixed duty, there was no doubt that
the revenue would be a gainer ; and, under such circum-
stances, he would not object to appropriate the amount of
duty thus received towards aflfording that relief to the
landowners to which they should prove themselves entitled.
He feared that he had rather trespassed on the time and
attention of the House ; but he was sure that the great
importance of the subject would be a suflicient excuse
with the House for going so much into detail with regard
to it. He had endeavoured to go through, and he hoped
with some success, the arguments which had been urged
on the other side of the question. The argument of time
alone had been touched upon, and upon that he would

SPEECH ON THE CORN LAWS.

477

ed since 1815,
antry for coin-
suitable claim,
had a claim to
ive them com-
f bill of costs ;
lal of pleasure,
lerated for any
y subject. His
^r. Ricardo, as
lat Mr. Ricardo
ides? He had
a fixed duty of
was required to
(rht honourable
were with him,
; but he would
^vas against him
e adoption of a
fficient compen-
t that plan, and
sums which he
ape of different
the adoption of
las no doubt that
[er such circum-
;e the amount of
,t relief to the
Imselves entitled,
on the time and
that the great
ufficient excuse
jtail with regard
ih, and he hoped
|had been urged
irgument of time
that he would

only observe, that if ever there was a time for making such
a change as that now proposed, properly and beneficially,
it was the present. They had heard it much dwelt upon,
that the price of corn was now at 48*., and that it could
not fall much below that. He would answer for it, that
any importation which could take place at the present
moment, more especially when he looked at the state of
the south-east of Europe, where corn was almost as dear
as it was here, and where the Government was actually
marching the population to the corn, because, to do so,
cost less than it would to carry the corn to the population.
He would answer for it that any quantity which could be
sent in now would not disturb the existing price in England.
As the only argument which had been adduced against a
change was that arising from a fear of a fall in that price
it was clear, that now was the time to effect a change.
But there was another powerful argument for it : — They
could legislate now with calmness, with deliberation, and
with wisdom. Let them wait till the price of corn should
rise — let them wait until one of those fluctuations should,
under the dispensation of Providence, occur, through a
failure of the harvest in this country, with a failure also of
the harvest in France (a prior customer to us in the markets
of the Continent) with those markets not abundantly
stocked, hardly sufficient, in fact, to supply their own de-
mands, — let them wait till that time should arrive ; and
then a change in the Corn-laws would be called for in
much less respectful language than he should wish ever to
see addressed to that House. They could now legislate,
holding the balance equally poised between all the different
interests connected with this great question. Let them but
legislate wisely on this subject now, and they might secure
that continental market for their manufactures which delay
might deprive them of; let them but adopt this proposition
now, and they might meet effectually that continental
combination which was at that moment arising in different
parts of Germany to shut out English manufactures from

478

APPENDIX VI.

their markets. Let them postpone vvliat must eventually
be done with regard to the Corn-laws, and that combination
would have spread so widely, and become so deeply rooted,
that it would be inaccessible to argument and impossible
to be overturned. Above all things he would say to the
House — " Act now." Let them act now, in order to
answer that notion, which, in his opinion, arose from igno-
rance or mistaken ideas, namely — that, in the first place,
very cheap bread would be the result of such a measure as
that now proposed, and that, in the next place, the effect
of the existing law was to deprive the people of food.
That feeling, however mistaken it might be, existed, and
they might depend upon it that it was diffusing itself
generally throughout the country. Such an opinion could
not be put down by argument; and the only effectual
means of putting it down — the only effectual mode to
convince the public of the fallacy of the notion, consisted
in the House resolving to resort to a different system.
He, for one, would submit cheerfully to the decision of
that House, whatever it should be; but he would not
answer that such would be the feeling out of doors. He
was afraid that he could not doubt what that decision
would be. They would, most probably, pronounce in
favour of the existing system ; they would, most probably,
declare that that system was the right one ; but he could
not conclude without expressing his opinion, in the words
of Lord Liverpool, that, in spite of any decision they might
come to, a restriction on the food of the people could not
endure.

479

st eventually
combination
eeply rooted,
id impossible
dd say to the
, in order to
ise from igno-
he first place,
1 a measure as
ice, the effect
ople of food.
!, existed, and
liffusing itself
opinion could
only effectual
ctual mode to
tion, consisted
ferent system,
he decision of
le would not
doors. He
that decision
pronounce in
nost probably,
but he could
in the words
on they might
»ple could not

)

APPENDIX VII.

SUBSTANCE OF A SPEECH DELIVERED BY THE RIGHT HON.
C. POULETT THOMSON, ON MR. VILLIERS's MOTION FOR
GOING INTO A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE HOUSE ON THE
CORN LAWS. 1839.

