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 IfL 
 
 THE IRISH CAUSE. 
 
 A LECTURE 
 
 DELIVEKED BY 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT 
 
 IN TUB 
 
 ADELAIDE STREET RINK, 
 
 ON 
 
 
 SATrPtiAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 20tb, 1886. 
 
 TORONTO : 
 
 Pkintkd at " Thk Irish Canadia:i '' Oitice. 
 
 188G. 
 
 *^^t; 
 
 1 
 
 
1^ 
 
 )j 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT, 
 
 FOUNDER OF THE LAND LEAGUE. 
 
THE IRISH CAUSE. 
 
 A LECTURK DKLIVERED BY 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Nearly 4,000 people assembled at the Adelaide street Rink Saturday night 
 to listen to the lecture delivered by Mr. Michael Uavitt, the founder of the 
 Irish National League, and the great audience showed itself unanimously in 
 sympathy with the object aimed at by the League — Home Rule for Ireland. 
 The enthusiasm was immense, especially on particular occasions, such as when 
 Mr. Davitt entered the room, and again when Mr. J. A. Mulligan, the Presi- 
 dent of the local branch of the Irish National League, in his opening remarks 
 referred to the nine years that Mr. Davitt had spent in penal servitude for 
 the cause of his country. The cheering was most enthusiastic at this point, 
 and long continued. The immense meeting was presided over by Mr. Mulligan 
 a i with him on the platform sat the orator of the evening, and many of the 
 gtntlemen who had called upon Mr. Davitt and Mr, McCarthy during the 
 afternoon. Among those present were Messrs. J. Conmee, ex-M. P. P., Aid. 
 John Woods, Hugh McMahon, Charles Burns, J. P., D. J. O'Donoghue, Hon. 
 John O'Donohoe. Alfred Jury, N. Gr. Bigelow, Aid. Defoe, Phillips Thompson, 
 C. Doherty, P. Curran, T. W. Anglin, together with many of the Roman 
 Catholic, clergy of th' city ; while in the audience sat Messrs. P. Hughes, B. 
 B. Hughes, H. Nolan, John A. Proctor, Aid. M. J. Woods, and many other 
 prominent citizens. 
 
 Before introducing the lecturer the chairman called on Mr. D. A. Cahill, 
 the secretary of the local League branch, to read letters of apology received 
 from gentlemen unable to attend the gathering. The letters were from Mr. 
 J. O'SuUivan, of Peterborough, Rev. Dr. Burns, of Hamilton, and many 
 others. 
 
 THE chairman's ADDRESS. 
 
 Mr. J. A. Mulligan, President of the Local Union, Chairman of the 
 meetin .,, in introducing Mr. Davitt, spoke as follows : 
 
 La jiES AND Gentlemen — On behalf of the Toronto Branch of the Irish 
 National League, I thank you for the magnificent attendance that to-night 
 greets the father of our society upon his first public appearance in this 
 Dominion. (Cheers.) It is a most pleasing and convincing proof of the 
 popularity in this city of our distinguished guest, and of the noble cause 
 which he represents and will advocate to-night. It is barely ten weeks since 
 two delegates from the Loyal and Patriotic and Anti-Repeal Union of Ireland 
 visited our city. They are welcome to boast of their opposition to Home 
 Rule. But if the representatives of that union who declared that they would 
 take up arms against constituted authority if Home Rule were given to 
 Ireland, and "would shed," to quote their own words, "their last drop of 
 blood to prevent the fulfilment of the law," although we know " the first 
 who would run at the sound of a guq would be the Billy of Ballykilbeg" 
 (cheers) — if thete men are entitled to the name of "Loyal and? Patriotic," 
 then the crime of treason and sedition should be efifaced from the statute 
 books at once. (Cheers.) They endeavored to convince Canadians, who 
 enjoy and appreciate Home Rule, who prized it as their greatest blessing, 
 and who would not relinquish it without a struggle that would be worthy of 
 the Canadians of 18.37, that Ireland does not need and has not a right to 
 Home Rule. But, with the exception of a few selfish and strangely incon- 
 sietent people who could be found in this, as in every community, who would 
 not accord to others the rights which they themselves enjoy, and who can 
 always be found at a free show, although their peculiar patriotism will ijtever 
 
pay a cent, Canada, as the ignominious failure of the tour of these delegates 
 proved to thetr. and as this inagnitiuent demonHtration to Mr. Davitt proves, 
 18 solid f(>r Home Rule, (Loud cheers.) Canadian sentiment has been well 
 expresse i by a prominent Trotestant clergyman of this city who has written : 
 " I would not deprive any Christian people under Heaven of the rights which 
 we ourselves possess." (Clieers.) Ho is not the only Protestant clergyman 
 in this city that is with us in this cause. Since we began our preparations 
 for this lecture we have received from these gentlemen many letters express- 
 ing sympathy with our cause and assurances of their good wishes for its 
 success. And, to-night, in the town of Aylmer, that most fear ess, patriotic 
 and powerful advocate of our rights, the Rev. Dr. Burns of Hamilton, the 
 Principal of a Wesloyan College, is speaking the kind word on our behalf. 
 
 I would not, ladies and gentlemen, have referred to the delegates from 
 the Loyal and I'atriotic Union were it not for the unmanly and unchristian 
 attack made upon Mr. Davitt when they were here. (Hisses.) Never have 
 I witnessed in a public man such an exhibition of venom and bitterness 
 against an honorable opponent, and I trust I shall never again behold r o sorry 
 a spectacle as when the Rev. Dr. Kane pronounced the name of Mr. Michael 
 Davitt with such a sneer and with such a distorted pronunciation as to cause 
 the laughter of the thoughtless and the disgust of his refined hearers. (Hear, 
 hear.) And never did I hear so heartless and atrocious an utterance as when 
 he was called a " beggar and impostor," who spent nine years of hi^ life in 
 penal servitude for the cause of his country — (loud and prolonged cheering) — 
 who gave, as he gives to-night, his best energies to relieve the distress of his 
 unfortunate country, who is ever seeking to advance and improve their moral 
 and social condition, who is "ever prompting, ever seeking, some improvement 
 yet to plan tj uplift his fellow-beings, and like rnan feels for man." (Cheers.) 
 I am sure that Mr. Davitt has had many bitter and sad experiences of prison 
 life, but I am also sure he would go back to his prison rather than betray his 
 country and exchange positions with his slanderers. Finally, ladies and 
 gentlemen, I trust, on your behalf, that health and long life will be given to 
 Mr. Davitt to continue his noble, work — (cheers) — for his struggle in Ireland 
 is watched by the whole world, and every step that is being made in Ireland 
 in behalf of freedom is a step being made in the same direction throughout 
 the world. For — 
 
 •' When a deed is done for freedom, 
 
 Through the broad world's aching breast 
 
 Runs a thrill of joy prophetie, 
 
 Trembling on from East to West. 
 
 And the slave, where'er he cowers, 
 
 Feels the soul within him climb 
 
 To the awful verge of manhood. 
 
 As the energies sublime 
 
 Of centuries bursts full-blossomed 
 
 On the thorny stems of time." 
 
