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Lorsque ie document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul cliche, II est film* A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant Ie nombre d'Images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes sulvants lllustrent la mAthode. f errata d to It le peiure, pon A 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 fc. , iiiiiiagiiiiniiLii.i:!''''— « ■1 %'T:--:,\ ■ ■\^-;y''i:^-:fXm' v'? \ . LIVINGSTONE'S HlSTORY V' \ OF THE Republican Party. .'fi.'S AHI8T0RY0FTHE REPUBLICAN I^^KT Y FROM 1 1 b FOUNDATION TO THE CLOSE OF THE CAM- PAIGN OF 1900, INCLUDING INCIDENTS - OF MICHIGAN CAMPAIGNS AND BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. v^ VOL, I. DETROIT. MICHIGAN: Wm. Livingstone, Publisher. C/)^ ^ .^ '^E m -<~ ^ THE LIBRARY OF CONQRESS, Two CuPiE» REOtiveo MAP 2 1901 CoPVRiaHT INTHV CLASS Cl XXb. No COPY A. jr '.'.*j; COPTBIGHX, laOO. Bt WM. I.IVINGSTONE. BBTROIT. HICHIOAN. of Winn • Hammonk Oetroil. Mkb. "ttiiisifw^' L-IBRABYOr NQRESS, UPiE» REOtlveD 2 1901 RldHT INTHV , /V, t9e>t> Cl XXb. No. OPY A. PREFACE. Tliere have been many histoiies written recounting portions of the life and activities of the Republican party, but "0"«that cover the whole period of its existence from its foundation in 1854 to the closing campaign of the Nineteenth Century. Ko account of the Jack- son Convention, which first gave form and utterance to the convictions out of which the Republican party grew, has ever before been set forth in book form. It seemed to the publisher particularly appro- priate that such a history should be prepared in the State in which the Party was founded, in which it has won some of its most noted triumphs, and which has furnished to the Party councils and to the Nation's history some of the most distinguished names. The History includes an account of every National Convention and Campaign from 1856 to 1900, the text of every National Republican platform adopted, and the principal events occurring during each Administration. Local interest is added by a brief statement of the results of each campaign in Michigan, and by a number of chapters that relate exclusively to political movements in this State. The publisher considers himself fortunate in having secured for the preparation of the general history the assistance of Mr William Stocking, who during alnwst his whole adult life has been at the newspaper end of political campaigns, and who has attended nearly all of the State Conventions held in Michigan since it would be impossible, without extending the work far beyond reasonable limits, to sketch, biographically, all the men whose politi- cal prominence or party services deserve mention. Their acts are m many cases, interwoven with the text of the history. So far as sep- arate sketches and portraiture have been employed it has been the aim to select men who were of State prominence, as well as repre- sentative in their respective localities. The artistic excellence of the portraiture will be apparent to everyone who opens the volumes, and needs no word of commendation. Ui. Winn • Hammond DetToil.Mkh. '"'WSWJW^sefC^^J I ■-.' ::. -'-i^n >'■ >r m I It 1 i, .' r ~^-'^»-»jjgwaftiLimai>uaM twgLB»«jiiiiiin>i.ii* m^i' -iMMl TABLE OF CONTENTS. 1. ACTS OF PttO-SLAVEUY AGOBES8ION. Pag% 1-18 miseH at an End. *. II. THE WORK OP PREPAUATION... 19-34 I AiiM.i„«n in 1854— The Breaking Down of Old Party „ TTninn—Rousiue Antl-Ncbraska Meetings— \ aiuame yyoir TVl and Fi^c DemLttic Editors-Encouragement From the iL..T2etTo--rLong Step Toward, Union-Strong Resoiutions and ji Rousing Call. III. THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 35-55 , . „ t-. o Rnnainic Call— The Great Convention "Under Now Party Conducts a Short and Winning Campaign. 'I • IwMwmmmttitllltttl^liti^ ' TAHLE OF CONTENTS. IV. SOLIDIFYTNO THE TARTY. Page. 66-64 Cliiinm to Prloilty in Oi'Kuni«nUoii— Mixed Con<lition nnd Various NainoH ot I'artli'H in 1854- The Conduct of AffalfH in KanHaH (Iradu- ally HriuKM all Anti-Hlavcry Elements Together— A Laud Trick in the InterPHt of the MlMxourians— Free Slate Emigrant Aid 8ocietleH— — MurderH and Depredations by the Missourlans— EioctiouH <^arried by Force and li'raud-Ueroic Resistance by Free State Men and Subse- quent Gain in Influence—Tlieir Final Success— Kansas at Last Ad- mitted as a Free State, with Republican Ofllccrs and Legislature. V. THE CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 1856. 85-77 First Reptiblican National Convention— Nomination of Fremont and Dayton with a Strong Platform— A Spirited Campaign With Ardent Hopes of Success— The October Elections Have a Dei)reHHing Effect— In November Buchanan Is Elected by Narrow Margins In the Mi<ldle States —The Election Considered a Moral Triumph for the Republicans, and a Sure Indication of Future Success— An Exciting and Vigorously Con- ducted Campaign in Michigan— The Rennlt a Decisive and Enduring Triumph— The Old School Democrocy of the Peninsular State In Its Death Throes. VI. PRESIDENT BUClLiNAN'S ADMINISTRATION 78-8 A Fresh Shock to the North— The Dred Scott Decision— Its Effect Was to Nationalize Slavery— The Decision Known to the President in Ad- ^ vnnce— The Colored People Not Citizens Nor Possessed of Rights ;; Which the White Men Were Bound to Respect— Tlie Black Man Not Thought of Except as Property— The John Brown Raid and Its Effect . Upon the South— Character and Career of Brown— The Great Debates Between Lincoln and Douglas— Last Successful Opposition to Internal Improvements— A Prophetic Utterance. VII. THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION 89-103 The Douglas Democrats and the Seceders From the Charleston Con- ^ vention— The Republicans Meet at Chicago In High Hopes— Immense Gathering at the Wigwam— All the Free States and Six Slave States Represented— Some of the Distlagoished Men Present— Joshua R. Gid- dlngs and the Declaration of Independence— A Ringing Platform Adopted— Seward First Choice of a Majority of the Delegates- Influences that Operated Against Him- Necessity of Carrying the Middle States— Dramatic Scene When Lincoln was Nominated— Dis- appointment of Michigan Republicans— Strong Nomination for Vice- President. ■MMtai ^-■.j^f.''A; TABLE OP CONTENTS. Page. 66-64 VarlotiB Inn Oradn- fick in thv ^•(•U'tloH— fv'arrii'd liy fad HiiliHo- LaKt A<1- tlature. TlIK LINCOLN AND HAMLIN (^AMrAKJN. Pago. 104-113 Thf Itt'Kiilar Doniorratlc and Hwt'doi'H' ('onvcnlionM— NoiiiiinitlDnM itf IioiiKlnH, Bn'fkinriiiKo and Boll— Certainty of a IMvlHion of tln« Dcmo- t-ratic Vote— ConililnallonH of DomocratH and i'oiiNlitiitioiial Union .Men— Reward and IIIh FriendH DiHappoinled, Bnt He IIocm <fO(>d Work in the Campaign— ConMervalivc Api>i<nlH to HiiMin*>HM Mt-n— Howard'M Ileply— A Torch lAght and Parade Canipaiffn— OriKin of the Wide Awakes— DoMulaB on fhe Htuinp— Fnnlon In New York 8tato — The lie- pnblioanH Win and Have Botli IIouHea of CongrcHH. .'i' mont and th Ardent Effect— In Idle Statea ans, and a auHly Con- Enduring ate In Ita 66-77 78-88 EJffect Was ent in Ad- of Rights E Man Not Its Effect at Debates to Internal 89-103 ?ston Con- — Immense ive States la R. Gid- Platform •elegates— Tying the ited— Dis- for Vic«- ■h THE INTEUUEONUM 113-123 A Country Without a fiovernment— Plots for the IHHniption of the Union— Plans for SeoPHHion Had Long Been in Preparation— Utter- ances in the Secession Conventions— Plotters in tlie Departments at Washington— Arms Sent From the North to Southl^rn Arsenals— Vessels of the Navy Widely Scattered— Preparations for Seizing Southern Forts— Vacillation of the President over His MesMage— He Finally Con- cludes That the Government Has No Power to I'revetit Secession— The South Carolina "Embassy"— Secession of the Southern States and With- drawal of Members of Congress— Union Meetings in the North— The Crittenden Compromise — The Peace Conference. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION 124-138 I^incoln's Journey to the Capitol— His Purpose as Regards Slavery- Formation of the Cabinet and Discordant Elements There— Prominent Men in Congress— Divided Opinions About the Southern Forts— Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Con8ideration"~The South Carolina Embassy— The Bombardment of Fort Sumter— The First Call for Volunteers— Prompt Response by Congress to the I'residcnt's lletiuests— Important Acts of General Legislation— The Question of Returning Fugitives— The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery Question— Events liCading Up to the fiSmancipation Proclamation- Varying Fortunes of the War. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENO.MINATION 139-160 His Own Attitude Toward the Question- Elements of Hostility to Hiui —The Pomeroy Circular and the Chase Movement— The Union Repub- lican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont — A Feeler Put Out for General Grant — The Baltimore Convention — Lincoln Renominated by Acclamation on a Strong Platform— He Secures the Nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President. Iv. ' I f .. ^. «.:r ^V ^_. M ■"■■'-_ ';i:>' :■",,., -Xr ■"*; TABLE OF CONTENTH. \ PmKc. XII. THE MNCOI.X ANU .lOllNMON (lAMl'AION t6M64 GhangiiiK Pi-oHiHvtH or tho CiunimlKii— Tho DfiiiocriitH (Jive tho U»>|nil>- llciiiiM VnlimUlo Al<l- 'I'lu-y I'lit ii War (Icnernl on a IN-uct! I'lutfonn- Th«' Wnr-lH-a-Fiiiliirt' lltU'ranio Ui-arlM AualnHt Thfiii— IJiilou Vlc- torl«'n IIi'lp tin- U«m>ii1i1Uhii t^nuw- MiOlsllaii Virtually llfpiitllttt.'M tho IMntroriii, uuil This ("uukom tiivai DiHHatUfactloii— VallaiKllghnm, ami HU (JrU'vaiict'H— IVaof N«'Koll»tloiiK-Tlu' HoptoinlM'r and OctolM-r KIih- tiouM Fnvoriilili— A Hw-ffiiinu lU'i.ulillran Triiniipli. XIII. THE THIIITEKNTII AMIONUMBNT 16B-17t IniiKirtnnt Eventn AtlcndiuK the CIoho of Preiililent lilncoln'a Admia- istrntion— Prominent Meniberti In tho House of the Thirty-eighth CongrpuM— The Thirtet-nth Amendment Introduced by nn Old Democrat — ItH Kawy PaMsattf in the Sennle— Prolonged ContcMt Over the Measuw in the lIoiiHe- Being Mefenled Itx Parliamentary Standing Was Pre- served by .lames .M. Ashley— The Leading Hpeakers for and A,«ninst It— The President and S«>rretary Hewurd Ise Their InHnence In Its Favor —Fiual Adoption of the Amendment. XIV. THE END OF THE WAU 176-183 Futile AlteniptH at Negotiation— I'resldent Lincoln's Ultimatum— SonthernerH Still Seek Recognition of the Confederacy— Mission of Francis P. Blair— .Tefferson Davis Appoints Peace CommisBloners— President Lincoln Visits Fortress Monroe— The Overtures Rejected- War Meeting at Richmond -Report of Oonsplrocy Among Democratic Generals— Succ-sses of Sherman. Sheridan and Grant— The Evacuation ' of Richmond— Llmoln's Visit to that City— His Greeting by tlie Colored People— Surrender of Lee— Assassination of the President— Sherman's Terms with Johnston -Disbandment of the Armies. , . XV. ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY 184-202 ForebodiDgs of the Northerners in Regard to Johnson— His Campaign Speeches Made An Unfavorable Impression— His Threats Toward the South— Tails About Making Treason Odious— Sudden Change of Atti- tude—Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon— Poor Selections of Pro- visional Governors for the Southern State*— Mischievous Results of the President's Plan— Southern States Re-ennct Slavery in Another Form— They Accept the Thirteenth Amendment and Then Proceed to Nullify It— Discriminations Agoinst <:3olored People In the Punishment of Offenses— The President's Message— Committee on Reconstruction— In- teresting Debates on the Southern Question— Passage of the First Reconstruction .Vet and Proceedings Under It— The Fourteenth Amend- ment to the .Constitution. % .i.a^arMM'jT.tillWWWigariMW*'*^*****' KiWMi TAULK OF roNTENTH. Pure. 151-164 XVI. TIIK IMI'KA<;illN«; CONCiUKHH. Pago. 203-220 Intforin— liou Vic- liutcH the mill, aiiit ImI- lOll'l- 166-171 8 Admiii- rty-olghth Dt'inopriit M(>a8iii-<> VVbm Pi«- rniiiMt It— ItH Knvor 176-183 tiinntum— lliHHioll ol' isHionerK— Itejoc'ted— •emotTiitIc ivaciiatloii le Colorwl Sherman'M Tin- Kh'i'tlonH of 1886-TIh' Anii-ln-Ariii Convention In Phllailflpiiia - A HitIoiih Movement TiiriH'd to Ul<li<'iilf- ('onvcnllouH of Hoiitlicrn LoyiillMtH mill Xorthern U«'I>iiI>1I<iiiih A Powerful AdflroMM to the Conn- try by I lie Poriiior- The I'reMitleiil'H "Swiiiif Aioiiml the Clrele"- AdmlnlKtrnlloii and Aiitl-AdiiiiiilHlrHlioii Soidlei-M' and MallorM* ('onveii- tlonii— Large Hepnidh an -Majority in the New ConKrenH— .FohiixoirM NuinerouN VetoeH— CharKeH and ArtlcIeK of Iin|>eaohiiient-~Attenip( to Force Secretary Htanlon Out of Offl<e— Iinpearhiiient Ilenewed— Trial of the Case and BenefltH Therefruin— The Fifteenth Ameaduient. XVII. THE FOURTH UKPUBMCAN CONVKIVTION 221-2.10 The Party at Hea With Uegard to a Candidate— A Oradiial Turning. Toward Oraiit— Hl« DlMcretloii l>iirlnK .lohiiHon'H ('areer — Meeting of the Ohieago ronvention— Delegalcrt From the HoidierH' and HallorH* ('oii- venlion — A Uintring, Patriotic and National Platform Adopted — Oeneral Logan'n Brief and Aiipropriale PivHentatlon of (irant'H Name— The Oeneral TTnnninioiiKly Nominated— Six BallotR for Vice-PrcMlilent— Spea1«er Colfax Finally WinH— A .Michigan Incident in Connection With the Conteat— Brief and Timely Letters of Acceptance — Ornnt'H Defer- ence to the Pottular Wiaheft. XVin. THE ORANT AND (JOLFAX CAMPAIGN. 231-241 184-202 Campaign )ward the B of Atti- 18 of Pro- ilts of the »r Form- to Nullify ihment of ction— In- the First h Amend- ■ //■■■'^V. ;: f The Democratic Tammany Hall Convention— "Voiir Candidate I Can- not Be'*— The Nomination of Seyinonr and Blair- A Very ('ritlcal and Fault-Fiuding Platform— Blair'H Previonw Reccrd— A Weak Point In the Ticket— The Hontiiern Fire-KateiH Too OiitHpoken— An Active and Bitter Contest -A Flood of CnnipaiKU Poetry— ({rant's Speeches— Seymonr's ElectioneerluK Tonr — A (treat Triumph for the Republicans —A Large Majority of the I'opular yote, tlie Vote in the Electoral (V)llege and in Congress. XIX. PRESIDENT (iRANT'S FIRST TERM 242-252 I'arngrapbs from the President's Inaugural Message — A Cabinet that , Did Not I>ong Hold Together— Attempts to Solve the Reconstruction Problem- Settling Old Scores with Great Britain — Financial Issues Come to the Front— How to Discharge the Public Obligations and (let B««'k to Specie Payments— The Act to Strengthen the Public Credit— The Refunding Act— The Coinage Act Demonetizing Silver— The Salary Oral)— The Treaty of Washington— The Proposed San Domingo Pur- chase Defeated. i ^ffi i :) i4 :'^ TABLE OP CONTENTS. XX. THE FIFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION... Pace 253-261 The Nomination for President Determined Befo—hand— A Large Amount of Speeohmaking of a High Ordeiv-President Grant Unani- mously Renominated-A Scene of the Wildest Entlinsiasm-NumerouH Candidates lor Vice-President-Henry Wilson Receives the Nomina- tion on the First Ballot-The Work of Newspaper Correspondents-A Long Platform Covering a Variety of Subjects-Strong Commendations of the Candidates— Modest Letters of Acceptance. XXI. THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN ; 262-274 ^ An Element of Great Uncertainty -The Liberal Republican Convention at Cincinnati— The Framing of a Platform a Difficult Problem— Attempt to Catch Both Democrats and liiberal Republicans— Non-Commital on the Tariff Question— Greeley Nominated on the Sixth Ballot-B. Grata Brown for Vice-President- An Incongruous Ticket— The Nominations a Disapiwintment to the Democrats, But Accepted by Them-Consterna- tion in Two Deti-oit Newspaper Offices— A Campaign of Ridicule- Straight Democratic Ticket— Unprecedented Republican Triumph. XXIL TWO YEARS OF DISASTER 276-285 The Civil Bights Question -Reference to the San Domingo Affair- Repeal of the Salary Grab-Important Financial Measures-The Seuate Currency Bill— Passage of the Resumption Act as a Party Measure— Suup'-mentary Civil Rights Bill Passed- Various Constitutional Amend- ments Proposed-The Panic of 1873 and the Depression That Followed -Disastrou.. Political Effecta-The Elections Give Democrats a Large Majority in the House-Changes in Many Northern States. XXin. THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN 286-302 The Three Natural Republican Leaders-Blaiue's Popularity With the Republicans-Democratic Attacks Upon Him-His Bold Defense m the Hous.^ReadinK of the Mulligan Letters-His Attack of SunstrOke- IngersoH's Brilliant Speech at the Cincinnati Couvention-A Close Contest for the Nomination-It Goes to Rutherford B Hayes on the Seventh Ballot -William A. Wheeler Nominated for \ ice-President- \ Long Platform Declaration-New Departure for the Democrats- Tilden and Hendricks Nominated-Tilden Conducts His Own Canvass -A Closely Contested Campaign-Hayes Has One Majority on the Electoral Vote. *^-^ I" '"'"' """""*''*T mi fflWfiftw ii HMIM TABLE OF CONTENTS. rage 253-261 XXIV. THE ELECTOKAL COUNT. Page. 303-319 A. Large it Unaui- VunieroHH Noinina- idents — A endations A Severe Test of Republican Government-Both Sides Claim the Elec- tion-Disputed Votes in the Southern States-Question ««*« the Rights of the President of the Senate-Various Propositions With Referenee to the Count-An Electoral Commission Decided Upon-Constitution of the Commission Democratic-Disappointment as to Judge Dav.s- Several Votes of Eight to Seven-Hayes Declared Elected-Disclosures of Attempts to Buy Electoral Votes 262-274 lonvention —Attempt mmital on -B. Gratz )mination8 Jonsterna- Ridicule— imph. XXV. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES 320-385 A Strong Cabinet Selected-Four Important Political and Financial Events-Abandonment of Southern Republicans-Ku-Klux and Tissue , Ballot Outrages In the South-The Bland-Allison Silver «o>°a«e fen«- nre-Changes in the New York Custom House-A Famous Civil Service S- Order-A Circular Against Political Assessments-The Greenback Craze of 1878-Tho Resumption of Specie Payments-Regulating the Electoral Count-Restricting Chinese Immigration-Pensioning Jeff Davis-Senator Cliandler's tJloquent Protest. 276-285 ;o Affair- Dhe Seuate Measure — lal Amend- t Followed ts a Large XXVI. THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION • • 836-362 The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkling-Its Effect on the Convention of ISSO-Unsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the Unit Bnle- The Three Next Republican Presidents in the Convention-Sharp Debate Between Senator Conkiiug and the West Virginia Members- Important Amendment to the Rules-The Platform Adopted-Conk- ling's Great Speech it Nomination of Grant-The Nomination of Garfield-Conkling's Motion to Make it Unanimous-Supported by General Logan-General Arthur Nominated for Vice-PreBident-1 he Exciting Convention Closes With Apparent Good Feeling. 286-302 r With the ense in the JunstrOke— I— A Close yes on the President— (emocrats- rn Canvass ■ity on the XXVII. THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR CAMPAIGN. The Democratic Convention at Cincinnati-Declarations of the Plat- form-Nomination of Hancock "The Superb" on the Second Ballot-- The Tariff a I^cal Issue-The Greenback Candidate and Platform-Not a Bright Prospect for the Republicans-A Change After the Mentor Conferenc^General Grant's Good Work for the Ticket-Result of the October Blections-The Morey Forgery-The Campaign Ends With a Substantial Republican Triumph. TABLE OP CONTENTS. Pago. XXVIII. THE GAUFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION 361-374 Blaine's Purpose In Taking the State Portfolio-A SeneB of Unfor- tunate AppoiulmentB-Sllghts Upon Mr. Conlcling and Hia Indignation Therent-Resignatioa of the New York Senatora-Bout well's Statement of the Affair-Successors of Senators Oonkiing and Platt-Assass.na- tion of President Gnrfield-Ouiteau's Letter of ^^P »'»«««°-P;*.«; Lessons Drawn From the Tragedy-Changes ^f ^« f t**" ^**''°"* ^^ Prenident Arthur-His Prudent and Successful Administration-The Question of Civil Service Refoim-The Tariff of 1883-Morri8on s Hori- Bontal Reduction Plan-Other Important Measures. XXIX. THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 375-392 Pi-ominent Men in Attendance as Delegates-Contest Over the Tem- ,M,rary Chairman-An Important Change in *»>« K«'«r"T«t »' .*»»« Platform Adopted-Blaine and Arthur the leading Candidates-Nomina- tion of the Former-Analysis of the Vote-General Logan for Viee- President-Opposition to the Ticket Within the Party-The Rise and Good Fortune of Grover Cleveland-He Receives the Democratic Nom- Ination-A Bitter Personal Contest-Blaine's Western Tour-His Unfor- tunate Stay in New York-Parson Bui-chard's Misfit Speech-Success of the Democratic Ticket. XXX. CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 3»8-*02 His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor the Reformers-Coolness Between the Pi-esldent and Viee-President-Selec- tion of the Cabinet-Repeal of the Tenure-of-Offlce Act-Clean Sweep of the Offices-Cleveland's Pension Vetoes-Order for Restoring the Southern Flags-^Resentment of the (Jrand Army Posts-Rebuilding the Navy-The Electoral Count and Presidential Succession Acts-ahe Inter-State Commerce Measui-e-The Newfoundland ""d Alaska Ush- eries-The Pt«sident'8 Extraonliuary Tariff Message-The Mills Bill and General Tariff Discussion. XXXI. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 403-418 i A New Set of Candidates for the Rcpublicau Nominatton-Blaiue «id Sherman the Only Old Ones Mentioned and Blaine Positively With- draws-McKinley Forbids the Use of His Name-Sherman I^ads Through Sis Ballots-General Alger, of Michigan, a Strong Possibility iSe Nomination Finally Goes to Huriison-The Text of the Platform -The Demmrats Renominate Cleveland by Acclamation. With Thur- man Second on the Ticket-A Quiet Campaign-The Murchiaon Incident —The Republicans Win. ' ■HH ■ ■"■■■b^ Pag«>. 361-374 TABLE OP CONTENTS. XXXIl. I'UESIDKNT HARBISON'S ADMIMSTUATION. Page. 419-438 Unfor- ^igaation tatement IssaHsina- |n — Pre88 pinet by ion— The In's Hori- 375-392 the Tem- :t of the -Nomina- for Vice- Rine and atic Nom- [is Unfor- 'Success 393-403 Nor the (nt— Selec- an Sweep toring the Hebiiiiding Acts— The i8ka FiMh- Milli) Bill 403-41S tiaiue and ely Wlth- an T^ads PoBsibility Platform Ith Thur- 1 Incident 4 A OloHe UouHo in CoogrcbM — I'roHpeet o/ Little Legislation— The Device uf Speaker Reed— A Sinull Majority Mude Effective — ObHtructive Tac- ticit Baffled— The Silver Question Made Pi-uminent— Passage of the Sherman Silver Act— The Republicans Not in Control ou This Subject— The Bargain Under Which the Passage of the McKiuley Tariff Act Became Possible— Effects •t That Act ou Trade— The Political Whirl- wind of 1890. XXXIIL THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892 429-442 Hard Work for Minneapolis as the Place of Gathering for the Republi- caii Convention — A Stirring and Comprehensive IMatform— Recogni- tion of Woman's Aid in the Campaign— Harrison in the Lead for the Nomination— Blaine's Name Presented at the Last— Three Unwonted Demonstrations at the Convention- Harrison and Reid Nominated— The Democratic Convention and the Campaign— Au Unexpectedly 1^ Sweeping Triumph for Cleveland and His Party. XXXI V. CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION 443-460 The Selection of the Cabinet— Geographical Considerations Disregarded —The Democrats in Complete Power for the First Time Since 1861— Delays in Action on the Sherman Law und the Tariff Question- The Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the Sherman Law Finally Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on the Tariff Measure — Becomes a Law Without the President's Signature— Au Act of "Party Perfidy and Dishonor" — Tremendous Political Overturn in 1894 — ^The Saudwich - t'i Island Affair. XXXV. ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 461-470 McKiniey Long Before Recognized as the Coming Man for President — A Highly Successful Political Career— The Convention at St. Louis— The Campaign Pronouncement—Contest Over the Silver Plank — Sensa- tional Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans— Their Statement to the Country— Only one Ballot Each for President and Vice-President— Points From the I^etters of Acceptance. XXXVL THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN 471-482 The Democratic Convention- The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggressive and Confident— A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Temporary Presi- dent and in the Platform— The Announcement of Principles After- wards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's Taking Speech and His Nomination— Accepted by the Populists and the Free Silver Republi- cans—Interest of the Business Men in the Campaign— McKiuley and Hobart Elected With a Republican Congress. I'^S *. i y TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. XXXVII. PRESIDENT McKINLB^'S ADMINISTRATION 48WW Formation ol the New Cabinet-Two Matters ol Grave Domestic Irn* portaace-The Currency and tlie Tariff guestions-Prompt Action on Both-Passage of tlie Dingley Tariff Act-The Hawaiian Islands An- nexed-Strained Relations With Spaln-The Destruction of the Maine- War Breaks Out and Is Very Speedily Terminated-Brilliaut Opura- tions in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines-Subsequent Desultory Warfare in the Latter Islands. XXXVIII. TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CON VENTION 49«-B10 A Large and Harmonious Gathering at Philadelphia-AIembers Present Who Were Delegates to the First Republican Convention in the Same City-Admirable Presentation of Campaign Issues by the Chairman- A Strong Platform Adopted-President McKinley Unanimously Rfuom- inated-Large Number of Persons Mentioned for the Vioe-Presidency- The Nomination Finally Thrust Upon an Unwilling Candidate. XXXIX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 611-522 XL. Bryan's Supremacy in the Democratic Convention-He is Absolute Dictator in Respect to the Platform-He Is the Candidate Also, of the Populists and Silver Republicans-Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles A. Towne Nominated for Vice-President-The Latter Reluctantly With- drawB-The Letters of Acceptance-Animated but One-Sided Campaign -The Imperialist Cry-Division of the Gold Democrats-A Decisive Victory for the Republican Ticket. REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS 623-644 The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present Time -The Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingham to Bliss-A Long Roll of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men-A Number of Close and In- tei-esting Contests-Ballots for tiie Head of tiie Ticket in Detail-Names of the Candidates for Other OflUces-A Series of Splendid Successes Broken by Only Two Defeats-Treatment of Public Questions by the Various Conventions-How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the Greenback Onslaught-The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, Silvei and Taxation Questions— Its Attitude in 1900. Page. 488-4»5 Stic Im- ctioa ou ud8 Au- Muiue — ; Opura- •cHultory 496-510 Present lie Same liriuaa — Uunoni- lidency— 511-522 Abaolute lo, of the larles A. ly With- 3ampaign Decisive 523-544 leut Time Ijong Roll le aad In- il— Names Successes as by the i Met the mperance, INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS. Page. Zachariah Chandler Frontispiece Under the Oaks at Jackson *a^;»K ^^ Abraham Lincoln ,, ^^^ Lincoln and His Cabinet ^, ^J^ Thomas W. Ferry ,, ^^ William McKinley Kingsley S. Bingham ^^ David 8. Walbridge • ^^ Jacob M. Howard ^2 Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr J' „, o4 John Sherman „„ John C. Fremont. ^^ William L. Dayton ^^ James Buchanan Charles Sumner ^ Roger B. Taney g^ Stephen A. Douglas ^^ Joshua R. Giddings ^J William H. Seward • • ^„ Simon Cameron ^^ Thurlow Weed ^^^ Andrew G. Curtin ^^^ Hannibal Hamlin ^ John J. Crittenden Salmon P. Chase 141 Samuel C. Pomeroy • ^^^ General U. S. Grant ^^^ Henry J. Raymond ^^^ Andrew Johnson " ' * ' ^^ George B. McClellan ^^^ Clement L. Vallandigham ^^^ David G. Furragut ^^^ Oliver P. Morton • t INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS. Page. Galusha A. Grow ^gg James M. Ashley .„ General Philip H. Sheridan General William T. Sherman 193 Schuyler Colfax ^^^ ThaddeuB Stevens ^^^ Samuel Shellabarger ^12 Edwin M. Stanton ^ Benjamin F. Butler ^jq William M. Evarts ^^e John A. Logan ggj Benjamin F. Wade ^gg Horatio Seymour ^^^ Henry Wilson ^65 Charles Francis Adams ,, , Uoo Horace Greeley • • • • • ^gg Roscoe Conkling ^93 Rutherford B. Hayes ^99 William A. Wheeler ^^^ James A. Garfield ., • „ William H. Robertson Chester A. Arthur ^^ James G. Blaine ^^^ Grover Cleveland Benjamin Harrison ^^^ Levi P. Morton • • • • Chauncey M. Depew ^^ Marcus A. Hanna ^^ Theodore Roosevelt • " * % •MM iMWi •MMM mmmma, mum ACTS OF PRO-SLAVERY AnORESSION. Adoption of the Missouri Compromise-Purpose of the Mexican War-Acquisition of Slave Territory-The Wilmot Proviso-ItB Defeat and the Confidence of tlie South-The Campaign of 1848- Non-Committal Policy of the Whigs-President Taylor and the Admission of Oalifornia-The Fugitive Slave Law and Other Compromise Measures-Intense Feeling at the North-The Cam- paign of 1852-Renewal of the Agitation and Repeal of The Missouri Compromise— The Day of Compromises at an End. Although the consolidation of a large majority of the Anti-Slavery voters of the North into the Republican party was finally a matter of a few months, yet the events that led to it covered a period of fully three decades. It was only after long discussion and strong opposi- tion that Missouri was admitted to the Union as a slave state in 1820 To quiet this opposition those who favored admission finally proposed a section in the bill, enacting, "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes of north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than as the punishment of crimes, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited." , w,„„«.,h Even with this pledge for the future the admission of Missouri as a slave state was reluctantly consented to. The pledge was finally accepted as a settlement of all controversy in respect to «lavery in the territories. But the differences of opinion on the ««bject of slaverv itself were so irreconcilable that they could »«* '^^l *; ^« /^ constant source of irritation. Petitions even, from the North in avor of abolishing slavery in the District of C<»»«^^f^'f»^J«'-;*f;; legislation, were resented by the Southerners^ and led to the contro versies over the right of petition, which lasted through three or four Congresses, and in which John Quincy Adams took a prominent part. iiiwwiiif*i»i ^ »■'■ if ■H i niHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 'h : Jt ! Tliis, and the growing feeling against slavery in the North, and even in Boine of the border states, intensiflecl the purpose of the most Kealous supporters of that institution, not only to guard it against all assaults, but to extend it into new territory if possible. It was thought, when the Missouri Compromise line was ac- cepted, that states south of that line would be ready for admission as soon as those north of it. Hut migration was so much more rapid to the territory west of New England and New York, than it was further south as to upset these calculations. Michigan was ready for statehood and applied for admission in 18H5, but was kept out for two years, lest two more Northern men should take seats in the Senate, without any new Southern men to offset them. The State was not finally admitted until Arkansas could be brought in at the same time. Iowa and Florida were admitted, itnder similar condi- tions, the former which represented free territory, being kept back until the latter could come in as a slave-holding State, just as in 1820 Maine had been kept out until Missouri could come in as a companion State. Hut it was seen that this equality in the Senate could not long be maintained. Part of Wisconsin was Ailing up rapidly, and there was every prosjiej-t that emigration would soon spread over the region west of that territory, as well as that west of the stat-js of Iowa and Missouri. There was no slave territory to counterbalance this, and the war with Mexico was, in its main purpose, a war brought on by the South for the acquisition of such territory. It was in connection with this war that the first of a long series of memorable contests arose in Congress. The declaration of war was made in May, 1846, and on the 5th of August, of the same year. President Polk, in a special message to Congress, said ' that the chief obstacle to securing peace was the adjustment of a boundary line that would prove satisfactory and convenient to both Republics, and he asked that a sum of money might be placed at his disposal, to be used, in his discretion, in the adjustment of the terms of peace. This was in line with the pre- cedent of 1803, when President Jefferson was voted a special appropriation for the acquisition of Louisiana. After the message was read Mr. McKay, of North (^arolina. Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced a bill, that two millions of dollars be appropriated, to be ''applied, under direction of the President, to any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in our foreign "»^nMMMMMllH MHMI A<TH OF PKOSLAVEKY AUUUKSHION. :t ^rth, and even of the most it against all line was a<r admiBBioD as |ch more rapid :, than it watt ;an waB read,y was liept out ce Beats in the II. The State ught in at the similar condi- (ing kept back jUBt as in 1820 18 a companion could not long idly, and there •read over the if the BtatOB of counterbalance , a war brought ■y. It was in 8 of memorable and on the 5th L'ial message to peace was the tisfactory and sum of money jcretion, in the i with the pre- oted a special i^r the message the Committee ions of dollars the President, in our foreign intercourse." This followed the lunguiige of the \\v\ ninking an appropriation in Mr. Jefferson's time. Tint the c(mditionM were very different. There whs strong opposition to (he Mexicun war, while there had not been great opposition to the Louisiana purcliHS(>. There were grave apprelrensions of sonit> ulterior and unpatriotic designs now. There were none then. CongreHs hud the utmost confld<*nce in President Jefferson. Many of its members had no i'onflden<*e at all in President Polk. In the debate whi«'h followed the introductiim of the bill, Robert (\ Winthrop, Whig, of Massachusetts, said he could not vote for it as it stood. It was a vote of unlimited confidence in an administration in wlii<'h, he was sorry to say, very little confidence was to be placed. Mr. Winthrop had voted for the act under which war was dej'lared iigainst Mexico, while Mr. Adams, of the same State, had voted against it. The latter now said that he dilTered from his colleague with a regret, equal to that with which he had differed from him on the former measure. He should vote for Mr. McKay's bill in any form, but thought it should expressly require that the money should be used only for the purpose of negotiating peace with Mexico, The bill was amended in this manner, and seemed likely to pass without much further debate, and with comparatively little opposition. But some of the Northern members saw, in this apparently in- nocent proposition, possibilities of great mischief. There was comparatively little doubt that the money would be used for the acquisition of territory from Mexico outside of the State of Texas, which had been acquired as a result of the war, and that it was de- signed that such territory should be open to slavery. It has been held by some that this apprehension was groundless. Mexico had. twenty years before this, abolished slavery, and the assumption had been made that any territory acquired from that couatry would necessarily retain its free status. But to meet this, the doctrine had/ already been promulgated by Mr. Calhoun, that the Federal Consti| tution carried slavery into all territory from, which it was not) expressly excluded. This interpretation of that instrument would have carried that condition into any territory acquired from Mexico, and that such an interpretation of the Constitution would be attempted in actual practice subsequent events fully showed. It was under this apprehension that a number of Northern Demo- crats met for consultation. Among them were Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; George Bathbun, Martin Grover and Preston King, of New MM iiaKii h^gfcin fli Mil < 4. HIHTOUV OF Til K UKIMniLirAN PARTY. York; David Wiliiiot, of IViiiiHylvunia; Ja«oh Mrinki'iholT and JaiiicH J. Farau, of Ohio, and Uobort Mcl'lclland, of Michigan. Tlit> rcMuIt of their dt'iilM'rationtt waH (ho franiin|{ of a rhiUHt* to bo added to thu bill, providing, "That, at) an cxproHH and fundamental eondition to the a<'quiitdtion of any territory from the K<*piiblic of Mexico by the ('nitiHl Htates, by virtue of any treaty that may be neuotiated hetw«H*n them, and to the iiHe by the Kxeeutive of the moneyu licrein appropriated, neither Hlavery nor involuntary servitude hIuiII ever exiHt in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall Hmt be duly convicted." David Wiluiot wati then only '.iH yvnr» old, and was HerviuK his first term in Congress. H<- was not antouK the most prominent of those present at the conference, but the proviso was entrusted to him for presentation, and made his name known wherever the history of the contest that followed was read. In House (^'ommlttee of the Whole he moved the addition of this ]iroviso to the first section of the bill, and it was adopted by vote of 80 to (54, only three members from the free states voting against it. The bill, as amended, was reported to the House, and upon its passage, Mr. Kathbun, of New York, moved the |»reviouB question. Mr. Tibbals, of Kentucky, moved to lay the bill on the table, and the affirmative votes on this (|uestion showed that the Southerners were willing to sacrifice the whole measure rather than to acce])t this jtroviso. The motion to table was lost by vote of J)3 to 79, among the latter being Stephen A. Douglas and John A. McClernand, DenuxTats, of Illinois, and Robert C Schenck, Whig, of Ohio. The bill then passed, with tlie proviso, by a vote of 85 to 80. Henry Orider, Whig, of Kentucky, was the only member south of Mason and Dixon's line who voted for it. Among the prominent Northern Whigs who voted for it were Washington Hunt, of New York ; Robert C Winthrop, of Massachusetts; Truman Smith, of Connecticut; Joseph R. Ingersoll and James Pollock, of Pennsylvania. Among the prominent Demo- crats who voted the same way were Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; Preston King, of New York; John Wentworth, of Illinois; Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and Robert McClelland, of Michigan. The last two of these renmined Democrats throughout their political careers. Most of the others afterwards joined the Republican party. The bill was reported to the Senate toward the close of the session. A motion was made to strike out the proviso, and on this motion Senator m ACTH OP I'UOHLAVKUY An<IUKSRION. iotr iind JiiiiicH TIh' result 10 udd(>d t(i till! |i)ndition to the by tlu' riilt«'d |ht»tw«H'n Hh'Iii, uppronriuti'd, [iHt in any |»art Bhall fii'Ht be iiXH Mci'vinK hid t prominent of H entrusted to ver the history niiuittee of the first seetlon of three nionibers amended, was ithbun, of New of Kentu<ky, e votes on this to sacrifice the monp^ the latter , Democrats, of )ill then passed, rider, Whig, of nd Dixon's line 'higs who voted 0. Winthrop, of ph B. IngersoU fominent Demo- nlin, of Maine; linois; Allen O. gan. The last lolitical careers, m party. The he session. A motion Senator John Dnvis, of MassachusetlH, tallced against time until the hour for adjournment, both bill and proviso thus falling together. . Before the next session of CongresH the same methods of per- Hunsion uu«^ of threat, that the I'ro-Hlavery leaders so often found elTective in those days with Northern men of weak flbn*, prevailed again. Tiie appropriati(»n was increased from |2,(M)(>,(HI0 to |:<,UIK),000 and was voted without the obnoxious proviso. Of the next Congress Robert <\ Winthrop, Whig, was <hosen Speaker by <m»» majority. A resolution was offered in this Congress by Harvey IMitnam, of New York, embodying tlie substance of the Wllmot Proviso, but it was tabled by a vote ofltIB yeas to !Kt nays. Although the Whigs had accepted the do<trine of the proviso, the result of this vote was not at all surprising. In the first place their bare uuijority of one, while sutfi< lent to secure the organization of the Mouse, was not sufficient to secure the passage of any disputed resolution or bill. Those of the Whig leaders who were inclined to consult expediency soon recognize*! the dang<'r, that if they per- sisted in any course of opposition to slavery aggression, it would give the whole South to the Democracy. Throughout the whole of this stage of the crontroversy, covering a period of several years, this fear was constantly before their e^-es, and fully accounted for a timidity which sometimes amounted to cowardice. In this case, also, the fa<'t that the Whigs had organized the House, and were, at least theoretically, responsible for its acts, undoubtedly deterred some Democrats from further supporting the doctrine contained in the ])roviso. Beyond this, the cry which some of the Southerners were always ready to make, that opposititm to their desires or plans would endanger the Union, was used with effect. Although this Congress did not adopt the Wilroot Proviso nor any other measures of sjiecial note, it served as a school of instruc- tion to some men who obtained a clear insight into Southern plans, and who afterwards became conspicuous in the Republican party. One of the^e was Abraham Lincoln who, now for the only time, appeared in Congress. He learned much here, acquired a nickname and ranked well with the earnest, Anti-Slavery Whigs, but accom- plished nothing that gave indications of his future greatness. He gained his nickname through a series of questions which he proposed asking the executive. President Polk had, in his message, sought to convey the impression that the Mexican war was undertaken to repel invasion, and to avenge the killing of American citizens upon ,^ U--.. Mh 1 a fl fl HIHTOHY OF TIIK RKlM^niJCAN PARTY. our own Noil. Mr. liincoln aitarkcd tliin poHition in a H<'ri(>N of rcH olntionH, tlH* flritt tlin'c rIaiiHeH of which aMk<><l the I'rcHldent (0 inform th«' Houw "WlM'ther flit' upot on wlilth tht* hIcMMl of oni litlfx'nit wuH Nhrd, UH in hiM nicMMnK*' (h'llarHl, wan or wait not, within the* t«'rritor>' of Kpain, unlii the Mexican revolution; (2) Whether that H|K)t in, or Ir not, within the territory wrested from Hpain h.v (he revolntionary Rovernment of Mexico; (.'l) Whether that M|M>t Im, or is not, within u Hettlenient of ]>e4»ple, which settlement hait exiHted ever Mince long before the TexuH revolution, and until ItH inhabitantH tied before tlie approach of the United Htaten army." The renolutionH. which contained Ave other queHtions, were HUpimrted by Mr. Lincoln in the tlrut HiMH'ch whi<-h he made in t'onirresH, but they were tabled. HIm frequent umo of the word "Hpot" in the resolutiouH und himh'cIi, ^ave him the nickname of "Hpot Lincoln.'' The House of this ('ongress included in itfi membership the follow- Idk who were afterwards prominent in the Republican party: Jacob Collamer and George 1'. Marsh, of Vernumt; Amos Abbott, ,)uliuH Rockwell and Horace Mann, of Massachusetts; James Dixon, John A. Rockwell and Truman Hmith, of Connecticut; Horai-e Greeley and Washington Hunt, of New York; William A. Newell, of N«w Jersey; David Wiimot, of Pennsylvania; Robert C. Hchenck and Joshua R. (Mddings, of Ohio; Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana; John Went worth, of Hlinois; Kinsley H. Hiugham, of Michigan, and Andrew •lohnson, of Tennessee. The following senators, who were afterwards conspicuous in liepublican ranks, were also in the Thirtieth Congress: Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; John P. Hale, of New Hampshire; Roger S. Bald- win, of Connecticut; John A. Dix, of New York; William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, and Bimon Cameron, of Pennsylvania. In addition to Mr. Uingham, Michigan had Robert McClelland and Charles E. Stuart, in the House, with Thomas Fitzgerald and Alplieus Felch in the Senate. Among the prominent Southerners in the Senate were Wm. Rufus King, of Alabama; John M. Clayton, of Delaware; David L. Yulee, of Florida; Herschell V. Johnson and John M. Berrien, of Georgia; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; Jefferson Davis and Henry Stuart Foote, of Mississippi; David R. Atchison and Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri; Willie P. Magnum, of North Carolina; A. P. Butler and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Sam Houston, of Texas; James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. During this C'ongress the slavery question came up in a number ■n \ M«'rl«'H (if rwi- l'i'«>Hi<U>nt in IiUhmI of niir iiH not, within (2) WlH'tlit-r Ironi Hpiiin b.v |i' that M|N>t iH, nt huM (>xiHt«Ml litH inhahituntM 'h(> I'CHoiiitionH, Mr. Lincoln in y w<*n« tnhlcil. HH and i4|>e('<*li, ihip the follow- i party: Jacob Abbott, JiilinM '8 Dixon, John ice Greeley and of N«w Jersey; and Joshua R. a; John Went a, and Andrew coDBpicuouH in 'Bb: Hannibal Roger R. Bald- liam L. Dayton, >ert McClelland Fitzgerald and «t Southerners )hn M. Clayton, V. Johnson and Inland ; Jefferson El. Atchison and North Carolina; ; Ham Houston, l^inia. up in a number forniN. Oregon, ■MMi ACTHOF I'UOHLAVKUY AncJRKHHiON. IH in till- Hlia|H> of a rcMoliition direct ing a coniniiltee aboliNliing the mIuvc trade in (he DiMtrict of rolanibia. n moved an aiiieiHliiient, int«tnic(ing the connnittee aboliMhinf; Hiavery itMcif in the DiHirict. Repeated uiadt> to apply the principle of the Wilniot i'roviHo I'hat waH aflervvai'dH the Klate of California. None however, came lo a ccMicliiHlve vote Tl ley were d iinlll the Hecond ncRttiuii of the CongreHH, after ection of IS4S In triilh although individual alwayH l»e repreHHcd, the Whig leaderH were not having (he nlavery <|iieHtioii injected into (he IM-ch- identiul campaign. They feared (hat a Hti-ong aMNerdon of their anti-extension principles would divide (heir ]iar(y in (he Koiilh, and they knew that any pro-slavery leaniiigH would divide it in (he N'or(h. Resides this, judging fnuii the jirobaliilities of i>arty siicceHH, tliey had flrnier ground to stand uiioii. The laritT had been the main issue in 1844, and the Democrats hud carried two or three states, notably Pennsylvania, ond with them the ele<-tion, on the false cry of "I'olk and Dallas, and the tarilT of '4U." Many of tlieir speakers had given the pledge that t^'f tarilT should be retained. The pli dge was broken, and the tariff of 1H4H, which was a virtual abandonm(>nt of the protective principle, was adopted. The fact that this act was carried in the Senate by tlie casting vote of Vice-I'resident Dallas, of Pennsylvania, made it all the more galling. Tpon this subject the party could be united, if the slavery tiuestion could be av4»ided as a cause of disruption. They also felt that they were on the poixilar side of another important ecommiii- question. As a party they favore<l a policy of government <-onstruction or aid to internal improvements, while the Democratic leaders were either hostile to such improvements, or vacillating on the subject. Their party resolutions were generally hostile to them. Besides this the vote on Mr. Putnam's resolution, asserting the principle of the Wilmot Proviso, was too comlusive to afford any encouragement for a successful light on thisquestion in this Congress. In view of all these considerations little real opposition was made to rotifying the (}uadalup(>-Hildalgo treaty, which ter- minated the Mexican war, and Congress voted the fifteen million dollars asked for payment of the ceded territory, without any stipu- lation upon the subject of slavery. By this time the Southerners felt very sure that they were seciVre from anv further assertion of the doctrines contained in the Wilmot ' 'At v'fflfc' ?'■• 8 \ HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Proviso, as ib .hown by an incident connected with the negotiations for peaoo. Tb. Mexican government proposed, as part of the treaty, a guaranty from the United States that slavery should not be re- established in any of the ceded territory, but the American Commissioner, Nicholas T. Trist, replied that if the territory were increased ten-fold in value, and, in addition to that were covered a foot thick with pure gold, on the single condition that slavery should forever be excluded, he would not entertain the offer for a moment, not even think of sending it to the government, for no American Presi- , dent would dare to send such a treaty to the Senate." It was under these conditions that the Whig National Conven- tion met in Philadelphia, June 7, 1848. In a whirl o'j"»«a^y enthusiasm, which was entirely out of keeping with the attjt«de «, the party as a whole upon the Mexican war, it nominated Gen. Zachary Taylor for President, much to the disgust and wrath of Daniel Webster, who sought the nomination for himself. The convention even found it necessary to vouch for the Whig standing of its candidate which it did in the third resolut^n, as followsr "General Taylor, in saying that, had he voted in 1844, he would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the assurance-and no better is needed from a consistent and truth-seeking man-that his heart was with us at the crisis of our political destiny, when Henry Carwasonr candidate, and when, not only were ^ig prmciples well defined and clearly asserted, but Whig measures depended upon success. The heart that was with us then is with u. "ow ;.«d w« have a soldier's word of honor, and a life of public and private virtue ns the security." ,. „ x i Every other plank in the platform was almost wholly taken up with some form of eulogy upon General Tnylor. But upon real issues it was the most non-committal of any P''^"^^"^^"^"* ^^^^ made by any political party in a National campaign. Although it ZZZa seven resolutions it really said but little more than the VVWgTnvention of December 4, 1839, which nominated Harrison for President, and pi-esented no platform at all. The nominee for Vice-President was Millard Fillmore, of New York. The Democratic Convention was held about a fortnight earlier in Baltimore. It nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for P^«dent and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. Its plat- form was long and suflBciently explicit. It defended the Mexican war; opposed taking from the President the veto power; denied the gwi ^'-t'' >'•£.,■ ACTS OF PRO-SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 9 negotiations )f the treaty, not be re- Ameriean ritory "were re covered a avery should a moment, lerican Presi- )r onal Conven- of military le attitude of Gen. Zachary ith of Daniel for the Whig resolution, as ed in 1844, he ■anee — and no nan — that his \ when Henry hig principles leponded upon • now, and we private virtue lolly taken up ut upon real neement ever Although it more than the Eited Harrison' e nominee for •tnight earlier for President, nt. Its plat- 1 the Mexican er; denied the power of the government to undertake a general system of internal improvements, or to assume the debts of states incurred for such purpose, and opposed the protective policy in the tariff. Upon the slavery question it resolved, "That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states; and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts by Abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanence of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to o.ur political institutions." This was an exact copy of one of the resolutions in the Democratic plat- form of 1840. The timid and non-committal policy of the Whigs was as distaste- ful to the pronounced Anti-Slavery men of that party, as the declaration of the Democratic Convention was to the Anti-Slavery men in its ranks. .The former were Ironically named the "Conscience Whigs," while both classes were sometimes called the "Come Outers." In Massachusetts the feeling took the form of a Whig revolt, led by Henry Wilson and E. Rockwood Hoar. In New York, the Whigs were mainly kept in line through the activity and political genius of William H. Seward. In that State it was the dissatisfied Democrats who made the trouble. The Free Soil element of the party, with Silas Wright and Martin Van Buren at its head, made numerous demonstrations, among them being a great meeting held in the City Hall Park, New York, directly after the return of the delegates from the Baltimore Convention. At this meeting the cowardice of North- ern senators who had voted with the South, was denounced. At the Baltimore Convention two sets of delegates had been admitted to seats, one representing the Hunkers, or pro slavery fac- tion, and the other the Barn-burners, or Free Soil element. The latter now issued an address, calling for an Ineopendent Democratic Convention, which was held at Utica, June 22d, and iiominated Martin Van Buren for President. At a larger convention, held at Buffalo August 9, other states were represented, Mr. Van Buren's nomination was confirmed, and Charles Francis Adams was nominated for Vice- President. A platform was adopted which was strongly anti-slavery m Mm wmmmmmmm9mm^'tii^ HMMM 10 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN V . RTY. In all phases of the subject which were then before the people. The sixteenth resolution declared: "We inscribe on our banner, Free H<,ll, Free Speech, Free Labor and Free Men,' and under it we will rtKhi on and flght forever, until a triumphant victory «hall reward our exertions." From this declaration the «'*K«»»^«*'"»^^,'^'^!^ **7 name of "Free Soil Party." The same elements had, in 1840 and 1844, iH^en called the Liberty Party. ^,o„*„^a In the election which followed the Taylor and F'"«'«[^ j-»f* *«••« received 1,360,601 votes, the <'ass and Butler electors 1,220,544 and Van Buren and Adams 291,2«:J. In the Electoral College the W higs had la votes, and the IVmocrats 127. The vote '" M-^igan was (^ass Electors, 30,677; Taylor, 23.930, and \ an Buren, 10,39^. Though the administration was Whig, Congress was Democratic in both houses during the whole term. In the Thirty-flrst Congress, 1849 o iS , the Senate stood: Democrats, 35; Whigs, 25; Free Soil, 2. The House was: Democrats, 116; Whigs, 111. }- '"^^ '^'^'^ZT^ S^tn gress, 1851 to 1853, the Democrats were stronger y^^'^^^'^K f® ^ The sl-nate, to 23 Whigs and 3 Free Boilers, and m the House 140, to 88 W higs and 5 Free Hoilers. ^ *„ k^ President Tavlor, though a Ix»uisiana slave-holder, proved to be more hostile to the aggressions of slavery than did "b B«-^»^r, President Fillmore, a resident of a Northern free State. The South- erneT^d counted upon a large addition to the area of slave territory from the acquisition from Mexico, which included what afterwards Zme the State of California, and the Territory of New Mexico In rteldinary course of events their hopes would have been realised, but he dUcovery of gold in California put a different face upon heir uL^cts It called to that section thousands of hardy, enterprising rdTesllute men, a very large proportion of whom were f rom «.e North. The very conditions of their occupation made free and self- Tut^ ting labor necessary, and a system of slavery impossible The terrUo y was organized as a State with an Anti-Slavery Constitution and Sdent Taylor, in a si»ecial message, reiommended its admis- sion Attempts were made to cut off from the State the territory south of the MUsouri Compromise line of 36 degrees^SO n;i»«tes, but these were unsuccessful, and the State was admitted early in 1850. Two days later a bill passed organizing New Mexico as a territory, without any restriction as to slavery, and one for organizing Utah as a Territory soon followed. „ ., ^ s „ The death of President Taylor called to the Executive chair a •-'WBKaiMoeiiMMHillMII ACTS OP PRO-SLAVERY AOGRE88ION. n rntive chair a timid and pliant inetrunient of Honthern aggression, for President Fillmore not only signed all the so-called Compromise Measures of 1850, which a Democratic Congress passed, but exerted a mild influ- ence in their favor. Of these measures, the one most obnoxious to Northern people, and the one which gave the most occasion for strife and ill-feeling afterwards, was the Fugitive Slave Law. The Constitution, in Article IV., Section 2, Clause .1, provided that '<No person held to servi(ie or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." Although the word slave is not mentioned in this article, as it is nowhere mentioned in the Constitution, there was no question of its application to that class of labor. This provision had never been carried out, with any great degree of rigor, but the Fugitive Slave Law provided the officers and machinery for securing the rendition of fugitives by very harsh methods, and enlisted the United States Marshals and United States C'ourts in that work. It brought the evils of slavery home to the Northern people, who, in many of the states, refused to comply with its requirements. Not only the "Conscience Whigs," but men of all parties refused to be enlisted as "slave-catchers." Religious feeling was aroused against it, especially in the Con- gregational, Baptist and Methodist churches of New England. Their Thanksgiving sermons often modified the expression of thanks by apprehension of evil to the country because it tolerated the sin of slavery, and many fast day sermons, though preached from. Scripture texts, were keyed to the sentiment of Jefferson's utterante when, speaking of the wrongs and cruelties of slavery, he said: "I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just." Here are some of the texts from which these sermons were thun- dered forth: "Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." "Thou shalt not oppress a hired servant." "I will be a swift witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages." "Yea they have oppressed the stranger wrongfully. Therefore have I poured out My indignation u])on them." "Is not this the fast that I have chosen: to loose the bands of wickedness to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" And here is one from Deuter onomy, that was especially appropriate to the Fugitive Slave Law: "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped •■'4-.. 12 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. from \m master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, even amonjj ■ you in that place where he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best. Thou shalt not oppress him." In the earliest stages of the agitation this feeling among the churches was slow in finding expression, but it continually gamed momentum. When, at a somewhat later period than this, a i>etition was sent to Congress from 3,015 Congregational ministers m New England, asking for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and the abolition of slavery in the IMstrict of Columbia, every anti-slavery member of Congress felt his backbone stiffen and his courage rise. And when, later still, meetings were called in the North for the pur- pose of raising money to buy rifles for the Free State settlers in Kansas, it was in the churches, instead of in public halls, that many of them were held. , , j It was largely, also, through the members of these churches, and in this period, that the modern form of the doctrines of the 'Higher Law" and of passive resistance were evolved. The great mass of the men who resisted the Fugitive Slave I^w were, in almost everything else, law-abiding citizens, but no power on earth could make them aid in enforcing that iniquitous act, because it was in violation of Scrip- tural injunction, and of that higher law of justice and of universal brotherhood, which God had implanted in their souls. At the same time there were many of them who, if caught aiding and abetting the escape of a fugitive, would not make forcible resistance but would take flne or imprisonment with the equammity of saints, and the courage of martyrs. As the contest proceed the atmosphere in the churches of the North became more and more one of hostility to slavery. Into that atmosphere many of the Whig leaders never canie or they would not have consented to the compromises. The depth of feeling against slavery and of devotion to the Union that was behind these demonstrations, the Southerners ^'d not appreciate, or they would not have forced the slavery issue as they did during the next four years, nor have brought on the war, as they did, six years Aside from the Fugitive Slave Law, the so-called Compromise Measures of 1850 included the settlement of the Texas boundary and the payment to that State of |10,000,000 indemnity, for the loss of territory to which it had laid claims; the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia; the admission of California as a State, and the organization of New Mexico and Utah as territories. The ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 13 HI even among ites where it among the lually gained lis, a i)etition iters in New I Law and the anti-slavery I courage rise. for the pnr- e settlers in Is, that many churches, and f the "Higher it mass of the )8t everything nalce them aid ition of Scrip- 1 of universal At the same d abetting the ice, but would lints, and the atmosphere in of hostility to rs never came, i. The depth lion that was appreciate, or lid during the did, six years I Compromise boundary and or the loss of he slave trade lia as a State, 'itories. The attempts to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to forbid the bringing of slaves into the District, failed. Although the Pro-Slavery leaders, as it a)>peur8 now, had already formed the purpose to secure further legislation in their interest, they chose, for the time, to have it considered that the Compromise Measures were a final settlement ot all questions relating to slavery. The Whigs were not in position to take any other ground. Both parties, therefore, approached the campaign of 1852 with professions of the purpose to avoid further agitation. The Democratic Convention was held first, at Baltimore, June Ist to 4th. It reiterated the declaration on the slavery question adopted in 1840, and again in 1848, and already quoted In this chapter, and supplemented it with resolutions, as follows: ''That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this Naiioual platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the last Congress, the Act for Reclaiming Fugitives from Service or Ijabor included; which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efllciency. "That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question under whatever shai)e or color the attempt may be made." Aside from this the platform was long, covering nearly all the National questions then before the people. The Convention nomin- ated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and William R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. The Whig Convention was held in the same city a fortnight later, and nominated another military hero, Winfield Scott, of New Jersey, for President, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina, for Vice- President. It is noticeable that from 1832 to 1856 inclusive, both the Whig and Democratic parties, in each campaign, put one Northern man and one Southern man on each ticket, and both factions of the disrupted Democracy did the same thing in 1860. The platform adopted by the Whigs in 1852 contained this utterance on the slavery question. "The series of Acts of the Thirty-second Congress, the Act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by '^vpi,- r ii 'm 14 HISTORY OF THE KKPUHLK^AN I'ARTV. the Wliif? party of the I'nited Btateg a» a setth'nient, in principle and HiiliHtanee, of the dangerous and ex<-itin>,' questiontt which they embrace, and bo far ag they are concerned we will maintain them, and insist u}Mm their strict enforcement until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity for fnrther legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, or the abnse of their t>ower on the other, not impairing their present efficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation, whenever, wherever or however the attempt may be made; and we will maintain the system as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union." The Free Soil Convention met at IMttsbnrg, August 11, nominated Senator John V. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, for Vice-President. Its platform consisted of twenty-two planks, of which eleven related to the slavery question. One of these denounced, in detail, the whole series of Compromise Measures of 1830, followed by the declaration: "That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for except In the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom national; by th(> total separation of the General Government from slavery and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom ; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery, and the extradition of fugitives from service." Another of the declarations was, "That to the persevering and importunate demands of the Slave Power for more slave states, new slave terri- tories, and the nationalization of slffivery, our distinct and final answer is, no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no National legislation for the extradition of slaves." Another clause distinctly announced the principle of "the Higher Law" in the declaration, "That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repug- nant to the Constitution, to the principles of common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; we therefore deny its binding force on the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal." ' Upon some subjects of National interest, aside from 8>avery, the platform took ground so far in advance of its time, that even the (irogressive Republican party did not hold the same positions till ten years later. It was an able rnd patriotic document, but cut little figure in the ca^r :>.'.'^, for the Free Soil vote was only 156,149, not much more than iialf what it had been four years earlier. As between the Democrats and Whigs the campaign was spirit- »%; ''-'xX~'^ ACTS OF Pitt) HLAVEUY AatJUEHHION. 18 I'inciple and which they in tliem, and rienee Hhall against the their ;>owei' we deprecate the attempt ential to the ion." LI, nominated t, and George I eoniiisted of ery question. Compromise Qo permanent except in the II and freedom ernment from onal influence whole subject 8." Another 1 importunate »w slave terri- id final answer alized slavery, B." of "the Higher ' 1850 is repug- m law, to the ized world; we e, And demand m slavery, the that even the sitions till ten but cut little ly 156,149, not ign was spirit- less, and the result a decisive Democratic vlt-tory. In the Ele«'tonil College I'ierce and King had 254 votes, and Hcott and Graham only 42. The iMipular vote was Democratic, 1,001,474; Whig, 1,38«,57H. The Thirty-third Congress, elected mainly at the same time, had in the Senate 38 Democrats, 22 Whigs and two Free Soilers; in the House 150 Democrats, 71 Whigs and four Fri'e Soilers. The Michigan vote on President was, for Pien-e, 41,842; Scott, 33,071, and Hah', 7,237. Its Congressional delegation was all Democratic. liewis Cass and Charles E. Stuart repi^sented the State in the Senate. Of the condition and prosi)ects of the country at this time Horace (JrH'iey said in his "American Conflict": "The finances were healthy and the public credit unimpaired. Industry and trade were signally prosjierous. The tariff had ceased to be a theme of partisan or sec- tional strife. The immense yield of gold in California, during the four preceding years, had stimulated enterprise and quickened the energies of labor, and its volume as yet showed no signs of diminution. And though the Fugitive Slave I^aw was still denounced and occasion- ally resisted by Abolitionists in the free states, while Disunionists still plotted in secret, and, more oi)enly, prepared in Southern commercial conventions, there .was still a goodly majority in the South, with a still larger in the North and Northwest, in favor of maintaining the Union and preserving the greatest practical measure of cordiality and fraternity between the free and slave states, substantially on the Compromise of 1860." If the Democrats, as a party, had been sincere in their assertion of the purpose to resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress, "the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt might be made," this pleasant picture of pea<'e and prosperity might have continued, with Democratic supremacy, for many years; but overconfident in their strength, and not comprehending the depth of feeling in the North, they speedily renewe«l the agitation. At the last session of the Thirty-second Congress a bill was intro- duced to organize the territory west of Iowa and Missouri into a single Territory, to be called the Territory of Platte. It was reported from ('ommittee as a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska. Although the Territory was large, and the population increasing, many Southern members opposed the bill, and it was reported adversely to the House by the Committee of the Whole. A motion to table it was lost, and it was passed and sent to the Senate-, where it remained, at the end of the session, among the bills not acted upon. ^ ' S*j* I'l 'M 16 HISTORY OF THE REFITHLICAN PARTY. At the oiM..ni.iK «f the Thirty-third OongreBS Senator Dodge, of Iowa, introduced a similar bill, whi<h was referred to th« Committ^ on T;rritorieB. It wa« subsequently reported by that /^^omm «ee when Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, offered an amendment, providing that the Act of 1820 should not be so construed as to apply to the Territory contemplated by this act, nor to any other Territory of the United States. Senator Dixon was a Whig, and was charged by the Washington Union, the Democratic organ, with taking this course m order to divide and disorganize the Democratic party. To this charge he replied on the floor of the Senate: "Sir, I merely wish to remark that upon the question of slavery I know no Whiggery, and I know no Democracy. I am a Pro-Slavery man. I am from^ a slave-holding State. I represent a slave-holding constituency. I am here to maintain the rights of that people, whenever they are before the Senate." , . . , ^j Senator Douglas did not wish discussion on this issue forced immediately, and therefore had the bill ref err^ back to his Commit, tee on Territories. He subsequently reported it, amended so as to create the two Territories of Kansas and Nebraska and with the provision that all questions pertaining to slavery in the states, to be Cmed from these territories, should be left to the action of tlie people thereof, through their appropriate representatives, and that the pro- vi o"s of the'constitution and laws of the United States in respect to fugitives from service, should be carried into faithful execution in all the organized territories, the same as in the states. The bill, as introduced, had the stipulation, "That the Cons itu- tion and all laws of the United States which are not locally mapplica- ble, shall have the same force and -^^^^''"^'^ ZJulZlZ elsewhere in the United States." To this the amended bill added the following reservation: "Except the section of ^^^^^'IT^S to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6 1820, which was superceded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, com- Tonly called Vhe Compromise Measure, and is declared inoperative' But even this was not strong enough to suit those^who hoped to make slave states of the new territories. After a hot debate Senator Douglas proiK,sed the following in place of the reservation above cZtecl- '^x ept the section of the Act preparatory to the admiss on olMTssouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being to^.Z with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the states and territories, as recognized by the legislation m ACTH OF PKO-SLAVEUY AG(JREHHI()N. 17 or Dodge, of e Committee t Committee, nt, providing apply to the rritory of the arged by the Ithig course in ty. To thid erely wish to V'higgery, and I am from, a uency. I am ley are before issue forced o his Commit- . mded so as to and with the le states, to be n of the people i that the pro- ates in respect ul execution in t the Constitu- cally inapplica- id territory as 1 bill added the ct preparatory March 6, 1820, m of 1850, com- d inoperative.'' i who hoped to debate Senator ervation above I the admission , which, being Congress with le legislation in H 1860, commonly called th<? Coiiipromise Measure, is hereby declared inoiierative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or Htate, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic iustitutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United Htates." This was adopted by a vote of .'{5 to 10. That it wos not intended to mean what it said, was clearly demonstrated immediately after- wards, for Senator Chase, of Ohio, moved to add to the above the following: "Under which the i)eople of the Territory, through their appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein." This was rejected by a vote of 30 to 10, thus showing that so far as the territories were concerned the doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty" was a jiretense and a sham — that the people of the territories were Jiot to be allowed to prohibit slavery, previous to their admission as states. Further contest in the Senate was hopeless, and tbe bill passed on the morning of March 4th, by the decisive vote of 37 to 14. In the House the measure was fought with more vigor, and at first with some hope of compassing its defeat. A separate bill had been there introduced, but the Senate bill was substituted for it, and, by a parliamentary trick, its ojiponents were prevented from ofifering amendments. The discussion upon it was long and acrimonious, but it finally passed, by vote of 113 yeas to 100 nays. The affirmative vote consisted of 101 Democrats, of whom 44 were from the North, and 12 Whigs, all of whom were from the South. The negative vote con- sisted of 44 Northern Democrats, 44 Northern Whigs and three Free Sellers. The bill went back to the Senate, nominally as a House bill, but in reality the Senate measure, finally passed that body May 26, and was signed by President Pierce, May 30. The Northern Whigs, it will be noticed, finally voted solidly against the measure, but the non-committal attitude of their party in previous campaigns had pre- vented their having members enough to make their votes effective. The passage of the measure sealed tbe fate of the Whigs as an organ- ization, and hastened the concentration of anti-slavery sentiment in a new party. This brief narration of events can convey but a faint impression of the excitement with which the men of the North watched their course. The long discussion of the Compromise Measures and of the Kansas Nebraska bill had taught them many things, not only with regard to If ■A ii ■ --? • i1| IT" ■'^,■■ IS IlISTOnYOFTIIK IIKIM HIJCAN PAKTY Houthorn a^Kn-HHiouH in the int.Me«t of «lav»M-.v. but with the fvils of Hlav.'rv itw'lf. TlH' Iltoratnn- (►f the iMM-iod wan IntoiiB*'. Mis. Stow,.'H "liuU. Ton.'H i'abin," whi.h probably had a diHiH-r and moro widennmid InfJ.HMUv on opinion than an.v ..tlu-r story of mmonilr and Bo,ial lifo that waH ever written, wan pnblinhed durinK this iM-riod of diHon«Bion, flrBt a« a nerial in Dr. nanuiliel Hailey'«Wa«hinKton pain^r, the National Era. and afterwards In book form. The/*"*';'* 2" Hon.Hl, and many other political newspapers made the Kansas^ N,.braska bill and kindred n.atters the .hlef tophs of discussion, and „ a nun.ber of religious paiK-rs ^ave them seareely less attention. The VntlHlaverv element in the North had accepted the admission „f Missouri even wlH. the Compromise with reluctanie That meas- ure for adn.lssion had passed by 7« votes from slave states and on 14 from free states, nuiklng im. The negative votes were 87 all fro'" he frei. states. The Houth, in the admlss^un of that state with Iverv m U roasthution, had reape<l all ttTe benefit of the Com^ ^n m se, and now v.olated its spirit and repudiated Its fore. Tha nntrument had dedicated the territory which It covered o freedcMU orever, and now It was proposed to make It ,M'r,H.tually slave. The C ro. ises of 185i» again had bm. accepted as a finality and both heTreat parties had so declared In their conventions not two years p e^,; to this time. Yet a new agitation had been "'"-d atjMy Unu .nd in the debates in this Congress the puriK.se had been made S est, to admit no more free states to the Un on unless an equa Tmber of slave states could come in; a p«r,K.se. '^^^er JMn his to earrv slaverv into all the territories. In the legislation of 1820 and ISoS^tl e No^th had yielded enough. It would yield no more. The iav of Compromises was past. The time for organizing a new party had come, and Michigan was to take the lead m that work. Ii the t'vils of itciiHe. Mrs. IMT and inor*' (M-undiiiic uiid this iM'rl(«l ttt linKtoii patH'i-, u* puiKM* men- the KnnmiH- iHi'iiHsion, ami , j ttentlon. the adiiiiBHion That ineaB- I ates, and only re 87, all from hat state with it of the Com- } fone. That red to freedom ly slave. The ality, and both not two years m Immediately had been made inless an equal ler than this to ion of 1820 and no more. The ng a new party mrk. II. A WOltKOFrKEl'AHATION. ,, The Hitnation in Mi.hiKan in lHr.4-The Hreaking Down of Old I'arty L|,„.«_HtronK An.i-HlaviMy Kentiment In the Htate-The Under- - ground Railway Llm— ('orrespouden.e of Whig Edltors-An Important IMeliniinary Meeting-Htatements from Home of the l^niders-Free Demorratlt- Mass <>nv< iitlon-It Nominates a TUket and Makes Overtures for a Union-Rousing Anti-Nebraska Meetlngs-\aluable W<.rk by Whig and Fri-e Democratie Edlt«.rs -Knronragement From the Early Eleetlons-A Umg Step Towards Union-Strong Resolutions and a Rousing Call. In spite of the fact that the Htate had generally given Demooratle ,„«j«rlties up t<» the time when the slavery question became the pam- mount issue in ,K,lities. a majority of Michigan i^eople were oppos^ to the policv of that party on this supreme question. Their Htate was part of 'the great Northwest Territory, over which the Ordinance of 1787 spread the mantle of per,H-tual freedom. Their history and traditions were in full accord with the principles of this fundamenta law As the Eastern border of the State was on the frontier it became part of the great highway that U^ the fugitive slave to Canada and fnn^om, and along that highway, at Kalamazoo, Adrian, OetroU and other places, were stations of the ^'underground ra Iway, where fleeing slaves had been assisted on their way, and where they had aroused the deepest sympathies of those who met them Some of these men had been arrested and fined for violation of t^^ J»K**»^« Slave Law. They were, at this time, as thoroughly aroused as the I,eople of almost any other Northern State, at the repeated aggres- sions of the slave power. ir„„-„« The difflcnltv, when the feeling that grew out of the Kansas- Nebraska controversy was at its height, was in a lack of concentration^ A la "e majority of the Whigs shared In the feeling but were attached n alTection and sentiment to their party and wished to preserve its IIIHTOUY OF TIIK UKPlIlilJrAN 1»AKTY. inti'Ki'it.V hihI itM iiuiiic. TImtc wiih niiotlK't- party, iiiikIl' up mainly of AbolitioniHtH and of ||iom<> old Di'mocratH whose Anti-Hlavery HtMiti- nientH wciv ho Hti-onK lliat llify i-oiild not r(»llow their old organiitatiun into the Houthern fold. The men of (IiIh party were, in (■<iaif'-in|>or- aneouH reeordH, variouHly called Free KoilerH, Fhm* Deniocrv » nud Free Koil DenioeralM. In the election o* 1H52 they had given Imuuc 1*. ('hrlHtianey 5,sri() voteH for Oovernor, while the VVhiKH gave Zaeh- ariah Chandler :t4,((it(l, and th<> DemocratM gave Robert Merielland 42,7J>H. ThiH wai4 a clear nuijority fi>r the DemueratB over the other two parties conibiniHl. 8nbHe4|uent eventH, however, had changed that, and in 1854, there WHH no doubt that a nntjority of voters in the Htate were not only oppoHed to the exteuHion of slavery into any new Territory, but were also in favor of obliterating some of the rompntniise Measures that had, two years earlier, been accepted as a settlement of the whole con- troversy. The difliculty was in combining all the Anti-Slavery elements into one j-olierent whole. The Whigs themselves were not entirely united in sentiment upon this subject. There were, in truth, two factions antong them, the Keward Whigs, as they were called and as they rather ]ik(>d to call themselves in Michigan, and the Silver Oray Whigs, as they were tlrst called in New York and subsequently in other states. The former were in full sympathy with the rising tide of Anti-Slavery sentiment. The latter were conservative on the subject, but neither was ready to disband its organization. They cer- tainly had no idea of being absorbed by the Free T)emocrats, nor had the latter any purpose of losing their party identity. But the work of preparation for the breaking down of these party lines had long before b<'en commenced. Charles V. De I^nd, one of those who was active in this preliminary work, recently made this brief statement in reference to it: 'The movement began soon after the crushing defeat of the Whigs in 1852, by correspondence between the leading Whig editors of the Northern states. I was at that time editor of the Jackson Citizen, and distinctly remember the circular letters of the National Intelligencer, Albany Journal and other leading papers, asking the expression of all Whig editors as to the situation, and what the future policy of the party should be. These circulars induced some of the leading Whig editors of Michigan to hold a con- ference at Jackson in February, 1854, of which Henry Barns, of Detroit, was Chairman, and the writer was Secretary. The Free Soil party had called a convention for the 22d of February to nominate a Mil w mainly jery wilt I- iiini«iitiun |)iif ' -iii|»or- |'i"M It (I lid Ivcn Ihuuc law Zach- |cn('|latid I the other HM, tliere ' not only , but were Mires that whole c'ou- iti-Slavery I were not i, in truth, [culled and the Silver tfiequently the rising ive on the They cer- ts, nor had hese party md, one of made this soon after :e between t that time le circular ler leading ^ situation, e circulars lold a con- Barns, of ? Free Soil lominate a A WORK OP I'RKl' A RATION. tl L' Htato ticket. The KaimiiM N'cluaMka liill, the re|teal of tli<' .MiMHoiir! ('oiii|iroiiiiH(' and other nulirai pi-oMlavcry l<>i;iHlali<>ii wan iiciidiiiK in ConKn-HM. .Mn-atly the |mm»|»I«' of tin* Norllierii Mtates were holding mass iii(>4>tintj;M, dciioiiiiring and renioiiHt rating aKaiiiHt the |>i'o|M»He<l leglMlation. The edilorH adopted a |M»ll*-y looking; to the i-onHtilidution of nil the .\ntl-Hlavei\v exteiiHion elenienlH into a new party. Henry HurnH, of the l)<>troit Trihnne; Oeor^e .\. Fitch, of the KalaniUTSoo Telegraph, and Z. 1). Knight, of the I'ontiuc Oa/.ette, were appointed a roninilttiM' to attend the Free Hoil Htate (Convention, and Hubniit the pntpoHition to the leaderH of that party. A ronference waH held on the evening of the L'lHt, at the ofllce of AuHtiii lllair, and among the Fre<' Soil lenders preHent I remember KiiiHley H. Hingham, llovey K. riarke, Naac V. ChriHtiancy and William T. Howell. The Free Holl- ers thougtif if best to go on and hold their conv<>ntion an<l to noiiiinate a ticket, but agreed to name a joint committee, with authority to cull a mass conventiim later, and if a union of the kind proposed was feubi- ble, to withdraw their Htnte ticket and join the new organlKution." Of a Inter phase of the nioveinent Henry Wilson, in his "Rise and. Fall of the Hluve Tower in America," suid: ''Immediately on the' passage of the Nebraska bill, Joseph Warren, editor of the Detroit Tribune, entered upon a course of ineaHures that resulted in bringing the Whig and Free Hoil parties together, not by a mere coalition of the two, but by n fusion of the elements of wlii«'li the two were coin^ posed. In his own language he 'took ground in favor of disbunding the Whig und Free Hoil parties, and of the organisation of a new party composed of all the opponents of slavery extensitui.' Among the) first steps tuken toward the accomplislnnent of this vitally important object, was the withdrawui of tlie Free Hoil ticket." In reference to the same movement, Joseph Wnrren himself wrote, twenty-flve years later: "Though the repeal of the Compromise between freedom and sluvery, which for nearly thirty-tive years had been looked upon as an inviolable compact, creuted widespread and intense excitement, the members of the Whig party, it wus feared, were not prepured to abandon their own organ ix.ut ion, and be absorbed in the Free Soil party. Being impressed with the conviction that such a sentiment existed to a sufficient extent to render the success of the Free Soil ticket doubtful, even if it should be formally udopted (as he felt it should not be) by a Whig convention, the writer of this brief sketch, then editor and part owner of the Detroit Tribune, initiated, through its oolumns, a movement on the part of the Anti-Slavery peo- ;! , * Pil MM M»wMi«MMa8BWtBB>WWi mmmm 22 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. pie of the State, which resulted in the Jackson masB convention, and in the organization and chriBtening of the Republican party. . . He, through the columns of the Tribune, took immediate and very decided ground in favor of formally disbanding both the Whig and Free Boll parties of the State, and of the organization by mass convention, of a new purty, composed of all the opponents of slavery extension of whatever name. This course, it is due to himself to state, he took upon his own responsibility, being so thoroughly convinced that it was right and would triumph, that he advised not even with his imme- diate political friends as to the wisdom of the step." The time here referred to was that immediately following the final passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in May, and for the next two months Mr. VVarren'ir paper was undoubtedly the most conspicuous, as it was one of the ablest, and certainly the most vigorous, among newspaper advo- cates of the movement. But it would not be just to ascribe to any one man the credit either for the initiative or the progress of the move- ment. It was too broad and the feeling was too deep to be credited to any one individual. It was an inspiration that came alike to hundreds of earnest men engaged in editorial work and in other avenues of public life. The call for a mass convention of the Free Democracy was issued January 12, 1854, and was signed by U. Tracy Howe, Hovey K. (^larke, Silas M. Holmes, S. A. Baker, S. B. Thayer, Samuel P. Mead, Samuel Zug, J. W. Ohilds and Erastus Hussey, State Central Committee. Between the call and the time of the convention an address was issued to the people of the country by Senators Salmon P. Chase and Charles Sumner, and Representatives Joshua R. Giddings, Edward Wade, Oer- ritt Smith and Alexander DeWitt, condemning the Kansas-Nebraska bill as "a gross violation of a satTed pledge, a crim.inal betrayal of precious rights, a part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the old world, and free laborers from our own states, and convert it to a dreary region of despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves." The various arguments or excuses which had been offered for the bill were examined, their fallacious character was shown, and an eloquent appeal was made to the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the North. This address was given a wide circulation in Michigan and added to the intensity of feeling, which found expression in various Courty Conventions of the Free Democracy, and at numerous Anti-Nebraska meetings which were not limited to that party. NiliMIIMMIiili ion, and . He, decided ree Soil ion, of a nsion of he toolc Id tlmt it is ininie- ime here Jge of tlie thB Mr. was one per advo )e to an.v the move- i credited alike to in other 'as issned K. (Clarice, d, Ramuel ommittee. vaa isHued td Charles ^'ade, Ger- ■Nebraska Btrayal of lude from and free region of rguments Bed, their 9 made to vas given ►f feeling, the Free were not ,; A WOKK OP PREPARATION. 28 The most notable of the latter wa» held in Detroit February 18, in response to n call whi«'h contained the following among other well- known names: Zachariah Chandler, Jacob M. Howard, Oliver New- berry, George B. Pease, William It. Wesson, Raker & Conover, Fred. Morley, John H. Jenness, Lyman Baldwin, Francis Raymond, Silas M. Holmes, John Owen, Frederick Riihl, James A. Van Dyke, Hanine| Zug, Robert W. King, Daniel Kcotten, William A. Butler, Richmond ^ Backus, Henry P. Baldwin, A. C. McGraw, D. Bethune DuffleldJ Thomas A. Parker, Seymour Finney, Alexander H. Dey, George Kirby, Joseph Warren, Jacob S. Far rand and A. J. Brow. Major Jonathaq Kearsley was President of the nu»eting, Shubael Conant, Henry Chip- man and C. C. Trowbridge were among the Vi<'e-Pre8ident8, an(| speeches were made by Major Kearsley, JamcH A. Van Dyke, Zach' ariah Chandler, Samuel Barstow and D. Bethune Dullield. Strong Anti-Slavery resolutions were adopted, but they did not commit tlm meeting in any way to an abandonment of old party lines. Tliu people were not yet ready for that and it is probable that if such a proposition had been made at the time it would have been voted down. In fact, the proposition had, as yet, hardly come into serious con- sideration as a practical nmtter, and the Convention which was held at Jackson four days later, February 22, 1S54, was lit Id as a (Jonven- tion solely of the Free Democratic party. It was called to order by Hovey K. Clarke as Chairman of the State Central Committee, and organized with DeWitt C. Leach as temporary Chairman. Subse- quently William T, Howell, of Hillsdale, was chosen President, with one Vice-President from each Judicial district. The Committee on Resolutions was an exceptionally strong one, consisting of Hovey K. Clarke, Fernando C. Beaman, Kinsley S. Bingham, F. Huseey, Nathan Power, 1). C. Leach and L. Moore. Its report, as prepared by Hovey K. Clarke, and slightly amended by the Convention, proclaimed, in a preamble, attachment to the Union, pledged support to the Constitution, announced a policy with refer- ence to certain matters of State interest, and contained the following resolutions upon questions of National importance: 1. That we regard the institution of domestic slavery, which exists in some of the states of the Union, notonlyas a foe to the domes- tic tranquillity and the welfare of such states, but as subversive of the plainest principles of justice and the manifest destroyer of the bless- ings of lil)erty. As an institution, we are compel UmI to denounce and abhor it. Yet we concede that in the states where it exists It is politi- 24 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. if II-. cally beyond our reach. But as we cannot deny our responsibility concerning it, so long as it finds protection under the laws of the Fed- eral Government, so we will never cease to war against it so long as the purpose of the Constitution shall remain unaccomplished to secure the blessings of liberty f o all within its power. 2. That in following in the footsteps of the fathers of the republic, who regarded FREEDOM the NATIONAL and slav- ery the sectional sentiment, we best vindicate their claims to enlightened patriotism, and our own to be considered loyal supporters of the government they established ; and that opposition to any exten- sion of slavery, and to any augmentation of its power, is clearly the duty of all who respect the doctrine or the practice of the wisest and ablest of the framers of the Constitution. 3. That the attempt now pending in Congress to repeal the enact- ment by which the vast territory north of the Missouri Compromise line was dedicated to freedom is an outrage upon justice, humanity and good faith; one by which traitorous ambition, confederated with violation of a solemn and time-honored compact, is seeking to inflict upon the nation a deep and indelible disgrace. We denounce the scheme as infamous; and we call upon the people to hold its authors and abettors to the most rigid and righteous accountability. 4. That executive patronage has grown to be an evil of immense magnitude; consolidating the power of the government into the hands of the incumbent of the Presidential mansion to a degree subversive of all proper accountability to the people', and for which there is no adequate remedy short of a transfer of this power from the President to the people. 5. That We are in favor of cheap postage by land and sea; of free grants of land out of the public domain in limited quantities to actual settlers; of harbor and river improvements, National in their charac- ter; and of grants by the government in aid of a railroad to the Pacific in such form as shall best avoid the wasteful splendor of gov- ernment jobs and secure the early completion of the road. Additional reso|lutions urged great care in the choice of members of the Legislature, and made several pronounced declarations in refer- ence to matters of State legislation. A large Committee on Nominations was appointed, and its recommendation of a full State ticket, with Kinsley S. Bingham at its head, was adopted by the Convention, which also appointed a State Central Committee, consisting of S. A. Baker, Samuel P. Mead, Samuel Zug, J. W. Childs, R. R. Beecher, W. W. Murphy and D. C. Leach. The papers of those days did not make a practice of reporting the speeches at conventions, and the accounts of those made on this i-'^K'if! BtHM ■m I \f^ >nBibiIit.y the Fed- lo long as I to secure PS of the ind slav- blaims to |upporters my exten- [learly the irisest and the enact- mpromise humanity •ated with to inflict ounce the ts authors f immense the hands Bubversive here is no President lea; of free s to actual eir charac- Dad to the ior of gov- f members IS in refer- I, and its ingham at ed a Btate P. Mead, and D. C. orting the e on this ^ * A WORK OF PREPARATION. 