I SUPPOSE it is not likely that the present debate will
terminate this night, but I rise for the purpose of address-
ing the House, because I shall not be able, I fear, to take
another occasion of doing so on the present subject, in
consequence of the indisposition under which I labour.
I therefore must, however late in the evening, throw my-
self upon the indulgence of the House, but in return, I
will endeavour to compress my observations, and the argu-
ments I mean to bring forward upon the present occasion,
into the smallest possible compass. It would, indeed, be
extremely difficult now to say anything new upon a matter
which has already been so much discussed, and which has
been canvassed so frequently both in and out of this place.
Before I proceed, however, I must say that I rejoice that
this question is at last brought before the House, in the
manner in which it has been introduced by my honourable
friend; that it has been discussed on those grounds on
which I think it ought alone to be discussed, with reference
to the general interests of this country, and not of any par-
ticular class. I have never disguised my own opinion from
those gentlemen, many of them friends of mine, who have,
much to their credit, agitated this question — I have never
disguised my opinion from them, that they rather injured
their own cause, and the objects they seek to accomplish,
by narrating the grounds on which they press their claims.
I am not surprised that, feeling as they must naturally do,
their own interests deeply involved, affected as they were
in their own pursuits and their own business, they should

480

AITEXDIX Vir.

have so narrowed the grounds upon which they stood ; but,
for my part, I confess, I never wished to treat the subject
in any other way than with reference, as I have before
said, to the general interests of the country. I was glad
to find that my honourable friend, the member for the
North Riding of Yorkshire, had at first been inclined to
meet the question, now under our consideration, in an
equally fair manner. That honourable gentleman has,
however, yielding to the advice of others, which no doubt
he has reason for doing, flinched from the proposition
which he himself announced — he has retreated from his
own position, and now means to meet the motion with a
negative, and not to press the resolutions of which he has
given notice. I own I can understand very well why he
does so with regard to the first resolution which stands on
the Notice Book ; I have thought that but very few sup-
porters would probably be found for that resolution which
my honourable friend originally meant to propose. It
was too absurd to find friends! But with regard to his
second resolution, although he withdrew it, I can see no
reason why it should be withdrawn, unless my honourable
friend is prepared to vote with me. I know no grounds
on which it is possible to refuse to go into a committee of
the House, unless we are prepared to agree to what my
honourable friend had at first intended to say, namely —
that the lav^r as it at present stands is good, has worked
well, has answered its purpose, and ought to be maintained.
Now I am prepared to contend for the exact reverse of
that proposition, to say that these laws are injurious to the
general interests of the community, and it is for that reason,
and with a view to change them, that I agree to the pro-
position of the honourable mover.

It has been stated, that it is the object of my honourable
friend, the member for "Wolverhampton, in making his
present motion, to repeal totally and immediately the
actually existing Corn-laws. Now I have heard nothing to
that effect fall from my honourable friend. I know the

SPEECH ON MR. VILLIEKS's MOTION.

481

J stood ; but,
, the subject
have before
I was glad
nber for the
n inclined to
lation, in an
iitleman has,
lich no doubt
e proposition
;ated from his
motion with a
' which he has
y well why he
hich stands on
; very few sup-
solution which
) propose. It
regard to his
, I can see no
ny honourable
iw no grounds
committee of
|e to what my
;ay, namely —
id, has worked
le maintained,
act reverse of
ijurious to the
for that reason,
le to the pro-

ly honourable

In making his

lediately the

ird nothing to

I know the

opinions which my honourable friend entertains, yet, when
he goes into conmiittee on the subject, it does not follow
that the House will be bound to assent to them. If I was
asked whether it would, in my opinion, be beneficial to
this country to abolish the Corn-laws, my answer would be
that it would. If I were asked whether it might not be
better to have even a free trade in corn, I would reply in
the aflirmative also. But when I state this I am perfectly
aware that there are considerable and weighty interests to
be looked into which cannot be lightly treated ; and that
they should be all fairly considered and equitably dealt
with, and time given gradually to effect a change. I am
therefore taking a practical view of the subject, ready to
go into a committee upon it, in the hope that we shall be
able to introduce such a practical change in the existing
system of laws as may prove really beneficial to all parties,
and which will not injure any interests whatsoever. I
therefore contend that those who are not inclined to sup-
port my view of the alteration requisite, and who yet do
not go the whole length of maintaining that the law has
worked well, and is the best which can be established, are
nevertheless bound to go into committee, and there they
will have full and ample opportunity of opposing or sup-
porting the propositions which may be submitted to them.
There they may propose their own schemes if they please.
I would ask my noble friend (Lord Stanley) who cheers,
if, according to the forms of this House, it is possible to
introduce any change in these laws in any other manner
than by going into committee ? There, and there alone,
we should be fully able to discuss the various expedients
which may be deemed necessary in this instance, and there
I shall be prepared to submit to them my own particular
plans, to be adopted or notj as the House thinks fit. But
having said thus much, I feel bound to assert now that
there are parts of the speech of the honourable mover with
which I am not prepared to agree, particularly with refer-
ence to what my honourable friend had stated, about the

I I

482

APPENDIX VII.

price of corn. To these slight differences, however, it is
not necessary particularly to allude.

The question has been put fairly, in this simple way,
who is for, and who is against, the present system of Corn-
laws unaltered, as they stand.