 Ladies a,nd gentlemen, I am proud of this moment, proud to be able to 
 present uO you the patriotic, unselfish, self-sacrificing, noble Michael Davitt. 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Mr. Davitt then stepped to the front, and again there was a grand out- 
 burst of applauss. As soon as this had subsided the great Irishman proceeded 
 thus, speaking deliberately, clearly, and in measured terms :— Ladies and 
 gentlemen— Judging from the hearty greeting you have given me here to-night 
 and from the general kindnsss thit has baen extended to me since I arrived 
 in your city, I do not think it will be necessary for ma to apologize for coming 
 h.^re to b^y something on the Irish cause. (Applause.) But, indeed, lam 
 not astonished at the 
 
 , HEARTINESS OF'THE RECET'TION 
 
 you have extended me, because I know whenever any representative of Ire- 
 land has been in your midst you have given him the same generous welcome 
 that you have given me. Now, before addressing you upon the subject of my 
 lecture this evening, perhaps I may be permitted to trespass for a few 
 minutes upon your time in referring to some statements made here a short 
 time ago by the two gentlemen to whom our chairman has alluded. I will not 
 imitxte their example— (applause)— by casting any aspersions upon their 
 motives or calling ioto question for one moment the honesty of their purpose. 
 This world would indeed be a sad place to live in if we were compelled to 
 

 \ 
 
 look upon all our opponents aa mon actuated by base and unworthy motives. 
 I will therefore try co extend to the 
 
 REV. l»R. KANE 
 
 that courtesy anf' charity which ministers of religion ought to teach but 
 unfortunately do not always practice. While liberally bespattering myself 
 and colleagues with every species of abuse and misrepresentation, this rev. 
 gentleman and his colleague took good care to give themselves the best 
 possible character before the citizens of Toronto. Dr. Kane, in hia opening 
 remarks, said, "In illustration of what 1 have been saying, I may simply 
 tell you that my friend who acoompaniiis me is a barrister, in the enjoyment 
 of a large and increasing practice. As for myself, I am a clergyman with 
 very onerous and engrossing duties, and I could only have the privilege of 
 being with you to-night, because I was willing to utilize what my Belfast 
 friends would call my well-earned hoi day." Dr. Kane did not add that 
 this " well-earned holiday " had an ugly coincidence in time with the sitting 
 of the Royal Commission in Belfast for the purpose of investigating the 
 origin of 
 
 THE DISGRACEFUL RIOTS 
 
 which have scandalized the whole civilized world. (Loud applause.) Allow 
 me for a few moments ti refer to the responsibility for these deplorable occur- 
 rences. The evidence taken before this Royal Commission — which was 
 appointed not by the National League, but by the Tory Government of 
 England — conclusively proves that Dr. Kane and his an ti- Home Rule friends 
 were the prime movers in the unfortunate bu'iiness, at d that they are there- 
 fore morally retponsible for all the bloodshed that has taken place. (Applause. ) 
 Inspector Rtid, himself a staunch Protestant, has testified as follows on this 
 
 Joint. Of the Loyalists he says: — "There was a regular set made by the 
 rotestant party to drive the polioe bag and baggage out of Belfast, and they 
 wanted to do it in detail — the first time in the Shankhill Poad, and having 
 succeeded there they attempted it in other places," Of the Nationalists, this 
 unprejudiced Protestant says : — "I may mention that as far as I observed, 
 the Cathoiic Bishop and clergymen did all in their power to preserve the 
 peace. The Catholic clergy rendered able assistance in preserving the peace 
 at the Albert street church. I saw them beai away the children and look 
 after the people generally. They gave very valuable assistance indeed." 
 lu addition to this declaration, let me add the comments of an English Pro- 
 testant newspaper of great influence and wide circulation. The Leeds 
 Mercury, writing upon the evidence given before this commission in Belfast, 
 used the following words : — " It is now clearly established that the riots 
 began in an attack upon Cdtholic workmen by Orangemen, and that throughout 
 it was on the side of iP j Orange party that the most gross disregard both for 
 the law and for thf sanctity of human life was shown. The feeling against 
 the constabulary was deliberately fomented, we regret to say, by Protestant 
 clergymen, sr.ae of whom used their pulpits for the purpose of infliming the 
 mindb of their congregations, and of inciting them to deeds of lawless violence. 
 When the notorious Dr. Hanna took it upon himself to describe the action of 
 the police in defence of their own lives as equalling in atrocity the infamies 
 of a Claverhoase, and when he described ruffians who bad been shot down 
 whilst engaged in brutal rioting in the streets of Belfast as martyrs in a 
 conflict with a perfidious government, he was probably laboring under a 
 degree of excitement which hardly made him responsible for his own words 
 or actions. But, whether responsible or not, this Dr. Hanna and other men 
 hardly less guilty — some of them, interjected Mr. Davitt, at that time were in 
 Canada on a well-earned holiday— (laughter) — took upon themselves a terrible 
 responsibility, the full consequences of which they undoubtedly should be 
 made to bear. This commission has already done much to atrip the disguise 
 off the hideous imposture of Orange loyalty, and to show it to us in its true 
 light as a determination to maintain a relentless and cruel supremacy over 
 the Catholic majority." But let us leave Dr. Kane and his action some time ago 
 in Belfast, continued Mr. Davitt, and return to his appearance in this city. 
 He was careful again to impress upon the people of Toronto how good were 
 the reputations possessed by himself and Mr. Smith. " We were under 
 the necessity," he said, "of earning our own livelihood in an honest 
 way," the inference being of course that all those who differed on the 
 Irish question from Dr. Kane were impostors, and were living upon the 
 
'' 
 
 6 
 
 people of Ireland and upon the Irish race everywhere. He continued : 
 " Why should we connive at the rule of this British monarch being super- 
 seded by a triumvirate ccniposed of a person of Mr. ParnelTH reputation, 
 ot Mr. Michael Davitt's, an ex-convict, and Mr. Patrick Kgan, uo absconding 
 treasurer? Why ahould we connive at the authority of the Queen being 
 superseded by a college of professional agitators ? " I am sure I ueed not 
 attempt to defend Mr. Parnell's rcpuiation before an audience like this. 
 (Roars of applause.) The distinguished Irish leader has appeared before the 
 citizens of Toronto before today, and long after the miserable miHrepresen- 
 tations of his fanatical opponents, and their names are forgotten, the namb of 
 Mr. i'arnell and his efforts in the cause of Irish freedom will live enshrined 
 on the pages of history. (Renewed applause.) The whole world outside of 
 the Orangemen of Belfast has recognized before to-day that Mr. I'arnell is a 
 gentleman, a statesman, and a patriot, whose efforts on behalf of his country 
 are now being recognized throughout the whole world, and inspire the respect 
 of right-minded men everywhere. As for Mr. Patrick lOgan, once treasurer 
 of the Land League, no fouler slander could be uttered than to say that he 
 was an absconding treasurer. Before he left Ireland his accounts as treasurer 
 of the National Land League were audited by men in whom the Irish people 
 have implicit confidence— John Dillon (applause), Rev. Father Sheehy, and 
 Mr. Matthew Harris — and their audit of the report was read before a con- 
 vention in Dublin, and published in all the Irish and English papers on the 
 following morning. I know no man connected with thii Irish Home Rule 
 movement of ours who has made greater or more generous sacrifices for Ire- 
 land than Mr. Patrick Ea;an. While in Dublin he was known and respected 
 by those who jostled with him in politicc, as a fearless, upright and honest 
 man ; and he is living to-day in the city of Lincoln, Neb., r^^peoted by all the 
 people of that locality, as a man deserving of the good-will of all men who 
 appieciate industry, and ability, and enterprise. Now, with r-ference to the 
 sneer cast at the humble individual before you. It is quite true I have been 
 a convict in England's prisons (applause), but I think the disgrace for that 
 attaches more to England than to myself. 
 