86 occasion were provokingly meager. We are told that the nominee for Governor was "vociferously called," and made a short speech, which was received with "rapturous applause," but what he said contemporary records fail to state. Henry Barns and H. H. Emmons spoke briefly. Both were given the floor by courtesy as representa- tives of the Anti-Slavery Whig element. Of the latter speech, and of the desire for union, which found expression at the Convention, the Free Democrat gave this glimpse, in an editorial: "Mr. Emmons was not prepared to say 'Fellow Free Democrats,' but he was rejoiced in the nominations which , , , { ^ i / had been made, and V. ' / intimated that at least the nominee for Gov- ernor would receive his vote. He was pleased to observe the spirit of liberality and conces- sion which was mani- fested in the choice of candidates, and in all the action of the Con- vention. He was heart- ily with us in our principles and purposes, and so were a vast majority of the Whig party of Michigan. He . seemed to hope that there would be but two parties in the State this kinbley s. binoham fall, that all the friends of freedom would be able to stand upon a common platform against the party and platform of the slave propa- gandists. Mr. Emmons made a masterly speech, and won the hearts of all who heard him. If the Whigs of Michigan will take his ground the days of the Slave Democracy are numbered. The Free Demjocracy are willing to meet them on the grounds indicated in that speech, as the oft repeated affirmative responses showed. "The speeches were of great service to the Convention by opening to the members some view of the advantages which nmy yet accrue MM 26 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. from a judrcioua and liberal policy in the nifitpict and County nomina tions- and the\ were a source of sintere deliRht, as they indicated a probability of 'a co-operation of the Whigs in the effort to carry the doctrines of freedom into execution." This was the first editorial expression by the Free Democrat of a hope of union with the Whigs. Its editor, H. A. Baker, was promi- nent in this convention. His associate, J. P. Conover, was conspicu- ous in subsequent movements, and was one of the secretaries of the Republican convention that was held in July following. Tlie speech of Mr. Emmons was useful, not only, as here indicated, in inspiring the Pree Democrats with a Iwye of union, but also as an indi<a^ion to the Whigs, from one of their prominent members, of their dutv in the existing situation. It voiced tlie sentiments of thousands of Whigs who had already overcome their natural reluct- ance to giving up their old organization. The necessities of the situation were gradually bringing others around to the same view, and the unselfish attitude of Mr. Bingham materially aided in bringing them to a rational and politic course. That patriotic and publi.- spirited gentleman, in an interview with Col. Defend a few weeks after the convention, not only announced his own willingness to retire if that would help the cause which he had at heart, but volun- teered the statement that he favored the withdrawal of the whole ticket if the liberal Whigs and Democrats could thereby be united. He further expressed the conviction that a union could be formed that would carry Michigan and the entire North. Mr Bingham also suggested that the Anti-Nebraska editors of the State should have a conference to see if they could find a basis of common opposition to slavery aggression. Following th'* '"ter- view there were conferences with Jacob M. Howard, Zachanah Chand- ler William A. Howard, A. 8. Williams, E. A. Wales, Henry Barns and others. A meeting of editors was then called at the Detroit Tribune office in March. It was attended by Henry Barns and Joseph W^arren, of Detroit; Z. B. Knight, of the Pontiac OaBette; G*orge A. Fitch of the Kalamazoo Telegraph; H. B. Rowlson, of the Hillsdale Standard, and C. V. DeLand, of the Jackson Citizen. Even yet the upospect of such a combination as would present an invincible front to the cVmmon foe, was not considered very bright. Mr. Warren, how- ever was enthusiastic and declared in favor of the plan of disbanding both the old parties and forming a new one, with a new name. To this plan, which he had before this outlined in his pai>er, he consist :''"K •I^kwl A WORK OP PREPARATION. 87 nomina- licated a carry the )crat of a las promi- j congpicu- lieg of the [indicated, \]»o a» an mberg, of imentg of •al reluet- es of the »me view, n bringing; nd public- "ew weekH ngnesB to but volun- the whole be united. be formed editors of nd a basis this inter- iah Chand- nry Barns le Detroit nd Joseph George A. Hillsdale en yet the le front to rren, how- isbanding ime. To le consist - ! i> ently adhered. Mr. Fitch follow(>d in an editorial in the Kalamazoo Telegraph of April 2(i, declaring that the old parties had outlived their usefulness, and that an imperative necessity existed for the organization of a new (lolitit'al party. In the course of the article he said: "We <-annot look to any other movements of the old parties in reference to the Nebraska bill and questions touching slav- ery that bring any promise of success, nor to any class of old bi<. ken- winded, broken-down {toliticians; but we may look with a strong ho|*e of success to see these measures consumnmted by the honorable and active young men of the Htute, those who have not trimmed their sails to catc'h every breeze which has swept across every political sea; those who have not acted for years as the mere weathercocks of public opinion, but active and untiring young men who shall enter with assur- ance and vigor into the field — those capable of grasping the questions of the time, and wringing from them their meanings — a little after the 'Young America' order, if you please. We therefore advise the holding of a Young Men's Independent State ('onvention, irrespec- tive of party, at an early p«»riod, to express their opinions upon the leading questions which now agitate the masses of the i)eople of this and other states, to advise and consult together, and to adopt such plans for future action as their consultation would give rise to." Most of the other Whig paiHM's of the state gradually fell into line. The spring elections also heli)ed in the movement. In New Hampshire and Connecticut anti-Administration tickets were elected, although the opposition to the Democracy had not yet crystal ized into perfectly coherent organizations. Htill greater encouragement had come from a local election within our own borders. In Grand Rapids the Eagle, formerly a Whig paper, had expressed its approval of the chief objects of the Free Democra<ry, its editor, Aaron B. Turner, taking the ground that the Whig party had reached the end of its career, and that there must be a reorganization, upon broader princi- ples of freedom and (^ual rights, to renew the struggle against the Democratic party. After the February (,^onvention the Eagle promptly put up the Fr.-^ Democratic ticket, but urged a movement for another and joint Con /ention, an abandonment of the Whig organ- ization, a new party and new life upon popular ground. It also strongly urged that a beginning be made right at home, in the city nominations, for the spring election. Mr. Turner, personally, was at the front of this movement, and he was joined by a number of leading Whigs, some Democrats who had become dissatisfied with the attitude I I ; I I r; <*>■■■■»■ 28 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. of their own part.v, and the leaders of the Free Democracy, who had before this perfected a Btron^ local orKanization under the name of the Free Democratic (Mub. A kind of free-for-all City Convention was held, Wilder D. Foster, one of the most active members of the club was, against his protest, nominated for Mayor, and elected. This sweeping success, in a Democratic City, of an opposition not yet half organized, was accepted as an omen of what a well-equipped and cohesive party might accomplish in the Btate as a whole. As the Free Democrats had, all along, been the most ready to make overtures for a union, while the Whigs had been rather coy of accepting such advances, so the former were the flrst to take a practi- cal step in that direction. This was in a call, issued by the State Central Committee, which had been appointed in February, for a mass convention to be held in Kalamazoo, June 21. As an illustration of the i>erfervid and hortatory style of address to which the intense excitement of the period led the call is worth reproducing in full. It is as follows: FELLOW CITIZENS— A fearfully momentous question is agitat- ing the American people: It is whether within the forms of the Con- stitution (which were designed to establish and extend the blessings of liberty), the scope and intent of that Instrument shall be subverted and its whole power exerted to promote and extend the system of slav- ery which prevails in some of the states of the Union. Step by step within a third of a century have the enemies of freedom advanced, at first cautiously, but with increasing boldness, — and step by step have its friends been driven back, until, by the crown- ing perfidy of the passage of the Nebraska bill, the Constitution is subverted, and that system which, at the organization of our govern- numt, begged for a temporary existence, has become the great controlling power of the Nation. SLAVERY 18 RAMPANT IN THE CAPITOL. It makes and unmakes Presidents, and its Presidential tools buy and sell the representatives of the people like chattels in market. There is no lower depth that the Nation can reach but one; and that is, that the people, by adopting the act of their representa- tives in Congress, shall voluntarily consent to share this degradation. l»EOPLE OF MICHIGAN! can it be that this foul scheme will receive your sanction? Can it be that the immense region about to be organ- ized as the Nebraska and Kansas Territories, in which FREE institutions ought to be allowed an unquestioned right, which right, moreover, has been bought and paid for by concessions which have introduced three slave states in the Union; can it be that Freemen after they have bought their own domain shall be compelled to submit to the robbery of that which was their own by nature and by purchase? T^Yi^i^i— ,•' >''.\ A WORK OP PREPARATION. 29 who had name of lonvention lers of the Ked. This )t yet half |ipped and ready to her eoy of e a practi- ' the State for a mass stration of le intense in full. It >n is agitat- of the Con- e blessings subverted em of s lav- enemies of boldness, — • the crown- stitution is [)ur govern- i the great ^T IN THE 'residential chattels in ch bat one; representa- egradation. will receive be organ- ich FREE hich right, vhich have t Freemen 1 to submit purchase? Shall they submit without complaint? Will they raise a voice of remonstrance? Is the spirit of liberty — the spirit of the fathers of the Revolution, the haters of oppression in every form — "crushed out" at the impudent command of a demagogue, and crushed out forever? PEOPLE OF MICHIGAN. Look at your representatives in Con- gress. Are you satisfied with their conduct? How recently have most, if not all of them, when seeking your favor, committed them- selves fully against the extension of slavery into free territory? Is that their position now? (live all the credit you can to the two who voted, at the passage of the bill, against it. How much are they still justly answerable for in smoothing the way of the dominant majority to this most shameful success; and you will retain them? Are you willing to share their degradation by approving their conduct — by which the passage of the bill was tinally accomplished? The undersigned, representing the only political party in this State, which, as a party, adopts as a principle in its political creed opposition to the extension of slavery, believe that the time has come when the people who regard slavery as a 8e(;tional and not a National institution, should rally to vindicate this principle, take the liberty to invite a MASS CONVENTION ■•^P' 'i of all who would restore the government to its original position on the slavery question, of all who are opp(»sed to the consummation of the Nebraska fraud, to assemble at !;,. KALAMAZOO .'..,::,. ':-.-:y,^:l.7i^;^ ■■■ on the 2l8t of June Next, at noon, there to concentrate their opposition to the rapid strides of the slave power, in such a manner as shall be deemed most practical and efficient, and to protect their own cherished rights as citizens of free t^tates. In taking the initiative in this call they intend no disre- spect to any party or body of their fellow citizens who may sympathize with them in its object. They could not, without seeming to neglect the interests which they are especially appointed to promote, decline to act at this juncture, and they believe it their duty to act promptly. They desire it, however, to be understood that all who approve the objects of this call, as above ex[)re8sed, are earnestlj' invited by their presence and participation in the Convention to show that the PEOPLE ARE AROUSED, and that the day of retribution to their betrayers is at hand. There was a purpose in calling the Convention at Ka^ imazoo, for this was in the center of a strong Anti-Slavery district. The Village and County, as well as the adjoining County of Cass, contained numer- ous "underground railway" stations, and many of its citizens had been active in aiding escaping fugitives. The County was among the few in the State that regularly gave Whig majorities. It had besides I f ■ ^ ■^'T'k III8TOUY OP THE UEI'l HLK'AN rARTV. a fitron}{ Fr(H> Hoil orKHiiixution, and in Home elections fnlly one-flfth of its vote had none to that party. It was ably represented in the Jackson Convention of February 22d, and had held a large and earnest Anti-Nebraska meeting early in March. Many of its prominent Whigs, and some of its leading Democrats, were ready to join in any move- ment that should give full effect to the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the State. It was the home of United States Senator Charles E. Stuart, and of Samuel (.'lark, Representative in Congress. Both of these gen- tlemen had spoken strongly against the principles of the Kansas- Nebraska bill, but had afterwards voted for it, and had thereby incensed many of their r»emo<*ratic constituents, some of whom had signed the call for the meeting on the 11th of March and had after- wards attended that gathering. Two of the most conspicuous of these, S. H. Uansom, brother of Ex-(lovernor Epaphroditus Ransom, and George W. Winslow, before that active in the Democratic ranks, had been roundly denounced by the Oaxette, the Democratic organ. This had intensified the feeling, which was further heightened by the fa(*t that the final passage of the amended Nebraska bill in the House, had occurred only three days before the call for the mass convention was issued. The meeting was held in the County Court House. A storm and the (luarter Centennial celebration of the settlement of the Village kept many away. The meeting was, therefore, not large, but it was thoroughly representative in character, and enthusiastic in spirit. It included four of the candidates on the Free Democratic ticket, Kinsley S. Bingham, Silas M. Holmes, Hovey K. (Marke and S. B. Treadwell. It included, also, three of the editors who had been prominent in urging union, J. F. Conover, of Detroit; A. B. Turner, of Qrand Rapids, and C. V. DeLand, of Jackson. The first two of these were Secretaries of the Convention. M. A. McNaughton, of Jackson, was chosen President, with fotfr Vice-Presidents, and the following were named on the important Comniittee to frame resolutions : Hovey K. Clarke, Samuel Ransom, U. Tracy Howe, W. E. Dale, C. Gurney, H. B. Rex- ford and {'. V. DeLand. This Committee reported a strong preamble and resolutions. The first four of the series declared that the Con- stitution established a government of freemen for a free people; that the institution of slavery was regarded, at the time the Constitution was framed, as exceptional and local in its character, and to be limited and restricted until it should finally disappear; that the recent pas- sage of the bill for organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska Mm it: '"•If™ A WORK OF PREPARATION. 81 one-flfth ed in the d earnest |nt WhiKB, ny move- nt of the |E. Stuart, these gen- ie Kansas- thereby hom had had after- 8 of these, isom, and 'anks, had an. This )y the fart lonse, had ention was storm and he Village but it was spirit. It :et, Kinsley Tread well, ominent in ind Rapids, Secretaries ^as chosen 'ere named K. Clarke, H. B. Bex- ^ preamble It the Con- eople; that onstitution • be limited recent pas- I Nebraska was the crowning act of a series of slavery aggressions, and that evils so great demanded a remedy. The fifth resolution declared, "That we do not and will not de- spair; that we believe the iieople of this Htate are ready to resptmd to the call of their country in this emergency; that they are ready, irre- spective of all past political preferences, to declare in an unmistakable tone their will; and that will is that slavery aggression upon their rights shall go no further — that there shall be no compromise with slavery — that there shall be no more slave states — that there shall be no slave territory — that the Fugitive Slave Law shall be repealed — thai the abominations of slavery shall no longer be perpetrated under the sanctions of the Federal t^onstitution — and that they will nmke their will effective by driving from every place of official power the public servants who have so shamelessly betrayed their trust, and by putting in their pla<e8 men who are honest and capable; men who will be faithful to the Constitution and to the great claims of humanity " This resolution, comprehensive and bold as it was in its declara- tion of purpose, occasioned a long discussion, but was finally adopted. Then after a short digression, the sixth resolution was taken up. This brought down to practical action the main purpose for which the Con- vention was called, and was as follows: "Resolved, That the Free Democracy of Michigan rejoice to behold the indications of popular sentiment furnished by this Convention. They are conscious that the deeply aroused feeling of the masses in this State will seek a suitable expression in a Convention springing from themselves, irresiiective of any existing political organization; and that if such a movement shall be animated and guided by the prin- ciples expressed in the resolutions of this Convention, and shall contemplate an efficient organization to give effeet to our principles in this State, we shall willingly surrender our distinctive organization, and with it t|ie ticket for State officers, nominated at Jackson on the 22d of February last; and that we commit the execution of this pur- pose . to a committee of sixteen, two persons from each Judicial District, to be appointed by this Convention." Toward the adoption of this resolution all the proceedings of the Convention, as well as the events of several preceding weeks had tended, but it was recognized to be a step of such grave importance as to require deliberation, and it was not until it had been fully discussed in all its phases that it was adopted. 1 (!"•.- 88 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, "; At an adjourned iii>8Hion, held in the evtMiing, the committee of sixteen, strong in its iM*rHonnel, was a|>point(*d, speeches were made by Messrs. Ringhuni, Howe and Clarke, and the Convention adjourned. It was followed by a private i'onferenre of some of the leaders at the house of Dr. J. A. H. Htone, a veteran Free Holier, and then President of Kalamazoo College. It was there agreed that they would not only acquiesce cheerfully in the withdrawal of their ticket and other con- ciliatory measures, but that they would work actively to draw together in mass convention. Free Boilers, Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Demo- crats, and to bring about a complete agreement between them. Of this gathering and its results the Free Democrot said: "Now when the exigencies of the times demand that a permanent party of fretmien in this State, with enlarge<l facilities for action, should be formed, a party which shall bi* but a single section of that great free- dom organization which is to restore our government to its once proud position, and wrest it from the control of the slave oligarchy, the mem- bers of the Convention felt called npon, by all that is hallowed in love of country and sacred in humanity, to surrender, as they offer to do, everything but principle. No ordinary emergency could have secured such entire unanimity of consent to so great a surrender. The seduc- tions of a temporary triumph would not have moved them to such action, but now that tlie aroused sentiment of the country demanded the organization of a party that should be entirely efficient to the maintenance of those principles upon which our government was established, 'a government of freemen for free people,' they have nnhes* itatingly taken the action their resolutions record." From this time on events ntjoved forward with great rapidity. The preliminary work had been thoroughly done, and the Anti-Slav- ery people of the State were prepared for immediate and concerted action. A call for a mass convention, to be held at Jackson, July 6, had already been drawn and the men who were conspicuous in the Kalamazoo Convention, with many of their Whig friends, and otiier volunteers, devoted the next fortnight to giving it circulation. The call was written by Isaac P. Ohristiancy, was submitted to others interested in the movement and was slightly modified as the result of such discussion. As finally issued, it was addressed to '^To The People of Michigan,'' and was as follows : A great wrong has been perpetrated. The slave power of this country has triumphed. Liberty is trampled under foot. The Mis- souri Compromise, a solemn compact, entered into by our fathers, has niJttee of ere made idjoiirned. [era at the Presideut not only [other <'on- together ka Denio- liem. "Now t party of should be great free- 9noe proud ', the mem- ved in love affer to do, ive secured The seduc- sm to such demanded lent to the nment was have unhes* It rapidity. > Anti-Slav- I i'oncerted i|on, July 6, lous in the iends, and circulation. ^ to others the result to '^To The wer of this The Mis- athers, has A WORK OF I'HKPAUATION. M be<>n violated, and a vast territory dedi<uted to freedom, has been op«'ntKl to slavery. This act, so unjust to the North, has lM>t>n iM*riM>truted under cir- cumstances which dceiM'n its |>erfldy. An Administration placed in power by Northern voters has brought to bear all the resources of Executive corruption in its supi>ort. Northern 84'nators and Ueprescntatives, in the face of the over- whelming public sentiment of the North, expressed in the proceedings of public m(H.'tingB and solemn remonstrances, without a single p<'ti- tion in its favor on their table, and not daring to submit this great i|uestion to the people, have yielded to the seductions of Executive patronage, and Judus-like, betrayed the cause of liberty; whi!e the Houth, inspired by a dominant and grasping ambition, has, without distinction of party, and with a unanimity almost entire, deliberately trampled under foot the solemn <-omimct entered in the midst of a crisis threatening to the iH>ace of the Tnion, sanctioned by the great- est names of our history, and the binding force of which has, for a period of more than thirty years, been recognized and declared by numerous at^ts of legislation. Huch an outrage upon liberty, such a violation of plighted faith, cannot be submitted to. This great wrong must be rightnl, or there is no longer a North in the councils of the Nation. The extension of slavery, under the folds of the American flag, is a stigma upon liberty. The indefinite increase of slave repre- sentation in Congress is destructive to that equality between freemen which is essential to the permanency of the Union. The safety of the Union — the rights of the North — the interests of free labor — the destiny of a vast territory and its untold millions for all coming time — and finally, the high aspirations of humanity for universal freedom, ALL are involved in the issue forced upon the country by the slave power and its plastic Northern tools. In view, therefore, of the recent a(;tion of Congress upon this sub- ject, and the evident designs of the slave power to attempt still further aggressions upon fre<?dom — we invite all our fellow citizens, without reference to former political associations, who think that the time has arrived for a unicm at the North to protect LIBERTY from being overthrown and down-trodden, to assemble in MASS CONVENTION On Thursday, the 6th of July Next, at 1 o'clock p. m., At Jackson, there to take such measures as shall be thought best to concentrate the popular sentiment of this State against the aggressions of the slave power. The response to this call was prompt and emphatic. To the offices of newspapers which were friendly to the movement, to all classes of business places, and to the men who were personally ran- 1 ,^*; HJItiiiaiM vanHliiK, uluiMMH .aine In ..MiHtHiit ntifuiuH. In u fortnight l«,000 Hlirniitun'H w.-ro «btnhHMl, nnd tlH'.v Incliul.'d a HurpriHlnR numbir of \hv HtionK n.».n of tin- Ktatf. Many luindii'dn of them- Kathennl at .hukHon frmi all tlu' w'ttlnl ^HMintM'K and prrHfUtiHl a notabU- Inntann- of tlH- .apaclty of tlu' AnuM-iran imm.^U- for taking the Initiative for creating an organlwitlon "Hptinglng from tlu'insclveB." ill 1 1! ^ V «dif^ X -^<^ '^"-^■^ ight 10,000 number of athcnKl ut lie inHtunce Itlatlvf for ^ v.V m M c iS h « •9 B .. '... - 'Iff III. . -THK FIKST ItKlMMLK'AN (CONVENTION. r A (/uick KcMuonsH to ii UoiiHiuy ('all — Th«' (Jifjil Coiivoution "lIiuhM- the Oiiks" at JurkHon — An Iiiiiur'nHt' <fathennjjr <>f Hliong and B«'i;r<*Ht»«tativf Mfii- A Seiifs of Patriotic and Htirriiij; Kcsohi- tiouK — Business Trtinsacied l).\ Oenuxratic ^letluxlx — A JUxty HannoniouH in Purjiosi- and JlcHalt» -Tln^ Most Noted (iathei-in}? Kvei- Held in Ihi' Htate Mtn Who Aftervvard» He.-anie rnMiilMcnt in National AtfairH — How I In- I'aiiy Recciv^'tt Its Name The Last of Afichiiian Wliii; ("onventions- (.'oiir.se of the I'l'ohibinoniMts — The T»eniorni(i<- NoniiuafionK- The New Party ('onduit« u fc»hoi"t and W'iniiinji ('amitaijjii- Tlif frathering wliicli was to take its phne in liistor\ as-the llrst _ l^!|)uMi(-au Conveniion in the countiy, was <jilh'd to ordei- at llron son's Hall, JaekKon. Judge L<'vi Raxtei-. of Hillsdale, was made tein- ' porary Cliainnan. and a t'onjinittee of (wo from each «"ongresHionaI IMstrirt wan apjiointed i(» select |»ernia\ienr otllcerss of the Convention. The crowd and the entlniHiahni were much greater than the most »;ih gnine had antjcipaled, and the hall wan not large enough to contain either. It w.nild hold abuijt fitMl and there were between t.Otttt and ^ n,000 ho wanted to get iii. .Adjournnieut was, had To an oak gffrt'e on the edge of the then smail city, at ;i i»oiMt that now i oversii the corner of Washington and First xtreetx. li wasi tlUHbiantitul grove thar was for long afterwiudn c(>lelM-a(ed us rife birtlijilacc of the Kepnbliean jiarty, and i>arti<'ijm(ion in the Convention 'Tuder the Oaks," wan a token of honor to those afiending j«. e»j>e<i{illy to those, who, twenty-six years later, were Seleg^t-'S to u Hepublican State Nominating t'oovention in the same cffy The attendance of uhmi from other parts of the Stare was larj^*-. and uh the procession took itB <-ourse to the grove, it drew after it li«tif the twHiple of the town. As stated in a contemporunettns i^jK>rt : "The m-viw* iit the grove wtt« most uniriiating. The excellent bra«w lm»'i of .J«< knitn was present, ; i'-Ul lU ■'hi h Mi W--Ar.r •# '4 \ III. THE PIR8T REIT^BLICAN CONVENTION. if'!n>s:' r:> A Quirk KeBUonse to a KouBing Call — The Great (Convention "Under the Oaks" at Jackson — An luiiuenBe Gathering of Strong and Representative Men — A Series of Patriotic and Stirring Resolu- tions — Business Transacted by Democratic Methods — A Body Harmonious in Purpose and Itesults — The Most Noted Gathering Ever Held in the State- -Men Who Afterwards Became Prominent in National Affairs — How the Party Received Its Name — The Last of Michigan Whig Conventions — Course of the Prohibitionists — The Democratic Nominations — The New Party Conducts a Sho't and Winning Campaign. The gathering which was to take its place in history as the first Republican Convention in the country, was call'xl to order at Bron- son's Hall, Jackson. Judge I^evi Baxter, of Hillsdale, was made tem- porary Chairman, and a Committee of two from each Congressional District was appointed to select permanent officers of the Convention. The crowd and the enthusiasm were mu<'h greater than the most san- guine had anticipated, and the hall was not large enough to contain either. It would hold about 600 and there were between 4,000 and 5,000 who wanted to get in. Adjournment was had to an oak grove on the edge of the then small city, at a point that now covers the corner of Washington and First streets. It was this beautiful grove that was for long afterwards celebrated as the birthplace of the Republican party, and participation in the Convention "Under the Oaks," was a token of honor to those attending it, especially to those, who, twenty-six years later, were delegates to a Republican State Nominating Convention in the same city. The attendance of men from other parts of the State was large, and as the procession took its course to the grove, it drew after it half the people of the town. As stated in a contemporaneous report : ''The scene at the grove was most animating. The excellent brass band of Jackson was present. nW se HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and greatly enlivened the occasion by its muBie. A high enthusiawrn pervaded the entire asBembly, and there was every prospecl of the harmonv and good feeling that have so abundantly prevailed. As this was not a delegate Convention there was no oef sio" for a Committee on Credentials. As it was the ftrst of its kind, there were no rules and no precedents to govern its order of business or course of action. It contained some incongruous elements, and it was so large as to be unwieldy, yet so great was the desire of its mem- bers for a genuine concert of action, that it reached conclusions in ucr» lui K harmony and transact- ed its business in order. The first occasion for any concession to the desire for harmony came in the Committee on Permanent Organi- sation. Some of the Free Soil members of the Committee desired that Isaac P. Chris- tiancy, their last candi- date for G o V e r n o r, should be i)ernianent Chairman. But it was argued that the tem- porary Chairman was a Free Soiler, that senti- ment against dropping old party names and adopting a new one was stronger among the Whigs than among Free Soilers, and that every appearance of crowding the latter party to the front should be avoided. The choice, therefore fell upon David 8. Walbridge, of Kalamazoo, a zealous Whig whose selection, it was thought, would Lave some inflxience in inducing reluctant Whigs to acquiesce in the union. Twelve Vice- Presidents were chosen, taken impartially from the different parties. Of the seven Secretaries, three, J. F. Conover, A. B. Turner and Q. A. Fitch, were among the editors who had aided in the movement. The next action was the appointment of a Committee on Resolu- DAVID S. WALBRIDGE. '. ?'H>V THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 37 hnthusiaBm ect of the Iccasion for [kind, there usinesB or >nt8, and it of its mem- iclusions in id transact- 'SB in order, iceasion for iion to the r harmony Committee ent Organi- )uie of the ineroberg of ttee desired P. (?hri8- r last candi- o V e r n o r, I>ermanent But it was it the tem- irman was a ', that senti- ist dropping names and new one was r among the pearanoe of The choice, 9, a zealous influence in twelve Vice- rent parties, er and Q. A. ?ment. s on Resolu- tions, and in accordance with the thoroughly democratic* character of the meeting this Committee was named by the electors of the several Congi'essional Districts, four from each District, making sixteen in all. It Included a number of strong nen of very positive views, and it waa deemed quite certain that if tlvy could agree upon a platform the Convention would accept it. Th »y adjourned to the edge of the oak opening, at what is now the corner f»f Second and Franklin streets, and here half a dozen diiTcrent platfori.i8 came out of the pockets of members of the CJommittJMj. One by Au itin Blair was fiercely radical. One set was forwarded by Horace Ortvley, from New York. Others were by Isaac P. Christiancy, Jabez Fox and Jacob M. Howard, the latter of whom was Chairman of the Committee. His resolutions had been very carefully prepared, after consultation with leading members of both parties. They were accepted by the Committee, with some modifications suggested by the platforms drawn by Mr. Christiancy and Mr. Pox. They were considered by Mr. Blair to be too tame, and in the Convention, he nmde a minority report covering his own resolu- tions. This was, however, tabled, and Mr. Howard's report was almost unanimously adopted. It was as follows: The freemen of Michigan assembled in convention in pursuance of a spontaneous call, emanating from various parts of the Btate, to consider upon the measures which duty demands of us, as citizens of a free state to take, in reference to the late Acts of Congress on the subject of slavery and its anticipated further extension, do RESOLVE, That the institution of slavery, except in punishment of crime, is a great moral, social and political evil; that it was so regarded by the fathers of the Republic, the founders and best friends of the Union, by the heroes and sages of the Revolution who contem- plated and intended its gradual and peaceful extinction as an element hostile to the liberties for which they toiled; that its history in the United States, the experience of men best acquainted with its work- ings, the dispassionate confession of those who are interested in it; its tendency to relax the vigor of industry and enterprise inherited in the white man; the very surf acre of the earth where it subsists; the vices and immoralities which are its natural growth; the stringent police, often wanting in humanity' an^ speaking; to the sentiments of every generous heart, which it demands; the danger it has already wrought and the future danger which it portends to the security of the Union and our Constitutional liberties — ^all incontestably prove it to be such evil. Surely that institution is not to be strengthened and encouraged against which Washington, the calmest and wisest of our Nation, bore unequivocal testimony; as to which Jefferson, filled with a love of liberty, exclaimed : "Can the liberties of a Nation be ever mmm ■ ■,;V-" ' — _-^- — ii- 88 HI8TORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. thoiififht secviro when we have removed their only flrni buBis, a convic- tion in the minds of the people that their liberties are the GIFT OF (JOD? that they are not to be violated but with His wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that Ood is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, nature and national means, only a revolution of vhe wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference. The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest." And as to which another eminent patriot in Virginia, on the close of the Revolution, also exclaimed: "Had we turned our eyes inwardly when we supplicated the Father of Mercies to aid the injured and oppressed, when we invoked the Author of Righteousness to attest the purity of our motives and the justice of our cause, and implored the God of battles to aid our exertion in its defense, should we not have stood more self- (onvicted than the contrite publican?" We believe these sentiments to be as true now as they were then. RESOLVED, That slavery is a violation of the rights of man as man; that the law of nature, which is the law of liberty, -gives to no man rights superior to those of another; that (}od and Nature have secured to each individual the inalienable right of equality, any viola- tion of which must be the result of su{)erior force; and that slavery, therefore, is a perpetual war upon its victims; that whether we regard (he institution as first originating in captures made in war, or the subjection of the debtor as the slave of his creditor, or the forcible seizure and sale of children by their parents or subjects by their king, and whether it be viewed in this country as a "necessary evil" or otherwise, we find it to be, like imprisonment for debt, but a relic of barbarism as well as an element of weakness in the midst of the State, inviting the attack of external enemies, and a ceaseless cause of inter- nal apprehension and alarm. Such are the lessons taught us, not only by the histories of other commonwealths, but by that of our own beloved country. RESOLVED, That the history of the formation of the Consti- tution, and particularly the enactment of the Ordinance of July 13, 1787, prohibiting islavery north of the Ohio, abundantly shows it to have been the purpose of our fathers not to promote, but to prevent the spread of slavery. And, we, reverencing their memories and cherishing free republican faith as our highest inheritance, which we vow, at whatever expense, to defend, thus publicly proclaim our determination to oppose, by all the powerful and honorable means in our power, now and henceforth, all attempts, direct or indirect, to extend slavery in this country, or to permit it to extend into any region or locality in which it does not now exist by i>o8itive law, or to aditait new slave states into the Union. RESOLVED, That the Constitution of the United States gives to Congress full and complete i)ower for the municipal government of THE FIRST REPI^ULKVVN TONVENTION. »\\ , a conviiv I GIFT OF Indeed, that His [latnre and exchange Irobable by i>ute whicii Icli another lution, also Supplicated I, when we |*ity of our of battles 1 more self- sehtinients 8 of man an gives to no ature have , any viola - hat slavery. r we regard war, or the the forcible y their king, Hry evil" or ut a relic of of the State, use of inter ight us, not t of our own the Consti- of July 13, shows it to t to prevent Emories and e, which we roclaim. our lie means in indirect, to id into any tive law, or states gives I'ernment of the territories thereof, a jmwer which from its nature cannot be either alienated or abdicated without yielding up to the Territory an absolute political inde|)endence, which invttlves an absurdity; that the exercise of this power necessarily looks to the formation of states to be admitted into the Union; and on the (|uestion whether they shall be admitted as free or slave states, Congress has a right to adopt such prudential and preventative measures as the jirinciples of liberty and the interests of the whole country require; that tliis (|uestion is one of the gravest importance to the free stateH, inasmuch as the Constitution itself creates an equality in the appor- tionment of Representatives, greatly to the detriment of the free and to the advantage of the slave states. This question, so vital to the Interests of the free states (but which we are told by certain political doctors of modern times, is to be trejited with utter indifference), is one which we hold it our right to discuss; which we hold it the duty of Congress in every instance to determine in unequivocal language, and in a manner to prevent the spread of slavery and the increase of such unequal representation. In short, we claim that the North is a party to the new bargain, and is entitled to have a vole** and influence in settling its terms. And in view of the ambiti4>us designs of the slave power, we regard the man or the party who would forego this right, as untrue to the honor and interest of the North and unworthy of its support. •" ,i * RESOLVED, That the repeal of the "Missouri Compromise." contained in the recent Act of Congress for the creation of the Terri- tories of Nebraska and Kansas, thus admitting slavery into a region till then sealed against it by law, equal in extent to the thirteen old states, is an act unprecedented in the history of the country, and cnie which must engage the earnest and serious attention of every Northern man. And as Northern freemen, independent of all former party ties, we here hold this measure up to the public execration for the following reasons: That it is a plain departure from the policy of the fathers of the Republic in regard to slavery, and a wanton and dangerous frustra- tion of their purposes and their hopes. That it actually admits and was intended to admit slavery into said Territories, and thus (to use the words applied by Judge Tucker of Virginia to the fathers of that commonwealth), "sows the seeds of an evil which like a leprosy hath descended upon their posterity with accumulated rancor, visiting the sins of the fathers upon succeeding generations." That it was sprung upon the country stealthily and by surprise, without necessity, without petition and without previous discussion, thus violating the cardinal principle of Republican gov- ernment, which requires all legislation to accord with the opinions and sentiments of the people. That on the part of the South it is an open and undisguised breach of faith, as contracted between the North and South in the fl ! ;l 40 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY :!!;: Hettlement of the MiHsouri <|U(>fitiun in 1820, by wliich the tranquillity of the two 8cc'tion8 was rcHtonHl, a compromiBe binding upon all hon- orable men. That it is al80 an open violation of the Compromise of 1850, by which, for the sake of {leace, and to calm the distempered impulse of certain enemies of the Union and at the South, the North accepted and acquiesced in the odious Fugitive Slave Law of that year. That it is also an undisguised and unmanly contempt of the pledge given to the country by the present dominant party at their National Convention in 1862, not to "agitate the subject of slavery in or out of Congress," being the same (Convention which nominated Franklin Pierce to the Presidency. That it is greatly injurious to the free states, and to the terri- tories themselves, tending to retard the settlement and to prevent the improvement of the country by means of free labor, and to discourage foreign immigrants resorting thither for their homes. That one of its principal aims is to give the slave states such a decided and practical preponderance in all the measures of govern- ment as shall reduce the North with all her industry, wealth and enterprise, to be the mere province of a few slave-holding oligarchs of the South — to a condition too shameful to be contemplated. Because as openly avowed by its Southern friends. It is intended as an entering wedge to the still further augmentation of the slave power by the acquisition of the other territories, cursed with the same "leprosy." RESOLVED, That the obnoxious measure to which we have alluded ought to be repealed, and a provision substituted for it, pro- hibiting slavery in said Territories, and each of them. RESOLVED, That after this gross breach of faith and wanton aflfrout to us as Northern men, we hold ourselves absolved from all "compromises," except those expressed in the Constitution, for the protection of slavery and slaveowners, that we now demand meas- ures of protection and immunity for ourselves; and among them we demand the REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, and an Act to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. RESOLVED, That we notice without dismay certain popular indications by slaveholders on the frontier of said Territories of a purpose on their part to prevent by violence the settlement of the country by non-slaveholding men. . To the latter we say : Be of good cheer, persevere in the right, remem.ber the Republican motto, "THE NORTH WILL DEFEND YOU." RESOLVED, That postponing and suspending all differences with regard to political economy or administrative policy, in view of the imminent danger that Kansas and Nebraska will be grasped by slavery, and a thousand miles of slave soil be thus interposed between ■s:im3ff~'mmM THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 41 pquillity all hon- 1850, by ipnlse of ?pted and |>t of the at their jlavery in dominated the terri- •event the iscourage 68 such a ►f govern- ealth and oligarchH d. i intended the slave 1 the same 1 we have For it, pro- id wanton I from all n, for the and meas- f them we V, and an n popular ories of a »nt of the 3e of good tto, "THE lififerencea n view of rasped by i between the free states of the Atlantic and those of the Paeiflo, we will act cordially and faithfully in unison to avert and repeal this gigantic wrong and shame. REBOLVEI), That in view of the necessity of battling for the tfrst principles of Republican government, and against the schemes of aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as REPUBLICANB until the contest is terminated. RESOLVED, That we earnestly recommend the calling of a gen- eral convention of the free states, and such of the slave-holding states, or portions thereof, as may desire to be there represented, with a view to the adoption of other moreextendednndeffectual measures in resist- ance to the encroucliments of slavery; and that a committee of five persons be appointed to correspond and co-operate with our friends in other states on the subject. RESOLVED, That in relation to the domestic affairs of the Stat? we urge a nijore economical administration of the government and a more rigid accountability of the public officers, a speedy payment of the balance of the public debt, and the lessening of the amoust of taxation, a careful preservation of the primary school and university funds, and their diligent application to the great objects for which they were created, and also further legislation to prevent the unneces- sary or imprudent sale of the lands belonging to the State. RESOLVED, That in our opinion, the commercial wants require the enactment of a general railroad law, which, while it shall secure the investment uiid encourage the enterprise of stockholders, shall also guard and protect the rights of the public and of individuals, and that the preparation of such a measure requires the first talents of the State. If these resolutions are mild one can imagine what Mr. Blair's pronouncement must have been. The difficulty of getting at the exact facts in relation to an incident of which a number of persons have a partial knowledge, is illustrated by the different accounts given of the naming of the party as it appears in the piatforui. George A. Fitch, of the Kalamazoo Telegraph, a natural political organizer, was in full accord with those, who, in its early stages, recognized the importance of a combination, in a new party and with a new name, of all the elements of opposition to the Pro-Slavery Democracy. Some of his associates in the local movements of the time, aver that he had a compact, made in writing, between leading Free Sellers and Liberal Whigs, for an independent organization and a division of the local nominations, and that several weeks prior to July 6, they gave the name Republican to the party ip the compact. It is not known that Mr. Fitch himself, ever set up this claim. "ti v, -•» «i IlIHTORY OF TIIK UEPT'HLICAN PARTY. r. V. licTiiind, in a h'tU'i- written (htolMT 21, IWW. mndo thiH Htutcniciit of the nmttor: "The honor of nuniinK fhe pnrr.v belonics to Zephaniuh H. Knight, of the I'ontini- Gazette. He {>ro|K»8ed It at the February ronferenie and advoratcMl it Hteadil.v. He wan one of the ('oniniitt(*e on I'hitforni at the JackHon (Convention, and moved itH adoption b.v that roniniittee, and it wan derided favorably by a vote of eleven for Hepubllcan iu five for Union." Jogeph Warren, In whoHe life the .larkRon tVmvention wan the ({reatest event, and whoHe rerolleetion of ItH detailH wati quite minute, wrote aH follows, In a letter June '.W, 18T!>: "Having had houu' agency, aH well in the naming and (■hrlHteniug, an in the meanureH which led to the organisation, of the Republican party, and claiming, therefore, to be familiar with the origin of ltd name and its applica- tion to the new party, the writer will briefly «tate the fa«'t8 in regard to it. The honor of having named and chrlHtened the party, the writer Iuim alwayH claimed, and now iuMlHtH, lielongH jointly to Jacob M. Howard, Hura.ce Greeley and hiniHelf. . Soon after the writer began to advocate through the colnmnH of the Tribune, the orgnni9sati<»n of all opitonentg of slavery into a single party, Horace Greeley voluntarily ojiened a correspondence with him in regard to this moveni'/nt, in which he frankly communicated his views, and gave him many valuable suggestions as to the wisest course to be pursued. This correspondence was necessarily very short, as it began and ended in June, it being only live weeks from the reiK'al of Ihe <'omprom.ise to the Jackson ('onvention. In his last letter, re- ceived <»nly a day or two before it was t<> assemble, Mr. (ireeley sug- gested to him the name Republican. This met the writer's cordial approval, he gave Mr. (ireeley's letter, containing the suggestion, to Mr. Howard, on the day of the <'onvention, after that gentleman had been apjiointed Chairman of the Committee <»n Resolutions, and strongly advised its adoption. This was done, the platform was adopted and the ticket nominated." Jacob M. Howard's recollection of the incident, as told to his son, Hamilton G. Howard, is this: After the call for the Jackson Convention he drew up a series of resolutions which he thought suita- ble for adoption, but left the name of the new party blank. Mean- time Mr. Warren had some correspondence with Horac-e Greeley on the subject of the (Convention, and Mr. Greeley forwarded a set of resolutions, not knowing that Mr. Howard was engaged in the same work, and suggested the name, I>emocratic-Republi(ran. At the (Con- vention Mr. Howard's resolutions were reiiorted by the Committee, of which he was Chairman. The matter of name came before the Convention in the form of a motion to insert the one proposed by Mr. THE FIRBT RKrmUrAN (ON VKNTION. v.\ nnd(> ttiiH »elonK8 to 1 it at the >tH' Uf tlu* moved ItB by a vote n wan the te inhiute. had Hoiiic ineaBuren I claiminK. ts appHt-a- 1 in regard part.v, the y to Jaeob ' after the •ibune, the ty, Horace 1 regard to views, and lurse to be ihort, an it le reiK*al of t letter, re- treeley sup- er's eordial jgestion, to tleman had ntions, and iitfonn was told to his the Jackson ought Buita- nk. Mean- Greeley on led a set of in the same At the Con- Committee, B before the josed by Mr. ■mt of '«"•'*'"'•"'''' „„, „„„, b,„ t„« „( .1... ,..i|H-r. wl>i.-.. mi- lt .■ a <nrl(..i» fi»-t <..»'. »" "" „, ,,,.k,,, „, |,w"'n....v ,K.rl.-.l .!»• ...k- "•«' ""• f"'"""i ,"„,,,! vl.^ a. ........... ...<■ name, as though to remind the Whigs that they had lost their iden- tity as well as their dis- tinctive organization. After the adoption of the platform, the Convention, still fol- lowing out its Demo- eratic methods, called upon the electors from the several Senatorial Districts to appoint a Nominating Committee of three members from each District. In three of the districts a less number was appointed, but the Committee as it was, consisted of eighty-eight members, a „„„ ,a,n.i.a.ed ...is work ^/, '°™"' '.^^^^ «..- nH*d in .-ef- nominated, bnt ,t wa. '''"JJ- ' '''^^-«'™ ,,„t „ere on .l,«t tUket. In ervnre to dropping some ot .!.« """«" < °^ ,;„„, Rins- ,.»ard to the """"-'"'V:: .^ ."e fo™" "Lt, w.« »» ab.e and ley 8. Bingham, wbo had headwl tne i ^, popniar man. and UU n^.e^ -b ««»■ , ;^-«,;* ,„,„„^ i,i„ to S^X™ 'w:,rr,:rti;e"Fr L„.o,.rat., and bi, re.,.n..on o,. .b. JACOB M. HOWARD. ..AM i li It niHTORY OP TIIK KEPUIILICAN PARTY. ticket wnH niianiinniiiily atiftpntod to. (JoorKe A. Ooo, Whig, took IIm' plare of Nntlinn IMorce, f(»r LleiitonantCrovernor, and John McKlnney, that of Iwtvoll Moore, for Heen'tary of Htate; HilaH M. Holmes for Htute TreaHurer, and B«»,yniour H. Treadwell for (.<onniiiMMion<>r of the Ktate Land OWee, were retaineil and Whitney tfones took the place of IMiilotuB llayden, for Auditor Oeneral. The nomination for Attorney (teneral whh a Hurprise. It had iMH^n gener- ally ex|M'4ted that Ifovey K. Clarke ,who was on the old ticket, would he retained, hut W. W. Murphy, of .loneHville, without giving any previouH intiniatitm of hin purpose, in an adroit and earnest 8iM>ech, proponed "Honest Jake Howard" for tlie place, and Mr. Howard was, agaiuKt his own jirotest, placed on the ticket. This wim completed >>y naming Ira Mayhew for Su]M>rintendent of Public Instruction, and «F<)lin It. Kellogg and Hiram L. Miller, for Men).bers of the Htate Hoard of Education. The Convention recognized the ticket pro])osed as a strong and representative one, and besides had confidence in its large Committee, whose action it ratified with unanimity and enthusiasm. Mr. Itingham was "rapturously called for," according to the ofllcial report, and "addn'ssed the convention in a most happy manner. He was evidently affected by the distinguished favor which plaecMl his name, unsolicited by him, in the paramount position it occupies as first on the ticket." With Mr. Itingham's 8i)eech the proceedings closed. The actual business of the ('onvention called out but little discus- sion, as it was transacted mainly by the committees, and accepted by the larger body. Hut while waiting for the comraittws there were numerous Bi)eecheB on the general character of the Anti-Slavery movement. While the Committee on Permanent Organization was out several si)eeches were made, among them one by Prof. Haven, afterwards President of Michigan University. During the long absence of the Committee on Kesolutions there was a flow of oratory. Rev. Arthur St. Clair was called out, and Kinsley H. Hingham, always a favorite, made a stirring address, which was loudly applauded. Among the Whigs who were reluctant to give up the old organi- zation and name, was Zachariah Chandler, who had been a hard worker in the party, and In earlier times its candidate for Mayor of Detroit and Governor of the State. He was strong in his personal and party attachments, and it was not until after the Kalamazoo mas') meeting that he fell in with the new movement. But having on.je decided, he went into it witli characteristic zeal. He was at the Co: • vention, and followed Mr. Bingham in a spee4;h. He <..ave a brief m TIIK FIKHT UKIMJULirAN CONVKNTION. 4r> ig, took lid John HilitH M. Iwell for WhitiH'y (al. Tli«« I'll ReiHT- A't, would viiiK any t HlMHM'h, ard wan, 'oinploted *tion, and ate Hoard oHcd an a 1 its lai'K» ithuHiasni. Ik* oflicial ner. He blaced his bcupies as rocei'dingH II tie discuB- (H'epted by :here were iti-8lavery lation was >f. Haven, the long )f oratory, m, alwaj'8 uded. •Id organi- n a hard Mayor of I persona? azoo mas') viug on.je t the Co: I'e a brief niToiiiit of action on th(> Wilniot TroviHo, h'> far hh Michigan whm ('onr(M'ii«><l, ((iioted tlie Anti-Hhivery rrHoliitioiiM paHHt-d b,v l)«'iiio>Tatic Ktate Convention of 1K4!), and (lie liegiHliifivc rfHolntioim of iiiHtruc- tionH (o the Hi'iiatorH and HeprcHcntativeM in CongrcHM on tli«> t^iuiie Hiibject, and tlicn exclaimed: "Not one of onr Uepr«>H«>ntiitiveH waM ever luMieHt enough to carry them out except KiiiHlev S, Itinghain." He was here interrupted by three roiiHiiig ch(><>rh foi' Mr. Ilingham, and other demonHtrationM, which Hhowed clearly encnigh that he was the choic*' of the ('onvention. Anothe-' interesting epiHode of the Convention wuh a short •{H'i'ch by I « v.ls Clar':e, then, and for many years afterwards living on a ff .m ni ,'r SV'i;; Jsor, Ontario, and the original ot (George Harris, in M'^M. .Umve's ''<rjcle Tom's Cabin." His piaiii, simple recital of Wvniu in f.l) ■ liiti of a slave and fugitive, deeply moved the asHi'inbly. Oihi'.r liMev^'hes. at thi'i stage of the pro<-eedings, were by William T. Hut^rli, R'.. Charles <'. I'oote, I'hilotus Hayden, Itev. Jesse McHrid*! iM\d Rpv. 'At. F'.'ste^ I'.jrli'x the «h«^nic/' ul tVe r'on-.mittee on Uesolutions, further Hdd'Tti»t.'«5 \v' le n.ude by AitKt'i; Jllair, Hovey K. Clarke, Isaac I*. ( hrisrinny r.;ii} «»rU'Th, Xo <;»;• it'V4'niiig the crowd tilled four public halle »• -<il ;!ire>,' i(')iijn''!ef, wi'/j eiiihu"/ istic ratification me<>tings, and lH'i»id».j ihi;,, fl'jM.'vnw iiiu^,\uvi\ r/Uln^sed a large gathering in the op.'H li «>n tht' pufv.ic souvi".-. In (Lid acc-^vnt o' jnoaedfiiwv, ibi- .vader will notice the names ViS" Fv'.v«i-ul ,;<ent;enH'n who a'ifrwarai attained National distinction. Mnuy IT ivre of the stin e class. %<.h » aid not sjieak at the Convention, ■wer.' citly'j'r prcstnt or hsii). I« -n i.-tively engaged in the preliminary wojv.. 'Ji\)i8 roll 0.' h{)»:er i:it hided six men who were afterwards Governors of ^ht Btale, %<v wh<; became XJnited States Senators, one Supreme Couif /fvil'ce, cr>i I'abinet Oftlcer, a number connected with 'h" 1 Mplomf'.tic Sen ice, e'ther as Ministers or Consuls, about twenty Mbr.aht'% of Cong/fi.i* rtjd many more who rendered the State and Nation ;roo'i service n the Army, in the I^egislature, on the Circuit C'Mrt J.V>nch in the United States xJourts, and in a host of other ui'Violnrivc positions. No single Michigan gathering, before or since, has ever brought together so many able and patriotic citizens. "v The enthusiasm which the action of the Convention roused in the members theniflelves, was echoed by almost all the pajjers in the State that had Anti-Slavery leanings. The l>etroit Tribune heartily endorsed every action of the Convention, and enthusiastically sup- ported the ticket. The Detroit Free Democrat said, editorially, the win I '■i' y^:'.': mm mm ana ■WlBili HISTORY OP THF. REPUBLICAN PARTY. m mm 46 next day : '''We never saw in any deliberative body so strong a desire for harmony manifested. Every member of the Convention seemed to liave eome there resolved on conciliation and tranquil action. There was scarcely a dissenting voice from the action resolved upon. The harmony of the (Convention was especially apparent in some of the most critical periods of its deliberations." The paper praised, the platform as specific, bold and uncompromising, went over the t ticket in detail, and added: "With such a ticket, emanating from i such a Convention, we cannot be unsuccessful. It will inspire the confidence of freemen in the State, not by its intrinsic merit only, but by the purely republican manner in which it was selected. We are confident that the people who selected it will see that it is triumphantly elected." The Jackson Citizen commented with great satisfaction upon the manner in which the Convention received Mr. Chandler's reference to Mr. Bingham, praised the ticket as a whole, and added: "The plat- form was drawn by the Hon. Jacob M. Howard, and unanimously adopted, and we are willing to add our testlTiony that it not only does credit to its author, but challenges comparison with any political paper of the day." The trio of papers in Pontiac, Grand Rapids and Kalamazoo, which had already contributed so largely to the movement, found in the result the fruition of their long cherished hopes, and zealously supported the ticket, and all the Free Soil and almost all the Whig papers in the State came promptly into line. But there was one note of discord. The Detroit Advertiser was then owned by E. A. Wales, and edited by A. S. Williams. It had described the Kalamazoo Convention as a stormy gathering, and had assailed several of the speakers at that meeting for "disparaging the character of that great and gifted American statesman and patriot, Henry Clay." It now, jn a bitter and denunciatory editorial, rejected the nominations, introducing its comments with the following: "Previous to its meeting we called upon the Whigs to attend the Convention. We looked to their influence as the only means to pro- mote the interests of the people. The indications were that a sufiicient number of Whigs would be present to exert a beneficial influence. All those signs were false. The Convention was con- trolled by Free Soilers and those who desired to break up the Whig party. Everything the Free Democrats desired they obtained. They went into the meeting with a ticket in the field. They procured the ti" '"'-^"^mmmsmm^mS:'---, ■«« r-% : "W- ^''■)-' ■|r|W| a desire seemed tl action. I^ed upon. some of praised . lover the ting from jspire the lerit only, Jed. We bat it is upon the ference to 'The plat- animously only does political [alamazoo, ;, found in zealously the Whig jrtiser was i. It had g, and had raging the ad patriot, il, rejected following: attend the ins to pro- re that a beneficial 1 was cou- the Whig lied. They ocured the 'm THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 47 adoption of just such planks as they desired. They liuew the renom- ination of Kinsley S. Bingham was a foregone conclusion, and then their Committee withdrew their nominees." These, and similar utterances following, induced many Whigs to hold aloof from the new movement and caused great uneasiness to the leaders of the new Republican party. A month later a circular was issued, addressed to the Whig Btate Central Committee, and saying: "The undersigned, more than ever impressed with the responsibility resting upon the men of the Whig party, and entertain- ing a high sense of their obligations to take such action as is necessary to advance the principles, maintain and strengthen the organization and preserve the integrity of that party, respectfully request that you will issue a call for a Whig State Convention, to be held at an early day, for the purpose of securing these important objects, and of presenting a Whig State ticket, to be supported by the people of Michigan, at the election in November next." This was circulated in nearly all the counties of the State, and received signatures in sufficient number to demand action by the Com- mittee, who accordingly, called a convention, to be held at the Court House, in Marshall, October 4, for the purpose of nominating cauui- dates for all the State offices. This action, culminating in a Convention to be held only about a month before election, and threatening to put a new ticket in the field, with the anticipated result of dividing the Anti-Slavery vote, was very disquieting, and led to forebodings of grave disaster. But the Con- vention itself, did not merit apprehension on the one hand, nor come up to expectation on the other. Only about 200 delegates were present, though these represented nearly every County in the State. Those that did attend were almost all in favor of the new movenient. They chose as President of the ('onvention, Rufus Hosmer, who had left the Advertiser because he did not agree with its course, and who was then editing the Detroit Enquirer, in the interest of the Repub- lican ticket. With him were chosen as Vice-Presidents, Nathan Pierce, of Wayne; Chester Yost, of Washtenaw; D. C. Buckland, of Oakland, and Edward D. Cane, of Hillsdale, all supporters of the Republican ticket. ' A Committee appointed to nominate a State Central Committee, selected as the Detroit members Joseph Warren and Frederick Mor- ley, both strongly in favor of the Republican ticket, and the latter associated with Mr. Hosmer in the management of the Detroit '"1 II ■hMii .-',■*,- ■.'V ■■ filJ! 48 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Enquirer. Mr. Warren was especially distasteful to the Advertiser clique, and a motion was made to substitute for his name that of E. N. Willcox. Upon this m.otion the issue was drawn, and a long discus- sion followed, in which three or four speeches were made, bitterly denouncing Mr. Warren for his activity in promoting Republican con- ventions throughout the State. When it came to the test, however, there were only four votes in favor of the substitute motion, all of those coming from Detroit, and two of them from the Advertiser office. A motion was afterwards made by Gen. A. S. Williams that Mr. Warren be expelled from the Convention on the ground that he had ceased to be a Whig, but this only received the same four votes. The four then withdrew, after Mr. Wales had filed a formal protest against the sins which the Convention had committed, as well as those it was about to commit, or as he phrased it, against its action "in choosing for its presiding officer a man who was the avowed Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee," and "for other action, had or to be taken, which is not strictly in accordance with Whig precedents. Whig principles and Whig organization. This withdrawal left a Convention which was not only har- monious, but unanimous. It made no nominations, but framed a stirring address, referring to the glorious history and principles of the Whig party, and to the need of concerted and united action in opposi- tion to the spread of slavery. It concluded as follows: "We are convinced that the path of duty is plain before us. We are called upon not to abandon the Whig party, not to forsake a single Whig principle, but to make a deep sacrifice for our country's sake. We propose merely to abstain from making distinct nominations at this time, so that all the friends in the cause of liberty, feeling alike on the absorbing issue now jiending, may together strike and achieve a glorious triumph. "We therefore respectfully but earnestly appeal to the Whigs of Michigan to take that course in the coming contest, which will best unite, combine, develop and evidence the free and true spirit of the North. "Let us throw all distraction to the winds, forget all minor differ- ences, and exhibit the glorious spectacle of a patriotic band of freemen, arousing at the trumi)et call of liberty, with a free soil beneath our feet, and freedom's banner over us, marching forward in solid, united and invincible columns to battle and to victory." m i;i!- dvertiser |at of E. N. ing dr'scoB- le, bitterly Iblican con- :, however, ion, all of Advertiser [lliams that nd that he four votes. nal protest ell as those ion "in i Chairman ther action, with Whig t only har- it framed a ciples of the »n in opposi- ore us. We take a single intry's sake, ninations at Feeling alike and achieve lie Whigs of ch will best spirit of the minor differ- tic band of a free soil ing forward to victory." THE FIRST UKl'l HLICAN CONVENTION. 4!) This was the last of the State Convention appeals made to Michigan voters in this memorable campaign. The result was not, of course, satisfactory to the Advertiser. After reviewing the action of the Convention, and pointing out what might have been done, it said: "As it is there is cause for dissatisfaction which will produce its elTects. No one regrets this more than we do. We yet hope that a little time may heal the discords of our party — that those who have given allegiance to another organization may return to their old love. This we hope, but whether our wishes shall be realized or not, our own course is plain. We shair pursue the even tenor of our way, exerting whatever influence we may have to forward Whig principles, and Whig measures, and preserve the integrity of the Whig party." But the Whig party had held its last Convention of any conse- quence in Michigtvn. Joseph Warren was elected Chairman of the new State Central Committee, and a resolution was adopted, leaving it with him to convene. the Committee or to call a Convention, whenever he deemed it expedient. And Mr. Warren carried the Whig party of Michigan in his ]iocket from that time till the day of his death; for no organization, except a State Convention had power to depose him from the Chairmanship, and he never found it expedient to call another ('onvention. The name Whig never appeared again upon a Michigan State ticket. • But there was still another element which, for a time, added to the uncertainty of this campaign. Four years earlier than this the Constitution, under which the State has ever since conducted its affairs, was adopted, and with it a clause prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating litjuors. A law, but not a very effective one. had been passed to carry out this Constitutional prohibition. Temper- ance sentiment was then strong in the old parties, and since the State was organized there had been no separate temperance ticket in the field. The Free Democratic Convention at Jackson February 22. resolved in its platform that it was in favor of the re-enactment of the law for the suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, with such amendments as should remove all Constitutional doubts and secure the highest degree of efficiency. At the Kalamazoo Convention Rev. Arthur St. Clair moved that the report of the Committee on Resolutions be re-committed, with instructions te incorporate the Prohii'itory Law in tl»e platform; but while no opposition was voiced in the Convention to the law itself, |1 i I m i '■Mi .v;;f- 50 HISTORY OF THE KEPIBLICAN PARTY it M'as Anally tbonght advisable to leave the question oi)eu to the maHH convention, already called, to meet at Jaokaon, July 6. V; Five days later, on the 26th of June, a State Temperance Con- vention was held at Jackson. Without nominating a ticket, it adopted a platform of which the most significant plank declared: ''We intend not only that our votes shall express onr sentiments, but they shall give efllciency to our principles, and therefore, we will not vote, at the next November election, for any man for the office of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, member of either House of the Legislature of Michigan, or Prosecuting Attorney, who is not known from his past history to be, from, principle, in favor of prohibiting by law the manufacture of all intoxicating liquors as a beverage." This was the last formal action taken on the subject in this cam- paign. The Jackson Convention of July 6, as has already been noted, confined its attention mainly to National aflfairs, and did not touch upon this question. P^xcept as related to individual candidates, the men who afterwards organized the Temperance party, were not a well-deflned factor in the campaign which followed, though a majority of them, then and for some years afterwards, undoubtedly voted for tlie Republicans. They did not put a separate ticket in the field till 1870. Although the varied and <>omplicated movements which resulted in the concentration of Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Republican organization were so long in operation, and were accompanied by such strong expressions of feeling, and by such large gatherings of the people, the Democrats were very slow in learning their real significance or their formidable character. The party papers sneered at the movement up to the time of the Jackson Convention, though some of them were bitter enough against it afterwards. The Detroit Free Press, then the leading Democratic paper in Michigan, was edited by WilbuJ* F. Storey, who had been about ten years in the State, and a year and a half in Detroit. It took great interest in the Kansas-Nebraska controversy, and on May 25, 1854, announced the passage of the Nebraska bill in a big head-line, "Glorious News From Washington," followed by a rooster liolding a streamer with "Democ- racy Triumphant" printed on it. Over the telegraphic report of (Congressional proceedings, it had a cannon and flag, and an editorial announced the passage of the act "with unbounded satisfaction." Mr. Storey evidently really believed that the course of the Republicans and Free Soilers was calculated to disrupt and ruin the «N\ TriE FIKHT KEI'lTRlilCAN CONVENTION. 51 |to the luasB ranee Con- ticket, it |k declared: iments, but re, we will r the office onse of the not known ohibiting by verage." in this cam- il ready been and did not 1 candidates, ty, were not d. though a undoubtedly ate ticket in hich resulted a Republican ompanied by gatherings of ig their real )arty papers 1 Convention, wards. The in Michigan, I years in the aterest in the mounced the 3 News From (vith "Democ- lic report of 1 an editorial 'action." )urBe of the and ruiu the country, and this belief was shared by other Democratic editors. But they failed to apprehend the fact that others might have convictions, equally sincere and more profound, upon the other side, and it was this failure that led them to underrate the strength of the new party. They continued to deride the movement after it had really gained great momentum. Two days before the (Convention tl:e Free Press commenced an editorial with: '*We are really curious to see the platform of the 'fusion' Convention at Jackson," but it never printed that platform in its columns. Its news report of the pro«;eeding8 of a body which siibseqnently overturned the politics of the State and Nation, occupied only 56 lines, ^iviny neither the committees, the platform nor the siieeches. Editorially it denounced the ('onvention as "a body of unmitigated Abolitionists and Disunionists," and either ridiculed or abused the candidates on the ticket, Jacob M. Howard coming in for an especially large share of its attacks. As late as July 9, it commenced an editorial with the announcement that: "The coalition is a dead failure," and ended it with: "Altogether the coalition is in a horrible bad way and in horrible bad odor. It emits a stench already." On thtf 12th it said: "In this State, when three months shall have passed the number of people in favor of repealing the Nebraska bill can be soon counted." The next day it spoke of Jacob M. Howari as "the midwife and priest at the birth and christening of the llepublicau party," and Zachariah Chandler as "its traveling agent." In the same editorial it said : "There is abundant reason to believe that this new Republican party, this bastard issue of illicit intercourse, this fruit of unnatural amalgamation, will die young and have an early burial. It is, indeed, already struck with death." The same editorial referred to a number of Whig papers in the country that disapprovett the action of their party associates in this State, and closed as follows: "We predict that if the Whigs of Michigan bring out a straight ticket of their own it will lead the coalition ticket by thousands." It was evidently in this hope that it commenced, with great glee, upon the Advertiser's criticism of the Convention. Other papers followed its lead in alternately denounc- ing the new party and belittling its prospects, some of them also becoming curiously mixed as to the composition of the party and the standing of the press in relai .on to it. One of them, in the western part of the State, as late as August 17, characterized the '■\ff •"f. li'fi! ii el I ! F § !;*; li 02 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY Advei'tiser as ''the or^uti of Uuukor Whiggery," the Tribune "of Woolly Whiggery," and the Democrat as a fair representative of "tlie one-legged party of our State/' But even whistling did not keep their courage up for long. The signs began to be ominous and there were indications of a tremendous upheaval. A few days after the Convention the Ionia Observer, an old Democratic paper, came out for the ticket, and contained the names of 4U0 Democrats who had done the same, and from all parts of the State there were many similar accessions. It was under these circumstances that on the 26th of July, the call for a Democratic State Convention was issued. It was signed by Alfred Williams, Cornelius O'Flynn, D. Munger, A, T. McReynolds, T. E. Wing, A. L. Porter, Jacob Beeson, Frederick Hall and H. Carter. It contained no reference to the principles of the party, nor to current issues. The Convention met in the City Hall. Detroit, September 14, with Anthony TenEyck in the chair. It numbered less than 150 delegates and was a very subdued assembly. The boastful spirit of two months earlier had disappt^ared. The defections from the old Demo- cratic party had bt^en numerous, and their loss had not been made good by accessions from the ranks of the Conservative Whigs. John S. Barry, who was Governor in 1850 and 1851. received the nomination again, having 120 votes, against 11 for Michael Shoemaker, and 10 for Andrew l*arsons. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieu- tenant-Governor, William. A. Richmond; Secretary of State, William L. Bancroft; State Treasurer, Derastus Hinman; Commissioner of the State Land Office, Allen Goodrich; Auditor General, John Swegles; Attorney General, B. F. H. Witherell; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Francis W. Shearman; Members of the State Board of Education, Channvey Joslyn and Elijah H. Pilcher. The list of delegates did not include many prominent names. Those who were afterwards best known were the following: Ex- Oovernor Epaphroditas Ransom, George W. Peck, of Ingham, elected Member of Congress in November following; George B. Cooper, of Jackson, returned to Congress in 1859, but unseated on a contest; Augustus C. Baldwin, of Pontiac, elected to Congress in 1862, and afterwards Circuit Judge; Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw, elected to Congress in 1870; John Logan Chipman, of Detroit, afterwards Judge of the Superior Court, and Member of Congress; M. E. Crofoot, of Pontiac; Wm. M. Penton, of Fenton, Lieutenant-Governor 1848-52; t^- ■^v ifcSS.- i ribune "of ivp of "tlie )ng. The IremendouB )Berver, an gained the all parts If July, the (was Bigned [cReynoldB, H. Carter. to current |ber 14, with delegates irit of two le old Demo- : been made '^higs. John ^ nomination iker, and 10 Hows: Lieu- ate, William sioner of the >bn Swegles; it of Public ite Board of nent names. »wing: Ex- ;ham, elected t. Cooper, of n a contest; in 1862, and naw, elected , afterwards [. E. Crofoot, rnor 1848-52; THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 53 Oen. A. T. McReynolds, then of Detroit; (.'hauncey Joslyn, of NN'ushte- naw, and A. Smith Bagg, of Detroit. (Icn. Cass was not a delegate, but was present by invitation and made a speech. The platform adopted was short. The first two planks approved Governor Harry's former administration, and commended him to the voters for re-election; the third favored a general railroad law, and the fourth resolved, "That Ihe delegated Democra<'y of the Htate of Michigan here aflirm their continued support of the principles embraced in the resolutions adopted by the Democratic National (^<m- vention. which assembled in Baltimore in June, 1852, and that the doctrine of Congressional non-intervention in the domestic legislation of the states and territories, therein embodied, harmonizes with the true spirit of our institutions, and is the only platform upon which the Democratic party of the Inion can maintain its nationality and its ascendancy, and preserve the Union." The short campaign that followed was a warm one. The Detroit papers then had three editors who were all masters of a corrosive style of literature, if that phrase may be allowed as descriptive of their vitriolic writings. Mr. Storey was an unsocial person, a bitter partisan, a vindictive hater, and an abusive writer. In a salutatory, written when he took charge of the Free Press, he had said: "With his conteniporarieft of the press the undersigned will seek to cultivate relations of the utmost courtesy. Though editors of political papers may occupy attitudes of opposition to each other, there is yet nothing in their position that should allow them for a moment to forget that they are, or at least, ought to be, gentlemen." In the heat of this campaign these amiable sentiments were forgotten, and not without provocation. His contemporary and rival, Joseph Warren, of the Tribune, is described by one who was afterwards associated with him in editorial work, as "a sedate, gentle, kind-hearted man personally, but one who wrote with a pen dipped in gall. When engaged in controversy nothing was too bitter for him to say." As genial and kindly in his family relations as any man in the City, he was in politics, bitter and intolerant. To him every Northern man who favort^d the Fugitive Slave Law and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, was a "doughface," just as during the war every Democrat was a "copper- head." He was now in his prime, at a time when fighting qualities were in demand, a fit contemporary of Wilbur F. Storey and of Rufus Hosmer. The latter was the most famous newspaper wit of the time, a genial and social companion, but a hard hitter in a political i :y/~ maRqpBfsmpwBn mi ■.K-- I B4 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. fight. He was said to be the only man who ever made "old Store.v Rqiieal," in a eonteit of perHonalitiea. 1 1 may be asBumed that in this war of personalities the candidates did not escape, so that between the mixed condition of political parties, and the character of its newspaper literature the campaign was a unique one. It was especially warm in the First and Fourth Congressional Districts. In the First District William A. Howard was nominated for Congress by a Whig delegate Convention at Ann Arbor, September 20, and by a Republican mass Convention the sanije day. David Stuart, the Democratic nominee, was a veteran and able campaigner, and immediately issued a challenge to Howard to meet him in joint debate. Howard had business engagements East, and was not able, for some time, to respond. This delay was charged to unwillingness on his part to discuss the issues of the campaign, and the challenge, which was published daily in the Free Press, was read with glee by the Democrats, and with some discomflture by the Republicans. On Mr. Howard's return, however, he accepted the challenge and joint debates were had at Detroit, Ann Arbor, Jackson and Howell. Although the meetings were long they w^re attended by thousands, and were memorable oratorical contests. Mr. Howard was afterwards spoken of as the "only man in the First District who could mieet Dave Stuart on the stump," and laid in this campaign the durable foundations of his reputation as one of the most effective (.'ampaign speakers of the Northwest. In the other Congressional districts the nominations were as follows: Second, Whig and Republican, Henry Waldron; Demo- cratic, David A. Noble; Third, Whig and Republican, David S. Wal- bridge; Democratic, Samuel Clark; Fourth, Whig and Republican, Moses Wisner; Democratic, George W. Peck. The successful candi- dates, with their majorities, were: Howard, 1,144; Waldron, 2,942; Walbridge, 2,687, and Peck, 1,370. For their State ticket the Democrats made a vigorous effort. General Cass, the most conspicuous Democrat in the Northwest, felt that his own political fortunes were at stake, and addressed several targe meetings in strong and able speeches, and he was backed by a number of the old leaders. All through the cam.paign the Democrats claimed that they would win, and some of them put their majority as high as 8,000 or 10,000. Rut the current was stronger than they supposed, and swept them to utter and irretrievable defeat. The vote for Governor was: Bingham, 43,6.^2; Barry, 38,675, a Republican majority of 4,977. In the First District, particularly in "^ ■••1 M Store.v ndidates political campaign (1 Fourth . Howard n at Ann the 8ani« eran and oward to entfl East, 18 charged campaign, Press, was ure by the cepted the >r, Jackson attended r. Howard istrict who tnpaign the at effective IS were as pon; Demo- vid 8. Wal- Etepnblican, ssful candi- Iron, 2,942; roas effort, thwest, felt sed several •acked by a Democrats ir majority r than they t. 7, 38,675, a ticularly in THE FIRST UEPtTMUCAN CONVENTION. 5B Detroit, the work of the Advertiser and the re<'ali'ltrnnt old line Whigs, told against liingham, and liis vote fell conslderui .> below thbt of Howard. This defection was not wholly made up in other districts, for the net Republican majority on (Congressman was 5,403, or 420 more than for (Governor. In the Ijegislature the party affilia- tions of members could not be exactly deflned, but there was an overwhelming majority against the Democrats. Tlie triumph was all tlie more striking by contrast with the result two years earlier. Then their candidate for Governor had 8,138 plurality and 2,288 clear majority. They had elected all four candi- dates for Congress, with 25 out of 32 Members of the Ktate Senate, and 51 out of 72 in the House. The Democrats even now were not willing to admit that their attitude on the slavery question was tlie main cause of their disastrous defeat. At least many of them, and their principal organ, with the rest, charged it to the secret machina- tions of the Know Nothing order. It was, however, hailed throughout the country, as a straight Republican triumph. And it was an enduring one. For the next 28 years in Michigan the Democrats did not choose a single State ofKcer, either at the fall or spring elections. They did not have a majority in either House of any I^egislature, and so, of course, could not elect a United States Senator, and out of 02 Congressmen, they'chose only 6. So sweeping and lasting a political revolution has rarely taken place in this country. .■"''•'■Kitl '?f*i8 taAM»{i^i>:^;'Aft.Wi''-r,.-jjia-'.!MB ! mmm ■I > SOLIDIFYING THE I'AKTY. . Clninm to rriorily In ()rKanl.ation-Mix.d Condition and VarlouH , Nanu-H of Tartien in 1«54-Tl.e (Conduct of Affairs in Kan«a« araduullv Hrin«« all Anti-Hlavery Element- Together-A Land Trick m the Interest of the Mi«BOurian«-Free State Emigrant Aid 8orietie«-M«rder« and Depredations by the MissourianB-- Eleetions Carried by Force and Fraud-Heroic R*'«;«t^n;« *>y Free State Men and Subsequent Gain in Influence-Their Final Success-Kansas at Last Adn.itted as a Free State, with Republi- can Officers and Legislature. \« there was some difference of opinion on the question of indi- flftn anniveiBttij (Convention was the first one of its was set ^^l^^^l^Z^X::'^ same time for Vermont, name. 8 mi ar ^ '«'"'«^Y j -^ ^^^ ^^de that "The Repub- Ohio and Indiana. 8t II !^f;. *f ,7'"",, ^^^ ^.^titled to the honor. '"'"m Mi^igan State Convention, who^ inception »"<« ;-'«•;- ::rrh.a"tn .e,a >n ■^^'^^^i^i^ :ix^zx\zi;:^ l„„ed July 9, for a ma,» ™"^™«'»° °'J^'„^™ °?The Slave Tower," C:rrJ Z^Z:^ r-r^e ... .a^atea .. an. KOLiniFYFNO TITK 1»ARTY. r»7 id VariouM in Kaimas ?r — A Land e Emigrant 88011 riang — Biitance by Their Final ith Republi- ition of indi- for the new by different I the twenty- 8, the claim ■8t one of itB for Vermont, "The Repub- the honor, tion was not in State Con- the otherB i8 B matters of 1 results are record, was ti-Nebraska" , a call was to the repeal ave Power." ated for any new party that niiKht ^row out of it, althoiiKh .\. H. Itovay. one of the movers in the matter, had already stilted to Horace Oreeley that he intended to propose the name Uepublican. The Convention was lifld at Madison, July V.\, lNu4, and anions; the reHoliitions adopted was one "that we accept the issue forced upon uh by the Slave I'ower, and in defense of freedom will co-o|K?rate and be known as UepiiblicanH." In Massa<-husettH a (convention, of Hiiiiilar spoiitaneouH origin, was held at Worcester, July 111, 1Kr)4, at which the name Uepublican was adoptiHl by the resolution "that in co-o|MM'ation with the fi-iends of freedom in sister states, we Iwreby form the U(>piiblican party of Massachusetts." Rut the Anti-Sliiv(>ry people in that State were in such very decided preponderan<'e that they did not feel under tlie same necessity for concentration hh their associates in other states. The bulk of the Anti-Slavery vote went to the Know Nothing ticket, though th re were also Whig and Free Soil tickets in the tl.'Id. In Vermont, July 13, 1854, a mass (convention was held of persons "in favor of resisting, by all (Constitutional means, the usurpations of the propagandists of slavery,'' and among the resolutions adopted was one closing as follows: "We propose and respectfully recommend to the friends of freedom in other states to co-o|)erate and be known as Republicans.'* A State ticket was nominated under this name, but the State committees of various parties were authorized "to fill vacancies" on their tickets. Under this power, and by amicable agreements, a Fusion ticket was afterwards made up and elected under that name. ,: ; On the same day a Convention was held at Columbus, Ohio, of those in favor of "breaking the chains now forging to bind the Nation to the car of American slavery." The party which there nominated a ticket was generally known, throughout the campaign, as Repub- lican. This seems to have been a good date for State Conventions, for on the same day one was held in Indiana, at which speeches were made by Henry S. Lane, Henry L. Ellsworth and Schuyler Colfax, a ticket was nominated, and the name Republican was adopted. In both these states the campaign and its results were similar to those in Michigan. The movement in Michigan had a great effect in promoting and directing that in Ohio and Indiana, which border upon it. Its influ- ence was Ies8 marked in Massachusetts and Vermont, and it is not quite certain that in the latter state the name Republican was wit- tingly borrowed from the Western example. The adoption of the *i •"1 I I I 58 HIHTOBY t)P THE RKITBLK'AN PAUTY. nn.no thorrlav have b.^.,. h .oin.KhM.,.. ln«t..Hd of an appn.pHatlon^ "ut tlH Lt rnnalnn that Mlrhlgan lle„ubll.an« were the flr«t to the An i-Hhfvery n.oven.ent tc»ok varlouB forms, and w.uked under ffm" Zuel ThiH rannot. ,KMha,»«, be better «hown than by tak n« the denlgnatK.n. of partlen in the different states as contained iroreeley's Whi« Almanae, in Klving the returns after election. They were as follows: Maim— Kepublican, Rum, Whig, Demmrat. New Hampshlr.-Whlg, Demoeratn, Free S<,.1. Vermont— Fusion, l>emoeratU', *ree won. „.>„ w..^^ rti.ll RlasSiust'tts-Whlg. Know Nothing, Demoeratie, Free Holl. uSe Island-VVhig and Maine Law, l^emoeratus 5r^S^:S,'^lSr" N^fi^^S^^ I— atlc, Boft DtMiioeratic. xT„K«uuUn New Jersey-Whig, Temperance, Nebraska, reunsyhania— Whig, Democratic. I )elaware — American, Democrat ic. Ohio— Republican, Nebraska. Indiana— Republican, Nebraska. Michigan— Republican, Democratic Illinois— Republican, Nebraska. Iowa— Republican, Nebraska. Wisconsin— Republican, Democratic. crats. The Republican party, under that name, was «*"> ^ !«-;^;^«^^^^^^ tion. But less than two years later it became National, with a Presidential ticket in the field. The history of the organization of this party would not be quite com Jlete Xut a brief reference to the American, or Know Nothing TaTtv through which many of the old Whigs found their way into its ra2' The plrty was based on the apprehension that the Bo«ia» rntholic rhunh had designs upon the government, and that its knlwn and avowed hostility to the American public school system bod^d disaster to the country. Coupled with this was the belief Jhat the iilence of foreign-born voters was becoming dangerously grl It propoBition to amend the suffrage laws so as to require a resid;nce of 14 or even 21 years, before an immigrant should be 'SSSB2i~ RMd •oprUitlon, w flrHt to em states k«'d under n than by I contained r election. ree Hoil. ratic, Soft erick Demo- cal organiza- )nal, with a not be quite now Nothing way into its t the Roman ind that itB chool system as the belief dangerously s to require a nt should be WIUDIFYINO TUK I'AUTY. m .,,„,., t. VOLS .a« d,.nu.d by nuu.y not ';-'--';;;;; jj;;;..:: :;;;i (Jatlu,H.*,ltw«si.n..r«ry totlioH it n ^^^ ^^^^^^ those n^Hons, and aiso »>7;-V ;;•",:,,;'' Irilliant. were not lasting. Its exiHtence, however, f u. "in » d « i.ro-Slaver.v WhigH who could not join the ' >*;'";"' ";;;;; V ;;,, Hu. Ue„ubii.an ,u.tion, but who were not yH ready t go (ht 1. n g t hH 1 ^^^^^^^^ 1-ty in opposition ^o fhat^ i- ^;^;- ^^,,^ ^l^^ HUch\VhlgsasJohnBe!l,ofTenn sm w Missouri Com in the Senate who voted again th e k .1 « ^^^^^^ ^^^^^.^ pr<,».ise; Hun.phrey Marshall ^^ "^ '^y' !; .^ jj^ not ,.btaln of Maryland, and Horace Maynard. "' [^^ nm ss ^^^^,^ «reat foothold in the West ^-^^^ ^^^^:t:::^ U, -Us those States, it was very strong / *^;j\f;;„^.„,.,. i„ t,,. ,ou«try, many who were genuinely fearful "[^'''^^^XllZy to divert attention WhigH who were in hopes, *';;--f » ^/'^^s^', voters who were from the slavery ^l^^f^^^^.^^^^^^^ in their own r<ady to join any parly whuh K^ve tiu , democrats. locality, of conducting a ««««««« "^^^"^"XZ by this party, as The Northern men who were elected ^o -»«^; ^^.^^ ^^^ ^,„ti. ^Z:ZJ:::rJ::^^ Xl t^' a mV when congress met. ^ ^ .. . .. Pro-Slavery Deniojrats alone made The strange fatuity of the ^r««'^';^'^^^ nossible. Thirteen «ueh a consolidation of t^-^^^^-t^^"^^^^ *^"^ "''" months intervened between the «»f ^^s ;« 1«5*. ^, ^^^ the congress t^-^^Xn"^^ ^^^^^^^K, Pro-Slavery men in reference w f^" ' ..,^^8 to determine the They did not intend to l>«""'*/«";/,^^ '^"^invaders from the question of slavery, but depended "P^" on the ^e^itory- Nearly Missouri border counties ^<>;>"!J««^J>^^;^'^;,",*ferS Uianreser- alltheaccessible portionof t^^-J«>«-^«: Ts ,oSe«^«* ^"'^'^ ^ vations o. which settlement ^^ J^f ^.^^^^^^^^ bill. Bhort i>eriod preceding the Pass^ge o ^^ ^^^^^^^ treaties were quietly "^^^e at Washington wmi a ^^^ ^^ tribes, under -^ch most of the s^^^^^^^^^^^ III Hi STORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. secret societies to take possession of Kansas in the interest of slavery. Within a few days after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraslia Act, hnndrods of Missourians selected parcels of land, held a few meetings and then returned to Missouri. At one of these meetings the follow- ing resolutions were adopted: "That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist as a settler of this Teri'itory." "That we recognize the institution of slavery as already existing in this Territory and we advise slave-holders to introduce their property as early as possible." Meantime, largely through the energy and influence of Eli Thayer, of Worcester, Mass., a movement for free State immigration into Kansas from New England, was inaugurated. Mr. Thayer was a New England man, a graduate from Brown University, a Member of Congress from Massachusetts, a forceful speaker and a fine organizer. Within a month after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he bad organized the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society, designed to make Kansas a free State by actual settlement. He succeeded, at the very outset, in obtaining substantial financial backing for his plan. Boston merchants made very liberal contributions to the cause. Charles Francis Adams subscribed f25,000, and J. S. N. Williams 110,000, and other large sums were contributed. Two colonies were speedily sent out and founded the City of Lawrence, but the Mipso^urians determined to check this movement. At one of their meetings, held at Westport, Mo., early in July, 1854, they adopted the following: "RESOLVED, That this Association will, whenever called upon by any of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness together to assist and remove any and all immigrants who go there under the auspices of the Northern Emigrant Aid Societies. "RESOLVED, That we recommend to the citizens of other counties, particularly those bordering on Kansas Territory, to adopt regulations similar to those of this Association, and to indicate their readiness to co-operate in the objects of the resolution." These oi)en threats and some actual deeds of violence,, led the Free State immigrants to prepare to defend themselve?). Meetings were held in many of the churches and public halls in New England and New York City, for the purpose of purchasing rifles for the emi- grants. Neither this movement nor the organization of Emigrant Aid Societies met with much encouragement from the newspapers v-;^ ^^i. •St*"'.