The first point then is, what is the present law ? and
here I agree certainly with the honourable member for the
North Riding, who has made no real difference between
the law of 1828 and that of 1815, or 1822. Whatever
might have been the intention practically the effect has
been the same. My own argument is, that the two laws
are practically the same. The present law professes to
afford a remedy for the fluctuating prices which had been
found so injurious to the different interests in the country,
and it accordingly proposed a fluctuating scale of duties,
instead of the prohibition up to a certain price, and free
admission afterwards, as fixed by the law of 1815, and the
law of 1822. Its object was, to a certain degree, to place
the corn trade something upon the same footing as the
other branches of trade in the country, and to allow the
importation of corn, not merely at the price where under
the former law prohibition ceased, but at a price far below
that point. Now, that result has not been obtained, for,
although it professed to allow corn to come in at a lower
rate, yet the result has not answered expectations, and, in
this respect, matters stand nearly in the same position
with respect to the import of foreign corn as under the
old Corn-law. The corn of foreign countries is not brought
into the market when the price is such as the present law
contemplated. It is only when the price is such as would
have permitted foreign corn to be sold under the old law
that foreign corn is brought into the market. This is
clearly proved by a document I hold in my hand. Since
the law came into operation in July, 1828, up to the 31st
of December, 1838, there have been 6,788,000 quarters
of corn imported. Now, we have i. id frequently corn c.t
very high prices in this country, and if the law had operated

SPEECH ON MR. VILLIERS's MOTION.

48a

lowever, it is

J simple way,
item of Coni-

;ent law ? and
lember for the
rence between
\2. Whatever
the effect has
Lt the two laws
iw professes to
vhich had been
in the country,
scale of duties,
price, and free
,f 1815, and the
degree, to place
footing as the
,nd to allow the
,ce where under
price far below
n obtained, for,
,e in at a lower
;tations, and, in
same position
•n as under the
[s is not brought
Ithe present law
|s such as would
,der the old law
,rket. This is
^y hand. Since
up to the 31st
8,000 quarters
iquently corn ft
w had operated

according to what tlie framers of it at the time expected
from a moderate duty (the price of 70*. being considered
by the law of 1822 as the famine price), it would be sup-
posed that a considerable quantity of corn would have come
in at a lower price ; whereas, of the 6,788,000 quarters of
corn, 5,089,000 quarters came in paying a duty less than
6s. Sd., the duty when the price was 71«., the rate at which
prohibition ceased under the old law having been 70*. So
that under the present law 75 per cent, of all corn imported
came in at a price above 70*., and only 25 per cent, came
in at a lower price. It stands to reason that it should be
so, for it must be known by any one who watches the
operations of the corn-market, that when corn begins to
rise, all persons holding corn in bond do not bring out
their corn, paying 16*. or 20*. duty; but what they do is
this, they wait, and operate on the market, till at last the
price rises to 73*., and corn comes out at 1*. duty. Is
this a benefit ? But before I come to this point I turn —
having stated the effect of the law — to the honourable
members opposite, and ask what were the intention and
views of the framers of it ? What was the declared object
of the committee of 1821 ? The great object to be secured
was to obtain a steady price for corn ; a p^ice free from
fluctuation. The admirable report, framed by the com-
mittee of which Sir Thomas Gooch was chairman, was
written by Mr. Huskisson, and introduced under the aus-
pices of the chairman — that admirable report, setting out
with a statement, clear and convincing as to what the law
should be, required above all things that prices should be
steadied and fluctuations prevented ; and I am astonished
that in the corn bill of 1827, or the law of 1828, the
recommendation of that report has not been followed up,
and that the fluctuating scale has been introduced. I hold
in my hand a document which will prove, beyond a possi-
bility of doubt, that the object contemplated by the framers
of the present law was the prevention of the fluctuation in
the market and I shall take the liberty of reading that

II 2

484

APPENDIX VII.

document to the House. 1 hold in my hand an extract
from the speech of the author of the bill of 1827; and
what did Mr. Canning say in introducing that bill ?

** It seems to me desirable, that if there is to be a trade
in corn at all, it should be ccmducted as far as possible on
the principle of other trades, in a sober regular course, and
not by perpetual jerks and impulses, arising out of extra-
ordinary emergencies. I am persuaded, that if importation
be always free, taking sufficient security against an inun-
dation of the home market, it will flow in a regular equable
current, supplying the real wants of the country without
overwhelming it ; instead of rendering the trade, as now,
under the principle of prohibition, a perpetual scries of
alterations between a drought and a deluge. I think this
project will tend to equalise the prices, and keep that
equalisation of prices steady. The market will, indeed,
assume such a steadiness, that, instead of a fluctuation
between ll2s. at one time and 38.9. at another, the vibra-
tions will probably be found to be limited with the small
circle of from about 55s. to about G5s. The plan will
provide against the mischief arising from sudden gluts in
the market at one time, and sudden dearths compelling us
to legislate occasionally in contradiction to our general
system of legislation at another." *

Now, what I ask is, whether these expectations have
been fulfilled ? Can any man, who has attended to the
prices of corn in this country, pretend that such has been
the result ? I hold in my hand a statement of the highest
and lowest prices of corn in each year, from 1828. In
1828, the highest price of wheat was 76*., the lowest, 51*. :
the difference, 49 per cent. In 1829, highest price '75s.,
lowest 55s. \ the difference, 37 per cent. In 1830, highest
price 74*., lowest 55s.', difference, 35 per cent. In 1831,
highest price 75*., lowest 59*.; the diflference between the
highest and lowest prices was 27 per cent. In 1832,

* Hansard's New Series, vol. xvi. p. 770.