 A slight pause occurred here, during which a lady presented Mr. Davitt 
 with a handsome boquet. Continuing, Mr, Davitt said : 
 
 It is (|uite true that for nine years I was compelled to herd with the mur- 
 derers, and cut- throats, &nd burglars of Kngland; but notwithstanding that 
 punishment, that hideous sutt'eriug, can Dr. Kane or any of my enemies 
 accuse me of having given utterance to a word of vengeance or resentment 
 against Englishmen on that account. (Applause.) I have uev ^r apologized, 
 and I never will, for having endeavored to win by physical f rce for Ireland 
 that Parliament which is her's by right. And let me add this : W^ere I to 
 lose faith in the constitutional movement in which I am now engaged, were 
 I to be convinced that moral force action would be of no %vail in regaining 
 Ireland's legislative rights, I would again resort to the same methods for 
 which I was imprisoned ; and if I were called upon I would undergo the same 
 penalty for the same offence. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) But let me add : 
 How many years did Dr. Kane and Mr. Smith spend in prison to prove their 
 sincerity or their devotion to the cause which they came here to represent? 
 (Laughter.) I have yet to learn that a man sacrifices the good esteem of man- 
 kind because he is made to undergo the rigors of imprisonment on account of a 
 great cause. (Cheers. ) Where has the struggle for liberty ever been vindicated 
 in any civilized country except by sacrifices of this kind ? (Cheers.) Why, 
 there is no part of my career of which 1 am more proud than that portion which 
 comprised my imprisonment in English dungeons for striving to free Ireland. 
 (Cheers and a voice — "Cod bless you.") Let me refer to one more statement 
 and I will take leave of the two gentlemen who ran away from Belfast on " a 
 well-earned holiday." (Laughter.) I am about to quote from a speech 
 delivered by a Mr. George Hill Smith. I have to confess my lamentable 
 ignorance of this distinguished opponent. I am fairly well acquainted by re- 
 putation with all the leaders of the anti-Home Rule movement in Irelaud and 
 Great Britain, but I have had to come to Toronto, Canada, to learn that Mr. 
 George Hill Smith ie really a man of ability, and an opponent worth con- 
 sidering in the national cause of Ireland. (Laughter.) This gentleman is 
 reported to have said the following words with reference to the Irish leader, 
 Mr, Parnell, and the treatment of his tenantry : — 
 
" 
 
 " The conditions he exacted were that if the rents due in September were 
 not paid by the end of October tliey would bo served with a docuinent called 
 a writ. This cannot be contradicted. 1 have seen do/ons of writs on the 
 Parnell property. I refer to the writs se.-ved last October for rents due on 
 the 29th September." 
 
 Now, continued Mr. Davitt, there are two sorts of political lying ; one ia 
 careless and the other is the deliberate system. The careless one is where a 
 man is unwilling to ascertain the truth about his political opponents ; and 
 the other kind of lying consists in deliberately framing an untruth and, know- 
 ing it to be such, giving utterance to it as if it were the truth. I regret to 
 have to prove Mr. Smith guilty of this species of faUehood if he trie 1 to 
 make the citizens of Toronto believe that Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell, the 
 leader of the Irish peopL., was guilty of harsh *;rcatment to his tenants, when 
 Mr. Smith knew right well that it was Mr. I arnell, a brother of the Irish 
 leader, a Tory landlord, who had treated his tenantry in this manner. 
 (Cheers.) Now this gross calumny has beer* proven false hundreds of times, 
 both in Ireland and (Jreat Britain. Mr. F.nith knew right well that this was 
 the case, yet he came here to Toronto to again utter a lie which he knew right 
 well that the men of the National League, English Liberals and English 
 writers v/ho had enquired into the facts denounced as a falsehood and a 
 calumny against the leader of the Irish people. Well, their tactics will defeat 
 themselves in the end. (Hes.r, hear.) They have been resorted to during 
 the last twelve months, especially in the campaign against Mr. Gladstone and 
 the cause of Home Rule in (Jreat Britain. (Cheers.) Their malicious state- 
 ments have made no enemies of the cause of Ireland either in England, Wales 
 or Scotland, and I am certain that they have made no enemies of Ireland 
 here in Canada either. (Cries of " no, no," and cheers ) The purport of the 
 speeches delivered by these two gentlemen, apart from the misrepresentation 
 of the Irish leaders, was to try to convince the Canadian people that Ulster, 
 Protestant Ulster, was a unit in opposition to the cause of Home Rule. But 
 what are the real facts upon this point? Since my friend, Justin McCarthy 
 — (loud and prolonged cheers) — has been declared the representative of the 
 second Protestant city of Ulster, that province has a majority of its parlia- 
 mentary representatives, not in favor of continuing Castle rule, but pledged 
 to go to Westminster, there to demand the restoration of an Irish Parliament. 
 (Cheers.) I deny emphatically that Dr. Kane and Mr. Smith represent Irish 
 Protestantism in their fanatical opposition to the cause of Ireland. They may 
 represent the Orange lodges, pledged to resort to civil war to prevent the 
 restoration of an Irish Parliament, but we can proudly claim that we have a 
 Protestant Home Rule Ass3ciation, pledged to work by peaceful and consti- 
 tutional means to win back for Ireland her parliament for kindred Catholic 
 and Protestant. (Cheers ) But let me make one further quotation and then 
 I will have done with individuals and newspapers. This time I will take my 
 quotation from the columns of a paper which I assume to be a very able and 
 respectable organ of public sentiment in this city. It is called the SeMinel — 
 (laughter and hisses). Uader date of the 18th of the present month, Thurs- 
 day last, I find the following in the editorial columns : 
 
 " Catholic Progress, a Dublin magazine, published under the patronage of 
 the Irish priests and bishops, has pronounced that the woes of Ireland are 
 attributable to a single cause, the existence in the country of Prot';stant?Bm, 
 and that until that religions is extirpated there will be neith(;r peace, 
 prosperity nor contentment. " (Laughter. ) 
 
 The editor continues to quote the article in Catholic Progrzss r.8 follows : 
 
 "Would that the unappropriated funds were sufficient to buy off all the 
 Protestant laudlorus, and that every Protestant meeting house were swept 
 from the land. Then would Ireland recover herself. Outrages would then 
 be unknown, for there would be no admixture of misbelievers with her 
 (Rome's) champions." 
 
 Well, supposing that there were in Ireland a man, or men, who would give 
 utterance to these abominable sentiments against his Protestant fellow- 
 countrymen, would it be fair to charge the whole Catholic population in 
 Ireland with the moral responsibility for such sentiments ? It would be aa 
 unjust as if I took the views of the editor of the SentiifJ as fairly representing 
 the opinions of the people of the whole of Canada. (Hear, hear.) But, ladies 
 and gentlemen, let me tell you thut there is not in Dublin or Ireland any 
 
