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' HINTS ON TKB TIMBER DUTIES, tic» ^c, Sfc, The Report on the subject of the Timber duties, from the Honourable the Select Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to consider the means of maintaining and improving ^he Foreign Trade of the Country, has naturally attracted an unusual degree of public attention, as it involves questions interesting, in a greater or less degree, to every member of the community. After alluding to the inferiority of American timber in point of quality^ as compared to the timber of the North of Europe, and to its being forced into consumption, by the ope- ration of the present high duties on European wood, the Committee proceed to remark, with much truth, that " In addition to these inconveniences, the amount of the duty on Baltic timber, and the increased price which, under the operation of that duty, the American timber must have borne, may be considered as a bounty paid by the consumers of the United Kingdom for the benefit of the North American Colonies, and the support of the super- fluous shipping, to which the transport of their wood is said to afford the only employment." After considering the subject in all its bearings, the Com- mittee recommend, that the duty on European timber should be lowered to £2 155. per load, and that a duty of \0s. per load should be imposed on American timber ; or, in other words, they re- commend continuing a bounty on the importations from the Colonies of £2 5s. per load. If this were proposed as the commencement of a gradual diminution of the bounty, leaving the prospect of the country's being ultimately freed from the burden, the author of this pamphlet would be far from disposed to question the policy of the arrangement in that respect, although it is not exactly what ho should have recommended. But when it is consi- dered that a gradual reduction is on all hands reprobated, as being attended with worse conse- quences to all concerned, than almost any other course that could be pursued, it may not be im- proper to look forward to the probable effects of the proposed regulations. When the difference of freight between a Quebec I le North le super- of their t." After he Com- luropean oad, and imposed tliey re- irtations his were gradual ct of the burden, ar from igement what he is consi- 1 hands conse- ly other be im- fects of Quebec and a Memel voyage is contrasted with the differ- ence of duty proposed, together with the difference in the shipping prices of the article in the respective markets of North America and the Baltic, the bounty in favour of the Colonies is found to be ijl. 10*. per load, over and above the difference of freight;* when, along with this it is considered, £ t. d. • Proposed Duty in favouRof the Colonies 2 5 per load. Difference of the shipping price, as stated belowf 10 2 15 Deduct, Difference of freight between a Quebec and a Memel voyage, as stated belowX * •••150 Difference in favour of the Colonies, over and above the difference of freight Ionics, over and } It • . • j 1 10 t Average shipping price of Baltic timber - 110 per load. Deduct, Average shipping price of American timber • 1 - Difference of cost • - - . 10 I Freight from Quebec ..----. Deduct, Freight from Memel -------- lOO 2 5 per load. Difference of freight . . \ £i 5 For the accuracy of these statements, the reader is referred to ihe Evidences before the Commons' Committee, 8 that in the 3'cars lftl4, 1815, and 1810, when the market was not overstocked with American timber, as it is at present, the average difference of price in the English market between American Pine timber and Baltic timber was from 45. 2d. to ir)s. Id, per load,* there seems no room to hope that the regu- It is a curious fuct, that at the time the duties on European Timber was raised to the present high rate of £3 5s, per load, the difference between the freights of a Quebec and Momcl voyage wa» £ii lOs. per load, or 5s. per load more than the dutjj, when so increased^ amounted to. This appears from the Memorial of the Russia Com- pany, tide Appendix to the Report of the Commons' Committee, No. 6*. • General Average Price of Memel timber in the Year J 814 - Do. of British American Pine, same year s. d, 4) 4 per cubic foot. 4 3 Difference --01 per cubic foot. Or, 4 2 per load. General Average Price of Memel Timber in the Year 1815 • • * Ditto of British American Pine . • • • S 3 1 per cubic foot. 2 n{ Difference . . o 3| per ditto. Or, 15 7 J per load. General Average Price of Mcmcl timber in the year 18l6 -------- Ditto of British American - - - - - 3 ij per cubic foot. 2 111 Difference 1| per ditto. Or, 7 3| per load. Appendix to the