SPEECH ON MK. VILLIERS S MOTION.

485

i an extract
f 1827; and
bill ?

to he a trade
,s possible on
ir course, and
out of extra-
if importation
tinst an inun-
igular equable
untry without
trade, as now,
etual scries of
I think this
and keep that
it will, indeed,
f a fluctuation
ther, the vibra-
with the small
The plan will
iudden gluts in
compelling us
o our general

jectations have
jttended to the
It such has been
It of the highest
Ifrom 1828. In
|be lowest, 51s. ••
lest price 75s.,
[n 1830, highest
[;ent. In 1831,
)ce between the
jnt. In 1832,

1 770.

highest price 63s., lowest 51s., 24 per cent. In 1833,
highest price 56s., lowest 49s., 14 per cent. In 1834,
highest price 49s., lowest 40s., 22 per cent. In 1835, high-
est price 44s., lowest 36s., 22 per cent. In 1836, the
liighest price was 60s., the lowest 36s. ; the difference
68 per cent. In 1837, highest price 60s., lowest 51s. ;
difference 17 per cent. In 1838, liighest price 78s. lowest
52s.; difference 49 per cent. Between 1836 and 1839,
there was a difference of 116 per cent, between the highest
and lowest prices. I ask whether the object, as explained
in the passage I have read from Mr. Canning's speech, has
been attained ? I can show, by returns with which I will
not now trouble the House, that under another state of
the law, dissimilar to that which exists at present, the
fluctuations during ten years were never half so much.

But my honourable friend has said that we must look
to other considerations, with reference to other interests —
tenants, labourers, and others. I am ready to examine
the question upon that ground, and I am prepared to con-
tend that, as the law stands, it is most injurious to all
these interests. But, before I go on with this part of my
argument, I call upon the gentlemen on the other side to
say, why corn should have a duty different from all other
articles. There are not fluctuating duties upon wine, or
timber, upon silk or cotton ; why then upon corn ? On
what principle is it that, after the system laid down by
Mr. Canning has so signally failed, we continue to apply
a different law to corn from that applied to other articles ?
For whose interest then I ask is all this done ? for the
tenant ? who can deny that fluctuation of price must be
most injurious to him ? He can never tell what he ought
to pay for his land, what return he ought to get for his
capital. To the uncertainty which already exists in all
farming operations, you superadd an additional amount
of uncertainty, and you call that a good law for the
tenant.

With regard to the landlord, instead of entering into an

II 3

486

APPENDIX VII.

argument to show how, on theory and on principle, the
law must be injurious to him, I must be permitted to ad-
vert to a document, respecting which there can be no dis-
pute, which will be a good test of what the agriculturist
has experienced from the law. If the law be what it has
been represented by its advocates, we have a right to ex-
pect that its effects on agriculture will be beneficial ; but
I find, from the records before me, that since 1828, there
have been no less than five king's speeches in which refer-
ence was made to the depressed state of agriculture, and
which called the earliest attention of parliament to the
subject, with a view of devising relief. Upon the ^th of
February, 1830, his late majesty, in his speech from the
throne, said —

" His majesty laments that, notwithstanding this indi-
cation of active commerce, distress should prevail among
the agricultural and manufacturing classes in some parts
of the United Kingdom."

But that, however, was not considered strong enough,
and an amendment was moved by the right honourable
baronet opposite (the member for Kent), the tendency of
which was, to describe the distress which prevailed in more
forcible language. In 188i, upon the 6th of December,
the king, in his speech from the throne, said —

" I deeply lament the distress which still prevails in
many parts of my dominions ; and for which the preserv-
ation of peace both at home and abroad will, under Divine
Providence, afford the best and most efficacious remedy."

In 1833 there was no mention of the subject, but com-
mittees were appointed to inquire into the state of trade
and agriculture. In 1834, the king's speech contained the
following paragraph : —

" I have to lament the continuance of distress amongst
the proprietors and occupiers of land."

In 1835, the speech from the throne said —

" I deeply lament that the agricultural interest con-
tinues in a state of great depression."

SPEECH ON MR. VILLVr- S MOTION.

487

listress amongst

ll interest con-

In 1886, his majesty said —

" I lament that any class of m} subjects should still
suffer distress, and the difficulties which continue t< he
felt in many important branches of agriculture may dc . ve
your inquiry, with a view of ascertaining whether ti. re
are any measures which parliament can advantageously
adopt for the alleviation of this pressure."

There were five king's speeches, and a committee of the
House in one year when the subject was not mentioned
in a king's speech, within a few years, all indicating an
increased or continued distress amongst the agricultural
class : and after that we are told that the present system
works well, and that the law requires no change ! Really,
I know not how posterity may read history, but I think it
must seem hereafter that those gentlemen who so recently
complained of their condition, and then boasted that the
law under which they suffered was the best that could be
enacted, must have comtnitted some great mistake.