1 
 
 8 
 
 ■uch magnzine publUhed aa Catholic Proijfpis. (Laughter.) I live in dear old 
 d'rty IJuhlin wneii I am at home. (Cheers.) I am a journalist by profeaaion. 
 I earn my broad and butter by working for Iriph, English, American and 
 Australian papers, I am well acquainted with every newspaper in Ireland 
 and (ircat Britain, and in order to satisfy myself that I was not mistaken I 
 enquired of Justin McCarthy, to-day one of the ablest jonrnalists in EneKnd 
 — (cheers) if he knew of the exihtenceof any such paper as Catliolk Pr rein. 
 He declared that ho never heard of the magazine before. (Laughter.) i i-hus 
 pay my rospects to the research of the editor of the Snttiml, and I now pass 
 to the subjtct of niy address. (Louil chocrs.) The bent way by which we 
 can keep on the side of the Home Rule cause the sympathy of all right- 
 tliinkicg men throughor' the world is to make clear at all times the three 
 following propositions : rst, that Ireland's demand for national self-govern- 
 ment is just ; second, tl it the s^Ptem of rule which the Irish people are 
 seeking to have abolished is subversive to the fundamental principles of 
 constitutional government and a denial of popular rights ; and third, that in 
 asking a favorable verdict of civilized public opinion for the Irish cause we 
 are not seeking for any expression of hostility to the just privileges and rights 
 of the English, Welsh or Scotch people. (Cheers.) Now the performance of 
 this task here to-night will compel me to reproduce facts, arguments and 
 figures with which students of the Irish question are well acquainted. But 
 on a cause like ours which rests for moral sanction upon truth and justice 
 the truth cannot be too oi'ten repeated when we are pleading that cause before 
 the tribunal of Canadian public opinion. (Cheers.) What do we mean by 
 Home Rule for Ireland ? The right of our country to manage her own local 
 affairs in her own way, so that the genius of her people and the resources of 
 her land may be so developed as to make it the home of a peaceful, prosperous 
 and progressive nation. (Cheers.) 
 
 Surely this is not an unreasonable or revolutionary demand ; and I venture 
 to say that no Canadian who enjoys the blessings of Home Rule will be found 
 to refuse to Ireland that system of administration which is responsible for the 
 progress and prosperity of this great Dominion. The right of national self 
 government is one universally recognised as the inalienable prerogative ot 
 separate nationalities. England hos pre- eminently distinguinhea herself 
 among nations as the advocate of this form of government, always excepting 
 where her own selfish interests might be injured through its application. She 
 has extended this form of administration to over twenty of her colonies, but 
 she yet withholds from Ireland what she has thus given liberally to others of 
 her dependencies, and what her statesmen and writers have advocated for 
 Hungary and Poland and every other struggling nationality. Those same 
 writers and statesmen until recently have successfully poisoned the ear of the 
 civilized world against the victim of England's injustice. Until lately the 
 world was led to believe by the organs of En-rlish public opinion that the 
 majority of Irishmen acquiesced in the act of union of 86 years ago. It was 
 also told over and over again that the Irish national sentiment was as unrea- 
 sonable as the idea that the people of Ireland were able to govern themselves. 
 It wat. also alleged through the press and the platform and the pulpit that 
 Irishmen had the same political and social privileges as Englishmen, 
 Scotchmen and Welshmen. Thank God ! these calumnies no longer exist 
 throughout the civilized world to the injury of the cause of Ireland. WJe 
 have now succeeded in gainine the ear of civilized public sentiment, and in 
 proportion as our cause is studied here in Canada or in America, or on the 
 continent of Europe, does the volume of sympathy increase for the eflforts of 
 the Irish people to win back the right to manage their own affairs. We ask 
 from the people of this Dominion a favorable verdict in our case, tried by any 
 single test wh' " defines the legitimate rights of separate nationalities, or by 
 any fcm of ' .^aoe which can prove the complete failure and injustice of 
 the system of rule which invaded that right in Ireland. We ask you to 
 consider Ireland's claim from the point of view of its geographical position, 
 its historical record of its complete or partial self-government, or its never- 
 ceasing struggle to win back legislative rights ; and where among the 
 struggling nationalities of today can a stronger cause be found than that of 
 Ireland. (Applause.) Nature in forming our country an island, endowed it 
 with rights which men may steal but cannot destroy (applause) ; and even 
 upon the statute book of England there is a law no older than the declaration 
 
I 
 
 9 ^ 
 
 of American iDdepondenoe which declares that no power on earth outside of 
 the Irish people have any right to make laws for thn Iribh nation ; and there 
 i.s engraven a resolution upon the hearts and minds of the people of Ireland 
 to-day that this law shall be re enacted, or that no power on earth will be 
 able to obtain one hour's peace fur Castlu rule in Ireland. (Loud applause.) 
 But, unanswerable as is the cise that can be made out for our country on the 
 
 C [rounds of justice, we have even a stronger claim to the restoration of 
 egislative privileges in the complete failure, the disastrous failure of that 
 form of government which was substituted for an Irish parliament 80 years 
 ago. This disastrous change in the political destinies of Ireland wus brought 
 about by what Mr. (iladstune has receitly and truly described (and mind I 
 urn ([uoting the words of an Kn^lish I'riine Minister) as thu " baseness and 
 blackguardism of the Act of Uu'-n," (Applause.) Why, if I had referred to 
 that legislative measure in there ms a few years ago, I might possibly have 
 run the rixk of being sent back b undergo a few years more experience of 
 her Majesty's hospitality. (Laughter and applause.) The authors «f this 
 measure held out the hope to the people of Ireland that u closer legislative 
 connection with England would inevitably result to the material advantage of 
 the poorer country. It was declared that there would be Buch an influx of 
 English capital into Ireland that the natural resources of the country would 
 be at once developed and Irish manufacturing industries more carefully 
 fostered. Then, again, the authors of this measure claimed that law and 
 order would be better maintained, class privileges subordinated to the general 
 good of the community, and, above all, that the burden of taxation would 
 be lighter upon the Irish people if the Irish !'arliament were only removed 
 to London. These were the promists held out \.o iio'and by Pitt and Ca»tle- 
 rengh 86 years ago. What does the record during thosv» years say as to their 
 fulfllment? It proves the literal fulfilment of Lord Byron's prophecy that a 
 closer connection of Ireland with England would result in a union like that 
 of a shark and its prey, (Applause.) The manufacturing industries which 
 flourished to an extraordinary extent under Grattan's Parliament were soon 
 almost crushed out of existence as a result of Westminster legislation. A 
 country capable — according to the authority of the best English economical 
 writers — of supportiog from twelve to fifteen millions of people, is to day, as 
 a direct result of Castle rule and landlordism, the impoverished home of less 
 than five millions of people. Ten millions of acres of the richest soil in 
 Europe lie uncultivated today in a land where periodical famines invite the 
 charity and occasion the -urprise of the civilized world. Trade and 
 commerce, which flourished with the sympathetic rule of an Irish legislature, 
 hav% all but disappeared since that parliament was abolished, while the 
 taxation which was to have been lightened as a consequence of the abolition 
 of the Irish Parliament — a taxation which amounted only to $12,000,000 
 annually 86 years ago, is now as much as $.35,000,000 a year ; and although 
 the population of our country has decreased more than 3,500,000 during tne 
 present generation our taxation paid into the Imperial Exchequer is 
 $15,000,000 higher every year now than it was 40 years ago when Ireland had 
 over 8,000,000 of people. In addition to this, we have no direct voice either 
 in the levying of these taxes or theii* expenditure. When a drain cf 
 $40,000,000 every year in absentee rents is added to this crushing Imperial 
 taxation of $35,000,000 annually, is it any wonder that Ireland is to-day the 
 poor and discontented land she is before the civilized world? ("No, no.") 
 These facts are not universally known, but if their real significance be 
 considered by a practical people like the Canadians, I am sure they will find 
 in them sufficient justification of the efforts of the Irish people to relieve 
 ourselves socially and politically of the causes responeible for this poverty 
 and taxation. (Applause ) But this does not exhaust the case which IreUnd 
 makes out against England in this connection. The social evils of landlordism 
 have to be added to the political crimes of Dublin Castle. Previous to the 
 abolition of the Irish Parliament Irish landlords resided in Ireland. They 
 lived on their estates when not engaged in their parliamentary duties in 
 Dublin. This residence upon their property begot a kindlier feeling between 
 them and their tenants than unhappily now obtains. When, however, the 
 Act of Union was consummated and the Irish Parliament removed to London, 
 the Irish landlords, who were then Ireland's parliamentary representatives — 
 thank Heaven they are so no longer (applause) — went to England's metropolis, 
 