Report from Select Committee, No» l6. w when the an timber, )f price in ine timber ')S. 7d. per t the regu- on European per load, the ?1 voyage wa« n so increased^ Russia Com* i' Committee, ' cubic foot. cubic foot, load. :r cubic foot. er ditto. ;r load, ir cubic foot. r ditto. \x load. No, 16. lation contemplated, can materially benefit the trade of the Baltic, or diminish that of the Colonies. Making full allowance for the over great importa- tion of the last two years, it is therefore not too much *'> estimate that the annual importations of American limber into Great Britain and Ireland, will be not less than 250,000 loads. The amount of the bounty, under the proposed regulations, (£2 5*. per load,) will thus be fully half a million sterling per annum. Reckoning this for seventy years, a period not too long to anticipate in a matter of this sort, and there is no reason to think the bounty will be less necessary then than it is now, if the system is persevered in, the bounty will by that time, without adding interest, have amount- ed to £30,000,000; and if reckoned at compound interest, it will then have cost the country no less a sura than three hundred and ten millions ! a sum which would make a tolerable figure in the liquida- tion of the national debt. Looking to the subject in this point of view, it becomes a matter of seri- ous consideration how far, in the present state of our finances, it is expedient to impose on the country such a burden, and how far the object to be attained by it is worthy of such a sacrifice. 10 If the voyage were three times the length, and the bounty consequently necessary to force the trade, three times as great as it is, or amounting to a million and a half per annum, no argument would be necessary, to persuade every unpreju- diced person that the sacrifice was too great to be thought of, even duiing times of prosperity; but considerations of economy depend entirely on the situation of the party; what might be a very justifiable, or even commendable, measure in a flourishing state, assumes a very different aspect when the finances of the country are re- duced to the lowest ebb. Whatever might have been the case under different circumstances, no one will say that any thing short of paramount necessity, can justify Parliament in imposing on the public so heavy a burden, at a time when the cry of distress is heard from every corner of the kingdom, and from every class of the community. The necessity of the measure is a question of more doubt and greater difficulty. The subject has been so much obscured by popular prejudices, and the judgment of the pub- lic has been so much biased by their naturally generous feelings, which have been industriously i ;ngth, and force the amounting argument unpreju- 3 great to prosperity ; i entirely light be a , measure i different ry are re- aight have ances, na paramount iposing on when the [ler of tlie )mmunity. m of more scured by the pub- naturaily ustriously worked upon by interested persons, that cool and serious reflection is required, in order to arrive at correct and safe conclusions upon it. The en- couragement of the colonies ; the distress of the ship-owners ; and the value of the trade as a nur- sery for seamen, have all been rung into our ears, until we are almost forced to believe, that the bounty demanded cannot, under any circumstances, be withheld, and he is considered cool-blooded and plodding, who endeavours to resist the current of enthusiasm. But imposing as the arguments founded on these topics are, they do not bear the test of dispassionate consideration, and are far from weighing against the grievous burden with which the country is threatened. The interest of the Colonies is brought prominently forward ; but it will surely never be maintained, that this country should tax itself to the extent of half a million per annum, that the Canadians may be enabled to sell us timber to the value of £250,000, even if it were all profit, much less can it be admitted, when it has been shewn by the evidence before the Committees of Parliament, that their wood is of little or no value to the landholder, and that, generally speak- ing, tne people who prepare it for market would H It have been more advantageously employed in agfi- Cnltnral labour. The next argument in favour of the trade is, that it enables the Canadians to take our manufactures to a large amount; but it is manifestly impossible, that this branch of their trade can enable them to take a larger value of British goods, than the tim- ber they export amounts io ; and it is no less cer* tain, that from whatever country we get our supply of timber, it must directly, or indirectly, be paid for in goods ; and the less the proportion of the cost that consists in freight, (if imported in British ships) the greater will be the return in goods.