IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // y.. (/. 1.0 I.I 1.25 ■' lllitt ■so '""^^ M 2.0 ii IIIII16 V <^ /; ^w Photographic Sciences Corporation d ■^ ,\ /^v \ :\ 'le, treasurer ; Rev. Cannons Creene, Hamilton, Calbraith, Wynne, Hagot, Morgan, Jellett, Russell, and Staveley. There was a large attendance of the general clergy. After Divine service, His (Ikace delivered a charge, in which he said — Reverend and dear brethren, in prospect of the delivery of my present address, I have considered it my duty to study carefully the charges delivered by my honored and beloved predecessor during his lengthened episcopate. .■Vnd deeply thankful do I feel that I undertook the task. The retrospect presented by that interval of dangerous transitii)n, whrn, amid painful anxieties, restless misgivings, and heated controversies, order was seen gradually emerging out of chaos, furnished in itself a study full of interest and suggestive of lessons too. The feature in this record of the l)ast which, as I studied my predecessor's charges, impressed itself most strongly ui)on my mind, and which I desire especially to mention this •lay, was the noble bearing of the late Archbishop in the midst of those perilous and troublous times. D.ANGERS AND RESPONSIBILITIES. Brethren, a time may be coming when the love which each one of us bears to our Church may be put to the test. It is true, as I have said, that, from the special dangers which threatened us during the last fifteen years of my predecessor's episcopate, we are now comparatively safe ; but an ordeal of an entirely different character may be before us in the future, and it is well that we should contemplate such a possibility, and prepare to meet it. The ordeal of the past consisted in a subversal of the external constitution of our Church. Her outward fabric was laid suddenly in ruins, and we had to build it up anew. Christian fidelity was needed, in order that we might not, while so doing, endanger her essential foundations, or allow the superstructure to deviate from the ancient model. Christian unity was needed, in order thac we might not, in the hour of disheartenment and confusion, break away one from another, and form separate camps. Through (iod's mercy, our fidelity and our unity stood the test, and as regards soundness in the faith and unity amongst ourselves, our Church may now, thank God, compare, as I verily believe, with any Church in Christendom. But the ordeal that may possibly await us in the future differs, as I have said, from that through which we have just passed. If it comes, it will meet us from without, rather than from within. It will threaten the political and social fabric of our country rather than the doctrine or the integrity of our Church. It is indeed well, when going forth to meet this danger, 4 that we should l)e clad in tlic arinonr of faith, and that u-c should have dosrd up our ranks ; l)ut wo shall need more than fidelity to Church doctruie, or unuy aniouji Church members. If in calling ourselves the (Juirch of Ireland, we claim something l)e)-nd a mere name -if we accept with that name the respon.ihility that it involves, then we have a plam duly to dis( har-e Knvartls our cuunlr\ at large, and any political or so.nal ( hanL;es th.at may effect, for better or worse, th.; welfare of our native land must have an interest in our eyes (juite a|)art from their bearing upon the financial prosperity ot our Church. In other words, we must add toour t:hristian faithfulness and Christian unity aChristiat'i love lor our country, and a Christian interest in the social welfare of its IJeople. It we are to march abreast of these stirrins; times, we must be prepared to show by our bearing and by our teaching what true Christian Patriotism and true Ciu-istian Socialism really mean as distinguished from the i>amful caricatures of these princij.les that meet us too often on every side. I assume, dear brethren, that no arguments are needed m Older to persuade any of you that such a resjjonsibilitv as I have described does really rest upon our Church. I am sure, too, that no persuasion is needed in order that you may accept it as your own. But in order that we may all tlie m.iie vividly realise the urgency of our duties 111 this resp_ct, I would venture to pursue this thought somewhat further to-day. MTr.lC OF "church of IRELAND." •And with such a view, the first (|uestion that stands, as it were, on the threshold is tlus-^What is our position in this land ? We call ourselves the "Church of Ireland'— what do we mean bv such words? It is not lor the purpose of assailing others that I deal with the question. It IS irom a siin])le desire that we ourselves, with (lod's