As to the labourer, I cannot understand how he can be
otherwise than benefited by a change of the law. The
only thing which he can bring to market is his labour, and
the price which he obtains for it depends upon the ratio
which the supply bears to the demand in the market.
Whatever increases the demand for labour raises his wages
— whatever diminishes it reduces them. I do not advert,
of course, to what may be the case in some agricultural
districts, where, owing to the difficulty of transporting
labour, and the effect of the Poor Law, the labourer is
reduced to the mere minimum of subsistence ; but in a
healthy state of society, and generally through this coun-
try, no one will deny that my position is correct. How
does your Corn-law then operate upon him ? By dimi-
nishing the means of employment it lowers the wages
which he receives. By raising the price of food it makes
those money wages of still less value to him. T may be
told, indeed, that he would lose employment by so much
British corn ceasing to be cultivated ; but if so (which I do

II 4

48«

Al'l'KNDlX Vir.

not Ix'lievc to \)c the rase), a p;roat('r (luantity of foreif^ii
would coinc ill hcu'ause it was cliraper, and it must hi' paid
lor hy soiiu'tliin^, tlic produce of tliis country, wliicli would
absorb tlic labour thus displaced. If foreign corn were,
therefore, atbnitted, it would be tnaiiifestly for his benefit.
If corn became cheaj) the labourer's waj^es would be of
more value, and the effect wou! I be, to increase the de-
mand for labour, wliilst it decreased the price of tlu;
labourer's food. Hut above all, a fjfrcater c(iuality of prices
would ensue, which would have a tendency to benefit the
labourer, inasmuch as he is always a sufferer from the
fluctuation of prices. If any man, indeed, more than
another, has an interest in the alteration of the Corn-laws,
with a view to avoid fluctuations, it is the labourer. It is
well known that the vvajj^es of labour do not rise or decrease
as rapidly, and in the same proportion, as the price of
provisions, and it is this fact which makes the present
system inflict great injury on him. In I8{J5 and 18i}(>,
when the prices of corn were low, the wages of labourers
in the agricultural districts, where there is often a supply
greater in amount than the demand for lid)our, were de-
creased to match the price of corn ; and when an increase,
and a rapid increase, took place in the price of corn, there
has not been a corresponding increase in the amount of
the labourer's wages, so that he has merely the same amount
of money to receive for his labour when the price of corn
has been doubled; therefore I contend that no class of
persons are more interested in the subject than the labour-
ing class, nor is the condition of any class more influenced
by the Corn-laws. My honourable friend said that one
of the objects which would be achieved by a change in the
law would be, to reduce the wages of labourers to 4*. per
week, and in this resolution he included manufacturing as
well as agricultural labourers — I utterly deny that! Now
what are the demands of the labourers ? They say they
want employment — they want the means of getting a live-
lihood — they want to be placed in a position which will

Sl'KKCII ON MU. VIIJ.IEHSS MOTION.

480

[y of rorcij^M
imist bo paid
whicli would
n corn weru,
»r Ills benefit,
would be ol'
•ease tlie de-
price of tile
dity of prices
o benefit the
rer from the
I, more than
be Corn-laws,
bourer. It i«
ise or decrease
the price of
s the present
V,i5 and 18;J(i,
IS of labourers
ften a supply
)our, were de-
n an increase,
of corn, there
|he amount of
same amount
price of com
t no class of
n the labour-
lore influenced
said that one
change in the
rers to is. per
ufacturing as
y that ! Now
hey say they
getting a live-
on which will

enable them to earn their bread. That is oiii- reason why
I feel that a change is necessary, because I am convinced
that if the Corn-laws wiire changed there would be an
increase in the demand for workmen, and the rate of
wages would be; increased with the increased denuuid for
their labour.

The next point to which my honourable friend (Mr.
Cayley) adverted, was the ell'ect a change in the present
system would have upon the trade of the country. It is
not n>y intention to follow my honourable friend through
the minute calculations into which he has gone, with regard
to the prices of cochineal, indigo, cotton twist, and other
articles: for to attempt to compare the variations in the
prices of conunodities of that kind, which depend upon so
many various and conflicting circunistances, with the price
of the great necessary of life, seems to me to be quite beside
the (question. All the conunodities to which my honourable
friend has alluded are subject, in consequence of the modc;-
rate amount of supply, to speculation in the market to a
great extent ; they are subject to the chances of different
markets in Europe far more than corn can possibly be. But
my honourable friend has said — and here 1 venture to
differ from him very considerably — my honourable friend
has said, ** Why, your home trade is the only trade you
have got to look to, and I would not see the country
sacrificed for the sake of a foreign trade." Now 1 must
tell my honourable friend that it is a little too late to talk
of this nation being independent of other countries ; my
honourable friend might have said such was the case one
hundred, or at least seventy or eighty years ago ; but the
time is past, and now England has a large population de-
pendent entirely upon her foreign trade. I do not say
that the home trade is not beneficial to this country, but
I cannot conceive how the home trade is to be lost, nor
has any attempt been made to show that it would be ; but
now that millions and millions of the population of Great
Britain are dependent upon the foreign trade, I beg to