---- »f alavery. ska Act, meetings [he follow- Ition to no gnize the •y and we possible." li Thayer, lation into as a New ember of organizer. )ill, he bad ed to make at the very his plan.- the cause. Williams he City of movement. July, 1854, called upon n readiness bo go there (S. s of other •y, to adopt iicate their ice,, led the Meetings w England or the emi- r Emigrant lewspapers .-JW^ft-'-.iijfiaMii 80LIDIFYIN0 THE PARTY. 01 that were afterward Republican, and botii were denounced by the extreme xibolitionists. But Mr. Thayer was determined in his purpose, and was a man of untiring energy. In preaching his crusade and in inciting the people of the North to action, he traveled 60,000 miles, and made hundreds of speeches. The movement continued to gather in momentum, and the Anti-Slavery people soon had a majority of the actual settlers. The Territory was formally established by the appointment, by President Pierce, of Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, as Governor, and Daniel Woodson, of Arkansas, Secretary of the Territory. The Territorial Government was organized in the Autumn of 1854, and in November an election for Delegate in Congress was held. John W. Whitfield, an Indian Agent, the Missouri candidate, was returned as elected. He received 2,871 votes, of which 1,729 were cast by resi- dents of Missouri. These facts were fully shown in a report to Congress, but Mr. Whitfield was seated, and was allowed to retain his seat throughout that Congress. Early in 1855, Governor Reeder ordered an election for the first Territorial Legislature, to be held on the ItSth of March. The Border Missourians were on hand in force for this election. They came In wagons and on horseback, and were armed with revolvers, pistols and bowie knives. They had tents, flags and music. Nearly a thousand of them encamped in a ravine near the new town of Lawrence, which they menaced with two pieces of cannon loaded with musk€>t balls. Finding that they had more men than they needed to carry the Lawrence district, they sent detach- ments to carry two others. The result of this invasion was that the Missourians elected all the Members of the Legislature with the excep- tion of two, who were chosen from a remote inland district which the invaders overlooked. Only -831 legal electors voted, though there were no less than G,320 votes polled. It was the greatest farce of an election held in this country up to that time. The Missouri newspapers boldly admitted the invasion and exulted in the crime. ''It is a safe calculation that two thousand squatters have passed over into the proniised land from this part of the State within four days." said the Western Reiwrter the day before election. "It is to be admitted that the Missourians have conquered Kansas," the PJatte Argus declared when the result was known. When th« Missouri Brunswicker learned that Governor Reeder had refused to give certificates to certain of the men who claimed election, it said: "This infernal scoundrel will have to be hemped." ..- ■ V * 8.'*, ■M ■.■"SI iiiiiii i »iii»iw i M ) r <wwiww w w,wiii: « ft i. HIHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 1>. R. Atchison, Tnited States Senator from Missouri, a few weeks before one of these elections, said: "When you reside within one day's journey of the Territory, and where your peace, quiet, and your property depend upon your action, you can without any exertion, send 500 of your young men who will vote in favor of your institutions." The Legislature was called to meet at Pawnee City, on the Kansas River, a hundred miles west of the border. It was immediately adjourned, over the Governor's veto, to Shawnee Mission. Among the Acts which it passed, was one extending over the Territory the laws of Missouri with - others, establishing and fortifying the slave system. The Acts of this fraudulent Legis- lature wei'e systemati- cally vetoed by Gov. Reeder, but they were passed over his head. The Southerners feared, when Reeder was appointed, that he would not be sufficient- ly pliable for their purposes. The Presi- dent was now memori- alized for his removal, which was effected, and Wilson Shannon, of Ohio, was appointed in his stead. Shannon NATHANIEL V. BANKH, JR. announced, on his way to the Territory, that he was for slavery in Kansas, and recognized the fraudulent Legislature as a legal assembly. The actual settlers of Kansas held a mass convention at Big Springs on the 5th of September, in which they repudiated the laws and officers imposed on the Territory by tb^ border ruffian election and Legislature. They further resolved not to vote at the election for Delegate to Congress, which the bogus liegislature had appointed to be lield on the Ist of October. They appointed another election for delegate and nominated Governor Reeder for the position. Then on 'ew weeks ithin one and your tion, send ititutions." he KansaB mediately Among ritory the souri with lishing and he slave le Acts of lent Legis- systemati- by Gov. they were his head, h e f n e r 8 en Reeder ted, that he >e Buffldent- for their The Presi- ow memori- lis removal, ffected, and Shannon, of ippointed in Shannon on his way 'ogclzed the tion at Big ed the laws Ian election the election il appointed election for Then on ■,"v!.\v ■•:!. ..«■■".; SOLIDIFYING THE I'AKTY. 63 the 23d of October a Constitutional Convention, chosen by the Free State settlers, assembled at Topeka, and formed a Free State Consti- tution, under which they asked admission into the Union as a State. In the Thirty-fourth Congress no party had a majority in the House and for several weeks that body remained unorganized. It was finally decided that a plurality should be sufBcient to elect after three more ballots. Under this rule Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr., from Massachusetts, received 103 votes to 100 for William Aiken, of South Carolina. William A. Howard, of Michigan, was a member of the House that elected Banks Speaker. In a speech at the State Convention at Grand Rapids, May 10th, 1876, he gave interesting reminiscences of that occasion. The contest had bf»en carried on for weeks, and the Republican members were discouraged. The night before the election was brought about a Republican caucus was held, and many members were in favor of giving up their randidate, and accepting " com- prjuiise. In fact this came to be the general feeling of the caucus. About midnight Mr. Howard took the floor and protester] against any taltering. He told the caucus that he was the first man nominated t<> Congress on a Republiian ticket. His con<iticuent»4 had entrusted him with the Republican Banner, and he would stand by the Flag even if alone, until he fell with it, or until he could carry it home to thoBe who entrusted him with it. When he commenced speaking he stood alone in the middle of the floor, but before he finished 85 men had gathered around him, and the idea of compromise was abandoned. The next day Banks was elected Speaker, and the disintegration of the party was prevented. Under a vote of the same House Mr. Howard, with John Sherman, of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver, of Missouri, were appointed a committee to proceed to Kansas and report on the condition of affairs there. This report, written mainly by Mr. Howard, gave him a high standing among Republican Statesmen. This able document, which weut thoroughly into the history of events in the Territory, arrived at eight conclusions, the only one that is pertinent to the subsequent history of the Territory being as follows: "In the present condition of the Territory a fair election cannot be held without a new census, a stringent and well guar<le»i election law, the election of impartial Judges, and the presence ni United States troops at every place of election.'' The bill adnitting Kansa.;), under her free Constitution, passed the House by 09 yeas to 1)7 nays. The Senate, which was strongly '^c •■< v.n-Mijy^'' 64 ■^^ HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY. \\i. Pro-Slavery, defented it. The legislature chosen under theFree State Constitution, was summoned to meet at Topeka on the 4th of July, 1856, but the members were dispersed by a force of regulars under order of President I'ierce. For the next three years the Territory had a double government, neither side recognizing the government set up by the other. Thfcre were frequeut disturbances brought on mainly by the Missourians. They captured and sacked part of the Cities of Lawrence and Tioaven worth, and committed many murders and depredations. Put the Free State men had better staying quali- ties than the roving bands of border ruf- fians who ,yere not making improvements, and were not attached to the soil. The Free State element in the end became the pre- ponderating ore, and another Constitutional Convention assembled at Wyandot in Maii-h 185J). It adopted a FreeStateConstit ution, which was afterwards ratified at an election in October. A bill for the admission of the JOHN SHBKMAN. f^jate, under that Con- stitution, passed the House of Congress, April 11th 1800. Tht- Senate, however, refused to take it up, being still Democratic. At the nei '. session the application was renewed, and it was pabjci ou the same day that the resignation of a number of the Southern Sena- tors, by abandoning their seats, made that body Republican. Thus the Territory, whose organization called the Republican party into existence, and whose history constautly stimulated Repub- licans to close union, became a Fi-ee State on the very day on whivh that party came into a clear majority in both Houses of Congress. And for a scwre of .vears thereafter it was one of the strongest Re- licau States in the Union. i'ree State li of July, x ars under V' Territory J nmont set rought on art of the . y murders ions. But :e men had ng quali- he roving order ruf- were not rovements, »t attached The Free mt in the <: the pre- ore, and Qstitutional assembled : in Maii'h adopted a onstit ition, afterwards an election A bill for lion of the »r that Con- 18G0. The K'tatic. At IS tjabiC'i ou uthern Hena- icau. » Republican ilated Repub- lay on which of Congress, strongest Be- TONVKNTION AND CAMPAIGN OF ISSfi. First Republican National (V>nvention-Nonunati«n of Fremont and Dayton with a Strong Phitform-A Spirited Campaign With Ardent Iloj^es of Success-The 0<tober Elections Have a Depres- sing Ettect-In November Kuchanan is Elected by Narrow Margins in the Middle States-The Election Considered a Moral Triumph for the Republicann, and a Sure Indication of Future Success-An Exciting and Vigorously (Conducted Campaign in Michigan-The Result a Decisive and Enduring Triumph-The Old S<.hool Demo<ra.y of the Veniusnlar State In Its Death Throes. ?^ Ry 185.5 the Anti-Slav.uy men <.f the North had enough in common to briig them together in National Convention. 0"Jf --^^ j^^^J Mmt vear the first National Republican meeting was held at 1 ittsburg, tt thJugli it did not assume all the functions of a «:««v«f '^^'f^J. "" nlina'tions were made. Subsequently a call was issued Jn- the Con^ vention that met in Philadelphia on the 17th of June. This shaied lomewhat in the spontaneousness of the Michigan gathering two years Tuer. NO settled rule had been adopted for ^^-^^f^XtiZl and there was no fixed ratio of representation. All the Free States ;te ;;rese„ted. together with the bordei- states of Delaware Marvland and Kentucky. The delegates met as members of a new p^;; and representcHi'all former shad., of Anti-Slavery opinion, Abolitionists, Free Soilers, Free Demo.rats and Wh.gs^ William H Seward was the most conspicuous man of the party and n-lbTy mig1.t have been nominated for ^f^^^^^^ to have bis name presented, preferring to take his chance latei. Salmon r Chase, who was th^n Governor of Ohio, was a.so a fav- or te of the part;, but did not apparently, see much hope of success^ T that time the Whig element of the Convention was favorable to ii! i,Tf,i3iaKa«K: -;. gH !i w*-* 'i » l1 ' ^'***W^**IWWI>WWW»> ' Ui i: HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. J the nomination of Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court, but the young men were cauglit with the dash, and Hpirit, and fame of John C. Fremont, of California, who on the llrst ballot received 359 votes to 196 for John Mcl^ean, of Ohio. An informal ballot was taken for a candidate for Vice-President, in which William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, received 259 votes, Abra- ham Lincoln, of Illinois, 110; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, 40; David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, 48, ar>d a large number of others scattered among (*harles 8umner, of Massachusetts; Jacob Collamer, of Vermont ; Preston I King, of New York; S. C. Pomeroy, of Kansas ; Henry Wilson, of Mass- achusetts ; Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky; Joshua R. Qiddings, of Ohio; Wm. F. John ston, of Pennsylvania, and William Penning- ton, of New Jersey. It was an illustrious array of men to be counted as candidates for the second place on a ticket. Judge Day- ton, Sumner, Collamer and King, hadall served with distinction in the United States Senate, besides having held other public posi- tions. Lincoln had a high standing -^ the Western bar, and was already known as one of the most vigorous and effective speakers against slavery aggression. Banks liad been Speaker of the House; W'ilmot, who was famous because of the P 'oviso that bore bis name, was President Judfe, of a Pennsylvania Judicial District; (May was well known ae a Kentucky Free Soiler, who stoutly maintained and advocated principles that were generally unpopular in the State; Oiddipgs was the fantous Ohio Abolitionist, and Pomeroy was one of the men who went from Massachusetts to Kansas to aid in the work JOHN C. FRBMONT. I! but the John ('. votes to resident, es, Abra- setts, 40; of others Collamer, Preston York; 8. >f Kansas ; , of Mass- assius M. n t u c k y ; iddings, of F. John iiiHvlvania, Penning- Jersey. illustrious len to be candidates nd place on fudge Day- r, Col lamer ;, h a d a 1 1 distinction ited States ides having public posi- .r, and was i'e speakers the House; e bis name, :; Clay was itained and the State; was one of in the work ."A M- CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OP lHo«. 67 of the Emigrant Aid Society. Mr. Dayton had such a preponder- ance of votes that the choice fell upon him without a formal ballot. The Convention was in session three days, with Henry S. Ijane as President. It was made up largely of aggressive young men, who knew that they were laying the foundation for the future upbuilding of a great and successful party. " * * .;\ -t/ '* '^ ' « •: There was a flavor of Westcrnism about the man selected as Permanent Chairman of this body. llenry H. Lane, of Crawfords- ville, Indiana, a gallant officer during the Mexican War, at one time one of the leadi ig ,?^v >^ ' vi " Whigs in the West, and after that one of the founders of the Re- publican party, was at this time the most pop- ular man in his State, but his was not a figure that would adorn an Eastern drawing room. As he came forward to take the platform he was the victim of some noticeable ridicule. His hair and whiskers were not of the latest cut, and he wore jeans cloth- ing not very new, and with a lien tail coat. The following picture of him was given by a newspaper correspond- ent at the time. "He stood forth on the platform, a man abour six h^t high, mar- velously lean, his front teelh out, his complexion bt; .vch i, si suublister and the yellow fever, and his small eyes glittering like those of a wildcat. The New Yorkers, near whose delegation I sat, were first amused and then delighted. He 'went in' and made the most astounding Bpe<>ch ever heard in these parts. He smacked his fist horribly at the close of every emphatic period, 'bringing down the house' with every lick, in a tremendous outburst of screams, huzzas WILLIAM L. DATTON. w 68 HISTORY OV THE KKITBLKAN PARTY. m and 8tuinpiiiK — '\N't'Ht«M-n all over.' But he Htirred the multitude a» with a thouHaud Hharp HtickH. From a ridiculed 'thin|{' he became an idol. When the himvcIi was j-oncluded and he asMumed charge of the Convention, he continued IiIh 'WesterniHrn*,' as the New Yorkers called them, bv iillinf; IiIh mouth with tobacco. i)lacinK one leg over ihe table behind which he Hat. He put the vote and made his deciHiouH in the nioHt otT-hand wa.v imaginable, wl'.Voi. rising, and infuHing into everything a spirit of peculiar humor that was irre- sistible." Mr. Lane, on taking the chair, assured the Convention, as "friends of freedou) and friends of free men," that the time, the place and the occasion — tlie anniversary of Itunker Hill — and the vicinity of Inde- pendence Hall, all consi)ired to make the liour memoT-iible. He went on: "It is now a struggle for free men, free i bought and free labor, and 1 hope it will meet with hearty response. This day inaugurates a new era in American politics. It inaugurates the sovereignty of the people, the rule of man, the resurrection of the North. There is, to my mind, a great signifli-ance in these mighty upheavals of the masses. A sense of common danger luis brought together men hitherto divid(*d politically, because they owed no responsibility equal to that they owed to freedom. 1 followed the lead of the glorious Clay, of Kentucky; but since the Nebraska bill has passed, my alliance to old party ties slept in the grave of the patriot Clay. . . We look for the day that the sun shall shine on no slave — North or South. WV look for the speedy admission of Kansas as a Free State. There is nothing revolutionary in that. There is authority for it, and necessity for it. Two short years ago i>eace reigned throughout the land. The Compromise Measures were quietly submitted by the cold and v-ruel calculation of heartless demagogues. The ambition of Stephen A. Do .glas o{)ened up afresh the agitation. It was brought on by no acti' n of ours, but I trust God that we will mjeet it as men. "Scenes .ave been enacted in Kansas that have bad no parallel since the days when the Goths and Vandals overran Italy. Whether that administration was more fool or knave let the muse of history determine. . They were made felons by the Draconian laws there. They recollect<fd the history of Barber, wl o for daring to proclaim the equality of all men, was struck down in cold blood, and whose widow now roams a raving maniac around her prairie home. Such c> >ellion as tlieirH was sanclioned by God and man. The laws (.■. .i^unsas were vitiated by force and fraud, and had no binding iltitudc UM I becanio an irge of the Yorkers ln' leg over |l made his IriBitug, and It was irre- as "friends ace and the ity of Inde- He went i free labor, inaugurates vereignty of There is, avals of the [>gether men esponsibility lead of the has passed, iot Clay. . . ire — North or a Free State. hority for it, i throughout nitted by the e ambition of was brought eet it as men. d no parallel ly. Whether se of history aconian laws or daring to Id blood, and jrairie home. man. The d no binding 1 •M>i<iM»i CONVENTION AND CAMI'AION OK \Hm. 60 effect on any man. The Hible of triilli was even ostracised by the Kansas l^egislature, for so Umg as we believed in the iuiiiiortality of the soul, we must believe thai glorious revelation was an Anti-Klavery document. **VVhy does the Democratic party disturb the Missouri Com- promise? I know not, and yet with unparalleled effrontery they proceeded to \m»» resolutions at Cincinnati to discontinue the further agitation of slavery. Their promise was 'like Dead Hea fruits — tempt the eye, but turn to ashes <m the lips.' " The Michigan Delegation to this tJrst National (.Nmveution were: At har^v — E. J. rennimaii, Fernando C. Keanuin, Noyes L. Avery, Tlion><is J. Drake, Zachariah Chandler, Oeorge Jerome. Hv Districts — First, Kinsley H. Kingham, 1). Mclntyre, M. A. McNaughton; Hecond, Oeorge A. Coe, Isaac P. Christiancy. ^N'itter J. Baxter; Third, Uezekiah O. Wells, John B. Kellogg, Uandolph Htrickland; Fourth. Whitney Jones, A. P. Davis and H. It. Hhunk. While giving prominence to the paramount issue of slavery in the territories, the Convention at once gave the new organization standing as a party of progress, by taking up new issues. The platform, as finally adopted, was in full as follows: *' ^ This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call audressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri ('ompromise, to the policy of the present Administration, to the extension of slavery into free territory; in favor of admitting Kansas as a Free State; of restoring the action of the Federal Oovern- ment to the principles of Washington, and who puriiose to unite in presenting candidates for the office of President and Vice-President, do resolve as follows: RESOLVED, That the maiutenance of the principles promul- gated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican insti- tutio:.d, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the states, and the Union of the states, shall be preserved. RESOLVED, That with our Republican fathers, we hold ;t to be a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal (lovernment we»*;' to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; that us our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National territory, ordained that no i)erson should be deprived of life, liberty, or prqi)erty, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any n m m ■t' .6^ HIHTOUV OF TlIK UKl'UULICAN PARTY. i in Territory of (tic l-nilcd KtiitcH, by poBitive leglHlutioii, pnthibiting itit rxiHlence or ('Vlt'iiMion theri-in. Tliat we deny the authority of CoiigreHH, of u Terfititriul LegiHlulure, <if any iiidividiiul or aHHoeiatioii of individiialM, to jrive legal exiHieiice to slavery in any Territory of the United HtattH, while the preHent CoUBtitutlon hIuiII be maintained. RESOLVED, That th»' (.'onfttitution confers upon (.'ongresH Hovereign power over the Territories of the United Ktates for their government, and that in the exerciHe of this power it iH Itoth the right and the imperative duty of CongreHH to prohibit in the tcti'ltories those twin relies of barbarism, polygamy and slavery. RESOLVED, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained and established, in order to form a luore perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty; and contains aniple provisitm for the proiection of the life, liberty and property of every citi/.en, the dearest Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have be<>u fraudulently and violently taken from them; their Territory has been invaded by an armed force; spurious and pretended legislative. Judicial, and Executive officers have been set over them, by whose usuri>ed authority, sustained by the military {lower of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted ai.il enforced; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding oflice; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and elTects against unreasonable searclies and seizures, has been violated; they have been deprived of life, liberty and property without due process of law; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect; murders, robberies and arsons have been instigated or encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction and procurement of the present National Administration, and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union and humanity, we arraign the I'resident, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists and accessories, either before or after the facts, before the country and before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. RESOLVED, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State of the Union with her present free Constitution, as at once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and jirivileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife nj)w raging in her Territory. CJiStaif lihitiiiK itM |tliurit>' of iHMociation J'ri'ltory of liuintainod. (^'ongrcHH for their III the right loi'ieH thOHe ited BtateH feet uuioii, he cumiuou leHHingB of of the life, ouul right 8 *ntly taken med force; ive ofHccrs iiMtained b}' UHtitutioiml i»|)le to keep tniordinary if exerelBing used person I denied ; the papers and 'en violated; (vithout due ^88 has been een made of istigated or unpunished; lanction and that for this imanity, we ologists and country and g the actual upltces, to a admitted as , as at once rment of the ing the civil , NX COW KNTION AND CAMPAIUN OK IHm. 71 KKHOliVKI^ Tliiit the higliwa.viimirM plea that "might make» right," embodied in tli(> OMtciid circular, waHin ever.v rcHpert unworli ' of American diploiiiii<-,v, uiul would bring Hhame and dlHlionor i;()<m any government <»r pcoph- 11 ii gave it their Hanction. UKHOLVKI), That u railroad to the I'acitic Ocean, by the most «-enlral and prarticable route, iH imperatively deuuinded by the inter- ests of the whole country, and tluil I he Federal (Sovernment ought to efllcient aid in ilH couHtruction, and, uh an immediate conHlru<-tion of an emigrant rout4> on render imnuHliat auxiliary thereto, the line of the railroad KKSOIiVKh, That appropriationK ui ( 'ongr(>HH for the improve- ment of rivers and liarborH of a Naitional rhanKter, re«|uired for the accommodation and security of our 4'xiHting commerce, are author- ized by the Constitution and justihed by tin* obligation of (hivernment to protect the lives and property of its citizens. KKKOLVEl), That we invite the afllliation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however dilTering from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the si»irit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, guarantees liberty of conscience and ecpiality of rights among citizens, we oppose all proscriptive legislation alTecting their security. , An American, or Know Nothing, Convention, held in Philadel- phia, February 2'2d to L'oth, 183(), had nominated for President, Millard Fillmore, of New York, and for V'i<'e-l>resident, Andrew Jackson Donnelson, of Tennessee, on a platform which gave emphasis to its jieculiar views in reference to naturalization and citizenship, and gave a sweeping criticism to the existing Administratinu. A Whig Convention, held at Baltimore, Heptember 17th and IMtli liiti te.! the nominations of Fillmore and Donnelson, on a rather non-com- mittal platform, in favor of the Constitution and the Unitm. The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati on the 2d of June, John E. Ward, of Georgia, presiding. On the first ballot its votes for Presidential candidates were: James Buchanan, i:{5; Franklin Pierce, 122; Stephen A. Douglas, 33; I^wis (^ass, 5. Buchanan and Douglas gained quite steadily, while Pierce lost, and on the sixteenth ballot Buchanan had 1G8 votes and Douglas 121. This gave Buchanan such a decided lead that on the next ballot he was nominated with practical unanimity. He had been in the field for the Presidential nomination ever sin<e 1844, and his time had now come. Being absent from the country as Minister to England, during most of IMerce's Administration, he had nothing to do with the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and this added to his availability as a candi- date. ■■>|..'^--^''M ■""V'--.r :n tf-t.l f« 72 IIIHTOUY OFTIIK HKIMTIILK'AN PARTY On th(> tti'Ht ballot f<»r ViccPrcHidciit, John A. (jnitinnn, of MIm- HiHHi|»])i, rocHviHl the liiPKCHt vol*', th«' i'«'Hf '»''ln>j wltl'ly HrHtt«M'«Hl. On llu^ H<>cond, hlH naiix' wuh withdrawn, and ;ohn ('. HrcckinridKc. of K)>ntu«-k.v, waft nnuniniouMly nominated. Tnc platform waH inor- dinately lonK, j'overinjjt a k'"**"^ variety of MnbJeetH, The iitteranreH moHt Mif'^.i^cant on the Hiavery ipieHtion were an i'oHowm: "That ConKreHM 'i.um no iM)wer, under the (VinHtitution, to i)>: -fere with or eontrol the donieMtie inntitiitionH of the tieveral HtateH, »)<l rha( <reh viiateH are tlie Hole and proper Jad^eH of everything upj««'iliinliij; to their own aH'i)'-ki, not 1 ' pndiibited by tlie ('om- Htitution; that all effortH of the Aboil- 'li.aiHtH or otherH, made to induce ('o:i}{reHH to intJ'c/'v've with the queg- tiong o* slavery, or to f.ike inriiient Htepg in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and danger o u a c o n h e- quences; and that all 8uch elTortB have an inevitable tendeni-y to diminish the happineMg of the people, and en- danger the Btability of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political inHtitutions. "That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of Hiavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic party of the Tnion, standing on this National platform, will abide by and adhere to the faithful execution of the Acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the (.''ongress of 1850; the Act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included, which Act, being designed to carry out an expressed provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed or so changed as to impair its efllciency." JAMES BUCHANAN. , of MiH kinri(l^<^ viiH inor- tt»*ram«'H "That • with or hn( iM'h rjilii}; to '».h-«, Jiot, fh«' <'on- that all u' Aboll- it'i-H, made inj^lTHH to I tlH' qu«'B- prv, or to t gte])8 in veto, avo ^ h'ad to i-miiig and g e o n B e- 1 that all have an nden<y to happineBB e, and en- itability of and ought intenanced nd of our titntiouB. atended to [igreBB, and ag on this il execution led by the 1 service or n expressed be repealed ^■^ 4i •*^ -' «"! ,r PI I,' CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Cn.d..n .n..,.u.. ..r H..,.r.c., M.c,.r.pr.-«c..o„. / .n...u. c.„.d..n d. ™icro«pr.duc«.n. h.....,u„ CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OP 185G. 78 Those views of the slavery question are reiterated in various forms in tlie platform. The <-amiiaign that followed was a very a<*tive and spirited one. Fremont was the ideal candidate for a younjj and vigorous party. His career had been adventurous and of great service to the country. As early as his 27th year he had explored the South Pass to the Rocky Mountains, and the great Salt Lakes. Still later he explored the Alta California, Sierra Nevada, and the valleys of the San Joaquin, and had earned the title of the "Pathfinder,'' by doing more than any one else to open a means of communication between the Mississippi Valley and the Pacific Coast. At tlie age of thirty-six he had come back to Washington as the first Senator from Ihe new State of California. His life had also a touch of romance. When a young Lieutenant In the Army he had eloped with Jessie Benton, the charming daughter of the Senator from Missouri, and in some phases of the <-ampaign, the name of Jessie Benton was received with almost as great popu- larity as that of Fremont himself. The campaign medal took a greater part in this canvass than it had ever done before. One of the medals was a head and bust of Fremont, with his • name above, and "Jessie's Choice" beneath. Another represented a party surveying a mountain, on the top of which was the White House, and underneath, "Honor to whom Honor is Due!" Another had a fine portrait of Fremont on the obverse and on the reverse a wreath enclosing these inscriptions: "The Rocky Mountains Echo Back Fremont;" "The I'eople's Choice for 1856;" "Constitutional Freedom." Beneath the wreath was a scroll with "Free" in the middle, and "Men" and "Soil" at either end. The Buchanan medals were few in number, but one of them was especially handsome, showing on the obverse a buck leaping over a cannon, with the words, "and Breckinridge," underneath. The Know Nothings had three medals, one containing a portrait of Millard Fillmore, one an American Flag with three rents, and the inscription : "Our Flag Trampled ITpon," and one with the motto, "Beware of Foreign Influence." The torch-light parade and out-door mass meetings figured largely in this campaign, but much of bitterness also entered into it. Just before the Republican Convention at Philadelphia, Senator Sumner was stricken down in his seat in the Senate by Preston S. Brooks, a Representative from South Carolina. Sumner had been speaking for two days against the designs of the South in behalf of slavery, a i;,;si H B Bf? i n » i ipi ) "i w wwww— «wwpw ■ M.*T^ 15. l» HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. firf If; :'vi>; i r Biieech that was widely circulated during the campaign, with the title of "The Crime Against Kansas." He had been especially bitter against the State of Sonth Carolina, and Arthnr P. Bntler, one of its Senators. Preston S. Brooks, a member from South Carolina, and a nephew of Butler's, went over from the House the next day to avenge his uncle and his State, The Senate had adjourned, but Sumner was at his desk absorbed in letter writing. "1 have read your speech twice over carefully," said Brooks, coming up behind Sumner. "It is a libel on Sonth Carolina, and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of mine!" With that he began . beating Mr. Sumner's head and shoulders with a bludgeon. Sum- ner was beaten to the floor, and it was many months before he re- covered from the effects of the blows. The Sen- ate made a complaint to the House, and in anticipation of expul- sion, Brooks resigned. He was not only re- elected, but was treated as a hero in South (Car- olina. Some of his admirers presented him with a cane, inscribed: "Use knock-down argu- ments" and others gave CHARLES stjMNER. him a caue bearing the inscription: "Hit him again." In the North this act added to the deep indignation which was felt at the violent and murderous methods of the slave-holders. Anson Burlingame, then a member of the House, from Massachusetts, denounced the assault in the House and was challenged by Brooks. He accepted the challenge, named rifles as the weapons, and the Clifton House, (Canada, as the place of meeting. But as the Massachusetts Representative was a dead shot with the rifle, Brooks objected to the meeting place, and the duel never came off. Representative Potter, a 1, with the •ially bitter r, one of its lina, and a y to avenge Sumner was peech twice "It is a e of mine I" he began . Sumner's shoulders ;eon. Sum- aten to the : was many fore he re- n the effects J. The 8en- L complaint ise, and in of expul- :8 resigned. >t only re- was treated South (^ar- ne of his esented him (, inscribed: -down argu- others gave bearing the lich was felt rs. Anson Bsachusetts, by Brooks. 1 the Clifton issachusetts ected to the ive Potter, a CONVENTION AND CAMrAION OF 185fi. 75 stalwart six-footer from Wisconsin, also received a challenge from Lawrence M. Keitt, who was accessory to lirooks' assault on Sumner. Potter accepted jind named boM'ie knives as the weapons, and two paces the distance. But Keitt objected to the weapons as barbar- ous, and this duel never took place. The willingness, however, of these Northern men to fight from the front, and with weapons that were elfective, had the effect of checking the insolence of Southern Members of Congress. This outrage upon Sumner and the incidents following afforde<l such clear demonstration of the Southern temper as to add many votes to the Republican ticket. The various incidents in connection with the settlement of Kansas also added to the feeling on the part of the North, while on the other side, Fremont was denounced as a sec- tional candidate, and the Southerners resorti'd to the old threat to dissolve the Union if he was elected by Northern votes on an Anti- Slavery platform. One noticeable thing in the campaign was the extent to which joung men were brought into the Republican service. The older Anti-Slavery men, Seward, Chase and Hale, were not especially active in the canvass, but the following, who were comparatively new to public life, were often mentioned as speakers in the great meetings held in the cities and at the county mass meetings: N. P. Banks and John Sherman, who were then in their second terms in Congress; Eli Thayer, who originated the Emigrant Aid Societies; Roscoe Conkling, Thaddeus Stevens, .lohn A. Jtingham, (ialusha A. Orow, James G. Blaine, Andrew G. Curtin, Austin Jilair, Schuyler Colfax and Oliver P. Morton. y Up to the time of the October elections, which came then in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana and Iowa, the Republicans were confident of success. In the October election in Pennsylvania, the State was counted for the Democrats by about 2,000 plurality, although it was . subsequently proved beyond doubt that more than this number of Democratic votes were obtained on fraudulent naturalization papers. But the loss of Pennsylvania and Indiana discouraged the Republi- cans, and the current began to set against them. In the November election the Republicans carried all the Free States except five, but these five were on narrow margins. The Democrats had only 925 plurality in Pennsylvania, and 1,809 in Indiana, while New Jersey and California were lost to the Republicans in consequence of the Ameri- can vote. The popular vote was l,8a8,169 for Buchanan, 1,341,264 for ' I :l ' iiiiii Hi If ; if .' u ( i ni'fl WM i WiM i l i W l ' i W l WIM I .I. ; , 76 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Fremont, and 874,534 for Fillmore. The electoral vote was 174 for Huchanan and Breckinridge, 114 for Fremont and Dayton, and 8 for Fillmore and Oonnelson. During the Adminstration, thus chosen, the political complexion of Congress was as follows: Thirty-flfth Congress. Senate— Democrats, 39; Republicans, 20; Ameri<'ans, 5, House— Democrats, 131; Republicans, !)U; Americans, 14. Thirty-sixth Congress. Senate— Democrats, 38; Republicans, 26; Americans, 2. House— Democrats, 101; Republicans, 103; Independents, 13. The moral etfect of the election made it almost a Republi<'an victory, for if a new party could at its first general election, carry New York by 80,000 plurality, and all of New England and the North- west by large majorities, while the Democrats carried Indiana and Pennsylvania by such narrow margins, it was easy to see that the battle for "Free Soil, Free Speech and Free Men," would speedily be won. In Michigan the campaign rivaled that of 1840 in excitement. General Cass recognized the fact that his political future was at stake, and made desperate efforts to regain the State to the Democracy. He made many speeches himself and brought into the State some of the most noted Democratic orators in the country. Immense mass meetings were held at Kalamazoo, Battle Creek, Centerville and other places. John Van Buren, of New Y'ork, was then counted a prince among campaign orators, and he and General Cass together stumped Southern Michigan. The following distinguished speakers also took part in the campaign: Jesse D. Bright, of Indiana, then President of the Senate; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New Y'ork; John C. Breckinridge and Colonel Preston, of Kentucky; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, 'with G. V. N. Lothrop, Charles E. Stuart, Robert McClelland, John Van Arman and Flavins J. Littlejohn, of Michigan. The Republicans rivaled the Democrats in the number and magni- tude of their meetings. Abraham Lincoln was one of their speakers, although they depended mainly upon the brilliant array of home talent which the party in Michigan offered. As the campaign neared its end it became evident that the Michigan Democracy was in its death throes. The vote of the State was as follows: Fremont, 71,762; Buchanan, 52,139, and Fillmore, 1,660. The Republicans elected all four Congressmen, as follows: William A. Howard, Dewitt ■■ if«u,; . tti lli mfm» li mm~«. ^ .. as 174 for and 8 for ii8 choHen, 14. »> >nt8, 13. {epnblican ion, carry the North- diana and e that the peedily be xeitement. H at stake, ►emocracy. te some of ense mass and other d a prince r stumped ) also took resident of eckinridge of Illinois, land, John ind magni- r speakers, ■ of home ign neared was in its Fremont, epublioans ird, Dewitt tSimimii^ CONVENTION AND CAMPAKJN OP 1856. 77 V. I^each, David 8. \> albridgi' and Henry \\ aldron. Tlu' Presidential electors were Fernando ( ■. Beanuui, Oliver Johnson, Harmon (Jham- berlin, W. H. Withey, Chauncey H. Millen and Thomas J. Drake. Hut its most important achievement in this election was the ch:»ice of a Legislature which elected Zachariuh Chandler to succeed Lewis Cass in the t'nited States Senate. Mr. Chandler was for more than twenty years thereafter the most conspicuous figure in Michigan history and politics. It was during the next four years also that Michigan Republicans commenced the election of those four illus- trious Jurists, Campbell, Christiancy, Cooley and Graves, who, for many years, gave wide fame to the Michigan Supreme Court. At this election Kinsley S. Kinghnm was reelected Governor, by a vote of 71,402, against 54,085 for Alpheus Felch, Democrat. :\>-"' ■ . . .< w- m '1 'IlS « 'i ,• Id *k A PRESIDENT HUCliANAN'R ADMINISTRATION. A PieBh Shock to the North— The Died Scott Decision— Its Elfect '' Was to Nationalize Slavery — The Decision Known to the Presi- dent in Advan<'e — The Colored People Not Citizens Nor Possessed of Rights Which the White Men Were Bound to Respect — The Black Men Not Thought of Except us Property — The John Brown Raid and Its Effect Upon the South — Character and Career of/ Brown — The Great Debates Between Lincoln and Douglas — Last ; Successful Opposition to Internal Improvements — A Prophetic Utterance. The Administration of President Buchanan did not do anything to allay the excitement in th«' North. His influence in Kansas affairs was steadily exerted in favor of the Pro-Slavery claims, and of fraudu- lent elections and disorders. At the very opening of his administration the North received a still greater shock in a Supreme (vourt decision, the intent of. which was to carry slavery into all the territories. Dred Scott, a negro, was, in 18.'}4, held as a slave in Missouri by Dr. Emerson, an army surgeon. In that year Dr. Emerson was transferred to Rock Island, 111., which was a Free State, and took his slave with him. Two years later he was sent to Fort Snelling, in what is now Minn<'Sota, which was also free territory. He there bought a black woman, who was afterwards married to Dred Scott. Two children were born to this slave couple, Eliza, on a Mississippi steamboat. North of the Missouri line, and Lizzie, at Jefferson Barracks, in Missouri. The entire family was afterwards Bold to John A. H. Sanford, of the City of New York. Dred Scott brought suit for his freedom on the claim that his master, by taking him into a Free State, had lost the right to his services. The Circuit Court of St. Louis County rendered judgment in his favor. This was reversed by the Missouri Supreme Court, and the case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States. '-•\. ■■Ml Its Effect the Presi- PossesBed pect — The hn Brown Career of flas — Last Prophetic I anythinj; sus affairs of f raudu- [•eceived a : of. which egro, was, y surgeon. 111., which '8 later he 1 was also fterwards ive couple, line, and imily was fork. i that his ?ht to his judgment me Court, :ed States. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTIIATION. 71) It was heard in May, 1854. It was understood that a decision would be rendered early in 185«, but on account of the pending Presidential election, judgment was deferred until the next session of the Cotirt. It is now o.uite generally believed that if the decision had been rendered before the Presidential election, it would have reversed the result of that contest, and that the political wisdom of a partisan court dictated the withholding of the decision. The opinions in the case had not been made public when Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated. But a paragraph in his inaugural address indicates that he had been privately informed of their scope. In that address he said: "What a happy concejition was it for Congress to apply the simple rule that the will of the majority shall govern in the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the territories. Congress is neither to legislate slavery into any Terri tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the (Constitution of the United States. As a natural consequence Congress has already prescribed that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their Constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. A differ- ence of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time when the people of a Territory will decide this question for themselves. This is happily a matter of but little practical importance. Besides it is a judicial question which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit." The decision came a few days later, rendered by Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, six of the other Judges concurring in the main opinion, though dissenting en some other points. Judge Taney com- menced by denying to Dr> '• Ticott, or to any person whose ancestors were imported into this cot try, any right to sue in a Court of the United States. He said: "'The question before us is whether the class of persons, described in the plea in abatement, compose a portion of this people and are constituent members of this sovereignty. We think they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word citizens-in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary they ' I ( 1 Ei ' 1 i.'^ ! 'smimmmam^ VYtfuSAMMMWi r _^^^0atA 80 HISTORY Op^ TIIK KKITMLirAN PAKTY. were, at Unit time, coiiHiih'i'tMl att a Hiiboi-dinate and inferior rIaHM of bein^'H, wlio liud been MiibjiiKated, and whetlier einaneipated or not, .vet remained Hubjeet to tlieir autliority, and had nu ri^litH or privi- le^eH but Hueh aH thoHe wlio held the power and the government might eliooHi' to grant them." He then went on to Hay, not only that no perHonH, who hail be<'n or whose ant-eMtorH had been HiaveH, wer<' regarded aH citizens ])reviouHly to or at the time of adopting tlie Federal ConHtitiition. bat thait no State ban or can have any right to confer < itizeuship on such personu. • ^^,.& '^''i" ^'^^ " HUlHcient- ly Htr<mg denial of rightH to the col- ored people, but the following paragraph touched Northern sen- t i m e n t much more strongly: "It is diffl- cult, at this day, to realize the state of pub- lic opinion in relation to that unfortunate race, which prevailed in the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of the Declaration of Independ ence, and when the Constitution of the United States was framed and adopt- ed, but the public history «»f every European nation displays it in a manner too plain to be mistaken. They had, for more than a century before, been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to asso- ciate with the white race, and so far inferior that they had no rights which a white man was bound to respect, and that the negroes might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit." In still another paragraph he made an argument agiainst any application, to the negro slave, of the language of the preamble to the Declaration of Independence, wherein life, liberty and the pursuit of ROGER B. TANEY. i itftmm ior clUHM of iti'd or not, itH or privi- IjoverniiK'nt y, not only won Hluvt'H, dopting the my rifjlit to a HulHfient- dcnial of the col- [*, but the paragraph rthern sen- nuch more "It iH dlffl- iIh day, to itate of pub- in relation unfortunate 1 prevailed ilixed and portions of it the time laration of d ence, and Constitution ited States and adopt- the public n- too plain ►efore, been nflt to asso- id no rights groes might Eigiainst any imble to the e pursuit of I'UKHFDKNT lUiniAXANH ADMINIHTKATION. HI liappinrHH arc pronounced the inalienable rights of all men. In the course of this argument he said: "The unhappy black race were sep- arated from the white by indelibl(> marks ami laws, long before established, and were never thought of, except iis property, and when the claims of the owner or the profit of the trader were supposed to need protection. This state of ]>ublic opinion had undergon(> no change when the Constitution wan adopted, as is ecjually evident from its provisions and language." Justice Taney further argued, at <'onsiderable length, that Dred Hcott, being a negro, and descended from slaves, had no standing in the Court, and that the Court had no authority in the premises, yet he immediately proce<>ded to take jurisdiction. He (pioted that clause of the Constitution which says: "('ongress shall have power to dispose of and uwike all rules and regulations respecting the territory or other ju'operty of the Cnited States." He asserted that this applied only to such territ<u*y as belonged to the United States at the tinu* the Constitution was framed, and that the territory covered by the Missouri Restriction, having all been acquired since that time, was not subject to this provision. He ftirther atllriued that by the mere fact of our acquiring terri- tory, the (lovernnient and the citissen both enter it under authority of the (constitution; that is to say that the Constitution takes etTect upon any territory the Government nuiy acquire, in such way that any slave-holder may at once take his slaves thither and hold them as projK'rty. He denied the power of Congress to negative this right, and nullified the Aiissouri Restriction in the following announcement: "Upon these conditions, it is the opinion of the ( 'ourt that the Act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding property of this kind in the Territory of the United States, North of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and it is therefore void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family, were made free by being carried into territory, even, if they had been carried there by the owner, with the intention of becoming a perma- nent resident." , ,, Dred Scott's freedom had been further claimed on the gronnd that he had been taken, by his master, into the Free State of Hlinois, and there kept for two or three years; but the Chief Justice disposed of this by saying that it was a matter to be adjudged by the Court of Missouri alone. It was not properly before the Supreme Court. Having thus played rather fast and loose with the whole question of ,141 s( ij I. I * 'i •Mmm ^^ 11 . > r at HIKTOKY OF TIIK UKIMIIMCAN I»AKTY. jiiiiM<ll«li«m, ln' ««HHlml«'d liin «l«MiHiuii hh follown: "Ipoii Hio wli(»l«'. tlMTrfore, it Ih the JmlKinciit ot tliiH Couil, tliat il iippciHH b.v tin- ivcord iM'forc iih, tliiit tin* iiliiiiititT in ornn- iH not a fitiz^'n of MiHMoiiii, in tlu' HOHH*' in wliitli that won! in uwd in tlic ConMtitution, and tliat tiM' CliMult Court of tlH' I'nitiMl HtatoH, for tliat mmon. Inid no juiin dirtlon in the chw, and rouid nWc no jn<lKnn'nt in it. Hh judKuimt for tlu' d<'f«'ndant niuHt, <onH«M|ii«'ntlv. Im> i«'v»'iM«'d, and a nuindatr iHHiH'd, din'ctinn thr Huit to Im- diHmiHHcd for want of Jurindirtion." Tlic jud^nirnl of th«' riiicf .InHtirt- waH ((unnin'd in, in nioHt of itM conciuHionM, b.v Hix of tln' AKHociatf .lndK»'B, tin* oni.v on«'H diHwnt- InK iM'in).' .hiHtiirn McLean, of Oliio, and CnrtiHH, of MaHHaclium'ttH. Tlii'w of tin* AHHociate .hiHticcH, Wavne, of (JeoiKia; l>ani«'i, of Vir jfinia, and Campbell, of Alabama, ((Muuried with the Chief .luHtin' in all hJH concluHionH. JuHtice Cati-cm, of TenneHHee, iook the cuiiouH Ki'ound that Conj,'i'e8M had the power to govern the territorieH, but at the same time that Hlave-holdern had the rijfht, without reference to ActH <»f CtmnreHH, to take their slaveH into the territorieH. The ((Hi- eluHionH ()f JuHtiee Nelnon. of New York, and drier, of Pennnvlvania, involved the abnurdity that Conp-eHH miKht le^jiHlnte slavery into the territories, but could not prohibit it. .lustice Daniel, of Virginia, took this extreme ground: "Now the f<»llowinjj are truths which a knowh-dne of the history of the world, and i)articularly that of our own c«Mintry, compels us to know, that the African negro race have never been acknowledged as belonging to the family of nations; that, as amongst them, there never has been known or recognized by the inhabitants of other countries anything partaking of the character of nationality, or civil or political polity; that this race has been, by all the nations of tJurope, regarded as subjects of capture or purchase, as subjects of <ommerce or tralfl«'; and that the introduction of that race into every section of this country was not as members of civil or politi<'al society, but as slaves, as property, in the strictest sense of the term." The logical result of the various opinions, filed by the majority of the Justices, was that any slave-owner might take his property into a Free Htate and hold it there, and it fairly justified the boast of Robert Toombs that he would yet call the roll of his slaves under the shadow of Bunker Hill Monument. The Northern indignation at these utterances of the Sui)reme Court Justices was not at all mitigated by a consideration of the composition of the Court itself. A majority of the members were f'^ tlu> wlioli', HTM b.v tlio f MiHMoiii-i, [1, aiul tliat (1 no JiiriM- t JllllKIIH'Ilt a iiiaiidatc di«ti(»n." ill IIIOHt of ICH (liHHCIlt- HacllllHOttH. i«'l, of Vir- r tIuMti(<> in Ww <Mii-iouM I'icH, hut at I'fclHMUH' to The <(Ui- iniMvivania, 'ry into the "Now the the world, Ivnow, that t>Ionp;ing to T ha8 been 's anything ical polity; egarded as i or tralflr; ion of thiH it SL» »\a.vv», majority of ■operty into lie boast of 8 under the le Sujireme tion of the tnberB were PKKHIhKNT nrCIIANAN'H ADMINIHTKATION. 83 from the Houtli, and they, iih well iih their aHHociateH from the North, liad K<'»('i'nlly hevn appoiiiled for poliiiral reuHoiiH, and not on arcoiiiil t»f any Hpe*-ial (inalitlralioiiH for a jiidit-ial pimitloii. Itiit if the N'(»rllieriierH were aroiiHed lo indignation at thiH judi- tial HiiltverMion of tlie <'onHtitulion, tlie Houtli wuh put into a <-oiidilioii of alarm and wrath, by the 'lohn Itrowii attack up<»n the iirHenal at llarper'H Ferry, Virginia, in IH'ti). TIiIh remarkable man, who with Heventeeii wliite and five negro aHHoriatcH, Htartled and aHtouiid(>d the whole coiintry. had already had a very Htirring career in KaimaH. Of liiM charact<'r, IiIh follower and biographer, .Iiim. Kedpath, Hiiid: "It Iiiih be<>ii aHHcrted thai he wiih a nuMiiber of tlie Uepublican party. It Ih falMc. lie deH|iiH(d the Uepublican party. It Ih true that, like every .VbolitionlHt, he wuh opponed to the exteiiHion of Hiavery; and like the majority of Anti-Wlavery men, in favor, al8o, of organized political action ngaiiiHt it. Itut he wuh too earncHt a man, and too devout a ChriHtian, to rent HJitinfied with the only actionagaiiist slavery coiiHiHt- ent with oiie'H duty as a citizen ac»ording to the UHual Uepublican interiu-etation <»f the Federal <'oiiHtitiilion. It teachen that we muMt content ourHelvew witli rcHiKting the exteuHion of Hiavery. Where the UepublicauH naid 'lltilt,' .l()hii Mrown nhouted 'Forward, to the reHcm-!' He waH an AbolitioniHt of the Uuiiker Hill hcIiooI. He followed neither (JarriHon nor Heward, (Jerrit Hiiiith nor Wendell riiillipH; but the Oolden Uule and the Declaration of hub'pendence, in tln' Hpirit of the Hebr<*w warriors, and in the (}od-a]>]ilauded mode that they adopted." Uedjiath visitJ'd one of John Urown's camps in Kansas, and gives this account of what he learned there: "In this camp, no manner of jirofane language was permitted; no man of immornl char- acter was allowed to stay, except as a prisoner of war. He made prayers, in which all the company united, every morning and evening, and no food was ever tasted by his men until the Divine blessing had been asked on it. After every im'al, thanks were returned to the Bountiful (liver. "Often, 1 was told, the old man would retire to the densest soli- tudes and wrestle with his (lod in secret prayer. One of his company subsequently informed me that, after these retirings, he would say that the I^rd had directed him, in visions, what to do; that, for himself, he did not love warfar<% but peace, only acting in obedience to the will of the Lord, and fighting Ood's battles for his children's sake. It was at this time that the old man said to me: 'I w(Mild rather have the small-pox, jellow-fever and cholera all tiigether in my camp, ^!i 1 IF :;ii ''!' ; ''^ iii !-; ^\ 1 ill i. * 1 i*Fj;-;*iss«w»s*'«**"''***'" ' ■" " r^i s>. 84 HISTORY OF THE KErUBLK AN PARITY. than a man without principles. It's a mistake, sir,' he continued, 'that our people make, when they think that bullies are the best fighters, or that they are the men fit to oppose these Southerners. Give me men of good princijiles, God-fearing men, and men who respect themselves, and, with a dozen of them, I will oppose any hundred such men as the Buford rufHans.' I remained in the camp about an hour. Never before had I met such a band of men. They were not earnest, but earnestness incarnate. Six of them were John Brown's sons." Brown's entrance into Kansas affairs came about in this way. His four oldest sons migrated from Ohio to that Territory and settled in Lykens County, in the Southern part of the State, and not far from the Mipsoiiri border. They were here so harrassed, insulted and plundered that they found they could not live without arms, and wrote to their father to that effect. He procured a supply and went with them. He at once organized small bands of men to resist the aggres- sions of the Missourians. His first exploit was in a skirmish at Bla(k Jak, of which the records are scant. His second was the battle ol Osawatomie, which gave him the name Osawatomie Brown, Here, with thirty men skillfully posted under cover, he met a force of 500 Missourians, killed 32 and wounded 50 more, and held them at bay until his ammunition was exhausted, when he made a safe retreat, having lost only five men. There were enough other exploits of this kind to make his name a terror to the Missourians and to partly account for the consternation which his later and larger venture . caused. When Brown finally left Kansas he picked up twelve slaves in going through Missouri, brought them to Detroit, whence they were passed over to Canada. He vhen went :>st to prepare for his scheme of freeing the slaves in the South, to which he thought visions from the Lord had directed him. The first movement in this scheme, the occupation of Harper's Ferry, was arranged with great ability and with equally great boldness. Brown's force consisted of seventeen white men and five negroes. This handful of men, on the night of the 15th of October, quietly entered Harper's Ferry, and took pos- session of the armory buildings, which were guarded by only three watchmen, who were seized and placed in the guard-house. Then the watchmen at the Potomac bridge were captured and secured. At a quarter past one the Western train, on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad arrived, and found the bridge guarded by armed men. continued, ( the best utherners. men who ppose any 1 the camp en. They were John this way. ind settled )t far from suited and and wrote went with the aggres- kirmish at d was the oie Brown, I a force of Id them at afe retreat, oits of this I to partly ;er venture e slaves in they were his scheme isions from icheme, the ability and F seventeen lie night of 1 took po8- only three ise. Then (cured. At )re & Ohio irmed men. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. 85 Almost simultaneously with the delciition of the train, the house of (.'olonei Lewis W. Washington was visited by Brown's men, under Captain Stevens, who seized his arms and horses, and liberated his slaves. Every male citizen who ventured into the street during the rest of the night, was captured nnd confined in the armory, until the number of prisoners was between 40 and 50. One of the workmen asked by what authority the arsenal had been seized, and was told: "By the authority of Almighty Ood." Every workman who approached the armory, as day dawned, was seized and imprisoned. By 8 o'clock the number of prisoners exceeded ♦>(). Soon after daybreak the fight began, and a grocer, named Boerly, was killed by the return Are from the army of occupation. Soon afterward one of Brown's sons, Walter, was mortally wounded by a shot fired by some Virginians, who had obtained possession of a room overlooking the armory gates. The alarm was spread over the surrounding country, and at noon a militia force, consisting of 1(M> men, arrived from f -harlestown, the County Seat, and were so disposed as to command every available exit from the armory. The attacking force was rapidly augmented and the fight was continued, another of Brown's sons, Oliver, meeting the fate of his brother earlier in the day. The assailants being in overwhelming force, Brown retreated to the engine house, where he succeeded in repulsing them, with a loss to the Virginians of two killed and six wounded. Night found in Brown's force only three unWounded whites besides himself. Eight of his men were already dead, another was dying, two were captives, mortally wounded, and one was a prisoner unhurt. A party, sent out to capture slave-holders and liberate slaves early in the day, was absent. They fled during the night through Maryland, into Pennsyl- vania, but most of them were ultimately taken. It was not till the next morning that the engine house was captured by a force of United States Marines, two of the Marines being wounded. Brown was struck in the face by a saber, and knocked down. After he fell the old man received two bayonet thrusts at the hands of an infuriated soldier. Brown and the rest of his little band, who fell into the hands of the Virginians, were tried and executed at the Town of Charles- town, all of them dying with calm and unflinching courage. The invasion was a nmd scheme, with a tragic ending, but it has been im- mortalized in song and story, in every land where the spirit of liberty is cherished. « The event took on some politi<'al importance on account of attempts in both Houses of Congress to fasten the responsibility ill M yMwMMNM imm m HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. upon the Republican party, and to make out that it was one of many such movements planned. But the charge was so manifestly absurd, that it made little impression either on Congress or the people. During this Administration a more peaceful event, but one of the greatest political importance, occurred. This was the series of joint debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. The ability and fame of the speakers, their eloquence in oratory, and their skill in argument, made the debates subjects of interest in advance, and they were fully reported. The joint debates were seven in number, all at towns in the interior of Illi- nois, though the men had previously been matched against each other a number of times in Chicago. They served to clear up the issues as between the parties. They also had wide-reaching personal effects, for they showed that Douglas was not extreme enough to suit the South, placed Lin- coln side by side with William H. Seward as an exponent of ad- vanced Anti - Slavery sentiment, and made him at once an availa- STBPHEN A. DOUGLAS. ble Presidential candi- date. In one of his noted speeches, Seward spoke of the slavery question as an "irrepressible conflict,'' an expression which was widely quoted. In his llrst speech during the campaign, Lincoln had already given broader expression to the same idea, in the follow- ing phrases, which became familiar the country over: "1 believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. T do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect that it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will I.: j|iiati«i«iii'*«inii>ii'iwrii'in ■i-|liriM'ii[iiHwtfiiii'1i'i>'ili :':<■ ' >?■■ J iH^&jttk tM. PRESIDENT BIT'HANANS ADMINISTRATION. 87 e of many ly absurd, >ple. ►ut one of ? series of , Douglas, atory, and nterest in vere seven 1 at towns or of Illi- the men isly been linst each er of times ; o. They 'ar up the tween the y also had ; personal ley showed s was not igh to suit )la('ed Lin- side with Seward as t of ad- ti - Slavery iind made an availa- itial candi- ie of the sion which ^n, Lincoln the follow- "I believe 4 half free, le house to vill become lavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new, North as well as South." In the election which followed the Republicans carried the State on the general ticket, but owing to the manner in which it had been districted the Democrats had a majority in the Legislature and Douglas was re-elected to the Senate. When the result was known, one of the Republican leaders in Illinois remarked: "We have lost a Senator, but we have made a President." Plans to bring Mr. Lincoln forward as a candidate for the Presidency began to develop very soon afterwards. There was one contest in the Congresses of Mr. Buchanan's Administration which possessed more significance than has ordinarily been given it, and which was of special interest to Michigan. This was the contest, extending through three sessions, over an appropria- tion for deepening the artificial channel at St. Clair Plars. The existing channel was 150 feet wide and 9 feet deep, and was entirely inadequate to the needs of navigation. Senator Chandler introduced a bill for an appropriation of 155,000, to enlarge and deepen the canal, and fought for it with great persistency. It passed once, but was vetoed by President Buchanan, and was defeated, in one House or the other, several times. In closing his remarks on one of these occasions Mr. Chandler demanded the yeas and nays and added: "I want to see who is friendly to the great Northwest, and who is not, for we are about making our last prayer here. The time is not far distant when, instead of coming here and begging for our rights, we shall extend our hands and take the blessing. After 1860 we shall not be here as beggars." This proved to be prophetic, for when the Senate was reorganized in 1861, Mr. Chandler was made Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, and one of the first bills he reported called for an appropri^ition for this improvement. Under this the first work was done for enlarging that magnificent water-way, which carries a larger tonnage than that entering the port either of Liver- pool or New York. The real significance of the contest over this measure is that it was the last attempt of the Democrats to maintain their traditional doctrine of hostility to internal improA'ements. They could no longer resist the spirit of modern progress; and from that day to this, river and harbor appropriation bills have been a feature of nearly every Congress. LJ I I I ■,l. ! L i ii "'V?,, ^ iiPffW mm 88 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The Hoiise at the opening of the XXXVIth CongresB, witnessed a contest, petty in itself, but signiflcant as showing the sensitiveness of the Sontherners on the slavery question. Hinton Rowan Helper had written a book on "The Impending Crisis. How to Meet It." The book was largely statistical, and was intended to show that slavery was detrimental to the best interests of the South itself, but It gave great offence to that section. Oalusha A. Grow and John Sherman had endorsed the book, the latter without reading it. Both were candidates for the Speakership, and on the first day of the session John B. Clark, of Missouri, introduced a preamble and resolu- tion, declaring that the book was "insurrectionary and hostile to the domestic peace and tranquillity of the country; and that no Member of the House, who has endorsed and recommended it, or the compend from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House." By obtaining the floor and talking and reading documents in support of his resolution, Mr. Clark managed to defer the second ballot for Siieaker till the third day of the session. This sort of trifling over the John Brown raid and Helper's book continued for eight weeks, with occasional ballot- ings for Speaker. Sherman, on all the latest ballots came within three or four votes of an election, but at last peremptorily withdrew, and Mr. Pennington, a new member, was elected. The result of this eight weeks of boys' play was the gratuitous advertisement of a book which the Southerners detested, and the election of a poor Speaker. The Michigan election that occurred during the Buchanan Admin- istration did not furnish as large Republican majorities as in 1850, but were still satisfactory. At the election in 1858, Moses Wisner was chosen Governor by a vote of 65,202, against 56,067 for Stuart, Democrat. The Congressmen elected were: William A. Howard. Francis W. Kellogg, Pewitt C. Leach and Henry Waldron, all Repub- licans. The Legislature chosen at this election elected Kinsley 8. Bingham United States Senator, thus making the Michigan delegation in both Houses unanimously Republican for the first time. 'immmmiiim ■«IMnMf««nMwwat<Mi mmi ~T<\^ witnessed isitiveness an Helper Meet It." 8how that itself, but and John it. Both ay of the ind resolu- tile to the Member of i compend g the floor lution, Mr. the third irown raid nal ballot- me within withdrew, inlt of this : of a book r Speaker, an Admin- is in 1850, es Wisner for Stuart, . Howard, ail Repult- Kinsley 8. delegation VII. THE KECOND NATIONAL (CONVENTION. The I)oujy:las Democrats and the Seceders Prom the Charleston Con- vention — The Republicans Meet at Chicago in High Hopes — Immense Gathering at the Wigwam — All the Free States and Six Slave States Represented — Some of the Distinguished Men Present — Joshua R. Oiddings and the Dec laration of Independ- ence — A Ringing Platform Adopted — Seward First (Choice of a Majority of the Delegates — Influences that Operated Against Him — Necessity of Carrying the Middle States — Dramatic S<*ene When Lincoln Was Nominated — Disappointment of Michigan Republicans — Strong Nomination for Vice-I'resident. It became evident early in 1800 that Stephen A. Douglas was the choice for President of a majority of the Democrats, but that the men of extreme Southern views were prepared to resist his nomination by every means in their power. The Convention met in Charleston, 8. C, April 23, 1860, and had a stormy session of ten days. Heated discussions were had over the platform, during which the delegates, either in whole or in part, from several of the Southern states retired from the Convention. Fifty-seven ballots were had for President, in all of which Mr. Douglas had a majority, but in none of which did he have the requisite two-thirds. The Convention then adjourned to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June. Meantime the seceders had held a four days' session, adopted a platform, and adjourned to meet at Richmond, Va., June 11. It was under these circumstances that the Republican Convention met at Chicago, May 16. The party was full of high hopes, was stronger than ever before in the Northern states, and there was every prospect that the Democrats would continue to be divided, both North and South. The Republicans in the ele<tion of 1856, had • is S it^ ts ^A -m - u-i l ^J ■,AJa ! LL Wg!g^ f^ -L^ttikdS*^ I ^ 90 HISTORY OF THE REPT'BLICAN PARTY. barely lost Pennsylvania and Indiana, and had lost Illinuis by a larger majority. They had since then gained all three of those states. They had carried them, all in the elections of 1859, together with every other Northern State except California, Oregon, New York and Rhode Island. In Oregon the vote was very close, and New York and Rhode Island had only been carried against them by a fusion of all the opposition forces. Within the year the party had gained in strength and courage, and since there was in 1S60 no prospect of complete fusion of all the opposition, its leaders were hopeful of carrying every Northern State. There was then no permanent building in (Chicago large enough to accommodate a Convention of the magnitude of this, with a reason- able number of outsiders, and a temporary structure, <>alled the Republican Wigwam, was erected for the purpose. It was said to be capable of seating 10,000 persons, but notwithstanding its large dimensions had such excellent acoustic properties that an ordinary speaker could be heard throughout the whole vast spa<e. There was nothing to obstruct the vision, so that a i>er8on sitting in any part of the auditorium could see every other part of it, and there were separ- ate doors for the ingress and egress of spectators and delegates, thus avoiding confusion. It was crowded with enthusiastic followers of the different candidates, and grave questions were discussed with earnestness, but it was as orderly as any large Convention ever held in the country. All the Free States were fully represented in the Convention, with delegates from six slave states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ken- tucky, Missouri and Texas. Like the first Republican Convention at Jackson, it brought out, in addition to old party managers, a great many young men, who afterwards became conspicuous in public affaire. Mr. Blaine says that not less than sixty of them, till then unknown outside theib districts, were afterwards sent to Congress, while many of them became governors of states, and many others were distinguished as soldiers in the war that followed. Like the Jackson Cqnvention, also, it contained men of formerly very diverse sentiments. Abolitionists, Anti-Slavery Whigs, Conservative Whigs, Free Democrats and a few who, not many years before, were straight- out Democrats. The temporary Chairman was David Wilmot, of Proviso fame, formerly an Anti-Slavery Democrat, and the perma- nent Chairman was George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, a Daniel Webster ^Vhig. Both selections were received with great enthus- »iBW)iii:*)narrTiiimiii' B i " 3.w e 'e ' j "' .fe ■ iiiiiiiiiriliiinilriiii mm^MttmitSlttKlSm'*^ If;;'.' •m. iSSi oig by a of those , together iJew York and New em by a iarty had 1800 no ler» were re enough a reason - ailed the IB said to its large ordinary [•here was ly part of ere separ- ates, thus lowers of ssed with ever held tion, with inia, Ken- rention at 8, a gi*eat in public , till then Congress, ny others Like the py diverse ve Whigs, » straight- ^ilmot, of lie perma- a Daniel it enthus- THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 01 iasni. Among the most distinguished delegates present were John A. Andrew and George 8. Moutwell, of Massachusetts; William M. Evarts and Preston King, of New York; Thaddeus Htevens and Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Thomas Corwin and Joshua R. (Mddings, of Ohio; Norman B. Jndd and David Davis, of Illinois; Francis P. Hlair, of Missouri, and Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin. The Michigan delegates were as follows: At Large — Austin Hlair, Jackson; Walton W. Murphy, Jonesville; Thomas White Ferry, (Jrand Haven; J. J. St. Clair, Marquette. By Districts— First, J. G. Peterson, Detroit, Alex. I). Crane, Dexter; Se<ond, Jesse G. Benson, Dowaglac, William L. Stoughton, Sturgis; Third, Francis Quinn, Niles, Erastus Hussy, Battle Creek; Fourth, D. C. Buckland, Pontiac, Michael T. C. Plessner, Saginaw City. The Michigan appointments in the Conventi(»n were: Vice-Presi- dent, Thomas W. Ferry; Secretary, William L. Stoughton; Commit- tee on Permanent Organization, W. W. Murphy; Credentials, Francis Quinn; Resolutions, Austin Blair. Of these the first afterwards became Member of Congress and United States Senator; the se<ond. Member of Congress; the third, a Foreign Minister, and the last, G(»v- ernor and Member of Congress. The first day's session was occupied with routine business, with stirring speeches by the temporary and permanent Chairman. The forenoon of the second day was taken up with consideration of the report of the Committee on Credentials, mainly in reference to the del- egations from Maryland, Kentucky, Virginia and Texas. On the second afternoon the report of the (Committee on Resolu- tions was presented. There was but little discussion upon the report which was generally acceptable, but an amendment offered by Joshua R. Giddings, caused an excited discussion, and an animated scene. Having obtained the floor with great difficulty, Mr. Giddings proposed to add the following after the first resolution: "That we solemnly reassert the self-evident truths that all men are endowed by their ( -reator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that governments are instituted among men to secure the enjoyment of such rights." "I offer this," said the old man, in concluding a speech on his amendment, "because our party was formed upon it. It grew upon it. It has existed upon it, and when you leave out this truth you leave out the party." Notwith- standing this, his amendment was voted down. At the announcement of the vote bv which it was lost, Giddings rose and slowly made his ! *« :^ mimiMmmim' ^■r^mm MMMfnPlpM^ ii 1)2 HISTORY OP THE REIMJBLICAN PARTY. way toward ^he door The ronvention had voted down the Declara- tion of lndependen< e; the doctrine of the fathers had been repudiated; and he seceded. Hut the <-au8e he had left behind him was taken up and <hanipioned by (Jeorjce William Curtis, of New York, who suc- ceeded after a little in getting the floor and offering as an amendment the words that finally stood as Section 2 of the resolutions. In supporting this amendment, Mr. ('urtis said: "I have to ask this Convention whether they are prepared to go upon the record and before the <'onntry as voting down the words of the Declaration of Independence? I have, sir, in the amendment which I have intro- duced, quoted simply and only from the Dec- laration of Independ- ence. Bear in mind that in Philadelphia, in 185(), the (Convention of this same great party were not afraid to an- nounce those prin<!iples by which alone the Re- publican party lives, and upon which alone the future of this coun- try in the hands of the Republican party is passing. Now, sir, I ask gentlemen gravely to consider that in the josHTTA R. GiDDiNGS. amendment which I have proposed, I have done nothing that the soundest and safest man in all the land might not do; and I rise simply — for I am now sitting down — I rise simply to ask gentlemen to think well before, upon the tree prairies of the West, in the Bummer of 18C0, they dare to wince and quail before the men who, in 1776, in Philadel- phia, in the Arch-Keystone State, so amply, so nobly represented upon this platform today, before they dare to shrink from repeating the words that these great men enunciated." Mr. Curtis' plea '« !ir;«h«» mHMmmmmMmmmtmmmmmmirmi ■liaHHMMMMM i o Declara- ^pudiated ; ) taken up who snc- inendment ions. In ) aMk this ecord and aration of ? I have, inendment ,ve intro- d simply a the Dec- Independ- in mind leiphia, in vention of eat party aid to an- prin<!iple8 ae the Re- ?ty lives, tich alone this conn- nds of the party is ow, sir, I ■n gravely bat in the which I lafest man ow sitting , upon the they dare Philadel- •presented repeating irtis' plea THE HECONI* NATIONAL CONVENTION. m carried the day, and his amendment was adopted. The platform in full was as follows: REHOLVEh, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United Htates, in <%)nvention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following dedaratijms: 1. That the history of the naticm, during the last four years, has fullv established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causeH which called it into exiftence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its ]>eaceful and f'onstitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal (.'onstitti- tion, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their (Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights gov- ernments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the states this Nation owes its unprece- dented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the countrv that no Republican Member of Congress has uttered or coun- tenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political asso- ciates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contenii)lated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to ita own Judgment ex<lu8ively, is essential to that balance of power on whi<h the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exac- tions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the pro- testing people of Kansas; in construing the personal relations between master and servant to Involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the i !»4 IIIWTOUY OF TIIK HKIMIILK'AN I'AUTY liitiTvcnticui of ronjtiH'gH and of tlio Fodorul CourtH, of thi' «'xtn'iii« protviiMioDH of a purely local ititeroHt, and in Um koiktuI aud iinvary- liiK altii8(> of the |Ki\v(>r ciilniMfcd to it b.v a ronfidiiiK people. (5. That tli(! people juHtly view with alarm the recklens extrava- gance which jiervadeM every department of the Federal (lovernnu*nt; that a return to ritjid economy and accountability Ih indiMpenmibUi to arrest the Hytttematic plunder of the public treasury by favored parti- Hans; while the recent HtartliuK developments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new do^ma, that the ('«mstltution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the United Mtates, is a dangerous political lieresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instru- ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with LeRislative and Judicial precedent — Is revolutionary in its tendency, and subver- sive of the i>euce and harmony of the country. H. That the normal condition of all the territory of the TTnited States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had aliolished slavery in our National territory, ordained that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or proi)erty withotit due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this i>rovision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Lefjislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the I'nited States. U. That we brand the recent reopening of the African sliive trade, under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against hunuinity and a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and i'fflcient measures for the total and final suppression of that execra- ble traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the Acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practi<'al illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people and accepted by the House of Representatives. 12. That while providing for the support of the general govern- ment by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of National exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the Nation commercial prosperity and independence. ■HMMi 4 ' -%: d unvury- i oxti'Hva- rcrniiu'iit; 'iiHubIb to ired purti- iiuIh and cha.'iK*' of »wn f<)r<'<', IniiKcrouH int iiifttru- leRJslntive id subver- he TTnlted vhen tliey I tlmt "no hont diH' ever bhcU nstitution liority of Is, to give tea. can Kliivc iM'Hions of shame to 'onipt and at exeera- >rg, of the iR slavery e boasted vereignty, on of the litted as a »d by her ftl Rovern- sueh an ent of the hat policy pal wages, ifaeturers ind to the THE HECONn NATIONAL ('t)NVENTI(>N. 1)0 l:\. That we protest against any sale or alienation (o others of the publie li»«ids held by aetnal settlers, and against any >'ew of (he homestead policy whit h regards the settlers as paupers or su;>pli(anls for public lM)unty; and we demand the passage by (Congress of tlie complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any Htate legislation by which the rights of citiKenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving full and <'fti<ient pro tection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or nat- uralized, both at home and abroad. 15. That appropriations by ('ongress for river and harbor improvements of a National character, reijuired for the accommoda- tion and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the < Constitution and justified by the obligations of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 10. That a railioad to the racitlc Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country: that the Federal Gov- ernment ought to render immediate and efflcii*nt aid in its consirticiioii; and (hat as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however dilTering on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support. Nominations were the order of business for the third day, and were awaited with intense interest, not only in Chicago, where peo])le had been wrought uj) to a high pitch of excitement by the Tonvention and its surroundings, but throughout the country. William H. Seward was generally regarded as the strongest man. He had been among the first to take the advanced position on the slavery question to which the party had now attained. He was an attractive speaker and had been on the stump, at different times, in many of the state» and his position in the United Rtates Senate had made him conspicu- ous. He was a good politician, as well as a statesman, and he had been for years in close alliance with Thnrlow Weed, one of the most astute politicians in the country. Probably two-thirds of the dele- gates were in favor of Seward when they were chosen, and much more than half of them were of the same way of thinking at the end of the first day's work in the Convention. The only other candidate who was regarded as at all formidable was Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as a possibility for #f iiiliiiriiiii^w mm mmm i I )Mt IIISTOUV OKTIIK UKIM lUJCAN PAHTV. tlir ri«'Hl«h'ntial ndiiiiiialioii fioiii the linn* of tl»' «'U't»l<ni follnwiiiK liiH dH»at«'M wiJli l^^m^laH in IHBH. HIh ('oo|m«i' liiHtltutr himmmIi Iu Nt'W York in IHW>, waM nnul<> in fnrtlH'ianc*' of hiicIi caniliilac.v, and it t'i'itainl.v tn'alod a favuraltlf H«'ntinn'nt for him in tlic Kaitt, l»ut it waH Kt'ix'iall.v llioiiKlit tliat liiM time Inul not yet coini'. Hilt llu'rc w'Vf M('V«'ral niovniM'nJn, Bonn* of tln-ni «'ntin'ly iin»'X |M'<t«'<l, that woikcd againHt Mr. H«'ward. Fivo of tin' •^intvm had put forward favorite HonH. TIh'mi* w»'r«' IN'iinM.vivaniu, with HInion i.'unMMon; Ohio, witii Salmon V. Vhwc; MiHMonri, witli Kdwurd Haten; '; N«'W .ItTHey, with Wni. li. Dayton, and Ver- m o n t w i t li Jacob <'ollani('r. TheB** r«*p- i-«>H(>nt4Ml an uncertain quantity of 140 votes. It waH not exjM'cted that any of them would be of any use, In the end, to their own c a n d I d a t e, but no one could tell where they would go when it i-anie to the determin- ing ballot. VVni. H. Heward, Thiirlow Weed and iloraee Oreeley domin- ated the Whig party in New York in its latest days and the Republi- can party in the same Htate in its earliest days. But, about this time Grwley became dis- watisfled with the combination, announced in the Tribune the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed and Greeley, and used the Tribune, as well as his personal influence, in opposition to Howard's nomination. The rule did not then prevail in Republican conventions that a delegate must be a resident of the State, and Dis- tric't, which he represented, and Mr. Greeley, who could not get appointed on the New York delegation, apiieared in the Convention as a delegate from Oregon. His candidate was Edward Bates, of Mis- WILLIAM H. SEWARD. iHllHilt ■MM r TIIK Kl-:<'<»\l> NAnONAh CONVKNTIOX. »7 f(»llowillK H|M>(M-|| ill (■,v, iiikI it Mt, but It •«'I,V IIIH'X H iiiid put :h Hiiiion rd Itateit; fvitb Wm. iind Ver- li •liu-ob bt'Bo rep- iiiKvrtuin 40 voii>». «'X|»ect»Ml iMii would le, in the eir own but no ell wher*' Ko when deterniln- Heward, eed and ey doniin- K party in its latest > Republi- the game »<'anie dis- bune the eeley, and •ogitioh to Republican ', and Dis- I not get vention as ;8, of Mis- Mouri, but III' wuM ready for uny other nindidalf (lint roiild beat H«*wai'd. (iMt I here whh another Het of inlliieiircH (hat o|M'riited nnirh niorr nfronyiy (i/aii st Hvward, nitiiin^; frmii two of the cIohi* Mtalen. In IN>n»M\ Ivaiiia Alidrew (i. <'iirliii had brfii iioiiiiiialnl for Oovernor by a I'eof/le'M Convi'iition, the party not even aHHiniiiuK the name Kipiibliran. Tlic parly Me«>iiiH t(» hav<* IohI the virility that marked it III I'^.'d. It now (OiifiMni'd a powfrfiil "Anifriean" element, and Aineritan orKani/.alioiiH Htill exiHted in I'hiladelphia and Home other r o u n 1 1 e H. rurtin i|UeHtioned whether thJH element would follow Heward, but thought it iiilght follow any of the other <■ a n d i d a t e H named. HIm own fate, of eourH(>, would be decided by the drift of Hentiment on the I'n'Hl- dential ticket. He and A. K. McClure, who wu8 to manage hiii campaign, were at Thi- cago, and strenuouHly insiBted to every dele- gation to which they could get access, that Heward could not carry Pennsylvania. A somewhat similar state of alTairs existed bimon cameron. in Indiana. Henry H. Lane had been nominated for (}overnor, and Oliver P. Morton for Ijieutenant-dovernor, with the understanding that, if the ticket was successful, the former would be sent to the United States Senate, and the latter would then become Governor. Uoth were profoundly interested in the success of the ticket. There was a considerable American element in the State, and Seward was not strong with that element. Both these candidates thought that Seward's nomination meant their own defeat. They, with John J). Defrees, Chairman of the State Central Committee, joined their ' -■ W:'' > 'tJ- E i >l 5 !« i MM»WWW Ii rWCT»im i l |j )ti p W J>iW»BW>i «W^ fn. iii ir i wri. i i OK i rvfn i i>» . .« »>. '%, "W" iWW.II,.,. ill 98 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLK^AN PARTY. I remonstrances to those of the I'ennsylvania men against the nomina- tion of Sewi. '1. These remonstrances had great weight with the Convention, nioic especially as both States were lost to Fremont in 1856 by very small majorities, while if he had carried them he would have been elected. The New York delegation and their friends made the most stren- uous efforts to offset these intluences. There never was a candidate, unless it was Henry Clay, who had a more devoted band of supporters. The whole delegation were enthusiastic and demonstrative, and the two leaders were par- t i e u 1 a r 1 y effective. Thurlow Weed was one of the most persuasive of men, and Evarts' e 1 o q u e nee attracted crowds wherever he spoke. There were practi- cally no nominating speeches at the Con- vention. Mr. Seward's name was presented by \Vm. M. Evarts, Mr. Lincoln's by Norman B. Judd, Gen. Cameron's by A. H. Reeder, S. 1». (Mmse's by I). K. Cartter, Edward Bates' by Francis P. Blair, and Wm. L. Dayton's by Mr. Dudley. But if THURLOW WEED. there was no stirring oratory on the part of the speakers, there was plenty of enthusiasm on the part of the delegates and spectators. When Seward's name was first mentioned, a roar of applause went up that filled the vast auditorium, and this was repeated when Lincoln was placed in nomination. The names of the other candidates were cheered, but the cheers were as a gentle brt«ze to a whirlwind, when compared to the r'oar that greeted Lincoln an»i Seward. Opportunity was given for a repetition of these demonstrations when Indiana seconded the nomination of Lincoln, and Michigan that of Seward. i fjii i iw ii' -nwwm-in w e nomina- with the I'emont in he would lost Btreu- candidate, iipportei's. ?, and the were par- effective, d was one jersuasive i Evarts' attracted ■rever he •e practi- oniinating the Con- Seward's presented Ivarts, Mr. JJorman B. Cameron's Jeeder, S. by I). K. ard Bates' P. Blair, Dayton's y. But if there was spet'tators. se went up en Lincoln dates were vind, when pportunity 'n Indiana [)f Seward. cy/t.^'^^^^^ xx^ -I ' r 'W' l t r^ 'jl^lfeiiP^I' ' ,'f 'j'-'^wwHy ■ ■«■ » W il HjiSiffM THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 99 "I thought the Seward yell could not be surpassed," said one of the spectators, "but the Lincoln boys were clearly ahead, and feeling their victory, as there was a lull in the storm, they took deep breaths all round, and gave a concentrated shriek that was positively awful, and accompanied it with stamping that made every plank and pillar in the building quiver." As the storm subsided, the balloting began, the three ballots taken resulting as follows: First. Second. Third. Whole number of votes 465 465 465 Neceeisarv to a choice 233 233 233 Wm. H. Seward, of New York ITSVa 1841/2 180 Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 102 181 2311/2 Simon Cameron, of Pennsvlvania 50V^ 2 Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio 49 421/^ 241/2 Edward Bates, of Missouri 48 35 22 Wm. L. Dayton, of New Jersey 14 8 5 Jacob Col lamer, of Vermont 10 Scattering 6 2 1 This brought Lincoln within one and a half votes of the nomina- tion. The dramatic scene accompanying and following this ballot was thus described by Murat Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commercial : "While this ballot was taken amid excitement that tested the nerves, the fatal defection from Seward in New England still further appeared — four votes going over from Seward to Lincoln in Massa- chusetts. The latter received four additional votes from Pennsylvania and fifteen additional votes from Ohio. It was whispered about: Lincoln's the coming man — will be nominated this ballot.' When the roll of the states and territories had been called, I had ceastMl to give attention to any votes but those of Lincoln, and had his vote added up as it was given. The number of votes necessary to a choi<;e was 233, and I saw under my pencil, as the Lincoln column was completed, the figures 23II/2— one vote and a half to give him the nomination. In a moment the fact wac whispered about. A hundred pencils had told the same story. The news went over the house wonderfully, and there was a pause. There are always men anxious to distinguish themselves on such occasions. There is nothing that IM)liticians like better than a crisis. 