— We are then told, that there is a large capital invested in saw-mills in the Colonies, which must be thrown out of employment, if the trade in deals with Britain should cease. Although we do not see how the claims of the Canadian saw-mill owner in this respect, are more deserving of attention than those of the proprietors of saw-mills in this country, which are, by the Committee of the Commons, altogether disregarded; yet, we by no means dis- pute their title to remuneration, if it should be found expedient, to sacrifice their property to the public interest ; especially as the sum necessary to 13 j^ed in agfi- •ade is, that anufactures impossjble, ble them to an the tim« no less cer* our supply ly, be paid tion of the 1 in British oods. — We al invested be thrown deals with lot see how aier in this than those s country, Commons, neans dis* should be erty to the jcessary to rompensate these sufferers, is so small in com- parison to the saving to the country, as hardly to influence the decision. The ship owners next demand attention, and loudly complain of the depressed value of ship- ping, and urge, as an irresistible reason for con- tinuing the bounty, that the American timber trade is absolutely necessary for the employment of their superal)undant shipping. That they have an undoubted right, in common with their fellow- subjects, to the protection of government will not be denied : but how their claim in that respect is stronger than that of other sufferers, is not so easily discovered. When a ship-owner builds a vessel, he speculates on the chances of war or peace freights, just as much as the merchant who imports goods speculates on peace or war prices ; it is neither more nor less than a mercantile ad- venture, with this difference only, which is deci- dedly against his plea, that the ships thrown out of employment by the peace, were built for the transport service, and had, with few exceptions, earned to their owners twice their original cost in the service of government before the war ended. But if it shall appear to Parliament that there i^ nV* u r any peculiarity in the situation of the ship-owner, that entitles him to be fekreened from the common casualties of trade, it may be done by applying to the purchase of old ships; the £500,000 which will be saved in one year by withdrawing the bounty, and in this way more effectual aid wi!l be afforded to the shipping interest, than would be effected by bolstering up the American timber trade by an extravagant bounty for fifty years to come. The ship-owners, and other advocates of the bounty system, lay much stress on the value of the trade as a nursery for seamen; but no man surely would propo j that a large mercantile marine should be kept up at the public expense, solely for that purpose.* Why has the army and * On the subject of British shipping I cannot but think better •mploymcnt might be found for them, if ihcy nre to be sup. ported at the national ex{)ense, than bringing bad wood from Ca- nada; and whicii, I fear, has been the cause ot much dry rot in my ships and buildings, where it has been used. Coals for the poor. materials for making good roads round the metropolis, brought freight free, would be a public benefit; or, if no bettor employment could be found, they might constitute a nursery for young seamen, tfhich some fear might be lost if this Canadian trade is reduced. Ihen they might cruise off Brighton in the summer; and when I walk the Steyno, I should see their evolutions, or could embark •nd visit the future protectors of my land. John Bull, on the Timber Trade, London, 1821. ship-owner, he common >y applying 1,000 which rawing the al aid wi!l than would ican timber *ty years to ites of the le value of at no man mercantile ic expense, B army and It think better re to be tup* rood from Ca> dry rot in my for the pooFf lolis, brought r employment ,'oung seamen, ie is reduced. ; and when I could embark mdon, 1821. 