490

APPENDIX VII.

ask honourable gentlemen who cheer nie, whether it is
not too much to talk lightly of that trade, which supports
so large a proportion of the population of the country. Do
honourable gentlemen know the amount of the exports from
this country — do they know what the foreign trade is? Why
the country scarcely imports anything but raw materials; it
imports of them to the extent of between 25,000,000/. and
30,000,000/. for the purposes of home consumption or for
manufactures to be sent away again. What I complain of
in the existing Corn-laws is this, that this country has, by
those laws, raised against it many of the other nations of
the world, not because we do not take corn from them, but
on account of the uncertainty which is thrown into the
trade with them, in consequence of our system of duties,
which, declaring that England shall never apply to foreign-
ers, if slie can possibly help it, has done every thing
that is possible to shut the markets of Europe and America
against the British manufactures, and have induced na-
tions to adopt hostile policy in commercial matters, which
would never have occurred but for these laws. Do I speak
without book when I state this ? An honourable gentle-
man behind me has moved for the production of whatever
correspondence has taken place between the Government
of this country, and those of other nations, on the subject
of the Corn-laws, or for any propositions made, or notices
given by foreign countries, willing to trade with this
country, provided the present system of Corn-laws were
done away with. Those documents J shall produce to my
honourable friend and the House ; but I must at the same
time mention, that they are a class of connnunications
which do not generally take place in an ofiicial form ; they
are more generally the result of private letters, and there-
fore the information contained in them is not so full
as I could desire. But some time ago a gentleman, Mr.
M'Gregor, was sent to Germany, to inquire into the con-
dition of the German League, and I have with me let-
ters I have received from him, bearing on the subject

SPEECH OiN MK. VILLI ERS S MOTION.

491

now before the House, and which I will retid. This is
dated in 1836.

•* I am perpetually told, that England must reduce her
own tariff before she can reasonably expect Germany to
do so."

And in reply to Mr. McGregor, the foreign minister
for Wurtemberg thus expresses himself.

" I am opposed to anything like particular protections
given to any branch of industry, being convinced that such
protection is a general tax on the community.

*' We have few articles besides coarse linens and natural
produce, as corn, and cattle, and probably some of the
wool, which we send by the Neckar and Rhine to Hol-
land, that would find their way to your markets at re-
duced duties ; but, settle the preliminaries of a commercial
treaty with Prussia, and I presume there will not be much
difficulty in Wurtemberg adhering to it."

I will read another extract in relation to our commerce
with Prussia: —

" M. Kuchne, the Prussian Commissionary, is a gentle-
man of intelligent views, and seems fully to comprehend
the importance of a commercial treaty with England, but
argues our Corn-laws are the supreme obstacle. He is
at the same time said to be the most skilful member of
the Congress."

And again —

** Baron Smit, the Wurtemberg minister at the Bavarian
Court, the projector of the Germanic Union, tells me, that
he can discover no objection whatever in meeting the views
of foreign states, to a reasonable extent, in reducing the
high duties in the Germanic tariff, provided that such states
will act with something like reciprocity towards Germany ;
but he also contends that the British tariff ranges much
higher than the Germanic tariff as twenty to thirty per
cent, compared to ten per cent., and on linens, and every
article from Germany, as wood, corn, and some other
natural produce much higher."

492

APrE>JDlX VII.

On the 14th July M. Kuchne said, —

*' If any arrangement be entered into, you must begin
at Berlin, and a reduction of j cur corn duties to a fixed
rate must be preliminary to any understanding as to a re-
duction on our part of duties on your commodities.

" Without saying how such an arrangement could be
effected, I alluded to the proposed reduction of the duty
on timber, and such as would probably be made on some
other articles, as linens, Nuremburg wares, mineral water,
8cc. ; but he took his stand upon corn, saying the other
reductions were but of little consequence."

Those extracts with which I have troubled the House
will show how foreign trade has been affected by the Corn-
law system, which has been said to work so well that no
system can be better devised. So much with regard to
their effect. But we have been told that some protection
is necessary. I would not, if such were the opinion of the
House, object to a fair protection ; but what I object to
is, the present mode of administering this protection, and
I contend that it produces no advantage.

I do not object to that fair protection being given which
may be demanded by those additional burthens which it is
supposed the land pays. I wish for protection to that
extent ; but what we quarrel with is the mode in which
the law gives the present protection, which I contend is
of no advantage to this country, while it is a detriment to
others. At the same time my honourable friend has made
a most exaggerated statement of the amount of that pro-
tection, in consequence of what he has been pleased to call
the burthens on land. He has estimated the value of capital
engaged in land to be 690,000,000/. ; but I confess I cannot
follow my honourable friend's calculation, so as to be satis-
fied with the correctness of that statement. I am, how-
ever, willing to admit that there have been burthens which
press exclusively upon land ; many of tliem, however, have
been redressed, and I should therefore like to examine
into them in committee; and if the grievance be substan-

SPEECH ON MR. VILLIERS S MOTION.