1 looked up to see who would be the man to give the decisive vote. In about ten ticks of a watch Cartter, of Ohio, was up, I had imagined that Ohio would be slippery enough for the crisis, and sure enough! Every eye was on Cartter, j ; ^f»r't(-' ItSlHi ■Ka." ''-■ " '*^ 100 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLK^AN PARTY. and everylxMj.v uiuUTBtood tlie iiiattor, ag all knew what he was atuut tu do. He in a large man, with rather striking features, a shock of briBtling black hair, large and Hhining eyes, and is terribly marked with Binall-pox. He has also an iniiiedinient in his speech, which amounts to a stutter, and his selection as Chairman of the Ohio dele- gation was, considering its condition, altogether appropriate. He had been quite noisy during the sessions of the convention, but had never commanded, when mounting his chair, such attention as now. He said: 'I rise (eh), Mr. Chairman (eh), to announce the change of four votes from Ohio from Mr. Chase to Mr. Lin<oln.' The deed was done. There was a moment's silence. The nerves of the thousands w h i «• h, through the hours of sus])ense, had been subjected to .terri- ble tension, relaxed, and, as deep breaths of relief were taken, there ' was a noise in the wig- wam like the rush of a great wind in the van of a <4torm, and in an- othev breath the wind was there. There were thousands cheering with the energy of in- sanity. ANDREW a. cuRTiN. "A man who had been on the roof, and wa» engaged in communicating the ballotings to the mighty mass of outsiders, now demanded by gestures at the sky- light over the stage, to know what had happened. One of the secretaries, with a tally-sheet in his hands, shouted: 'Fire the salute! Abe Lincoln is nominated!' As the cheering in the wigwam subsided we could hear that outside, where the news of the nomination had just been announced. And the roar, like the breaking up of the fountains of the deep, that was heard, gave a new impnlse to the enthusiasm inside. Then the thunder of the salute rose above the THE SECOND NATIONAL CON 'KNTION. 101 KIM atuut t shock, of y marked ch, which Ohio dele- ate. He I, but had n as now. change of rem Ohio ise to Ml*. ' deed was ^ was a 'nee. The Miousands BUgh the >ense, had d to .terri- relaxed, breaths of ken, there n the wig- rush of a n the van ind in an- the wind 'here were i cheering rgy of in- who had llotings to it the sky- ine of the the salute! a subsided lation had up of the ilse to the above the din, and the slionting was rijieMie.^ with such tremendous fury that some discharges of tlie cannon were absolutely not heard by fliose on the stage. Puffs of smoke, drifting by tlie open doors, and the smell of gunpowder told what was going on. "The moment that half a Jozen men who were on their chairs making motions at the President, could be heard, they changed the votes of their states to Mr. Lincoln. This was a mere formality, and was a cheap way for men to distinguish themselv(>s. The profwr and orderly proceeding would have bnn to announce the vote, and then for a motion to have come from New York \ „ ► to make the nomination ananimous. New York was prepared to make this motion, but not out of order. Missouri, Iowa, Kentucky, Minne- sota, Virginia, Califor- nia, Texas, District of Columbia, Kansas, Ne- braska, and Oregon insisted upon casting their unanimous votes for old Abe Lincoln be- fore the vote was read. *'While the votes were being given the applause continued, and a photograph of Abe Lincoln, which hung in one of the side rooms, hannibal hamlin. was brought in and held up before the surging and screaming masses. The places of the various delegations were indicated by staffs, to which were attache<l the names of the states, printed in large black letters on pasteboard. As the Lincoln enthusiasm increased dele- gates tore these standards of the states from their places and swung them above their heads. A rush was nmde to get the New York standard and swing it with the rest, bu< the New Yorkers would not allow it to be moved, and were wrathy at the suggestion." i! m .'<(^ 102 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLICAN PARTY After nil chunges had been made, the (^hah-mnn announced the <orret'ted votes to be: Whole number of votes «ast, 406; necessary lo a choice, 234; for Abraham Lincoln, 864. On this announcement, Mr. Evarts, in behalf of New York, and in a graceful speech, moved to make the nomination unanimous. This was supported by a number of states, among them Michigan. Mr. Seward was very popular in Michigan, where he had become known partly through his connection with the great railroad con- spiracy cases, and partly through the political addresses that he had made here. There was no delegation in the Convention that whh more disappointed than that from Michigan. But its members accepted the situation, and Austin Blair fairly rei)re8ented them when in supporting the nomination, he said: "Michigan from first to last has cast her vote for the great statesman from New York. She has nothing to take back. She has not sent me forward to worship the rising sun, but she has put me forward to say that at your behests here today she lays down her first best-loved candidate to take up yours, with some beating of heart, with some quiv- ering of veins, but she does not fear that the fame of Seward will suffer, for she knows that his fame is a portion of the American Union; it will be written and read and beloved long after the temporary excitement of this day has passed away, and when Presidents them- selves are forgotten in the oblivion which comes over all temporal things. We stand by him still. We have followed him with an eye . single and with unwavering faith in times past. We marshal now behind him in the grand column which shall go out to battle for Lincoln. Mark you, what has obtained today will obtain in Novem- ber next. Lincoln vsill be elected by the people. We say of our candidate, God bless his magnanimous soul. I promise you that in the State of Michigan, which I have the honor to represent, where the Republican party from the days of its organization to this hour, never suffered a single defeat, we will give you for the gallant son of Illinois, and glorioue standard-bearer of the West, a round twenty-five thousand majority." The nomination for Vice-President took but two ballots, and was carried on with but iittle CAcitement. There were nine candidates voted for on the firsi Oallot, of whom four received less than 10 votes each. The others were Cassiuu M. Clay, of Kentucky, 1011/2; N. P. Banks, of MassGchusetts, 38%; A. H. Reeder, of Penns , Ivania, 51; 1: ..^:.r..,.:z^^j'\sJS.T'''~'TT"r''''.~7''^'^.'^lWfFl3MD$i I ^. .-■'?■;■■., -r THE SECONl) NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103 anced the neceBsary York, and nanimouH. Michigan, d become Iroad con- lat he had that WHH menibei'H l^heni when rst to last . She haH orship tlu' ur behesta ididate to 8oine (juiv- eward will can Union ; temporary ents them- 1 tem.poral irith an eye irsbal now battle for in Novem- »ay of our ^ou that in , where the lour, never of Illinois, twenty-five John Ili.kman, of Pennsylvania, 38, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, 1«>4. The swond ballot jrnve Hamlin :ir>7, Clay H<». and Hirkman V\. Mr. Hamlin's noi lination gave great satisfa«tion, and undoubt- edly addwl strength to the ticket. He was a num of sound judgment, of iinquestioned integrity, and of strong common sense. He had been in public life long enough to be well-known to the public. Originally a moderate Democrat, he had come over to the Republi- can party on account of the drifting *)f the Democracy toward the Houthern ideas on the slavery question. He was in the Maine Legis- lature five years, served two terms in the Lower House of Congress, was once elected Governor of his State, and at the time of the Chicago Convention, was serving his third term in the United States Senate. The nomination for \'ice-Presiden1 was followed by the adoption of a resolution ottered by Mr. Oiddings, of Ohio: -That we deeply sym pathize with those men who have been driven, some from their native states, and others from the states of their adoi>tion, and are now exiled from their homes on ac<ount of their opinions; and we hold the Democratic party responsible for this gross violation of that clause of the Constitution, which declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states." The further proceedings consisted in the appointment of a National Committee, of which Austin Blair was the Michigan member, and of a snmll amount of other routine business. The Convention adjourned (juietly, but as the members journeyed lumieward they could see in bon-ttres, processions and public meetings a reflection of the enthusiasm that had inspired their me<*ting. JS'. ts, and was candidates an 10 votes 011/2 ; N. P. ivania, 51; p im i Wi^ i i ni iii T^ ii m i - ggiJlri|l|l1 |8|i»« vmtifmim A 1' VIII. THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. The Rognlar Democratic and Seceders' ConventionB— Nominations of Doiijrlas, Breclvinridsc and Rel I— Certainty of a Division of the Democratic Vote — Combinations of Democrats and Constitutional Union Men— Seward and His Friends Disapi>ointed, But He Does Good Work in the Campaij^n— Conservative Appeals to Business Men— Seward's Reply— A Torch Light and Parade Campaign- Origin of the Wide Awakes— Douglas on the Stnmi) — Fusion in New York State— The Republicans Win and Have Both Houses of Congress. The promise of success which the outcome of the Chicago Con- vention gave was rendered almost a certainty by the action of the Conventions of the two Democratic factions which separated from each other at Charleston. The regular Convention met in Baltimore, June IS, and continued in session six days. It nominated Stephen A. Douglas for President, by 181 M- votes, to 7I/2 for John C\ Breckin ridge, and 51/2 for James Guthrie. Benjamin Fitzpatrick was nominated for Vice-President, receiving every vote in the Convention but one, but two days later he declined, and Herschel V. Johnson, of (feorgia, was substituted in his place by the National Committee. The Seceders' Convention met at Richmond on the 11th of June and adjourned to Baltimore, where John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was nominated for President and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice- President, both by unanimous vote. Both Conventions declared in favor of a railroad to the Pacific and the acquisition of Cuba, and both declared, "That the enactments of State T^egislatures to defeat the faithful enforcement of the Fugi- tive Slave liEW are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution and revolutionary in their effect.'* On the subject of slavery in the territories, the Douglas convention resolved: "That it is in accord ance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati j»latform that, RWP^ X V iii i ^fi^ji^i-^iii i! ^guiftaA,n$0 i mmji THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAMIN. ion >.'.-- ..-i-^^'™ during the pxiBtence of the territorial governments the ineaBure of reatrit'tion, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal (Constitution on the power of tlie Territorial Legislature over th«' subje«( of the domestic relations as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government." The Breckinridge Convention resolved: "That the government of a Territory, organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation." The Constitutional Union Convention nominated for President, John Bell, of Tennessee, and for Vice-President, Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, and adopted a platform consisting of a single plank, as follows: "That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws; and that as representatives of the Constitutional I^nion men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge our- selves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and National safety against all enemies at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace nmy once more be restored to the country; the rights of the people and of the states re-established, and the Governntent again placed in that con- dition of justice, fraternity and equality, which under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It was not expected that this party would cut much of a figure in the campaign, and it did not carry many electoral votes for its own ticket, but it did give opportunity for combinations, in which it was adroitly used by the Breckinridge Democrats to take electoral votes away from Douglas. From the alacrity with which s(une of its leaders, including Bell himself, went into the secession movement, there is reason to suppose that it was organized for precisely that purpose. ««' imip I t-^-..,.^-„mr'r^HWlgpt lOA HIPTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 4M On tb(> Bcpublicnn hUU' the cninimiKii wiih o|N>n<'d with khmU vigor. The initial step wuh the holding of uiaHii uieetings in the lurgH I'ities, these to be followed by (*ounty numn nieetingii in the country, iind by Village und Hrhool himtrict meetingM. The nerviceg of the ablest men in the party were Heeured, to an extent hardly equaled in any (*an)|>aiKn since then. The leader among these was William H. Hi'ward, one of the best campaign orators in the country, and still the most popular man in the Republican party, even though he was defeatetl for the Presidential nomination. Mr. Seward was bitterly disap|iointed at his failurt* to receive the nomination, and was very chilly toward Curtin, of Pennsylvania, and Ijnne, of Indiana, who had been mainly instrumental in bringing it about. He was never on good terms with them afterwards. Home of his most prominent supporters were still more distant. Edwin I). Morgan remained Chairman of the National (Committee, but showed little interest in the October election in Pennsylvania and Indiana. Wo far as he was concerned, Ourtin and Lane were allowed to run their own campaigns, ('urtin wrote ^n August: "I called upon Morgan the night after the nomination wan made. He treated me civilly, but with marked coolness. I then called on Weed, who was very rude, indeed." Part of Weed's rutdeness oousisted in the remark : "You have defeated the man who, of all others, was most revered by the p«M>ple ^nd wanted as l»resident. You and Lane want to be elected, and to elect Lincoln you must elect yourselves." But Mr. Seward's resentment and that of his friends stopped with these two men and their politu^al aspirations. Heward entered heartily into the general cami.Ti.gn- He not only made many speeches in his own 8tate, but made a (iolitical tour of the Northwest, where he was everywhere enthusiastically received, and where his addresses were not only of the highest order from an oratorical point of view, but were convincing in argument. In lasting effect upon the voters his work was more effective than that of any other campaigner. Toward the close of the campaign strong appeals were made against the Republican party on the ground that its success would injure business and endanger the Union. Ujion the latter subject Mr. Seward said in his closing address of the campaign, at his home in Auburn : "You may go with me into the streets to-night and follow the 'Little Giants' who go with their torchlights and their flaunting banners of 'Popular Sovereignty'; or you may go with the more select and modest band who go for Breckinridge and slavery; or you may ■■'' ■-■.'■-iWhaa iiiBiiaMiiBwiw MMMiMtliilliMi iHiiiiiMiM MtiH ith KHMlt the large ( rouiitry, VH of the qiiuled in illiain H. 1 Htill the I he was (> receive iH.vlvanIa, brinKlDK terwardg. ^ dlHtant. ilttee, but iinia and e allowed "I called e treated 'eed, who ed in the was most Aue want )ped with entered de many orthwest, (There hia leal point upon the np&igner. ere made «s would r subject his home nd follow flaunting »re select you may TIIK LINCOLN . Nl> riAM V « AMTAHiN. H' follow the music of the dunging bcllH, uuA strai, 'o say. ^ wiH bring you into one chamber. Wlien you get the*^ you wil' mMV only this emotion of the Inimnn hnut iipi)ealed to — I if— fear mt if yon elect a President of the Tnited Htutes, accordifiK (" the (Vmstitution and the laws to-morrow, you will wake up the next day niwl And that you hove no country for him to preside over! Is not that a strange motive for an American patriot to appeal to? And, in that same luill, amidst the jargon of three discordant members of the 'Fusion' party you will hear one argument, and that argument is, that so sure as you are so pi'rverse as to cast yt>ur vote, singly, lawfully, honestly, as you ought to do, for one candidate for the I'residency, instead of s<atter- ing it among three candidates, so that no l*resident may be elected, this Union shall come down over your heads, involving you and us in a common ruin!" The Chairman of the Heward delegation from New York at Chicago, Wm. M. Evarts, one of the most polished orators in th«' country, was also conspicuous on the stump. Halmon P. ('Iiuse, of Ohio, one of the pioneers in the Anti-Hlavery cause, and a candidate for the nomination at Chicago, was also very active. John A. Andrew, of Massachusetts; George William Curtis, of New York; Oalusha A. Grow and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; John Hherman, of Ohio, and Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois, were among the other distinguished men who took part in the campaij^n. In Michigan one of the most effective speakers was Austin Blair, wi*c had headed the delegation to Chicago, and who afterwards gained distinction as War Governor of the Btate. Mr. Lincoln, himself, remained quietly at his home in Bpringfleld, receiving no political delegations, holding no political conferences, making no political siieeches, and writing no political letters, a reserve which has since ceased to be expected of Presidential candidates. One characteristic of the campaign was the great extension of the brass band and torch-light method of stirring up enthusiasm. The Republicans were especially conspicuous in this. They had their "Republican Invincibles," "Rail-Hplitters," "Lincoln Defenders" and "Wide Awakes," but the others were tlnally or nearly all merged in the latter. The W'ide Awakes originated rather by accident than by design. The Connecticut State elections were then held in the Spring, and the canvass opened early. February 26, 1860, the first meeting of the campaign was held at Hartford, with Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, as the principal speaker, and it was arranged that, after mtim jjUggHmmg^ji^ aoB a I HFSTOKY OF TIIK KKIM HMC'AN PAKTV. the ni«*«'tln(»:"h«> iihuald hv (>M<ort(><l to IiIh hol««l by a torch-light procoii- Hion. Two of the .voiiuk iih'Ii who were to carry torches, in order to protect their clothing from oil thiit niight drop from the torchen, prepared cambric capeH, which they wore in connection with their glased capH. The nmrMhal of the proceHHion noticed thin outfit, and piac(>d the two young men at the front of the (inx-eHsion, where they attracted much attention, the utility of the outttt being no leHH notice- able than its novtity. Out of thin incident came the organisation of a Itand of fifty torch-bearerH, wearing glazed capii and <'ap4'8 made ot oil <lolh. instead of cambric. Their flrHt ap|M>arance in parade wan when acting an part of an cHcort to Abraham IJncoln, from the hall where he had been upeaking, to hit) hotel, on tlie fifth of March, 1860, juBt one year before he wan inaugurated as IVeuident. The honor of giving a name to the club belongs to William P. Puller, for many years since that time connected with Detroit newspa|)(>rs, and Htill in business in that city. In IHOO, Mr. Fuller was city editor of the Hartford Courant, and in referring to the proposed organization of torch-bearers, spoke of them and of the Young Men's Hepuhlicau Union, to which they were to be auxiliary, us "Wide Awakes." The name took, but the torch-bearers soon decided to appropriate it to themselves, instead of sharing it witli «»ther organizations. The idea, as well as the name spread, and it was not many days before there was a uniformed "Wide Awake" company in every town of any size in ('onnecticut. After the Presidential campaign o^M^ned the idea was taken up in every Northern city, and wherever a torch-light proces- sion was formed, there could be seen the glazed laps and black or red «'ape of the Wide Awake. Many of the companies were drilled, not only to keep step in marching, but to perform military evolutions. Their organization served not only to put vim and enthusiasm into the campaign, but to cement the ties of party loyalty and friendship among the young men themselves. Some of the Houthern papers denounced the Wide Awake organization as a device for giving the young men military drill, without exciting suspicion, and found in it a purpose, on the part of the Republicans, to ex<'ite a war, betweei^ the North and the Bouth. This was a rather brazen assumption on the part of men who were already, under the guise of official position, stealing ammunition and supplies from the Government arsenals at the North, and sending them Houth. Nothing conld have been further than this from the thought of the men who organized the Wide Awakes. But the organization may have helped some In the end, ...JI.W.J I ..I.. I J.1J. BMH •'•^ . . j, JUHJU. ss'. | wa<PJ f BB«,i;A, jfttjWJ i jI! a?a5WB55Sffl«»KSsesB®ft>r«^3ai^feiii*ft'-*'««' m -1^ I 111 mi II f II mm ^Ba TIIK IJNroLN ANh IIAMIJN rAMPAHJN. KM) Hht procPB- in order t<» u* torrht'H, with their outfit, ami vhere they eHM iiolire- nisation of '8 made of larade waH III tlie hall arch, 1860. The honor , for many ind Htill in tor of the fiization of iepiihlifau CB." The riate it to The idea, if ore there any size in i idea was ;ht proeeH- ack or red Irilled, not >volutionH. m into the friendship rn papers l^iving the and in it a (tweei^ the ion on the poBition, rsenala at en further the Wide 1 the end, •"J i after all. Tlie bovH wlio afterwardH went ii<lo the Army had at U learned to Ntand and marrh, Hho\ilder to Mhoiilder. NotwithHtandinK the blaze of ton-ii-li^ht and enMiiiHiuHni that Rwept over the North, the nituation was not altogether Hei-iire. For the flrnt time in the caHe of a I'reHidential candidate, Mr. DouKlaH look the Htiinip in his own helialf. He upoke in nearly all the Free Staten and in Home of the HIave HtateH. He attracted lar^^e aiidienreH. and Hpoke with all his former eUxpience and Hre, hut he had loMt IiIh liold an a political leader. Wliile he had been HtandiuK Htill on the H(|ualter Rov«M*einnty doctrine, tlie Nortli had been moving away from it in one direction, and the Houth in anotlier, and he wan left alone in the middle. I'erhapH the underlying; principlen of the campaign aH reprenented by the platforuiH and Hpeechen of the candidatcH com- bined, were never more cN-arly <h*tlned than in tlie following from •M}r«H'ley'8 .\nierican rontlii t." With thene in mind the different p<»li- cieH of the campai)tn and hu1ii-<'«)ii -nt «'ventH can be better underntood' 1. Lincoln — Slavery can <iiily exint by virtue of municipal law; and there Ih no law for it in the territoricH and no power to enact one. <'onjji'<*HB can entablinh or lej^alize nlavery nowhere, but in bound to prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every Federal Territory, whenever and wherever there Hhall be necesHity for such exclusion or prohibition. 2. DoukIhs — HIavery or no slavery in any Territory is entirely the affair of the white inhabitants (»f such Territory. If they choose to have it, it is their right; if they choose not to have it, they have a right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither f'ongress nor the people of the Tnion, or any part of it, outside of said Territory, has any right to nieddle with or trouble theniseh'es about the nmtter. '.i. TlreckinridB^^— The <itizen of any Htate has a right to emi- grate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is property by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy and be protected in, the use of such property in said Territory. And Congress is bound to render such protection whenever necessary, whether with or without the co-operation of the Territorial Legislature. The South had a<'cepted the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in 1854, had made all it could out of the doctrine, had thrown it aside, and had taken positive ground in favor of unrestricted slavery in the territories. The North had taken precisely opposite ground. The "Irrepressible Conflict" was on, and the day of compromises was paBt. Douglas realized, long before the end of the campaign, that his case was hopeless. i fl^^*^" m 110 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY The adroit plans of the Breckinridge campaign managers were much more dangerous. Tlie Bell and Everett ticket was encouraged in the South, with the certaint.v that by dividing the opposition it would give to Breckinridge part of the electoral vote that would natur- ally go to Douglas. But the Breckinridge party would go into no Fision movement in the South. In the North the Bell-Everett ticket was expected to draw enough conservative votes uway from Lincoln to give some states to Douglas. In other states Fusion tickets were expected to divide the electoral votes. It was certain that neither Bell nor Douglas could be elected. The sole purpose of the different combinations was to defeat Lincoln. In that case, if Breckinridge did not get the requisite number of votes in the Electoral College, the choice would have gone to the House of Representatives, where the Democrats had a majority of the delegations from seventeen states, the Republicans from flifteen, and the Americans from one. The last desperate assault of the enemy was made on New York State in two ways. An electoral ticket was formed that represented a Pusi<m of all three opposition parties, and it made a formidable combination. The next part of the assault was an appeal to the fears and the cupidity of the commercial classes. This was an ancient trick of the Southerners. Threat of the "loss of the Southern trade" had made many a New York jobber very conservative in politics. It is told that in 1854, when the Kansas Rifle and Emigrant Aid Society movement was in progress, Henry C. Bowen, of the then great dry goods house of Bowen, McNamee & Co., of New York, was very active in the movement. He received a number of remonstrances from Southern customers, and finally a letter from one of them, threatening that the house should lose-its entire Southern trade, if he did not cease his active connection with the Anti-Slavery fanatics. Mr. Bowen acknowledged the receipt of the letter and added: "Our goods are for sale, but not our principles." The merchants of 1860 were not many of them made of this heroic mould. They were afraid of the loss of their Southern trade, and with the timidity ihat is apt to accompany concentrated capital, they were frightened at the prospect of any dis- turbance. In New York and Philadelphia particularly, not only the wholesale merchants, but the commercial classes generally, were opposed to the Republicans. The Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee in Pennsylvania, said, after election: "I cannot recall five commercial houses of prominence in the City of Philadel- phia where I could haA'e gone for a subscription .to the Lincoln gers were ncouraged tosition it uld natur- fo into no pett ticket m Lincoln ikets were at neither s different jckinridge ollege, the where the len states. New York ^presented ormidable ) the fears cient trick rade" had cs. It is id Society great dr.v 'ery active nces from ireatening I not cease Ir. Bo wen ►ds are for not many the loss of iccompany of any dis- ►t only the •ally, were lean State "I cannot f Philadel- e Lincoln THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. HI campaign, with a reasonable expectation that it would not be resented, and of all onr financial men I can re<all only Anthony J. l>rexel, who actually sympathized with the Republican cause." In New York the merchants contributed liberally to the support of the Fusion ticket, but very little for the Republican. The "commercial classes" of the East learned to think differently of the Republican party, when the Greenback and Free Silver coinage waves swept the country. The last extreme efforts of the Fuslonists to carry New York failed. The tide of Republican sentiment that swept over the rest of the State on election day reached Harlem River with so high a crest, that neither Fusion nor the efforts of the commercial classes could overtop it. The elections in 1859 had not been as favorable to the Republi- cans as those of some previous years, and those of the Spring of 1860 were e<iually disapiiointing. In the latter, Connecticut elected its Governor by a greatly reduced majority, and Rhode Island was carried by the Fusionists. The results of the early fall elections were awaited with great anxiety, for they came after the issue had been joined, and the campaign opened. The results exceeded the highest expectations of the Reijublicans. Vermont, in August, gave a majority of 22.370, this majority being larger than the whole Demo- cratic vote, and Maine, in September, gave the Republican Governor over 18,000 majority, the largest ever given up to that time to smiy candidate. The song of victory over these results lost nothing of its volume, when in October, in spite of the indifference of the National Committee, Lane carried Indiana by 9,757 majority, and Curtin carried Pennsylvania by 32,164. From that time till the general election in November, the Republican procession was a march of triumph. The final result showed that Douglas had been completely out-maneuvered in the Fusion schemes, for while his popular vote exceeded that of Breckinridge by 526,600, his electoral vote was only 12. The full figures were as follows: Popular Vote. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 1,865,913 Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois 1,374,664 John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky 848,404 John Bell, of Tennessee 591,500 Electoral Vote. Lincoln and Hamlin 180 Breckinridge and Lane 72 Bell and Everett 39 Douglas and Johnson 12 li wnim. ■nuith. ..^ ■ r 112 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLICAN PARTY On accouut of the absence of representation from Honthern states which were in rebellion, (Nin^resH was strongly Republican through- out the next four years. The figures were as follows : Thirty-seventh Congress. Senate — Republicans, H\; Democrats, 1(); Americans, 7. House — Republicans, 1(M>; Democrats, 42; Americans, 28. Thirty -eighth Congress. Senate — Republi<ans, 39; Democrats, 12. House — Republicans, 103; Democrats, 80, Michigan did not quite come up to Austin Rlair's promise of 25,000 majority for Lincoln, but he was not so far out of the way, as the actual plurality was 23,423. The vote stood: Lincoln, 88,480; Douglas, 05,057; Breckinridge, 805; Bell, 405. The Presidential electors were llezekiah O. ^Yells, Rufus Hosmer, George W. l..ee, Edward Dorsch, Philotus Haydon and Augus- tus Coburn. The vote for Governor was: Austin Blair, Republican, 87,806; John S. Barry, Democrat, 67,221. The Congressmen elected were again all Itepublican, being Fernando C. Beaman, Bradley F. Granger, Francis VV. Kellogg and Rowland E. Trowbridge. itherii HtatcH ■an through- 18, 7. 118, 28. pi'oniise of far out of The vote p, 805; Bell, rells, Kufu8 1 and AugUH- Bepublic-an, jmen elected Bradley F. ge. . ■, \ ' - * ' '' -f' * THE INTEKREONl'M. A Country Without a Ooveriiiuent— IMots for the Disruptiou of the Union— rians for Hetession Had Long Been in Preparation— Utteranees in the Seeession Conventions— Plotters in the Depart- ments at Washington— Arms Sent From the North to Southern Arsenals— Vessels of the Navy Widely Scattered— Preparations for Seizing Southern Forts— Vacillation of the President over His Message — He Finally Concludes That the Government Has No Power to Prevent Secession —The South Carolina "Embassy"- Secession of the Southern States and Withdrawal of Members of Congress— Union Meetings in the North— The Crittenden Com- promise — The Peace Conference. From the time of Mr. Lincoln's election till the time of his inau- guration the country might be said to have been without a government, for souue of its most important offices were centers of plots for its dismemberment, while the Executive looked supinely on without moving a hand to stay the work of the plotters. The election of Lincoln was made the pretext for secession but, as a matter of fact, preparations had been going on for that movement for a long time. This was shown by the debates in the first Secession ('onven tion held, that in South Carolina. In the course of those debates R. Barnwell Rhett declared: "The secession of South Carolina is not the event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election nor by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years." Lawrence M. Keitt, who had been in Congress several terms, and who was Brooks' abettor in the assault on Sumner, said: "I have been engaged in this movement ever since I engaged in public life.'' Mr. Parker said "This movement is no spasmodic effort ; it has been gradually culmin- ating for a long series of years." Mr. Inglis said : "Most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years." 114 HIHTORY OP THE HEPUBLICAN PARTY. In OetobeB, 1856, a Convention of Southern OovernorB was held at Raleigh, N. C, which was kept secret at the time. Governor Wise, of Virginia, at whose instance the meeting was called, afterwards said that if Fremont had been elected, he would have marched with 20,000 men to Washington, and taken the Capitol, preventing by force the inauguration of Fremont at that place. But it was in Washington itself, and in the Cavernment service, that the chief plotters were at their work. A number of the Southern Senators were at the Capitol more for the purpose of promoting seces- sion than for the purpose of legislating for the general good of the country. They were aided by three conspirators in the Cabinet: Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Sec- retary of the Interior. These three men were doing more toward shaping the policy of the Government than President Buchanan him- self, and they commenced their preparations early. On the 30th of December, 1850, the Secretary of War ordered that one hundred and fifteen thousand muskets be removed from the Northern armories and distributed among Southern arsenals, and the order was speedily carried out. Similar removals were afterwards made, the Southern- ers stealing the arms belonging to the country which they sought to overthrow. On the 29th of October, 1860, General Scott sent to the President and Secretary oi War a letter, expressing apprehensions lest the Southern people should seize some of the Federal forts in the Southern states, and adA'ising that they should be immediately garrisoned by way of precaution. According to the subsequent statement of one of Mr. Floyd's eulogists this, if carried out, would have defeated the conspiracy, and prevented the formation of the Southern Confederacy. Accordingly the Secretary "thwarted, ob- jected, resisted, and forbade," and the imbecile President weakly yielded. » Another of the cotaspirators in the public service was Wm. H. Trescott, of South Carolina, Assistant Secretary of State, who acted as a sort of go-between for the conspirators in the South, and the conspirators in the Cabinet. Five days before the election he wrote to R. Barnwell Rhett, on authority of Secretary Howell Cobb, that **upon the election of Lincoln Georgia ought to secede from the Union, and she will do so. But he desires me to impress upon you his con- viction that any attempt to precipitate the actual issue upon this administration will be most mischievous, calculated to produce differ- mmmmiiviu. ' - ' :' 'tmmm THK INTKHKEOXI'M. 11.1 WU8 lll'ld Ht ernor Wise, afterwards arched with ing by fort-e lent servico, he Southern loting seees- good of the he Cabinet: B. Floyd, of lissippi, Sec- aore toward chanan him- the 30th of lundred and rmories aad vei» speedily le Southern- ■iy sought io t sent to the tprehensions »ral forts in immediately subsequent I out, would fttion of the iwarted, ob- dent weakly yas Wm. H. e, who acted iith, and the ion he wrote 1 Cobb, that m the Union, you hig con- le upon this 'oduce differ- ences of opinion and destroy unanimity." Het-retary Floyd had also expressed himself opposed to any rash movement, because he thought that Lincoln's administration would fail, and be regardinl as impotent for good or evil within four months of his inauguration. From Floyd's standpoint this was certainly a rational point of view, for he was then selling to the Houthern states muskets, altered from Hint-lock to per- cussion by the United States Ordnance Departnjent. Whether he was putting the money thus received into the I'niled States treasury or into his own p<»cket, or reserving it for the Confederate treasury is not a nmtter of record. Mr. Floyd also knew that Isaac Toucey, Secretary of the Navy, although he was not counted among the con- spirators, was gradually placing the Navy beyond the reach of the incoming administration, in anticipation of secession. From every point of view. Secretary Cobb's advice against precipitate action was g«»od, and great complaint was afterwards made by Confederates against the South Carolina Convention for precipitating the issues as soon as it did. But the South Carolinians were too hot-headed to wait, as were also many of the Southern Senators and Representatives who abandoned their seats in Congress in January following. President Buchanan had an outline of his message prepared soon after election, and showed it to the Cabinet on the 10th of November. Secretary Floyd had told him a day or two before that he thought •disunion inevitable and under the present cirt-umstances, most desir- able." Secretary Toucey was non-committal as to the fcuiii of the message, but had already given his opinion that '"retaliatory measures would prove most availing in bringing Northern fanatics to their senses.'' Secretary Thonipson objected to the proposed message because "he misses entirely the true States Bights doctrine on the subject of secession." Amid these and other conflicting opinions the President was not able to make up his own mind, and asked the Attorney General, Jere- miah 8. Black, for advice. Mr. Black was not among the conspirators. He hated New England, and disliked the North generally. He loved the South, but did >ot believe in secession. At the same time he did not think the Government had power to prevent such a movement. He was, in fact, the author of the contradictory doctrines that while a State has no right to secede, the Government has no power to prevent secession. On the 20th of November, in reply to the inquiries of the President, he gave the official opinion that "Congress had no right to carry on war against any State, either to prevent a threatened ,-.%i__ iiiMiii ■H iH ^i»; HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. violation of tlie Constitution, nor to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of the TTnited Htates is supreme." The reflection of this advice appeared a few days afterwards in the President's message, which was materially moditied from the flrst draft. This extraordinary document was referred to by the London Times as "a greater blow to the American iieople than all the rants of the Georgian Governor or the ordinances of the (Charleston Convention. The President has dissipated the idea that the states which elected him constitute one people." In the message Mr. Buchanan first spoke of the discontent which extensively prevailed and charged it to the '•long-tiontinued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern states," and said that on this account the time had arrived, bo much dreaded by the Father of his Country when hostile geographical parties had been formed. He continued: "I have long foreseen, and often forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claims on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legislatures to exclude slavery from the territories, nor from the efforts of different states to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union, as others have been, in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises, not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question, throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, has, at length, produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence, a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of pi'ace at home Iws given place to apprehensions «»f servile insurrection. Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before the morning. Should this apprehension of dom^jstic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern I>eople, then disunion will become inevitable." Mr. Buchanan's long argument is fairly summed up in the fol- lowing paragraph, though a similar conclusion is reached in various forms: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution dele- gated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the (Con- federacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle, that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to mm THE INTERREGNUM. 117 ledgmeut tbut B reflection of President's draft. This Times as the Georgian ention. The b elected him first spoke of ged it to the rthern people d said that on the Father of I had been and often ling danger, on the part I'lude slavery ates to defeat of these evils to the Union, n might apply 'h from these it agitation of t quarter of a on the slaves, ace, a sense of 'his feeling of e insurrection, dread of what Should this ginary, extend f the Southern up in the tol- bed in various istitution dele- a State which from the ('on- 1 the principle, declare and to make war against a State. After much sericjus reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has be<'n delegated to Congress, or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and it is equally apparent that its exenise is not nej-essary and proper for carrying into execution any one of these powers." The result of this message was not what the conspirators hoped. Its first elTect was to bring about the resignalion of Ij«*wIs Cass, Secre- tary of State. General Cass was a patriotic man, of large public experience. Rut he was well advan<ed in years, had no knowledge of the secret movements of the conspirators, and if be luid understood them would not have been able to cope with them. He felt that be was placed in a false position by the new drift of the Administration, as disclosed in the message, and when it became known that the (iovernment would not insist upon the <ol lection of the revenue in South Carolina, nor strengthen the forts in Charleston harbor, he resigned, and Attorney General Rlaek was appointed to succeed him. Judge Black was of a rugged, positive character, a warm friend of President Buchanan, but subservient to no one. He was appointed the day when the Disunion ('onvention met in Charleston. Three days later the Ordinance of Secession was passed, and Governor Pickens proclaimed South Carolina a separate, free and sovereign State. This independent and sovereign State sent an "embassy" to Washington to arrange a treaty with the United States, and to nego- tiate for the peaceful surrender of the armed fortresses of the United States within the limits of the new sovereignty. The "embassy" took a house in Washington from which it floated the flag of the legation, and was actually received by the President, who was undecided what to do, when Judge Black came upon the scene. The impudence of the demand amazed and angered him. He had questioned the right of the Government to coerce a State, but to his mind it did not follow that the Government did not have the right to defend its own property. He persuaded Buchanan to <'ease his temporizing policy, and the "embassy" was dismissed. The conspirators in the Cabinet soon perceived that a new force had entered into the Government councils, and that their usefulness in Washington had ended, and speedily resigned. Edwin M. Stanton was appointed Attorney Gen- eral; Horatio King, of Maine, was appointed Postmaster General, and John A. Dix, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury. -.■"vt'T-i^mt^sz, jw.»....^..|-iii« ' wm-j tu.-m,»MmiiiM - '" B ' I' 118 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, Meairfime the Becession movement was going on, and continued nntil after the Republican party lanie into power. The dates a\ which the various states went out were as follows: South Carolina, December 20, 1860; Mississippi, January 0, 18(51 ; Florida, January 10; Alabaum, January 11; Georgia, January 10; Louisiana, January 20; , Texas, February 1 ; Virginia, April 17; Arkansas, May 6; North Caro Una, May 26; Tennessee, June 8. The Senators and Representatives in Congress withdrew as their states went out. While the Southerners were thus becoming more and more aggressive the old spirit of conciliation, compromise and submission seized the North. Many of those who had voted for Lincoln, who in the campaign had applauded the most extreme Anti-Slavery senti- ments, and some of the siieakers who had uttered such senti- ments, before election, were ready to mob the nuen who uttered the same sentiments after election. Even after the states had begun to secede Union meetings were held in many places, and the South was implored to come back, with offers of concessions that were absolutely servile. This sudden reaction doubtless had much to do with the Southerners' opinion that the Northerners were cowards, and that "one Southerner could lick ten Yankees." These conciliatory and taint-hearted men were not roused from their dream of peace until Ihey heard of the shots fired on Fort Sumter in April following. One of the largest of the T'nion meetings was held at Philadel phia at the call of the Mayor, on request of the City Councils. This was on the 10th of December, before any State had actually seceded. The Mayor, Alexander Henry, had this to say in his speech: "The misplaced teachings of the pulpit, the unwise rhapsodies of the lecture room, the exciting appeals of the press, on the subject of slavery, must be frowned down. Thus and thus only may you hope to avoid the sectional discord, agitation and animosity, which, at fre- quently recurring periods, have shaken your political fabric to the center, and, at last, have undermined its very foundation." This was the burden of many speeches at the Union meetings. The South was sensitive, and its favorite institution must not even be talked about. Charles E. Ijex, who had voted for Lincoln, also admonished his hearers to "discountenance any denunciation of slavery, or of those who maintain that institution, as intemperate and wrong, whether they are promulgated in the lecture room, at the political gathering, or from the sacred desk." He also advocated the elimination of the Personal Liberty I^aws from the statute hooks, and the execution of I (.. H \ \ . I"" THE INTERHEONTM. 110 lid coutiuued \!\ie dates at ith Carolina, January 10; January 26; North Caro [jresentativeH re and more il HubuiiBBion Lincoln, who ilavery senti- 1 such aenti- :» uttered the had begun tu le South was Te absolutely do with the rds, and that ciliatory and if peace until llowini;. 1 i^t Philadel iincils. This iially seceded. )eech : "The todies of the he subject of may you hope which, at fre- fabric to the I." This was 'he South was liked about. Imonished his y, or of those •ong, whether cat gathering, lination of the e execution of the Fugitive Slave Law in its full extent and spirit. Rev. Theodore Tuyler went further yet, for in addition to an aiipeal for the execu- tion of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the repeal of the IVrsonal Liberty Laws, he added: "Let us re<'eive our bn»ther of the South if he will come among lis, for a little time, attended by his servant, and permit him thus to come." A long series of resolutions adopted by the meeting, pledged the people of Philadelphia to the carrying out of all the most extreme con- cessions mad*' In these si)eeches. A tttting cllnmx to this cowardly mtetlug was this; George William Curtis had been engaged by the People's Literary Bureau to lecture on the evening after the great meeting, and had announced as his subject, "The Policy of Honesty," a subject which was not apparently calculated to grate upon the nerves of our sensitive Southern brethren. But the Mayor addressed a note to the proprietor of the hall in which the lecture was to be given, in which he said: "The appearance of George W. Curtis, Esq., as a lecturer before the People's Literary Institute, on Thursday evening next, will be extremely unwise. If I possessed the lawful power I would not permit his presence on that occasion." To this the humble reply was made: "I have been officially informed that in the event of G. W. Curtis' lecturing in this hall, on Thursday even- ing next, a riot is anticipated, Under these circumstances, I cannot permit the hall to be used on that occasion." Some of the newspapers which had been influential in building up the Republican party, either anticipated or followed these meetings, In advising concessions. The second day after Mr. Lincoln's election Horace Greeley, who wa^ the author of the phrase, "Erring sisters go In peace," had a long editorial in the Tribune, under the headline, "Going to Go." In this he said : "If the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless, anjl we do not see how one party has a right to do what another party has a right to prevent. We must ever resist the assorted right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is quite another matter. And whenever a ionsiderable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets." Several other papers took substantially the same ground as the Tribune, while Thurlow Weed, in the Albany Evening Journal, f mm rW^y • .jsy-'.i^ 'i/x^: I s^'yi;" 's; ■ ■ \r^»C-;f.^i\'im^ii-: " i'a i 'f~ \ 120 HIHTOIIY OP THE KElMinLICAN PARTY .i . ill declare<l thai thore was iniiiiincnt <lanK(*f nf a diitHolution of tb«' Tnion, and that the dan|{or oriKinated in the ambition and cupidity of men who desire a Honthern deHitotiHUi, and in tlie fanatical zeal of Northern AbolitioniHtH who BiH»k the emancipation of Hlaves, regard leRB of consequences. He proposed as a remedy a ('onvention of the lieople, with delegates apiHiinted by the states, to discuss the subject in an amicable manner. With this change of sentiment among the people, and in the Republican press, it is not surprising that the Republicans in CongreHs were also willing to make some concessitms. The movement in tlie Senate took the form of a committee of thir- teen, c o n 8 i s t i n g of seven DenmcratB, tlve Republicans and one Iude|H'udent, John A. Crittenden. The latter introduced what was afterwards known as the Crittenden Com- promise, proposing a series of amendments to the Constitution, in substance as follows: 1. Prohibiting slav- ery in all the territory of the United States North of 86 degrees 30 JOHN J. CRrsTENDEN. minutes, and protect- ing it as property in all territory Houth of that line; and, admitting into the fTnion, with or without slavery, as its Constitution might provide, any Htate that might be forme<l out of such territory, when- ever its iiopulatiou should be sufficient to entitle it to a Member of (vongress. 2. Prohibiting C'ongress from abolishing slavery in places under its exclusive jurisdiction within Slave States. 3. Prohibiting Congress from abolishing slavery within the District of Columbia, so long as slavery should exist in Virginia or if waumm :-A. :;'i:'~\ •1 , % tion of tbf cupidity of icul Keal of veB, reijard- ntioii of tlie the subject and in the in CongresH willing to conceRHionn. lent in the the form of w of thir- I i 8 1 i n g of loerats, tive H and one t, John J. The latter what watt known an nden Com- »ropo8ing a imendmentH Btitution, in 18 follows: >iting Slav- he territory lited State8 3 degrees 30 ind protect- 3, admitting ution might itory, when- L Member of places under within the Virginia or THE INTP:RRE(!\rM. 121 Maryland; or without tlie conMcnt of (lie inlinl»i(antH, or without jum( eonii»enHation to tlie ownerH. 4. I'rohibiting <'ungre88 from hindering the tranHi)ortati<m of slaves from one State to anotlier, or to a Territory in whit'h slavery iw allowed. 5. Providing that where a fugitive Blave is lost to his owner by violent resistance to tlie execution of the jiroceHs of the law for his recovery, tlie United States shall pay to said owner his full value, and may recover the same from the County in which such rescue occurred. (». These provisions are declared to be unchangeable by any future amendment of the ('onstitution, us are also the existing articles relating <o the representation of slaves and the surrender of fugitives. Tln.»se were referred to the Committee of Thirteen, who reported, on the ulst of December, that they "had not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment.'' They continued, however, to be the basis of discuHsion through the session, but wer(> defeated on the last day by a vote of V.t to 20. On account of the withdrawal of Southern Senators, the Senate had then become strongly Bepublicnn. In the IJouse, on the lirst day of the session, a committee of thirty-three was appointed to consider such portions of the President's message as related to the perilous condition of the country. This committee, after a few days' consideration, reported a series of resolu- tions in substance as follows: 1. All attempts on the part of the Legislature of any State to obstruct the recovery of fugitives from labor are in derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with comity and good neighborhood between the states, and dangerous to the peace of the Union. 2. That the several states be requested to cause their statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are in conflict with the Laws for the return of Fugitive Slaves, and if so to repeal such laws. 3. That we recognize slavery as now existing in fifteen of the States, and recognize no outhority outside of any of these States to interfere with such slaves or slavery. 4. Discountenances all mobs or hindrances to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. 5. A faithful observance, on the part of all the states, of all their Constitutional obligations to each other, and to the Federal Government, is essential to the peace of the country. If |00 HISTORY OP THE RRI»TTHLirAN PARTY. ril;i!i (t. If in tln' duty of tlu' P<'«l«»riil fJov»»rnnn«nt to ♦•iifonH' tln' FHloral Ihw», |»rot«'rt tin* FVcIituI |»rop«'rt.v, aiMi |H'«'h«m'v«* th*' (Jiiioii of the Htnt<>H. KtM'tioiiH t*(>v<>n iind ciKiit nMpicHt tli<> HtiitcH to onart lawH for the protection of travclcrit from one State to another, ami to prevent or puniHh any attempt to net i»n foot the hiwIeHH invaHion of any other State or Terril(»ry. These reHolutionH, whieh mi^ht have calmed the apprehenHionH of the HouthernerH, if they had not lH>en lient on MeeeMHion in any event, paHMed llie f louHe by u vote of \'Mi to R'A. Tliai body alMO, by a vote of !.'{.'{ to <t5, proposed a Constitutional amendment providing that, "No amendment shall be made to the (Constitution wliich will aiithori/.e, or Kiv(> to ConvresM the power to abolish, or interfere, within any Htate, with tlie domestir institutions thereof, inrludinf; that of (tersons held to labor or service by the laws of said Ktate.*' This was the tm\y measure on the whole subject that passed both houses, and this never became o|>erative. The House also passed, at tliis session, acts pro- viding Territorial governments for New Mexico, ('olorado and Dakota, without any provision as to slavery. The last effort at compromise was nmde through the agency of a I'eace (Conference which met in Washington February 4, and consisted of i:{;t delegates from 21 states, none of the seceded states being rep- resented. It was in session a fortnight and adopted resolutions (1) Uestoriug the old Missouri ('ompromise line, with its former limita- tions as to slavery in the territories; (2) I'roviding that no territory should be acquired by the United Htates except by discovery, without a concurren<-e of a majority of all the Senators from the Hlave States, as well as a majority of all the Senators from the Free States. (3) Declaring that CongresB shall not have the power to interfere with slavery In any State; or in the District of Columbia, without the consent of tlie State of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or mailing compensation to the owners who do not consent; nor to prevent persons from other states from taking their slaves into the District of Columbia; nor to abolish slavery in places under the jurisdiction of the United States in any State or Territory where it already existed; nor to prohibit the transportation of slaves from one State or Territory to another. (4) The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution, shall not be con- strued to prevent any State from enforcing the return of fugitive slaves; (5) Prohibits tlie foreign slave trade; (0) The first, third and .III '^^t^M •*^" THE INTKHRKUM M. taa t«nfon'«» tli« th«' ITuion MWH for the pr«'v«Mit or f anv oflHT 'henHiniiH of I an.v »'V«'iit, by u vo(»* of K that, "No uthoriKc, or II uii>' Htate, tersoiiH lit'ld ■a» the onl.v d thiH never ;f )n, actM pro- und Dakota, agency of a nd oonHitited 'B being rep- Holiitionf* (1) rnier liuiita- no territory ery, without n the Slave Free States, iterfere with without the isent of the not consent; r slaves into PS under the ory where it ves from one >f the second not be con- i of fugitive st, third and tifth Mectiouft of tlieHe aiiiendnientM hIiiiII not he iiltoliMhed without the conHent of nil the MtateM-, (7) I'rovideH that the I'liited HtateH hIuiII pny full value for any fugitive whoHe return to slavery is prevented by vio lenee or intimidation. These reMolutionH were n'ceived by the Senate on the lid <»f March. For the next two days that body playe<l battle<lore and hIiuI tie cock with theui, an<l the Crittenden ConipiMniiiHe rcHolutionn. It Anally, by a vote of a to '.U refused to HuliHtitute the former for the latter, and then defeated the latter by a vote of 1» to L'O. These were tilniost the last votes tak«'n in the Senate of the Thirty-Hixth Congress, for the end of the Hiichanan AdniiiiiHt ration was at hand. A President, feeble and vacillating, and a CongresH controlled first by rebels, and after they had left, controlled by its fears, were about to give place to a strong n>an in the Kxecutive and a strong party In control of C«>ngress. The interregnum was about to end. There was just one redeeming act near the clos»'. There was a deficiency in the (lovernment revenues and the first Morrill TaritT Act, intended to increase the n'venues |({5,()0().(MM) was passed to meet the eni*»rgeacy. It. was based on the Ilei»ublican idea of protection and was passed by Kepublican votes; but the money was needi-d. and (m tl»e lid of March the President reluctantly signed it. i :,- ;--|;.vi.^':-;-r''" X. PREBIDENT LINCOLN'^ ADMINISTRATION. Lincoln's Journey to the Capitol— His Purpose as Regards Slavery— Fonmition <»f the Ciabinet and Discordant Elements There — Prominent Men in Congress— Divided Opinions About the Southern Forts— Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Con- siderations'—The South Carolina Embassy— The Bombardment of Fort Sumter— The First Call for Volunteers— Prompt Response by (Congress to the President's Requests— Important Acts of (ieneral Legislation— The Question of Returning Fugi- tives—The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery t^uestion —Events Leading T-p to the Emancipation Proclamatici— Vary- ing Fortunes of the War. The President-elect left his home in Springfield on the 11th of February, accompanied to the depot by a large number of his friends and neighbors, to whom he addressed this brief farewell : "My Friends- Xo one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am- Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century; here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me, which is, perhaps, greater than that which has devohed upon any man since the days of Washington. He never would have sticceeded except for the aid of Divine Provi- dence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, with- out whi«h I cannot succeed, but with which success is cti'tain. Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell." Mr. Lincoln's journey to Washington occupied twelve days, from February 11 to 2.3. He was greeted everywhere along the line with enthusiastic crowds, and made many short speeches from the platforms ilillillHlMHi iii UWWi l |Mil' i g.<i; im i| ii Wil JWM i UHl^U^ i g- *' r\vrf-M^i^\^^ PRESIDENT LIN(X)LN'« ADMINIHTRATION. 12.-. S'averj' — » There — Vbout the lent's Con- nbardment 8 — Prompt -Important ■ning Fugi- y Question ic'i — Vary- the 11th of his friends ireii : "My iness I feel lere I have were born, I shall see ;reater than ^'^ashington. ivine Provi- not succeed m the same )pe you, my tance, with- ain. Again ! days, from he line with le platforms of his cur ut the smaller stations. Ue made stops, of from a few hours to a day or more, at Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleve- land, Buffalo, Albany, Troy, New York, Trenton, IMiiladelphia and Harrisburg. He left the latter city by an earlier train than that first scheduled, and reached Washington twelve hours sooner than was expected. This change of plan was caused by apprehensions of his friends, and of the police, that his life would be in danger in Bal- timore. An attempt had been made on the Toh'do & Wabash road to throw from the track the train on which he was traveling, and as he was leaving Cincinnati a hand grenade was found on the car. This led to an organized investigation, by skilled detectives, who dis- covered that a gang of assassins had arranged to take his life whi'e passing through Baltimore. It was deemed the part of prudence to avoid them by taking an earlier train. In Washington Lincoln made only two addresses previous to his inauguration, one in response to a welcome tendered him. by the Mayor and Common Council, and one on the occasion of a serenade given him by the Republican Associa- tion. President Lincoln's inaugural address was calm and moderate. Near the opening he quoted from one of his speeches these words, which he now reafllrmed: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no right to do so and I have no inclination to do so." Upon the matter of the rendition of fugitive slaves, he said: "There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other: 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves, and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All Members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, to this provision, as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shr.U be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly ecjual unaniminity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?" Wtaaimliimmmmm^iSiMBm i i 126 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. II #1 It ni ss-i*Fi- •■f^ :iS;i ll'iri A Im'gii part of the meBsage was devoted to an argument against the right of secession, and in favor of the perpetuity of the Union, in res!)e(,'t to which the President was very much in earnest. The message closed as follows: "The mystic chord of memory, stretching from, every battle field and patriot grave to every livini; heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." The message gave general satisfaction throughout the North and the border states. There was nothing in it that could offend reasonable men in the South, but the extreme Southerners were already beyond reason. Four members of the President's Cabinet, as announced soon after the inaugural and confirmed by the Senate, had been rival aspir- ants for the Presidential nomination. These were William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secre- tary of War, and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General. The «»ther three members were Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior, and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland. Postmaster General. None of these attained great distinction in their respective positions, except C'hase, who took rank with the greatest of American financiers, and Seward, who conducted the affairs of state with great ability, after he had ascertained that he was not the Government, and could not control the President, but had best confine himself mainly to his own depart- ment. The Cabinet, as a whole, did not strike people favorably at the time. Thaddens Stevenii described it as an assortment of rivals for the Presidency, one stamp speaker from Indiana, and two repre- sentatives of the Blair family, the second representative of this family being Attorney General Bates, who was supposed to owe his appointment to the influence of Francis P. Blair, Jr. Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, the "Ancient Mariner," as he was called, was said to have owed his appointment to Vice-President Hamlin. He Was old, and slow, and knew nothing about naval affairs. But he had one recommendation. He never made any disturbance in the Cabinet. It is said that he always agreed with the last man that spoke, but always ende*;! up by f^uppofting the President's views. Simon Cam- eron was a good politician, but not a strong Secretary of War, and the war had not been long in progress before the President felt obliged to ask for his resignation. I amm ^Mhsm- wmmim^^^^mm^mmm iiii. i rtil i i / «i i i »i'>/ » tiw't''i '' iVj'! ' '*^" ' '''' ' '"i i f ifii j ' iif * i >'ft << '"' 'i ' < "'":i' ' i» i "r »> ii^ i iy'-i< j i»' » i i, »« i nt against • he Union, est. The Btret<;hing heart and •rus of the the better ulisfaction nothing in le extreme need soon rival aspir- rilliam H. le, of Ohio, inia, Secre- teral. The ecretary of iterior, and me of these L-ept C'hase, nd Seward, fter he had not control )wn depart- avorably at nt of rivals 1 two repre- ive of this . to owe his [eon Welles, was said to He was old, he had one the Cabinet. t spoke, but Simon Cam- of War, and resident felt "K^Si m^M'-^ 'm '?.^*: ■■■ r'lr" 1 i t\ ^ r ^ Wi^M PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMIXIKTUATION. 127 But if the Cabiiiet was not a tower of strength, the trying tilings were prodiu-tive of great men, and the high character of the prinii- ph-8 advocated by the Republican party, brought most of them into the Republican rankH. The Senate in<luded Zacbariah Chandler, who held the confidence of President Lincoln and of President Grant aifter him, and who was about the onl.y man in the Senate w'.'o could not be repelled by Stanton, when he sought information or wanted to give advice; John Sherman, of Ohio, who in the course v»f his life-time was a conspicuous figure in the House, in the Senate, ii' the ('abinet, and as a Presidential candidate; \Vm, Pitt Fessenden, o Maine, emi- nent as a financier, both on the Senate Finance Committee, and later as Secretary of the Treasury; Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island, just beginning a long and useful service; Jacob M. Howard, of Michi- gan, who had recently succeetied Kinsley S. Bingham, deceased, and who speedily took rank as a great Constitutional lawyer; Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, one of the sturdiest defenders of Lincoln; John P. Bale, of New Hampshire, one of the first of the Free Soilers, and their candidate for the Pveisidency in 1852: Charles Sumner, of Massachu- setts, who first entered the Senate on the strength of a small balance of power which the Free Soilers held between the Whigs and Demo- crats in the ^Tasriachusetts Legislature, but who became one of the most conspicuous of Republicans; Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, ''The Natic Cobbler" who rose, through various positions, from the shoemaker's bench to the Vice-President's chair; Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, one of the two candidates for Governor, who so successfully pushed Lincoln's fortunes in the Chicago Convention; Ira S. Harris, of New York, who succeeded Seward when the latter went into the Cabinet: David Wilmot, rtf Proviso fame, who succeeded Simon Cam- eron when the latter became Secretary of War; the veterans Solomon Foote and Jacob Collamer, of Vermont; and Lyman Trnmbull, of Illinois, James Harlan, of Iowa, and Preston King, of New York, all of whom became prominent in other positions as well as in the Senate. The House of the Thirty-seventh Congress contained among its leading members: E. B. Washbarne, Isaac N. Arnold and Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois; George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana; James F. Wilson, of Iowa; Samuel C. Fessenden and Anson P. Morrill, of Maine; Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts; William Windom, of Minnesota; William A. Wheeli^r, Roscoe Conk- ling and Elbridge G. Spaulding, of New York; James M. Ashley and John A. Bingham, of Ohio; William D. Kelley and Galusha A. Grow, k i 12S IIISTOin' OF TH?: REI'UBUOAN PAKTY. of rennsylvunia. Anioiifj; tlH'se will be recoKnized two who aftor- waidH Immjmim* Vue riesident, several wlio entered the 8enate, one Speaker of the House, and three who were in the dinlomatic service. In tliis House, also, were Francis 1». Blair, Jr., leader of the Anti- Slavery nrovenient in Missonri, and then a Republican, but afterwards Ih'niocratic candidate for Vice-President, and Horace Maynard, who was elected as an American, but who was now heading rapidly toward the Republican party, and who, in reconstruction times was the most pnnninent man in East Tennessee. The times also found strong men in the Executive offices of a number of the states, and several of the War Governors were as con- spicuous for their services In upholding the President's hands as were any of the Senators. The most prominent of these were Andrew (}. Curtin, of Pennsylvania; Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana; John A. Andrew, of Mas8a(hu8etts, and Austin Blair, of Michigan. The war occupied so much of public attention at the time, and has occupied so much of the space in histori<al writings since then, that the legislation enacted on other subjects does not occupy large space in the public mind. But the fact is, that aside from the conduct of the war, there was more useful legislation carried to a conclusion during the first four years of Republican administration, than had been passed by the Whig, Democratic or mixed administrations in th^ previous thirty years. The party very speedily vindicated the wisdom of the voters in putting power in its hands. When it came into power it found the public credit impaired and the revenues insufficient for the support of the Government. In the last year of Buchanan's aidministration. Government seven per cent, bonds, put on the market to help pay current expenses, sold at twelve per cent, discount. Under the new Administration Government six per cents sold at a l>remium. The business of the country had been greatly hampered by the illogical and ill arranged tariffs of 1846 and 1857. The emer- gency tariff, which was passed late in the last session of the Thirty- sixth Congress, now gave way to the 8e<'ond Morrill tariff, in which the rates were high enough to furnish a war revenue. Although the rates were reduced, from time to time, as the diminishing needs of the Government permitted, its protective principle remained the basis of safe mercantile operations for a quarter of a century. Under the administrations of Pier»e and Buchanan, the commercial demand for the iii.prove)»ient of the great waterways of the country had been effectually checked. Appropriations for such improvements were PREHIDENT UNCOLN'H ADMINIHTKATION. 121> o who after- 8enntf, one latic servi<'e. of the Anti- it afterwards aynard, who pidly toward was the most e offices of a were as cen- t's hands as were Andrew na; John A. m. time, and has ice then, that y large space lie conduct of a conclusion on, than had rations in th',^ d the wisdom it came into es insufficient )f Buchanan's m the market i*nt. discount, nts sold at a tly hampered The emer- of the Thirty- irifl, in which \lthough the g needs of the d the basis of Under the ftl demand for try had been vements were now established as a rule, which became permanent. The constriic- tion of the flrst Taciflc' railroad was begun, with (Jovernment aid, under this administration. Previous to this time there was nothing that could be called a banking system for the country, and the notes of banks in one State were all the way from par to 40 or 50 per «ent. discount in another State. A man might know how much money he had in his pocket in Indianapolis, but he couldn't guess what it would be worth when he reached New York. The new (Congress enacted a uniform banking system, under which any National bank note was then, and has been ever since, worth its face value at any point in the country, from liangor to San Francisco. The Thirty-sixth Congress passed a very fair Homestead Act. Buchanan vetoed it. The Thirty- seventh Congress passed a better Act, and Lincoln signed it. It took 8<»me time for the new Cabinet to adjust itself to the unusual conditions that existed and to ascertain its relations to the President. Secretary Seward had not forgotten that he was one of the founders of the Republican party and for a long time its recognized leader. He was well aware of the facts that up to the time of the Chicago Cdnvention he was the popular favorite, and that, during the campaign, his work upon the stump had been more eflfettive than that of any other speaker. He had been waiting the time, when, to use the words of Charles Francis Adams, after his death, he would dismiss ''the noblest dreams of an ambition he had the clearest right to indulge, in exchange for a more solid power to direct affairs for the benefit of the nation, in the name of another." Mr. Seward, at flrst, sought to strengthen himself with the President by declining the appointment offered him, intimating that certain changes in the pro- posed Cabinet might make the position more acceptable to him. This was on the 2d of March. Mr. Lincoln waited until the 5th before he answered, and then declined to make the suggested changes. Whether Seward stayed out or stayed in, he was not to be allowed to dictate the Cabinet at that late hour. Seward concluded to stay in, but at the outset he acted in some matters independently of the President. The full extent of his intermeddling with the affairs of other depart- ments was not known until after his death. An authority having access to all the papers bearing on the case, made, in a recent publi- cation, the following statement of his maneuvers: "Seward was for publicly proclaiming the surrender of Fort Sumter, and secretly preparing for war at Pensacola and in Texas. He felt himself fully able to direct operations by land and sea — to im '• \w 180 niSTOUY OF TIIK RErniLICAN PARTY. ril iM^coaic, iiH it w<>r<>, the <}i*u('i'al of tin* Army and tli<* Admiral uf tliu Heet. On The 21ttli of Marrli, witli the (incHtion wliether 8uuiter tiliould Ih* ftroviHioncd or evuciiat«'d Htill nndecidod, the Preaideiit ordered an expedition to be made ready at New Yorli, to sail on the 0th of April. Although the HtM-retary of War and the Hecretary of the Navy were directed to «*o-o])erttte in preparing tlie exiM'dition, neither waH informed of its object or destination. Tlie Hecretary of Htate, liowever, was determined that it shonld be his ex)>edition. While IJncoln was made to seem to act, H«»ward acted. On the same djiy that the order for the secret exi)edition was made he ttiolc Captain Al. ('. Meis^H, an engint'er officer in charge tut tlie new winf^s of the Cap- itol to the White Honse. On the way he explained his wish that Mnniter should be eva«'iiated, and Pickens defended. His object was to secure the appointment of Mei};s as military commander of the expedition. The President asked Captain Mei^s if Fort Pickens could be held. 'Certainly, if the Navy would do its duty,' was the answer. Lincoln then asked Meif;s if he would k<> down there and take conimand. but Meiers ]»ointed out that there was a number of majors already there, and he was only a captain. 'I understand how that is,' said Weward de<isively, '<'aptain Mei^s must be jH'omoted.' As this was underst<»od to be impracticable, Colonel Keyes, General Hcott's Military Secretary, was associated with Heward's plans. On Hunday, March 31, the Secretary accompanied the two officers in a call upon General S<'ott, in pursuance of the aroat scheme of military and naval adventure. 'General Scott,' said Seward, 'you have formal- ly reported to the President yoMv advice to evacuate Fort Pickens. I now come to bring you his order, as Comnmnder-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to re-enfon-e, and hold it to the last extremity.' 'Sir,' replied the General, 'the great Frederick used to say "when the King commands all things are ))08sible.'' ' " As a naval expert Lieutenant Uavid 1). Porter was ordered to join Keyes and Meigs in preparing and executing the Seward scheme. The expedition originally ordered by the President was intended for the relief of Sumter. As neither the Secretary of War, nor. the Sec- retary of the Navy was taken into the confidence of the Secretary of State, the two expeditions naturally came into conflict. One morning the Commandant of the Brooklyn Navy Yard received two orders to fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible moment. The two orders seemed identical, although one was signed by the President and the other by Secretary Welles. In fact the m ■v;'^ 1»KKSII»KNT LINCOLN'S ADMINIKTUATION. i:ii liniral of the Hier Sumter lu' PresidiMit o Huil on the Hecretary of • exp<»ditlon, Hecretary <»f i exiMidition. ''::,,_ On the same took Captain i?B of the Cap- liiH wish that f i lis object was Hinder of the Fort PickenH nty,' was the iwn there and a nnniber of iderstand how be promoted.' >ye8, General 's plans. On officers in a me of military u have foruial- »rt Pickens. I 'f of the Army emity.' 'Sir,' when the Kinj? va» ordered to eward scheme. IB intended for i ir, nor the Sec- le Secretary of conflict. One d received two arliest possible one was signed In fact the President intended the Powhatan for the Pickens expedition, and the Navy Department intended her for the relief of Sumter. Hut this was not tiie full extent of Seward's intermeddling. On the same djiy that Mr. Lincoln signed the order for the Powhatan, he signed other orders, at Mr. Seward's re(iue.«t, that were still nuue renuukablf. One of theuj detached Caulain Stringham for service at Pensacola, and the <>ther contemplated the sending of Captain Pren- dergrast to N'cra Cruz «»n account of •Mmp(Mtant iompllcations in our foreign relations." The President signed these, without reading or understanding them, and upon Se<retary Welles' indignant remon- strance, he r«'called them, but without giving the Secretary his conti- dence in regard to their aigniflcance. Mr. Seward also submitted to Mr. Lincoln "Some Thoughts for the I'resident's Consideration." In this remarkable paper he proposed to change the issue from the im- l»ending domentii- war to an unnecessary foreign war, ar.J virtually invited the President to abdicate in his favor. To his suggestion that either the President must direct the preposterous policy "himself, and be all the time active in it, or devolve It upon some member of his Cabinet," Lincoln answered: "If this roust be done T must do it." While Seward was indulging in these visi<ins he was coquetting with the "embassy" from South Carolina. He would not receive them officially, nor informally, but negotiated through Justice Campbell. He gave them to understand that Sumter was to be evacuated, when Lincoln had no such purpose. He also had some negotiations with a member of the Virginia Convent itm. in which he gave assurances which the President had noi authorized, and in which he was over- ruled. It finally dawned tipon him, however, that in the end the President decided nmtters according to his own judgment, and that his attempts to "direct affairs f(jr the benefit of the nation in the name* <»f another" were more mischievous than fruitful. He ceased to attempt to run the Army and Navy and in time, by confining his atten- tion to his own department became one of Lincoln's most trusted advisers, and made a reputation as one of the ablest of diplomatists. This episode was a curious freak in the mental o|)erations of a really great man, and it caused great embarrassment to the President. Secretary Chase was also a discordant element in the Cabinet, He had been a member of the Peace Conference where he voted against the proposed concessions to slavery, but in the Cabinet councils he believed in disunion as preferable to war, and urged a virtual sur- render to the Confederacy, although unless that was decided upon, he was with those members of the Cabinet who advised the provis- imm HIHTORYOFTIIK UKITBhlCAN PAKTY. n i ! iotiing and n*IU*f of Fort Hiiiiit«*r. lit' raiiktHl anions tin* ablc8t <»f our fliiancierH. and waH of great H««rvl<t' to tin* country in ovolvlnj? and forniiilatinK tliow finanria] plann, wliich K. (1. HpaiildinK, "the father of (he (JrwHlmrk," iutrodueed in the HouMe, but he was never friendly to Lincoln, whom lie hoiied to nucceed in the Presidency, was never Hatisfled with his iMittition, and tendered his reHignation bo often that he wan surprised when it was at last acieoted. Montffoniery Blair, a conservative from a Hlave Htate, was the tlrst to oppose the jM'ace jMilicy of these tw«) old radical Anti-Hlavery H e n a t o r s from Free Ktates. He evidently understood the Bouth better than they. With a Cabinet thus divided and discordant, with the party which had elected him and the paj>ers which liad sup- ported him weakening; in the North, it looked as if Lincoln's Adminis- tration would go to pieces at the very out- set. The bombardment of Fort Sumter on the morning of the 12th of April, and its surren- der after thirty - three hours of heroic defense, changed all that. It unifltH) the Cabinet. It woke the North from Its dream of peace, roused its latent patriotism and heroism, and led to a prompt response to the President's proclamation, which came three days later, calling for 75,0(M) volunteers. The same proclamation called a special session of Congress to meet July 4. Congress, thus convened, the President sent a long message, reciting the events that led to oi)en hostilities, repeating some of the arguments against the right of a Btate to secede, and recommending the placing at the control of the Government of at least 400,000 men, and |400,000,000 as a "means for making the contest a short and decisive one." SALMON P CHASE. «^. ttblt'Bt ()f onr 'VolviuK Hnd {, "the futlu'i- K'ver friendly y, was never BO often that tate, was the Anti-Hlavery r 8 from Free He evidently d the South | in they. Cabinet thus nd discordant, party whii-h >d him and the hicli had sup- im weakening >rth, it looked oln's Adminis- would Ko to ; the very out- >ni.bardinent of initer on the of the 12th of nd its surren- r thirty -three heroif defense, all that. It •earn of peace, rompt response ys later, calling ailed a special J convened, the iiat led to open the right of a i control of the as a "means for i rUKHIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINIHTHATION. I'M The response ()f Congress was prompt and liberal. It was over- whelmingly Republican, but most of the Democrats also favored measures for the prtmipt supiueHsion of the rebellion and with the exception of C. L. Vallandigham. of Oliio, those that did not attempted no obstructive tn<tics. The session lasted thirty-three days, and in that time transacted business that, in extent and importance, was never approa< hed by any other Congress in an «'qual duration of time. It passed sixty-one public bills and tlve joint resolutions. It exceeded the Tresident's request in regard to the number of men aillowed, since it authorized the enlistment of r)(IO,(HM> men for three years. Among other iujportant measures were those authorizing a l«»an of fliRO,- n(K),(MM); greatly increasing, for the purpose of war revenue, the duties levied under the Morrill tariff of March 2, ISCJl; levying an internal revenue and income tax; dire«ting a blockade of the Southern ports; levying a direct tax of |2(),(M)(>,(MH> on the states and t<'rritories; detln- ing and punishing conspiracy; legalizing the supension of the writ of habeas corpuh, which had bwn nmde by the President, tUiongh the Commanding General; and confiscating property, including slaves, used against the (lovernment. The House also passed a resolution, "That this House hereby pledges itself to vote for any amount of money, and any n\imber of men which may be necessary to insure a speedy and effectual suppression of the liebellion, and the pernmnent restoraticm of the Federal authority everywhere within the limits and jurisdiction of the United States." On motion of Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, the House also resolved, "That in the judgment of this House, it is no part of the duty of the soldiers of the X^nited States to <apture and return fugitive slaves." On this the yeas were 92, all Republicans. The nays included six Republicans, and all the Democrats and border State conservatives. The slavery question had already begun to trouble the President, He had announced that the paramount purpose of his actions was to preserve the Inion, with slavery if necessary or without slavery, but in any event to preserve the I'nion. He was between two tires, the wishes of the Anti-Slavery men of the North on one side, and his own desire to keep Maryland and Missouri, and especially Kentucky in the Union, on the other. General Benjamin F. lluiler had found a solu- tion of the subject that satisfied him so far as fugitives were con- cerned. He called them "contraband of war," and set them to work. In this he was supported by Secretary (Cameron, who was in advance of the President and of Congress in dealing with slavery, and who MM mss. ^^kA',»ivm ia um < jc*,dmj'i9i!&Wh%*iii^!stn: ISi UIHTOKY OV THK HKrUHLICAN PARTY. inHtnu-tiMl (iciicral Itiider not to Hiirr(>ii«l«'i- to tlieir iiiuHtci-H Hlav«>H lliiit ciuiic witliiii liiH liiH'H, hut to "(•iiiploy tlu'iii it) the HcrviccM to which th(>.v iiiii.v !<(• hcHt lulaptt'd." The rrcMiih'iit tiu-itl.y HaiH-tion«><l thin, and )irt<*r tlic imgHaKt' of th(> CondHralion Act, he wrott* to (}(>n- oral Itutit'i' at len(;th t'xplainini; tli(> vit'WM of tli<' I'rcHidont and the Administration on the Hiibjert. Ail cxiMtint; ri){htH in all tin* HtatoH Wi'ro to b«' fully niuintnincd. TawH ot fii^itivi-H from m'rvici' in HtateB and tcrritoricH that Mtill remained in the I'nion were to be din- |HiHed of by civil proceHH, under existinf; lawM. Fu^itiveH from the H('«-edcd statcH were to be Kept within the liiieH, a record made of them, and the (leneral'H action with r*>t;ard to them, reported to the War Mepartment ar leant twice a month. The letter ended with the injunc- tion: "You will, however, neither authorise n<»r permit any interference, by the troopH under your comnuind, with 'he Mervants of peac(>ful citiisenH, in houHe or field, nor will you, in any way encourat;e 8n<*h Hervants to leave the lawful Hervice of their masterH; nor will you, exc«>pt in caHcs where the public safety may neem to require it, prevent the voluntary return of any fujjilive to the service from which he may have escaped." ' Aside from the aHual work of |)roHe('ntint; the war the subject of slavery continued to occupy public attention more than any other. August .^l, IhtJl, thnH" weeks after the Conflscation Act was passed, tJeneral Fremont, in command of the Western Department, issued a )(roclam:ition, freeing all the slave» '. MisHourl, belonging to men in the Confederate service and declaring that tlie projierty of all Bu<'h Iiersons was contlscated to the public use. The President told Fre- mont that this transcended the Act of Congress, that it would ruin the Union cause in Kentucky and asked him to modify the order so as to make it corresjmnd to that \vt. Fremont, not desiring to take the responsibility of changing hip own action, desired an explicit order on the subject, which the President gave. This action on the part of the President, produced a bitter feeling throughout the North. Republicans, both in Congress and in private life had generally applauded the proclamation, and even the conservative Democratic press had approved it, aiid its revocation was a terrible disappoint- ment, Men "could not see why loyal slaveholders in Kentucky should beoffended becausethe slavesof rebels in Missouri were declared free." May 0, 18fi2, General David Hunter, who was in command of a depart- ment, including South Carolina, issued a proclanmtion abolishing slavery in his department. This also was disavowed, and the disa- :^T«iiaiiajii«iriii^^ I»F{I:HII)KNT I.INTOLNX AHMINIKTHATION. i:tr> HttTH MlaV(>H wrvict'H iu y HiilirtioiUMl rot<' to (l»»ii- lout iiiid the ill tlic HtUtOH III KITVict' ill 'w to bv (IIh- «'H from tlu' liuh* of tlic'in. to the Will" III tli(> iiijiiiii-- lii'i-iiilt aii.v ic Hct-vaiitH of a.v ('ii*-ouraK(> tiTH; nor will to require It, e from which ir the Hubjeet lun any oth<>r. t wnH pUHHed, uent, isHued a ting to men in 'iy of all sneh dent told Fre- it would ruin the order so as ng to take the plieit order on i)n the part of lit the North, had generally ve Demoeratie :)le ditiappoint- ■ntucky ghouUl declared free." ad of a depart- ion aboliFuhing , and the disa- vowal add«Ml to (he ft^'liiig agaiiiHt lli<> I'reKident, which was not much iiiitigate<l, •iiitil the KiiiancipMtioii I'l-oclaination wait iHMiied a year after I he Frenioiit alTair. Home of the HharpcHt of (he ci-iticiHiiiH were Humme<l up in a letter addreHricd tiy Horace Oreeley ti» the I'reHident, and piililiHhed in the New York Trihiiiie, .\ugiiHt 10. IHtlii. In tliiH case Mr. Lincoln d(>parted from IiIh uhuuI cuhIoiu, and auHwei-ed the attack by a per- M«)nal reply. In IIiIh reply he clearly detliied IiIm poHitioii in the following Icrxe paragrapliH: "If tlu're be tlione who would not Have the Tnlon nnlcMH they could at the Hame time Have Hiavei-y, I do not agree with them. "If there be thone who would not nave the I'liion unleHH they could at the name time deHtr(>«- nlavery. I do not agree with them. '*My p>> amount < bj««ct is ■> gr»" the rnion and not either to nave or destroy nlavi . y. "If I couh" H. ve I'".- t nitn nii'.iout freeing any nlave I would do it — if I could Hiiv'it^. CrcciniJi ul) the nlaven I would <lo it — and if I could do it by ir"( ar, hovi" o' tl'e glavch an<l leaving othern ahme, I would aiHO dv) (bat "What 1 d*. 4<i;4>"J s'<i',er;, and lite -oioptd ra'i», ] Wo becauni* I think it he)};*, to •<»•', titis '')'.i>'»4, lati what I ^'M'^)eal^ I forbear because I 1;» not rnHeve i< w> jid he?|« U. '..»''/ tS**- I'vkhi. "1 HhaT nio lesrt whe.". .er I Rhr'l b»'iie vhui I ai" doing hurls the ('ause, and I shall -m i^m../ wiie/itvi ;• t '.'lie\e ;JoJng more will help tin* cause." This CO r rt • spoil lie u,e '^^rrii'ird ahon* idr.-c ivihI • m^i.'C Lincoln had shown the lirst draf of the T.nnuw i(<.ii!.>n I'ro.ltMP >tion to the Cabinet, provir.'j clearly that the in(OiiM}rc' that ,tiii i ^iMiation resulted from his own ccmvictio'ii)-., >*i)d nol fr(»m HKipui.u' lamor. The work ot t :nii>v»» "r n gai'd tu nLi.-en cnuio later than the two events narrtifed aloo*''*. .Vp.il I'*, rs'52, M abolished slavery in The District of (V)lunibia; June nt, tVe suaa yc.sr, a bill became law, ]>rohibiting slavery in all the teiriicrii », aurt June 28, 1S04, the Fugi- tive Hlave Law w:h '.'(((ealed. Tlies' trn • .iie.i-,ures covered all, and somewhat •no;-'.' Ihtin the .Uej»rMican piriform of 1S56 had asked. Later «■••'*<?• '(i/?v>'ute showed tliat IM'esident Lincoln had not abated anyihn^ tA lu! old Iio.illlity to slavery, but he was opposed to prenmt'i"' u'lon. March 0, 1862, he framed a special message rec'jai .'.endiiur to rong/ess the passage of a joint resolution looking *•'» I <.voj)er.»tioii with states consenting to abolish slavery, with com- '.-' *i !. I 1 i ; i ft, 1 f" •U '• w' '^ HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. penaation to the owners. At this time he would have been willing to pay 1400,000,000, if it would have suflBced to purchase peace and remove this disturbing cause which had brought on the war. No response was made by the South to this overture, and he soon became convinced that compulsory emancipation was the only thing that would render complete restoration of the Union possible. August 1, 1862, he submitted to the Cabinet the draft of an Emancipation Proc- lamation, which Seward induced him to postpone, on the ground that if issued then, while the North was depressed, and the South elated over Union defeats, it would be considered a despairing appeal. The Union victories at South Mountain, September 14, and at Antietam on the 17th, changed this aspect of alTairs. Lincoln called the Cabinet together, and witli great solemnity informed them, that his mind was fully made up that the time had come for proclaiming emancipation. That question was settled, but he was willing to receive suggestions as to the phraseology of the proclamation. But few changes were made from his first draft of the paper, and it was issued September 22. This was warning that unless the states in insurrection returned to their allegiance by January 1, 1803, the slaves in them would be declared free, and their freedom would be maintained by the military and naval forces of the United States. As the Southern states took no action in response to this, the proclamation proper followed in Jan- uary. It quoted the substance of the former proclamation, and declared that the slaves in all the states in insurrection, except the forty-eight counties in Virginia, subsequently formed into the State of West Virginia, and in the districts in the other part of Virginia and in Louisiana withiu the Union lines, were free, and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, would recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, ^'ongress subsequently gave legal sanction to this procla- mation. That was the last of completed legislation on the subject of slavery under Lincoln's first Administration. The Thirteenth amend- ment was introduced in the Thirty -eighth Congress, elected in 1862, but did not pass until January, 1865, and did not become operative till December 18, 1865. The elections of 1862 were very discouraging to the Administration, as various forms of dissatisfaction among the people found expression at the polls. There was a strong peace party among the Republi- cans and a much stronger one among the Democrats. One set denounced the war as an abolition war. Another denounced the PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. i:{7 1 willing to peace and war. No jon became thing that August 1, ation Proc- [round that Buth elated peal. The Lutietam on the Cabinet B mind was ' lancipation. suggestiona anges were September ' on returned n would be rhe military states took wed in Jan- nation, and except the o the State Virginia and e Executive ir and naval dom of such this procla- le subject of enth amend- ted in 1862, le operative ainistration, i expression the Republi- 1. One set nounced the President for sacrificing the slaves out of deference to the wishes of people in the border states. Many of the loyal people at the North were disheartened at the military reverses and slow jjrogress of the Union armies, and were losing confidence in the ability of the Admin- istration to successfully carry on the war. Maine, which in l«fiO had given Lincoln 26,694 majority over all others, now gave a Republican plurality of only about 4,000. In Ohio the popular majority against the Administration was about 7,0(10, and the Democrats elected 14 out of 19 Congressmen. In Indiana they elected 8 of the 11. In Penn- sylvania they had a majority of 4,000, half the Congressmen and a majority in the Legislature, which afterwards chose Charles R. Buck- alew to the Senate. In November New York changed its 50,000 clear majority for Lincoln in 1860, to a majority of 10,000 for Horatio Sey- mour, Democrat, for Governor. 