15 navy been reduced ? Is it not because the country cannot afford to maintain an unnecessary number of unproductive labourers? But the seamen en- gaged in bringing timber from America, are not merely unproductive, independently of the ex- pense of their maintenance, they are employed in a way absolutely hurtful to the country, for American timber is confessedly less durable than Baltic ; and the express object of the bounty is to force the country to use it. This creates a national loss, not indeed so apparent, but quite as real, and infinitely greater in amount than the bounty itself. This is manifest when it is considered, that if a house built with Baltic timber lasts only twenty years longer than if it had been built with American timber, then the individual who uses American timber, nvill ultimately lose twenty years rent of his house, which will amount to three times the original cost of the wood. Many wei^meaning people indeed maintain, that no national loss will accrue, from the buildings lasting a shorter times, «ince it will be tlie means of affording work to masons, wrights, &c. but the gentleman who has to rebuild his house twenty years sooner than he I Iff, Hi 16 would have had occasion to do, if he had used Baltic timber, will hardly subscribe to the doc- trine. That bounty is surely very ill bestowed which costs the donor ten fold more than it contributes to its object; and it would be wise to withdraw it, even although he should feel himself called upon to recompense the party to the full extent of the benefit he had formerly derived from the bounty he should now withhold. In the case before us, the claims of remuneration would be very small indeed, when compared with the saving to be made by withdrawing the bounty. The apprehension entertained by the Honourable the Committee of the liouse of Commons, lest in the event of our being at some future period ex- cluded from the Ports of the North of Europe, we should be at a loss for a supply of timber, if the Canadian trade were not encouraged in the way proposed, will be thought, by most people, too prospective and chimerical, to be reckoned a reasonable ground for subjecting the country in the mean time, to a certain loss of half a million per annum ; especially when they consider, that timber is not an article of cultivation, but of na* i I ; had used the doc- »wed which contributes withdraw iself called full extent 1 from the 1 the case would be the saving lonourable ms, lest in period ex- Df Europe, ' timber, if ?ed in the >st people, eckoned a country in f a million sider, that but of na.- 17 tural growth, in America, and that giving the proprietors a bounty for cutting it down now, is but an indifferent way of preserving it for future use. If a system of taxation, for the purpose of bringing the timber of our Transatlantic Colonies into competition with the timber of the Baltic, be 80 objectionable, what can be thought of a similar Bystem, without the slightest pretension to the plea of expediency, operating in favour of a more distant country, to the exclusion of our nearest neigh- bour;* weakening the only kingdom that stands between Great Brtiain and the most powerful state in Europe ; and threatening to bring to our very shores, an empire already comprehending a territory of five thousand miles in extent. Yet these are precisely, and without exaggeration, the actual effects, and probable consequences, of the present state of the timber duties as respects deals. Effects of such magnitude, that in con-* • The extraordinary importance which Russia is said now to Attach to her Deal trade, which used formerly to be so much despised, cannot escape the observation of those who look deeper than the surface of remonstrances from foreign states, and her a- prvpo9 tariff, imposing additional duties on British commodities, precisely at the time our timber duties are under dkcussion, will strike them to be a rme 4e gmr« rather too palpabl« to aasmBx^ its tnd, ^ )^ 18 templating tliem we are apt to lose sight of the sacrifice the consumer is forced to make, iu con- sequence of tlie duties obliging him to import his supply of deals from Russia, instead of getting a better article, and at a cheaper rate, from Norway.* To remedy these evils, certainly of no small magnitude, the Honourable the Committee of the Commons propose a small increase to the deals of large dimensions, and some reduction of duty on shorter deals, not adverting, probably, that at present the small deal of Norway pays just about twice the duty on the large deal of Russia. • If they are to be brought to any thing like an equality in point of duty, it will be necessary to make a large increase to the one, and a great deduction from the other.-j' * A cargo of Norway deals, lately sold in London, £ s. d, amounted to 2,094 .4 10 The duty and charges on which were - - 2,309 12 2 Leaving a loss to the importer of £214 18*. 4rf. j, ,• Of the charges, £l,566 was duty. f.m^^:, Evidence of Mr. John Henry Pellt/, Commons' Report, page 156. .t't The Cemmittee of the House of Lords do not think it enough fo prescribe vegetable diet after mortification has made its appear- ance, but boldly recommended amputation as a more likely way to save the life of the patient. " It appears, that from the same duty IP sight of the ike, iu con- ' import his of getting a rate, from f no small littee of the D the deals on of duty bly, that at just about ssia. ing like an ecessary to nd a great i £ s. 2,094 .4. 