493

tiated, then to give a fair protection. The burthen whicli
has chiefly been alluded to is the poor rate.

Now the returns for the year 1833 showed the propor-
tions of all burthens on land and other property ; and of
the poor-rate and high-way rate, land paid, it appeared,
65 per cent, and houses and other property paid 35 per
cent. Now, taking the same proportion in 1838, the
whole amount of poor-rate, highway-rate, and other im-
posts, was about 5,186,000/. of which land paid 3,275,000/.,
and other property paid 1,911,000/. or again taking the
poor-rate alone, it amounted last year to 4,123,000/., of
which land paid 2,604,000/. and houses and other property
paid 1,519,000/. I state this to show that those burthens
do not exclusively fall upon land, and that other property
pays very considerably towards them ; and must remark,
that when a balance comes to be made out of the account
on both sides, the probate and legacy duty of 2,284,000/.,
which is paid exclusively by other interests, must be taken
into account and set against the other charges.

It has also been said that the malt tax is a burthen on
land. I regret that the right honourable baronet, the
member for Tamworth, was not in his place to answer that
assertion when it was made — answer it he could, for I
have h ;ard the right honourable baronet make a speech
on the subject of the malt tax (and I have voted with the
right honourable baronet in consequence of that speech,
and the doctrines therein laid down), in which he esta-
blished irresistibly that the malt tax was not a tax on
land, but a tax paid by the consumer. Undoubtedly,
by limiting consumption, it affects the distribution of
crops, and is a grievance to that extent, but to that extent
only.

Then I must ask, why it is that the House refuses to
make any alteration in the existing Corn-laws. Is that
refusal from a fear of lowering the price of corn ? My
own opinion is (and I do not state it now for the first
time), that by a change the prices, on an average of years,

494

APPENDIX VII.

v/ould not be much lower than at present ; it is my firm
belief, that wheat could not be imported to be laid in at
30*., 32s., or 33s. per quarter, as has been most errone-
ously asserted — that is, in my judgment, perfectly out of
the question ; if there were a regular demand for it, and
the supply was steadily taken, it would be impossible,
from any calculation that has been made, that wheat could
be brought into this country under 40*. or 50*. per
quarter. The House ought to remember, that this
country has this circumstance to contend with, that the
farther from rivers or the sea shore, or other means of
communication, we go to procure our supplies, the greater
will be the expense ; and not only a greater expense ac-
cording to common progression, but according to an infi-
nitely increasing progression. In my travels I have
known, in a province of Russia, for instance, wheat sell at
5s. per quarter, but such was the expense of carriage and
the charges of transport, that it could not be carried to a
neighbouring province at a less price than 20s. and 25s.
It is not many years ago since, in that very country, which
forms such a bugbear to honourable gentlemen opposite, I
mean the south of Russia, when the crops failed it was
found to be cheaper to send the population to the food in
a distant province, than to transport the food to them !
But if honourable members are so afraid of lowering the
price, I must be permitted to ask them to go back, and see
how little their fears on other subjects have been justified
by the events which have ensued. I will, as an instance,
take the article of Wool. Honourable members will re-
member the debates which took place, when a proposal
was made to admit foreign wool into this country, and
when it was declared by a noble friend of mine in another
place, that the sheep farmers of this country would be
utterly and entirely ruined, that it would be impossible for
them to compete with those flocks which produced wool so
cheaply abroad. Now, what was the result ? Why, that
the sheep farmer in this country now receives a higher

SPEECH ON MR. VILLIERS'S MOTION.

495

price for his wool than he did before the change took
place.

This will appear from the following statement of the
average prices of Leicester long wools from the years 1821
to 1838 inclusive, per tod of JJ8 lbs. : — Average price in
1821, 32s. 6d. ; in 1822, 29s. ; in 1823, 26s. ; in 1824, 2av.
in 1825, 40*. 6d. ; in 1826, 28*. ; in 1827, 26*. ; in 1828,
24*. ; in 1829, 21*. 6d. ; in 1830, 21*. 6d. ; in 1831, 30*.;
in 1832, 30*. 6d. ; in 1833, 38*. 6d. ; in 1834, 46*. ; in
1835, 39*.; in 1836, 41*.; in 1837, 37*.; and in 1838,
38*. The high range of prices for the last six years is to
be ascribed to the increasing export. Although the trade
was thrown open in 1826, it was some time before the ex-
port was sufficiently great to affect prices. It was the
speculation induced by the over-issue of paper in 1825,
previous to the panic, which occasioned the high prices of
1 825. If the export of wool were prohibited, as formerly,
it is the opinion of well-informed persons, that the price of
Leicester long wool would not exceed 25*. per tod ; the
free trade in wool has, consequently, given the agricultural
interest a clear advantage of 15*. per tod for the last six
years, on the whole of the long wool growth of the king-
dom, which is estimated at 300,000 packs of eight tods
each, or equivalent to 1^ million sterling. And this great
advantage was literally forced on the agricultural interest,
who anticipated from free trade in wool, the absolute ruin
of the wool grower. This, then, was the result of their
apprehensions — this was the effect of throwing open the
trade in wool.