10 
 
 there to miBrepreaent the views of their country. In England's capital they 
 mixed with England'fl rich and proud territorial aristocracy and soou con- 
 tracted the exoeasive and extravagant style of living peculiar to their English 
 brethren. They soon found their revenues derived from their Irish estates 
 wou' ' not svpportthena in these extravagances, and then was commenced 
 that foul system of absenteeism and raick-renting, which are not only 
 responsible for the poverty of Ireland during 86 years, but for the crimes 
 and agrarian outrages which from time to time have occurred in that unhappy 
 land. When the laud of a country is monopolized by a small class, when 
 thai/ clasR is largely non-resident, and becomes in time hostile in feeling and 
 sentiment to the people of the country, and when they resort to unscrupulous 
 Tf )k-renting and heartless evictions, is it any wonder that people treated as 
 iney have treated the farmers of Ireland, have occasionally been driven back 
 upon the promptings of human feeling, and that those deeds to which I have 
 referred, and which are as much deplored in Ireland as by you Canadians, 
 have stained the record of our country during this period. I maintain that 
 if the Irish leaders had no other object in view with the National League 
 than to get at the roots of agrarian crime in Ireland, and pluck them out they 
 would still merit the support of civilized public sentiment. (Loud applause.) 
 These absentee landlords manifest no sympathy or kindness or good will for 
 the people who supply them with their revenues, I say it is all but impossible 
 for a people so treated to be kept under restraint. (Bear, hear.) Often 
 during the last seven years sinoe the initiation of the Land League movement 
 we have been in dan^-er of losing the sympathy of the Canadian and American 
 people from the recurrence of those unhappy agrarian crimes in Ireland. It 
 was asserted by our enemies that these evils were due to the teachings 
 of the organized Land League, and not to the ur."'i«t-, evictions and inhuman 
 conduct of the disinterested Irish landlords. Well, x think more correct 
 opinions now prevail both here and elsewhere. As time rolls on it is 
 becoming evident that these crimes /ere accidental and not incidental 
 to the movement which had for its object the abolition of the land 
 system, that this movement was entirely irresponsible for their occurrence. 
 Just now the Irish leaders are doing their utmost to keep the people of Ire- 
 land within bounds. (Cheers.) L'!t me give you a single instance of this: 
 Last June I was travelling alon? the west coast of Ireland, sent down there 
 on a mission of charity. A large sum of money had been sent to me from 
 America and Canada with which to relieve some poor fishermen on the 
 western coast. One evening just as the sun was dipping on the waters of 
 the Atlantic I reached one ef the poorest villages along the west coast of 
 Galway. That is the mainland village of Cararoe. I found that the evicling 
 party had been there that day and had turned out of their poor cabins twenty 
 families. I learned from the parish priest that the resident magistrate and 
 officer of the community had admitted to him that they found food in only 
 one of these twenty houses — (A voice, "Oh, horrible !")— and that bread 
 was supplied by money which had been sent by me to that parish from the 
 funds planed at my disposal by the charitable people in America. (Cheers.) 
 I asked Father Conway and some of the men who had been turned out of their 
 cabins why they so tamely submitted to that outrage under the circumstances. 
 (Hear, hear.) One of them replied in words which 1 shall never forget : " Sir, 
 we didn't want to do anything that would embarrass Mr. Parnell or Mr. 
 Gladstone in their eflforts to give a parliament to Ireland." (Loud and pro- 
 longed cheers. ) These poor peasants knew right well, as the people of Ire- 
 land know to-iiay, that in a few short years that parliament will be got back 
 for Ireland — (cheers)— and that in that parliament there will be a settlement, 
 final and satisfactoi/, of the Irish question which will make it impossible for 
 inhuman men called landlords, such as those who carried out these eviction, to 
 thus trample upon human right and labor in the future. (Cheers.) Now as to 
 this question of the rent and land movement at present in Ireland against 
 eviction, some Canadians might find it difficult to understand why such a 
 movement is necessary. Well, instead of giving you evidence from a Home 
 Ruler, I will give you the testimony, not of a member of the National 
 League or follower of Mr. Parnell. but the testimony of an English Tory, one 
 of the moat eminent writers on Political Economy at present in England, Sir 
 James Caird. Writing to the London Times, of March laat, he said of the 
 evident condition of the poor tenant farmers of Ireland that if the present 
 
• 11 
 
 prices of agricultural produce continue, the economic value of the lands held 
 by 500,000 tenants will disappear. 
 
 Now, commenting on this extraordinary pronouncement from so high an 
 authority, the London TimcH, which in not anorf.an of Irish national opinion, 
 wrote as follows, and ai the language is more remarkable than that which is 
 quclad, I will not apologize for reading it to you. The Timea of Saturday, 
 20th of March, 1886, said : 
 
 " It is not too m ch to say that the rental of 500,000 holdings (in Ireland) 
 is practically irrecoverable by anybody, whether landlord, English jovern- 
 men or Irish govrrnment. Holdings of an average rental of £6 offer no margin 
 to meet such a fall of values as has already occurred, and as is very likely to 
 be yet more severely felt. The market has fallen ani is still falling. We 
 have reason to believe that the full effect of the existing shrinkag« of values 
 has not yet been experienced, and we have no certainty whatever that values 
 will not fall lower still. In that case all the weaker n en among the com- 
 paratively strong will go down, and their rental will havij to be written oiT as 
 a bad debt." 
 
 I have been put in prison twice during the last seven years for using language 
 much milder than that in reference to the land question in Ireland. (Hear, 
 hear,) I think I was the first in the movement to declare that this economic 
 rent had altogether disappeared from half a million holdings in Ireland, and 
 I have lived after undergoing this imprisonment to find my very words re- 
 peated by Sir James Caird and the London Times. (Cheers.) Just before 
 the close of the last session of''the Imperial Parliamemt, Mr. Parnell intro- 
 duced a bill which had for it« object the staying of evictions on holdings like 
 these to which the London Timcn has referred until a legal tribunal would 
 ascertain whether the tenants of these holdings were able to pay their rents 
 or not. That bill was defeated ')y the Tory (ijverament — A*voice — "Of 
 course") — after recognizing how ^^A Mr. Parnell's cause was, and how un- 
 answerable were his figures, and these Tories are now using all their influence 
 with the landlords of Ireland to do towards their tenants what Mr. Parnell 
 wanted to compel them to do by law (Cheers ) la fact the Tory govern- 
 ment, or rather the Tory leaders, who, seven years ago, called Mr. Parnell a 
 communist and confiscator for proposing to buy out the Irish landlords, are, 
 to use a vulgar expression, " breaking their necks " in order to hav« the Irish 
 landlords purchased out. And these gentlemen discover that the end of their 
 infamous system is near, that the public sentiment of Great Britain is revolt- 
 ing against purchabe schemes, and they now appeal to their tenants to buy 
 them out. They are going with the process of eviction in one hand, and Lord 
 Ashbourne's land purchase bill in the other, and declaring to the victims of 
 their former tyranny that unless they consent to become proprietors and buy 
 out the former owners of the land, then they will evict them for non-payment 
 of rent. (Cheers.) Well, this, ladies and gentlemen, is proof of what Ireland 
 has received from England in return for an Irish parliament, and to over- 
 throw the causes of these crimes against justice and Ireland is the present 
 resolve of the Irish people ai>d the aim and object of the Irish National League. 
 (Cheers.) Nov, sir, the meuna to which we resort to eflicientlv carry out 
 this great reform are as followt : — First, the organization of the Irish people 
 in an open, constitutional moveiient : second, justifiable obstruction by our 
 representatives in Westminster until Ireland is granted a restoration of tba 
 right to legislate for herself, sujh as she had eighty-six years ago, and as 
 Canada and Australia have nt.w within the limits of the Britith Empire 
 (cheers) ; third, the education of the British masses on the justice of this de- 
 mand of Ireland; and fourth, an appeal to the civilized world for a favorable 
 verdict for our caupe. (Loud cheers.) This is, of course, a peaceful policy 
 and purely constitational mode of action and management. Some honest 
 Irish Nationalists throughout the world believe this too peaceful, and the 
 conviction obtains in the mirds of many men today, whose honesty of purpose 
 I dare not for a moment questi'^n, that Mr. Parnell or the Irish peopl« will have 
 to resort to sterner logic than words and stronger arguments than meetings be- 
 fore conviction is brought to the English mind that it will be just and expedient 
 for Eogland to restore to Ireland the right to legislate for herself. (Loud 
 cheers.) Well, I 'elieve, as I have already said, that these views are honest- 
 ly entertained, bnt I would venture to differ from the conclusions drawn 
 rom these views ani opinions. (Hear, bear.) But I will avow that no 
 