2,309 12 10 2 clly, •t,page 156. think it enough ade its appear- e likely \vay to the same duty I Another very extraordinary feature in the regu- lation of the duties upon timber and deals has attracted the attention of tlie Committees of both Houses of Parliament. It is noticed by the Com- mittee of the House of Lords in these words : " It appears that according to the present mode, a standard hundred of deals pay less duty than would be chargeable upon an equal quantity of solid fir timber; and the Committee are satisfied that Parliament will think it expedient to remove this impediment from the employment of British capital in saw mills, by making the duty payal)le on deals at least equivalent to that on timber in the log." Adverting to this inequality between the duty on timber in the log, and timber in shape of deals, the Committee of the House of Commons observe, " The policy of a legislative preference being given to the importation of timber in the log, and the having boon imposed in Great Britain on deals from eight to twenty feet, while in Ireland the deals were divided into five classes, the lowest of which was from eight to twelve feet, the Norway deals, which are of small dimensions, have laboured under a fair dis- adjvantage in the British market. The Committee submit, that it would be expedient that all wood, the growth of foreign countries, should be admitted into this country subject to an etjual propor- tionate rate of duty, and that for this purpose a graduated scale, ac- cording to the cubical contents, should be adopted." lieno) f of the Committee of the House of Lordft 20 discouragement of the importation of deals, seems to your Committee very doubtful, both because they are of opinion that any advantage to be expected from the conversion of timber into deaU in this country, will not be sufficient to compen- sate for the corresponding disadvantage to the general consumer, (to wliom the deals would come with a considerable increase of cost,) and because it is founded on a principle of exclusion, which they are most averse to see brought into operation without the warrant of some evident and great political expediency." The doubt expressed by the Commons Com- mittee would be very reasonable, if they were correct, in thinking that the proposal of making the duty payable on deals, equivalent to that on timber in the log, is founded on a principle of exclusion ; or, that if timber and deals were put on a fair footing with respect to duty, the deal must (of necessity) come to the consumer with a considerable increase of cost. By reference to the explanatory evidence of the only witness ex- amined,* in regard to the expense of manufacture, • This explanatory statement will not be found in the Minutes of Evidence: being refused by the Committee, the witness wa« obliged to print and circulate it to the Members of the House of Commons at his own expense. i i n deals, seems Dth because tage to be r into deaU to compen- tage to the eals would cost,) and f exclusion, rought into me evident mons Com- they were of making to that on arinciple of Is were put fy the deal sumer with reference to witness ex- anufacture, in the Minutes e witness wa» f the House o( ivith reference to the duty on timber and deals, it appears tliat the British saw-mill owner re- quires nothing more than, that the duties should be so regulated, as to place the importer of timber in the log, and the importer of timber in the deal, in the same relative situation as if there were no duty on either article; and it is humbly conceived, that the perfection of a system of imposts consists, in such an adjustment; to go a step beyond that, is to prefer our neighbour to ourselves, which is carrying liberality a degree too far. Liberality carried that length, if acted upon as a general principle, would, in a very short time, annihilate every manufacture in the kingdom. The idea that the duty on timber and deals could not be equalized, without either lessening the re- venue on the one hand, by lowering the duty on the log, or, on the other hand, raising the cost of the article to the consumer, by adding to the duty on deals, is equally erroneous; and even if it were the case, it would be a very insufficient reason for declining to rectify so palpable an error in the system of taxation ; for it would be no very difficult matter to decide, whether the cast of the balk should be given to the consumer, or to the revenue, 22 ^ But happily, Parliament is not placed in the dimcult predicament