blessing, may be ed^liecl and encouraged and fortified in the discharge of our own duties, at a tune when every such help is sorely needed— at a lime, moreover, wlien we ourselves are driven into an attitude of self-defence. Nor do we ask for ourselves that which we are unwilling to concede to others. Let others come forward and prove, if they wish, their right to the lioMlion we claim. We invite honest criticism, and are fearless as to the result. WHO ARE THE " IRISH PEOPLE?" Ihit it may be said— Why proceed further with this Inqmry ? Why claim lor your Church the title of the Church of Ireland, when you yourselves have no right to be considered as a portion of the " Irish people ? " That such a misgiving should be possible may at first si"ht appear strange ; and yet when we find not only the so-called National I'ress 111 this country but even the leading journals at the other side of thcciiannel continually making use of the term "Irish people ' as apphcable to one section only of the inhabitants of Ireland ; when we lind enunciU men of letters building \\[) sjilendid ethnological theories upon mere hearsay in their studies, whereby this land is divided into three partitions— the home of the Scotch I'resbyteria.i in the North, of the English Churchman in the East, and of the Irish Roman Catholic in the West and South— it is time to explain that which all who really know anything of his country well know— namely, that in Ireland, as in England, the poi)ulation represents a compound .^-^v?///;;/ of national life, formed by the fusion of many races. Our geographical position as an the lioiiKl have- to ("huicli iiselvcs the 11110 —if we ■II we have iiiy political Ifarc of our from their ther words, a Ciiristian elfare of its we must he le Christian stiiif^uished s too often are needed ' as I have 00, tliat no own. But Jiicy of our t somewhat ere, on the 11 ourselves rds ? It is leslion. It ng, may be jwn duties, , moreover, :. Nor do to others, ight to the irless as to iry ? Why \vhen you the " Irish t first sight d National ler side of ijeople " as ; when we al theories ivided into i North, of m Catiiolic who really .'land, as in itional life, ition as an island close to iMigiand's side lias invited many strangers, whiihcr as settlers, invaders, or, alas ; as agitators, to visit our shores; and, as a conic(|uen( e, the blood of many nations Celtic, Saxtm, Danish, Xoriiian, Spanish, Irench, and Scottish —has been inextricably iiiterniingled in the veins ol our ancestry. The result is that, though some of these ancestral types of physiognomy and character may still disjjlay themselves here ami there with more or less preiloiiiinance, ihe people as a whole are now an " Irish pe(j|)le," and nothing else. No se( tion, whether geographical, political, or religious, has a right to claim that designation for itself. Hy way of example, I may state that rei)resentatives of all the more ancient families ol Ireland— the O'Haias, the O'Mulloys, the M'Dermot Roes, the O'l )onnells, the O'Neills, the M'Cillicuddys, Malums, .M'Namaras, Malones, O'liriens (from lirian lioroimhe), O'Reillys of Breffny, M'Carthys, and others— are to be loiind among the leading members of our Church. While, on the other hand, the Ironsides of Cromwell have their descendants among the Roman Catholic peasantry of Tipijerary. Let me, in passing, refute another widespread n.isconception, to the effect that our Church has little or no standing ground outside the province of Ulster. As a matter of fact, more than a (piarter of a million members of our Church are to be found in the three southern provinces. In our own diocese of Dublin alone there are at least ioo,ooo. IJut if it be tiius clear that Irish Chun hmen are not strangers and foreigners in their own land, and that they form a consideral)le portion uf the " Irish people "—all the more considerable if education and culture and ])roi)erty are to count for anything -the ciuestion still remains. What claim has their Church to the title of " 'i'he Church of Ireland ? " Long usage and parliamentary sanction are no doubt valuable accessories in establishing our case. Hut our claim rests on more solid foundatiijns than even these. We make it because we believe that our Church is the only legitimate successor and rei)rcsentative of th.at ancient Church established fourteen hundred years ago in this land by St. i'atrick— a Church t ■ which the title of " Church of Ireland " has never been by any refused. That Church was an lOpiscopal Church. St. Patrick himself was a bishop, and consecrated bishops in every i)lace where he desired to give permanency to his \*-ork. As regards the Church of Rome in Ireland, her present episcopate derives its continuity from bishoi)s introduced into this country in the sixteenth century. 