'few Jersey chose Joel Parker, a Democrat, for Governor, and the Republicans elected only one ('on- gressman. Lincoln's own State chose a Democratic Legislature, which elected William A. Richardson to the Senate. In Michigan Governor Blair's majority of 20,585 in 1860, was reduced to 6,614 in 1862, and for the first time since the Republican party was organized the Democrats elected a Congressman in this State, the delegation consisting of Augustus C. Baldwin, Democrat, and the following Re- publicans: Fernando C. Beaman, John F. Driggs, Francis W. Kellogg, John W. Longyear and Chas Upson. Massachusetts did better, and Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, California and Oregon sent unanimous Republican delegations to Congress. But it was the border states of Delaware, Missouri, Maryland, West Virginia and Kentucky, that saved the House to the Republican party and gave reason to believe that Mr. Lincoln's deference to their opinions, and solicitude for their wellfare, had not been such a mistake in judgment after all. Although this Congress had a much smaller Republican majority than its immediate predecessor, its relations with the President were much more cordial. It was not as industrious as the Thirty-seventh Congress, but the two together, outrank in important legislation any other four years of Congressional history. They built a new navy, and they provided means for raising, equipping and sustaining vast armies, the cost of these added to the regular expenses of the Gov- ernment sometimes amounting to f3,000,000 a day. Besides this, in addition to the more important acts of legislation already specifically mentioned, the following measures were adopted: Enabling acts MM t-JiM Ki i-..^^ I ssusamammmmmmmt ^ ^ I .ii-.i— « . ■ ■ . ■. nffTT!!m I ■'• ■ • S ;lv. • ♦ 138 HISTORY OP THE REPT^BLICAN PARTY. If l^il H i? a'- \ looking toward the admiBsion of Nevada, California and Nebraska to Htateliood; conflBoating property used for insurreetionary puriM)8e8; providing for the puniHliment of treason; granting lands for tlie estab- lishment of Agri<;ultural Colleges, and establishing the Department of Agriculture at Washingt<m; punishing |M>lygam.v; providing for the return of dead letters except where the contents are clearly worthless; authorizing the I'resident to take charge of railroads and telegraph lines, when public safety requires it; prohibiting the Coolie trade in American vessels; carrying into effect the treaty of (Ireat Britain for suppressing tlie Hiave trad^^; admitting West Virginia as a State; organizing the Territories of Idaho, Montana and Arizona; revising the postoflice laws and reducing the rates of postage; author- izing the I'resident to suspend the i)rivilege of the writ of habeas corpus whenever he shall deem it necessary; granting lands for a number of railroads running through Kansas, and other Western states and territories ; prohibiting the sale or gift of spirituous liquors to Indians; inaugurating the postal money order system; providing for a National currency, and establishing a separate bureau to execute all laws relating to it; encouragin.;? immigration; enlarging the scope of the pension laws; providing for revenue cutters on the lakes; pro- viding for mail steamship service between the United States and Japan; levying direct taxes on the insurrectionary states and estab- lishing a bureau for the care of freedmen refugees and abandoned lands. The only serious danger of complications with any foreign power was in lS(n, when Commodore Wili^es detained the British steamer Trent on the high seas, and took from her the Rebel Commissioners Mason and Slidell. To the British protest against this a prompt response was made, disavowing the act and returning the prisoners to British jurisdiction. In making the surrender, Secretary Seward wrote a very polite note, in which he fully concurred in the advanced position which the British (Government had now taken, and stating that it was the position which this Government had always main- tained. He thus adroitly not only satisfied the demand made by the British Government, but put that Government in the wrong, in the claim whi<h it had maintained for sixty years, of the right of search and seizure on the high seas, a claim, whi<'h more than any other single thing had led to the War of 1812. n Nebraska to y piU'lM)8e8; i>r the estab- Departnient roviding fop are clearly fill roads and ig the Coolie ity of (}reat Virginia as nd Arizona; tage; anthor- it of habeas lands for a her Western tuous liquors m; providing ftu to execute ing the scope le lakes; pro- States and ss and estab- ,d abandoned 'oreign power itish steamer ommissioners his a prompt the prisoners etary Seward the advanced I, and stating always main- i made by the wrong, in the ight of search an any other .,■' "■ XI. ' PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. flis Own Attitude Toward the Question— Elements of Hostility to Him— The Pomeroy Circular and the (^hase Movement— The Union Republican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont- A Feeler Put Out for General Grant— The Baltimore Convention- Lincoln Renominated by Acclamation on a Strong Platform- He Secures the Nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-Pres- ident. ' In the minds of "the plain people" Mr. Lincoln occupied a far different position in 1864 from that which he held when they expressed their want of confidence in his Administration at the elections in 18(»2. In that year the- Union armies had suffered almost continuous defeat. In 1864 they bad gained many notable victories, and although the full significance of Grant's strategy was not understood at the time, there was a quite general confidence that our armies were on the road to ultimate if not speedy success. In 1862 there was great dissatisfac- tion at what was considered lancoln's dilatory and uncertain treat- ment of the slavery question. Now it was seen that his course had been eminently sagaciaus and prudent. He had secured ultimate emancipation, without driving off the border states. The diplomatic affairs of the country, in two or three cases of a very delicate nature, had been admirably handled, and not only foreign intervention, but foreign recognition of the Confederacy had been avoided, and the belief in Mr. Lincoln's sagacity, patriotism, and sin- cere and unselfish devotion to the Union had become almost universal. Of his own attitude toward a renomiuation, an interesting glimpse is given in an article written by J. M. Winchell for the Galaxy four or five years after the war. Mr. Winchell had, on previous occasions, had two long interviews with Mr. Lincoln on public affairs, and in the spring of 1864 went to see him about a personal matter, connected with the coming campaign. He wrote in his account of the inter view: !i«tll B^ in HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Mr. Lirn'oln received me, as ever, kindly and courteously; but his manner was quite changi'd. It was not now the country about which his anxiety prevailed, but himself. There was an embarrassment about him which he could not quite conceal. I thought it proper to state in the outset that I wished simply to know whatever he was free to tell me in regard to his own willingness or unwillingness to accept a renominntion, and also as to the extent to which a Senator who had referred me to him, was aufliorized to speak for him. The reply was a monologue of an hour's duration, and one that wholly absorbed me, as it seemed to absorb himself. There was very little for me to say, and I was only too willing to listen. He remained seated nearly all the time. He was restless, often changing position, and occasionally, in some intense moment, wheel- ing his body around in his chair, and throwing a leg over the arm. This was the only r^otesque thing I recollect about him; his voice and manner were very earnest, and he uttered no jokes, and told no anec- dotes. He began by saying that, as yet, he was not a candidate for renom- inntion. He distinctly denied that he was a party to any effort to that end, notwithstanding I knew that there were movements in his favor in all parts of the Northern states. These movements were, of course, without his prompting, as he positively assured me that, with one or two exceptions, he had scarcely conversed on the subject with his most intimate friends. He was not quite sure whether he desired a renomination. Such had been the responsibility of the oflBcc — so oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its perplexities — that he felt as though fhe moment when he could relinquish the burden and retire to private life would be the sweetest he could possibly experi- ence. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-election would also have its gratification to his feelings. He did not seek it, nor would he do so; he did not desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose; but, after the crisis the country was passing through under his presidency, and the efforts he had made conscientiously to discharge the duties imposed upon him, it would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citizens, and earned the highest testimonial of confidence they could bestow. This was the gist of the hour's monologue; and I believe he spoke sincerely. His voice, his manner, armed his modest and sensible words with a power of conviction. He seldom looked me in the face while ho was talking; he seemed almost to be gazing into the future. I am sure it was not a pleasant thing for him to seem to be speaking in his own interest. But whatever Mr. Lincoln's mental attitude was at that time, he was, before the Convention met, an avowed candidate for the Presi- dency, and it became known to many of his intimate friends that he desired also to name the candidate for the Vice-Presidency. f P-- pi ■HM PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 141 ily; but his \ bout which irrassment t proper to de was free IB to accept or who had ? reply was sorbed me, me to say, tless, often lent, wheel- >r the arm. is voice and (Id no anec- J for renora- oy effort to lents in his ats were, of B that, with ubject with r he desired le office — so ies — that he burden and libly experi- would also , nor would urpose; but, presidency, i the duties 1 to him to 'itizens, and jstow. jve he spoke ind sensible s in the face ) the future, be speaking hat time, he )r the Presi- ?nds that he icy. While the people were generally for him, many of the politicians, either through personal ambition, or on account of fancied personal slights, or from a belief that a change would be better for the country, were oppostid to him. Horace Greeley, who had been, alternately, an impertinent adviser and a captious critic, was working as hard against Lincoln now as he was against Seward in 1860, but his utter- ances, p.nd those of his paper, had ceased to have great weight. An exhibition of hostility that at first appeared more formidable, was the "Pomeroy Circular," which was issued in February in the interest of Secretary Chase, who . >, . had, ever since 1860, .. cherished the ambition of being Mr. Lincoln's successor. The circu- lar is said to have been written by J. M. Win- chell, who sought the interview with Lincoln, from which an extract is given above, but it was signed by Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, as Secretary of a secretly organized committee of Mr. Chase's friends. The circular accused the friends of President Lincoln of using party and the machinery of official influence t o ^^^^.. '.ip^P^ QAMUEI^ C. POMEROY. secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, and it was asserted that "those who conscientiously bt.'ieve that the interests of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor and purity and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the people, before it is too late to secure a fair discussion of principles." It called for "counteractior on the part of those un<onditional friends of the rnion who differ from the policy of the Administration, and ended with five conclusions, of which the first four were as follows: I fA ilM '?-f*».-Vf •■ ■ tw>r- -f^^ttri,^^^ *«-t«>uaiL. y«.«» lAL..'.- --rfi-if' FA s; 142 IlISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. .^ 1. Even wi'i'o tin* n'-elt*ftion of Mr. Lincoln desiruble, it \» pnu'- tically iinpoHsible aguinst tlie union of forceg that will oppose him. 2. Shonid he be re-elected, hiu nianifeHt tendency toward coni- pronuHOH and temporary expedients of policy, will become 8tronn<'r dnriuf; a pecond term than it has been in the first, and the cause of human liberty, and the dignity of the Nation will suffer proportion- ately, while the war may continue to languish during his whole Adniinistrallon, till the public d<'bt shall become a burden too great to be borne. 3. The patronage of the Oovernment, through the necessities of the war, has been so rapidly increased, and to such an enormous extent, and so loosely placed, as to render the application of the <me- term i>rinciple absolutely essential to the certain safety of our Re- publican institutions. 4. We And in the Hon. Halmon P. Chase more of the qualities needed in a President, during the next four years, than are combined iu any other available candidate. His record is clear and unim- peachable, showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, and an administrator of the highest order, while his private character fur- nishes the surest available guarantee of economy and purity in the management of pqblie affairs. The fifth conclusion declares that "the discussion of the Presi- dential (]uestions, already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln, has developed a popuJarity and strength in Mr. Chase, unexpected even to his warmest admirers, and while its strength is at present unorganized, and in no condition to manifest its real magnitude, it only needs a systematic and faithful effort to develop it to an extent sufficient to overcome all opiMsing obstacles." It was further stated that a central organization had been perfected, and persons in sym- pathy with the movement were invited to correspond with the com- mittee wiih a view to forming State organizations. Mr. Chase was shamed and mortified at the publication of this circular. He had been in active correspondence in promoting his own candidacy, and had expressed some of the sentiments contained in the circular, but the expression had been in choicer language. This coarse and brutal assault upon the Administration in behalf of one of its members was not what he at all approved. In a letter to (lovernor Sprague, of Rhode Island, he had expressed doubts as to the expediency of electing any one to the I'residency a second time, and had intimated his willingness to be a candidate, but had also said mm a;. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 14:5 it Ih prac- use him. wurd coiii- e stronger ic <*uuHe uf [iroportioii- his whole too great eHHitieg of 1 enoriiioufl of the one- of onr Re- le qualities e combined and unim- ity, and an aracter fur- iirity in the f the IM-esi- Mr. Lincoln, unex])ected » at present agnitude, it to an extent rther stated ions in sym- th the com- tion of this ting his own •ontained in r language, in behalf of a a letter to bts as to the id time, and id also said that ln' would not permit himself to be driven 'nto an.v hostile or unfriendly ])osition as to Mr. Lincoln. This circular )>laced him in the attitude which he hud sought to avoid; a»'.tl he at once wrote to the President disavowing the document «!»d adding: "For yourself I cherish sincere respect and esteem, and, permit me to add, affection. Differences of opinion as to Administravive action have not changed these sentiments; nor have they been changed by assaults ui)on me by persons who profess themselves the sjjec'al representatives of yoiir vi<'ws and policy. You are not respcmsibJe for acts not your (»v/n; nor will you hold me responsible, excei>t for what I do or say myself." Mr. Chase had hoped to have the endorsement of liis own State as the initial movement of his active campaign, but February 25, lS(i4. the Ijegislature of Ohio adopted resolutions favoring L:n(;olu's renoniiua- tion, and Mr. Chase withdrew as a candidate. . ' > What at first appeared to be a more formidable movement was made by the "F''^nion Republican I'arty," which, under calls from three separate organizations, met at Cleveland, May 31, with abcmt 15(1 dele- gates, representing fifteen states and the District of Columbia. (Jeneral J<ihn Cochrane, of New York, presided over the Convention which adopted a platform of thirteen brief planks, among which were the following: Declaring that the Rebellion must be put down by force of arms and without compromise; that the rights of free speoch, free press and habeas corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed; that the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and that the Constitution should be so amended as to pro- hibit its re-establishment; that the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to the law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that the Monroe doctrine must be nmintained; that the one-term policy for the Presidency should be nmintained by Constitutional amendment; that the President and Vice-President should be elected by a direct vote of the people; that the reconstruction of the rebellious states belongs to Congress, and not to the Executive; and that the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and settlers, is a measure of justice. The Convention nominated General John C. Fremont for Preni- dent by acclamation and General John (^ochrane for Vice-President, and named the new organization the Radical Democracy. General Fremont's letter of acceptance made a bitter attack upon Mr. Lincoln for unfaithfulness to the principles which he was elected to defend, upon his Administration foF incapacity and selfishness, and for ''its m ■T W u » m » !B W i . lil M i i i J i I m i '\ HISTORY OF THE REITHLICAN PARTY. diHrcjinrrr of ConMtitntional ri^litfi, its violation of pergonal liborty and tlu> lil>(>rt,v of tlie presM, and, aei a crowning glianus i(8 abandon- ment of tlie rij^lit of asylum, dear to all free nations abroad." He approved the platform, with the exception of the conflBeation plank. He intimated that if the Re]Hibli('an (Convention nominated anyone except liiiK'oln, he would not stand in the way of a union of all upon that nominee, but added: "If Mr. Lincoln be renominated, as I believe it would be fatal to the country to indorse a policy and renew a power whi<'h has cost us the lives of thousands of men, and netnl- lessly put the country on the road to bank- ruptcy, there will pe- nmin no alternative but to organize against him every element of con- scientious opposition, with the view to pre- vent the misfortune of his re-election." The Radical Democracy made no headway at all in the East, and but lit- tle in the West. The magic of Fremont's name was gone. After the Democratic Con- vention had been held, and McClellan had been nominated on a peace p 1 a t f o rm. Fremont's QEN. u. 8. GRANT. patriotism and Repub- licanism induced him to withdraw from the contest, and urge his sup- porters to vote for Lincoln. Later on a meeting was called in New York, ostensibly to express the gratitude of the nation to General Grant and the soldiers under his command for their labors and successes. The real purpose of the meeting was to take the initial step toward bringing him forward as a Presidential candidate. Mr. Lincoln was invited to attend, and in his reply, stating that it would be impossible for him to do so, he said : "I approve, nevertheless, of whatever may tend to strengthen and Wk iK. ^, warn V • "^ m im PRKHIDKNT LI\rOL\'H HKNOMIXATION. un nnal liboi-ly is nbunclon- roud." He ation plank, ited anyone of all upon nated, as I y and renew n, and netnl- the country id to bank- K*re will re- ernative but against him ent of con- opposition, I'iew to pre- lisfortune of ;tion." The Democracy ad way at all i, and but lit- West. The Fremont's gone. After jcratic Con- id been held, I Ian had been 1 on a peace m. Fremont's 1 and Bepub- urge his sup- ily to express )ldiers under urpose of the n forward as ttend, and in [) so, he said: ■engthen and HiiHtain (lener.'il (irant, and the noble nrniicH now under IiIh direction. My previous liigli cHliniale of Ueneral (ii-aiit lian be(>n inaintiiined and heightened bv what Iuih occurred in the remarkable campaign lu' is now conducting, while the magnitude and ditticuity of the tuHk before him does not prove less than I exp(><-ted. lie and his brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust that, at your meeting, you will so shape your good w<»rdH that they may turn to men and guiiH. moving to his and their support." Subsei|uently <}en erul (h'ant, in a letter to a personal friend, |)eremptorily refused to allow himself to be .; r ,, . considered as a candi- -*^. .j, date, and reiterated, in 1«. effect, the rresident's appeal for aid and sup- port. The etfect of the two letters was to take Grant entirely out of the field as a candi- date, and stimulate ef- forts to fill up the ranks of the Army. The way was entirely <'lear for Lincoln, when the Union and Republi- can Convention met at Baltimore on the 7th of June. It was strong in its personnel. There were no less than eleven who, either be- fore or after that time, henry j. Raymond. were governors of their states, including John A. Andrew and Alexander H. ItuUock, of Massachusetts; Lot M. Morrill, of Maine; Horace Fairbanks, of Vermont; Joseph R. Haw- ley, of Connecticut; William A. Newell and Marcus L. Ward, of New Jersey; William Dennison and David Tod, of Ohio; Austin Blair, of Michigan, and A. W. Randall, of Wis(>onsin. Of those who were then or afterwards noted in the Cabinet, Henate or House there were Solo- mon Foote, of Vermont; Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut; Preston King and l<>llis H. Roberts, of New York; Himon Cameron, Thaddeiis ~ mr-^ i J^ >!'4j?-.j)!*' vrnm 14G HIHTOKY OFTHK UKlMHMrAN I'AKTV Htevens, Andn'w II. U«'«'(1»m- and (iahiMliu A. Orow, of l'i>iiiiM,vlvaiiiH; John A. .). CrcHwcll, of Maryland; rolnnihiiH l)«>lano, David KilKore and William H. I'lmon, of Ohio; <}. W. McCi-ary, of Iowa; JanicH II. Lane, of Kanxati; An^uK Cann'ron, John F. Potter and Philetiis Haw.vcr, of WiHconHin. The Michigan delegation t-onHiMted of AuHtin Blair, Marnh (}iddinK«, Neil (>ra,v and Charlen W. riiMbee, at lar^e, with the following from the Heveral diHtrictM: (1) Herman Kiefer, William K. NoyeB; (2) L. V. Alexander, J. H. KeUey; (li) CharleH T. Oorhanr, Kdwin Lawrence; (4j OHniund Tower, VV. I. ('amwell; (B) diaries Draper, Oniur D. Conner; («) J. H. Walker, 11, Sheldon. Robert J. Breckinridge, the "Old War Horse of Kentu<-ky," was temjiorar^' Chainaan, and Oovernor William Dennison, of Ohio, was permanent Chairman, The Mitiiigan memherM of the various coni- niittees were* Credentials, Marsh Oiddin^H; Permanent Organiza- tion, Edwin Lawrence; ResolutioiiH, Omar D. Conger; Vice-President, Charles T. Oorham; Kecretar.v, William H. Noyes; Chairman of the Delegation, Austin Blair. The first day and a half were almost entirely occupied with the routine proceedings of organization, and the settling of contested seats from the border states. These being disposed of, the Commit- , tee on R(>8olutlon8 reported a platform, which it is understood was written by Henry J, Raymond, Chairman of the Committee, The first signs of enthusiasm or even of great interest in the Convention, appeared during the reading of these resolutions, every one of which was received with applause, in some cases vociferous and long-con- tinned. The writer of the platform was given the unusual compli- ment of having liis production adopted by acclamation, without amendment and without a word of discussion. The declaration was, in full, as follows: RESOLVED, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and the paramount authority of the (constitution and Laws of the United States, and that laying aside all dilTerences and political opinions we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the government in quelling, by force of arms, the rebellion now raging against its untliority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the reliels and traitors arrayed against it. RESOLVEIJ, That we approve the determination of the Govern- ment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an uncondi- mum I'UEHIDKM LINCOLNH UKXOMINATION. 147 iiuM.vlvuiiia; vid Kil^ore t; JiiiueM H. ' id miilutiifl d of AiiMtin '«', ut larK«s man KloftT, I CharU'H T. ininwell; (5) Idoii. tiuky," wa8 >f Ohio, waH rarioim coni- it Organixa- •e-Presidt'iit, riiian of tin* led with th»' )f t'oiitested the Coiuinit lerstood was littee. Tlie ■ Oonvention, one of whifh nd iong-con - isual compli- tion, without laration was, ■ry American »grity of the and Laws of and political by a common *'thing in our of arms, the inging to the itors arrayed ►f the Govern- Is, or to offer a an uncondi- tional surrender of their hostility, and return to tlieir first allegiance to the Constitution and Laws of the I'nited Htates, and that we call upon the (lovernnient to uuiintain this p<»sitU)n, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the <'omplete su}>preHsion of the rebellh)n. In full relian<e upon the selfsacritices, the patriotism, heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the country and its free instituthms. HKHOLVKP, That as slavery was the cause and now «<mstltute8 the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and every- where, hostile to the priuiiple of ••epublican gove nment, justice and the Natiimal safety denmnd its utter and loniplete extirpation from the soil of the Kepublic; and that we uphold and nuiintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in Its own defense, has aimed a death blow'at the gigantic evil. We are In favor further- more of such amendment to the Constitution to be nmde by the iieople, in conformity with Its luovisions. as shall terminate and forever pro- hibit the existence of siavery within the limits or jurisdiction of the United states. RESOLVED, That the t'.anks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy who have periled their lives in defense of their country and in vlndi<ation of the honor of the flag; that the nation owes to them some ikm'- manent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who liave recently received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country, and that the memory of those who had fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance. RESOLVED, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the unseltlsh patriotism, and unswerving lldelity to the Con- stitution and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstancesof unparalleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that we approve and endorse as demanded by the emergency, and essential to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the Nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men here- tofore held in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his deter- mination to carry tliese and all other Constitutional measures, essen- tial to the salvation of the country-, into full and complete effect. RESOLVED, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the National councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust, those only who cor- dially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the Government, RESOLVED, That the Government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protec- mmm ^ ' ■ . • * 14S IlIHTOUV or THK UKIM'MI.K AN I'AHTV tion of the lawM of war, and tliat any violntiitii of tlit-Hc lawH, or of tlic iiHap:<'H of civilixi'd nalioiix in tli4> Uni<' of war hy tli«' r«'lH*lH now in arniH, Hliould Ix* nia<l«> lli«- huI)J<m-I of full and prompt n>dr<'HH. KF^SOliVKI). TInit tli«' for«'i({n rniiKi-ation, wliii-li in tlic pant luiri add<'d ho niurli to I lit* wi'aitli and dfv«>lopni<'nt of rcHoun-oH and inrrcaHc of power to tiiin Nation — tlic aHvliiui of I la* oppn-HHcd «)f all nafionH — Htiould la* foHtercd and )>nroiMap><l liy a wiH(> and JuHt poliry. UKKOrA'EI*. Tlnit we ar«' in favor of tin* Mpt'ody ronMtruction of the railroad to the I'arillc. KKHOLVKn, That the Nati(»nal faith pIcd^^Ml for rcdenipticMi of thi> National dcitt niUHt Ih' kept inviolate, and that for tliiH pnrpoHe we rtM-ounnend ceononi.v and r'm'u\ i'es|ionHil>ility in the publie expendi- ture, and a vif;orouH and juHt HVHleni of taxatiin; and that it Ih the dut.v of every loyal State lo HUHtain tla- credit and promote the urn* of the National nirn'ney. UKKOliN'KI), Tliat we approve (lie ponition taken liy the (iov- ernnient, that the people (»f the I'nit) •! StateH can nev(>r regard with indifference the attempt of any Knrop^'an power to overthrow by force, or to HUpplant by fraud, the inHtitntion of tiny republican gov- «'rnuient on the WeHlern Continent, and tiiat w<* view with jjreait jealouHy uh menacing to the ]»eace and independence of thiH, our country, the etTortH ef any hucIi ])ower to «ditain new foothoIdH for nionarchial (rovernnientH, HUHtained by a forei);n military forces in near proximity to the I'nited Staten. The nomination for I'r«'Hident waw attended with but little excite- ment, an it waH n for(>}rone concluHion. A motion of Himon Cameron's that Abralutm Lincoln be renominated for I'reHident, and Hannilail tlumlin for Vice-1'reKident. by acclauuilion, waH ipiietly tabled. A motion that Mr. Lincoln be renominated by acclamation was objected to, on the )rround that it had too much the ap](earance of ruHhin^; the nomination through, without Kiving opportunity for individual <-hoice, and it was therefore ordered that the roll of Htaten be called. This was done without <'xcitenient, and with but very few remarks in announcing the votes of the states. The rewult was 4^4 votes for Abraham Lincoln and 22 for Tlysses H. Grant, the latter being the instrueted vote of the Missouri delegation. Mr. Hume, of Missouri, then announced that the delegation from «hat state changed their vote to Lincoln. The Secretaries announced that the vote was unani- mous, 506 votes for Abraham Lincoln, and the Convention received the announcement with vociferous a]>plaHse, as the band struck up "Yankee Doodle" and "Hail Columbia." The nomination for Vice-l'resident was attended with much more interest. Vice-President Hamlin had not been counted among Mr. Lincoln's earnest supporters, and the relations between them were '■ ,..'.»' % '■■ ■ jtjWl| i Wll lM<r<<iW''yy'!%| ; WH, or of the Im'Ih now ill IM'HH. in tli(> piiHl >Hoiir(-<>H ninl fcHHcd of all 1 jllHt |»olifV. iHlriM-tioii of 'dcinittioii of n |nir|iom' we l)lir oxjH'iHli hat it in the itc th»' iiHt' of bv tlie (Jov ivpini with »v<'i'thr(>w b.v iniblitaii >i;ov- V with jciH'at of lliiH, (Mil- foot holds for ary foicc. in t little excite- on Caiiieron'H uid Hannibal y tabled. A was objected )f iiiHhiiiK the ividnal choice, called. ThiH w remarks in 484 votes for tter beinR the e, of Missouri, changed their ote was unani- ntion received and struck up ith much more ted among Mr. Jen them were rUKHlPKNT MN< OIA'H UKNOMIN ATIUN. \W „..,„„., i„u,„ate. nor especialb .ndly. l^Kiden that. Mr. Liu ;. , be..o, onvinced that it would b. good policy to nonnnate a U ar ' „ ,,„ n,, the second ,.lacc o„ .he ti-Uet His first cln.ice w«- •a lienjainin V. HutU... of MaHsachnnetts. but '»«'«'""• /"f ^.f ...fused to be a .andidal. Me then began M^i-av to exert his inHu- nc in favor of Andre. -M.hnson. ..f Tennessee. As things appeared ., „hnson hadn.uH to reco.nn.end hi.n. and he had not yet 'xhibited those traits .hbh afterwards renden d him obnoxious to the people of the North. Ho was of humble origin, and was indebted to his wife f«»r the Hrst rudiments of his boou education, ^"t by the i^ force and <">t«gy of bis rhara<t<'r u. had risj'ii. through vari<»ns posi tlons. to that of I'nited H t a t e s Henator, in wlii<li posit i(ui he had stood manfully for the rni«m. though living in a Htate that had seced- ed. As Trovisi >nal (lovernor of Tennessee. he had shown boldness and vigor. His assess- ment of rich secession- ists to support the des titute families of ('on-« federate soldiers, though an arbitrary act had a irrim justice . . :;out it that J. approved by the people, whi^ his ^^^^ ^^^^ „,ent of rebel svmpathizers in 18t}2:i, his ready acceptame of the emancipation policy-these all tended to inspire Lincoln and the Northern people generally with ccmtidence in liini. With all these things in his favor, however, Lincoln well under- stood that it would not answer for him to work openly against Hamlin, nor to favor too strongly any candidate. He was a good deal of a politician befor.- lie went to Washington, and associations and antagonisms with such trained politi.ians as Seward, ( base and ANDREW J UINSON. •yi .t ■ W i W f MI ■ 111 rri rm — ^ — 'I- •> It IBO HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Cameron, had not dulled his polit'cal wits. He took his most inti- mate political friends into his confidence, one at a time, without telling one what he had said to another, but in each case urging the advisability of Johnson's nomination. There was no organization in Johnson's favor, no general conference in promotion of his candi dacy, yet when the Convention met it liad come, somehow, to be well understood that the President desired Johnson as his associate on the ticket and it was this understanding that gave him the nomina- tion. The ballot for a candidate for Vice-President, as first footed mt, stood as follows: Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee 200 Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine 150 Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York 108 Uenjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts 28 Lovel H. Rousseau, of Kentucky 21 Scattering among five candidates 12 Belore there was opportunity to announce the result different states rapidly changed to Johnson, until his vote counted 494, to 17 for Dickinson, 9 for Haro'in, and 1 for David Tod, of Ohio. The nomination was then made unanimous, a National Committee was appointed, of which Marsh Giddings was the Michigan member, a little routine business was transacted and the Convention adjourned. Hamlin did not learn till quarter of a century afterwards that Lincoln had secretly opposed his renomination. "I was really sorry to be disabused." he said in 1889. *■ l- ii I Hi '^ m.08t inti- le, without urging the cganization P his candi- • , to be well ssodate on he nomina- ; first footed 200 150 108 28 21 12 lit different i 494, to 17 jhio. The imittee was member, a I adjourned, that Lincoln sorry to be .• , XII. ' THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAKIN. •Changing Trospects of the Campaign-The Denuxrats Cxive the Re- publicans Valuable Aid-They Put a War General on a Peace Platform— The War-is-a-Failure Utterance Reacts Against Them -Union Victories Help the Republican Cause-McClellan Virtu- allv Repudiates the Platform, and This (^auses Great Dissatisfaction-Vallandigham, and His <^,rievances-Peace Negotiations-The September and October Elections Favorable— A Sweeping Republican Triumph. The prospect of Republican success fluctuated with the varying fortunes of war. Grant had lost the battle of Cold Harbor a short time before the Baltimore Convention was held, but the full effects of that disaster were not yet felt, and the prospei.ts were considered good. But the heavv losses in that battle, .8 they were afterwards reported; the prospect that it would lake many months of hard flght^ ing before Lee's army could be fontd to surrender; the failure of Sheridan to unite with Hunter in I^e's rear; Hunter's failure to capture Lvnchburg and hisdisastrous retreat; Early's bolddash across the Potomac; the burning of (^hambersburg; the mine explosion at Petersburg, and demonstrations near Washington and Baltimore— these, following each other in quick succession, served to demoralize the Republicans, and to produce a feeling of deep despondency. The Democrats, however, gave them great encouragement by their action at the National Convention held in Chicago, August 29. The make-up of the Convention was such as to lepel any Peace Repub licans who might be inclined to bolt the Lincoln ticket. It contained, among others, William W. Eaton, of Conne.jticut, who said in 1881: "If the Massachusetts troops attempt to cross the sacred scil of Con- necticut, to coerce our Southern brethren, they will go over my dead bodv " but his body wasn't there when the Massachusetts regiments passed through Hartford. It included Governor Horatio Seymour who during the draft riots in New York (^ity in Vm, had addressed the rioters as "mv friends," and who, instead of using his authority ..,**i) .J %■ f ■ I-' %m. If-; .11 il! ■ II 152 HIHTOKY OF THE REl'l BLICAN PARTY. to (luell tlH' riots, wliicli raged with destruftive force for four days, promised the rioters that he would endeavor to have the draft sus- pended. It int-luded William Wallace, of Pennsylvania, whose con- nection with the cofl'ee-stained and fraudulent naturalization papers, which gave the State to the Democrats in October, 1856, had earned him the name of "Coffee-jiot Wallace." It contained Clement L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, who had been tried for treasonable utter- ances, and sent within the rebel lines; and it included Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana, who was likely to profit by the work of the secret and disloyal order of ''Knights of the Golden (Mrcle," even if he had no connection with this treasonable set. Horatio Seymour, the i)ermanent President of the Convention, put the whole resjionsibiiity of the war upon the North, ignoring the acts of aggression on the part of the South. "Four years ago," he said, "a Convention met in this City when our country was peaceful, jirosperous and united. Its delegates did not mean to destroy our (lovernment, to overwhelm us witli debt, nor to drench our land with blood; but they were aniuuited by intolerance and fanaticism, and blinded by an ignorance of the spirit of our institutions, the character of ()ur people, and the condition of our land. They thought they might safely indulge their passions, and they concluded to do so. Their passions have wrought ojit their natural results. . . The Administration will not let the shedding of blood cease, even for a little time, to see if Christian charity, and the wisdom of statesman- ship may not work out a method to save our country. Nay, more, they will not listen to a pi-oposal of peace which does not offer that which this (Jovernment has no right to ask." He closed with the covert threat: "'Put for us. we are resolved that the party which has made the history of our country since its advent to power seem like some unnatural and terrible dream shall be overthrown. We htive forborne much, because those who are now charged with the conduct of public affairs know but little about the principles of our Govern- ment." Tlie platform adopted declared the devotion of the party to the t'nion; arraigned the Administration for military interference with the recent elections in Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, "for the subversion of civil by military rule, in states n(>t in insurrec- tion; for the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens in states where the civil law is in ''ull force; the suppression of fn*edom of speech and the press; the denial ■ .*r'»-\^; ".=:-.';: ■jr--''.- •*•■(:■. --■'■^7^-- .- ■ I I T'la.'-j* : .>,«. .«Mrw*llUiiE».n> four days, f draft 8U8- whose con- ion papers, had earned (Menient L. lable utter- Joseph E. vork of the le," even if Convention, fjnorin}? the irs ago," he as peaceful, destroy our ir land with iticism, and le character liought they d to do so. . . The , even for a f statesman- Nay, more, [)t offer that led with the y which has er seem like We have the conduct our Govorn- party to the ference with nd Missouri, t in insurrec- t, trial and aw is in h\\\ s; the denial THE LINt'OLN AND JOHNSON CAMrAIGN. 153 of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State rights; the employment of unusual test oaths, and the interference ith, and denial of, the right of the people to bear arms in their defense. It declared that all these were calculated "'to prevent a restoration of the I'nion, and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers from the (onsent of the governed." But the plank upon which the campaign most largely turned, was the following: RESOLVED, That this f'onvention does explicitly declare as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the T'nion by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Con- stitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alik*' trodden down, and the niaterial prosperity of the country essentially impaired; Jusiice, Humanity, Liberty and the publi<' welfare demand that immediate efforts be nuide for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to the ulti- mate Convention of the states, or other pea<able means, to the end that a* th" earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored »)n the basis of the Federal Vnion of the States. fJeorge B. McCleMan, of New Jersey, was nominated for Presi dent, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The nomination of (ieneral McClellan was unsatisfactory to a consider- able minority in this Convention of peace-makers. He had arrested the Maryland Legislature, when it was (m the point of passing an ordinance of secession. A iiaryland delegate stood up in fhe Con- vention, proclaimed McClellan a tyrant, and added: "All the charges of usurpation and tyranny that can be brought against Lincoln and Butler, can be made and substantiated against McClellan. He is the assassin of stales rights, the usurper of liberty, and if nominated will be beaten everywhere as he was at Antietam." In view of McClellan's military career there was something of grim satire in the declaration that the war was a failure, for although, at one time he was the idol of the Army of the Potomac, and his mili- tary failures had been condoned by the Democrats and many of the Republicans, the fact had, by this time, been quite generally recog- nized tliat he, more than anyone else, was responsible for the early disasters to our armies in Virginia. With 200,000 of the best equipped, and best drilled volunteei- soldiers ever put in the field, he had hesi- tated, through all the i)leasant fall weather ()f 18«1, to attack an army, never exceeding (50,00(», at his front. He had lone this in spite of great urgency on the i>art of the President to advance. His men were enthusiastic, and eager to tight, but his long delay had a depressing ti u mmi- > ' i' "" - ^ ijni«M.km.M ii ' n ',m i ,i'i l f. « » g ■•'y-- ■:',. 's^'^^^Z: ■' •■' I . ''V eil^t 154 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PABTY. effect tipdn the troops. He finally sent them into winter quarters in tents, on ihe plea that if they were allowed to build huts, it would disclose to the enemy that they did not expect to < ommence operations till spring. During the time that he was disregarding the President's appeals to advance, he was sending to Washington impertinent letters of advice in regard to political matters and the operations of the armies in other parts of the country. Still there were many who charged upon the Administration at AVashington the resijonsibility of McClellan's defeats before Rich- mond. The drawn bat- tle of Antietam was magnified into a great victoi'y by his friends and admirers, but dur- ing the campaign the fact jecame generally known that after the battle the President visited McClellan in the camp on the I'otomac, and vainly urged him to cross the river and give the enemy battle, leaving his tent early in the morning with a friend, Lincoln went to an eminence that over- looked the vast en- campment. "Do you know what that is?" he asked, pointing to the host that was encamped below them. "It is the Army of the Poto- mac," was the answer. -'That is a mistake," Lincoln said. "It is only MeClellan's body guard" While McClellan lay there Stuart, with his cavalry, swept completely round the army, sacking toXvns and villages on his march, without losing a man. While the l»resident was chafing at McClellan's delay, McClellan himself occupied a portion of his time in writing h'tters criticising the Administratiim. In one of these he said: "The President's late proclamation, and the continuation of Stanton and Halleck in office, GEORGB B. McCLELLAN. I i '■■" «iiii.iitrti35l|!":|'P- THE LINC OLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAK'rN. 155 (juartei'8 in t8, it would e operations > President's inent letters tions of the iiistration at before Rieh- e drawn bat- itietam was into a great his friends ers, but dur- impaign the lie generally at after the e President Clellan in the the Potomac, y urged him :he river and Miemy battle, lis tent early irning with a Qooln went to lee that over- he vast en- t. "Do you t that is?" he tinting to the V of the Poto- said. "It is there Stuart, ing towns and lay, McClellan critit'ising the t-esideut's late Llleck in office, render it almost impossible for me to retain my commission and self- respect at the same time." But he neither resigned nor attacked the enemy, and the President removed him. He afterward took credit to himself for not heading a mutiny of his troops, because of his removal. "Many were In favor of my refusing to obey the order," he wrote, "and of marching upon Washington to take possession of the Government." He seeujs to have heard these counsels without reouke, though he had not the courage to heed them. Although all these facts were brougi.; out during the campaign they were not fully known at the time of his removal, which had caused a storm of indig- nation in the Peace Party. "This dismissal," Lord Lyons wrote to his Government, "caused an irritation not unmixed with consterna- tion and despondency. The General had been regarded as the representative of conservative principles in the Army. Support of him has been made one of the articles of the conservative electoral platform." "With reverses in the field, the cause is doubtful at the polls." said President Lincoln. "With victory In the field the election will take care of itself," and the tide began to turn at the very time the Peace Convention was In session. Before it adjourned news of the capture of Fort Morgan came. Shortly afterwards Intelligenc** was received of Sherman's victory In the battle of Atlanta and his occupa- tion of that City. "Sherman and Farragut," Seward said In a speech at Auburn, "have knocked the planks out of the Chicago platform." A few days afterwards Sheridan commenced his brilliant dash through the Shen- andoah Valley and thrilled the North with the victories at Winchestc!- and Fisher's Hill. With Farragut in control of Mobile Bay, with Sherman's plan of nmrching from Atlanta through Georgia already known; with Sheri- dan in full control of the "granary of Lee's army," and with Grant constantly on the aggressive against Lee, McClellan set about the task of writing his letter of acceptance. He < ould not well place himself upon the platforin of the party that nominated him. He made a cautious and guarded dissent from portions of that platform and in opposition to lae most important part of it, declared himself in favor of preserving the T'nion by a vigorous prosecution of the war, If all the "resources of statesmanship," which should be first employed, should prove inadequate. This declaration anger d the men who liad given tone to the Chicago Convention, and who expLJted to control , i lli "*?! \ ■'"ilPl. 15(5 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ihe I'reBidtMit if j'lected. Mr. Yallaiidif{liuiu fairly representwl thi» element when lie said: "The Chicajjo Convention enuneiated its platform and principles by authority, and it is binding on every Democrat, and by it the Democratic Administration must and should be governed. It was Ihe only authorized exposition of the Democratic creed, and all others shtMild be repudiated" Neither did the declaration attract those conservative Republi- cans whom it was hoped to draw t<» the support of the ticket, for they recognized the fact tliat, with his riexible character, McClellan, if elected, would certain- i ly be dominated by the , stronger men who con- trolled the Convention. McClellan was practi- cally held to the plat- form throughout the i.!!iifli^^M^H^B^^^^^^^^Bi. campaign. Vallandigham him- self had as much rea- son as anyone to as- sent to that clauHe in v'i a^^^^^^^^^^na^^^^^^^^B' the platform whicii de- nounced what were called "arbitrary ar- rests." He was a member of the Thirty- seventh Congress from Ohio. When secession came he opposed coer- cion, and was ceaseless CLISMENT l. VALLANDIGHAM. Jq hlS CUdeaVOrS "tO restore the Union through peace." He was violent in his language, in (\)ngres8 and out of it. For "publicly expressed sympathy for those in arms against the government of the United States, and declared disloyal sentimental and opinions with the ouject and purpose of weakening the power of the (.overnment in its efforts to sui>press an unlawful rebellion," uttered in a speech at Mount Verufm, Ohio. Vallandigham was arret.. -vl by order of Oenera. Uurn- slde, in May, 18(53, tried by a military c;;mmis8ion, and sentenced to confinement in Fort Warren, in lioston Harbor. President Lincoln \ \ I ( -,u . Beiited tliiH noiated its on every and should I )euunTatic ve Kepubli- let, for they [oClellan, if uld certain- mted by the en who con- Convention, was praoti- to the plat- ughout the ghani hini- 8 much rea- lyone to as- lat clan8(' in 'n» whiiJi de- what were rbitrary ar- He was a f the Thirty- ongress from len secession •pposed coer- ivas ceaseless ndeavors "to bis language, iympathy for States, and ouject and its efforts to h at Mount lenera. Burn- sentenced to ident Lincoln THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAinX. 157 modified this sentence, and directed that he should be sent through the military lines to the enemy. This action caused great excitement and indignation among the Democrats, and at a meeting of that party at Albany, over which Erastus Corning presided, this and other acts of the Administration were denounced, iti the st'verest terms. To these denunciations the President rci)lied in detail, the following beinir part of his reply: ''One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbitrary airrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the rebellion; and I am specifically called on to discharge Mr. Vallan- digham. T regard this as at least, a fair appeal to me on the expedi- ency of exercising, a Constitutional power which, I think exists. In response to such ap- peal I have to ^ay it gave me pain when T learned that Mr. Val landigham had been arrested — that is I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity for ar- resting him — and that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can, by any ntearis, believe the public safety will not suffer by it." That same fall the Ohio Democracy nonunated the exile for Oov- ernor. but he was beaten at the polls by more than 1(M),(M>0 nmjority. Mr. Lincoln apparently judged that this repudiation of Vallandighani by the people of his own state, had deprived him of his jmwer to itiiperil the public safety, and released him. This case, and a number of otliers, were much discussed by Democratic orators during the cam- paign, but without great effect; for the jH-ople understood well enough that war cannot be conducted without meiisures that would not be admissible in time of peace. , DAVID O. PARRAGUT. '^iiwiiifrriffiiitr^ ItiMMlHkMMMMHWNiii^^ 158 HISTOKY OF THK KEPIJBLK'AN PARTY. .. % ' All interHHtinji cpiHodc of tliii* jxTiod, romiiii; lu*tw<'(Mi the War TonvtMition at Tlaltiinoro and the Peace ronveiitioii at Chicago, whh (h'eeU'.v's famous peace negotiatioiiH with eiuiHMarieH of the Rebel (Jovernnienl. There were three of these tlien at Niagara Fallfi, ('h>iu"T»t (\ Cla.v, <»f Ahibaina; I'rofesHor Hol<-oiiibe, of Virginia, and (leorge N. SanderH. Their agent waH W. Cornell Jewett, an irreHjKMi- sible and half craz.v adventurer. Th«'y did not attempt to communi- cate directly with the (Jovernment, but opened negotiatiimH with Mr. (Jreeley. The latter had, alinoHt from the beginning of the war, been an offlciouH internieddler in war and (Jovernmental atfairn. His asso- ciation witli Jewett liad some elements of the humorons and the ridiculous, and could hardly have been expected to provoke any serious results. Yet it led to a long correspondence and to consider- able anxiety among the Republicans as to the immediate ])olitical future. It opened with a letter from Jewett to Greeley, in which the former said: "I am. authorized t<> state to you, .for our use only, not for the public, that two ambassadors of Davis & <'o. are now in Canada, witli full and complete powers for a peace, and Mr. Kanders requests that you come on immediately to me at the Cataract House to have a private interview. Or, if you will send the President's pro- tection for him and two friends, they will c(»me on and meet you. He says the whole matter could be consummated by me, you, them and President Lincoln." Mr. Greeley enclosed this letter to the President, together with a long letter of his own, deploring the tvils of war, and suggesting the following plan of adjustment: 1. The I'nion is restored and declared perpetual. - <•,• i^ , , 2. Klavery is utterly and forever abolished throughout the same. .*{. A complete amnesty for all political offenses, with a restora- tion of all the inhabitants of each Htate to all the privileges of citizens of the United States. 4. The Union to pay f4()(),000,000 in five per cent. United States bonds to the late Slave States, loyal and secession alike, to be appor- tioned, pro rata, according to their slave population respectively by the census of 1860, in compensatio for the losses of their loyal citi- zens by the aboliticm of slavery; each State to be entitled to its quota upon the ratification, by its l^egislature, of this adjustment; the bonds to beat the absolute disposal of the Legislature aforesaid. 5. The said Slave States to be entitled henceforth to representa- tion in the House <m the basis of their total, instead of their Federal population, the whole now being free. I > «.■ 'U- THE LIN(^OLN AND JOHNSON rAMl'AIGN. 159 Ml tlie War iicago, WHH the Reb«'l jam PallH, r^inia, and ui iri'(*H|M»ii- <) roiiiniiiiii- iH witli Mr. e war, been FliH aHMo- UH and the >n»voke anv to conwider- ite political n whi<'h the He only, not are now in Mr. SanderK aract HouBe Hident'H i)ro- 'et yon. He u, them and ether with a 1 suggesting ut the same. \i\ a restorn- 's of citizens nited States to be appor- pectively by ii* loyal citi- to its quota it; the bonds ) repT-eseuta- heir Federal 6. A National Convention, to be assembled, as soon as may be, to ratify this adjustment, and make sn<-h chanfjeH in the Constituticm as may be deemed advisable. To this the President replied as follows: "If you can find any person anywliere professing to have any pro]K»sition of Jefferson Davis, in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the I'liion and abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him he may come to me with you, and that if he really brings such propo- sition he shall, at the least, have safe conduct with the paper, and without publicity if he chooses, to the point where you shall have met him, the same if there be two or more persons." The correspondenj-e thus commenced la^^ted from. July 5 to July 21. It Anally transpired that the rebel emissaries had no authority to make terms, and thr.t Mr. (Ireeley concealed from them the only terms upon which the Tresident would consent to negotiate. The latter, on the ISth of July, made these terms public in the following statement, addressed "to whom it nmy concern" and delivered by his private secretary directly to the rebel agents: "Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes, by and with any authority, that can <-ontrol the arnues, now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the ExecutiA'e Gov- ernment of the Unit»'i States, and will be met by liberal terms on sub- stantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways." ;« This was in entire agreement with Mr. Lincoln's first communica- tion to Mr. Greeley. The latter, however, had not communicated its contents to the agents, but had held out prospects of negotiations on quite different terms. This was the first they had ever heard of any conditions, and as they had been informed by Mr. Greeley that he had , been instructed by the I'resident to tender to them safe conduct to .^Washington, without any mention of conditions, they were taken A'entirely by surprise. They thought they had been deceived by the President, and closed the incident with an angry letter, in which they praj'tically made that chaise. This letter was sent to Mr. Greeley, and not to the President. This accusation of ill faith against Mr. /Lincoln was made use of during the early stages of the campaign in the North, and in the rebel states it was used as fresh proof of the faithless character of the Federal Government, and of theimpossibility of making iwaoe except by sucj-essful war. IFW"-"'' IftO HIHTOUYOFTHK KKIM MIJCAN I'AKTV. Tli<» l*r<'Hid«'iit felt d«*«»i>ly the injuHllct' doiic to hiiiiHolf, hikI tlie injury doiu* the coiintr.v b.v Mr. <}r«M»l(\v'H HUpprcHMion of <>HM«'iitial facln in liiH intcrcoiirHc with tlic <-oiiiiiiiHHi(>iH>rH. lit- lhcr<>ror(> aHltcd Mr. (h-ccic.v for ptM'iiiiHHioii to piibiiHh tlic whole corrcHpoiidoiu-e, oinittiriK only eertain paHHa^eH not neeeHMarv (o a full underHtandinK of the Hiibject. The nioHt inii>ortant of Inene waH the following, in Mr. <h'<'eley'H letterof .InlyT, whieh the I'r* «i(lent thought would injure the Union cauHe on account of the deHpondenc.v which it nhowed <-oncern- in^ the ]>roHpectH of the country: "I venture to remind yon that our bleedii.4, bankrupt, alni<iMt dyin){ country, longH fur (teuce, ahudderK at the proHpeiit of fre8h couHcriptionH, of further wholeHale devasta- tiouH and of new rivern of human blood. A wideHpread conviction that the Government and itH |)rominent MU]>porterH are not anxiouH for l»eace, and do not improve proffered o]>)iortunitieH, \h doinj; jjreat harm now, and \» morally (ertaiu, uuR-hh removed, tu do far greater in the approaching elei'tion." ; V' ^ ' ' ^ ■ ■•. . : ' Mr. Greeley declined to give his couHent to the publication of the corrcHpondence unleH8 these phraHes Hhould also be ]iubliHhed. The President, accordingly, submitted in silence to the injustice which iiad IxHMi done him, and the full facts were not known until the correspcmd- ence was publishiU, a year later, in Henry «I. Raymond's "liife, Public Service's and State Tapers of Abraham Lincoln." This period was marked by 8<nne turmoil in the Cabinet. During the discussion in regard to the correspondence, the President invited Mr. (Jreeley to Washington, but (Jreeley declined to go on the ground that Mr. Lincoln was surrounded by his "bitterest {lersonal enemies." "I will gladly go,'' he said, "whenever I feel a hope that their influence has waned." This evidently meant that Greeley wanted a promise from the I'resident that Secretary Seward slionid be dismissed from the Cabinet. But instead of being dismissed, Mr. Seward was, at that time, probably, the most influential member of that body. The tirst change that actually was made in the Cabinet was t)«e acceptance of Mr. ('base's resignation as Secretary of the Treasury, tendered because he insisted on nominating a candidate of his own as Assistant Treasurer in New Vork. The other change in the Cabinet was the removal of Postmaster General lilair, in <-ompliance with the demand of tlie Haltimore platform and the pressure of prominent Republicans. Mr. RIair was loyal to President Lincoln, and his support of the Eman- cipation Proclamation was une<]uivocal; but he was an acrimonious I I ■sT! 31 I! TriK LINCOLN AND .lOIINHON ("AMTAKiN. Ifil cir, iiiid tlie M'litiul factti ' >iHk<>d Mr. re, omitting (linn "' ^''•' iiiK. in Mr. (1 iiijiin* th»* V«'(l conctM'ii- vou that our e, abuddcrH ale dovasta- d ronvirtion t anxioiiH foi { (Treat harm eater in the cation of the liHlied. The ce wliicli liad i» correBpcmd- 'Life, I'nblic; net. Durinj? udent invited in the (rronnd nal enemies." heir influence ed u promise smissed from ward was, at t body. The he acceptance ur.v, tendered t as Assistant jinet was tlie h the demand Republicans. of the Enian- I acrimonious irillc iind liad a great fat-iihv for iiitikin)i> enemieM. Tlie I'rcsident was rehictant to remove him, iind n( (Hh- time said: "I propoHe t-on- linninp; to be nivseir tlie Jiidp- iih I" when ti member of the Tiibinet HJiall b<> dJHmiHHed;" Init iilong in Se|ileiiilM-r liie letterH iiHkini; tlie dlHUiisHal came liive an avuianciie. Anion;: otherH, llenr.v Wilson wrote: "Kveryone liates Ithiir. TenH of tlioiisnnilMof men will ite lost to ,vou or will);ivea reliiciant vole on iic( oiinl of i lie IthiirH." At last liin<-olii >-ielde<l. Illair accepted his dlHiiiisHiil ;r|.j|,«.f hHv, hikI pive Mr. Lincoln his m(»st earnest support in the campai);n. Tin* September and October elections set- tled beyond (| nest ion, the result of the Presi- d e n t i a 1 contest. In September Maine and Vermont ptve larp'ly increased Republican majorities. In October Pennsylvania char.;;ed her representati<»n in Congress from tw<'lve to twelve in the Thirty- eighth to fifteen Re- publicans and n i n e Democrats in the Thir ty-ninth. Indiana passed through one of the most exciting cam- paigns in its history, in which Oovernor Mor- ton made a nnigniflc<>nt canvass, aided by ]>rominent Republicans from nil parts of the country. He was r«»-elected by over .'{(I.OIM) majority. Ohio, which haul sent fourteen Democrats and five Republicans to Congress in IS02, now chose seventeen Republicans to two Democrats, and the I'nion ticket had a majority of 54,754. Maryland gave gr<*at satis- faction to the entire North by adopting a new Constitution abolish- ing slavery. • ' The tide from this until the November election was resistless. In that election McClellan carried the three States <if New Jersey, OI-IVER P. MORTON. 'I i' V \ 162 HIHTOKYOFTIIK 1 PUUUrAN PARTY. Ih'lawart' iiimI Ki'iitiuk.v, with Iwt'iit.voin' ('l<><-t(iral v<)t«*H, while Lincoln nMcivfd tiM* vitU'H of all tin* New Kn^land HtateH, of New York and I'ennH.vlvania, vVeHt \'ii-Kiniu. Maryland, TennenHee, Louisi- ana and Ai'knnHnH, and of the new Htate of Nevada, which wan, on the .'Hut of ()<'toher admitted to tlie Union. Their electoral ^ ote, aH tinally counted, wuH 212. The popular vote was: f -incoln and JoluiMon 2,216,0«7 Mc(Mellan and Tendlet < n 1,808,725 Republican nuijority . 407,342 The claim Kiul been otcaHionall.v made that the DeniocrutH con- tributed more H,)l'Uerii to the Union arm!eH than the RepiiMii-ans. If thiB had been .«' the vote of the HoldierH in the field ougiii io have be«'n larger for McOiellan, the "idol of the HoldierH" than that for Lincoln. The result was very different from that. Fourteen of the »);ir«i» had authorised their soldie"* to vote in the field. th<me of Nev-' !> ork sending home their b;'i ■ .^s sealed to be cast by their next friends. The vote of the Minnesttf;: soldiers did not reach her Btatf^ canvaswer ' in time to be counted, and were i)robably destroyed unopened. Po with itsn-l of the Vermont soldiers' vote. Of the states u lnose f«ldierK voted '• tha* their ballots can be distinguished, the nrnjy vote was returned as follows, and Lincoln's majority was 85,4(3.''.: ' .*;■ etottiiu, Lincoln. 1 ' McClellan. ••.iaiLe 4,174 ^ T41 'Is^v Hampshire 2,066 ' «ifr- v • ' ?rmont 245 49 , - lennsylvania.... 26,-712 12,459 '' Maryland 1,800 ' 321 '^ Kentucky... 1,194 2,823 V? Ohio 41,146 9,767 ■ Michigan 9,402 > 2,059 v Iowa 15,170 1,364 Wisconsin 11,372 > 2,458 Kansas 2,867 v. 643 California 2,600 237 , Total 1 19,754 » c • ^ 34,291 One of the most gratifying results of the election was the defeat for re-election ab Governor of New York, of Horatio Seymour, who, I r -.v M vot«'H, while itl'H, «f N«'W ?ii8ee, LouIbI- hlcli wai», on oral ^ <»t«', aH 2,U16,0«7 1,808,72R 407,342 MuocrntB con- jubHiaiiB. If I to have be<*n ,t for liinooln. he plit^<•^« had if N<v' vork next friends, it*^ canvuBitier« nopened. Pn ilkOBe HoldlerK rniv vote was Mi^Clellan. 741 690 40 12,459 321 2,823 0,757 2,059 1,364 2,458 643 237 34,291 was the defeat Seymour, who, i ,>? '".- ... > ( rf ■ ib '# t mmmm mmmeHwtlnMliliBllWmr:' -'^ g*-%MS:f-" - ' ' ^ '^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) us Kii i2.2 ;^ ufi 12.0 ■it PhotDgraphk} Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRICT WIUTCR,N.Y. 149S0 (71«) •73-4503 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. »' Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductlons / Instltut Canadian de microreproductions historiques THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN. 163 88 President of the Chicago Convent iou, had been the most bitter in his assaults on Lincoln. During the following period, Congress was divided politically as follows: Thirty-ninth Congress. Senate— Republicans, 42; Democrats, 10. House — Republicans, 145; Democrats, 46. Fortieth Congress. Senate — Republij-ans, 42; Democrats, 11. House — Republicans, 143; Democrats, 49. The vote of Michigan, ns cast for President was: Lincoln, 91,251; McClellan, 74,604, a majority of 16,647. The Presidential electors were as follows: At Large— Robert R. Beecher, Thomas D. Gilbert. By Districts— (1) Frederick Waldorf; (2) Marsh Giddings; (3) Chris- tian E. Berbach; (4) Perry Hannah; (5) Omar D. Conger; (6) George W. Pack. The vote for Governor, as oflficially returned, was: Henry H. Crapo, 81,744; William M. Fenton, 71,301; Republican majority, 10,443. In this, however, the vote of Alpena and Marquette Counties was omitted because it was returned too late for the official count, and the soldiers' vote was thrown out under a Supreme Court decision. The vote as cast was Crapo, 91,356; Fenton, 74,293; Crapo's plurality, 17,063. The Congressional delegation was again solidly Republican and consisted of the following members: Fernando C. Beaman, John F. Driggs, Thomas W. Ferry, John W. Longyear, Rowland E. Trow- bridge, Charles Upson. The Legislature chosen at this time elected Jacob M. Howard United States Senator for the full term. To Mr. Lincoln the election was significant and gratifying in many ways. On the evening of November 10 the various Lincoln and Johnson clubs of the District serenaded the President, and in his acknowledgment of the compliment he said: "It has long been a grave question whether our Government, not too strong for the liberties of the people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion brought our Government to a severe test, and a presidential election, occurring in a regular course during the rebel- lion, added not a little to the strain. "If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and par- tially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But the H.* ]{Ol' \ii» l \ m ' ti >\»'a 164 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. election was a neceBsity. We rannot have free >r„verniiient without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a National election it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature, prac- tically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case " must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great National trial, compared with the men of this we will have men as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be avenged. < _ _ _ _ •'But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good, too. It has demonstrated that a peoples Government can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possi- bility It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that even among the candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, «an receive most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. (Jold is good in its place; but living, bravt; and patriotic men are better than gold." Of the various letters of congratulation which Mr. Lincoln received none touched him more than those which came from the Christian churches. His own religious feeling, his sense of reliance upon Providence, had been intensifying for some time, and his responses to these church congratulations give full expression to it. % -'■ s^v-'"'" 't ra«*?'*^ ''^. XIII. THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT. Important Events Attending the Close of President Lincoln's Admin- istration— Prominent Members in the House of the Thirty-eighth Congress— The Thirteenth Amendment Introduced by an Old Demoorat--Its Easy Passage in the Senate— Prolonged Contest Over the Measure in the House— Being Defeated Its Parlia- mentary Standing Was Preserved by James M. Ashley— The Leading Speakers for and Against It— The President and Se<re- tary Seward Use Their Influence In Its Favor— Pinal Adoption of the Amendment. t, - « . The period from Lincoln's second election to his assassination was fraught witUmore events of great importance than any other five months in the history of the country. It witnessed the final extinc- tion of slavery bv the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, the final defeat of the rebel armies, the complete collapse of the rebt llion, and the first steps toward reconstruction. In the House of the Thirty-eighth Congress, which occupied a large amount of time in the discussion of the Thirteenth Amndment, a few of the most distinguished members of former Congresses had disappeared, among them E. G. Spaulding and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, and Speaker Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. To take their places there appeared an unusually large number of new members who afterwards attained National distinction, including James G. Blaine, of Maine; George S. Boutwell, Samuel Hooper and William B. Washburn, of Massachusetts; Thomas A. Jencks, of Rhode Island; Charles O'Neil and Glenni W. Schofield, of Pennsylvanm; John A. J. Creswell and Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland; Robert V. Schenck, of Ohio; William B. Allison, John A. Kasson and James P. Wilson, of Iowa. Mr. Grow's retirement gave opportunity for the election to the Speakership of Schuyler (^olfax, who for many years after this was among the most conspicuous figures in National poli- tics. A number of the new members made their first Congressional tl r 1U6 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. speeches of any importance during the pendency of the Thirteenth Amendment, which in form was as follows: Be it Resolved, etc., That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several states as an Amendment to the Consti- tution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of said Constitution, namely: Article XIII. Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation. It is a striking comment on the changes which the war had brought in individual and party politics, that this Amendment should be introduced in the Senate, not by one of the old Abolition or Free Soil Senators, but by an old Douglas Democrat from a Slave State. Gen. John B. Henderson had been appointed a Senator from Missouri in January, 1862, after Trusten Polk was expelled for joining in the Secession movement. He was a Douglas Democrat up to the close of the campaign of 1860, but when the Secession movement began to take form, he became one of the most active Unionists in the State, and was of great service in frustrating the schemes of the Secession- ists. In the Senate he acted with the Republicans, except on what lie considered as extreme measures. The Confiscation Act of 1862, for instance, he opposed, because it would "cement the Southern mind against us, and drive new armies of excited and deluded men from the border states to espouse the cause of the rebellion," but he earn- estly supported Mr. Lincoln's Compensated Emancipation policy, and labored strenuously to secure the passage of the Missouri Compensa- tion Bill. With the failure of half way measures his Anti-Slavery sentiments grew, and he finally became a fit leader in the Senate of the movement for securing the complete abolition of slavery. The Amendment had an easy road in that body. After its intro- duction it took the usual course of reference to the Judiciary Commit- tee, which reported it favorably, and it passed by a vote of 38 to 6, as follows : ITeas — Fessenden and Morrill, of Maine; Clark and Hale, of New Hampshire; Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts; Anthony and Sprague, of Rhode Island; Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Colla- mer and Foot, of Vermont; Harris and Morgan, of New York; Ten -.'/ THE THIRTEENTH AMENHMENT. Uil Thirteenth i Article by E.Vi'k, of New JerHe.v; Cowan, of PennHylvania; Kev<M'(l.v Johnson, of Maryhind; Van Winlile and Willey, of West Vii-Kinia; Hhernian and Wade, of Ohio; Lane, of Indiana; TrunibntI, of IllinoiH; Brown and Henderson, of Misgouri; Cliandler and Howard, of Michij^an; GrinieH and Harlan, of Iowa; Doolittle and Howe, of WiMconHin; KaniHey and Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Lane and Ponieroy, of Kansas; Harding and Nesniith, of Oregon; Conners, of California — US. Nays — Riddle and Ranlsbnry, of Delaware; l>avis and Powell, of Kentucky; Hendricks, of Indiana; McDougall, of California — 6. Not Voting — Bucka- lew, of Pennsylvania; - Wright, of New Jer- sey; Hicks, of Mary- land; Bawden and Car- lisle, of Kentucky ; Richardson, of Illinois. The nays and those not voting were all Democrats. The yeas were all Republicans except Reverdy' John- son, of Maryland, and Nesmith, of Oregon. In looking over the list of yeas one cannot help being struck with the very large number of names of men of ~ prominence. The war and the legislation at- tending it, furnished a school for great men. There is hardly one in the list who was not known, the country over, at the time, and many of them achieved enduring fame. It was so certain that the Amendment would pass the Senate, that it was not considered necessary to spend much time in debating the measure, and there was less oratory over it than is sometimes indulged in over a very trifling measure. Of the nays, Riddle and Saulsbury, of Delaware, simply repre- sented intense conservatism. Their State was still nominally a Slave State, and they clung tenaciously to the institution, and thought OALUSHA A. GROW. :. -•«.*?^.^--4.Yi-^rtlfl_ .' :>*^" KiS IIIHTOUY OF tup: UKIMIU.ICAN I'AKTV. fc the Tiiion could not be prewrvi'd without it. When tlie vote on the Anu'ndnirnt whb announred, Hautsbun said: "I bid farewell to all hoi>e of reconwt ruction of the Tnion." Hendrickn, of Indiana, o)>poHed the Amendment and objected to an.v interference with slavery, becauMe tin* eleven wtateH in rebellion were not represented in CongregH. McDougall succeeded in the Senate, William M. (rwin, tht> rabid HeceK- Hion leader of California, lie entered the Henate an a War Democrat, but soon fell ba<k into the rankH of the regular (•<»n»ervative Denioc- ra<'.v. The only really rampant Southern H.vmpathi/.er anions the six i. • t nays was (Jarrett Davis, an old Ken- tucky Whif?. When the bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia was before Congress in 1802, he wanted it amended so as to provide for coloni- zation beyond the lim- its of the Ignited States, on the ground that the residence of liberated slaves among the whites would result in a war of races. When Gen. Henderson's reso- lution was introduced he moved an irrelevant amendment, excluding a 1 1 descendants of negroes, on the mater- nal side, from all places of office and trust under the Ciovernment of the United States. His hostility to the strongest Anti-Slavery section of the country was so great that he proposed a consolidation of the six New England States into two States, to be called East New England and West New England. He was one of the extremest, as he was one of tlie last, of the irreconcilables. The amendment did not fare so well in tlie House. It was intro duced here, December 14, 1803, by James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who afterwards became famous as the prime mover in the effort to JAMES M. ASULEY. TIIK THIRTKKNTII AMENPMENT. 10» vote on tile ewell to nil nil, oppoHi'd T.V, bocHUHC 1 CoiigresH. abid Hect'rt- Deiiiocrat, tive Deiuo<*- long the six H (lurrett old Ken- :. \Vlu*n the liiij; Hlavery District of was before n 18(52, he amended so le for coloni- )nd the lim- nited States, II nd that the of liberated among the iild result in Lces. When erson's reso- i introduced m irrelevant t, excluding endants of n the mater- overnmeht o* Anti-Slavery :'onsolidation ed East New le extremest, It was Intro )f Ohio, who he effort to impeach President Johnson. Ashley was iis ardent an Anti-Hlavery man as that other ramons Ohioaii, Joshua H. (iiddings had been before him. He was a forcible spealier, supported his iH'solulion with tfvvat earnestness, and was persistent in its advocacy, although it was evident that the House was not favcu-able to its adoption. It was referred to the Judiciary Commit (ee and there remained in re|M)se. A second resolution of like ]>urport was introduced by Isaac N. Arnold, of Illinois. Mr. Holnian, of Indiana, who had already earned the title of the great objector, had objected to the second reading of 31 r. Ashley's resolution, but was overruled. He now took another form of obstruction, and moved to lay Mr. Arnold's* resolution on the table. This was negatived by a vote of 7!) to 5S. Ab it requires a two-thirds vote to adopt a Constitutional Amend- ment, this vote was not encouraging, and the resolution was not further pressed. When the Senate resolution reached the House its reception was even more discouraging. Mr. Holnian objected to its second reading, but was overruled, and the measure remained before the House for consideration. The first test vote showed 7(» members in favor of the measure, while it would take 110 to pass it. In the discussion which followed the prhicipal speakers in the opposition were Fernando Wood, Samuel J. Randall, (Jeorge H. IVndleton and Robert Mallory. The latter, a Kentucky Whig, not only opjiosed this measure, but insisted that the Emancipation I'roclamation did not represent Presi- dent Lincoln's best judgment, but was for<*ed upon him by the War < Governors who had met in Altoona in 1862. Fernand«> Wood was naturally hostile to this measure. He represented the New York City Democracy, and cultivated the favor of the mob, who had been educated into hostility to nearly everything that was favored by the I'nion side, during the war. Randall, who afterwards became one of the voat broad-minded of the Democrats in the House, entertained the fe. ;>' that possessed many of the young men at that time, that the abolition of slavery was the forerunner of all sorts of usurpations. Pendleton took the ground that, as then constituted, the Union had no power to abolish slavery. The principal speakers in favor of the amendment were Daniel Morris, of New York; E. ih Ingersoll, of Illinois, and George S. Uout- well, of Massachusetts. It seems extraordinary that the older members of the House should have left the consideration of this important measure entirely to new men. The hopelessness of the 1 :~:^r^- 170 HIHTOUY OF THE KKITHLU'AN TAKTY. ■ :V;-. ciiMC may have bi>en one reuBun. A4 an.v rate the 8liiKKiHl>>>*'M>* <>' the debate, on thiH ot-caHion, was in marked contraHt to itH earneitt- neMH, when the Hnbject again came up in the Hame IIoiiHe, a year later. The vote, when taken, gave *Xi yvan to (»4 na.vH, 100 votes being ., required to [mmm it. Mr. AHhle.v, who kept careful watch of the meaHure at every Htape, and who had voted no for that puriMnw', moved to reconHider and thuf) preHerved the parliamentary HtatUH of the meaHure. He also announced that when CongreflH met again, in I>e(>ember, 1H(>4, he Hhould presH the reHolutiou, and exp«>ctcd that it would be adopted. ^ ^ " *•• • ^*^' President Lincoln earnently desired the ado]>tion of tills Amend- ment. He thought it essential to the safe reconstruction and jierpe- tnity of the I'niou, and he found in jt also a vindication of his judgment in issuing the Eniancipati<m Proclamation. He person- ally urged his views upon Members of Congress who were friendly to him, and in liis annual message to Congi-ess, De'-ember 0, 1864, be '/ said: r^.' "At the last session of Congress, a projjosed Amendment of the C%)nstitution, abolishing slavery thrtmghout the T^nited States, passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vot«> in the House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract question is not changed, but au intervening election shows almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure, if this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when the proposed Amendment will go to the states for their action, and as it is to go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any further than as an additional element to be considered. Their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people, now, for the tlrst time, heard on the question. In a great National crisis, like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable, almost indispensable; and yet no ap)>roach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and kIhIiiichm of tH earneHt- II He, a yeai* iitvh of tin* at piii'iMttM', y HtatiiH of iiK't aKaiii, pectc'd that \\i'\H Aiiieud- I and perp* - ition of hi« He pei'Boii- » friendly to n, 1864, he Iment of the ited Btates. [)-thii'dH vote id the same stioning the pposition, 1 passage of he abutract ?tioD shows measure, if > us to when * action, and e sooner the ^d a duty on r than as an y be affected time, heard unanimity of 'able, almost is attainable be majority. > Union, and TIIK TmUTKKNTII AMENDMENT. 171 anioitg the nieiiiiH lo Henire that end, hik-Ii will, tliroiigh the ele< tion. is moHt clearly declared in favor of hiicIi ConHtitulional Amend- ment." Mr. Keward had added his intliience to that of th(> PreHident in behalf of a meawnre which he conHidered "worth an army." With this new support for the resolution Mr. Ashley called it up on tli«> (Uh <»f .lanuary, IHti.*). He opened the del>ate with a forcible Kpeech, but after that conHned his etrorts mostly to perH(»nal work among the members, laboring chiefly with th(> Democrats. When this (\mgress was llrst elected it consisted of 10:< Republicans and 8<'l Democrats, and but few changes had lieen nuide after that, so that the Republicans alone could not carry any measure requiring a tw(» thirds vote. The task of securing the necessary number of Demo- crats, by any amount of persuasion, would have been hopeless a year earlier, but circumstances had changed greatly in twelve months. The end of the rebellion was apparently near, for one thing, and there were a few Northern Demoj-rats in the House who had always been in favor of jiutting down the rebellion, who did not agree with the Republicans on the slavery question, but who did now recognize the fact that the passage of this Amendment would strike the dead- liest blow to the" Southern cause. The utterances of the nu)st vio- lent Houthern leaders aided in )>romoting this view. JetTerson Davis wrote to (lovernor Vance, of North Carolina, a few months before: "We are not fighting for slavery, we are lighting for independence; and that, or extermination, we will have." The natural inference . was that if the South was not fighting for slavery there was no reason why the North should continue it in order to pacify the South. The whole attitude of the Secession leaders was such as to finally con- vince observing Nortliern men that further compromises and concessions on the slavery question were useless. That was no longer the main question in issue. The first Democrats to speak in favor of the Amendment were Odell, of New York, and Yeaman, of '; Kentucky. In order to rally the Democrats against it, Mr. Pendle- j ton, the leader of the minority, spoke, three days later. He put the % issue squarely, not on the wisdom or expediency of the Amendment. ' but on the power to amend, which he denied. He held that the power to amend was limited in two ways: (1) by the letter; (2) by ',^ the spirit, sc'oih' and intent of the Constitution. It was a Question . of compact. One State, the smallest, Rhode Island, could of right resist such an Amendment by force. ■;.wa Bl^.-.-wr*"'- 17-' INHToltV OFTMK KKIM IMilCAN TAKTY. This ('XtrtMiH' groiiiHl railed out a iiiiiiiImt of Ioiik hikI hoiiu'- tiiiicM tcdioiiH arKiiiiii'iitH fnMii .vonii^ U«>piihli<>aiiH wlio wim'c inakiiiK tli<>ir tii-Ht Htaiul for a reputation, liut tlie tcdiouHueHH of tlio debatt' wan relii'Vfd h.v the diverMiouH of H. H. Cox, of Oliio. Mr. <'ox wuh reall.v a due ('oiiHtitutioiial law.ver, hut he often rhoHe to take the role of the uixi-tt.v, and he had a |>arti«-ular fane,v for HtinKin){ men who aHHUined leaderHhip. One <if hiit ftrHt utterancen on tliiH ipieHtion wuh: "The part,v to which I belong Iov(>h the I'nion mh dearlv aH the Houth l<»veH nlaver.v. If they can let Hiaver.v k«> '"•' independence, the Democracy can let it ^^o for the Hake of the I'nion." Mr. Cox'h logical action after mucIi an utterance would have been to vote for tlie Amendment, tliout;h he did not. HIh j adroit wu.v of Mtatini; the caHe at iHHue, and at the Hame time of enlivening the debate, and of Htirring up hiH oppoikentH wuh illuH- trated by thiH patiHage in one of hiM Hpeeches: "It wan with Home aniUHement tluit I lintened to my two rolleaKHCM iMeHHrH. Pendleton and AHhIey) yenterday. How adroitly the Democratic member HouKlit to catch the Republican. How he plied him to admit the power to 4>HtabliHh nlavery! How nhrewdly my colleague on the other Hide evaded I On the other hand, memberH on the other Hide Hciupht to entangle my colleague (Mr. Tendlc'tcml with nome of hin former voteH! How both evaded the innueH prenented in their former poHitiouK! While the humbler member, who now addreHBes you, sat complacently conniHtent amid the melodramatic- perform- ance, ready to admit the power to change the fundamental law in , unlimited, under the guardn and moden preHcribed, even to the entab- • linhnient of Blavery or a monarchy, of entiit» freedom or entire democracy. Both of my friends deny this an extreme and heterodox; the one becauHe he would have nothing but limited republicaninni UH the form of Government — that iH my Democratic colleague; the other becaune he would have nothing but Hweeping democracy aH the basin of our ConstltHtion— that in my Re]>ublican colleague, who •' in HO democratic. The wiHhen of each color their present urgunientH an to the power. When slavery in to be guaranteed, my colleague frcmi i« Cincinnati believes, with me, in the power to amend, and my colleague from Toledo denies it. When it ih to be abolished, my colleague from Toledo believes, with me, in the power to amend, and my colleague from Cincinnati deni<>H it. Both deny the power when slavery is to be affected, and both admit it when slavery is not to be atfected. I have them both on either side, and each on both sides, i and both with me." , 'i^-Jz*^ TIIK THIItTKKNTII AMKNhMKNT. 17:» II nd Hoiiic- (•!'<• iiiakiiiK till' (leha(«> r. Cox wiiM to takt' till? iiittiiiK men K on tlllH ' riiioii iiM VIM'.V ffO fof Mike of the an<-e would not. HiH aiiie time of H waH illUH- H with Home H. Pendleton itii- member o admit the ague on the le other Hid** Home of IiIh ted in their »w addresseH itic perform- lental law ih to the estab- ini Of entire id heterodox; eiMibUeaniHiii [)1 league; the leniocrae.v an dieague, who it argunientM d league from m.v colleague ny colleague end, and my power when r IB not to be D both Bides, The power to nmeiid wiih the t|iieHlioii upon which the roiiMlitu- tioiuil part of the debate tliially liinied, and IIiIh had Ikm'Ii tlrnt brought ill iHHiie, in the broadcHt teriiiH, bv Mr. Cox, two da,VH before Mr. Pendleton made liin argument. Mr. Cox had then Hiii«l: ''I curr.Y the Democratic doctrine to hiicIi an extent thai 1 iiiiiintain, that the people Hpeiiking through three fourtliH of the HtatcH, in piir- Hiiance of the mode prencribed by the CotiHlilution, have the rigiit to amend it in ever.v particular, except the two Hpecitled in that iiiHtrumeiit; that thin indiideH the right to erect a monarchy; to make, if you pleiiHe, the King of DahtMiiey our King." lie |)ointed out that thiH power over the CoiiHtitution wiih conceded by MadiHon and by Calhoun, and that it waH the power invoked by the Peace Confer- I'Uce of 1S(»I, and by the Crittenden CompromiHe. Mr. Houlwell argued that the pow(<r to amend waH limited <»nly by the preamble, while Mr. Thayer, of IVniiHylvania, aiul Mr. Duwi^h, of MaHHachiiHettH, agreed that there were almolutely no limitatioiiH; that threefoiirtliH of the KtatcH could alter the preamble, an well as any other part of the iiiHlrunient. When the debate wan over, there was very little left of the theory advanced by Mr. Pendleton. The only (|ueHtion remaining waH whether there were enough Democrats who would follow their real convictionn to give the neceHHary two-thirdn. The time of voting was flxed at 4 p. ni. January '.11, and in anticipation of the event, there waH great excitement on the floor, and in the galleries, which were tilled. Mont of the membern kept tally on the vote, which had a few disappointmentn. Eight Democrats were absent, and act they were all unpaired, the inference was that they were unwilling to vote against the amendment, and not quite ready to vote for it. Mr. Cox gave the House a surprine and the friends of the measure a disappointment. He had a speech prepared explaining his vote in favor of the measure, and then voted against it. The explanation, afterward « given, was that he learned, after he reached the floor of the House, that the Peace Commissioners were on their way to Washington, and he thought that the Amendment would prove an obstacle to |)eace and union. The following Democrats, fourteen in number, voted for it: James E. English, of Connecticut; Anson Herrick, William Radford, Homer A. Nelson, John B. Steele and John Ganson, of New York; Joseph Bailey, A. H. Caffroth and Archi- bald McAllister, of Pennsylvania; Wells A. Hutchins, of Ohio; Augustus C. Baldwin, of Michigan; J. S. Itollins and King, of Mis Houri, and Wheeler, of Wisconsin. : i ■'■'; tw HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, The Ainendment was adopted, 119 yeas to 56 nays, seven more than the necessary two-thirds. There was great applause in the galleries, and many tongratulations on the floor. When order was restored Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, said: "Mr. Speaker, in honor of this immortal and sublime event, I move that the House do now adjourn." So far as Congress was concerned, the final act for obliterating the institution which had been the cause of contention for four score years, was consummated. Other measures at this session of Congress may be briefly men- tioned. Early in the session E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, intro- duced a bill to revive the rank of Lieutenant General. Mr. Washburne was a resident of the same town as General Grant, was instrumental in securing his first appointment in the army, and it was considered certain that the passage of this bill meant the appointment of General Grant to the position. It was strongly opposed by Generals Scljenck and Garfield, but was adopted. The bill establishing the Preedmen's Bureau was one of the measures that belong to the latter part of this session. The House also passed a bill repealing so much of the Confiscation Act, passed July 17, 1862, as prohibited the forfeiture of the real estate of rebels beyond their natural lives. The Senate failed to take similar action, and the law remained unchanged. It ceased to be a matter of any importance before the next Congress met. A further reminder of the changes that a few years had wrought came in the death of Chief Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, and the appointment in his place, of Salmon P. Chase, ex-Secretary of the Treasury. One of the most extreme upholders of the right of slave- holding had given place to one of the earliest Anti-Slavery leaders. iMfflii^--'' — ■ »tf>'i;;riMiiiiiiiiiiiiitii">iiiiiiir-- seven more luse in the I order was in honor of 186 do now aal act for ' contention briefly men- inois, intro- aeral. Mr. Grant, was rmy, and it meant the ras strongly pted. one of the The House Act, passed ate of rebels ake similar be a matter bad wrought e Court, and retary of the ght of slave- ry leaders. ■Il^l XIV. THE END OF THE WAR. Futile Attempts at Negotiation— President Lincoln's Ultimatum- - Southerners Still Seek Recognition of the Confederacy— Mis- sion of Francis P. Blair-Jefferson Davis Appoints Peace Commissioners— President Lincoln Visits Fortress Monroe— The Overtures Rejected— War Meeting at Richmond— Report of Conspiracy Among Democratic Generals— Successes of Sherman. Sheridan and Grant— The Evacuation of Richmond— Lincoln's Visit to that City— His Greeting by the Colored People— Sur- render of Lee— Assassination of the President— Sherman's Terms with Johnston— Disbandment of the Armies. While Congress was making an end of slavery, which was the cause of the war" the war itself was rapidly nearing its close. But before the end came by force of arms, there were futile attempts at negotiation. In his last message to Congress the President had said: "In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority, on the part of the insurgents, as the only indis- pensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing I have heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that 'while I remain in my present posi- tion I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by the Acts of Congress. If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another and not I must be their instrument to perform it. In stating a condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Govern- ment, whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it." Notwithstanding this, and other expressions of the President h purposes in the matter, members of the Rebel Government still deluded themselves with the belief, that in some way, peace might r r^.