of having to determine that point, for there is a third way in which the dutitvs mij?ht be adjusted : one-half the sum necessary to vqmxU ize them might be added to the deal, and the other half deducted from tlie duty on the log, in which case, if the consumer paid more for his deal he v'ould pay less for his log, and the revenue would he little affected by the alteration. If such an arrangement should enable the home sawyer to compete with the foreigner, it could not fail to keep down the price of the deal, and would in that way prove advantageous to the consumer. A system, so contrary in every respect to the clearest principles of political economy as the pre- sent is, cannot be made the foundation of a rational rule of taxation. It is impossible to reconcile contra- dictions ; and it must baffle the wisdom of Parliament so to regulate the duties .s to maintain, at the pub. lie expense, a large ^.per/Iuous mercantile marine, without imposing an intolerable burden on the com' munity;-or to give an undue preference to one country, without committing an act of injustice towards another ;-or to cheapen an article to the consumer by prohibiting its manufacture at home, I • II the (limcult ' that point, duties iiiijrlit try to equal- m\ the other 3g', ill which iiis (leal he /eiiue would le the home it could not and would consumer, pect to the as tlie pre- ►t" a rational cile contra- Parliament at the pub- lic marine, n the coni- ce to one f injustice icie to the at homci Parliament will therofore best consult Iheir own credit, by liftiii.:^ themselves fairly out of the tram- mels of the old system, and taking such a com- prehensive view of the subject as will enable them to form regulations, agreeable to their own liberal and enlightened ideas, and conformable to the advanced state of political science. They will then be at no loss to determine what course should be pursued, but acknowledging the general prin- ciple, that whatever tends to interrupt the natural current of trade, or fetter the industry of the country, should be avoided, they will endeavour so to regulate the duties, as to keep the commerce of every country as nearly as possible in the same situation as if no tax had been imposed. In applying this principle to the duties on tim- ber and deals, they will, no doubt, have to com- bat many prejudices, but will succeed in framini; regulations, which will bear to be closely inves- tigated, and will stand the test of time. They will perceive, that cost what it may, the interest of the country will not be consulted, if this branch of our trade is not, as speedily as possible, restored to its natural channels, and they will see no insurmountable bar to the almost im- 24 mediate accomplishment of this desirable object i when ihey consider that the only party concerned, who will so greatly suffer as to swell to any consi- derable amount the sum necessary to afford compen- sation, is the Hhip-owners, whose claim on the coun- try, as already shewn, is at ^est very questionable, and that even their claims, if they were admitted to the fullest extent, ought to weigh but lightly in the question, since it is beyond all dispute, that two years' amount of the bounty proposed to be levied on the country, in order to employ their ships, would absolutely purchase them.* ^ • " The ships employed in the Canadian trade are the second class ships, which would be broken up if we had not this trade." ' Evidence of Mr.M'Gie, (ship-broker, and CQiicerntd in repairing and building (^shipsj before Commom' Committee. Paoe Sp. This is equally true, whatever be the number of ships employed in that trade; for whatever the number is, it is clear ihat they can be bought at the rate of two years' purchase of the bounty; and, consequently, that so long as the bounty is continued, every ton employed in that trade is equivalent to a debt on the property of the public of £4, bearing interest at 50 per cent, per annum. Such ships would, on the average, be bought for £4 per ton ; at least that would fully do it, including what would be got for the old materials ; and the bounty proposed to be paid by the country for keeping them employed, is no less than £'i 5«. per ton per annunu > , THE END. .;Hf -h t it <»i: .». nARKTELD.Piiuter, 91, W«dour-i;iree!, S«>h». irable object^ rty concerned, to any consi- ifford compen- 1 on the coun- questionable, rere admitted but lightly in dispute, that •oposed to be employ their jm.* ' re the second class s trade." icerned in repairing mittee. Page 39. of ships employed ear that they can the bounty; and, itinued, every ton he property of the mnum. r ^4 per ton ; at i be got for the by the country for r ton per annum. i «M n*.