1 do not deny the validity of their orders ; but they are not derived from the ancient Church of Ireland. Again, the ancient Church of Ireland was free from Papal control. The ancient Church of Ireland was never committed to those dangerous innovations with which Rome has overlaid the Primidve Faith. It is true that as the centuries rolled on " the foreign doctrine " spoken of by Archbishop Usher, made its way gradually into our Church and the history of the 350 years which intervened between the Synod of Cashel and the Reformation is, indeed, a dreary one ; but, even during that interval, the Church of Ireland never formally adopted that " foreign doctrine " as her own. It remained the old Church still. The new^ Church that then found place in this land was in reality the Church of Rome, which, after the Reformation, having adopted the novel creed ofl'opePius IV., introduced its bishop.s— some from Si)ain, and some from Italy— and i)laced them in the sees already occupied by Irish prelates. 1 hese are facts which, as I believe, defy contradiction, and if liny I),' iriii', tlicii a^.iin I repeat —tlv,' old Cliunh i-. the (IIuik li ot Irel.iml ; ihu new Chun h is the (!huu;li n|' Rume. Sii( h i.s tlie history such the (hitiiiitivc character of the atnieiit Irisli Cluirch. fAIRI'iTISM A CdMMuN Mil IINC. CUftUND. My re\eieiiil i)rciaruii, 1 li ive veiitiireil thi-. d ly iiUD the rielcl ol CDiitroversy, not, liod kii nvcth, Cor oiitrowr'.y's <\kv. My real inotive I'or ileahii^ with this (luesliou l\as l)eeii a very cliflcreiU (Hie. lUit ( hielly it has heeii my earnest desire, hy recalhiig our iniiids this day to tiie |)ositi()ii whi( h, a-- Irishmen and as Irish ('huri hmeii. we ()C(U|)y in our fatherland, to kindle, or when kindled to strengthen, m each heart a llame ot true Christian [latriotisin. I'ATKiorisM Aiiovr: ski.fintI'.ukst. I.et patriotism take the j-lacc of sell-interest. We are, of course, n(jt only allowed, we are hound to assert and defend our own rights ; and they who weakly \\vU\ them up to the a^'i^ressor are the enemies of the common Ljood. ISut there are times when the welfare of ihe country demands a sacrifi< e--a sa( ritlce, it maybe, of ease, or money, or fondly- cherished homes. Let it he known to all men that a love of country is the master-principle which constrains us — in other words, that in the presence of patriotism seU interest is prepared to take a lower place. IHI PkKSIA I CRISIS. But, let us i)ring these thouyhts to bear more immediately on the reciuireinents of this present time. The minds of many of our fellow- countrymen are just now agitated by a desire for certain legislative changes, which (if I am to judge Irom the unanimous voice of our General .Synod) are regarded hy Irish (Churchmen generally as ])regnant with disastrous results. Now, regarding the iire.seiu state of discpiietude, not as partisans, but as ministers of Christ, we are bound, 1 think, to ask ourselves, in the sight of (iod, a serious (piestion. In what spirit, and in what words should we apjjroach those who differ from us on the subject? Are we to a|)pr{)ach them as enemies and aliens? Let us be loyal, each of us, to our own convictions, and frankly make them known. Let us strive, if need be, by honest arguments to win others to what we believe to he truth. Hut let us not forget meanwhile that we have one God and Father of all, one Saviour, one Sanctifier, and let us remember too that we have one fatherland ? THl': QUESTION OF THE DAY — STRANGE FALLACIES. But if we are to grajiple with the exigencies of the present crisis we must go further than this. " Fellow-countrymen," we may say, let us now take our stand on this common meeting place of i)atriotism, and let us reason together as to the special (piestions which are even now awaiting our decision. You are *old by your advisers that Ireland needs a separate Legislature, in order that she may l)ecome a nation. Here is an appeal to your nationality. Let us see how much it is worth. Is not England a nation as ilistinguished from Scotland and Ireland ; and yet she has no separate Legislature of her own. Is it not with Ireland even as with her ? Both have an Imperial nationality as ])ortions of the British ICmpire, and each has a separate national existence as well. But, again, you are tokl that you are now governed l)y JMigluiul, and that a separate Legislature is necessary to free you from that yoke. It is not, llic (lliuiili ot ( li i.s I la- history iircli. li. ito the field of M\ ixal motive ine. lUit ( hielly this day to tiie e occupy in our II ca( h heart a ;, of course, not wn ri^Iits ; and ! enemies of the of tlie country loney, or fondiy- )ve of country is irds. tliat in the liiwcT place. cdiately on the y of our fellow- ;rtain legislative us voice of our •ally as ])reL;nant ; of dis(iuietude, und, I think, to In what spirit, from us on the aliens ? Let us ikly make them s to win otliers meanwhile that mctifier, and let .ACIES. resent crisis we may say, let us patriotism, and 1 are even now at Ireland needs a nation. Here I it is worth. Is id Ireland ; and lot with Ireland s i)ortions of the ice as well. Hut, lantl, and that a yoke. It is not, perhaps, wonilulul that Slid) a statement should lie a.