-r.s 176 HISTORY OP THE REPUIILICAN PARTY. f be had with a recognition of the Confederney. In negotiations and t'orrespondence wlii<-h followed, there whh constant fencing on this points Thus, in January, Francis I'. Rlair went to Richmond to induce Jefferson Ha vis to send, or ret-eive, commissioners to treat for jieace. He returned to Washington January Ifi, bringing with him a written assurance, addressed to himself, from Jefferson Davis, of his willingness to enter into negotiations for peace, to rei-eive a' commis- sioner whenever one should be sent, and of his readiness to appoint such a commissioner, minister, or other agent, and thus ''render the effort to enter into a conferen<e, with a view to secure peace between the two countries." Mr. Blair presented this letter to President Lincoln, who at once authorized him to return to Richmond, carrying with him his written assurance that he had constantly been, was then, and should continue to be, "ready to receive any agent whom Mr. Davis, or any other person now resisting the national authority, may inforniall}' send me, with a view of se<'uring jwrnce to the people of our common Country." Notwithstanding this emphasized difference on the essential point, Mr. Davis appointed as pea<*e commissioners Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and J. A. Campbell, who proceeded to Fortress Monroe, where Secretary Seward met them, under instruc- tions to insist u]K)n three things as indispensable (1) The restoration of the national authority throughout all the states, (2) No receding, from the position of the National Executive on the subject of slavery, (3) No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the dis- banding of the forces hostile to the Government. Cpon this basis Mr. Seward was to hear what the Commissioners had to say, and report to the President, but he was to consummate nothing. With this as a starting point, negotiations continued for several days, the I'resident himself visiting Fortress Monroe at one time to take part in them. They were of no use, except as showing to the people of the North that President Lincoln, while ready for peace, was not ready to yield any of the principles for which the North had eontendetl and to show them also that the Southern leaders were still bitter and implacable. After the < Commissioners returned to Richmond a great meeting was held in that City, which was addressed by Oovernor Smith of Virginia and by Jefferson Davis, who said: "In my corre- spondence with Mr. Lincoln, that functionary has always siioken of the United States and the Confedei'at-y as 'our afflicted Country,' but in my replies I have never failed to refer to them as separate and dis- y ■ ■^j'^ THE END OF THE WAR. 177 tiation8 an«l •ing on this [ichinond to to treat for ; with him a lavis, of his 'e a' rominis- 8 to appoint "render the ate between o President md, carrying y been, was agent whom al authority, [o the people he essential Jexander H. proceeded to nder instruc- e restoration No receding. L't of slavery, • and the dis- )n this basis [ to say, and hing. With ral days, the to take part the people of ace, was not ad contended rill bitter and mond a great by (Governor 'In my corre- lys spoken of Country,' but arate and dis tinct Governments; and sooner than we should ever be united again, I would be willing to yield up everything I have on earth, and, if it were possible, would sacrific e my life a thousand times before I would succumb." He concluded by exhorting those at home, who were able to bear arms "to unite with those already in the army in repelling the foe; believing that thereby we would ( ompel the Yankees, in less than twelve months, to petition for pem v up<»n our own terms." This meeting unanimously resolved "that we, the citizens here assembled do spurn, with the indignation due to so gross an insult, the terms on which the President of the United Htates has offered peace to the people of the Confederate States," and " That the circum stances, under which that proffer was made, add to the outrage, and stamp it as a designed and premeditated indignity to our people." A "War Meeting" was held in Richmond, three days afterwards, at which several addresses were made, and resolutions were adopted, among them one "that the events which have occurred during the progress of the war have but confirmed our original determination to strike for our independence; and that, with the blessing of God, we will never lay down our arms until it shall have been won;" and this was received with wild and long continued cheering. The people were as infatuated as their leaders were bitter. The story of these negotiations may, very appropriately, be followed by the closing words of President Lincoln's second inaugural, which came three weeks later, and which are in such striking contrast to the bitterness of the Rebel leaders: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting i)eace among ourselves and with all nations." From 8om«' developments that have since been made, it is believed that the ( onfldent tone which the Rebelsassumed, during and after the negotiations mentioned, was based upon the existence of a conspiracy among the Democratic generals of the Union Army to sup- plant the civil by the military power. That such a conspiracy existed has often been asserted, and it has even been said that the conspira- tors made overtures to General Grant with a view to making him Dictator. If such overtures were made the "Silent Captain" never told of them, and he certainly never showed signs of anything except unwavering loyalty to the Country and the Commander-in-Chief. That S*i' .jesa-ii:;. il \i ii I? I? IfS HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLIOAN PARTY. such a coriBpirac.v ever existed, except in the brains of a few vision- ariea, is not at all probable. That some of the Rebel leaders believed it to exist is quite certain. Upon whatever basis (he Rebels placed their illusive hoiMJS and defiant language in February, they were rapidly undeceived after the middle of March. On the nineteenth of that month Sherman, who had marched from Georgia into North Carolina, effected a union with General Terry's forces, thus presenting a front to General Johnston, which not onlv prevented that officer from reinforcing Lee, but whuh put his entire com- umnd in peril. On the twenty-flfth General Leo took Fort Sted- man by surprise, but a few hours afterwards was driven out with great loss. On the first of April General Sher- idan routed the enemy at Five Forks with a loss to them of nearly uix thousand prisoners, besides the killed and wounded. On the sec- ond of April our forces pushed the enemy with success, almost all along the line, and that night I^ee abandoned both Petersburg and PHiMP H. SHERIDAN. Richmond, which were occupied by our troops the next daj-. A week later, April 9, I^ sur- rendered. The President had been either with or near the Army during the first part of these stirring events. He entered Richmond the day after it was evacuated by the Rebels, being rowed from a man-of-war to a landing about a mile below the City and thence, accompanied by his young son and Admiral Porter, went to the City in a boat. The party then walked up the street toward General Weitzel's headquar- ters accompanied only by the sailors who had rowed him up. His ..\ V- fWtr'^^Tii-"''-^ ■'■ THE END OF THE WAR. 17!> few vision- rs believed holies and d after the ■rinaii, who union with 1 Johnston, , but which ntire com- ril. On the General Fort Sted- irprise, but afterwards I out with On the first ?neral Sher- I the enemy »rk8 with a m of nearly d prisoners, i killed and On the sec- II our forces enemy with t m o s t all ine, and that abandoned Tsburg and which were il 9, Jjee sur- y during the lond the day a man-of-war ;?ompanied by a boat. The ^I's headquar- lim up. His coming was unannounced, but news of his arrival spread rapidly, and from all sides the colored people came running together. A maga- zine writer of the time thus described the scene : "They gathered around the l»resident, ran ahead, gathered upon the flanks of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the rear. Men came from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste, shouting and hallooing and dan«lng with delight. The men threw up their hats, the women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs, clapped their hands, and sang, (ilory to God! Glory! Glory!' render- ing all the praise to God who had heard their wailings in the past, their moanings for wives, husbands, children and friends sold out of their sight; had given them free- dom, and after long years of waiting, had permitted them, thus unexpectedly, to behold the face of their great benefactor. 'I thank you, dear Jesus, that I behold President Lin- kum,' was the exclama- tion of a woman who stood upon the thresh- o 1 d of her humble home, and with stream- ing eyes and clasped hands gave thanks aloud to the Savior of Men. "Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and striking her hands with all her might, crying, 'Bless de Lord; Bless de Lord! Bless de Lord!' as if there could be no end to her thanks- giving. The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The streets became almost impassable on account of the increasing multi- tude, till soldiers were summoned to clear the way. "The walk was long and the President halted a moment to rest. 'May de good Lord bless you, President Linkum,' said an old negro, WILLIAM T. SHEBMAN. "■•'^^-swsswssw-* ^ "^feytfj P'. >'? >-' ■•- . ±??^^il^:^. '•.t?;r,i!S^,m^t, wi ^ ^. e.--'.-"'*?^-'q&^ r ( ■ tm HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN I'ARTY. removinji; his hat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his cheeks. The President removed his own hat and bowed in silence; but it was a bow which upset the fornix, laws, customs and cere- monies of centuries. It was a death shock to chivalry, and a mortal wound to <'a8te.-' The I'resident returned to Washington on the 9th and for the next four days was occupied with measures of relief from the burdens of the war, rendered possible by its rapidly approaching end. The days from tlie 24th of March till the 14th of April, were probably the happiest of his life. He had passed through days and months of anxiety and depression, when the Union armies were suffering defeat, when the political skies at the North were dark, and when he was himself misunderslood and traduced. Now the Union armies were on the high tide of victory, the political atmosphere was clear, and he had frequent evidence that he himself stood higher in popular favor than ever before. The great task of his life had been accomplished, and he was olready planning for the government and restoration to prosperity of that portion of the country which was about to be restored to peace; plans with the carrying out of which he was to have nothing to do. ;. The story of his assassination at Ford's Theater on the evening of April 14; of the universal expression of sorrow and grief through- out the North; of the long journey made by the funeral train; of the demonstrations of respect and sorrow in every Town and City along the route; and of the impressive ceremonies and the interment at his old home in Springfield, which he had not visited since he left it, four years earlier — the story of all these is too long and too familiar to the public to warrant repetition here. The surrender of Lee had not quite finished the war, for General Johnston was still at the head of a large and well equipped army in North Carolina, which might be reinforced from other parts of the Confederacy. Johnston, however, evidently knew that it was merely a question of time when he must surrender, and he opened corre- spondence with General Sherman with a view to a suspension of hos- tilities. General Sherman replied that he was fully empowered to negotiate, on the same terms as those under which Lee surrendered to Grant. This was not satisfactory to Johnston, and subsequently he had two interviews with Sherman, in which he overpersuaded the latter to sign the following remarkable "Memorandum or Basis of «*.. w it W Mu B jm i m i .n it^r^:-;;-' THE END OF THE WAR. ~ 161 ng down his d in silence; tns and cere- and a mortal i for the next 10 burdens of d. The days probably the nd months of . ering defeat, when he was , armies were clear, and he popular favor accomplished, restoration to I about to be ich he was to »n the evening grief through- tl train; of the ind City along terment at his" he left it, four oo familiar to ir, for General lipped army in T parts of the t it was merely opened corre- [)ension of hos- empowered to ee surrendered d subsequently rpersuaded the im or Basis of Agreement," which Sherman afterwards acknowledged he had no power to guarantee: 1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain the status quo, until notice is given by the Comnuniding (Jeneral of any one to his opponent, and reasonable time, say forty-eight hours, allowed. 2. The Confederate armies, now in existence, to be disbanded and conducted to their several Htaite Capitals, there to deposit their arms and public property in the State Arsenal; and each officer and man to execute and tile an agreement to cease from acts of war, and to abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The number of arms and of munitions of war to be reported to the Chief of Ordnance, at Washington <Mty, subject to the future action of the Congress of the United States; and in the meantime to be used solely to maintain peace and order within the borders of the states respec- tively. 3. The recognition, by the Executive of the United States, of the several State Governments, on their officers and Legislatures taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States; and where conflicting State Governments have resulted from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the United States. 4. The re-establishment of all Federal Courts in the several states, with powers as defined by the Constitution and the Laws of Congress. 5. The people and inhabitants of all states to be guaranteed, so far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as well as their rights of person and property, as defined by the Constitution of the United States, and of the states representatively. 6. The Executive authority or Government of the United States not to disturb any of the people, by reason of the late war, so long as they live in peace and quiet, and abstain from acts of armed hostility, and obey the laws in existence at the place of their residence. 7. In general terms, it is announced that the war is to cease; a general amnesty, so far as the Executive of the I'nited States can command, on condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies, the distribution of arms and the resumption of peaceful pursuits by oflBcers and men hitherto composing said armies. Not being fully empowered by our respective principals to fulfill these terms, we indi- vidually and officially pledge ourselves to promptly obtain authority, and will endeavor to carry out the above programme. In making these terms General Sherman utterly misapprehended the sentiment of people at the North. They had thought the terms granted to Lee too generous, and those were granted before the assas- sination of President Lincoln. The suggestion of these much m.ort? liberal terms, coming after that atrocious crime, was intolerable. In •■'PT^ ^uy y . i M g i » 1 » wyBjj» #i i fr w-a -^ W^ * 182 HISTORY OF THE UElM'ItLICAN I'AUTY. un-oi'dHDce with tliiH Ht'iitiiiient tlie new I'leHidiMit and <'abinet, with th« liearty «'onciirrfn('f of (leueral Oruut, repudiated the agreeiiieut for the following roasunB: 1. It wa8 an ex<'r<*i8e of authority not vested in (leneral Hher- man, and, on itH face. nhowH that both lie and Johnston linew that (leneral Hhernian had no authority to enter into any 8u<'h arrange-- ments. 2. It was a practical acknowledgment of the Rebel (lovernment. 3. It undertook to re-establish Rebel Htate Governments that had been overthrown at the sacrifice of nmny thousand loyal lives and immense treanure, and placed arms and munitions of war in the hands of Rebels at their respective capitals, which might be used so soon as the armies of the United States were disbanded, and used to conquer and subdue loyal states. 4. By the restoration of Rebel authority in their re8i>ectiVe states, they would be enabled to re-establish slavery. 5. It might furnish a ground of responsibility on the part of the Federal CJovernnient to pay the Rebel debt, and certainly subjects ' loyal citizens of Rebel States to debts contracted by Rebels in the name of the State. 6. It puts in dispute the existence of loyal State Governments, and the new State of West Virginia, which had been recognized by every Department of the United States Government. 7. It practically abolished confiscation laws, and relieved the Rebels of every degree, who had slaughtered our people, from all pains and penalties for their crimes. 8. It gave terms that had been deliberately, repeatedly and sol- emnly, rejected by President Lincoln, and better terms than the Rebels had ever asked in their most prosi>erous condition. 9. It formed no basis of true and lasting peace, but relieved Rebels from the presence of our victorious armies, and left them in a condition to renew their efforts to overthrow the United States Gov- ernment and subdue the loyal states, whenever their strength was recruited and any opportunity should offer. General Grant was sent immediately to Raleigh to announce the rejection of the Sherman-Johnston arrangement and to direct the immediate and general resumption of hostilities. Subordinate gen- erals were ordered to be ready to resume hostilities at noon on the 26th. But Johnston, finding himself now in firm hands, surrendered on the same terms as Lee did to Grant, the terms being as follows: "Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate; one copy to be given to an officer designated by each of the Commanding Generals; the officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly ^"^MWMi ■le- -'i'- 'W THK END OP THK WAR. 18a aliinet, with «* agreeiiu'iit 'neral HIum*- ti knew that lurh arraiige- lovornmpnt. nments that loyal lives >f war in the It be UBed bo , and oBed to r respeetite le part of the inly BubjectB KebelB in the GJovemmentB, recognized by relieved the )ple, from all tedly and sol- i-niB than the on. , but relieved left them in a ?d States Oov- Btrength was 1 to announce 1 to direct the )ordinate gen- t noon on the' s, surrendered ng as follows: jate; one copy Commanding lot to take up intil properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to Hign a like parole for the men of their commands; the arms, artillery, and public property to be pa<-ked and Hta«'ked, and turned over to United States oflBcers. This will not embrace the side arms of offlcers, nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each olticcr and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they <»bserve their paroles, and the laws in force where they may reside." There were, after this, a few battles and skirmishes in the remote Southwest, but these were unimportant. As a general thing the small bands of Kebels, still in the field, mustered themselves out, grabbed what property they could lay hands on, and started for home. The surrender of Lee made the colla]iHe of the ('onfe*lerucy inevitable. The surrender of Johnston made it complete. It remained to disband the Union armies. Tln're were in the field according to the muster rolls on the 1st of March, 9fi5,51)l men, of whom 602,593 were present for duty, and 132,538 on detached service. These men bad been accustomed, in the Army, to short periods of fierce action, alternating with long periods of comparative idleness. They had lost the habit of steady, (|iiiet, labor, and many people were apprehensive that the "turning loose" of so many of them at once, would be destructive of good order, good morals and good government. These apprehensions proved groundless. The Union armies were made up, almost entirely, of patriotic citizens, and not of bummers, dead beats or scalawags. The Western armies were mustered out as fast as the condition of the districts in which they were located would warrant. The Eastern armies were, as far as practicable, concentrated at Washington for the Grand Review, which has become historic as the most inspiring parade of volunteer citizen soldiery ever seen, and then they, too, were sent to their homes. There was neither disturbance, nor rioting, nor any increase of offenses against person or property. The vast host faded away into the farms, the workshops and the offices of the country, without a sign of disorder, creating for itself only two reminders of its former existence, the Grand Army of the Republic for the living, Memorial Day for the dead. mtmmm* ^ I -• 4 -, XV. ANDREW .TOIINHON AXH HIW I'Ol.irY. Forebodings of tlie NortluTin'rH in H«')>;ar<l ((» -lolniHon — HIb Cnni- paign HjiftM'lM'H Made An I'nfavoralih* liiiprcHHion — His TlircatH Toward the Houth — Talk About Making TreaHon OdiouH — Sudden Change of Attitude — I'roclanuition of AnincHty and Pardon — Poor Seh'cHonM of I'roviHional (SovernorH for tin* Wouthern Htates — Mischievous KeMultH of the PreHident'i* Plan — Houthern States Re-enact Slav«'rv in Anotlier Form — They Accept the Thirteentli i\niendnM'nt and Then Proc«'ed to Nullify It — IHscriniinationK Against Colored People in the Punishment of Offenses — The President's Message — Committee on Recon- struction — Interesting Debates on the Southern (Question — .. Passage of the First Reconstruction A<'t Uiid Pro<'eedings Ti^nder It — The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. In casting about for some consolation for President Lincoln's untimely taking off, many of the religious people of the class that always understand in advan<-e, the purposes of the Almighty, dis- covered in this tragic event a design of vengeance upon the transgressing South. Lincoln's gentle and forgiving nature, they said, was not adapted to dealing with suflb-ient severity with the erring brethren. Providence had ordained that the heavy hand of Johnson should i-est upon them, instead of the soft Iiand of Lincoln. It did not take many months to convince them of their error, for the new President, though truculent and threatening at first, soon inau- gurated a policy, that if carried out, would have put the Secession leaders in the saddle again, reduced the negroes to practical slavery, and have nullifled half the eHects of the war. As it was, he kept the country in a turmoil during his whole four years' term of office, set back the work of orderly and durable reconstruction and hindered progressive legislation in almost every direction. He was one of the worst mischief-makers in the whole history of American politics. HMmPiP ANDUEVV .lOIINHON AND IlIH I'OKU'Y. 18n 11 iH Cani- iH TliriMitH OdioiiH — iiioHt.v nn(] H for th»' nt'H Plan — Oriii — They \o NuUif.v 'uniHiiinenf on Reron- (iuestion — iiiRH T'luU'f it Lincoln's s clasB that rnighty, dis- ' upon the mture, t\wy ty with the fivy hand of I of Lincoln, •ror, for the , soon inan- le Secession ical slavery, vas, he kept rm of office. ,nd hindered was one of can politics. The election canipaiKi) liad no( |iroKreHHed far when the Uepiib- licaiiH who heard him speak became convlnc(>d that the nomination of .Johnson was a mistake. Nearly or (|iiile the first H«>t speech lie made after his nomination was in the wiKwam. at Indianapolis, dnrInK the Htate canvass in Indiana. It was nearly two litMirs Un\f(, was ranihlinK nnd disconnected in f(»rm, and was full of eulogistic and ccmceited alhisi(»ns to himself and his career. The contrast between that and the elo(|uenl, forcible and convincing; arguments which the people of that se<'tion had been accustomed to hear from tlu> lips of Governor Morton, was painful. His whole stumping lour tliroup;h the west ^ave the impression of a narrow, self-sat isHed man, v\'h(» had done ^ood service to the country when he was obstinate in the riKht, but who was equally likely to do great harm, if he should ever become obstinate in the wronj;. The hope remained that tin- rec<»),'- nition of the War l>emocra<'y on the ticket would bring to it many votes, and that Johnson, on the Vice Presidential shelf would, at least, do no harm. As it turned out the votes were not needed, .Fohnson did not remain on the Vice-Presidential shelf, and he did an inflnile amount of mischief. While the new President was distrusted at the North his ante- cedents, as well as his temper, were such as to peculiarly unfit him for dealing with the influential men in the Houlh. lie was not only a "poor white," a class which the Houtheru aristocracy, who were the real leaders, despised, but he was a leader (»f that class. He con- stantly boasted of his humble origin, and he had first climbed inio political prominence on the votes of men of similar origin. He had posed as the workingman's friend, the champion of the poor against the ricli. He was the champion of white labor in the Tennessee Legislature and in Tongress, his arguments tending to antagonize slave labor, although he never announced himself as an Anti- Slavery nmn. He advo<'ated the Homestead policy, which was espec- ially obnoxious 1o the Southern leaders, as tending to break up the territories and the unsettled portions of the states into small land holdings, with independent settlers, instead of putting it into large plantations with slaves. In his course in ('ongress he was undoubt- edly sincere, and he was certainly courageous. He was a Union man, when to be such incurred the hatred of his own section. At the time of Secession, he was the only Senator froiu a seceded State that remained loyal to the Tnion. His firm and courageous discharge mmKmmm 1M HIHTOHVOFTIIK KKITHLKAN TAUTV of liiN diit.v, MM Mltitiiry Oovi'mor of T«*nn<>i<M(>«', liad fnrtli«'r intriiMl- lli'il tli(> liati-i'd iiKaiiiMt liiiii in the Hoiitli. The HoiitlKM'ti IciKlcrM iiiiKlit |M'rliii|»N liiivc <-oo|M*i'iit('<l with mik-Ii ii Hoiitlicni Ucpiiblicuii iim Hfiir.v Winter huviH or iloraco Ma.vtianI, or KraiK-iH I*. Itlair, in tlio ctTort to fornnilat«> a rcnHonabIc and Maf(> plan of r«M-onHtrii<-tion, but not with Andrew .lolinHon. lie might, |H>rha|>H, when barked bv the power of hiH new poHition, have over- come thiH diHadvantage, if he liad poMHeHHed an ev(>n temper, tact and KO(hI judgment. He poHHeKHed neither. He might have avoided ntoHt of liiH nnmeroUH miHtakeH, if he had taken the courMe that would have iiuggeHted itMelf to un.v prudent man, railed t'ongreHH together in extra HeHMion, conferred with itH leaderH, and let that bod.v take the initiative. He wao too ronceited for that. There had been nothing in hiH rerent utteraneeH that could lead the HouthernerH to expect clemency at bin handn. He proteHted to I'reHident liincoln agaiuHt what he called the too eaH.v terniM of sur- render accorded b.v <Jrant to Lee. Hefore Mr. Lincoln's renuiiuH hud l(>ft the White HouHe, he announced that hiM policy whh not to be one of mercy. In a Hpei'ch to a delegation of diBtinguiHhed citixens of Ulinoig, on the IMth of April, he announced that Lincoln'ti policy would be hiK policy, but afterwards struck out that portion of his HiMH**'!! from, the stenographer's notes. It did not agree with the sentiments in other parts of the address, nor with what he, at the time, felt. In another part of his address to these Illinois visitors he said: "When the question of exercising men-y comes before me it will be considered calmly, judicially, remembering that I am the Executive of the Nation. I know men love to have their names spoken in connection with acts of mercy, and how easy it Is to yield to that impulse. But we must n«>ver forget that what may be mercy to the individual is cruelty to the State." His first public speech after he became President showed a sin- gular want of tact. He gave no expression of grief or praise for the dead I'resident, beyond the declaration that he was "almost over- ' whelmed by the announcement of the sad event which has so- recently occurred." But he had much to say about himself, and his career. This was always a ready and tempting topic to him. "Toil, and an honest advocacy of the great principles of Free Government have been my lot," he said. "The duties have been mine, the consequences God's." And this led Senator John P. Hale to remark: "Johnson MM v\ ANhUKW .MHINHON AND IMS IMH.irY. 1«7 tliiT intciiHi Willi Miicli a Ma.vnanl, or mi Maf(* plan lie iiiiglil, have «>v«'r- MT, ta<;t uiul iav«' avoided coiii'He that ed <'oii){reMH and let dial t. at could lead protested to tei-iiiH of 8ur- reiiiaing hud not to be one ed citizens of icoln'H policy lortion of his cree with the ]at he, at the inoiH vmitorci 168 before me hat I am the their nam^s it is to yield nay be mercy showed a siii- praise for tlie "almost over- US sorecoutly id his career. "Toil, and an ^rnment have consequences k: "Johnson Mecnied willing lo Hliare I lie ^'lory of IiIm acliieveiiieiilH willi Ills Oe- ator, hut utterly forgot thai Mr. liiiicoin had any share of ciiMiil for the HUppresNion of the Kehellion." .loliiiHon's remark, and Hale's comment on It, were enoiiKli lo make the new I'reHideiil an object of ridlcuh' at the start. In this same Hpe<>cli he had some further remarks about himself, his humble ori^'in, etc., but very little to say ilbout the country, aii'l notliiuK that was at all <-onclusive on the subject that was uppermost in men's minds, the re<-onst ruction of the Beteded Htates. For the next few days his utterances. Ihou^h savuRe enough to buit ili4< most implacable Uebel-hal(>r, tnw- iiiMliint; detlnite as to his plan of reconstruction. He had mu<-h to say at*(/Mt iiiukinK "treason odious,'' but nothing about how to make llf(> in the Kouthern Htates safe, nor about re-establishing; loyal (Sovernmeiits in states that were still under the control of their old l{ebel Iie){islatures, or uiid«>r no control at all. Members of the Christian ('ommission called upon him in the Capitol, while the dead President's remains still !'(>posed in that structure, and in behalf of Hie Conimission the Kev. Dr. Borden, of Albany, expressed the hope that justice minht lie tempered with merj'V. Johnson replied tliat he proposed "erecting u standard by which ev<»rybody sliould be tauf^ht to believe that treason is the highest crime known to the laws, and that the perpetrator should be visited with the punishment which he deserves.'' "I have become satisfled that mercy without justi<'e, is a crime, and that when mercy and ('leniency are exercised by the Executive, it should always be done in view of justice," he said to a delegation of loyal Houtherners. a day or two later. To a delegation of I'ennsylvanians, headed by Himon (-ameron, he exclaimed: "But I say treason is a crime, the very liighest crime known to the law, and there are men who ought to siitTer the penalty of their treason. To the unconscious, the deceived, the conscripted, in short, to the great mass of the misled, I would say, mercy, clem- ency, reconciliation, and the restoration of their Government. But to those who have deceived, to the conscious, intelligent, influential traitor, who attempted to destroy the life of a Nation, I would say, on you be inflicted the severest penalties of your crime." This idea of the "severest penalties" clung to him for some weeks. Senator Ben Wade, of Ohio, was one of the old Anti-Slavery guard, was a rough rider in the Senate, was a good hater, and was never accused of being especially tender-hearted on any subject. But 188 HISTORY OF THE KEPTJBUCAN PARTY. ft-,* * Johnson r*«farded Wade as beinia: too merciful for his own blood- lliirst.v nati. <*. After Henator Wade had advised him not to be too severe, Johnson said: "Well, Mr. Wade, what would you do if yon were in my place, and charfjed with my responsibilities?" "I think," was the answer. "I should either force into exile or hang about ten or twelve of the worst of those fellows, i>erhaps by way of full measure 1 should make it thirteen, a baker's dozen." "But how," said Johnson, "are you going to pick out so small a number, and show them to be guiltier than the rest?" In all this ferocious talk there was no hint at any plan of restora- tion, but on the 25>th of May he announced the first of his reconstruc- tion measures. It was not a call for the "severest punishment," of the "ccmscious, intelligent influential traitors," nor for the hanging of any of those "guiltier than the rest." On the contrary it was a general "Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon," with, however, thirteen exceptional classes as follows: (1) All diplomatic officers and foreign agents of the Confederate (Government. (2) All who left Judicial stations under the United States to aid the Rebellion. ^3) All military and naval oflfh-ers of the Confederacy above the rank of Colonel in the Army, and Lieutenant in the Navy. (4) All who left seats in Congress to join the Rebellion. (5) All who resigned, or ofTered io resign from the Array or Navy to evade duty in resisting the Rebellion. (6) All who were engaged in treating, otherwise than as lawful prisoners of war, persons found in the United States service as officers, soldiers or seamen. (7) All persons who were, or had be<rn absentees, from the United States for the purpose of aiding the Rebellion. (8) All graduates of the Military or Naval Academy. (9) OlBcorg of the states in insurrection. (!(►) All who passed beyond the Fedi'ral military lines, for the purpose of aiding the Rebellion. (11) All persons aiding in the destruction of the commerce of the United States on the high seas, lakes and rivers. (12) All persons held in military, naval or civil confinement. (18) All persons engaged in tlie Rebellion, the estimated value of whose property was over ^20,000. In the last clause the President showed his old inclination to play the poor against the rich. Nothing could possibly have been more unpopular than to [mt under the ban the well-to-do people and men of means, who, if they chose, could be vastly more in the work of reconstruction than the poorer classes, who were largely unedu- cated and uninfluential. I < - f:; ANlHtEW JOHNHON AM) HIR POLICY. 189 wu blood- to be too do if yoM "I think," about ten ay of full hit how," and show of restora- econstruc- hnient," of le hanging '.V it was a however, tic offlcertl 11 who left !llion. (H) he rank of II who left esigned, or n resisting ^rwise than ited States ho were, or !.e of aiding 1 Academy. ised beyond ^ Rebellion. erce of the Vll persons ins engaged y Was over 'lination to have been people and n the work a;ely unedu- I I This, and the subseciuent steps in the President's plan of restora- tion, are credited to the efforts of Secretary Seward, who, it is said, speedily acquired great influence over the President, and who, again desired to "direct affairs for the benefit of the nation in the name of another." If that is so, the Secretary was never proud enough of the work to boast of it as his, and Johnson was too proud to acknowl- edge that he got his ideas from anyone but himself. Whatever the cause, the President abandoned his belligerent attitude, and from this time on a pacific plan was adopted. Whether Seward originated it or not, he fully <'oincided with it, and the deplorable results that followed caused him the deepest disappointment and humiliation. After the failure of the plan was definitely established, he expressed to his friends great surprise and chagrin that the South should respond with sudi shameless ingratitude to the magnanimous lenders of symjtathy and friendship from the National Administra- tion. The Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon was followed, the Bame day, by the appointment of William W. Holden as Provisional Governor of North Carolina, with authority to restore civil govern- ment in the State. It was nuide the duty of Governor Holden "at the earliest practicable period, to prescribe such rules and regula- tions as may be necessary and proper for assembling a Convention of delegates who are loyal to the United States, and no others, for the purpose of altering or amending the Constitution thereof, and with authority to exercise, within the limits of the State, all the powers necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of the State of North Carolina to restore said State to its Constitutional relations to the Federal Governnient, so as to entitle the State to the guaranty of the I'nited States therefor, and to guard its people against Inva- sion, insurre«'tions, and domestic violence." This was giving wide latitude to a single individual, with no law of Congress for his guid ance, and with no very definite instructions from the President. Governor Holden was not a good choice of an official for the deli- cate and responsible duties of a position of this character. He was a shifty politician, who always aimed to be on the winning side. Before the war he was a Democratic editor at Raleiigfh, and was an original Secessionist. He was ahead of his State in that matter, for, as early as 1850, he advocated disunion in cjiSe of Fremont's election. In 1.S60-1, finding that the sentiment of the State was strong against secession, iie opposed it. He was a member of the North Car- olina convention, and when he saw that the outside pressure was cer- BOMB! iiJ'<U^IHH!Pi i |i, 100 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. P f tain to cnrry the seccHgion ordinance tbrouKh, he shifted again, and voted for it. He declared that he woald keep the i)en with which he signed the Ordinance of BeceBsion as an heirloom for his posterity, and for a time was one of the most rampant ''last ditch" Rebels. After a time he began to express doubts as to the wisdom of the whole movement, and criticised the Confederate Oovernment at Rich- mond so savagely tlmt he came to be regarded as an open enemy of the Confederate cause, and he was subjected to persecution and annoyance for that reason. This soured him still more on the move- ment, and he expressed great satisfaction, which was doubtless genu- ine, at the downfall of the Confederacy. Like Johnson, he sprung from the poor white class, and if he had done his best, he could never have been a favorite with the aristocracy. He did not, however, do his best. He did little toward restoring prosjierity and orderly gov- ernment to the State, but much toward building up a political party for President Johnson and himself. One of his methods for accom- plishing this purpose was what Thaddeus Stevens called "peddling amnesty," bringing discredit »pon the administration, as well as himself. His arts did not prevail, and at the first election under the new Constitution, he was defeated in the contest for Governor by over six thousand votes. Less mischief was done in North Carolina by President John- son's loose method of reconstruction, than in the cotton states. North Carolina was almost the last of the seceding states to go out, and then irs ordinance was passed through trickery and outside pressure. Its people were ready to accept any well-meant endeavors for the rehabil- itation of the South, and reorganized without much help from Holden. Tlaey accepted the President's plan, but repudiated its agent. In Alabama the outcome was very different. Lewis E. Parsons was appointed Governor and tried to convince the people that the abolition of slavery was a finality. "There is no longer a slave in Alabama," he said. "It is thus made manifest to the world that the right of secession for the purpose of establishing a separate confed- eratity, based on the idea of African slavery, has been fully and effectually tried, and is a failure." But in the convention which whi called by the Provisional Governor, quite a different spirit prevailed. It was argued in the debates that the State had committed no crime in seceding; that only individuals could be punished; that secession worked no forfeiture of the right of slave owners in their slave prop- ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 191 kI again, and fith which lie his posterity, itch" Rebels, isdom of the ment at Rich- pen enemy of •secution and on the move- )ubtle8s genu m, he sprung le could never , however, do i orderly gov political party ids for accom- lled "peddling D, as well as tion under the Governor by resident John- states. North ) out, and then pressure. Its 'or the rehabil- ch help from repudiated its vis E. Parsons cople that the ger a slave in world that the 'parate confed- teen fully and ion which wa5 pirit prevailed, litted no crime that secession leir slave prop- erty, and that there was no power in the United States Government, by proclamation or otherwise, to destroy slavery. For the sake of securing standing with the Government and representation in Con- gress, the Convention repealed the Ordinance of Secession, and adopted the Thirteenth Amendment, and then proceeded, as far as possible to nullify the latter. It adopted a Constitution without sub- mitting it to the people, and the Governor and Legislature elected under it, went as far as they could toward re-establishing slavery, and promised to go farther in the future. The Governor in his address, ; on assuming oflBce, desired it to be understood, while commending the policy of the President, that socially and politically the affairs of the State should be controlled by the superior intelligence of the white men. A few inconveniences incident to the situation were to be endured until they could be changed, but in due season Alabaum was to control the negro, much as it did before the war. One of the first acts of the Legislature provided that freedmen, free negr<ies, and mulattoes, wh(Mi contracting to labor for a longer time than one month, should enter into a written agreement, wit- nessed by two white persons, and failure to perform the contract was made a misdemeanor. The penalty was loss of wages and sentence for vagrancy, which meant sale to the highest bidder, and virtual slavery. By subsequent enactment a sale for vagrancy was limited to six months, but "stubborn or refractory servants" and "servants who loiter away their time," were added to the class of vagrants. Mobile was given a charter which made the n).unicipal corporation the direct agent in enslaving men. The Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council were empowered "to cause all vagrants, all such as have no visible means of support, all who can show no reasonable cause of employment or business in the city, all who have no fixed residence or cannot give a good account of themselves, or are loitering about tippling houses, to give security for their good behavior for a reason- able time, and to indemnify the city for any reasonable charge for their support, and in case of their inability or refusal to give security, to cause them to be confined to labor for a limited time, not exceeding six months, said labor to be for the benefit of the city." Under the various provisions mentioned, with the testimony of white witnesses only received, it would be easy to secure six months' slavery for almost any colored man. The other Provisional Governors were William L. Sharkey, of Mississippi, James Johnson of Georgia, Andrew J. Hamilton of ii '.?'t 1J»2 HISTORY OF THE KEITBLICAN PAKTY. I I Texas, B««njaniin F. Perry of South Carolina and \Yiniam Marvin of Florida. (Governors Johnson and Hamilton worked zealously, and with fair success, in ifivinjj their resiMH-tive states a start in the right direttion. but in the other three states mentioned the situation was worse than in Alabama. Oovernor Sharkey of Mississippi was a man of probity, and a good jurist, but without exeeutive qualifleations. He was helpless when it nime to contact with the flreeaters in that hot-headed State. The I^egislature chosen in accordance with the Johnson policy reje«ted the Thirteenth Amendment, and went so far, in direct enai-t- ments of an objectionable character, as to lead to the impression that it would adopt slavery as a State institution. In fact the old slave code was re-enacted, as far as possible, under another name. In the South Carolina I^^gislature a motion to repeal the Ordin ance of Secession was introduced by the same man who introduced the Ordinance itself in 1860. The Thirteenth Amendment was accepted only after long delay, and then only at the personal solicita- ti(»n of President Johnson and Secretary Seward. One of the acts passed made felonies of crimes committed by jiersons of color, which were only misdemeanors if committed by white persons. Many other acts were passed which were unjust and tyrannical, and other special laws were enacted of such an extreme character that General Sickles finally interfered, and virtually suppressed the legislature. In Florida the Thirteenth Amendment was not ratified until it had already been proclaimed as part of the organic law of the land. Laws relating to vagrancy, similar to those in Alabama, were passed and among other cruel enactments was one that any negro intruding himself 'into any religious or other public assembly of white jiersons, or into any railroad <ar, or other vehicle set apart for white persons, must stand in the pillory for one hour, and then be whipped with thirty-nine lashes on the bare ba<k." This was the situation when Congress met in December, 1863. The South had been reconstructed without its knowledge or consent. Schuyler Colfax was elected Siieaker by a vote of 139 votes to 36 for James Brooks of New York. On assuming the chair, Mr. Colfax reflected the tenii)er of the House by departing from the usual perfunctory expression of thanks. He made some positive declara- tions as to' the work before the body, and the declarations were not in the line of President Johnson's policy, either. Even before the President's messagi' had been received. Thaddeus Stevens made a motion for a joint committee on reconstruction and his motion was ■WMSiI v\- "-^V'" TY. Iliam Marvin of I zealously, and fart in the right le situation wuh ' probity, and a le was helpless otheaded Wtate, .)ohns(m policy , in direct ena<'t- inipression that ict the old slave »r name, epeal the Ordin- who introduced nnendnient was [>ersonal soliciia- One of the acts B of color, which ms. Many other ind other special t General Sickles ilature. ratified until it law of the land, luia, were passed ' negro intruding of white iiersons, [>r white persons, be whipited with December, 1863. ledge or consent. of 139 votes to ig the chair, Mr. ig from the usual |w>8itive declara- irations were not Even before the Stevens made n [1 his motion was ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 193 immediately adopted under suspension of the rules. The message itself was unexpectedly moderate in tone, and indicated no purposi; to break with the nmjority in the two houses, but it received scant attention. Its words were not in accord with the President's deeds. In the Senate Mr. Sumner outlined a radical policy of reconstruction, without reference to what the President might or might not do or say. Thus in both houses, within the first two days there was every indication that the President's policy would be promptly repudiated. The joint committee on recimstruction, provided for by Mr. Stevens' resolution, was appointed on the thirteenth of Decem- ber, and consisted of William Pitt Fessen- den, of Maine; James W. (} rimes, of Iowa; Ira Harris, of New York; Jacob M. How- ard, of Michigan; Rev- erdy Johnson, of Mary- land; and George H. Williams of Oregon, on the part of the Sen- ate ; and Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsyl- vania; Elihu B. Wash- burne. of Illinois; Jus- tin S. Morrill, of Ver- mont; Henry Grider of Kentucky; John A. Bingham, of Ohio; Roscoe Conkling, of New York; George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; Henry T. Blow, of Missouri; and Andrew J. Rogers, of New Jersey. Before this committee reported, the general policy of reconstruc- tion was discussed in the two houses in a somewhat rambling way, as there was great divergence of opinion as to the best methods. Upon one point the Republicans were very generally agreed: That they wanted no more of Johnson's policy. This feeling was not at all diminished by the character of the men who came to Washington to represent the reconstructed states. Four of Johnson's Provisional SCHUYLER COLFAX. mm WW m 104 IlIHTOUY OF THE UEPUIJLK'AN PAKTV. Goveiiiiu-H npiieart'd with (tTtiflcates for seats in the Senate, and the.v were the four whose states had prmtiially beKuu to re-establisli slavery. They were l.ewis E. I'arsons, of Alabama; William Marvin of Florida; William L. Sharkey, of Mississipi)!; and Benjamin F. Perry, of South Carolina, while Georgia sent as Senators the Vice President of the Confederacy, Alexander H. Stephens, and one of the most <.onspicutHis Rebels. Herschell V. Johnson. The House was reminded that there had been a war, by the advent of the foilowiuK Rebel niilitarv officers: (Jeneral Cullen A. Battle, of Alabama; (}en- eral Philip Cook and General Wofford, of Georgia; General Samuel McGowan and <\)lonel John 1>. Ken- nedy, of South Caro- lina; Colonel Arthur E. Reynolds and Colonel Richard Pinson, of Mis- sissippi; Colonel Josiah E. Turner, Jr., of North Carolina, together with a large number of men who had been civil lead- ers in the Rebellion. Thaddeus Stevens was the leader of the House forces on the Reconstruction q u e s- tion. He maintained that the states that se- ceded from the TTnion must come back as new states, or come back as conquei-ed provinces. "The separate action of the President, or Senator, or House," he said, "amounts to nothing, either in admitting new states or guaranteeing republican form of Government to lapsed or outlawed states. \» hence springs the preposterous idea that any one of these, acting separatelv, can determine the right of states to send senators or rep- resentatives to tlie Congress of the Union?" Mr. Stevens had not, at that time, got so far as to ad -cate suffrage for the blacks by Federal action, but '.„ i. iptnl, by excluding the entire population from THADDHJUS STEVENS. W 'Y. ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 195 i«nnlt', nnd tho.v to re-eBtablish Viltiain Marvin J Benjamin F. atoi-B the Vice and one of the rhe House was f the following; Alabama; Oen- lilip Cook and NVofford, of ;ia; General McGowan and John D. Ken- f South Caro- •lonel Arthur E. |g and Colonel I rinson, of MIb- ; Colonel Josiali ler, Jr., of North a, together with number of men i been civil lead- he Rebellion, dens Stevens le leader of the forces on the truction q u e s- He maintained le states that se- frora the TTnion |uei*ed provinces. House," he said, or guaranteeing )utlawed states. ( of these, acting 1 senators or rep- Stevens had not, r the blacks by population from the hmh of representation in Congress, to compel the States, in their own interest, to extend the suffrage. He gave notice, more- over, that the blacks were not to go unprotected. He said: "We have turned, or are about to turn loose, four million slaves, without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The diabolical laws of slavery have prevented them from obtaining an education, understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to look after them until they can take care of themselves. If Ave do not hedge them, around with protective laws, if we leave them to the legislation of their old masters, we had better have left them to bondage. Their condition will be worse than that of our prisoners at Andersonville. If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall deserve to receive the execration of history and of all future ages." He denounced, with great bitterness, the cry that this is a white man's Government, saying: "Sir, the doctrine of a white man's Gov- ernment is as atrocious as the sentiment that damned the late Chief Justice to everlasting fame, and I fear, to everlasting flre." The difficult task of answering Stevens was assigned to Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times. The vagaries of Mr. Greeley, of the Tribune, during the war had deprived that jmper of its former prestige, and Mr. Raymond had succeeded in bringing the Times to the front as the leading Republican paper. It had now sided with Seward and Johnson, and Mr. Raymond himself was the ablest of the very few Republicans in Congress who were formed in those ranks. He evidently felt that he was in a somewhat anomalous position, in being separated so thoroughly from the great majority of his party associates, but made the best that he could of the situation. "I have no party feeling," said he in opening his speech, "that would prevent me from rejoicing in the indications apparent in the Demo- cratic side of the House, of a purpose to concur with the loyal Admin- istration of the Government and with the loyal majorities in both Houses of Congress in restoring^ peace and order to our common country. I cannot, however, help wishing, that these indications of an interest in the preservation of our Government had come some- what sooner. I cannot help feeling that such expressions cannot now be of as much use to the country as they might once have been. If we could have had from that side of the House such indications of an interest in the preservation of the Union, such heart-felt sympathy of the friends of the Government for the preser'. ation of that Union, Ml. II 1 1 r w 1!MS HISTORY OF TMK REPUBFilCAN PARTY. fliioh lienrt.v denuiK-iations for all those who were seeking its destruc- tion while the war was raging, I am sure we might have been spared some .years of war, some millions of money and rivers of blood and tears." In seeking to j'ontrovert Htevens' theory of dead states, he said: "The gentleman from Pennsylvania believes that what we have to do is to create new states out of this <'(mquered territory, at the prop<M' time many years distant, retaining them meantime in a territorial condition, and subjecting them to |ire<-iscly such a state of discipline and tutelage as Con- gress and the Govern- ment of the United States may see fit to prescribe. If I be- lieved in the premises he assumes, possibly, though I do not think probably, I might agree; with the conclusion he has reached. But, sir, I <-annot believe that these states have ever been out of the Union, or that they are now out of the Union. If they were, sir, how and when did they become BO? By what specific act, at what precise time, did any one of those states take itself out of the American Union?" After the recess Mr. Shellabarger answered Mr. Raymond pn this point with a caustic summary, that is in itself the history and the substance of the debate. "I answer him," said the earnest member from Ohio, "in the words of the Supreme Court: 'The causeless waging against their own Government of a war which all the world acknowledges to have been the greatest civil war known in the history of the human race.' The war was waged by these people by states, and it went through long, dreary years. In it they threw SAMUEL. SHELLABARGER. ,:!vJfr; '^'-W% CY. ingits destruc- ive been spared rt) of blood aud Htateg, he said: t we have to do y, at the proper in a territorial ate of discipline itelage as Con- nd the Govern- [>f the United may see fit to be. If I be- in the premises limes, possibl}', I do not think ly, I might agree \ie conclusion he iched. But, sir, lot believe that states have ever ut of the Union, it they are now the Union. If ■ere, sir, how and did they become By what specific It what precise did any one of states take itself Mr. Raymond pn f the history and said the earnest me Court: 'The f a war which all Ivil war known in (d by these people In it they threw ANDREW JOHNHON AND HIS POLICY off and defied the authority of your Constitution, and your Govern- ment. They obliterated from their Ktate ('(mstitutions and Laws every vestige of recognition of your Government. They discarded all their official oaths, and took In their places (witlis to support your enemies' government. They seissed, in their own states, all the Nation's property. Their Senators and Representatives In your ('ongress insulted, bantered, defied, and then left you. They expelled from their land, or Jissasslnated, every inhabitant of known loyalty. They betrayed and surrendered your arms. They passed se^juestra- tion and other acts, in Hagitious violation of the laws of nations, nmking every citizen of the United States an alien enemy, and placing in the treasury of their Rebellion all money and property due such • itizens. They franted iniquity and universal murder into laws. For years they besieged your capital and sent your bleeding armies in rout back here, upon five very sanctuaries of your National power. Their pirates burned your unarmed commerce upon every sea. They carved the bones of your unburied heroes ihto ornaments, and drank from goblets made out of their skulls. They poisoned your fountains, put mines under your soldiers' i)risons, organized bands whose leaders were concealed in your homes, and whose commissions ordered the torch to be carried to your cities, and the yellow fever to your wives and children. They planned one universal bonfire of the North, from Lake Ontario to the Missouri. They murdered, by systems of starvation and exposure, sixty thousand of your sons, as brave and heroic as ever martyrs were. They destroyed, in the four years of horrid war, another array so large that it would reach almost around the globe in marching columns. And then to give to the infernal drama a fitting close, and to concentrate into one crime all that is criminal in crime, and all that is detestable in barbarism, they murdered the President of the United States. I allude to these hcrrid events, not to revive frightful memories, nor to bring back the impulses toward the peri)etual severance of this people which they provoke. I allude to them to remind us how utter was the over- throw and the obliteration of all government, Divine and human; how total was the wreck of all constitutions and laws, political, civil and international. I allude to them to condense their monstrous enormities of guilt into one crime, and to point the gentleman from New York to it, and to tell him that that was the specific act/' Raymond made a rejoinder to Shellabarger before the debate chfsed, but without effect. His speech was ingenious and it was ■HP >mmmm lUH HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. I pi pnilHwtfor ltn cleveriioHn, but it niPt with no praeticiil (lyinpathy, and wlu'ii the tcHt vote wan taken only one Republican in the House voted with Mr. Raymond — hit) colleague and friend, William A. Darling. While he lived Mr. Raymond believed he <-ould have made a serious diverHion among the Republicans in fouKress if he could have had the benefit of the hostility of President Johnson's Democratic friends. He was especially indignant at Mr. N'oorhees, whose ill-timed resolu- tion, that "the President is entitled to the thanks of Congress and the country for his faithful, wise, and successful effort to restore civil gov- einment, law, and order to the states lately in rebellion," was the cause of the break with the President, and the disaster that made Raymond the approved ally of the discredited Democracy. In the Senate Mr. Huuiner led in the debates, which covered essen- tially the same ground as those in the House. While there was an almost universal agreement, among I{epubli(;ans, that some act should be passed tliat should take the Reconstruction matters entirely out of the hands of the Pi'.'jident and his Provisional <}overnors, there was great difficulty hi r'omJng to an agreement as to the proper method. There was a strong feeling among many against supplant- ing civil by military government, and still, without this, no method of securing a sufficiently strong Government presented itself. The differences among Republicans were not adjusted and the bill passed until near the close of the second session of the Thirty- ninth Congress. The President returned the bill with hit veto, ati an argument against military rule. He delayed the veto >iiitil the last moment allowed by the Constitution, and it did not reach the House until Saturday, while Congress was to adjourn Monday. Dilatory tactics, including talking against time, were attempted by the minority, but the majority was strong enough to overcome, by suspensions of the rules, this opposition, and the bill passed over the veto by a vote of 135 to 48 in the House, and 38 to U) in the Senate. The text of this much-discussed measure was as follows: WHEREAS, No legal State Government, or adequate protect tion for life or property now exist in the Rebel States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkansas; and whereas, it is neces- sary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States until loyal and republican State Governments can be legally estab- lished; Therefore, Be it enacted, etc.. That said Rebel States shall be divided into military districts and 'made subject to the military authority of the ■> \ ■■$'-'; 'Y. ANDKFA rOHNHOX AND TUt*l '^^'Y. IM Hyinpathy, and ic House voted ni A. l>arlint(. iiade a Berious till Id have had o<TaM<* friendii. Iltinied reBolii- ngresB and the 'Store civil gov- lion," waH the 8ter that made racy. 1 covered essen- !(> there was an »oine act should tfrs entirely out overnors, there to the proper jainst supplant- this, no method ed itself. The the bill passed at the Thirty- bill with hii He delayed stitution, and it longress was to ig against time, 8 strong enough osition, and the e House, and 38 follows: idequate protect :e8 of Virginia, jippi, Alabama, eas, it is neces- 1 in said States )e legally estab- be divided into authority of the I'nited KtateH. an lH'n'iiinfl««r i i IImhI. I fw li f piifpoHe Vir- );inia Mhall couHtiliite (lie tin iMirici; ..<rth ('iiruliiiii iiiid South raroliiiH the Mccond district ; (' Kin. A hi uua, nixl Florida the third district; MisHiMsippi and Arkin "< tli(> fomth diHirict, and houiHiana and Texas the Hfth district. Hec. 2. That it shall be the duty of (lie I'l-eHident to assign to the command of each of said diHtrictM an olticer of the Army, not below the rank of Itrigadier Oeneral, and to detail a HutTlcii'nt mili- tary force to enabl(> such officer to perform his duties and enforce his authority within the district to which he is asHigned. Hec. .*>. That it shall lie the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid to protect all persons in their rights of person and property, to suppress insurrection, disorder, and violence, and to punish, or cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace and criminals, and to this end he may allow local «-ivii tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, when in his judgment it nuiy be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have power lo organize mili- tary conmiissions (»r tribunals for that purpose; and all interferenr(>, under c<»lor of State authority, with the exen ise of military authority under this Act shall be null and void. Se<'. 4. That all persons put under military arrest by virtue of this Act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be inflicted; and no sentence of any mili- tary commission or tribunal, hereby authorised, affecting the life or liberty of any person shall be exe<*uted until it is approved by the officer in command of the district, and the I^aws and Kegulations for the (Jovernment of the Army shall not be affected by this Act, except in so far as they conflict with its provisions: PKOVIDEI), That no sentence of death under the provisions of this Act shall be carried into effect without the approval of the I'resident. See. 5. That when the {leople of any one of said Rebel States shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with the Constitution of the United States in all respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State, twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident in said State for one yeav previous to the day of sndi election, except such as may be disfranchised f(n- parti<*ipation in the Rebellion, or for felony at common law, and when such Constitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such ]>ersons as have the qualification herein stated for ele<'tors <»f delegates, and when such Constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors for delegates, and when such Constitution shall have been submitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its Legislature elected under such Constitution, shall have adooted the .\mendment r«i IIIHTOUV OKTIIK UKriHI.K^AN PARTY. to tli(> CniiHlitiition of tlH' rtiilcti KtatcH, propoMcd h\ lli«> Tliirt,v ninth CoiiKn'HH, iiiid known iih Arliric F(Mii-t<'«'n. inul wImmi Hiiid Article hIihII liavc li<>(<inM' u ]iiii't of tlir ('(UiHtitntion of the I'nitcd HratcM, Hiiid Htat4> Hliall Im> 4hM'lai'<>(l rntillcd to i-t'|in'H<'ntatioii in ronf;r(>MH, and Kcnatoi'H and U<'pr<>H(>ntativch hIuiII lie admitted tlict-cfroui on taking; tho oatlitt prcHcriiiod by law, and tlirn and tli<>i-<>aft«M' tli<> pnM-cdinK HcrtionH of tliiH act Hliall lir inopiM'ativc in Maid Stiiti I'KOVIDKh, That no |M>rf«on cxchidcd from tlir privi l•^^^' (»f holding ofTlcc b,v Haid ]>i'opoH('d AnicndnuMit to the ConHtitntion of tli(> Tnitod HtatoN Hliall hv i'li|;il>lt> to election an a nicnihtM' of the Con- vention to frame a f'onHtitiition Un- an,v of Haid Rebel Staten, nor Hhall any Hneh jiernon vote for iiiemberH of hiicIi fonvontion. Hec. 0. That until the |H'ople <if Haid Reb<>l HtateH Hhall be by law admitted to reprenentation in the ConmreHM of the T'nited Htaten. any civil governnientH which may exint therein nliall be de«>nied pro- vidional only, and in uiS veH|K'ctH Hubject to the ]Hiramonnt authority of the United Htaten at any time to aboliHh, modify, control, or Huper- <'ede the name; and in all electionn to any olflce under Hiich I'roviH- ional OovernmentH all jierHona nhall be entitled to vote, and none otherH, who are entitled to vote under the provinioUH of the Fifth Section of this Act; and no perBon Rhnll be eli|;ible to any office under any such ProviHional (iovernmentn who would be disqualified from holding office under the provinions of the Third Article of said Con- Htitutional Amendment. The Military Governors appointed under thin Act were Major General Schofleld, for the DiHtrict of Virginia; Major General Sickles, for the District of North and South Carolina; Major General Pope, for Georgia, Alabama and Florida; Major General Ord, for Missis- sippi and Arkansas; Major General Sheridan, for Louisiana and Texas. The President was hostile to I'ope, Sickles and Sheridan, and they were replaced by Meade. Canby and Hancock respectively. Under these Military Governors the real work of Reconstrn<'tion com- menced, but it was not until 1808, that any of the states were readmitted to representation. Arkansas was the llrst, and that was followed in their order by North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida. The bills for their readniission were all vetoed by the President, and promptly passed over his veto. Virginia, Mis-, sissippi and Texas did not comply with the terms requisite for re-ad- mission till 1870. The Joint Committee on Reconstruction also reported an Amend- ment to the Constitution, to stand as the Fourteenth Amendment, as follows: Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the I'nited States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United aX .J:ix■::'mtae'■'r^^:l^'\.^'A^r«s. "I'l AXnUKW .MHINKON ASM IIIH I'OLFCY. 201 Thirty uiiilli Hiii<l A r|irl(> llit<>«l KTUtt'H, ill CongrcHM, llicri'froni on i('r«'Hff«M* flio <i Htiit< \>V\\ i i-ffV (»f itiitlon of fli<> r of llio Coil- I KtatoH, nor (ion. H hIuiII hv by I'nitod Stat«*H, «' (l«M*iiH'd jiro- Mint nuthority trol, or Hiipor- I- Hiicli ProviH- ot<'. nnd non«» 4 of the Fifth riy offlcp under quiiliflcd from «* of snid Ton- t w«'rp Major <*neral Hickles, Clenoral Pope, rd, for MJBiiiB- Tionigiana and Sheridan, and i respectively, istrnetion t'oni- e stated were , and that was ina, Louisiana, svere all vetoed Virginia, Mis-, lisite for re-ad- ted an Amend- Amendment, as T'nited States of the United States and of the Stat*' wlier«'in ihey reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall ahridKc the privileges or immunities of citizens of the I'liittMl States; nor shall any State deprive any IN'i'son of life, liberty or pi'op<>rty, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the eipial protection of the laws. Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states acconling to th<*ir reH|K'ctive numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. Itut when the right to vote at any election for the choic«' of Electors for President and Vice-President of the llnl(e<l States, Uepresentatives in Congress, the Kxecutive and .ludicial ofticers of u State, or the Members of tlie Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inliabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citixens of the I'liited States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of represiMitation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which tlie number of such male citixens shall bear to the whole numb«'r of male cilixens twenty -one years of age in such Si ate. Sec. ;{. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Klector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a Member of Congress, or an officer of the United States, or as a Member of any State Legisla- ture, or as an Exet-utive or Judicial olH<er of any State, to support the Constitution of the Inited States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. Hut Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questicmed. Rut neither the T'nlte<l States nor any Slate shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the T^nited States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, or claims shall be held illegal and void. Section 2 of this Amendment was a carrying out of Thaddeus Stevens' idea of securing negro suffrage through State, instead of Federal action, and section one was aimed at the laws which some of Johnson's reconstructed states had enacted , discriminating against the blacks. The various propositions embodied in this Amendment occasioned prolonged discussions which would be of little interest at the present time. The Amendment first passed the House, May 10, 1866, yeas 128, all Republicans; nays .'17, of whom 82 were Deim>- iMMMMi WUBW^W"^ 202 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. crats and 5 niembors who were eleoted as RepublicanB, but classed as Unionists at the time. The Henate amended it and passed it as an ended, June 8, by 33 yeas, all Republicans; nays 11, of whom 7 were Democrats, the other four being the Unionists Cowan, Doolit- tle, Norton and Van Winkle. As amended it again passed the House by a vote of 138 yean, all Republicans, to 36 nays, all Democrats. It was finally submitt* d to the States, June 16, 1866. The first states to ratify it were. Connecticut, June 30, and New HampsLire, July 7. Tennessee followed, July 19, whereupon i^ongress promptly restored that State 1o the Union, and her Senators and Representatives were seated July 28. It was nearly two years before any other of the seceded states accepted the Amendment, though it was ratified by most of the Northern States as soon as their Legislatures met. The other great measures of this Congress were the Tenure of Office Act, passed at the second session, and intended to prevent President Johnson from making wholesale removals from office in order to make places for his friends, the Act Establishing the Freed- men'B Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act. The latter was designed to confer upon the bla«ks all the civil rights enjoyed by the white men except that of suffrage, to give them equality in all things before the law, and to nullify every State law. North or South, that was in conflict with the Federal statutes. The bill passed the Senate mth onlv two Republican votes against it, Senators Doolittle and Norton. When it came to the question of passing it over the veto it had a narrow escape in the Senate, for Senators liane and Van- Winkle joined the Johnson forces, and the vote stood 33 to 15. Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, who would have voted with the Presi- dent, was absent on account (<f illness, and Senator Stockton, of New Jersey, who would have voted the same way, had very recently been expelled. Their presence would have reversed the decision. That was as near as the I'resident came to getting any satisfaction out of the Thirty-ninth Congress. Other Acts passed at the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress were as follows: Giving colored men the right to vote in the District of Columbia and in the territories; repealing the author- ity of the President to proclaim amnesty and pardon conferred by Section 13 of the Act of July 17, 1862; providing i>enalties for forging public securities; amending the course of procedure in habeas corpus proceedings and establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy. {. but classed as 1 passed it as 1, of whom 7 !owan, Doolit- sed the House democrats. It he first states >sLire, July 7. aptly restored jntatives were ►' other of the as ratified by res met. the Tenure of ed to prevent from oflBce in ing the Preed- was designed 1 by the white in all things or South, that ised the Senate Doolittle and : over the veto lane and Van- rood 33 to 15. with the Presi- ockton, of New f recently been iecision. That isfaction out of e Thirty-ninth 'ight to vote in' ing the author- n conferred by ties for forging lure in habeas of bankruptcy. XVI. ;':://' THE IMPEACHING CONGRESS. The Elections of J8fi6— The Arm-in-Arm Convention in Philadelphia —A Serious Movement Turned to Ridicule— Conventions of Southern Loyalists and Northern Republicans— A Powerful Address to the Country by the Former— The President's "Swing Around the Circle*'— Administration and Anti-Administration Soldiers' and Sailors' Conventions— Large Republican Majority in the New Congress— Johnson's Numerous Vetoes— Charges and Articles of Impeachment— Attempt to Force Secretary Stanton Out of Office— Impeachment Renewed— Trial of the Case and Benefits Therefrom— The Fifteenth Amendment. For an off vear the campaign of 1860 was exciting and in some resiwcts it was* unique. The Johnson and the Congressional plans of Reconstruction were squarely before the people, and they presented the sole issue in the Congressional elections. It was hoped, before the campaign opened, that a combination might be made between the Johnson Republicans and the Democrats that would control the Fortieth Congress. President Johnson had been doing his best, though not very successfully, through that powerful instrument, the Federal patronage, to build up^ a party, and he was in hopes that if the combination succeeded in 1866 it might open the way for his re-election in 1868. It is not likely that the Democrats had any idea of playing into Johnson's hands, but if tliey could divide the Republi- can party they could themselves reap the benefit in the next election. Tlie first inove looking towai-d such a combination was the famous •'Arm-in-Arm" Convention in Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. It was intended to bring together, in fraternal union, leading Johnson Re- publicans and Democrats, North and South, and to effect a complete fusion. With the Republicans it was an assertion of the Johnson- Seward plans against the Sumner-Stevens-Wade leadership. With the Democrats, it was the search for an ally. For the use of the wm wssm 204 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ronreiiH6n a wigwam, calculated to accoiniiiodate ten thousand I)ei'8ong, was erected on flirard avenue, near Twentieth street. The white man's troubles began with the construction of the wigwam. A bitter campaign was on for the election of Governor and other State officers, and tla- feeling was running high, particularly in Philadel- phia. Besides that, the old war feeling had been aroused by John- son's furious speeches. A lot of the young fighting Republicans, including, espe<*ially, the boys in the V^olunteer Fire Department, who were always ready either for a fight or a Are, resented this "Rebel invasion of Philadelphia," this "contamination of the pupils of Girard College." They threatened that the wigwam should never be com- pleted, or if completed, that it should be burned down before it was occupied. These threats were so frequent, that, though no attempt to burn the wigwam was made, the Mayor still feare<l a riot. On tlie opening day of the Convention, as a precautionary measure, he had in readiness for service, in addition to the police, a large force of Militia. The feeling of the young Republicans was directed esiKM*- ially against Clement L. Vallandigham, whom they regarded as th^ incarnation of Northern treason, Fernando Wood, and Isaiah Rynders, of New York City. These men Anally submitted to the demand that they should not be seen at the wigwam, and that par- ticular cause of disturbance was removed. The threats gradually diminished, and there was no disturbance of any kind. The opening of the Convention was planned with a view to dra- matic effect.. The delegates went in, arm-in-arm, and the aim was to bring those who had formerly been of different politics together, Ten years before James L. Orr, of South (Carolina, had been conspicuous as the Speaker of the House at Washington ; he had been swept into the Secession movement and he had been eminent in the Confederate civil service. On the other hand, Darius N. Couch, of Massachus- etts, had served throughout the four years of the war with signal gallantry as a I'nioh officer, and had risen to the rank of a Major General of Volunteers. These two men were chosen to lead the march of the delegates; the one representing the Bay State, the other the Palmetto State, as symbolic of bringing together the extremes cf the lately shattered Union, and they advanced up the aisle to the alternate music of "Dixie" and "Yankee Doodle." Other similar pairs of extremes were efTe<'ted, and in the procession there were men of every shade and variety of political belief and association, inso- much that the Republicans compared the grand entry to the Biblical THE IMPEArHINC. CON(UlEHS. en thousand street. The wigwam. A d other State r in Philadel- ised by John- Republicans, >artnient, wlu» il tliis "Rebel pils of Qirard jever be <'oui- before it was fh no attempt I a riot. On ,' measure, lie a large forco lireited e8i>ec- E;arded us th^ , and Isaiah mitted to the and that par- tats gradually a view to dra- he aim was to together. Ten n conspicuous »en swept into le Confederate of Massachus- ir with signal nk of a Major en to lead the itate, the other ■ the extremes he aisle to the Other similar here were men Mtciation, inso- to the Biblical des<ription of the advent into the Ark of "clean beasts and of beasts that are not clean, and of fowls and of everything that creepeth upon the earth." ■■ >.-■"■ :^;,--''. .■.•■ *:-; - '■;, ;'-V.v,,-- General Dix. of "shoot-him-on-the-spot" fame, an old Democrat, was the temporary Chairman, and Senator James R. Doolittle, one of the pioneer Republicans, was permanent (niairman. Of the grand aggregation of attractions, one of the City pajiers, in a review of it at a recent date, said: "The Arm-in-Arm (Convention contained many statesmen who were either then or afterward eminent in the Democratic party. In the Oirard avenue wigwam during the three days' sessions sat, for example, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana; Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania; Joel Parker, of New Jersey; James E. English, of Connecticut; Sanford E. Church, of New York; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, and James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, each of whom was afterward presented to one or more National Conventions as a candidate for tlie Democratic nomination for the Presidency, while Samuel J. Tilden was there with no thought that in a few years the first great Democratic reaction after the Civil War would place him in the forefront of the party. The similitude of the animals that went into the ark was. indeed, justified in the strangely varying politi cal character and past record of the delegates, not a few of whom, however, were men of marked ability— Robert (\ Winthrop, the once- illustrious Whig, and Judge Josiah G. Abbott, of Massachusetts; the late Edward J. Phelps, of Vermont, Cleveland's first Minister to Kugland; James Brooks, of the New York Express; John P. Stock ton, Ashbel Green and Abraham Browning, of New Jersey; the veteran Thurlow Weed, of New York, with Seward's Republican friends, like Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times; Montgom- ery Blair, Lincoln's first Postmaster General; Garrett Davis, of Ken- tucky; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, who was a candidate for Vice-President in 1852, on the Whig ticket; Senator James W. McDougall. of California; James A. Broadhead, of Missouri, and William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, who afterwards was conspicuous as one of Johnson's defenders in the impeachment trial. There, too. were such characters as Henry Clay Dean, the eccentric Copperhead, and E. O. Perrin, whose vast voice until his death gave him distinc- tion as the only Democrat in the country who could fill the place of Reading Clerk in Presidential Conventions. Edgar Cowan, who at that time was Charles R. Buckalew's colleague in the United States Senate from Pennsylvania, and who had gone out of the Republican fc;f 206 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLK^AN PARTY. party into the Johuson ranks, was one of the leading spirits of the v! ; Convention, and with him were such noted Penns.vivanians of the day I'v as William Bigler, Fran«'i8 W. Hughes, David R, l»orter, George W. Woodward, Heister Clymer, James Campbell and Thomas B. ;' • Florence." The Convention was in session three days, and accomplished : v' nothing. It was as great a fiasco as any in American politics. On >> account of the name of its (Chairman, the Republicans dubbed it the "Didlittle Convention." A fortnight later two other Conventions were held in Philadel- phia, which were much more signiflcaut. One was composed entirely : - of Kouthern Loyalists, and the other of prominent Northern Republi- cans. They met separately, though they were in entire accord iu sentiment and action. In the Northern Convention were most of the prominent Henators and Repii'sentatives, a number of Governors, many active Republicans in private life, and a good sprinkling of newspaper editors, including John W. Forney, of the Philadelphia Press, Carl Schurz, of the Detroit Post, and Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune. Greeley rather lost caste with the party by his vagaries during the war, and the New York Times cametc be regarded as the leading Republican paper in the country. Now, by its adher- ence to the Johnson -He ward party, the Times had lost prestige, and the Tribune was restored to its supremacy. In addition to the classes ?neutioned the Northern Convention contained a number of delega- tion*; ot business men who never took active part in politics, unless in some important crisis. John Jacob Astor headed such a delega- tion from New York, and E. W. Fox from 8t. Louis. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, presided and the speeches and resolutions breathed a spirit of determined resistance to Johnson and his policy. The Convention was followed by the most imposing mass meetings ever, up to that tinia, held in the City. The Southern Convention carried greater weight even than the Northern, because it represented men who had been loyal in sections where loyalty was maintained at personal sacriflc<>, and because it represented those portions of the country which were most directly interested in the Reconstruction problem. "Parson" Brownlow, of Tennessee, one of the most courageous and active of Southern Union- ists, John Minor Botts, of Virginia, and Andrew J. Hamilton, of ^^ Texas, the only one of Johnson's Provisional Governors who accom- plished much toward the rehabilitation of his Htate, were among iM /■\ jjC. ,; THE IMPEACHINCl CONGRESS. 207 pirits of th(> 18 of the day , George W. Thomas B. icfompliBhed olities. On ubbed it the in Philadel oHed entirely lern Republl- ire a<x*oi'd in e most of th(> f Governoi'8, »pritilcling of Philadelphia •eeley, of the party by his c be regarded by its adher- prestige, and to the classes >er of delega- DlitifS, unless nch a delega- I. Governor d resolutions nd his policy, lass meetings veil than the al in sections nd because it most directly Brownlow, of ithern Union- Hamilton, of B who accom- were among those present. There were also the following, among others, who had aided in keeping the border states from going into the Secession movement: Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; Senator J. A. J. Creswell, and Governor Francis Thomas, of Maryland; Gov- ernor Boreman and Nathan Goff, of West Virginia, and Governor Fletcher, of Missouri. v ■''/"'•i^' ' . " James Speed, of Kentucky, who had retired from Johnsou - old r'abinet when it went to pieces, two or three weeks earlier, presided, and in his oi)ening address struck the keynote of the (.'onvention. Referring to the Arm-in-Arm gathering, he said: "Why was that Convention here? It was here, in part, because the great cry came up from the white man of the South: 'My Constitutional and my natural rights are denied me!' and then the cry came up from the black man of the South: 'My Constitutional and natural rights are denied me.' These complaiutH are utterly antagonistic, the one to the other; and this Convention is called to say which is right. Upon that question, if upon none other, as Southern men, you may speak out your mind. Speak the truth as you feel it; speak the truth as you know it; speak the truth as you love permanent peace, as you may hope to establish the instit;itions of this Government so that our children and our <-hildren's children, shall enjoy a peace that we have not known. The Convention to which I have referred, as I read its history, came here to simply record its abject submission to the commands of one man. Tlmt Convention did hi^ commands. The loyal Congress of the United States had refused to do his commands; and whenever you have a Congress that does not abso- lutely and tlrmly refuse, as the present Congress has done, to merely act as Recording Secretary of the tyrant at the White House, Ameri- can liberty is gone forever." The address issued by the Southern Convention was a powerful arraignment of the President, and the whole Administration scheme of Reconstruction. It was issued as a campaign document, and was the most effective agency in the canvass save one. That one the President himself furnished in 'his tour through the Middle and Western State ', from Washington, by way of Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Rochester, Buffalo, Cleveland and Chicago to St. Louis. He left Washington, August 28th, accompanied by Secretaries Welles and Randall, Admiral Farragut and General Grant. At New York the party was joini>d by Secretary Seward. Of this party Sec- retary Randall, who was rather a blatant supporter of the # BBBMMKii fi-^mmw!^'-- 1 fli^lllH,!) Il.....,(t l_ ll^l 11 nHU* 208 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Adininistrntion, and Reoretary Seward, who was joint author, with the President, of the Provisional Governor scheme, were witling par- ticipants in tlie journey, though the gentlemanly instincts of the latter must have been shocked at some of the antics of the President, as his polished oratory must have blushed at some of the utterances of the same functionary. Offlcial etiquette required the presence of (Jrant and Farragut, but neither oneof these looked as if he enjoyed the trip, which soon came to be known as Johnson's "swing around the circle." In this tour the coarser side of Johnson's character, and that' was very poarse, found full expression. He commenced with denoun«ing the Senate and House in unmeasured terms, and added to this iiersonal abuse of individuals who did not agree with him. As he advanced on his journey and found increasing evidences of popular disfavor, he became furious. Some of the meetings were more like a bear-baiting than a political disj-ussion. Crowds would demand a speech, and then bandy words with the President, until in his rage, his replies were more like a series of growls than like rational spt^ech. The most humiliating exhibition was at Cleveland, where the President was chaffed without mercy by the crowd, and he rei»lied to the taunts and jeers, with <oarse wit and repartee, such as would not add dignity nor grace to a ward meeting in municipal poli- tics. The most enterprising Republican papers took pains to publish the President's speeches in full, and they made excellent campaign material for the Anti-Administration tickets. Still another feature entered into this remarkable Congressional campaign. A Soldiers' Convention in behalf of the Administration was held in Cleveland on the 17th of September. General Wood, a veteran of the War of 1812, presided, and among the other officers I esent were Generals Granger and Custer, of the Regular Army, and the following from the Volunteer service: Generals Jolin A. McClernand, of Illinois; J. W. Denver, of California; Willis A. Gorman, of Minnesota; John B. Steedman and Thomas Ewing, of Ohio. The principal speech of the occasion was made by General Ewing, who was the only Republican of prominence who was present. Whatever effect this demonstration might have had was neutralized by an interchange of messages between this Convention and a Confed- erate Convention, in session at the same time, in Memphis, which sent a despatch of sympathy to the Cleveland gathering. This was answered with thanks for the ''magnanimity and kindness" of the message. nm V \ MgESSS^aiEii^S TY. lit author, witb ere willing par- nstinctB of the f the Presidonr, f the utteranced EHi the presence as if he enjojed "swing around aoter, and that onimenoed with >rm8, and added agree with him. ng evidences of i meetings were Crowds would President, until [growls than like kras at Cleveland, lie crowd, and he repartee, such as n municipal poll- : pains to publish cellent campaign )le Congressional i Administration (General Wood, a he other officers ^ Regular Army, renerals John A. jrnia; Willis A. lomas Ewing, of nade by General tvho was present, was neutralized on and a Confed- iplis, which sent ing. This was kindness" of the THE IMPEAClIIXii CONORESW. L'(M> J^-' The time liad not yet come when a majority of the rnioii Hoidiers were willing to mingle the blue with the gray on terms of equality, much less to Hpeak of the ''magnanimity and kiiidncHs" of the (\)u- federates, and this incident undoubtedly added mncli to the attendance and spirit of the Holdiers' and Hailors' Convention which hud already been called to meet at Pittsburg, September 2(5. This was a reunion of the field and statf officers, the rank and file, of till the I^nlon armies. Every State except Oregon was reijresented, and it is said that in an hour the Conventi(m could have been turned Into an army of 25,(MH» veterans. A private soldier, L. Edwin Dudley, was temporary Chairman, and General Jacob I). Cox was permanent' Chairman. The address adopted declared that the President's "attempt to fasten his scheme of Reconstruction upon the country is us dangerous as it is unwise; that his a<-ts in sustnining it have retarded the restoration of peace and unity; that they have converted <*onquered Rebels into impudent claimants to rights which they have forfeited, and to places whi<-h they have desecrated. If the Presi- dent's scheme be consummated it would rendpr the sacrifice of the Nation useless, the less of our buried comrades vain, and the war in which we have so gloriously triumphed a failure, as it was declared to be by President Johnson's present associates, in the Democratic National Convention of 1864." With a camjmign such as that here outlined there could be no question as to the result. With the combined efforts of the Demo- crats and the Johnson Rejiublicuns there was a Democratic gain of only three, as compared with the previous Congress. The new House, after, the filling of a single vacancy, had 144 Republicans to 49 Deiiio<-rat8, almost a three-fourths majority, while only two-thirds was required to fight the President. The Senate had 42 Republicans and 11 Democrats. Michigan again sent a solid delegation to the House, consisting of Fernando C. Heaman, Austin Blair, John F. Driggs, Thomas W. Ferry, Rowland E. Trowbridge and Charles Cpson. The vote on Governor was: H. H. Crapo, Republican, 96,74G; A. 8, Williams, Democrat, (iljm; Republican majority, 29,038. This was a larger vote and a larser Republican majoi \iy than in any previ- ous election. With a view of keeping a check ui)on the President the Thirty- ninth C<ingres8 had provided that the Fortieth should meet immedi- ately upon Its own adjournment. The new Congress was therefore immediately convened and organized, Mr. Colfax again being elected I y^T>»iS"i -? ■ ^ililiPPiiPii Twn-*; r^i^^r^ Ifi 21U '»t^- UlHTDliV OF TllK KKIMMLK'AN PARTY. S]M>akei*i The flrst wurk undt'i'tukeu WU8 tlu> piiMMugc of an amenda tory Rei-ouHtruction Art. The Ai-t paused by the Thirty-ninth Con- Ki'eHM wa8 intended to Hecure impartial HiilTrage. It declared the principle plainly enough, bnt did not provide the machinery for carrying it out. Tlie supplementary Act provided the necesBary detailH for conducting the prescribed elections, administering the oaths of ofltce, making returns and paying expenses. It also declared that if in any Ktate "the Constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the votes of the registered electors qualifl(>d to vote, at least one- half of all the registered voters voting upon the question, a copy of the same, duly certified, shall be transmitted to the President of the I'nited Htates, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress, and if it shall ap}>ear to Congress that the election was one at which all the registered and qualified electors in the Htate had an opiMtr tunlty to vote, freely and without restraint, fear, or influence of fraud, and if (\>ngress shall be satisfied that such (Constitution niet'ts the approval of a nmjority of all the qualified electors in the State, and if the said Constitution shall be declared by Ccmgress to be in conformity with the provisions of the Act to which this is supple mentary, and the other provisions of said Act shall have been complied with, and the said Constitution shall have been approv<Hl by Congress, the Htate shall be declared entitled to repn'sentation, and Henators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom as themn provided." This Act was, of course, vetoed by the President, and, equally a matter of course, was passed over the veto. On the 30tb of March Congress took a recess till the M of July. Meantime Attorney Gen- eral Htanbery gave two opinions tending to neutralixe the effects of both the Reconstruction Acts. Congress, therefore, passed a second Huppleuteutary Act intended to remedy the defects thus pointed our. It also added two sections, emphasizing the military, as against the i'ivil rule. One of these gave the commanders of districts the {tower, subject to the approval of the General of the Army, to suspend or remove from office, or from the performance of official duties and the exercise of official powers, any officer holding or exercising any civil or military office or duty, under any power, election, appointment, or authority derived from any Ktate or Municipal Government, and to provide for the temporary filling of the vacancy thus occasioned. The other section mentioned, invested the General of the Army with the same power in all the districts. This also was vetoed, and promptly passed over the veto. Y. TlIK IMrKA('IIIX<l CONOUKSH, 211 of an tinieudu iriy-ninth Con- t derlared th«» machinery for the necessary linisteriuK the t also declared by a majority e, at least one- it ion, a copy of • resident of the le to Conufress, IS one at which had an oppor or influence of Htitution niet^tH PS in the State, ngress to he in this is supple all have been been approv<»d representation, i therefrom aa it, and, equally e 30th of March i Attorney Gen- ie the eflfects of passed a second lus pointed our. , as against the ricts the power, , to suspend or 1 duties and the rcising any civil appointment, or ^rnment, and to hus oc<>a8ioned. ' the Army with K'as vetoed, and The history of the Fortieth ('onKresH was one of constant clashint; with the I'refident. He vetoed all bills of a political nature, and some of a neneral character, but they were in most caseH passed over his head by much more than the necesHjiry two-thirdt* vote. The relations between the two were ho strained, and the Pr«'»i dent was so inclined to aRRressive acts, that it is not surprising the impeachment which had previously been often talked of should at last come. The head of the Impeachment movement was the impetu ous James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who had before that been, the leader in pushing the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. On the 17th of December, 186«, he introduced a resolution for the appoint ment of a select committw* to inquire whether any acts had bet-n done by any officer of the Government of the Tnited Htates, which, in the contemplation of the Constitution, are high «rimes and misdemean- ors. The resolution, rnjuiring a two-thirds majority for its adoption, was not agreed to. On the 7th of January, 1807, Representative B. P. Loan, of Missouri, and John R. Kelso, of the same State, offered resolutions aiming at impeachment, and late in the same day, Mr. Ashley made formal charges against President Johnson. In the course of his charges, he said: "I charge him with an usurpation of power in violation of law; in that he has corruptly used the apiM)inl- ing power; in that he has corruptly used the pardoning iKiwer; in that he has corruptly used the veto jiower; in that he has corruptly disposed of the property of the I'nited States; in that he has cor ruptly interfered in elections, and committed acts, which in contem- plation of the Constitution are high crimes and misdemeanors." It would have been very difficult to maintain in court those sweeping charges, and in any ordinary condition of the public mind the whole nwitter would have been promptly tabled. But the House was angered at the abusive speeches which the IMesident had made i u his swing around the circle, and was ready for at least an investi- gation. Accordingly the resolutions of Messrs. Loan and Kelso, and the charges of Mr. Ashley were referred to the Judiciary Committee, who, on the 28th of February, reported that they had taken testimony of a character sufficient to justify further investigation, but had been unable to dispose definitely of the important matters submitted to their investigation, and the whole matter was bequeathed to the Fortieth Congress. On the 8th of March, in the new Congress, Mr. Ashley, repeated his charges. They were referred to the Judiciary Committee, who continued taking testimony at intervals during the I" 1 ■ 212 IIISTOUY OF THE KKITHLUUN I'AKTY. J MuninuT and fall. In the meantime there were a number of ukIv rumors about the PresidentV IntenMonH. One of these was the report that lie had a project for brinuhiK in the Houthern Beuatorn and RepreHentativen, and with them and the DemorratB, forming a new (VrngreKH, iKnorinj? the Kepublican majority, and that lie had tailed on (Irant to support him with the Army, (leneral fh-ant was examined by the committee and his testimony showed that the most serious of the actual <harKes made were without foundation. Not- withstanding this a majority of the committee reported, on the 25th of November, a resolu- tion that: "Andrew Johnson, President of the United Htates, be i m p e a c h e d of high crimes and misdemean- ors." The resolution, after a spirited discus- sion, was deft'uted by a vote of 109 to 56. Two members of the Judi- <'iary Committee, Rep- resentatives W o o d- bridge, of 'Vermont, and James F. Wilson, of Iowa, voted against the resolution in com- mittee, Jind the follow- ing pnuninent Repub- licans were among those who voted against it on the floor of the House: Allison, Banks, Hingham, Blaine, Davis, Oarfleld, Harper, Peters, Robertson, the three Washburns, and E. B. Wash- burne. This would have been the last of the impeachment if it had not been for the President's attempt to force Edwin M. Stanton out of his position as Secretary of War. A Cabinet which could work with even a moderate degree of harmony under Lincoln, could hardly be expected to hold together under Johnson. As early as July I, 186(», Postmaster General Dennlson resigned because he could not accept BDWIN M. STANTON. MMHJIH . , \ ,: • -^.a.:' -*., THK IMPKACIIINO COXORRKH. 