12 . 
 
 Irishman ought to be found in Ireland or anywhere else to say that Ireland 
 would n't be justified in doing what Canada once threatened to do, that is, 
 in appealing to physical force if it believed physical force to be the surest 
 mode of vindicating justice and winning ba' k for Ireland a native parliament, 
 (Loud cheers ) But the questioT of means to an end in a striggle like ou s 
 must always be one of expedi^-n y. (Hear, hear ) The remnant of our race 
 in Ireland, less than 5,000,000, must be allowed to choos i the best means 
 within their reach with which to carry on the struggle handed down to them 
 by previous generations. We have to recognize that the fighting element < f 
 our race has been all but driven out of Ireland. It is found in America, in 
 Canada, in Australia and elsewhere, and, as some one said at one of my 
 meetings, doubtless in reference to myself, there is scarcely any one left in 
 Ireland now, except old men and women, children and cripples. (Laughter ) 
 While that is not exactly true, still, even if it we e, I think the people of 
 Ireland thus described have given a very good account of themselves during 
 the last six or seven years. (Applause.) But, nst^iad if fighting our oppon- 
 ents with the weapons which would give them an enormou^j advantage over 
 us, " e have chosen to enter on the struggle for Home Rule by means of 
 weapons which we know will give the victory to us. (Applause.) I c'aim 
 that we stand to-day in the position of virtual victors in this strngg. or 
 Home Rule for Ireland. Ten brief years ago the Irish cause was involveu in 
 insular o' suurity. To-day the whole civilized world is studying and discuES- 
 ing its meri'.s. At that time most civilized peoples sympathiz-,d more with 
 England for having on her hands a discontented Ireland than with the Irish 
 people in their eflfirts to abolish Dublin Caatle rule. To-day the position is 
 reversed, Ireland has the sympathy and the gojd-will of mankind in her 
 struggle for Home Rule. (Applause.) 
 
 Previous to the Land League the tenant farmers were a disorganized and 
 dispirited class, whi e ahe landlords were a powerful and aggressive combina- 
 tion. Today the tillers of the Irish soil are bound together with the rest of 
 the Irish people in one of the most powerful combinations that has existed in 
 Ireland for the last fifty years, while their previous lords and masters — the 
 landlords — are looking anxiously across the English channel for some English 
 party to bring in a bill, soon and sudden, to purchase them out of a position 
 which is rapidly becoming an untenable one. A few brief years ago thirty 
 millions of people in Great Britain were a unit in their opposition to self- 
 government for Ireland. To-day more than half the population of Jlngland, 
 Wales and Scotland, is on the side of Home Rule for Ireland, while the 
 principles upon which Home Rule rests for a foundation are becoming the 
 platform of a British democracy and the political creed of English statesmen. 
 (Applause.) But another evidence, a more conclusive one still, of the truth 
 of my assertions that we are winning " hands down " in this contest, is to be 
 found in the attitude of one of the greatest of living British statesmen. A 
 man who, but five short years ago, put Mr. Parnell and a thousand other 
 Irishmen in prison without trial for struggling against Castle rule and 
 landlordism in Ireland, now stands before the world as the foremost champic n 
 of Home Rule for Ireland and the most vehement denunciator of the infamous 
 Act of Union. Ladies and gentlemen, is not this a record which speaks in 
 trumpet tones in favor of the policy which has done so much in so short a 
 time to gain back for our birth-land the dignity and t he privileges of a nation ? 
 With us in Ireland, engaged in this struggle, it is only a question cf a very 
 short time before it will be successfully terminated. I maintain that no 
 English party can defeat our movement without resorting to measures which 
 will ultimately curtail the privileges and liberties of Englishmen. We 
 compelled Mr. Gladstone to suspend the right of trial by jury in Ireland, to 
 put down the right of public meeting, to imprison public men without any 
 trial and to interfere with the privileges of the press, at d in a word to resort 
 to the methods of despotism in order to convince him that force was no remedy 
 for the government of Ireland. The tuition lasted for about five years 
 (laughter), and then Mr. Gladstone was converted to Home Rule. (Loud 
 applause ) If his successors in oflSce resort to the disastrous policy — the 
 great mistake of 1881 and 1882, I predict from this platform that before two 
 years are over, you will learn of Lord Randolph Churchill and Lord Salisbury 
 becoming as enthusiastic Home Rulers as Mr. (jrladftone is to-day. ( Applause. ) 
 But, ladies and gentlemen, the success of the Home Rule cause is not dependent 
 