( cpied as true, because this monstrous fallai y that Ireland is >;overnrd liy Mn^land has aj^ain and a-aiii foun I expression in the i'ress, not only m jrel.md, lint Ml r,i:p;land as well, ilut what is the f.icl ? Ireland'is ^;o\erne(l by laws p.isscd in an Imperial I'arli.nnent where Ireland has her le^^ilimate voice, and often (be.'ause of the bal.ince of partii s) more than her lej,'itimale inllueiK e. It follows that Ireland is no more governed by Kngland than Kngland is by Irel.uul. PRUi'O.Si;t> I.KOISLATION. .And wli.it, it may be asked, is it that some would propose for the purpose of making Ireland a nation? What, for e.vimple, werj the terms ot the mo.isurc recently intrmhiced inio Parliament for this very pur|,o.-,c? I hat proposal would, as you know, have deprived us henceforward ot any voire m the Imperial Parliament. The (lovernment aiipointed by that Parliament to administer its laws woukl, so fir a:i licland is coiucrned, be virtually a foreign Covernmnit .And yet to this (iovernnieiit would be entrusted the coiurol ol the Queen's forces. A NAIKJN WIllloUT AN AK'MV. -Vow, let US ( onsider disjiassionately what this mean.s. It means that by this measure -designed, a- it is said, to make a nation we shou'd be at once deprived of that prerogative of a nation which, in virtue of our imperial nniuiiialiiy, w- have hitherto enjoyed— the pos>ession and the disposal ot an army to defend our slioies. That army would no longer be ours. We slioulii be exjierted to contribute towards its maintenance our money and our blood, and in return our English and Scotch neighbors might graciously send it over to pr(jte( t us in time of ncctl Hut our reluiion to if as a nation would be gone for ever. That army would bo sent over not merely to prote( t us, but to keep order in our land. And this would be done in pursuance ot :i measure which was intended to obviate the necessity of enfuiring the law " under i foreign garb ! ' If we add to this the fact that, in accordance with the provisions of th;< measure, our Viceroy would be appointed, and a lari'e poMien of our la.xes iu;iu)sed, !)y th . : -me foreign (Government, surely we have before us, not the picture oJ an enfranchised people, but of a nation trani-lornied into the position of a conquered and tributary province I ■' WHAT ARK Till-. GRIEVANXES ? Fellow-countrymen ! " we might well say in presence of such facts, are these the results winch true pntrir^tism should welcome ? Is it not time to pause and ask whether tiiis agitation is leading you, and whence it is derived ? Has it sprung from yourselves, or is it 'the result of artifical pressure from without ? If it be from yourselves what^;v the grievances under which you suffer, and which these ciianges would remove ? In what resiiect is your liberty curtailed ? What privileges enjoyed by Englishmen or Scotchmen are denied to vou ? You have been told tliat if Ireland had a separate Legislature you would be better f)ff. ()t course, if an Irish Parliament should allow you to obtain that which of right belongs to others, you might be better off as regards this world's wealth. Hut for the honor ot our country and for your own good name such an idea ought not surely to be entertained. And if prosperity is s not to I oinc from such a sotirc o, wlu'iice do yni fx|ic< t it ? \\n\ kt\ow that capital will lu- (irivci) Iniin our shores. N'oii have i\|H'iieiu'i.il already llv.' distress , aiised liy its withdrawal. .\:;aiii would we ask you — apart Iroiii the incentives siipphed hy the s|)i.'eciies ai\d iie\\>;iaper articles of others what reason for this change does your own e.\iieric'nco sup|i!y? And if this movement has not sprun:.; from yourselves, whence dues It come, and witii what motive is it |iromnted ? WIIKN'CK COMICS THK Aill lA TK iN ? There arc, no doiil)t, amnnj^ those who lead this m ^veinent many whose hearts are filled with a sincere desire to serve their country's weal, and wlio seek to ilo so witliin the limits of morility and relij^iMU. liut that ureal power whicii :i!mo-,i unseen itself is pre-sinj^ lt)nv,ir