21.1 iinibtT of ii^lv tlu>8e WUH tli<> tlii'i'ii HeuuforH utH, forming ti id that he had cral Ornnt wuh that the iiioHt iiudutioii. Not- ed, on the 25tli inbei', a reciolii- ha t: "Andrew , PreHJdent of ited Htates, be (■ h e d of high ind niiHdeniean- The regoliitioii, Hpirited diseuH- H defeated bv a 101) to 5«. Two •s of the Jiidi- 'oniniittee, Rep- Hves Wo<»d- of 'Vermont, mes F. WilMoa. ), voted aj^ainHt oliition in eom- and the folio w- )iiiinent Repub- were amonj; who voted it on the floor Davis, Oarfleld. nd E. B. Wash >nt if it had not Stanton out of I'ould work with could hardly be as July I. 1860, lould not acecpt •lohuHon'M plan of Re<-onHtrurtion, and was Hun-eeded by Alexand<>r \V. Randall, of WiHronHin. A week later .lameH Speed reHJKned aH Attorney Oeneral, becauHe lie thought the AdminiHtration was drifting rapidly toward the Demoeratie party, and Henry Htanbery, of Ohio, accepted the place for the Name reaHon. Then JameH Harlan, Secretary of the Interior, resigned and wan Huccecded by Orvllle H. Itrowning. This left of the Lincoln Cabinet. Seward, who agreed with JohnHoit'.. ,,lan of RecouHtnu-tion, whether he wan the author of it or not; "(Jrandfather" WelleH, who could ngn*** with everything JohnHon said, as readily nn he <-ould with everything Lin<-«)ln said: McCulloch, who wuh a financier, and not a politician, and Stanton, whom JohnHon hated, but who would not rcHign. Stanton was not a man who would h<»ld an office for th(> Hake of th(> ofTtce, but there was grave apprehension tluit if Jtdmson had a Secretary of War who was subservient to him, he might plan serious mischief; certainly his opportunities for mischief would lie greatly enhanced. Stanton, tlierefore, retained the oflllce on account of the urgency of leading Republicans, and from a sense of duty to the country. August T). 1867, Johnson asktnl Stanton to resign, but the Secretary refused. He was then sus(H>nded under the Tenure of Oflllce Act, General <}rant being di'signated to administer the Department until the Senate <ould vote upon the matter. January 18, IHtJS, the Senate refused to concur in the susfH'nsion. Oeneral Grant immediately va<'ated, and Stanton went back to his olflce. The President, however, was obstinate and ugly, and on the 21st of February, sent to Secretary Stanton an order, saying: "By virtue of power and authority vested in me, as President, liy the Constitu- tion and Laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from ofHce as Se<-retary of the Department of War, and your functions as such will terminate upon receipt of this communication.. Yon will turn over to Brevet Major (ieneral Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant (}«;n eral of the Army, who has this day been authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War, ad interim, all records, papers, and other public projierty now in your custody and charge." Secretary Stanton transmitted a <opy of this to the Speaker of the House, and another copy soon reached the Senate. In both Houses the action upon it was prompt. In the Senate, the same day after long consultation in executive session, a resolution was adopted that the I'resident had no right to remove the Secretary of War, nor to designate any other ofllicer to perform the duties of that fl4 IIIHTOUY OKTIIK KKITHLKAN I'AUTY offlro art Intoiliii. Th«' IIouHf nt once n«f»'i'nMl flu* nctlon of tin- Pn-Hldt'iU to till' lliToiiHt ruction r(Mniiiitt«M'. Tin* fri«MidH of tin- I'n'HuU'iit tln'ii trh'd to Hcnir*' an adjournnwnt till Monday, an tin? noxt day. waH WnHliinnton'M birthday. Tin' Kepuhlirann voted tliiH down, and later in tJio Hnnio day. Keprewntative .lolin ('ov<Kh', of IVnnBylvanIa, introduced a foriual resolution for inipeaclinient. which waH alHo referretl to the KeconHtructi<»n <'oniniitlee. When thin defiance of ConnreHH, by the President, became known throughout the country, it created the wildest excitement. The UepublicauH k<^'I><^'I'aII.v favored immediate Im- peachment, while Dem- ocratH arK'ied that the PreHldent'H course was Justified by the Consti- tntiou. Some of th«' extreme 1 )emocrats, generally of the class who stayed at home during the war and urged others to go to the front, now urged the [•resident to stand firm, even to the verge of actual conflict, and made him offers of men and arms. Many alarm ists predicted civil war. Rut there was little danger of that. The BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. c o u n t r y had had enough of war. Meantime Secretary Stanton, under the impulse of his own sturdy character, and with the advice of leading Republi cans held his position. He ate and slept in his olflce, and for a few- days was virtuallv in a state of siege. It was on this occasion that Sumner sent the shortest message of his lifetime. It was addressed to Stanton, and consisted of the single word "Stick." On the 22d of February, the lay after Johnson's letter to Stanton was received, Mr. Stevens, for the Keconstruction Committee, reported that in addition to the papers refi-rred to the committee they ■iBUiir-. TIIK IMI'K.\<'FIIN(} COX^IKKHH. 215 ID-lion of flif i«>ndM of tilt* iihIii.v, HM til*' MM VOttMl tlliH II ('ov<h1(>, of illl|M>iirliiii«>ilf. v^'. >ecii!iu> known cnicnt. TIk» iiH K<Mu>raIlr ninicflinte ini- It, while I)<Mii- Kiicd that th«' I'h COIirHC WilH b.v the ConBti- Home of the he DeinocrutH, of the clntiH yed nt home the war and hers to );o to it, now urged )4ident to stand •n to the vei'H** I eonflict, and II offers of men i. Many alarni- icted civil war. re was little of that. The !■ y had had ?r the impulse ading Republi- , and for a few 8 occasion that was addressed tter to Stanton )n Committee, committee thev ■V'. ■>.-, 4 ■■' had found that the IVewideiit liiid "niKtied and ordered ii coiiiniiHMion or letter of authority to one l.orenxo TIioiiuim," diitMtiiig him to act as Ke<'retary of War ad iiit«'riiii. The roiiiiiiille<> traiiHiiiitted a copy of this letti'r, and added that upon llie evidence collected they were of opinion that the rrcsideiit oiiglil to lie ini|H>aclied and reported a brief resolution: "That Andrew JoIiiihoii, I'resident of the United Htates, be ini|M'ached of high criiiicH and iniHdeiiieaiiorH." A lively ten-hour debate followed, when the r«'Moliitloii wiih a(lo|)ted by a vote of V2i\ to 47. A committee of two waH appoiiite<l to notify the Heiuile of the action Just taken, and the following coiuiiiittee of Heven wax appointed to prepare .Xrticles of IiiipcMcliincnt : Itoiitwell, of .MaHHa- chiiM(>ttH; HteveiiH, of I'ennsylvania; Kingluiiii, of Ohio; WilHoii, of Iowa; Logan, of Illinois; tliilian, of Indiana, and Ward, of New York. The Articles of Iinpeachment, as presented by this committee, were nine in number, eight of which referred to different pliiiseH of the President's action in regard to the War Hecretaryship, and one to his advising an ofHcer of the Army that a <'ertain Act of CongresH was unconstitutional and should be disregarded by said officer, although the Act in question had never been adjudicated in th«> courts. On motion of (l(>neral Hutler the House added a Tenth Article, covering certain speeches made by the President in his West- • ern tour. On motion of John A. liingham, of Ohio, an Kleventh Article was added. This was considered the strongest Article of the eleven, and was the only one voted upon at the end of the trial. It was as follows: "The said Andrew Johnson, President of the I'liited Htates, unmindful of the high duties of his ofTice and his oath of olfl<-e, and in disregard of the Constitution and Laws of the Cnited States, did on the 18th day of August, 1H6(5, at the City of Washington, and in the District of Columbia, by public speech declare and afflrm, in substance, that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the Cnited States was not a Congress of the I'nited States, authorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but on the contrary was a Congress of only part of the states, thereby denying, and intending to deny, that the legislation of said Congress was valid or obligatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson; except in-so-far as he saw tit to approve the same, and also thereby denying the power of the said Thirty-ninth Congress to propose Amendments to the Con- stitution of the United States; and in pursuance of said declarations the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did, on the ■ ii f ■ ' ■■;>. wmm 210 HISTORY OB^ THE REPUBLICAN TARTY 2l8t day of February, 1868, at the City of \Va8hiiiKton, unlawfully, and in disregard of the requirements of the (Constitution, that he should take care that the laws be faithfully executed, attempt to prevent the execution of an Act entitled 'An Act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,' passed March 2, 1867, by unlawfully devising and contriving, and attempting to devise and contrive, ^ means by which he should prevent Edwin M. Htanton from forthwith resuming the functions of the olfice of Secretary for the Department of War, notwithstanding the refusal of the Senate to concur in the suspension, theretofore made by the said An- drew Johnson of said Edwin M, Stanton, from said office of Sec- retary for the Depart- ment of War; and also by further unlawfully devising and contriv- ing, and attempting to devise and contrive, means then and there, to prevent the execu- tion of an Act entitled 'An Act making appro- priations for the sup- port of the Army, for the tiscaJ year ending June 30th, 1868, and for other purposes,' ap- proved March 20, 1867; WILLIAM M. EVART8. and also to prevent the execution of an Act entitled: 'An Act to provide for the more efficient government of the Rebel States,' passed Mar<h 2, 1867, whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United State*., did then on the 2l8t of February, 1868, at the City of Washington, commit, and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.' The House appointed seven managers to conduct the case before the Court of Impeachment, which consisted of the whole Senate, with Chief Justice Chase as the presiding officer. The managers were John A. Bingham, deorge S. Boutwell, James F. Wilson, Benjanun THE IMPE ACHING TONORESS. 217 I, unlawfully, tion, that hi.' I, attempt to egnlating the ty unlawfully and contrive, om forthwith B Department conour in th(? n, theretofore the said An- inson of said M, Ktanton, I office of Sec- r the Deparl- Yar; and also ?r unlawfully and contriv- l attempting and contrive, len and there, Qt the execu- a Act entitled making appro- for the sup- :he Army, for 1 year ending th, 1868, and purposes,' ap- [arch 20, 1867; to prevent the i more efficient r, whereby the lid then on the nmit, and was he case before le Senate, with managers were son, Benjanun F. Butler, Thomas Williams, John A. Logan and Thaddens Stevenn. They were all lawyers of high standing in their own states, and Butler and Stevens had National reputations, and they all believed in the justice of their cause. The President's counsel were Henry Htanbery, who resigned from the office of Attorney General in order to undertake this case; Benjamin R. Curtis, William M. Evarts, William S. Groesbeck, and T. A. Nelson. Of these, the most dis- tinguished were William M. Evarts, who was at the head of the bar in New York State, and Mr. Curtis, who was six years on the Supreme Court bench, but who resigned in 1857, and had a wide practice throughout the East. Mr. Nelson was the President's personal choice, and Mr. Groesbeck was selected at the suggestion of Mr. Stanbery. The defense was allowed ten days in which to file an answer to the charges, and the case was formally opened on the 30th of March by a very long argument by Benjamin F. Butler. Mr. Butler went over every legal phase of the subject, but was especially strong in its presentation of the point upon which the House depended for conviction, the intentional violation of the Tenure of Office Act, and of the Constitution, in the removal of Secretary Stanton. Judge Curtis opened the case for the defense in a masterly argument from the judicial standpoint, and after the evidence was all in, all the other managers and counsel made arguments, most of them of considerable length. It was such a surfeit of oratory as even Washington does not often have. Besides all this twenty-nine Senators filed opinions in the case. The trial lasted until May 16, when a vote was taken on Article Eleven, resulting in 35 votes of "guilty" and 19 "not guilty." The change of a single vote would have resulted in the conviction of the President. Of the nineteen "not guilty'' votes, nine were cast by Senators who were elected as Republicans: Dixon, of Connecticut; Doolittle, of Wisconsin; Pessenden, of Maine; Fowler and Patterson, of Tennessee; Grimes, of Iowa; Henderson, of Missouri; Ross, of Kansas, and Van Wrinkle, of We»t Virginia. Of these. Fowler was son-in-law to the President, and Fessenden had been a member of his Cabinet, resigning only after he was elected Senator. Dixon was a natural conservative, as also was Doolittle, who had presided over the Arm-in- Arm Convention, and who soon afterwards left the party. Henderson's politics had been variable, although he was a man of great ability and force of character, and Grimes and Van '''''^issmmm PWMHIII i HISTORY OF THE REPrKLICAN PARTY. Winkle had fallen outside the party breastworkB on several previous otoasions. Patterson and Ross had not been suffloiently prominent in the Senate to be well placed as respects their temperamerr or political convictions. The opinion of the people, who had watched the trial with a great deal of interest, was sufficiently shown by the fact that not one of the nine was ever again sent to the Senate. The vote on the Eleventh Article showed that the President (ould not be convicted on any of the others, and the trial abruptly ended the same day. Secretary Stanton imnuMiiately resigned, Gen- eral John M. Schofleld was nominated in his place, and the nomina- tion was confirmed by the Senate. In view of its failure, the Impeachment proceeding has been often criticised as a mistake. But the criticism is hardly just. Not onlv was there a limit to the patience of (.'ongress, which limit the President had passed, but there was an absolute necessity, for the pea«e of the country, that a check should be placed upon his reckless designs. If he had been allowed to override the laws of <'ongres8 in this case, it is difficult to see what limit could have been placed upon his revolutionary schemes. The Impeachment trial did not improve his temper, but it sobered him. He was g^ " obstructive, but he ceased to be violent. Although the Fortieth Congress occupied i.< ' of its time with the Impeachment matter, it accomplisheu a, great deal of important legislation. Aside from the Supplementary Reconstruc tion Acts, it passed the following Acts of general interest: Estab- lishing the eight-hour law for laborers and mechanics in the Gov- ernment employ; prescribing an oath of office for persons whose disa bilities have been removed; providing for filling vacancies in the Executive Departments; providing for the discontinuance of the Freedmen's Bureau on the 1st of January, 1869; providing for the establishment of an American line of mail and emigrant steamers between New York and one or more European ports; making import ant changes in the pension laws; prohibiting the loaning of money on National Bank notes; giving permission to construct a bridge between New York and Brooklyn. Toward the latter part of Johnson's administration. Secretary Seward rendered to the country his most valuable service, save one, that in which, by his treatment of the Trent affair, he saved us from a war with England. This service was the purchase from Russia of the immense territory known us Alaska. The treaty was made THE IMPEACHING TONORESS. 219 jveral previoiw ntly pr<nniiM'nt jinperamer r or f had watched ' Rhnwn by the ie Henate. the rresident trial abruptly resigned, Oen- nd the iioinina- 'ding has been! irdly just. Not (vhich limit the cesaity, for the H>n his reckless WB of <'ongres8 ive been placed it trial did not ob-itructive, but <•, of its time 1 great deal of ary Reeonstrue terest: Estab- ics in the Gov- lons whose disa- acancies in the inuanee of the •oviding for the igrant steamers making import- waning of money struct a bridge ation, Secretary ervice, save one, le saved us front ase from Russia reaty was made March 30, 1867, and was confirmed with comparatively little opposl- ^ tion in the Senate. It could not be completed, however, until the House appropriated the purchase money, f7,2(M),(M)(». This only occurred July 27, 1868, and that after serious opposition. It was stated in the debates that there were indications of gold in Alaska, but those who favored the purchase advocated it chiefly on the ground that the control of the seal fisheries would be of -eat value to us, and that our ownership of Alaska would prevent any hostile power from ever getting control of that long stretch of Pacific ('oast, so near our own border. There were, for several years, sneers at the purchase, which was called ''Seward's iceberg." After a time the value of the seal fisheries began to be appreciated. Within the season of 18!)», the value of the gold taken out of the Cape Nome district alone, in a single month, exceeded the purchase price of the whole vast territory. One of the most important Acts of the Fortieth Congress was the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which <ame quite the last part of the second session. On the 30th of Jan- uary, by vote of 150 to 42, it passed the House in the following form: "The right of any citizen of the United States to vote shall not bi? denied or abridged by the United States or any State, by reason of race, color, or previous <'ondition of slavery of any citizen, or class of citizens, of the United States." The Senate passed a joint resolu- tion for an Amendment to the Constitution, intendwl to accomplish the game purpose, but it was long, involved in its grammatical con- struction, and had additional clauses, containing some extraneous matter. This was not acceptable to the House, and the whole subject went to a Committee of Conference, which reported the Amendment in the following concise form: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." This report of the Committee of Conference was agreed to in the House, February 25, 1860, by a vote of 144 to 44, and in the Senate, the next day, by a vote of 39 to 13. In a little over a year the Amendment was ratified by a sufficient number of states, and on the 30th of Mar<h, 1870, Secretary Fish proclaimed its adoption as part of the Constitution. This action has often been criticised as being premature, but the need of it appeared to be very great. Between the November elec- MlMi ; ■ i ' ll ! 220 HISTORY OF THE REIM'BLirAN PARTY. tions aind the time rongreHS adjourned, authenticated reportx reached Wa8hin)i:ton of numerous outrageg upon white RepublicanH. Intimidation and violence and even murder w<>re resorted to. In Uiuisiana, when* the condition of afTairs was the worst, it was said that 2,000 persons were killed or seriously injured within a few weeks previous to ele<'tlon. It was partly to (five the white Repub- licans efficient allies, and partly to furnish the blacks with the means of self defense, that the Amendment was adopte<l. Of its necessity <}eneral Grant said in his memoirs: "I do not believe that the majority of the Northern people, at the time, were in favor of negro suffrage. They sup])osed that it would naturally follow the fi*e«»dom of the negro, but that there would be a time of probation, in which the ex-slaves could prepare themselves for the privileges of citissen- ship, before the full right would be conferred; but Mr. Johnson, after a complete revolution of sentiment, seemed to regard the South not only as an oppressed people but as the people best entitled to consid- eration of any of our citizens. This was more than the )ieopl(> who had secured to us the perpetuation of the Union were prepared for, and they became more radical in their views. The Southerners had the most power in the executive brunch, Mr. Johnson having gone to their side, and with a compact South, and such sympathy and support as they could get from the North, they felt that they would be able to control the nation at once, and already many of them acted as if they thought they were entitled to do so. "Thus Mr. Johnson, fighting Congress on the one hand, and receiving the support of the South on the other, drove Congress, which was overwhelmingly Republican, to the passing of first one measure and then another, to restrict his power. There being a solid South on one side, that was in accord with the political party in the North which had sympathized with the Rebellion, it finally, in the judgment of Congress and of the majority of the Legislatures of the states, became necessary to enfranchise the negro in all his ignor- ance. In this work I shall not discuss the question of how far the policy of Congress in this particular proved a wise one. It became an absolute necessity, however, because of the foolhardiness of the Pres- idi^nt, and the blindness of the Southern people to their own interest. As to myself, while ptrongly favoring the course that would be the least humiliating to the people who had been in rebellion, I had grad- ually worked up to the point where, with the majority of the people, I favored immediate enfranchisement." mm. "st. :,S :v .V^fe'i^' .gii.itiK'i cated report >» i Repiiblicantt. orted to. In Ht, it wad said within a few ( white Repub- irith the nieantt If its necoBsitv lieve that the favor of negro iw the fre<»doin ition, in which •ges of citizen- Johnson, after the South not itled to consid- he people who s prepared for, jutherners had having gone to hy and support ould be able to acted as if they one hand, and Irove Congress, ng of first one re being a solid [•al party in the t finally, in the islatures of the n all his ignor- of how far the f. It became an less of the Pres- ;ir own interest, it would be the lion, 1 had grad- -y of the people. - . ■ - - ■ .V XVII. . -* .-r.-- ' _ THE FOURTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. The Party at Sea With Regard to a Candidate— A Oradual Turning Toward Grant— His Discretion During Johnsons Career— Meet- ing of the Chicago Convention— Delegates From the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention— A Ringing, Patriotic and National Platform Adopted— Oeneral Logan's Hrief and Appropriate Pre sentation of Grant's Name— The General I'nanimously Nomin- ated—Six Ballots for Vice-President— Speaker Colfax Finally Wins— A Michigan Incident in Connection With the Contest- Brief and Timely Jitters of Acceptance— Grant's Deference to the Popular Wishes. The campaign of 1868 was ai)proached under peculiar condi- tions. Although the Republican party had been solidified, rather than divided, by its contest with President Johnson, it was a gortd deal at sea with reference to a candidate. Some of its old idols had been shattered. Seward, who, in 1860, was the most popular man in the party, had impaired confidence in his judgment by his course during the first part of the Lincoln Administration, and had made nnal wreck of his political fortunes by attaching himself so closely to President Johnson's abortive schemes. Chase, although Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, still had political ambitions, but he was already showing signs of restiveness in his Republicanism. William M. Evarts, who was more lawyer than politiclai., but wjio had sometimes been talked of as a possible candidate, had gone, along with Weed and Raymond into the Arm-in-arm Movement. The influence of that section of the party in New York which was of W' hig origin, and which was once all powerful, had ceased to be a factor of any consequence at all in Republican politics. The political firm 222 HISTORY OF THK KEPl'BLICAN PAKTY i ! I of Seward, Weed and Ra.vniond, suctesBorB to the old firm of S«?ward. Weed and (Greeley, was bankrupt. The eyes of the iieople naturally turned to Orant. The Oeneral, dnrinj? the war, had attended to hiti flKhtinj? and had taken no part in politlcB, either by act or speech. Before the war he had not takeii any interest in politics, and did not always take the trouble to vote. When he did vote it was the Democratic ticket that he took to the polls. Leading Democrats at one time canvassed the plan of making him the Democratic candidate for President in 18(58, but the Repub licans did not finally give them a chance. Probably no man in the country, except the President, had been as closely watched as Grant. He had been placed in a very deli- rate position. As the head of the Army it was his duty to cooi)er- ate in carrying out any plan for the Reconstruction of the South that f Vmgress and the President agreed upon. But they agreed upon nothing. The fact that, in his position between the two, he gave serious offense to neither, furnished evidence of rare discretion. Th.' President had used various devices to chain (Jrant to his chariot wheels alongside of Seward, but without success. In 1865, when the General was about to start on a tour of inspection through the South, the President asked him "to learn as far as possible, during his tour, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of the Southern States, toward the National Government." He replied in a report in which he expressed the belief that "the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith, but four years of war have left the people possibly in a condition not ready to yield that obedience to civil authority which the American people have been in the habit of yielding, thus rendering the small garrisons throughout those states necessary, until such time as labor returns to its proper channels, and civil authority is fully established." The friends of the Administration professed to find in this, aud a few hopeful expressions, a justification of tlie President's Reconstruction plan. They used it to show that Grant was a supporter of that plan, a statement which was very far from the truth. He was simply seeking light, and closer inquiry did not confirm his first mildly favorable impressions. The enactment into law of the Con- gressional Reconstruction plan made his duty clear, and he heartily co-operated in carrying out that law. He was obliged, through official (ourtesy, to accompany Johnson on his Western tour, and he bore himself with a prudence and discretion that were in marked ■t % . THK FOIKTH UKIM^HMCAN CONVKXTION. 2'*.'{ rm of H«?WHr«l, The (JenernI, ken n(> purt in had not taken rouble to vote, he took to the )lan of making; )ut the Repub- dent, had been in a very deli- Inty to co-oi)er- of the Boutli e.v agreed upon two, he gave isrretion. Tin* to hig chariot In 1865, when on through the M)88ible, during >f the Southern >d in a report in dng men of tlie faith, but four on not ready to lueriean people sraaU garrisons 8 labor returns ablished." The this, aud a few Reconstrnetion pporter of that 'uth. . He was onflrm his first law of the Con- and he heartily bliged, through Tn tour, and he vere in marked contrast to the antics of his official and military superior. He pro- tested against the suspension of Ktanton, accepted charge of the War Department with reluctance, and reliiiojuished it as soon as the Sen- ate annulled the suspension. He had been in contact with Johnson's administration for three years, without lieing contaminated. He had shown himself as prudent in counsel, as he was brave and capable in war, and, long before the Republican National Convention usscm bled, public opinion had fixed upon him as the sure nominee for Pres- ident. That f'onvenficm met in Chicago May 20, \SHH, and was thor- oughly representative of the best and ables. element of the jjurty. The Michigan delegation was as follows: At L<irge — Wm. A. Howard, Hampton Rich, Marsh (biddings, Randolph Strickland. Uy districts — (1) R. R. Beecher, Henry Waldron; (2) William B. Williams, E. .J. Bonine; (3) S. M. Cutcheon, J. W. Longyear; (4) Morgan Bates, (leorge (f. Briggs; (5) S. IX Bingham, John Divine; ((>) John H. Richardson, Joseph W. Edwards. Carl Schurss was temporary chairman and made a rattling speech on the duty of the party in the existing emer- gency. He was peculiarly fitted for this, for the reason that he had been sent by the President to investigate the condition of the South. His report was so unsatisfactory to the Administration that an effort was nvade to suppress it. This was prevented by the Senate, which made good use of it in formulating a plan of reconstruction. The permanent chairman was General Joseph R. Hawley, of Connec- ticut, who made a short and incisive address. An interesting feature of the early proceedings was the admis- sion to the platform of a delegation from a large Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, who presented a resolution adopted by that con- vention: "That we, the soldiers and sailors, steadfast now as ever to the Union and the flag, fully recognize the claims of General Ul.\ sses S. Grant to the confidence of the American people, and believing that the victories won under his guidance in war will be illustrated by him in peace, by such measures as will secure the fruits of our exertions and restore the Union upon the loyal basis, we declare it as our deliberate conviction that he is the choice of the soldiers and sailors of the I'nion for the office of President of the United States of America." The communication was received with the warmest interest and three cheers were given for the soldiers and sailors. A series of resolutions adopted by the I'nion Leagne of America, favor- mm . 1<> ■A 4i»ii m 224 HIHTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY . ing Qruiit for PreBidrnt, were alBO received and ordered printed hh part of the pnM-eediiigB of the Convention. On the second da.v the eoniniittei* on resolutionH re]M>rted a phil- forni which, after Hligiit amendment, wa«i adopted aH fotlowH: The National Republican part.v of tlie United KtateH aHHenibled in Nati<inal Convention in the City of Chicago on the 20th day of May, 18G8, malte the following declaration of principles : I. We congratulate the country on the nsHured Buccess of the ReconBtrnction policy of Congress as evinced by the adoption in the majority of the states lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing equal rights to all, and it Ib the duty of the government to sustain these institutions and to prevent the people of Bucb states from being remitted to a condition of anarchy. II. The guarantee by Congress of eijual suffrage to all men at the Houth was demanded by considerations of public safety, of grat- itude and of justice, and must be maintained, while the question of Huflfrage in all the loyal states proi»erly belongs to the i>eople of those states. III. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime, and the national honor denuuids the payment of the public indebted- ness, in the utmost good faith, to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but in the spirit in which it waa con- tracted. IV. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equaliz(>d and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. V. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva- ti<in of the I^nion for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption, and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of intei /st thereon, whenever it can reasonably be done. VI. The best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so imj)rove our credit, that capitalists will loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or sus- pected. VII. The Government of the United Rtates should be ndminis- tered with the strictest economy, and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform. VIII. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency of Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support; who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws; who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the proTwrty, peace, liberty and life of the citizen; who has abused the pardoning power; who has denounced ■iic,;^!:^! 1 '^. THE ForUTII HKIMUMCAN CONVKXTIOX. •2-2') ered printed um M»IM)rt«"d u plat- oIIowh: UiU'H HHHeiiiblcd !()th day of Muv, BtlCCCgB of tlU' adoption in the iitions securing nient to snatain ates from bein^ (e to all men at safety, of grat- the question of ? I>eople of tliose national cnnie, publie indebted- ime and abroad, /liich it was eon- xation should be th will permit, for the preserva- L'nded over a fair 'SB to reduce the be done. of debt is to so py at lower rates ) pay, so long as reatened or sus- onld be adminis- ions which hav(> f>w Johnson call 1 tragic death of e Presidency of the people who [>port ; who has o has refused to lice other officers red his executive ■y and life of the a has denounced the National liegislature an iinconHtitutifUial; who liaH pci-HiHientl.v and corruptly rei^iHted, l>y ev«'ry uieaHure in IiIh power, evjM-y pro|KM' attempt at the re(<»nHtriicti(m of the stateH lately in rebellion; wln» has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wh(^leHale cor- rupti«>n, and who lias justly been impeached for high crimes and mis- d(>meanors, and proiM'rly pronounced guilty thereof \ y the vote of thirtytive senators. IX. The do<-trine of tireat Itritain and other Kuropean powers that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must b^ resisted at every hazard by the I'nited States as a relli- of feudal times, not authori/.ed by the law of nations and at war with our national honor and independenc«'. Xaturalized citizens are entitled to be protected in all their rights to citizenship as though they were native born, and no citizen of the rnit«Hl States, native or otherwise, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country; and if arrested and imprisoned it is the duty of the government to interfere in his behalf. X. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late wair, tln'rc were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers a»nd seamen, who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise and iaiperilled their lives in the servi<'e of the country; the btninties and pensions provided by law for these bra^e defenders of the Nation are obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the gallant dead ari' the wards of the people, a sacred legacy beipieathed to the Nation's protective care. XI. Foreign emigration, whi<-li in the past has added so much to the wealth, development and resources and increase of power to this Nation — tin asylum of the oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. XII. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all the o]>pressed people who are struggling for their rights. Some members of the convention had lM»en so impatient to nom- inate (irant for President that two of them, had made motions to that effect before the order of business was reported or a jiernmnent organization was effected, and another had done the same thing, while the convention was awaiting the report of the <*ommittee on creden- tials. The time had now come when this eager desire could be car- ried out and General John A. Logan had been chosen to place the name of Grant before the convention. 'ihe selection of General Logan for this service was a very appro- priate one. Before the war he represented the darkest district in Egypt, as Southern Illinois was called. His district was populated mostly by emigrants from the slave states, and its people were about as strong for Secession and slavery as their neighbors across the ; |(j|BBRr't^''^war^w^^T3S!?CTrw?TraBwnTTT^^ !!■ HISTOUY OF TIIK KKITHI.K'AN VARTY. Ohio and MiMHiijulppi Kiv« mh in Keutinky und AikHiiMUB. He wu«j a DoHjflaH IN'iiMMiHt. v«'t the DiHtrict lined to Heiid him to ("oiiKresB by l(MMM> or ll,()tM» niHJorit.v. After the war broke out, when he went home to raise u reKiment for the Inion Army \\\» < onstltnentu resented the aet. Tliey would luive preferred a regiment for the Confederate 8ervi<e. His ehxiuenre and persuasive powers carried the day and he got his regiment. After "the Hla«'k EagU« of Illinois" returned from the Army his District sent him back to Washington as a Repub- lican, by about the same n>ajority tliat it had given him before as a Democrat. It is told of him that when he was home on leave of ab- sence, during the war, und was making a cam- paign speech, one ot his h e a r e r s interrupted him with renmrks that had a flavor of Copper- headism, and were iu- iMilting to the speaker himself. Logan seized the water pitcher, jumped down from the )>latform, chased the in- truder out of the hall, then returned and re- sumed his speech amid great applause. Egypt u[»preeiated that kind of argument. Logan's first battle JOHN A. LOGAN. with his regiment brought a recommendation from Grant that he be made a Rrigadier General, and he returned home a Major General. He was now in position to return (3 rant's favor by nominating him for I'resident. Re<ognizing the impatience of the (.'onvention to come to a vote, he restrained the natural desire which induces many to n:ake a display of oratory on such occasions, and confined his speech to a single sentence. Reing informed by the Chair that nominations were in order he said: "Then, sir, in the name of the loyal citizens, soldiers and sailors, of this great Republic of the MRI f. TiiK Fonrrii hkitiilkan convkntion. 227 i. lie wuM a } ('oiiKi'eBB by when he went lentu resented e Confederate il the da.v and lois" returned »n HH a Uepiib- \i\ before a8 u t. It 18 told of when he was leave of ab- irinjx the war, making a chui- 'ech, one of hln • H Interrupted I renmrkH that vor of Copper- and were iu- o the speaker Loftan seiised iter pitcher, tlown from the , chased the in- ut of the hall, urned and re- is speech amid iplause. Egypt ted that kind lent. 's first battle rant that he be Major General, tominating him (convention to !) induces many id confined his the Chair that he name of the Republic of the rnitv'd StaJcH of .\nierica; in the name of loyiilty.of liberty, of human- ity, of justice; in the name of the National I'nion Republican party, I nominate, u.' candidate for the Chief Majjisfniry of this Nation, riysses H. Jlrant." If he had talked half an ln»ur he could n<>t have aroused more enthusiasni than he did by iIiIh ninnle senten«e. .\t the mention of (Srant's name, there was prolonged applause, and a great waving of handkerchiefs, and then the mass of people, delegates and spectators, rose and gave three rous'ng rhecrH for llu* nominee, while the band struck up "Uuil to the Chief." The r»)ll of states and territories was theji called and the Chair- nmn announced: "(len- tlemen of the <'onven- t i o n, y o u have six h u n d r e d and fifty v(»te8; you Imve given six h u n d r e d and fifty votes for Clys Hes K. (Irant. NMne rousing cheers fol- lowed the announce- ment, the band played "The Hattle Cry of F reed o m," and the whole (Convention joined in the rhorus. Enthusiasm was still further aroused by a song written for the ot-casion by George V. Root, entitled "We'll Fight it Out Here on the Old Union Line, and sung by Chaplain Lozier, Chaplain McCabe and Major H. O. Lombard. The contest for the nomination for Vice-rresident was very spirited. The nominating speeches were numerous, most of them brief, and generally of a very high order. Virginia nominated Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, and his home State and South Carolina seconded the nomination. Indiana nominated Schuyler Colfax, and New Jersey and Michigan seconded the nomination. BENJAMIN F. WADE. Mm '2'2H INHTOUY <»K TlIK KKIM HLHAN I'AItTY. Tli«' Mlcliinan (IcIcKiition had Imm'Ii iiiHtnirl«Ml foi- Tolfax. Ohio iioiiiiiiat«Ml H«'iijaiiiiii F. \Va«h' ami wan miip|m»iM«'(1 by .Minmrni-I ami NoHli Carolina. N<'W Vorl< noiiiinatiMl Kx novi'inor U«'II»mm» K. F«'iitoi). and l.i>uiHiana Hiip|»<»il«'d tlu' iHMiiiiiatidii. K»'iitu<k.v iuuiumI .laiiM'H H\H'vi\; Mai-.vland noiiiiiiatt'd .lohii A. .1. Cn'Hwell, but Mr. Ch'mwoII. who wan u di'li-galc. imnirdiati'ly withilrow hln iiaiiu' in a HiiriinK bimmm h favoring "Ki<>"><»"« "'<^ '*'•' ^Vad^^ of Ohio." I'onn H.vlvania nominated Kx-Oov»M-nor A. (S. i'atlin, Iowa namt'd Jann'H Harlan, Maino pi«'H«'n1t'd llannil»al Hamlin, and Kannan Knbmlttt'd K r. PonHMoy. Tin* followInK tabli' mIiowh tht' couiho of tlu' bal lotinif: l8t. 2d. :M. 4th. nth. «th. n«-njamin F. Wade, of Ohio 14» 170 17« 204 10« 4J .-((•huvler Colfax, of Indiana ^MM 140 1«4 l«« 224 522 K.ubVn K. Fenton, of New York i:t2 140 IHO 144 i:»7 75 •lann'H HiMfd. of Kentuiky 22 .1. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland 14 A. U. Cnrtin, of Pennsylvania 52 45 40 James Harlan, of Iowa 10 William I). Kelley, of IVnnHylvania. . Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine «0 -W 25 25 10 ... Henry Wilson, of MasHachuuettH.... 110 li:» 101 S7 01 11 (Joverm»r Curtin hud InnilHlied the Pennnylvania delegation with a patriotic letter, ttHthorizinj!; them to withdraw his name, whenever, in their jndKment, suth action would "promote unity and harmon.^ in the Republican party, and its ultimate triumph, which is ho eHgeu tial to the perpetuity of the (Jovernment, and the prosperity and happineBB of the Ameri«nu people." It will be noticed that Wade Htarted in the lead, and maintained that jioBitlon through four ballotH. His nomination was expected and probably would have been brought about, had it not been for the chronic habit of Ohio delegates to break away from their own candidates at a <'rltical time, a habit of. whi<h Senator Hherman, and half a dozen others, have had reason to (omplain. Four of the Ohio delegation broke from Wade to Colfax on the second ballot, and the number increased to six on the fourth ballot. Colfax's nomination, however, was entirely satis factory to the <ountry. He was one of the most popular Republi- cans and one of the best parliamentarians of the time. There was an incident connected with the Michigan delegati »u at this Convention which has nevtjr before been in print. The Ren- v. rolfax. Ohio V .MiHHoiiri and lor Ui'IiImmi K. cntiicky naiiiiMl Hwell, hut Mr. liJH iiaiiu* ill a Oliio." I'onii iiaiiH'd .laiiu'H iiHaM Hiihiiiitti'd I'Mi' (»f tht* bul- 4tii. Tith. ntii. LM)4 m\ 42 1N(( 224 r>22 144 l.»7 75 S7 II del('};ation with imiiie, wht'uever, ty and harinun.^ hii'h Ih ho eHseu pi'()Hperit,v and Heed that Wade HKh four ballotH. ve been brought hit) deieKates to time, a habit of. tiave had reason i» from Wade to led to six on the B entirely satis [)0]iular Republi- lii);an delegation jrlnt. The Sen TIIK Fonrni HKIM llMrAX roWKNTMJN. 221) atorial intliiniie from >\iiHhinKlon wan ver.v HtroM);ly in favor of Itenjainin F. NNiide for Virel'reHidcnl. H«'iiHr«»r < 'handler, of Mifhi- ^an, WUM eHperially altat-hed lo Mr. Wade. Thev had be«'n coniradeH in the Heiiate when the HepubliranM were in a hopelesH niinorilv there. In view of the asManlt made upon Hiimner and of the lhr<>ats and bluHter of Honthern HeiiatorH after that time, tli<>.v had been parties, with Senator <'ameron, to a written conipaft, to resiHt force with force, in rase of any assault upon theniHelves, or upon anv of their fellow senators in their prest'uce, and had practiced with the revolver until they were aeeounte«l anions the l)est shots in Wash- in^tton. They had sto(ul together in favor of Lincoln and (Irant, and of all eiiicient wh:- nien:'<ures, and after that against the aggres- sl<»no of IM'er.iiei' .Nthnson. In his earnest desire for Mr. Wade's Mon»*;iMt|f>u Air ■. '>«:(dler wrote to the manager of the !>etroit I'ost. '.*' whft-ti le ^i:X', c'mIi the largest stockholder, and which was devoted t > f;;* inifrc'i'js, asking that it <'ome out in support <»f Mr. Wade. Til' vi»pr,'.<^er uplied tha. Michigan had already instructed its dele- '.'(» ion to n«i»port CoMax, »;nd it would not be well for the pajM'r, nor Vieil f,)>- iui". < hamlhr. f > ;it> fniwU'V h» the expressed wish of the I«' P'.''.!ie«',is fT ii;r t.ak, Mv. i'*! .'idler, who often led, but n<>ver Htvf»iifp "d *o drivt, t'jK Ec;pulW/;-.u«» of Michigan, saw the force of it)l«, ami ;,; »de ;u> fu.'tner \'.o,tm ,ti x\yf direction. Of <r»U 'Iran 'k U-V^'c ;)♦. nccf pt'i ue was characteristic. It eon- t'??ne'l nw.y 2il wojtj*, and (>,»ii'ii< ' *'rf introductory acknowledg ine.its, wu/j i.f. iVv'lowH: t ' '"'I emiurho tb<.> n Koiutio is. If »'le< .ed to the office of President of fhv Uai^vd Htfites 'i iv il be mv emi.'i'.vor to administer all the law.s in fr,my) fmih. witii ('conom.^ i.nni %>ih the view of giving peace, quiet un<t proic '.<» everywhoJO. "In tiinea 'iVf- fhe jiresen* i' is iuipossible, or at least eminently improper, to !n> i'ovn a )'''.-\ to be adhered to, right or wrong, thronnh an Atlminis'.rjtioii of four years. New political issues, not t'.>,.*e6.ei'ik, vt" constaV/' . ii-ising; the views of the public on old ones iwe constrtjttly changiBjj;, and a purely Administrative officer should ^^^/'':l■)^ hv left '"ee to execute the will of the iieople. I always have . ri'HtKitrd tiia: will and always shall. "< ">Vi;ce and universal prosperity, its sequence, with economy of Administration, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it con stantly reduces the National debt. Let us have peace.'' > I |tu..jiaj ug8re? ti.^i^a^^.u-A..j.. ' >m HISTORY OF THE REIMHLK'AX PARTY. i 'i Tlie deference here shown to the will of the people, and the dis claimer of any inflexible plan of meeting the exigencies of the time, were in striking and pleasing contrast to the self-assertion and obsti nacy which had characterized the occupant of the White House for the previous three years. Mr. Colfax's letter of acceptance, addressed to General Hawley, opened with this graceful expression of thanks: "The platform adopted by the patriotic Convention over which you presided, and the resolutions which so happily supplement it, so entirely agree with my views as to a just National policy, that my thanks are due to the delegates, as much for this clear and auspicious declaration of principles; as for the nomination with which I have been honored, and which I gratefully a(!cept." Mr. (^olfax followed with a brief reference to the issues of the day, and to what the Republican party had already accomplished. The harmonious character of the Convention, the hearty accept- ance of the platform by the candidates, and the popularity of the candidates themselves, most favorably affected the party, and it entered upon the campaign with confidence and zeal. ''Ks; le, and the dis es of the time, ption and obsti- hite House for eneral Hawley, "The platform 1 presided, and entirely agree thanks are due ous declaration e been honored, ed with a brief epublican party e hearty accept- >pularity of the } party, and it % ii ;.;--Vi■i^;v■...f■;.■■vA;. .y,,,,-;:/ XVIII.' .•' - . THE GRANT AND COLFAX CAMPAIGN. The Democratic Tammany Hall Convention-"Your Candidate 1 Cannot Be"— The Nomination of Seymour and Blair— A Very (^ritical and Fault-Finding Platform-Blair's Pi-evious Record- \ Weak I>oint in the Ticket-The Southern Fire-Eaters Too Out- spoken-An Active and Bitter Contest-A Flood of Campaign Poetry-Grant's Speeches— Seymour's Electioneering Tour— A Great Triumph for the Republicans— A Large Majority of the Popular Vote, the Vote in the Electoral College and in Congress. The Democrats, in 1868, were more at sea and at sea much longer, than the Republicans. Their course as a party during the war had thoroughly discredited them. Their war-is-a-fa.Iure cam- T.aign in 1864 had ended in complete discomfiture, and their investment in Andrew Johnson had not netted any dividends. They were out of principles, and their stock of available candidates had run low. They were in as great need of rehabilitation as the South nrofi The National Convention met in Tammany Hall, New York, July 4 and remained in session eleven days. The framing of a platform was no easy matter. All the material in the old platform was rotten or worm-eaten, and it was necessary to cut fresh material and build anew. The declarations of the Convention, as finally adopted, contained an enumeration of wrongs, and of outrages upon Liberty, and of violations of the Constitution, and of abuses in taxation, and of usurpations of power, that might fairly have made Vallandigham and men of his class weep. They did not know before that they had been so cruelly abused. As the first pronouncement of the modern Democracy, the declaration is worth giving in full. Here it is: The Democratic party, in National (Convention assembled, repos- ing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the (Constitution as the foundation and amm . i L i j i 4 i JB I l iil f l WjM ' JHIl l .! li 'W^^ HISTORY OF THK REinRLinAN PARTY. limitatitin of the powers of the Government, and the j>narantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of Slavery and Secession as having been settled for all time to come by the war ; or the voluntary action of the Southern States in Constitutional Con- : ventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand : 1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in th»! Union, under the Constitution, and of Civil Government to the Amer- ican people. 2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the states by their citizens. 3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the (iovernment, econom ically administered, being honestly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not exi)re88ly state upon their face, or the Law under which they were issued does not jirovid'- that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. 4. Equal taxation of every species of projierty according to its real value, including Government bonds and other public securities. 5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and the office-holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bondholder. 6. Economy in the Administration of the (Jovernment; the reduction of thfe standing Army and Navy; the abolition of the Preert- man's Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy: simplification of the system, and discontinuance of inquisitorial nivtdes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened; the (redit of the Government and the currency made good; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State Militia into National forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the Internal Revenue Laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best pro- mote and encourJage the great industrial interests of the country. 7. Reform of abuses in the Administration, the expulsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restora- tion of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the Executive and Judicial Departments of the Government, the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of (.^ongress and despotism of the sword may cease. 8. Equal rights and protection, for naturalized and native-born citizens, at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality which shall command the respect of foreign powers and furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling for National integ- litv, Constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the mainte- 'W THE GRANT AND COLFAX CAMPAirrN. 233 Kiiarantee ot \n» of Slavery lie by the war Jitntional Con- jated, do, willi rights ill the to the /liner- regulation (»f as rapidly as xation, except nient, econoiii payment, and sly state npon CH not provid';" ind in justice. 'cording to its )lic securities. le, the laborer producer and vernment; the a of the Preed- ?ned to secure discontinuance ernal revenue, I lessened; the ; the repeal of ional forces in I imports, and as will afford s will, without and best pro- he country. ? expulsion of ?s, the restora- the Executive' bordination of usurpations of nd native-born ■an nationality ind furnish an National integ- id the mainte- nance of the rights of naturalised citizens against the absolute doc- trine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime c(niimitted beyond their jurisdiction. In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Rad- ical party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the (Jovernment and the pres- ervation of the I'Uion under the Constitution, it has repeatedly vio- lated that most sacred pledge, under which alone was rallied that noble Volunteer Army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the I'nion, it has, so far as is in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten states, in time of profound peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has uuUifled there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and the press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions for the Constitutional tribunals; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures; it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the privat*' rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters without any specitii* charge or n<>Hce of affidavit, as required by the organic law; it has converted the Amer- can Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and official espionage, to which no Constitutional Monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort; it has abolished the right of appeal on important Constitutional questions to the Wupreme Judicial tribunal, and threatens to control or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned ('liief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in history, and, by its frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the Presi- dent of his (Constitutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. Tender its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and con- quered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Constitution. And we do declare and resolve, that ever since the people of the United States threw off subjection to the British crown, the privi- lege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several states, and have been granted, regulated and controlled exclusively by the politi- cal power of each State resi)ectively, and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power. 3*',- 234 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN PARTY. which (-an find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of (lovernment, and can only end in a single, centralized and consolidated Government, in which the sep- arate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqual- ified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of coequal And that we regard the Construction Acts (so-called) of Con- gress, as such, as usdrpations and unconstitutional, revolutionary and void. That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possi- ble among the people, and should be disposed of either under tin- pre-emption of homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed, necessary for the encouragement of imp(»rtant public improvements, the i)roceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied. That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the Constitutional rights of the states and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American jieople, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for bis patriotic efforts in that regard. Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desire to support the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the ])eople; and that to ail such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and brethren. RESOLVED, That this Convention sympathize cordially with the workingme^i of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights and interest^ of the laboring classes of the country. RESOLVED, That the thanks of the Convention are tendered to i^hief Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity and impar tiality with which he presided over the Court of Impeachment on tht' trial of President Andrew Johnson. When the Convention reached the order of nomination for Presi- dent everything was involved in doubt. The nomination of George H. Pendleton would have been the natural outcom^i, inasmuch as the most important planks of the platform were framed to meet his views. But the New York and same other Eastern Democrats were («iiM 't; '•':■ t ''i.i''" . T. THE ORANT AND COLFAX rAMPAION. 235 sanctioned bj' can only end in which the sep- and an unquul- lion of co-eqnal called) of Con- revolutionary the tlag of our lined foe, must given in their, (widely as postii- ther under the quantities, and eHtablished by nay be allowed, improvemeuls, ndg theinaelveH, ew JoliUBon, in ' aggregsions of and the people, }teople, and in thanks for hiri )peal to every 1 who desire to getting all past t great struggle ?h, to whatever the right hand i as friends and ( cordially with 3 to protect the untry. >n are tendered nity and impar lacbment on th^ lation for Presi- ation of George nasmuch as the ed to meet his Democrats were strongly opposed to him, and put Thomas A. Hendricks in the field to divide the Western vote. Up to nearly the time of the Conven- tion President Johnson cherished hopes that he might, by receiving the Democratic nomination, reap the reward of his adoption of Democratic practices. His plan of framing a new party, with himself at the head of it, had long since been abandoned, and the Conven- tion had not been long in session before that infatuated individual relinquished the hallucination that he could receive the Democratic nomination. His highest vote in the (Convention was sixty-five, on the first ballot, and it dwindled from that to five on the twenty-first. The name of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase was on the lips of members throughout the balloting, and there was hardly a tini;e when a break to him was not among the possibilities, even among the probabilities. It was the plan of some of tlie leaders to spring his name, if the opportunity offered, but if the opportunity ever cam<' they failed to take advantage of it. Mr. (Miase only received half u vote on the twelfth, thirteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nine- teenth ballots, and four on the twenty-first. Sanford E. Church was given thirty-three votes on the first seven ballots, and then dropped. The only object in presenting his name at all was to hold the votes of New York State in reserve, until it was decided how best to use them. It was apparently for the same reason that Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania, was given twenty-six votes on the first fourteen ballots. The following table shows the first ballot, the eighth when Pendleton raached his highest, the eighteenth when Hancock reached his highest, and the twenty-first which was the last before the break to Seymour: Ist. 8th. 18th. 2l8t. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio 105 Winfleld 8. Hancock, of New York 33Vo 8th. 1561/. 28 75 28 18th. 501/2 1441/2 87 10 1351/, 132 " 5 ThoB. A. Hendricks, of Indiana 2V2 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee 66 Sanford E. Church, of New York 33 Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania 26 26, Joel Parker, of New Jersey. 13 7 iiV» James E. English, of Connecticut 16 6 19 James B. Doolittle, of Wisconsin 13 12 12 12 Largest number of voles 317 Necessary to a choice 212 Scattered votes were also cast on the different ballots for the following candidates: Reverdy Jv.hnson, Francis P. Blair, Jr., f ! m>''- h\ m/tltMf:: wutPwnuManemaKnMHwMawupM ' ■ yim— — ii i i jL w l,;''/iyf-'m?'^'-'Z^-' <r l «I IL ' ri 230 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIfAN PARTY. Tliomnn Kwinj?, Jolm Quimy Adams, OeorRe H. Mcriellan, Franklin Pierce, John T. Hoffman, Htephen .1. Field and Thomas H. He.vmour. It appeared to the leaders that the time had nearly come when Chief JuBti<'e Chase might he bronght forward, and after a short ( onsnltation, it was decided that after the next ballot the Conven- tion should adjourn till the next morning, and that then the Chair- man of the Convention should take the floor, and formally present Mr. Chase's name. But the Convention got away from them. After a few states had been called, votes began to apijear for Horatio Heymour, President of the <'onvention, who, ' at the first juention of his name arose, pro- tested and declined to be a candidate. When Ohio was reached the delegation surprised the Convention by giv- ing its entire vote for Horatio Seymour. This was another instance of the chronic tendency of Ohio delegations to break away from can- didates from their own State, at just the time when success was within their reacli. The delegation were feeling ugly because they were obliged to abandon Pendleton, and therefore would have none of Chase. Upon their announcement of their vote for Seymour, that gentleman arose and protested; declared his devotion to the party and his willingness to serve it in any other way, and then, with his hand thrust, forward, palm outward, as though to put away the proffered honor, said: "But gentlemen, your candidate 1 cannot be." Tlie tide, however, had turned that way, and nothing could check it. State after State changed its vote, and when the result was announced it was unani- mous, 317 votes for Seymour. His reluctance to take the nomination was doubtless genuine, but he was virtually forced to accept it/ HORATIO BBYMOUR. jSglH mtmm nimmm r. THE OKANT AND TOLFAX CAMPAIOX. 237 Ian, Franklin H. Ke.vnioui'. y come when after a short the Conven- en the ('hair- nali.v present them. After for Horatio • President of ', rention, who, st mention of / e arose, pro- id declined to lidate. When i reached the n surprised ention by giv- ntire vote for k'ynjour. This ther instance ronic tendency delegations to vay from can- rom their own just the time access was I their reacli. egation were ugly because re obliged to ' Chase. Upon ntleman arose lis willingness ' hruBt. forward, or, said: "But however, had te after State it was unani- he nomination iccept it/ Francis P. Blair, Jr., was nominated for Vice-President withoiil opposition. Mr. Blair was a man, both of strong c(mvictions and equally strong prejudli-es. He was one of the first men in Missouri to denounce slavery and advocate gradual emancipation. This ground he took on economic rather than on moral grounds. He insisted that slavery was a drawback to the develoj)ment and pros- perity of the State, and that it was especially detrimental to the commercial and industrial interests of Ht. Louin. He and B. Gratz Hrown were largely instrumental in organizing the Republican party in that city. He was elected to ('ongress as a Uepublican, and as late as February, 1WJ5, was entrusted by President Lincoln with an important mission in connection with peace overtures. After that he first "Johnponized" and then went over to the extreme wing of th«> Democratic party. Before the Convention he had written a letter in which he said: "There is but one way to restore the (Government and the Constitution, and that is for the President to declare these Acts null and void, rcmipel the Army to undo its usurpations in the South, dispossess the carpet-hag State Governments, allow the white people to reorganize their own Governments, and elect Senators and Repre- sentatives." This made him a very suitable candidate on a plat- form, containing this clause which was proposed by Wade Hampton: "That we regard the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, as usurpa- tions, unconstitutional, revolutionary and void." Robert Toombs, in a speech at Atlanta, declared that "these so- called Governments and Ijegislatures which have been established in our midst, shall at once be made to va<-ate. The Convention at New York appointed Frank P. Blair especially to oust them.'' From being trusted by Lincoln, to being praised by Toombs, was certainly a great descent. His own extreme utterances and the praise of thi' Southerners, it was thought, were calculated to injure the ticket. After the October elections the New York World demanded that he be withdrawn, but he concluded to "stick" and the canvass went on. In the course of the campaign Mr. Blair brought ridicule, as well as hostility, to the ticket. When uTeking a speech at Allyn Hall, Hart- ford, Conn., he was so much "under the influence" that he found difHculty in steadying himself, and his remarks were so rambling and incoherent as to cause great chagrin and mortification to his Democratic hearers, and great glee to the Republican press. The campaign was active and bitter. In the East it lacked the accessories of drilled marching (ompanies and torch-light proces ! • -Sfe , ■MM HIHTOKY OF THE REPl'HLK'AN PARTY. Hiong wliich had marked the campaiKiis of 1S<50 and 1864, but in the West these were maintained. In Detroit there was great rivalry between the two parties over this feature and there were some of the largest processions ever seen in the city. The expense was so great, however, that after the j-ampaign was over, the party commit- te<'8 agreed for the future to abandon this costly method of rousing enthusiasm. This plan was carried out, under the agreeuM?nt, until it became a matter of habit, and the torchlight procession has never been resunied in Detroit as a main feature of the general campaign. The printed document, the lithograph and the local meeting have largely supplanted the torch, the transparency and general mass meeting in the effort to reach and convince the voter. One feature of the canvass was the immense amount of campaign poetry that was poured into it. On the Democrat side this was bitter in the extreme, and some of it indecent. There was frequently used one verse of four lines, in praise of the assassination of Lincoln, which was absolutely hideous in its brutality. There was another, not quite as good as the best and not quite as bad as the worst, which praised the "pure soul" of the "martyred and blest," Mrs. 8ur- ratt, and added a ribald characterization of some of the Republican leaders. The Republican campaign verses were on a much higher plane. They were always decent, and some of them models in verse and song, John O. Whittier's four stanzas on the Democratic platform, for instance. They were generally in praise of their own ticket, r,ather than in denunciation of their opponents. But here are three stanzas addressed "To General F. V. lllair," which are sufficiently keen in their personal thrusts: You have falsified your record For the fitful hope of place; The Sword you drew in honor Y'ou have sheathed now in disgrace; The hand that bore our standard Has palsied — lost its clasp, And takes the hand of traitors In its dishonored grasp. THE (lllANT AND COLFAX CAM PA KIN. 2au 64, but in tlio . great rivalry were some of pense was so party commit- lod of rouBiD}{ reeuient, until lion has never >ral campaign, meeting have general maso it of campaign this was bitter •equentl.v used on of Lincoln. > was another, as the worst, est," Mrs. 8ur- lie Republican I higher plane. J in verse and patic platform, 'ir own ticket, here are three are sufficiently Affiliate with traitors, >Vho with revengeful breath. Are living unrepentant And plot the Nation's death. You are standing, hand in hand, with them, ' ' f ;^ > You at Atlanta faced; '.^ . And they who stood beside you then Feel by your act disgraced. Oh! m your midnight musings *; ; « YoVr thoughts must bitter be, ..g ; , , To recollect that once you marched With Sherman to the sea. ' ,• IJuring the campaign Grant's reticence was commented on unfa- vorably by some of the 1 Jenunratic stump speakers, who said that he could not make u speech, and that the ability to talk was essential in a nmn in that exalted imsition. Before they were tlirough they wished they had not mentioned the subject, for Republican stump orators began to quote some of Orant's terse utterances during the war, as speeches that were at least easily comprehended. Grant's si>eech to General Buckner at Fort Donelson was very short, but when he was through talking Buckner understood that Uncondi- tional surrender" represented the only terms he could obtain. In view of the initials of his name, "Vnconditionnl Surrender" Grant was the name sometimes applied to the General. "I propose to move immediately upon your works," was another of Grant's speeches which the Rebel General Commanding was able to comprehend. When (Grant's plan of attack on Tree's army and approach to Richmond was criticised, and pressure was brought to bear upon him to change it, he did not make a long speech in reply, but his remark: "I propose to tight it out on this line if it takes all summer," conveyed a very clear idea of his purpose. "Let us have peace" expressed a wish which the people understood, and in which they heartily concurred, it was related that after one of the battles of the Wilderness, when the sol- diers had fought all day with an tnemy that they could not see, on account of the woods and brush. General Grant was asked to step backward and reorganize, and that he replied: "We have done very well, gentlemen. At half past three o'clock in the morning we move forward." These and other similar concise expressionp of Grant's when quoted to a mass meeting were always effective in rousing enthusiasm. The quotation was often followed by the suggestion ; I I ■i 1. m 240 IMHTOKV OFTIIK UKIM IHJCAX I'AKTV. \^' tliat ill the Hood of oratoi-v that H<»iii(*tiiiioH hw4>(>|»h over a polifiral aHHciiiltlaKc, tlHM-e wci'c people who talked too iiincli. If tlu\v would talk IcHH tliev would have a eliaiue to think more, a reftM-eiiee whicii the aiidieiii-e would readily appl.v to Ki-aueiH I'. Itlaif'H lo(|ua<-it.v. Tlu' Ottober election went Uepuhlican, hut li,v niajoritieH ho huuiII UK to leave the Democrats Home chanee. Tlu' elonent Htate waH Indi- ana, whicli pive Conrad Haker !)<»! luajority over ThonuiH A. lien- drickH, a V(>r.v meaner tip;ure eompared with Morton'H HtMNM) at the election held during tlie I'reHidential canvuHH four .vearn earlier. In tlu* hope of reverHinjj thiH reHult in wune of theHe HtuteM, (lov- ernor Seymour nutde au eiectioneerini; tour throu^h them. Hin Htron^ perMonalit.v and hiH |>erHuaHive eUuiuence mi)(lit have had the dcHired elTect, but here a new element entered in. HuHineHH men were arouMed at the threat of partial repudiation propoHed in the I'endle- t<m plankH in the platform, and the t1nan<-ial diHturbance it would create. An upriHin^ follow(>d, Himilar in character, though not ho wide in extent an that which marked tlie revolt a}<;ainHt the 1(> to 1 hereny in lh!M». So in the end it wan IV'udleton'n tinancial planks, rather than lilair'n Copper headinm that turned the Hcale. The reHult was a triumph for the HejuiblicanH Huch an the mont Hanguine men in the party would not luiv(> dared to predi<-t nix weekH t'arlier. (Irant carried 2t! ntates, with 214 electoral voten. Seymoui' had 80 electoral votes, of whicli about half were from his own State and the rest were from New Jersey (which usually follows the lead of New York), Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, (leorgia, LouiHiana and Oregon. It was afterwards proven that the result in Louisiana was obtained by frauds of the most sweeping character. The popular vote was: '• v,:_^ ' ^■r:p^^::z.:-^.^:j:^-: '';-i^^ ■ Grant and Colfax :{,0ir),071 Seymour and Hlair 2,700,613 During this period ('ongress was divided iiolitically as follows- Forty first Congress. , Senate — Republicans, 01 ; Democrats, 11. House — Republicans, 170; Democrats, 73. Forty-second Congress. Senate — Republicans, 57; Democrats, 17. House — Republicans. 130; Democrats, 104. One of the interesting features of this campaign in Michigan was a series of county mass meetings in the southern part of the It: #■ THE (HtANT AND COLFAX TAMPA KJX. 241 vcr a iiolitical If tln'.v would <*f«'i*<'iir<' wlilcli o(|iia(-it,v. oriticH MO Hinall Htat«' waH liuli- loiiiaM A. II<>ii- H :tO,(>0() at tii«> VH carlii'i*. H«' HtatcM, (}ov- ;;h tliciii. HIh It have liad the tiiU'HH men were I in the Pendh* bance it would thonifli not ho inHt the Ifi to 1 Inanciitl jdanks, •aile. ii«-h as the nioBt edit't six weeks voteH. Hevnioui" in hiH own Htate followH the lead Di'^iii, Louitiiana ult in Louisiana er. The impular State, addreHHed by Senator < 'handler, Henry I*. Italdwin, candidale for (hivernor. and otherH. The State waH thoron^hly arouMed, and the vote wtiH much larger than any caMt previouH lo that time. 43raut had li:S,22n and S4>ynionr S2,.'Ut4; majority for (irant, :\(),mn. There were alMo L'02 voteH caHt for David DariH, on a Workin^man'M nomina- tion, whicli cut no ftf^ure duriuK the campaign, and which had elec- toral ticketH in only a few of the Htaten. The I'reHidential Klectorw were: At Lar^e — CharleH M. (' oHwell, .lohn Hurt. Uy DiHtrictB — (]) \Villiam Doeltz; (2) CharleH W. i'lisbee; Ci) Charles T. (lorham; (4) Bynm M. Cutcheon; (")| (Jilen Hubbard; Hi) Michael C. T. IMesHner. The vote for (Jovernor wan: Henry I*. Italdwin, of Detroit, l2S,0ril; John Moore, of Satrinaw, 1J7.1.MH); Haldwin'8 majority, :t(),7(»l. The Con^reHHJonal dele>j;ati<»n waH R<'iMibIi<-an and conniHted of Per- nniidu C. Iteaman, Austin HIair, Oniiir I). Con)?t*r, ThonuiH W. Perry, NN'illiam 1j. Stoughton and Uandolph Strickland. . . 8,015,071 . . 2,700,613 ■allv as follows' f<:n in Michigan lern part of the ,1 }.' . 'iiMMiiMi ^:'j*:,,;a^Si- ^-^^^fWrfi'llTiiiv uitHtttm >. V '■ - .?■■',,. xi\. rUKHlDKXT (JKANT'S FIUHT TKUM. I'ariiKnipliH fi-oiii tlii' I'n'Midcnt'H Inaugural Mi-HHa^*' — A rabiiu't that Hid Nol liOii^ il<»ld ToKctiifi' — AttciuptH to Solvv the Uccoii- Htriictioii I'l'obU'ni — Ht'ttliuj; Old W('(»ri'» with (Ireat liHtaiu — FiiiaiK-ial Ihhuch ('ouio to the Front— How to DiHcliar^c thi> lMil> Ik* <)bli){atioiiH and U«'t Hacl< to H|M«cie I'a.vnientH — Tln' Act to Wtnoi^then the Tahlic < 'ledit— Thr K«'fundinj,' Art— The ("oin- a>f(' Act DtMnom'tizinjj; Hilvcr — The Sjilarv (lral> — Tlie Treaty of WaMhington — The I'ropoHed Han Domingo I'lircluiHe Defeated. J'reHident (iraut's inau){in-al nieHHa^t' was brief and character- JHtic. It waH addreHHed to tlie citi/.enM of the I'nited WtateH and the first three sectionH w«'re as follows : "Your 8UtrraK<'K havinj? elected nie to tlie olllce of President of the Tnited States, I have, in conformity to the ronstitution of our coun- tr\, taken the oath of ofllce prescribed therein. I have taken this oath without mental reservation, and with the determination to do, to the best of my ability, all that it requires of uie. The responsibilities of the position 1 feel, but accept them witluuit fear. The office has come to me unsought; I commence; its duties untrammeled, I bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability, to the satisfaction of the people. "On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always express my views to Congress, and urge them according to my judg- ment; and, when I think it advisable, will exercise the (vonstltutlonuS privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose, Uut all laws will be faithfully exe«*uted, whether they meet my ap- proval or not. "I shall, on all subjects, have u policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike, those opposed, as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution." '-^.X^'4*'-\ >j^tsmjg^ — A Ciibinrr vv the K«M"«ni- (')it Itrituiu — iiirnc llu* IMib- I A—Tho Act to <t— TIh' Coin- Tin- Tij'jit.v of Hc Defeated. uud chanu'ter- HtatcH and thu renident of th« in of our couu- ave taken this nation to do, to reHponsibilities The offlee huH eled, I brinj? to the best of my d I will always ' ug to my judg- ('onstitutioDul 'hich I oppose, ; y meet my ap- ad, but none to nvern all alike, [low no method ective as their 1' SinKNT (JHANTH FIKHT TKUM. J4.'l The I'n'MidenlH ('abiiiel .mm llrHl announced was not considered fortunate in IIh sehction. It was as follows: Kecre^<u-y of Htate — Kllhii It. WaHlibnrne, of lllinuis. Keen lary of the Treasury -Alexander T. Hiewarl. of New York. Hecreuiry of War — .lohn .\. KawlinH. of Illinois. SfMi'etary of the Navy — Adolph K. Horie. of Pennsylvania. Tostnuister <ieneral — John A. >f. Creswell, of .Maryland. Secretary of the Interior— .lacob D. <'i>x. of Ohi(». Attorney General — K. KocUwell Hoar, of .MaHsaclniHetts. The Cabinet did not long hold t(»getlii'i'. Mi-. Washburne was confirmed March fi and resigned March H\, to take the position of Afinister to Fnince, in accordance, it was undei-Htood, with a previ<turt understanding. Me was succeeded by lianiilton Fish, of New York, an ap|)ointnient which created surprise at th" time, but wlii«-h proved to be a most excellent one. .Mr. Ktewart was found t(» be ineligible under an act passed September 2, 17S!>, which provided that the Secre- tary of )li«' Treasury should not be "directly, or indirectly, c(Uicerned or interested in carrying on the business of trade or comnu»rce, or be owner, in whole or in part, of any sea vessel or purchase, by himself uv aiother in trust for him, any public lauds or other public property, or be cfuuerned in th(> |>ur<-hase or disposal of any publi<- s«>curitieH of any State or of the Cnited States, <>r take or ajiply to his own use any emolument or gain f<u- negotiating or transacting any business in the said Department, other than what shall be allowed by law." This a«'t is so swee|>ing in its exclusion of business nu'U as io nmke it a nuitter of surju-ise that the (lovernmeut has been able to secure nniny capable nu-n for that important po^"■'^ion. The President was anxious to have Mr. Stewart in the Cabinet and Mr. Stewart was anxious to be there. It was proposed, at one tinu-. that he should assign all his business interests to his partner, .ludgt' Hilton, but this was regairded as a mere evasion of the law, as he would still have an indirect interest in them. Then it was sought to renu)ve his disabilities by a sjiecial Act of Congress, but that body would not establish the precedent of breaking down a law that had been in force for eighty years, in order to meet the exigencies of a particular ease, and Mr. Stewart was reluctantly dropped. The Pres- ident then turned to Captain E. B. Ward, of Detroit, but he was found also to be ineligible, and George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, was appointed. John A. Rawliys, Secretary of ^Yar, gave way, after a few months, to ^YiIliam W. Belknap, of Iowa. But Borie was a puzzler ■ KiX,'. !..,.<,. . ■. i:s^-,^ -.»i; ^ ft* mm ^m ■:"%■ 244 HISTORY OF TUE REPUBLK^AN PARTY. .V m to the people, hr he was almost unknown in publir affairs. The West- ern Associated Press, in transmitting the Cabinet list, got a "v" in his name instead of an "r.'' An editor of one of the Detroit dailies, was writing biographies of the members of the Cabinet, and when he came to the Secretary of the Navy he commenced: "The Hon. Adolph E. Bovie, Secretary of the Nuvy, is — is — well, who in is Bovie, anyway?" Mr. Borie was succeeded, June 25, 1869, by Gecge M. Robeson, of New Jersey. Orant's Administration was confronted with three grave problems, all inherited from the war. These were an amicable adjustment of the relations between the whites and the blacks in the South, a pruuiem that is even yet not entirely solved; the settlement of our old scores with Great Britain, and the financial problem. The latter subject was the one first taken in hand by Congress, and the question was how to get back to a sound sjwcie basis, after doing business for sixteen yeai's with paper that was more or less depreciated. It became evident early in the war, that the Govern- ment could not command the gold necessary for payment of the vast expenses incurred in that struggle. We were not only exi>ending immense sums for war material and supplies at home, but we were importing much more than we were exporting, and the balances due abroad had to be paid in gold or in gold bonds. As the war proceeded the disparity between the exports and imports increased, for cotton shipments were almost entirely cut off, and our surplus of breadstuffs and provisions was less than in former years, on account of the large consumption by the Armj-. Some form of paper obligation early became necessary, and the necessity increased as the war continued. The first experiment with paper money was the issue of |50,000,- 000 in non-interest bearing Treasury notes. They were payable on denmnd, were a^ good a? gold then, and continued it par during the entire jieriod of gold fluctttations. But they vere a new thing, people were rot accsutomed to Nsues of Government paper, and were suspicious v,f them, and even thai amount, siTiall as it was in vopx- parison with the paper issues subsequently issued, could not be floated. In this same period it was diilicult for the Government to borrow money on bonds, for its credit had b(>en greatly impaired by the events of Buchanan's Administration. When the Secretary of the Treasurv secured the first loan made during the war, the Tendon Times said he had "coerced 150,000,000 from the New York banks, but h? would not fare so well on the liondon Exchange," and for a .%•:■ j y ..y ■ ii. ■J.H l i— M Uf ^ f^rt h 'Y. 11-8. It, got a "v" The VVest- in Detroit dailit^s, inet, and when i: "The Hon. who in is 1869, by Geo'-go throe grave an amicable le blacks in the ; the settlement problem, id by Congress, pcie basis, after Eis more or less hat the Oovern- lent of the vas^ only exi)ending le, but we were he balances due le war proceeded >ased, for cotton us of breadstuffs mnt of the large obligation early » war continued, issue of 150,000,- were payable on t par during the •e a new thiug, paper, and were I it was in coinx- i, could not be J Government to itly impaired by the Secretary of war, the Tendon ew York banks, mge," and for a M^ PRESIDENT GRANT'S FIRST TERM. 245 timje Confederate bonds sold better in Europe than United States G-overnment obligations. Borrowing on Government gold-bearing bonds afterwards became easier, both in this country and in Europe, but the need of currencj' for use in business transactions, became more and more pressing. =S I/:^ i Out of this need came the creation of the greenback, and, later on, the National Bank Law. The Legal Tender Bill, which estab- lished the greenback, was introduced by E. G. S]iau]ding, of the Buffalo, N. Y., District in Conp ss, December 30, 1861, and was reported from the Ways and Means Committee, January 22, 1862. It was urged mainly as a matter of temporary necessity, and not as a judicious permanent system. In fact the expectation was held out ;• that the greenbacks would be permanently retired almost as soon as the war ended. The bill was explained and ably supported by Mr. Spaulding, and other members of the Ways and Means Committee, but was opposed on the ground of expediency or constitutionality, or both, by a few Republicans, and by nearly all the Democrats. Among the latter Clement L. Vallandigham and George H. Pendle- ton took the lead. In view of Mr. Pendleton'n. declaration in 1868, in favor of paying the Government bondc. in greenbacks, his attitude toward them In 1862 is interesting. lu the course of his remarks he said: "The feature of the bill that first strikes every thinking man, even in these days of novelties, is the proposition that these notes shall be made a legal tender in discharge of all pecuniary obligations, as well those which have accrued in virtue of contracts already made, as those which shall hereafter be made. Do gentlemen appreciate the full import and meaning of that clause? Do they realize the full extent to which it will carry them? Every contract for the payment of gold and silver coin, every promissory note, every bill of exchange, every lease reserving rent, every loan of money reserving interest, every bond issued by this Government, is a contrm-t to which the faith of the obligor is pledged, that the amount whether rent, interest or principal shall be paid in the gold and silver coin of the country." Among the Republicans opposing this bill were Justin S. Morrill, Roscoe and Frederick A. Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy. But it was vigorously pushed, and passed February 6, by 93 yeas, of whom 3 were Democrats, to 59 nays, of whom 29 were Democrats, 17 Repub- licans and 13 Unionists. In the Senate the principal contest was over the legal tender clause, but a motion to striki' that out was lost I i V 4 1 amm 246 HISTORY OF THE RB]PUBLIOAN PARTY. bv l< yeas, of whom 9 were Republicans and S Democrats, to 22 nays, of whom 18 were Republicans and 4 Democrats. Senators Colla- mer, Cowan and Fessenden spoke against the legal tender clause, and Senators Zachariah Chandler, Sherman, Sumner, ^Vade and Wilson were among the Republicans who defended it. The bill passed the Senate by a vote of .'{0 to 7, and was signed by the I'resi- dent, February 2r., 1862. This Bill authorized tlie issue of |150,t)00, 000 in legal tenders, of which $50,000,000 was to be in lieu of the demand notes authorized in 1861. Two subsequent issues of 11150,000,000 each were authorized, but only $384,000,000 in all were issued. The greenbacks were a God-send to the soldiers in the field, som*' of whom had not been paid for three or four months; and by furnish ing a medium of exchange, in abundant (juantity, they stimulated business in every direction. Still the measure was one of inflation, and they could not be kept at par with gold. During the darkest days of the war, in 1864, gold was at 280, as compared with the legal tenders. At the time Grant was inaugurated the process of contrac- tion, and the increase of our exports had brought it down to 143. The problem before Congress, and the President, was to bring the greenbacks up to par with gold, without violent shock or derange- uwut to business. The President had said, in his inaugural message: "A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity the Cnion. The payment of this, princ-ipal and interest, as well as the return to a specie basis, as soon as it can be accomplished without material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, must be provided for. To protect the National honor every dollar of Government indebtedness should be paid ir gold, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in th.e contract. Let i*. be understood that no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public place, rnd it will go far towards strengthening a credit whicli ought to be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay." In view of the uneasiness caused by the discussions of this subject in the last campaign, and esjiecially of the exprewsions in the Democratic platform. Congress did not wait -o elaborate a system, but at once announced the principle by which it would be guided. This was done in a brief "Act to Strengthen the Public <Vedit," which speedily passed both Houses, the final vote in the Senate being .31 ut ■■ ■ t'^ ,iilllllill!Wl 'Y. PREWDENT GRANT'S FIRST TERM. 247 ntH, to 22 na.vs, "Senators Colla- tcnder clause, cr, Wade and t. The bill d by the TreHi- 11 e of |;i50,(mo. in lieu of the iient issues of 000 in all were 1 the field, 8oni<' and by furnish they stimulated one of inflation, ing the darkesi d with the legal )ce8S of eontrac- it down to 143. as to bring the 'ook or derange- age: 'A great iir posterity the \, as well as the iplished without nuntry at large, nor every dollar unless otherwise lerstood that no 11 be trusted in g a credit which ely enable us to in we now pay." Missions of this cprefeisions in the ate a system, but »e guided. This c Credit," which »nate being .11 lo 24, and in the House 117 to 50. It was signed by the President, March 18, 18(59, and was the first bill signed by him. It was as follows: "In order to remove any doubl as to the purpose of the (rovernment to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and to settle conflicting questions and interpretations of the laws by whi<-h such obligations have been contracted, it is hereby provided and declared that the faith of the I'nited States is solemnly pledged lo the payment in coin, or its equivalent, of all the obligations of the I'nited States not bearing interest, known as United States notes, and of all the interest-bearing obligations of the United States except in cases where the law authorizing the issue of any such obligation had expressly provided that the sp.me may be paid in lawful money, or other currency than gold and silver. Rut none of said interest-bear- ing obligations, not already due, shall be redeemed or paid before maturity, unless at such time United States notes shall be convertible into coin at the option of the holder, or unlt^ss at such time I^ ited States bonds, bearing a lower rate of interest than the bonds to be redeemed, can be sold at par in coin. And the United states also solemnly pledges its faith to make provision, at the earliest practica- ble period, for the redentjition of the United StJderi notes in coin." <%:'] That was all of importance that was done at the first session of the Forty-first Congress, but at the second session of that Congress an Act was passed materially reducing the internal revenue taxes, thus diminishing the direct burdens of taxation upon the people. Still further reductions were made in both these elapses of taxes by Ihe Forty -second Congress. Tariff rates were also reduced on a large number of articles. Rut the most important financial Act of the session was the Refunding Act. On March 31, 18fi5, the total debt of the United States was f2,846,000,fl00, of which 12,381,000,000 bore interest, |830,000,000 of it at seven and three-tenths per cent., |il,282,0(10,()()0 at 6 per cent, and |269,000,000 at 5 per cent. The annual interest charge was |151,000,000. The Refunding Act of this Congress contemplated a large reduction in the rate of interest. Omitting details, the main jiurpose of the Act is expressed in the following sentences: "The Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to issue f 200.000,000 coupon or registered bonds, redeemable in coin at its current value at the pleasure of the Government, after ten years from the date oi issue; interest five per cent., payable semi- annually in coin: als»* in like nmnner and on like terms |300,000,000 at 4'/2 per cent., luumng Jifteeu years; also 11,000,000,000 at 4 per ••-" iii ii iii m i faB Hi ii ^- 248 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. cent., rnnning 30 years, all these bonds being exenii)t fi-om taxation by any autliority. The Secretary may dispose of these bonds at nor less than their par value for coin, and apply the proceeds to the redemption of the outstanding flve-twenties at par, or exchange par for par, but the bonds hereby issued shall be used for no other purpose.'' As the flve-twenties were already redeemable at the option of the Government, this gave a sure method of reducing inter- est, as fast as the bonds could be sold. But the Monetary Act of the Forty-second Congress which has since created the most stir in the country, was the revising and co:i- Holidating all the Coinage Laws of the country. It is variously called the ('oinage Act, the Demonetizing Act and ''the Crime of 1873." It ] was approved February 12, 1873, and consisted of sixty-seven sections, going into the wh«)le detail of the purch;ir,;' and deposit of bullion and the minting of all Government coins. But the sting of it was contained in four sections, of which ihe most important was Section 15, which provided that the silver coins of the Ignited States should be a tr* de dollar of 420 grains, a half dollar or fifty -cent piece, a quarter dollar, or twenty-flve-cent jiece, and a dime. These coins were made a legal ■ tender, at their nominal value, for any amount not exc't?eding five ,^ dollars in any one payment. Section 17 provided that no coins . other than those Sjiecifled should be issued from the mint. Section . 