 /^ 
 

 y 
 
 13 
 
 upon the acts of individual statesmen or parties. The masses of England, Wales 
 and Scotland are now studying the Irish question on lis merits, and they are 
 practically now, and soon will be absolutely the masters of the British Empire. 
 While the agitation of the Irish question appeared to be carried forward upon 
 lines which menaced or appeared to menace the rights of English workingmen, 
 it was hopeless to obtain from them an unprejudiced study of the Irish ques- 
 tion, but as soon as they understood that the abolition of landlordism and 
 Castle rule in Ireland would not only not interfere with the just privileges 
 and rights of the people of Great Britain, but would powerfully aid the cause 
 of reform and local self-government in England, Scotland and Wales, that 
 remarkable chaage in opinion began which has recently resulted in a vote of 
 the British democracy being cast for Home Rule and Mr. Gladstone. The 
 aspect of the Irish question changed when the real objects of the Irish 
 leaders began to be widely known and understood by the British democracy. 
 The Land League discovered where certain systems and laws not only trample 
 upon the rights of Irishmen, but upon those of Eaglishmen, Scotch and 
 Welshmen also. To concentrate all our opposition against those systems was 
 therefore the best and surest means of relievin? Ireland from their oppression, 
 and in breaking up that unity of opposition which had previously obtained in 
 Great Britain against the idea of a separate parliament for Ireland. Ic could 
 not weaken but would inevitably strengthen the cause of Ireland for her 
 leaders and people to recocfnize that the social evils which impoverished 
 Connemara, also were responsible for the poverty of the crofters of Scotland, 
 (hear, hear), and that the land tyranny which outraged justice and natural 
 right in Ireland had to be denounced by the Irish leaders in England, Wales 
 and Scotland as well as in our own country. (Hear, hear.) In a word, our 
 true policy was to convince the English, Welsh and Scotch workingmen, and 
 the British masses ia fact, of two things ; first that the past misgovernment 
 of Ireland by the British and Irish aristocracies had not only done extraordi- 
 nary injury to the Irish people, but that they benefited in no way the tillers 
 of the soil or the wigeearning class in England, Wales or Scotland ; secjnd, 
 that by asking for our rights in Ireland we were striking at the roots of a 
 similar evil in England, Wales and Scotland as well. (Cheers ) This has 
 been one of the secrets of our remarkable success for the last seven years. 
 We have pursued a similar policy in the action of our representatives in 
 Westminster during the same time. Mr. Parnell and his able parliamentary 
 party have followed a double course of procedure in that assembly. Recog- 
 nizing how obsolete the Imperial parliamentary system was becoming, how 
 impossible it soon would be to prosecute all the business of a vast empire in 
 one legislature, where Ireland was a great disturbing force through her just 
 grievances, and the presence of a powerful parliamentary representation, Mr. 
 Parnell so framed his tactics, and his line of action, as to bring home to the 
 British mind the conviction that until the Irish question was solved, and a 
 parliament given back to Ireland, it would be hopeless for the British people 
 to expect the legislative machine to run smoothly at Westminster. (Cheers.) 
 The success of this dual policy is now seen clearly not only in Scotland and 
 Wales declaring that Ireland should have Home Rule, but in Scotchmen and 
 Welshmen demanding a similar form of administration for their own country 
 as we are demanding for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Well, the English working 
 classes, the mechanics, artizans and laborers who are anxious to ameliorate 
 their own condition, men who want short hours of labor and a better system 
 of education for their children, better dwellings and the extension of social 
 and political privileges, these men now enfranchised and educated see clearly 
 that there is no hope of obtaining these reforms until the Irish representation 
 is relegated back to Dublin in an Irish parliament. (Chbers ) But we have 
 tried in the policy and methods of the Land League to give the Irish q lestion, 
 or rather the issues involved in it, the principles for wl icii we struggle even 
 a wijler application than Ireland and Great Britain. We are living in the 
 days of the omnipotence of the p'essand the telegraph. Civilized mankind is 
 rapidly becoming united in sympathetic solidarity. The oppressed of one land 
 read of the struggles which a kindred injustice compels men in other lands to 
 wage against class usurpation and monopoly. The one touch of nature which 
 makes the whole world akin is given every morning when the electric sp rk 
 conveys to men in every corner of the earth the doings of men or nations 
 rightly struggling to be free — the one from social, the o.her from political in< 
 
14 
 
 justice. The Irish question embraces the two grattest principles of human 
 liberty : the ri^ht of men to have free accesf to the natural agents which 
 the Creator ha caviled into oxisteuce for man's use and sustenance, and the 
 right of civilized communities to govern themselves in the way which seems 
 best suited to the wants and wishes of thc'r peoples, (Cheers ) These are 
 what wc are fighting for in this Home Rule struggle in Ireland. Our efforts 
 to solve these principles, or these questions rather, on the lines of justice and 
 reason must therefore win for us allies among the millions of wage-earners in 
 Great Britain. They are calculated to earn for us sympathy for our cause as 
 wide as suffering, aud obtain or our country a good will as universal as the 
 world-wide longing for a better and higher social existence. And thip, ladies 
 and gentlemen, is th^ cause which Ireland lays bef re the people of Canada 
 and civilized public opinion throughout the world, and I know that we can 
 wait with confidence for a favorable verdict, (Clieers.) Many people may 
 still believe that Iri» hmen have cot in their birth-land the inheiitance of a 
 nation. It is true we may have striven in Ireland, often in a very inadequate 
 way, to win back Irish legislative independence. Many of our efforts for 
 recovering this great right may have worn a Liliputian character wben com- 
 pared to the resisting might of England, but we have struggled nevertbelets 
 doggedly, althoughly poorly equipped, persistently no matter how often put 
 down, until to day, with a population diminished and resources weakened 
 but with courage increased and confidence unshaken in our country's cause 
 and God's eternal justice — (loud cheers) — we have succeeded at last in wring- 
 ing from Englishmen a recognition of Irish national self-gOvernment. (Cheers.) 
 With universal sympathy at our side ; with a solid, united Irish people 
 engaged in so just a cause ; with an able and sagacious and unpurchaseable 
 leader at our head — (applause) — with Scotland ana Wales unequivocally with 
 us ; with a great aod noble English statesman — (loud applause) — at the end of 
 his rem»rkable career standing out boldly before the world with the declara- 
 tion that the remainder of his life is to be devoted to settling the Anglo-Irish 
 question on the lines of justice — (renewed applause) — we can not possibly 
 fail in winning back a Parliament for Ireland unless the impatience of our 
 own people thrust across Mr. Parnell's path a policy which would not win in 
 a struggle like this with England, but would lose for us the allies we have 
 won in Great Britiin and the sympathy of the whole civilized world. 
 
 A BURST OF RINGING APPLAUBE, 
 
 renewed again and again, marked the close of Mr. Davitt's remarks, and as 
 soon as quiet was restored, the chairman rose and introduced to the gathering 
 Mr. Bigelow as a " barrister of large and increasing practice," the term used 
 by Dr. Kane in introducing his friend Mr. Hill Smith. The audience appre- 
 ciated and enjoyed the humor of the chairman, and accorded Mr. Bigelow a 
 hearty welcome. 
 
 Mr. Bigelow said : Mr. Chairman — To all observers this struggle for Home 
 Rule has piesented a phase of public opinion that has never been witnessed 
 before in the world. We find a people struggling for parliamentary govern- 
 ment, and to what audiences do they appeal? Their representatives come 
 across th>) iitlantic, not as travellers ti recite their adventures and win 
 applause, but to appear before our public, seeking to convince them that their 
 cause is the cause of justice. They do not come alone. The advocates of the 
 existing state of things have come here also. What does this mean ? It 
 means this — that the masses of the English speaking world must determine 
 what shall be the state of Ireland. I rise to-night with great pleasure to 
 propose a vote of thanks to Mr. Davitt for his lecture. I am not singular as 
 a Protestant in this vast assemblage in the sympathies I have for the struggles 
 of those who want freedom and liberty in their mother land. I would be 
 untrue otherwise, Mr. Chairman, to the small drop — no, the half — of Irish 
 blood in my veins. (" You're the stuff!") Yes ! and plenty of it, said the 
 speaker, clapping his hand on his breast. I wish, he continued, Mr. Chairman, 
 you had selected some one more capable of voicing the sentiments of this 
 vast audience towards Mr. Davitt than I am ; but, ladies and gentlemen, you 
 will permit me to put into concise language your thanks to him for his service, 
 not only here but at home in the o»use of liberty, and I am sure you will join 
 me in expressing the hope, ladies and gentlemen, that he may live to see mis- 
 government blotted out from the last spot of the British Empire where it now 
 