But I now come to the last argument which has been
urged by my honourable friend, viz. — the dependence of
this country upon foreigners, in case a change were made in
the present Corn-laws. I must repeat, that it is now too
late to urge that argument, for, according to the report of
the committee of 1834, this country is even now depend-
ent upon foreigners in this respect ; and the question
really is, in what a state does this country stand now,

i»ii' >mm\mi

msm

49G

APPENDIX VI r.

under the present condition of the law with respect to this
point? Why, this country has found tluit foreigners were
inchned to shut their ports to prevent the export of corn,
because Great Britain is not a steady regular customer —
that foreigners find they can carry on no beneficial trade
with her, and that her demand is inconvenient instead of
advantageous to them. This is one of my main arguments
for wishing to change the present law. I contend that
foreigners may be made as much dependent on England
for the sale of their corn as England is now dependent on
them for the supply of that commodity. I contend, that
if a regular, fixed, and steady trade were established with
them, they would be no more able to prevent their corn
from coming to the British market, than the Americans
are able to prevent their cotton. Is not this country de-
pendent now upon America for cotton ? It is true cotton
is not a necessary of life, but still there are 1,500,000
people in this country dependent for their bread upon the
cotton trade. I again repeat, that if there is not that
mutual interest raised which will make each country de-
pendent on the other, then there will be as much danger
from the situation of a population, engaged in all the great
articles of foreign produce brought here for manufacture,
as ever there could be from being dependent on foreign
nations for a supply of corn. But the fact is, that at
present, foreigners look on the demand made on them by
this country for corn rather as a nuisance than otherwise;
occurring only at seasons when corn is scarce, it deranges
the whole of their markets by its irregularity. Corn
may be grown by them in expectation of some demand
from here ; it may be sent to the ports, where it sometimes
lies for years, at heavy charges for warehouse rent, and
loss of interest on the capital locked up all the time, until
a sudden demand comes, and it is taken perhaps at a loss
to the grower, the additional price being merely for those
charges of rent and interest on capital. But what does
the English purchaser pay ? Why, because he wants the

SPEECH ON MR. VILLIEHS's MOTION.

497

■spcct to this
•eigners were
port of corn,
• customer —
iieficial trade
nt instead of
in arguments
contend that
t on England
dependent on
contend, that
:ablished with
int their corn
he Americans
is country de-
is true cotton
are 1,500,000
read upon the
e is not that
1 country de-
much danger
n all the great
manufacture,
nt on foreign
ct is, that at
e on them by
an otherwise;
e, it deranges
larity. Corn
some demand
it sometimes
use rent, and
he time, until
•haps at a loss
rely for those
ut what does
he wants the

corn in a time of necessity, he must pay those additional
charges, and the extra price is tlius just as much thrown
away, as if so much of the corn were tlirown into the sea
from the ships which transport it to this country. On the
otlier hand, foreign countries themselves sud'er from the
sudden rise of prices. All their relations are disturbed,
the price of corn, perhaps low, is suddenly converted into
a high price, and their own population sufler from the
eifects of the demand from this country. How different,
however, would be the position of both, if a regular steady
trade were established!

I will not trouble the House farther ; I have, imperfectly
I fear, but as well as I am able, expressed my opinion
with regard to the existing Corn-laws. I have contended,
that the law in its present state, is injurious to the land-
lord, inasmuch as it produces uncertainty to him — I have
contended it is injurious to the tenant, inasmuch as he
never knows what he is about under the great fluctuations
in prices — it is injurious to the labourer, because it
deprives him of the employment he would otherwise have
^ and it is injurious to the manufacturer, because it
fetters his industry and promotes foreign competition.
This is my view of the case ! It is upon these grounds
that I recommend the House to accede to the motion of
my honourable friend. I will not attempt to use further
argument ; but I will venture, in conclusion, to address
you in the words of one, my right honourable friend, the
member for Pembroke (Sir J. Graham), and I beg particu-
larly to address them to those who, acting under a fear of
those prices, pretend to seek protection for our corn. His
words are these :

*' The public opinion must be hostile to the present
Corn-law. The receivers of rent are a very small body.
Backed by public opinion, they are almost omnipotent —
in violation of public opinion, they cannot long retain an
exclusive advantage. The contest is fearful, for on what
ground will it be decided ? On the very topic which

K K

H)8

AITENDIX VII.

inflames to inadiit'ss, tliat luingor, wliicl) breaks tlirougli
walls, will be armyed against thom. The barriers of
society will be broken down, and estates, distinetions,
honours, swept away in one resistless torrent. Let those
who seek high prices at all risks, remember the words of
Tacitus :

* Vulgus ad magnitudinem beneficiorum aderat, stultis-
simus quiscjue pecuniis mercabatur ; apud sapientes cassa
habebantur, quae neque dari neque accipi salva republica
poterant.' "

In conclusion, I would say, that I only ask the House
to go with me into Committee, and I shall then establish
my case. I ask you to let me propose, in that Committee,
the alteration 1 think beneficial ; and I implore the House
not heedlessly to reject a motion on which, 1 believe in my
conscience, depend the welfare and the stability of the
material interests of this country."

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