15 
 
 exists and Irelaod en joy in p; the freedom enjoyed in all other partrthereof. 
 (Applause.) There was once a time, Mr. Chairman, when the civilised world * 
 thought } V. Davitt was crushed. The wheel of time moved on, and Ruthless- 
 ly crushed him, as we thought, to the earth, but we liave now the spectacle of ' 
 Mr. L»avitt rising and stiiving by all constitutional moans to do what — to re- 
 main a Icyal citizen of (ireat Britain, and enjoy in his own hi me that peace .'• ' 
 and s-".fety, righteousness and justice which every Bri^-ish subject is^entitled u 
 to. Will you permit me in a few words to offer him tne thanks of th^«iajidi« • 
 ence, not oiily for ais services here but at home in the cause of Home Rule. 4^ 
 Cheers.) t 
 
 Hon. John O'Donohoe, who was loudly called for, came forward and in ^7 
 support of the motion said : Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen — We have C 
 ail for a long time heard of the gentleman before us to-night. This met ting*"* 
 has evincod what has been thought of him. This sacrifice which he has made 4 '. 
 and his whole career is one that astured the cause in which he was interested » 
 to become the cause of popular esteem throuf.hout the whole world. A 
 country capable, as Ireland has shown herself to be at all times, of producing V 
 men of the stamp of Davitt, Parnell, and Sexton, to-day perhaps the most , 
 accomplished orator of the English House of Commons (cheers), a land that^ 
 at all times produced men like these is a land capable of having the ptivilegef \ ^ 
 of exercising the rights which are given to the most distant colonies of the 
 Empire. (Cheers.) The emigrant that left Ireland, saw his cabin razed to 
 the ground, and his children cast upon the roadside. He came himself to 
 America, but still in the new land he would look back to his mother country. 
 (Cheers.) Ladies and gentlemen, the fate of Ireland does not depend upon 
 men living in Ireland to-day, but ratheron men who are descended from Irish 
 parents living in the United States and Canada, (A voice, " Blake,") They 
 are, gentlemen, the sons and children of the exile, and these children instead 
 of growing milder or losing the memory of the past of the Irish people, the 
 memories of the past become intensified. The mother has taught her off- 
 spring to remember Ireland, (Loud cheers.) It is the oflFspring of those 
 offspring that are to-day agitating for Ireland. There are men whom I see 
 before me to-night, men taught by Irish parents to be true to the old land. 
 (Cheers. ) There is no danger for the Irish cause with people of such feeling. 
 Sometimes you will hear it said "these poor, misguided Iiish girls ! " These 
 poor Irish servant girls foolishly gave their money and their hard earned 
 ' ■ " ■ ''' ' land. These poor misguided servant girls ! I 
 America!" They are to be the mothers of the 
 future It ishmen of America. (Cheers.) They are to uphold Home Rule. 
 Home Rule is as well as accomplished as the worthy lecturer has said, and all 
 the people need do is to trust in the deliberation and have confidence in their 
 leaders. Question not their policy. Believe tbat they know best the course 
 to take, and whatever course they adopt let us here and afterwarfls be at their 
 backs. (Cheers.) The very countenance of the speaker to-night conveys the 
 idea of truth. (Cheers. ) He carries with him our expressions of belief and 
 confidence. I heartily second the motion put by Mr. Bigelow. (Cheers.) 
 
 Th'^re were shouts of " Anglin, Anglin," at the close of Senator O'Donohoe'a 
 remarks, and at last Hon. T. W. Anglin was obliged to come forward and 
 make a few remarks. He 
 
 CONGRATULATED THE IRI.SHMEN OF TOKONTO 
 
 on the honor and respect they had shown Mr. Davitt by gathering in such 
 numbers to hear him. They had known Air. Davitt by reputation for many 
 years, and had known that he had suffered in the cause of Ireland. They 
 knew that he had proved himself an honest and honorable patriot not merely 
 by words or professions, but by the endurance in his own person of sufferings 
 and pains the worst that English law could inflict upon a felon. They knew 
 that he had made the mistake that many a noble- hearted young Irishman had 
 made, in believing th»t he and others could by the employment of physical 
 force redress the wrongs of his native land, and restore to her the liberties 
 and rights of which she had been so long deprived ; and now they learned 
 from his own lips — as indeed they knew before — that he had discovered his 
 mistake. Mr. Davitt was to-day what the Irish people, with few exceptions, 
 throughout the world were— devoted to constitutional means and methods of 
 obtaining redress for Irish grievances. 
 
 wages to send to their native I 
 say "glorious servant girls of 
 
16 
 
 point in Mr, Angliu's speech the electric light went out, and the 
 
 as for u few momenta left in total darkness. Mr. An^lin oun- 
 
 romarka, however, paying high tribute to the courage that had 
 
 Mr. Davitt in his sufleriags for Ireland and to the ability and success 
 
 marked this constitutional agitation for Ireland sinct^ those sufiferingj 
 
 pgas jets were lit by this ti: <e, and tho audience was able dimly to 
 itform agaio. There were calls for Messrs. Lynch and Boyle, but 
 bhe chairman came forward and apologized foi chem and put the vote of 
 phanks to the meeting. It was carried by a rising vote amid intense enthu- 
 siasm, and the great audience before sitting down gave three hearty ch.^ers 
 ][or Davitt, Parnell and Gladstone. 
 
 Mr. Davitt briefly responded. He thanked the various speakers for the 
 
 lindly remarks made regarding himself ; said he had never before been so 
 
 jf^enerously treated or eo enthusiastically received, though hU countrymen 
 
 [always behaved generously towards him ; expressed the hope that it would 
 
 Fnot ^1 the last time that he visited Toronto ; but said he had resolved when 
 
 lext he came to the United States or Canada to speak of Ireland in public it 
 
 k'ould be during the recess of an Irish Parliament. (Loud applause.) He 
 
 Concluded by bespeaking for Mr. Justin McCarthy in his lecture at the 
 
 Pavilion on Monday evening the same generosity and kii>dne88 that had been 
 
 aujorded himself. The great gathering then quietly dispersed. 
 
 LETTER FkOM MR. DAVITT. 
 
 The following letter has been received from Mr. Davitt : — • 
 
 "THE CATHOLIC PROGRESS." 
 
 Sir — Referring in my observations last evening to a quotation gfven in a 
 recent issue of a Toronto weekly paper, I said that no such magazine as the 
 Catholic Progress (the journal quoted from) was printed in Dublin. Thinking 
 afterwards that I might possibly be mistaken, and that a maeazine of that 
 name may, unknown to me, be among the large number of periodicals 
 appearing in Ireland, I cabled the following message to the Freeman's 
 Journal, Dublin : — 
 
 "Wire me if there is in Dublin a magazine called Catholic Pragress." 
 
 The following reply has reached me to-day : 
 
 •' Catholic Progress is printed and published by an English firm in London 
 and circulated here." 
 
 I did not know that such a magazine existed at all, bat, as it appears 
 is such a publication, I am glad to learn that a paper holding the 
 • '■'•(ributed to it with reference to Protestantism in Ireland is not 
 hat country but of England. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 Michael Davitt. 
 
 .10 have any desire to understand the Irish Question should take 
 : of the Toronto Globe, Irinh Canadian, Catholic Record, Kingston 
 and read Bryan Lynch'« Pamphlet in reply to Rev. Dr, Kane and 
 ill Smith, which contains seventy-two pages of facts. I? is a per- 
 
 jolopedia, and gives more historical information than any other 
 
 '" lem times on the Irish Question. 
 
 *) cents each ; or ten copies, post paid, for one dollar. 
 
 Address, BRYAN LYNCH, 
 
 283 King Street East, Toronto. 
 
 i 
 
 mmmam