20 provid«'d that any owner of gold might deposit the same at any mint to be fornunl into coin or bars, and Section 21 allowed owners of silver bullion to deposit it at any mint to be formed into bars or trad.: ' dollars, but not into any other coin. It has been claimed since that the omission of the standard silver dollar from the coins authorized was done surreptitiously ii! com- mittee, and that very few members of the House knew of it. Probably many were ignorant of the full scope of the measure. But the fat't that the Act uiscontinued the coinage of the stanuard silver . dollar was discussed and defended in the House as ihe reported,: debates show. At that time sih-er was at a premium as compate<1 with gold, there was no demand* for its coinage, and that which hat} been coined was rapidly disappearing. It was only when the product of silver incre»Hed e" '"apidly as to put it at a discount compared with gold, and after its demonetization in some European countries had added to its deprei-iation. that the clamor for Its recolnage and fn*<' coinage commenced. I'nder tlu- operation of the Bland and Sliernuui PRESIDENT (IRANT'S FIRST TERM. 249 oin taxation bonds at nor ceeds to the xchange par for no other lable at the ducing inter- IB which haR ing and coii- iously called of 1873." It sixty-seven irch;ir:;' and inient coins. iS, of which ovided that tr de dollar er dollar, or made a legal xceeding Ave mt no coins int. Section same at any k'ed owners of bars or trad. andard silver >U8ly ii» eoni- knew of it. lensiire. But unuard silver ihe reported as <'onipnrei1 lat which ha*' n the pr'wluct ompared with i-oiintries had nage and fu««' and Sherman Acts the (rovernment has coined, on its own account, five times us many of the "dollars of our fathers" as the people are willing to handle, though they have furnished a basis for circulation in the form of silver certificates. The free coinage on individual account has never, at any period, been restored since the Act of 1873. The trade dollar, whose continued coinage was authorized by the Act, was coined originally with a view to the convenience of trade with Mexico ana the South American countries. Hut it was never popular, and soon drop|)ed out of use by its own weight. Its coinage ceased in l«7fi. There was but little legislation in reference to the situation In the South during this Administration, though one stringent Act to punish frauds in elections, aimed particularly at that section, was adopted. The main efforts of the Administratiim were devoted to bringing order and obedience to law, under existing statutes, to that turbulent and riotous section, but without great suci-ess, ns will appear later in this record. The Act which created the most stir at the time was the "back pay" or "salary grab" Act. This was passed near the close of the second session of the Forty-second ('<mgress. It in<-reased the pay of Senators and Representatives from |6,U()4) to I|7,5(I0 a year, and that of the officers and clerks of both Houses by nearly a corresponding per centage. The offensive feature of the Act was that it was made retroactive, dating the pay ba«'k to the beginning of the Forty-second Congress. There was a great public clamor against it. Some of the members who had voted against the bill refused to take the back pay, and after public opinion began to assert itself other members turned their share of the plunder bat-k into the treasury. Rut it cost many of the members the seats to whi<'h they aspired in the next Congress, and had considerable effect on the general results in 1874. In addition to the Acts of special importance, already mentioned, (^ongress, during PreBident Grant's first term, passed the following measures of general interest: Striking out the word "white" in nil !nw8 relating to the District of Columbia, and from all ordinances of th.» City of Washington, thus giving the blacks complete civil rights; .providing for an additional Juirtii-e of the 8uj»veme Court, and reor- ganizing the Judicial sjtstem; giving married women in the District of Columbia absolute control over their own property; putting into legal enactment the principle of the Fifteenth Am(>ndment to the Constitution; establishing a De]>artHient of .TnstiiiH'; punishing frauds il ■3: > "-i -^. -wgraian as&iiiasaaiSifeit^i^irgVtf^^t;^^^ 'twfeii^aiam.- tiif'tf '^'?fiMa>atiW<r^t'i^ f ■ ■ ■ 1 250 HISTORY OF THE REI»T;BLirAN PARTY III eleV'tionH, and extending the Naturaliziition Laws to personB of African nativit.v or de^oent; penHioning all survivors of the War of 1812; providinjj lor T'nited Ktatos Supervisors of Election in town^ of 2(MKH) or more inhabitants, at elections where Members of Congress are to be chosen; eniorcing the various clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment; providing homesteads for soldiers and sailors; making appropriation for the Centennial Exhibition in I'hiladelphia; carry- ing into effect the provisions of the Treaty of Washington, and promoting the growth of timber on the Western prairies. One of the triumphs of (irant's first term, was the happy settle- nvent of our numerous difficulties with <lreat Britain, some of whi<'h had been of long standing. The sentiment of the English middle classes was, on the whole, friendly to the United States during our contest with the Houth, but the aristocracy and ruling classes were strongly against us. The Oovernment was very hasty in recognizing the belligerency of the Confederacy. It subsequently went as near to the line of what International Law allows, in showing its sympathy with the Kouth, as it dared, and in the case of the Alabama over- stepped that line. Under the Johnson Administration overtures were twice made to the British Foreign Seci-etary for a friendly arbi- tration of the Alabama claims, but they were refused with scant courtesy. A third attempt resulted In the Clarendon-Johnson treaty. ; which was so far from meeting our demands, that the Senate rejected It with very little delay. In his second annual message to Congress in December, 1870, President Orant referred to the unwillingness of Her Majesty's Government to acknowledge that it had done us any wrong, asserted that our firm and unalterable convictions were exact- ly the reverse, and asked Congress to "authorize the appointment of a commission to take proof of the amounts and ownership of these several claims, on notice to the representative of Her Majesty at Washington, and that authority be given for the settlement of these claims by the T'nited States, so that the Government shall have the ownership of the private claims, as w^U as the responsible control of nil the demands against Great Britain." This suggestion of making It entirely a (iovernment matter, came at a time when the European skies were threatening, and a storm <enter was actually ;'»cated in the territory occupied by the French and Prussian armies. In view of the possibilities of trouble with Its Continental neighbors, Her Majesty's Government was ready to have a settlement with the people on this side the water. The Treaty PRESIDENT ORANT'S FIRST TERM. 251 to persoDH of of the War of ution in towns rs of CongresH le Fourteenth ailors; making; delphia; carr>- fishingtoD, and B happy HettU'- Home of which i^nglish middle tc8 dnring our g classes were ' in recognizing went as near ig its s.viupath.v Alabaniti over- ition overtures a friendly arbi- sed with scant Johnson treaty. Senate rejected ige to Congress tnwillingness of ad done us any ions were exact- ppointnient of a ership of these Her Majesty at lenient of these sliall have the tonsible control nt matter, came ig, and a storm I by the Fren(rh of trouble with It was ready to ter. Th(» Treaty of Washington was the result. It covered the Alabama claims which were to be settled by arbitration at (leneva, Hwitzerland; the claims for compensation for fishing ])rivilegeH, which were to be settled by a commission at Halifax, Nova Kcotia; the question of the use, by Amer- ican vessels of the St. Lawrence River and canals; and the claims of Amerii-an citizens for damages sustained between IHtJl and 18fi.^, other than the Alabama claims. The tJeneva arbitrators awarded ^I15,50(»,()00 for the claims which came before them. This was after- wards shown to be exi-essive, but this was j)artially evened up at a later jieriod by the Halifax award of about f5,()0(),000 against th»» United States, which was also excessive. Rut the treaty led to some conclusion on all disputed points, and did more to establish arbitra- tion as a method of settling international difficulties than any event that had before occurred. With the San Domingo treaty the President was less fortunate. He was very desirous of annexing this territory to the Fnited States, deeming it especially important that we )<hould have a safe port in the West Indies, in case of war with any foreign naval jmwer, a con- sideration that was better api»reciated when the Sijanish-Americain War broke out. in 1898 than it was by the men of 1870. A treaty of annexation was framed, but it was defeated in the Senate by a tie vote. The President renewed the subject in his second annual message, and asked that '"by joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, the Executive be authorized to appoint a commission to negotiate a treaty with the authorities of Han Domingo for the acjpii- sition of that island, and that an appropriation be made to defray the expenses of such i'ommission." Congi-ess fell short of that, but a commission consisting of Renjamin F. Wade, of Ohio; Andrew D. White, of New York, and Samuel G. Howe, of Massachusetts, was appointed to make inquiries into the political condition of the island, and its agricultural and commercial value. They reported in favor of the President's policy, but that was the end of it. Grant was, for once, beaten, and he knew it. i^ 5 It was when this treaty was before the Senate fhut ^Tr. Susnner made a speech severely criticising the treaty, and ahiising the Presi- dent and the agents concerned in making it. When the Senate <'ommittee8 were next nmde up, INIr. Sumner was dropped from the Chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee and Senator Cam- eron was substituted. He charged this to the influence of Grant, but there is nothing to show that the President had anything to do \m :1 TTfff' imi 252 HIBTOEY OF TRE RErnU.K'AN PAllTY. with it. In fnrt a nrnnber of radictil Senators said at the time that he did not. Tlie Senate electB its own connuitteeH, and Senator Kdnuinds declared that in Mr. Sumner's case it was merely a question "whether the Senate of the United States and tlie Republican party are quite ready to sacrifice their sense of duty to the whims of one single man, whether he conies from New KuKland, or from Illinois, or from anywhere else." Of Mr. Sumner's removal Ex-Secretary Houtwell }',".v. -'ae follow- injj account in a reminiscent article in McClure's Magazine for Febru- ary. lf)(M>- "Mr. Sumner's removal was due to the fact that a tim<» came when he did not recognize the President, and when he declined to have any intercourse with the Secretary of State outside of official business. Such a condition of affairs Is always a hindrance in the way of good government, and it umy be<-ome an obstacle to success, (lood government can be secured only through conferences with those who are responsible, by conciliation, and not infre<niently by con- cessions to those who are of adverse opinions. The time <'an»e when such a condition was no longer i>ossible between Mr. Sumner and the Secretary of State. The President and his Cabinet were in accord in regard to the controversy with (Jreat Britain as to the .Vlabama claims. Mr. Sumner advocated a more exacting policy. Mr. Motley appeared to be following Mr. Sumner's lead, and the opposition to Mr. Sumner extended to Mr. Motley. . \>'hen we consider the natures and the training of the two men, it is not easy to imagine agreeable co-operation in public alTairs by Mr. Sumner and General Orant. Mr. Sumner never believed in (Jeneral (irant's fitness for the office of President, and General Grant did not ret'ognize in Mr. Sumner a wise and safe leader in the business of Government. Gen- eral Grant's notion of Mr. Sumner, on one side of his character, may be inferred from his answer when, being asked if he had heard Mr. Sumner converse, he said: 'No, but I have heard him lecture.' " i ' U. ;t',',.T^V iie time that ind Wfnutor y a quj'stiou blican party hiniH of oiu* I'oin Illinoia. ^ "ii»> foUow- u> for Ffbrn- that a tmi<» 1 he (leclinert ide of official ranee in the e to BiKrcess. >8 with tho«e ntly by con- e came wlien nncr and th(? 're in accord the Alabama Mr. Motley opposition to consider the y to inia};ine and General 's fitness for )gn\7.e in Mr. anient. Oen- laracter, may ad heard Mr. •tare.' " XX. THE FIFTH UEIMHLK'AN CONVENTION. The Nomination for Pn'sident Determined Beforehand— A Lar«e Amount of HpcechmakinK of a High Order-President Grant Ununiniously Kenon.inated-A Hcene of the Wildest Knthnsiasm — Nnmerous Candidates for Vice-President— Henrv Wilson Receives the Nomination on the First Ballot-The Work of Newspai)er Correspondents— A Long Platform Covering a Variety of Subjects- Wtronj? Commendation of the Candidates —Modest Letters of Acceptance. In accordance with their practice of makinj? nominations early in the season, the liepublicans opened their fifth National Conven- tion in the Academy of Music in Philadelphia, June 5, 1872, Morton ^: Michael, of that (ity, being temporary Chairman. As in 186S the nomination for President was decided beforehand, and the Con- vention lacked the interest that centers about a close contest for that position. It contained in its membership a large number of the most prominent men in the party. The following was the Michigan delegation: At Largt--Eber Jl Ward, George Willard, William A. Howard, Perry Hannah. By Districts-d) Newell Avery, John (Jreusel; (2) Nathan N. Kendall, Rice A. Heal; (3) Harvey Bush, J. C. Fitzgerald; (4) George S. Clapp, James H. Stone; (5) Benjamin D. Pritchard, H. A. Norton; ((5) Josiah L. Begole, Daniel L. Crossman; (7) Ezra Hasten, Benjamin W. Huston; (8) Charles S. Draper, James Birney; («) B. P. Rogers, J. F. Brown. Although there was no contest over the nomination for Presh dent there was a greater display of enthusiasm than in 1868, and there was a great deal of speechmaking and of an unusually high order In the interval between the appointment of committees and the first report, rattling speeches were made by (ieneral Logan, who was then in the United States Senate; (Jerritt Smith, of New York,one of the original Abolitionists; Senator Morton, of Indiana, who was i •' ' 1 ■i wr 254 IIIHTUUV OF THE KEPrHLKJAN I'AKTY. (f nlwavH 4'l(M|U('iit and alwavH w«'lc<nii«'; (iov»*riHn- .laiiicH \j. Ovr, (»f Hoiitli (,'ai-oliiia; (iovcrnoi- (>^l«'Hh,v, of llliiioiH; William H. Hvvy, of ArkaiiHaH; <'oii)ri'('HHinan K. It. Elliott, a colored delegate from Hoatli ('ni'oliiia, and JameM ii. Ilun-iH, a coloi-cd dcle^^ate from Nortli Caro- lina. After the ]h>rnianent orpmi/ation the fdllowin^ uImo reHponded to eallH f.a* remarkM: (ieneral (Jeor^e \V. <'arter, who eontmanded a Southern bri)<:ade daring the Uebellion; i'aiil Htrobaeh, a (German delegate from. Alabama; Emory A. Htorrs, (m«> of the moBt elo(]uent orators in lllinoiH; Ex-Senator Henderson, of MiHHouri; "the eloquent colored Secre- t) i B H i |) |) i, JanieB K. Lynch." (lovernor E. F. XoyoH, of Ohio. Ah in iHiiH the Con- vention was in a hurry to nominate Orant, and contrary to the UHual cuHtom nominu- tions were placed in th«» order of buHincHH be- fore the report of the Committee on. KeHolu- tions. Shelby M. Cnl- lom, of IllinoiH, made the brief nominating speech as follows: "On behalf of the great Re- publican party of Illi- nois, and that of the heMrx WILSON. Cnion, in the name of liberty, of loyalty, of justiie and of law — in the interest of economy, of good government, of peace, and of the equal rights of all — remem- bering with profound gratitude his glorious achievements in the lield and bis noble statesnmnship as Chief Magistrate of this great Nation -I nominate as President of the I'nite^ States, for a second term, Ulysses S. Grant." The official report of the Convention thus describes the recep- tion of the nomination: "A scene of the wildest excitement followed this speech. The spacious Academy was crowded with thousands TflK FIFTH KEIMJHLICAN CONVKNTION. 266 L. Uir, of H. (hey, of from Hoiitii >r(»rth ('an»- twiii^ uIho 'urtcr, who 1 1 Htrobtu-li, of the muMt sHoui-i; "the ored Secre- f from Mis- JumcH H. veriior E. F. hio. WH the Coil- iH in a hiirrv ate (h'aiit, ary to the oiii iiomina- placed ill th«' l)iiHiiieH8 be- eport of the ) on. KeHolu- elby M. Cnl- llinois, made noniinatiii}; oIIowh: "On the Kreat Re- )arty of Illi- that of th<« the name of of eeonoiuy, ' all — remem- \» in the Held Ureat Nation second teriu, es the reeep- (lent followed th thouHands of MpeetatofH in evei-y part, and on the Htage, in the par<pi(>t, and in tier upon tier of );;ilierieH, nrtme deafening, prolonged, tniiniltiiouH cheerH, HwellinK from pit to dome. A perfect wil<l«'rneHH of liatr,, capH and handkerchiefH waved to and fro in a KiirKinK imiKH, an thn *> timeH three reverberated fromi ilie thoiiHandM «»f voi^-en. The band apjieared to catch the iMN'vaiiiii); enthuHiaHin, and waved their intitrii- mentH aH (hou)j;li tliey liad been II;ikh. Amid crieH of 'MuHic!' 'MuHicI' they wtriKk up 'Hail to the Chief.' .\h the majeHtic Htrainn of rhiM nniHic came tloatiii^ down from the balcony, a life hIkc ecpieM- trian portrait of (rrant came down »» if by ina^ic, tilling the entire Hpace of the back Hceiie, and the enthiiHiaHUi knew no bonmlH.'' (Jeiieral Stewart L. Woodford, of N»'W York, and M. I). Horuck, of California, Heconded the nomination, the roll waH called and announcement made that I'lyHHeH H. (irant had received the entire vote of the Convention, 7rc' voteH. TumultuouH cheerinj; again burst from the immenHe audience. The band, at this ainutunceinent, played the air of a "(fiant Campaign Himg," the tenor of which was sung by a gentleman standing among the inHtruments, and the chorus by a large choir of gentlemen. The Hrst verse and chorus were as follows: irally round our leaders, men. We're arming for the tight. We'll raise our glorious standard And battle for the right; To swell our gallant army. Come from hill and plain, , Grant shall win the victory For President again. Chorus — Let the drum and bugle sound. We'll march to meet the foe; Let our joyous shouts resound That all the land may know. The sons of freedom in their might, Have come from hill and plain, To make the brave Flysses Our I'resident again. When this was concluded, a vry went from the multitude "John Hrown." The band struck up the familiar, elet-trifying strains, and the whole concourse rose as one mass. From the par«piet to th«' npjier tier, the vast multitude stood up and rolled out the old hymn of freedom. There was scarcely a dry eye in the great assemblage If ..:, j»i\Yis^ >'■ 'ili^si^A^-.,%i'^. .i^.i£*i 2n(( IkriTOKV OF TUK HKI'IIIILICAN I'AUTY. ■m Hiid Mmm-c wiih not ii licai-t that wait not tlii-illcd with thi' Hnhlimity of tli(> nioniont. Wlicn thiit Mon^ wan at hiHt tluUhcd, the cry rnuw for "Uull.v Uoiind the Fhi^." and th<' air of that liattl<* Hon^ waM ^ivcn by the band, the wiiole audience Hin^inR the word^ witli tlie mime fervor with whicli tlu' hymn had bi-en rei lered. This concluded, the bund mivv "Yanl<ee l>4»odle," in the niidnt of luniultuoun clieerH. Henry VVilMon, of MuHHachuHettH, wati placed in nomination for Vice fMcHident by Morton M<-Michael, of PeiuiHylvanir. who WiIh HU|>]toi ,cd by Dr. 0<>or);e II. LoriuK, of MaHHachuH OHKiiiii Hay, of New lianipHhire; (Jerritt Hinitli, of New Y<»rlt; - l'\ Qi, rlen, ol flejM'Kia; (Sovernor E. F. NoyeH, of Ohio, and (Joverrjir JSnvoil (May- ton, of ArlvJinsaH. The name of H( huvler Colfax wan jtrMeuUnl by Uichai-d W. Thom)>Mon, of Indiai:.;, and HU]iported by Williaim A. Howard, of MichiKan; James U. Lynch, of MiMiii«(t,i)>|>i. and <V>rtlundt Parker, of New JerHey. Viijjinia, thi"*);;!! JameH H. Bener, pre- Bent^'d the name of John P. Lewis; W:;!:fi1( r Flannagan, of Tezait, pn^'civ^ited the name of Governor E. J. Daviu, of the anme Btate, and Davi'1 A. Nunn, of TennesBee, nominated Hoiusu^ i'llvynard. At the conduBion of the roll call, the tlrttt ballot stood a:<: ft'.lowB: Whole number of delegates . . . . .%•» . . i fV'.^^'i ....... 752 Necessary to a choice 377 Henry Wilson, of MassaohuHetts 364V2 Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana 321V;. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee 2(t John F. I^wis, of Vir}?inia 22 Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 16 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut 1 Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio 1 Before the result was announced twenty of the twenty-two Vir- Rinia delegates changed from Colfax to Wilson. The Georgia dele- gation had voted sixteen for Wilson and six for Colfax. The latter now ehanged to Wilson. Nine of the ten votes from West Virginia did the same, making Wilson's vote 300V1>, a majority of all, and Colfax 3O614. Others of the scattering votes went to Wilson and finally his nomination was, on motion of Henry S. Lane, speaking in behalf of the entire Indiana delegation, made unanimous. Mr. Colfax did not know, at the time, exactly what it was that defeated him. One reason of his turning down was that early in the year he had written a letter, announcing that he should not be a candidate for renomination, but had afterwards changed his mind, .,;^^ rV. ;v, •,■.•>.. ,:^.V flu* Htiblliiiity ttt h«> <T,v cHiiu* for HOIIK WilM Kivcii with th(> HiUiK^ TIiIh coiirliidi'd, lultnoiiH «'he»'rH. nomination for mniti. who w.jh OnKiHit Uay, of I-'. Qr, rU'B, ot I'jr Powoil VA&y- an jt.fMeut^Hl b.v b.v WilliaiM A. 1, and <'ortlandt I B. Sener, pre- la^an, of Texan, Hnuie Htate, and ynard. At th»? lows: 752 377 304Vo 321 Vl> 2« 22 16 1 1 twenty-two Vir- ^he Georgia dele- fax. The latter m West Virginia ority of all, and It to Wilson and [jane, speaking in mous. what it was that vas that early in e should not be a hanged his mind, ?Hi r IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 |io ^^" inH I.I 11.25 I Its |2.0 Riotographic Sciences Corporation \ k^' <^ 23 WIST MAIN STMIT ¥VIBSTIR,N.Y. USSO (716)t72-4S03 ^^ ^\ ^r\\ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductlons / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques ''■^ s^ THE FIFTH KEIMBLICAN ro>r\^ENTION. 257 and re-enter<'d (lie field. This course always operates uKtiinst a candidate. In this case it had brought Mr. Wilson into the Held and he secured many states that would naturally have gone to Colfaii. But a more potent factor in the defeat of the Vice-President, was the hostility of the new8j)ai)er correspondents in Washin^ttm. These constitute a strong and influential body when they can be induced to work together, which is not often. The leading papers of the country pick from their best men for service at the Capital and except so far as the general polii-y of the pajjer imposes limitations, leave the correspondents very much to their own judgment. George O. Seilhamer, Washington correspondent of the New York Herald, who helped engineer the campaign against Colfax, gives this story of it in a recent publication: The selection of Judge Settle, of North Carolina, for permanent President was due entirely to the hostility of the Washington corre- s])ondents to the renomination of Vice President (^olfax. No public man ever received more favors from this band of intelligent news- gatherers than Mr. (\)lfax. After his election as Vice President, in 1868, he alienated them by a change of manner that they regarded as unpardonable. They determined to oppose him when he became a candidate the" second time, and his defeat was mainly due to their activity and r.eal against him. The crusade against him was led by J. B. McCullach, then the editor of the St. Louis Democrat, but the preliminary skirmish for the selection of Settle as Chairman of the Convention was directed by G. O. Seilhamer, the Washington corre- spondent of the New York Herald, who was aided by a volunteer staiT of young journalists, hotly opposed to Colfax. The trend of sentiment at the outset was in favor of the selection of Judge Orr, of South Carolina, but Judge Settle's fitness and strength were depicted with such confidence and earnestncHs in the news columns of the Herald that the honor went to North Carolina, in the belief that it was in response to a popular movement. The episode, from first to last, was one of the most curious in the history of American politics, and it was the first and last time that a baud of aucgressive newspaper men, unknown to the general public, controlled the action of a National Convention. For the Vice Presidency there was only one ballot, and Henry Wilson appears on the final record as the only candidate opposed to Mr. Colfax. Asa matter of fact, Virginia had cast its twenty-two votes for Governor Lewis, Tennessee its twenty-four votes for Horace Maynard, and Texas its sixteen votes for Governor Davis. Neither WMlson nor Colfax had a majority. Before the announcement of the result the Chairman of the Virginia and Tennessee delegations were asking recognition from the Chair. If Virginia was first recognized ■*' 4 !W^ ?j".;i.»iiii"" "?"",i nilliritf-lilit'^.'ii 258 HISTORY OF THE KEPI BLK'AN PARTY. Wilson^'s nomination was asHui-ed; if the fourtes.v Hliould be extendtnl to Tennessee Colfax would be renominated. The Chair was in doubt, and Judge Settle waited to be prompted by the correspondent to whom he was indebted for his position. A page was hastily dis- patched to the stage with the legend, "Recognize Virginia," and then came the recognition of ''Mr. Popham, of Virginia." The nomination was made. The platform was unanimously adopted, just as it came from the committee, and without discussion. It was as follows: The Republican party of the T'nited States, assembled in National Convention in the City of Philadelphia on the 5tli and 0th days of June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history ami announces its position upon the questions before the country. 1. During eleven years of supremat-y it has accepted with grand courage the solemn duties of the times; it suppressed a gigantic rebel lion, emancipated 4,(MM>,0()t) slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, and established universal suffrage, exhibiting unparalleled magnan- imity, criminally punished no man for political offences, and warmly welcomed all who proved their loyalty by obeying the laws, and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with a firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane policy towards the Indians; a Pacific railroad and similar vast enterprises have been generously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, inunigra- tion protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the naturalized citizens' rights secured from European powers; a uniform National currency has been provided, repudiation frowned down, the National credit sustained under most extraordinary burdens, and new- bonds negotiated at lower rates; revenues have been carefully col- lected and honestly applied. Despite annual reductions of the .ates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during General Grant's Presidency at the rate of |100,000,000 a year, great financial crises have been avoided and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land ; menacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably composed, and the honor and power of the Nation kept in high respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future. We believe the people witl not entrust the Government to any party or combination of men composed chiefly of those wb'j resisted every step of their beneficial progress. 2. Co:nplete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political and public rights should be established and effectually maintained throughout the Union, by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit of any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of race, creed, color or previous condition of servitude. "•"■liiJllR!!!"*'' X\ • "■.'.:t- Y. THE FIJTH KEIMBLKAN rONVEXTION. 251) Id be oxteud»nl WU8 in doubt, respondent to H8 hastily dis- iuia," and then ^he nomination came from the ed In National Tid 0th days of tH history and I'ountry. )ted with grand I gigantic rebel tizenship of all, illeled magnau- es, and warmly the laws, and decreased with and initiated a fie railroad and ind successfully ttlers, immigra- edgment of the wers ; a uniform wned down, the ardens, and new m carefully col- ons of the .ates General Grant's financial crises ighout the land ; and honorably t in high respect ist is the party's will not entrust 'omposed chietiy rogress. >njoyment of all 1 and effectual ly jpropriate State administration ens by reason of n'^': .'{. The recent Amendments to the National ('onstitution should be cordially sustained, because they are right, not merely because they are law; and should be carried out according to the spirit, by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can be safely entrusted only to the party that secured these Amendments. 4. The National Government should seek to nmintain honorable peace with all nations, protecting its i-itizens everywhere and symim- thizing with peoples everywhere who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of the civil service, under which the subordinate ]>osition8 of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal, is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make honesty, efflj-iency and fidelity the essential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of tlie public lands to cor- porations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying the current debts, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and the revenue except so much as may be derived from the tax on tobacco and liouors should be raised by duties upon importations, the duties of which should be so adjusted as to aid and setMire remuner- ative wages to labor and promote the growth, industries and prosj)er- ity of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved the Union; their pensions are a sacred debt of the Nution and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to the care of such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were Iionornbly discharged and who in the line of duty became disabled, without regard to length of service or the cause of such discharge. !). The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers concerning allegiance, "on<'e a subject always a subject," having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our gov- ernment to guard with jealous care the rights of ado|)ted citizens against the assumptions of unauthorized claims by their former gov- ernments, and we urge continual careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest freedom for capital; and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. .i***<ft, 'k:;^ * ;t 2(50 HISTORY OF THE UElTHLirAN PAKTV 12. We hold that Connrfss and the I'reHideiit have onl.v fulfilled an imperative duty in their nieaBures for the 8ii|»])re88ion of violent and treasonable ori^anizations in eertain lately febellions re^ionR, and for the protertion of the ballot box, and therefore they are en- titled to the thanlvH of the Nation. t.'{. We denounce the repudiation of the publie debt, in any form or diH^uiite, as a National crime; we witnesn with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt and of the rates of interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our excellent National currency will be perfei'ted by a 8])eedy resum])tion of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to th<? loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the <-au8e of freedom; their admission to the wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest denmnds of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. Ifi. The Republican party propose to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the State and to the Federal (Jovernment; it disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interfering with rights not surrendered by the people to either the State or National Government. 17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such measures as will tend to encourage American commerce and ship- building. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism^ the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity and the illustrious services of IMysses 8. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people, and with him at our head we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Pres?dency, known to the whole land from the early days of the jrreat struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorrupti- ble legislator, and a representative man of American institutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them. The conditions, at the time, were not such as to call for the emu) elation of new principles, and the platform, though long, has less of originality alcut it than any previous pronouncement of the party. With the exception of our strained relations with Great Britain, which had been satisfactorily adjusted, the same problems, only half settled, fact»d the Administration as those which required attention when Grant was first inaugurated. These, with the ordinary current of Government business, promised to furnish sufticient occupation for ^.V^ -'sS^' \^ ■ : , i'^. •• ; ^: rii v. ■e onl.v fulfllU'd ision of violent llious re^ionH, re they are en- bt, in any form e the r«*du('tion erest u|)on the lional currency yinent. iKUtionft to the o Ihe cause of neH8 is viewed B of citizens for nnsideration. Hs in extending the growth of ri|;hts reserved rs delegated by disapproves of f removing evils people to either to adopt such merce and ship- earnest purpose, uptible integrity commended him at our head we es'dency, known eat struggle for s, an incorrupti- D institutions, is he honors which -•all for the enun long, has less of ;nt of the party. 1 Great Britain, )blems, only half 'quired attention ordinary current at occupation for THE FIFTH REIMBUrAN CONVKXTION. 201 one Congress at least. In the absence of new issues the Republican party in this platform began to "point with pride" to its past achieve- ments, the first paragraph giving a very good resume of the eleven years of its suprenuicy. (}<'neral (Jrant's second letter of ac«'eptance was shorter even than the first. Following are the principal parts of It: "If elected in November, and protected by a kind Providence In health and strength, to perform the duties of the high trust con- ferred, I promise the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole ]H>ople for the future of my oHiclal life as shown In the past. "Past exjierience nmy guide me in avoiding mistakes inevitable! with novices in all professions and In all occupations. "When relieved from the responsibilities of my present trust by the election of a successor, whether it be at the end of this term or the next, I hope to leave to hhu, as Executive, a country at peace within its own borders, at pea<*e with outside nations, with a credit at home and abroad, and without embarrassing questions to threaten Its future prosperity." The President also expressed a desire to see a speedy healing of all bitterness of feeling between sections, parties, or races of citizens, and the time when the title of citizen carries with it all the protec- tion and privileges to the humblest that it does to the most exalted. Mr. Wilson's letter of acceptance brielly reviewed the past achievements of the party, spoke of its present attitude on a number of the questions of the day, and closed with the following personal reference: "Having accepted for thirty-six years of my life the dis- tinguishing doctrines of the Republican party of to-day; having during thirty-six jears of that period, for their advancement subor- dinated all other issues, acting in and co-operating with political organizations with whose leading doctrines I sometimes bad neither sympathy nor belief; having labored incessantly for many years to found and build up the Republican party, and having, during its existence, taken an humble part in the grand work, I gratefully accept the nomination thus tendered, and shall endeavor, if it be ratitled by the people, faithfully to perform the duties it imposes." •^■T--";jp>^-"^^''^--"^v^Ar;^v-^r''^ '^!^-:-:i^ffiHr^i^-^rw^'yr.''--<^f^x^^^f»<^fP^ .' V^vS--^-":^rc^ -.^ r: m •Mf ■■m . I'U'rt , ^ XXI. THE LIBERAL KEPrHLICAN CAMPAION. An Element of Great Tncei'tainty — The Liberal Republican Conven- tion at iMncinnati — The Framing of a IMatforni a Difflcnlt Problem — Attempt to Catch Roth Democrats and Liberal Repub- licanB — Non-Committal on the Tariff Question — (Ireeley Nomin- ated on the Sixth Rallot — B. Oratz Brown for Vice-President — An Incongruous Ticket — The Nominations a Disappointment to the Democrats, But Accepted by Them — Consternation in Two '., , Detroit Newspaper Offices — A Campaign of Ridicule — Straight Democratic Ticket — Unpre(H»dented Republican Triumph. In the early part of the year and even after the campaign opened, the strength of the Liberal Republican party was an element of great uncertainty in the canvass. The party taking this name was composed largely of two classes. The first, Republicans of con- servative tendencies, who had been gradually breaking away from the party to which they Imd formerly belonged, because they thought it was going too fast in its Reconstruction and other measures relat- ing to the South. This included nearly all those who had voted in Congress against any of the Reconr.truction Acts, or either of the three Constitutional Ani.endments, together with those in private life who agreed with them on these measures. The second class comprised a host of disappointed office-seekers who thought they hadn't "been treated right by the party," and those, who, in local factional fights, had the worst of it. This was the personal griev- ance wing of the party, and when it came to the last analysis, it was found to contain an astonishingly large proportion of the prominent members. It also included some old Republicans who belonged to neither of these classes, but whose convictions had gradually led tltem away from the party of their earlier choice, such as General John Cochrane, of New York; John Hickman, of Pennsylvania; Judge R. P. Spalding, of Ohio; George W. Julian, of Indiana, one of the old Anti-Slavery guard, and Free Soil candidate for Vice-Presi- TIIK LIBERAL UKPTRLirAN CAMl»AIflN. 20.T IGN. ublicnn Conven- iriii a DitTlciilt Liberal Ri'pub- -dreeley Noniiii- Vice-President — ^appointment to rnation in Two dieule — Straiglit Trinmph. the campaign was an element aking this namn publicans of con iking away from use they thought !• measures relat- vho had voted in or either of the those in private rhe second class ho thought they se, who, in local e personal griev- t analysis, it was of the prominent who belonged to id gradually led such as General if Pennsylvania ; f Indiana, one of :e for Vice-Presi- dent in 1852; "Long John" VVentworth and l^eonnrd Hwett, of Illi- nois, both admirers and friends of President IJncoln. It included also men of restless disposition and variable politics like Carl Schur/, who had mixed in the public alTairs of three states, and had not been satisfied with the territory or polilics of either, and David A. Wells, of Connecticut, who never quite liked the |mrty he happen<>d to be in at the time. The first and only Liberal I{epubli<'an National (^invention was held at Cincinnati May 1, 187'i. It found the task of framing a satis fa<'tory i>latform a diffli'ult one, as it desired to retain «'onservative Republicans and to draw Democrats to its ranks. Ho far as Repub- licans were con<'erned it succeeded fairly well. Rut a good part of it sounded like strange doctrine to the Democrats. It contained one very adroit piece of non-committalism in the tariff plank, which expressed no opinion, but relegated the whole question to the people in the Congressional districts. It was, in full, as follows: i ■.. We, the Liberal Republicans of the X'nited Htates, in National Convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following princi pies as essential (o just government: 1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the Cnion of these States, emancipation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. 3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disa- bilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the country. 4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. Ti!«i public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the mili- '.«»y authority and freedom of persons under the protection of the hi.>eas corpus. W'e demand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with public order; for the State self-government, and for the Nation a return to the methods of peace and the Constitutional limitations of power. 5. The civil service of the Government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and a reproach upon free institu- tions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of republican Government. We therefore regard a thorough reform of ■': f. •;■'• ■ail. m 'IH^'Si m i l um'fi i i i i ij i ii fai ] -.^..- ,..^,^,^,,^i^^_ , /'"V '■^'.'^■■- ?*'■ ar^'ilfit'ii.rj . ;( >;■ 1 • Ir 264 IIIHTOKY OFTHK HKITHLK'AN I'AKTY. tli(> cirll 8<>i'vir(> iiH one of the moint preHHiitK iiercMHitieM of the lionr; tliat hoiH'Ht.v, ctipiicity and tldelit.v conMtitnte the onl.v valid chiini to public (Muplo.vnient; that the oftlceH of the Uovernnient ceuHe to be a matter of arbitrary favoritiHui and putronaKe, and that public station becttnie aKain a poHt of honor. To thiti end it is iniperativelv required that no I'renident hIihII be a candidate for re-election. (i. We demand a Hystem of Federal taxation, which Hliall not iinneceHsarily interfere with the induHtrieM of the {H'ople, and which hIiuII provide the means ne«'eBHary to pay the exiMMiseH of the Gov- ernment, economi<-ally adniiniHtered, the penHiontt, the intercHt on the public debt, and a moderate redu<-tion, annually, of the principal thereof; and recoKnixiuK that there are in our midst honest but irre- concilable ditferences of opinion with regard to the resjiective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subje<"l to the people in their Congressional districts; and to the decision of the Congress thereon, wholly free from Kxecutive interference or dictation. 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the highest considerations of commercial morality and honest govern- ment. 9. We remember with gratitude tlie heroism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame for the full reward of their patriotism. 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers. 11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its inter- course with foreign nations to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonor- able either to demand what is not right or to submit to what is wrong. 12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and the support of the candidates nominated by this Convention, we invite and cordially welertrae the co-operation of all patriotic citizens, without regard to previous political affiliations. Hix ballots were taken for the Presidential nomination, with the following result: Ist. 2d. ad. 4th, 5th. fith. Charles Francis Adams, of Mass. . ; . 202 24a 264 279 258 324 Horace Greeley, of New York 147 245 258 251 309 332 Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois 110 148 15« 141 81 19 B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri 95 2 2 2 2 .. David DaviSj of Illinois 921/1.75 41 51 30 Andrew G. Curtin, of PennsyU'ania. .62 Halmon P. Chase, of Ohio 21/2 1 .. 24 32 ' "" I ■ mi i iMirtinipinM "V"-i;<^''fr-'iiiar""^v'^-'it * of the hour; .V valid claim nt r(>UH(> to be il that iMihlic iinperativcl.v ection. ich Hhull not le, and which 'H of tli«* Oov- e intcrt'Ht on the principal nu*»t but irrc- Hctive Hytitenitt of the Hubjoct he decision of iterference or ined, and we d alike hy the loneHt j?overn- d sacriflceB of )ur8 Hhall ever 'ward of their Is to railrondti held sacred to nt in its inter ;m of peace, by alike dishonor- init to what is principles and ition, we invite riotic citizens, ation, with the 4th, 5th. fith. 279 258 324 251 309 332 141 81 19 2 2 51 30 d .'. 24 32 "-)' TFIK LIBERAL KKIMnLK'AX TAMI'AHiX. 205 ('haniteH of votes w(>re tlien made until the result was annonuceJ — Ureeley, 4M2; Adams, 187. On the Hrst ballot for Vice I'resijh'nf H. (IratK lirown, of .Missouri, had 237; L.vnian Trumbull, of IllinoiH, 158; (]eor|;e W. .lulian, of Indiana, 134VL>; »<> others, UW/^. On the second ballot Trumbull dropped out, and the count shttwed 4:t.~) for Itrown, 175 for Julian, and 88 for all others. Itotli noniinatiotiM were nuide unanimous. The nomination of ()r<>ele,v was a surprise and disappointment to the Democrats who were expected to co-oiMTate in the attempt lo elect the Liberal Re- publican nominee. Tf (*harles Francis Adams had received the nomin- ation, as it was ex- pected would be the case, he would have drawn fully as many Republicans as Greeley could, and he would have been more acceptable to the Demo- crats. The same mip:ht be said of Senator Trumbull, of Illinois, or David DaviR; of the same State, but the first instinct of the Democrats was to re- volt against Greeley. In the first place he was one of the strongest chari.es prancis adams. and ablest Protectionists in the country. He was a natural statisti- cian, had an accurate memory for tigures, knew where to find them and how to use them. He was keen in argument and of great indus- try. It was not long after he started the Tribune before he had established for it such a rei)Utation for accuracy of statement that, however much his opponents might attempt to refute his arguments, they rarely questioned the correctness of his figures. During the V\ay campaign he kept the tariff constantly before his readers, and for many years afterwards he kept hammering away at the same ---jj;,- ■ - L « 4iw ' -a ta^t i 'i ii '' j j « 7«i i '""':WiI ' ' ' tfta^a«fe.-v:;r im HISTORY OF TIIK IlKIMHIJCAN I'AKTY. 1', Miibjcrt. lie (lid iiiKi-c tliiin niiyonc «>Ih(', cxrcpt ('lay liiiiiM'If. to iiial«> the Aiiicrlcan doctrine of I'i'otcctioii tlic cHtabliHlicd policy of the W'liiK pui'ty ill itH Inter yeai'N, and he did more than any other Min^^le individual to make the Hame doctrine a part of the Hepiiblican p<dicy in ilM earlier yearH. It. Oralx Hrown, on the other hand, wuh a larilT-for-revenue-only man, and the platform. waM non-committal. On tliiH fiuhject it waH a reKnlar Dolly Varden <-ombinatlon. It pre- Hented the Hpecfach> of a Htrim^ protective laritT man for Preitldent. a revenue tarilT nuin for Vice-l'reHident, on a Htraddle platform, aHkiuK a Htronj; Free I : „ Trade party for en- dornement and voteH. There were two other thiuKH that made Oreeley a partit'ularly unacceptable man for Northern Demo- 1 eratB. He wan one of the foremoHt men in the country in aidinft to brin^ about a congoli- dation of the old Anti- Hlnvery elements Into the Kepublican party, and, whether ag Whi^ or Uepublican, he had alwayH been exceeding- ly abuHivc of the Derao- ■^ crats. That wag the Greeley ag the older men of both parties remembered him. Hut there wag another Greeley of more re«-ent times, who had worried President Lincoln by jfivinn alternately imiM^rtinent advice and unjust criticism; who had made mischief by his sui>erserviceable and bungling attempts at peace negotiations, in whi<h he did not act in good faith with either of the parties for whom he was trying to act as a go-between; who had offered to go on Jeff Davis' bond when that traitor was under trial for his treason; and who had finally been one of the most constant critics of the Republican Reconstruction policy. It was the acts HORACE GREELEY. ■,-? ■'•nf;- .USO. f^2?Z2ii..^r: ' r'i<'i'fci I »iii-'iifc IIIH«>lf, to lllllkt' polir.v of ||ii> li.v otluT Mingle Mihlican policy hund, wuM ii ((iniiiittiil. On tioii. It pre fop I'l-HHidcnt, <ll<> pltitf(»rin, Htroii)^ Fret' party for on nt und votcH. { w«'r«' two othei' t h II t niudc a partuMilarly (> p t a b I o man »rtluM*n IhMuo- lie waH one of cnioHt nu>n in itr.v in aiding; to t»oiit a consoli itt the old Anti- elements into fMibli<an party, tietlier ug \Vhi|{ iiblican, he had been exceeding- ive of the Demo- wag the Greeley older men of ther Oreeley of icoln by ^ivin^ who had made ^mpts at peacii th either of the ween; who had wag under trial ^ mogt constant t wag the acts THE UHERAL KKIM'MLirAN TAMPA HJN. HUT of (liiH later (ireeley that made liiiii acceptable to many of the lU^uio- (tcratH, and eHpecial'iy to Honthern hemo«TatH. The latter care<l little for the platform. They ex|H'<'ted to find in Oreeley a pliable hiHt rumen t for their purpogeH. Home of the Democratic pa|M>ri( denoun<-ed the nitminatioii at flrHt and adviged a gtrai^ht Democratic ticket. Hut between May 1, when the Liberal Kepublicang met at (Mncinmiti, and .lii!,\ i*, when the Democratg met at Haltimore, there wag plenty of time !o think it over, and in the end, nearly all of them fell into line. The tirgt Htate in which the Democratic <'onvention ingtructed itg delegateg to Haltimore to support the Cincinnati platform and candidateg, wag one of the old geceded gfates. Tenneggee, and the next wag New York. Starting thus with one of the mogt populous Houthern .Htates, and (pilte the most populouH Northern Htate, the combination had a leaid which was sure t(» briu); others to its follow- ing. Hefore the close of •Ium>, ei^^hteen states had ingtructed for Oreeley, and when the one-day Convention met at Haltimore, .July 0, it was nearly unanimous that way. When it came to balloting for President. Oreeley had «H<{ votes, Jeremiah H. Hlack had 21 vot«'H from Pennsylvania, James A. Hayard 1(» from New Jergey and Dela ware, and William H. Oroegbeck 2. For Vice-l»regident H. (h-at/. Hrown had 713 votes; John W. Htevengon, of Kentucky, <>, and IH were blank. The Cincinnati platform was endorttt^d, although it left a bad taste in the mouths of many Democrats who had been accus- tomed to declarations that were (juite different from these. The nomination of Oreeley created «'ongternation in two Detniit newgpaper offlces, and to many otherg throughout the Htate. The Advertiser and Tribune had decided leanings toward the Liberal Republican policy, and would undoubtedly have supported either Charles F. Adams or Henator Trumbull. But the managing editor recognized at once the weakness of Greeley's nomination, and with the remark that "there was a most promising movement gone to — -," prepared an editorial deploring the nomination. The busi- ness manager then rushed into the composing room to urge the support of the ticket. A wrangle ensued between them, such as is not often witnessed in a news room in these days of well-defined authority in the different departments of a paper. But while the argument was going on the paper was being made up and it went to press with a sorrowful disapproval of the action taken at Cincinnati. The Advertiser and Tribune never supportetl Oreeley. On the other hand its support of Grant was very lukewarm and perfunctory. iS^ "nrf^T"^^^ •> ■:,,.'. -'.iy'-r rr^fM<- ■ 268 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN TARTY In the Free PreBS office tbe distress came later, but was much more acute. The Michigan Democracy as a whole, were very much torn up by the nomination of Oreeley, but the opposition to him was overwhelmed at the State Convention which was held at Tensing, July 2. The test vote came on the first Delegate-at Large, William \. , Moore, who favored the endorsement of (Ireeley, having 130 votes, and William W. Wheaton, who was one of the most vigorous oppon- ents of indorsement, having 52. The other I >elegate8-at-Large were: Edwin H. Lothrop, of St. Joseph; Fidus Livermore, of Jackson, and Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw. The resolutions endorsed the principles embodied in the Cincinnati platform, and instructed th<^ delegates to vote as a unit. Mr. Wheaton had been Chairman of the State Central Committee, but that was reorganised, with Foster Pratt as Chairman, and Don M. Dickinson and Charles M. Garrison Members from the First Congressional District. The day after the Baltimore Convention the Free Press bolted, in an editorial, of which the following is a portion: "The only hopo we have for the future of the country lies in Greeley's defeat, and to that end we shall, in the true interests of the country and the Democ- racy, labor. We repudiate such utter want of principle and honesty. We urge upon every honest Democrat in the country to do the same. Be they few or many in each locality, they will, when this crazy movement is defeated in November, form the nucleus to which every- thing pretending to be Democratic must gravitate; and it will be their and our proud satisfaction to know that what is saved of 1 )emocracy, and of a (Jovernraent by the people, instead of by adven- turers, will be saved through our elTorts." This, to the new Democracy, was heresy of the rankest kind. The Michigan Demot*racy and the National Democracy had both endorsed the platform and the candidates, and by all that is sacred in Democratic traditions it was the duty of the paper to go with the party. The expressions of dissatisfaction were so loud, aad the loss of subscribers so great, that a change of policy became imperative. The principal owners of the paper, Henry N. Walker and Freeman Norvell, were unwilling, themselves, to make the change. They, therefore, sold their stock, and the new owners hoisted the Greeley flag. They were a bit awkward, however, in adapting themselves to the new condition of things, and in an editorial, printed July 21, made this curious break: "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth." ;/*" Hit was much re very mucl) m to him wnn 3 at LanBin^;, fe, William \. ng 130 votes. gorouB oppon- it-Large were: Jackson, and endorsed the nstrncted the (-hairman of I, with Foster s M. Garrison Press bolted, The onl.v hopo defeat, and to nd the Democ- e and honesty. ) do the same, len this crazy 9 which every- md it will be it is saved of d of by adven- rankest kind, acy had both that is sacred to go with the d, and the loss ne imperative. and Freeman lange. They, id th«' Greeley themselves to inted July 21, «ley would be tion to truth." THE LIBERAL REPUHLtCAN CAMPAIGN. iW) This tribute, coming from a paper which had been opposed to Mr. Greeley in almost everything he ever did or said, was a confession of devious wanderings on its own part, for which iieople were not prepared. But it served to enliven the campaign. L. J. Bates, of the Detroit Post, arrang<'d a series of (Jreeley's kind regards to the Democracy of former years, and added to each one the comment of the iJetroit paper, making a string of pilaris about as follows: ^'Everyone who chooses to live by pugilism, or gambling or har- lotry, with nearly every keeper of a tippling house, is politically a Democrat."— Horace Greeley. .• i ^-^ „^* "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. "Point wherever vou please to an election district which you will pronounce morallV rotten, given up in great part to debauchery and vice, whose voters subsist mainly by keeping policy offices, gam- bling houses, grog shops and darker dens of infamy and that district will be found, at nearly or quite every election, giving a majority for that which stvles itself the 'Democratic' party."-Horace Greeley "No estimate of Mr. Greelev would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872 "Take all the haunts of debauchery in the land, and you will find nine-tenths of their master spirits active partisans of that same Democracy."— Horace Greeley. u- u j-^ .. "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 21 1872. "The essential articles of the Democratic creed are 'love rum and hate the niggers.' The less one learns and knows the more certain he is to vote the whole ticket from A to l7.zard."-Horace «reeley. "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. . , .. "If there was not a newspaper nor a common school in t»»^«o""; try the Democratic party would be far stronger than it is.' —Horace ^"^^"No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his Ufe-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. .... "Not every Democrat is a horse thief, but every horse thief is a Democrat."— Horace Greeley. "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. m^gmftfiim* IH III J I I II I I T ismau \ 270 HIKTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. "All -do know that there are several hundred thousand mulattos ; in this tountrv; and we presume no one has any serious doubt that the fathers of nine-tenths of them are white Democrats."— Horace (Jreeley. "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be <'onij)lete which did aot mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. "General Grant never has been beaten and he never will be."— Horace Greeley. "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1872. This may not appear very funny as you read it, and it did not I appear so to the editor who wrote the comment, but when Zach Chandler took it up and elaborated it for use on the stump, it became a very taking feature of his speeches. In fact it took so well that it went beyond the borders of the State, and it was not long before the voters in many towns of the Northwest had heard Greeley's estimate of the Democracy, and the Free Press certificate of its truthfulness. This was only one of the humors of the campaign. Nast fur- nished others in Harper's Weekly. When the nominations were made that paper didn't chance to have in stock any photograph or cut of B. Gratz Brown. In lieu of anything better, Nast tacked to the lower border of Greeley's old white overcoat a card wich the inscription "Grata Brown." It was received so well that he used it throughout the campaign. Brown never appearing in any of Nast's cartoons as other than the tail of Greeley's overcoat. Nast never had better material for cartoons of a humorous nature than in the Greeley campaign. But the situation furnished material also for pictures with a serious purpose. His adapted illustrations of "The Pirates," and "The Wooden Horse," and his pictorial comment on Greeley's phrase "Let us cla^p hands across the bloody chasm," were very effective as campaign arguments. A number of Democratic weeklies in Michigan, and of dailies in other states held off from the ticket, even after the Baltimore Con- vention had ratified it, but eventually nearly all of them accepted the situation. The thought uppermost in their minds was "Anything to beat Grant," and, under the circumstances, this furnished the only possible chance of doing it. A few of the Democrats who held out against the combination held a Convention at Louisville, Kentucky, Heptember 3. It adopted a short platform, which enunciated a few Wiiipmpi mm iind inulattoH 18 donbt that U8." — Horace t'hich did dot Press, July er will be." — iiieh did not Press, July nd it did not I t when Zaeh mp, it becamo o well that it ng before the ley's estimate truthfulness. :n. Nast fur- inations were >hotograph or fast tacked to card with the hat he used it any of Nast's last never had in the Greeley ) for pictures 'The Pirates," on Greeley's 1," were very mcl of dailies , taltim'ore Con- hem accepted 'as "Anything ished the only who held out lie, Kentucky, nciated a few THE LIBERAL REPITBLICAN OAWPAKJN. 271 general principles, repudiated the ''false creed and false leadership" under which it had been betrayed at Baltimore, and then put on the crown of martyrdom with the following declaration: "The Demo- <'ratic party is held together by the cohesion of time-honored prin- ciples, which they will never surrender in exchange for all the oflBces which Presidents can confer. The pangs of minorities are doubtless excruciating; but we welcome an eternal minority, under the banner inscribed with our principles, rather than an almighty and ever- lasting majority purchased by their abandonment." The Convention nominated Charles O'Connor, of New York, fo?* President, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice President. Both declined, but votes were cast for them in several states. There was also a Labor Reform ticket placed in the field by a Convention held in Columbus, Ohio, February 21 and 22. consisting of David Davis, of Illinois, for President, and Joel Parker, of New Jersey, for Vice-President. But the party seems to have stopped short at that, for no votes were returned for electors to lit this ticket. The Prohibition party also appeared this year as a National political organization. At a Convention held in Columbus, February 22, it adopted a platform covering nearly every subject under the sun, and nominated James Black, of Pennsylvania, for IM-esident and Rev. John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice President. The speaking campaign o])ened with vigor. The Republicans put in the field the best of their campaign orators and Greeley liiui self stumped Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, in the hope, not only of making votes for himself, but of affecting the result in the October elections. Under the excitement of this unusual campaign, and the stimulus of hope, he wAs seen, in this tour, at his best. His addresses were earnest, able and logical, and he was greeted by immense crowds wherever he went. These demonstrations at first gave the RepublicaiiH much alarm., especially as so nmny of their own parly attended the meetings. The fall elections were therefore awaited with much interest. North Carolina was the first to vote, on the first of AugUHt, and it went Republican by a fair majority, while Maine and Vermont in September exceeded their usual Republican vote. This still left the October states, in which the net result of Mr. Greeley's active canvass was still a matter of speculation. Indiana elected Thomas A. Hendricks, Governor, by a majority of only 1,148. Mr. Hendricks was the ablest and most popular Demo* crat in the State, and the fact that his umjority was so slender, gave I I i ■■^S: :-. »■« - 272 HIHTORY OF THE REPTTHLICAN PARTY. i the RepiiblicauH (■(iiiHdeuce tlmt the.v could carv.v Indiana in Novem- ber. Ohio, with only minor Htate officers in the field, gave abotit 14,(MM) Republican nmjorit.v. In Tennsylvania, General John F. Hartranft, Republican candidate for (rovernor, was bitterly opposed by the Philadelphia I'ress, the best-kupwn Republican paper in the Htate, and some apprehensions were felt on account of this raid upon him. But his majority was over 35,(100, and this gave assurance of a much larger majority for Grant in November. From this time on it was a landslide, and in many of the states the Republican major- ities were the largest ever given to any party. An analysis of the vote shows that Greeley did not win a great many Republicans, and that he could not hold the Democrats. The total vote was: Grant and Wilson .3,597,070 Greeley and Brown 2,834,079 OTonnor and Adams. 29,489 Black and Russell 5,608 As compared with 18G8 this shows a Republican gain of 582,000 votes, wliile the vote given Greeley by the Liberal Refinblicans and Democrats combined was only 124,400 in excess of that given for Seymour by the Democrats alone four years earlier. As far as pop- ular majority went, it was the most sweeping victory in the history of the country. The largest Republican majority in any State was Pennsylvania with 137,538, arid the following all gave more than 50,000: Massachusetts, 74,212; Iowa, 60,370; Michigan, 59,179; Illi- nois, 57,006; New York, 5<'i,445. Greeley carried only the six Southern states of Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and Texas, with 66 electoral votes; while Grant had 286 electoral votes. Greeley did not long survive. The last days of the canvass he occupied in nursing his dying wife. After election, it is said, he wrote, over his own initials, some comment on the canvass, and left it with the acting editor of the Tribune, but it did not appear, as the editor did not think it prudent to publish it. Worn out with the fatigues of the canvass and the sick room,' subjected to an unexpected and most humiliating defeat, stricken with grief at the loss of his wife, and denied free access to the paper which he had himself founded, Mr. Greeley died on the 29th of November, a broken-hearted man. On account of his death the electoral vote belonging to him was scattered as appears in the fallowing statement: li ■WWP" .■^,- ■'Hft.'.'''M"' ■■ ■.?■• *'" Y. ana in Noveiu- : Id, gave about \, leral John F. itterly opposed n papt^r in tho ' tliis raid upon assurance of a m this time on )ublii-an major- lot win a great emoerats. Thei . 3,597,070 . 2,834,079 29,489 5,608 gain of 582,000 tepnblicans and that given for As far as pop- y in the history any State was [ave more than 5an, 59,179; Illi- :he six Southern Tennessee and electoral votes. the canvass he 1, it is said, he anvass, and left it appear, as the m out with the an unexpected the loss of his he had himself 1 broken-hearted elonging to him THE LIBERAL UEITHLU AN CAMPAKIN. 273 Ulysses S. (Jrant, of Illinois -JJJ Thomas x\. Hendricks, of Indiana *- B. Grata Brown, of Missouri 1^ Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia * David Davis, of Illinois The following was the vote for Vice President, as cast by the electors : Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts 286 B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri ** George W. Julian, of Indiana ^ Alfred H. Colquit, of Georgia » John M. Palmer, of Illinois ^ Thomas E. Branilette, of Kentucky ^ William 8. Groesbeck, of Ohio ■ j Willis B. Machen, of Kentucky J Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts 1 During Grant's second term Congress was divided politically as follows : Forty-third Congress. Senate— Republicans, 54; Democrats, 19. House— Republicans, 203; Democrats, 88. Forty-fourth Congress. Senate— Republicans, 46; Democrats, 29. , . « House— Republicans, 107; Democrats, 181; Independents, 3. In Michigan interest was added to the canvass by the fact that the Democrats not only accepted an old Republican as their candi- date for President, but also took the Republican War Governor as the head of their State ticket. The Presidential vote was as follows: Grant and Wilsdn ^-S'lSJ Greeley and Brown Van! O'Connor and Adams f^] Black and Russell ^'^^^ The Presidential electors were: At Large— Eber B. Ward. William A. Howard. By Districts in their order— Herman Kiefer, Frederick Waldorf, James 0'D«nnell, Lawson A. Duncan, Alonzo Sessions, Samuel G. Ives, John L. Woods, Charles L. Ortman, John F. Brown. The vote for Governor was: John J. Bagley, Republican *oI'S21 AuHtin Blair, Liberal Republican iioa William M. Fer>y, Straight Democrat AJ^" Henry Fish, Prohibition l'^'- >tm- fe 1^ 274 HISTORY OF THE RKI'UHLICAN PARTY. The total vote for Governor was 5,201 in excess of that for Presi- dent, showing that many Democrats and some Republicans who were so dissatisfied with the Presidential nominations that they did not vote at all on that office, did take interest enough in the Btate ticket to vote for that. The vote for Governor two years earlier was: For Henry P. Baldwin, Republican, 100,176; Charles C. Comatock, 83,301, and Henry Fish, Prohibition, 2,710, a total vote of 186,277. In 1870, the Democrats had, for the first time in eight years, elected a member of Congress, Jabez <i. Hutherland, of Baginaw, and the Legislature chosen at that time, had, after an exciting contest, chosen Thomas W. Ferry United Btates Senator. The election of 1872 again gave Michigan a solid Republican delegation in Congress, as follows: Josiah W. Begole, Nathan B. Bradley, Julius G. Bur- rows, Omar D. Conger, Moses W. Field, Wilder 1). Foster, Jay A. Hubbell, Henry Waldron and George Willard. Upon the death of Mr. Foster, in 1873, William B. Williams, of Allegan, was chosen to fill the vacancy. N«MM*I ??- ■ i ■ S,'- \.S^ liti that for Presi ?an8 who were ; they did not le State ticket , Her was: For lUBtock, 83,391, ,277. n eight years, f Baginaw, and [citing contest, ' ?he election of an in Congress] Julius C. Bur- Foster, Jay A. >n the death of was chosen to . p ^ TWO YEA R8 OF DISASTER. . The Civil Kights Question— Reference to tlie San Domingo Affair- Repeal of the Salary Grab— Important Financial Measures— The Senate Currency Bill— Passage of tlie Resumption Act as a Party Measure— Supplementary Civil Rights Bill Passed— Various Constitutional Amendments Proposed— The Panic of 1873 and the Depression That Followed— Disastrous Political Effects— Tlie Elections Give Democrats a Large Majority in the House- Changes in Many Northern States. President Grant's second inaugural address, March 4, 1873, laid particular stress upon two topics. The first was tlie enlargement of the civil rights of the colored people, concerning which he said: "The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make him a citizen. He is not possessed of the civil rights which citizen ship should carry with it. This is wrong and should be corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can prevail. Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him. Give him accoss to schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive." In his message to ('ongress in 1873, he repeated the recommendation in this form: "I suggest for your con sideralion the enactment of a law to better secure the civil rights which freedom should secure, but has not effectually secured, to the enfranchised slaves." The second subject to which he specially referred was the San Domingo annexation, for which he still possessed an earnest desire. Upon this he said: "In the flrst year of the past Administration, the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Ter- ritory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was .-''■'" -":ff^^^'- , ^^ ' 7 g' L ^I ^^^- ^ i ^^y^^'^^f^i^^^ ull?'''' ^;^^^T''y^•^'^^ ^^•^'^"'^ r"#,',' ■'' "i_3 ';■-■■ 27« HIHTOUY OF THE HEl'lTIILICAN I'ARTY H pi'opOHitioii from the peuplc of Huntu DoiiiitiKM, mid wliich I tmtui-- ttiined. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best intereMtH of thiH coiiiitr.v, for the fieople of Haiito Doiaingo, and for all concerned, that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again by me. In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support of the jieople before I will recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. 1 say here, however, that I do not share in the appre- hension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory." In his message on I)e<'Mnber 1, 1873, the President transmitted for the consideration and determination of Congress an application of Santo DomJngo to this Government, to exercise a protectorate over that Republic. This was the last of the 8anto Domingo affair^ as Congress took no further action on the subject. President Grant's second Cabinet was as follows: Secretary of State — Hamilton Fish, of New York. Secretary of the Treasury — William H. Richardson, of Massa- chusetts, till June 4, 1874, when he resigned to go upon the Court of Claims, and was succeeded by Benjamin H. Bristow, of Kentucky. Secretary of War — William W. Belknap, of Iowa. Secretary of the Navy — George M. Robeson, of New Jersey. Secretary of the Interior — Columbus Delano, of Ohio. Postmaster General — John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, till July 1, 1874, when he resigned, and was succeeded by Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut. Attorney General — George H. Williams, of Oregon. Public indignation at the Act increasing the salaries of the members, offlc^ers and clerks of the two Houses of Congresti had cut so much of a figure in the Congressional nominations of 1872 that the Forty-third Congress hastened to repeal it. It also passed, at its first session, a bill providing for the distribution of moneys received on the Alabama award, and one repealing moieties, comniissions and perquisites to Custom House officers, the giving of which had led to some abuses. The only Act of real importance passed at this session was known to the newspapers and almanacs as the "Dawes Com- promise Bank Note Redemption, Inflation and Redistribution Bill." This subject came before the House, January 2!>, in the form of what was known as the House Currency Bill and before the Senate in the MM :vV 'V., . ':,; wliich I enter- f»>r the best iiiingo, and for favorably. It ire the Bubject lold my preHenr ve the support ookiiig to such •e iu the appre- H'litH becomiii); u of territory." rangiuitted for application of 'otectorate over ningo affair, as dson, of Massu- >on the Court of of Kentucky. few Jersey. Ohio. Lryl^nd, till July rshall Jewell, of on. salaries of the 'ongresD had cut of 1872 that the lo passed, at its moneys received ^ominissions and vhich had led to !d at this session he "Dawes Com- stribution Bill." he form of what he Senate in the TWO YE.\R8 OF DISASTER. 277 form of the Senate Currency Hill, reported by the Senate Finance Committee early in February. These bills, which all aimed to accom- plish the same purpose, an increase of the currem-y, were before the two Houses until June 20 and passed through two Conference Com- mittees before an adjustment of diverse views was reached. As finally passed and signed, June 22, it resolved itself into three prin- ciple enactments, providing: (1) That National Itanks should no longer be recjuired to keep on hand any amount of money whatever, by reason of the' amount of their circuliition, but in lieu of that they should be required to deposit with the Treasurer of the I'nited States, in lawful money, a sum equal to five per cent, of their circulation, this to be counted as part of the lawful reserve. (2) Authorizing an increase in the amount of legal tender notes from t:{56,()0U,0UU to f382,(H)(»,(IOO. (H) Authorizing the Controller of the Currency to issue circulating notes to the amount of f55,()0U,U00, to National Banks, as they might be organized in those States and Territories having less than their proportion of circulation under an apportionment made on the basis of population and wealth, as shown by the returns of the Census of 1870. This Act had some etrect in relieving a stringent money market and mitigated, though it did not entirely relieve, the long-continued depressing effects of the panic of iHTA. At the second session of this Congress, January 14, 1875, tlu.' Bill providing for the resumption of specie payments on the Ist of January, 1879, became a law. It provided for the redemption of the fractional paper currency outstanding, in silver dimes, quarters and half dollars of standard value, and repealed the charge of one-fifth of one per cent, for converting standard gold bullion into coin. But its most important provisions were in Section 3, which was in full us follows: "Section 5177 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, limiting the aggregate amount of circulating notes of National Bank- ing Associations, is hereby repealed; and each existing Banking Asso- ciation may increase its circulating notes in accordance with existing law, without respect to said aggregate limit ; and new Banking Asso- ciations may be organized in aceordance with existing law, without respect to said aggregate limit; and the provisions of law for the withdrawal and redistribution of National Bunk currency among the states and territories, are hereby repealed. And whenever circu- lating notes shall be issued to any Banking Association so increasing its capital or circulating notes, or newly organized as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem the legal ^; ■•^B;- mmmfsWi S im mme^ ^i^i'^'''^'^^>''<^ if ^' ^ smmmmvim '^'^-'" j^^Jtn W ^' I" if I ! 278 HISTORY OP THE REIM'HLirAN PARTY. tendor ITnift'd Htatcs notes in exooHg only of three hundred niillWuiH of dollars, to the amount of eight.v per cent, of the sum of National Bank notes so issued to any such Banking Association, and to con- tinue such redemption, as such circulating notes are issued, until there shall be outstanding the sum of three hundred millions of dollars of such legal tender United States notes and no more. And on and after the flrst day of January, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury shall redeem, in coin, the United States legal tender notes then out- standing, on their presentation at the office of the Assistant Treasurer of the United States, in the City of New York, in sums of not lesM than ♦60." For this purpose the Secretary of the Treasury wan authorized to use any surplus there might be in the Treasury or to sell bonds of any authorized issue at not less than par in coin. As it Anally passed the Bill was, by a general Reixiblican caucus, made a party measure, and the Democrats generally voted against it. The requirement that the Legal Tenders should be reduced to |30U,- 0(10,000 was subsequently annulled. Grave apprehensions were entertained that resumption, when it Anally came under this Act, would be attended by serious flnancial disturbances. But the prep- arations for it were made so gradually, that when the day for resumption was reached it did not cause a ripple in the money market or on the stock exchange. Another measure of importance, passed at this session, was one increasing the taxes on liquors and tobacco, and the duties on sugars and various imported commodities. This was the Arst increase in taxes that had been made since the war. The supplementary Civil Rights Bill was before this Congress in some form during nearly the whole of both sessions. It did not Anally pass until nearly the close of the second session, being signed Marcli 1, 1876, On its Anal passage in the House it had 162 yeas, all Republicans, and 100 nays, of whom 87 were I)emocr»t«i and l>t were Republicans. It provided that "all persons within the juris- diction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privi- leges of inns, public conveyances on land and water, theaters and other places of public amusement, subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable to citizens of every race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude.'* It provided that any person violating this section should pay $600 to the person aggrieved, and be subject also to a Ane of from |600 to ' SF" n 'Y. indrcd millions inn of Natlonnl nn, and to con- •e iHHHtHl, until llionB uf dollaiH And on and •f the Treasurv notes then out- Btant Treasurer mm of not lettH Treasury wan Treasury or to ir in coin. )ublican caucus, kroted against it. educed to «300,- ehensions were under this Act, But the prep- len the day for le money marljet session, was one duties on sugars first increase in this Congress in tns. It did not on, being signed it had 162 yeas, emocratM and 13 within the juris- e full and equal ilities and privi- er, theaters and le conditions and citizens of every [)n of servitude." lould pay f500 to of from 1500 to TWO YKARS OF DlBAHTEU. 271) tl (MM), or \o iiupriw.nn.ent from thirty days to one year. It alno contained the followiug enactment: "No .Iti^en »"7''';'"« " ' other qualiti<alionH. which are prescribed by law. nhall be disquai- fled for service as grand or petit juror in any mited Htates or Ktate rourt on accunt of ra<e. iolor or previous condition of servitude Any oflber discriminating against any citizen in violation of this provision Is liable to a flne of f5,000. The Act also provides that cases under it shall be tried in the Tnited Htates (V.urts, and that any smh .'U^e UMiv be apiH^aled to the Hupreme Court without reference to the annuint involved. Heveral cases arose under the law within the next few months, so that it soon received .ludicial interpretation. It remains on the Statute books today, substantially as Hrst enacted. This was the last of the A.ts passed to cover the new relations of the emancipated negroes to the <ommunity. it was well that it ])assed when it did, lor the Uepublicans were not again in control of both Houses of Congress till 18H0. The Forty-third Congress had before it a large number of joint resolutions for Constitutional Amendments, though it adopted none. In his message of I)e<ember 3, the President reconmiended an Amend ment providing that the Executive might veto part of any measure that came before him witliout vetoing the whole, and another that when Congress was convened in extra session, its legislation should be confined to such subjects as the Executive might bring before it. Other Aiaendments offered provided for electing United Htates Hena tors by direct vote of the people; for referring disputes with regard to Presidential electors, to the Hupreme Court for settlement; for changing Presidential election day to the first Monday in April, and holding a second eIe<!tion on the second Tuesday in October, In case no candidate had a majority in the Electoral College first chosen; fr»r electing the President and Vice-President by direct vote of the people; prohibiting Congress from imposing duties on imports, except for the purpose of paying the principal and interest on the public debt; and numerous others. It was an event outside of -Congress that especially marked this period and that had the most influence upon the course of the next political campaigns. This was the panic of 1 873. The fluctuating character of the currency and the existence of a premium on gold, were a constant menace to the business of the country. That they were not the occasion of more financial disasters was due partly to skillful financiering on the part of the (Jovernment, but much more ■f> mm- 'I •I 2S(> HIHTOUY OF TIIK UKIMHI.irAN I'AUTY to the cTKjnnoim prodmtivo and nM'«i>frHtlv«» powi'i- of Hit' coniitry. Tho daiiK*'!' <<)nii"K 'roiii tlu* pri'iiiiiim on j^old wuh ilhiMtpatt'd bv (lio event* of »la« k Friday, SeptiMnber 1, !««!». H.v nieans of Hklllfiil arKunientH, |)eini«tfntl.v addnnned to the Trewldent, he had been per Huaded that a BHnht liHe in ^old while the eropB were niovluK would he of beneHt to tJie rountr.v, and therefore orders were ^Iven early ifl Heptembtr to wll only n»>hl faffleient to buy bonds for the MiokinK fund. While this order wan in forte Jay <Jould and a number of other operators eonsplred to raise the prive of gold, which was then selliuK at about 140. They coninienHKl on HIaek Friday by bidding lit 145 and gradually raised bids to IBO, and then by advances of one |»ep cent, at a time, brought it up to 1«0, when they c<unmenced to unload through agents unknown to other operators, at the same time offering bets that it would go to 20<». It reached UVM/m, when word was received that the Treasury Department had ordered the sale of f4,()0(>,()00 in order to stop the rise. At the same time it became known that Gould was selling, a panic followed, and gold dnipped more rapidly than It had risen, and linally went as low as 130. The conspirators had made fortunes, but a score of brokers who were not in the ring were ruined. The effects of this move were <onflnetl mainly to the gold siwculators on the New York Exchange. They did not rea<'h, to any serious extent, the business of the country. The incident did, however, impn'ss upon i»eople tlie fact that, under certain condlti<mB, the Government could exercise a strong Influence upon affairs at the llnancial center of the country, and it inclined Ihem to hold the Government and the party in power, responsible for everything. The collapse of 1873 was undoubtedly hastened by the contrae tlon of the nirrency, occasioned by the retirement of the greenbacks, and the refunding of the public debt. But there were other causes that would have brought it on very soon, even if this contraction had not been made. It was a period of wild speculation, at a time when, in view of the necessity of taking steps that looked toward resump- tion, it ought to have been a time of prudent and cautious investment. It has been the experience of this, and of every other country, that a period of speculation, of buying beyond any possible needs of the present and of any probable needs of the future, is always followed, ultimately, by panic and business depression. The young men of the present generation had an experience of this in 18!)3, when there was no accusation of Government interference with the finances, when ■MM ■MM TWO YEARH OF DIHAHTKH. 28 1 Mm* coiiiitry, rat«'<l b.v iIh' llH of Hkillflll md Imh'ii |t(M- loviiiK Wdiiltl [I von early ii, tlic HiukinK a iiiiinher of eh wuM then y by bidding anceB of one Mnnienced to he game time a, when word 'd the Hale of lie it hecanie f{old di'o|i|M'd aH 130. The who were not were eontiniMl lange. Th<»y country. The : that, under rong influenee nd it inelintHl ('Sponsible for r the contrae le greenbackn, ' other oauHeH ntraction had a time when, ward reBump- 18 inveHtment. juntry, that a needs of the 'ays followed, Mung men of M, when there knances, when the currency was |M>rfectly Hound, and was abundant for the needn of all legitimate busineHH. Mat whatever the caiiMe, the panic of IN7<'t was followed by Hve yearM of buMinesH depreMMion, with trade dull, with factoricH cloHed, with laborers out of employment and dis- contented. The f(»llowing year, 1874, when the ('ongressional elections were lnOd, was one of the gloomiest of the Ave, and there were thousands of men who found satisfaction in voting against the party in |N)wer, even though that party was only in the smallest de^r(>e responsible for the conditions which brought about the busi- ness disasit r. The sa'iary grab, in which IhMiiocrats, as well as Republicans, «rere inlerested, ^4 as also uiied against (he latter, and justly so, because their majority was so large in both flouHes, that they could very proiH'rIy be held responsible for all legiHlation. The exposures of the Credit Mobilier speculation, in which several Republi<-an .Members of ('ongress were implicated, and for which three of them were censured, and the exposure of the o]>erationB of the Whisky Ring, which had oiierated in Kt. I^uis, Chicago and Milwaukee, and had defrauded the Government out of at least two million an«l a quarter of internal revenue taxes, were also used with effect in the campaign. ■ There were portents of the coming Btoruj. in the fall of 1873, when Ohio elected a Democratic (lovernor for the first time since the Republi* an party was organiK<>d, while several other states gavi; greatly reduced Republican majorities. Kut the whirlwind did not come till 1874. When the "liOg Cabin" campaign of 184«» oiM>ned Martin Van Buren said that it would be "either a farce or a tornado.'' It proved to be a tornado, and he was swept away with the rest of the rubbish. Ho in this <-a8e, the campaign of 1872 ended in a farce. That of 1874 was a tornado. The general eiTect of the gale oin be seen at a glance. In the Forty-third Congress the Democrats had 1!) Henators and 88 Members of the House, while in the Forty-fourth they had 2S» Senators and 181 Members of the House. The Bepubli cans elected 2t)3 Representatives, in 1872, and only 107 in 1874. In some of the details the results were astounding. Thus Massachu- setts, which gave over 83,000 Republican majority for Governor in 1872, gave only about 7,000 in 1874. Connecticut elected Jewell, Republican Governor in 1872, by about 2,000 majority, and lugersoll, Democrat, two years later, by nearly 7,000. In 1872 New York gave Dix, Republican, for Governor, 5.%451 majority, and in 1874 it ^avo I ••A' . ,uii i |i iii j ; | i|fpp||p!Wppw[ 282 HISTORY OF THE REPrHLICAN PARTY. Tildf'ti, Democrat, for the same office, 50,317 majority. Penngyl- vanhi which gave Grant a majority of 137,548, now elected a Democratic Lieutenant-<Jovernor by 4,67!) majority. Ohio, which gave (Jrant 37,531 majority iu 1872, now elected a Democratic Secre- tary of State by 17,207, and so it went through nearly all the old Republican States except in the Northwest and part of New England, which the Republicans held, though by much diminished majorities. The straight Republicans had a majority in the (Congressional dele- gations of only twelve States: Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Michi- gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Vermont and Wisconsin. And this was the House that would elect the President in case there was no choice by the people in 1876, and would help canvass the Electoral vote in any event. In Michigan it came dangerously near to being a landslide, but the ITpper Peninsula, which was formerly strongly Democratic, but which was now staunchly Republican, saved the State to the latter party. About 2 a. m. the morning after election. Governor Bagley, who was a candidate for re-election, and who had been striking aver- ages on the returns received at the office of the Detroit Post, shoved his papers aside, put up his pencil, and remarked: ''Well, boys, I'm beaten." Itut just as he was about to leave the office returns from two of the Upper Peninsula Counties came in, and encouraged by these, he stayed long enough to figure out his election. His plur- ality in 1872 was 56,744. In 1874 it was 5,969, the vote being in full as follows: John J. Bagley, Republican 111,519 Henry Chamberlain, Democrat 105,550 Charles K. Cariienter, Prohibition 3,937 The Democrats also made a raid on the Michigan Congressional delegation, electing Alpheus 8. Williams over Moses W. Field, in the Detroit District; George H. Durand, of Flint, over Josiah W. Begole, in the Sixth District, and Allen Potter over Julius C. Borrows, in the Kalamazoo District. The Republicans elected were: Nathan p. Bradley, Omar D. Conger, Jay A. Hubbell, Henry Waldron, George Willard and William B. Williams. The Republican majority in the Legislature was so small that a few malcontents, combining with the Democrats, were able to defeat Zachariah Chandler for the United States Senate, and >»lect Isaac P. Christiancy in his place. The upheaval i>rought into Congress many new Democratic faces, some of them destined to become conspicuous in the party. •|gt^-'^f*^''-''r*'?^'^"*'r '^'"^-'' ■ mm m *■ . -■■li,. -vr. Y. ty. Pennsyl- now' elected a Ohio, which mocratic Secre- rly all the old New England, led majorities. reHsional dele- , Maine, Michi- louth Carolina, Be that would people in 1876t lit. I landglide, but )eniocratic, but te to the latter avernor Bagley, n striking arer- jit Post, shoved 'Well, boys, I'm ce returns from encouraged by ion. His plur- ote being in full ... 111,519 ... 105,550 . . . 3,937 n Congressional W. Field, in the siah W. Begole, Burrows, in the re: Nathan It. i^aldron, George majority in the tbining with the for the United lace. lew Democratic IS in the party. TWO YEARS OP DISASTER. 283 Prom Connecticut appeared in the Senate Ex-Oovernor James E. English, who was appointed to fill a vacancy, and William W. Eaton, who was chosen by the newly elected Legislature. Mr. Raton was. during the war, one of the most rampant of Copperheads. But age and Senatorial responsibilities sobered him, and in the Senate he was very conservative and independent, sometimes on financial and tariff measures even voting with the Republicans. Indiana replaced Daniel D. Pratt with Joseph E. McDonald, who was also much more moderate now than during the war, and who disputed with Thomas A. Hendricks, the Democratic leadership of the State. The most conspicuous of the new comers was Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, who, a number of times, appeared in conventions as a candidate for the Presidential nomination, and who was nominated in 1888 for Vice- President. Other new Democratic Senators, who afterwards achieved distinction, were William Pinkney Whyte, of Maryland; Prancis M. Cockrell, of Missouri; Theodore F. Randolph, of New Jersey; Francis Kernan, of New York, and William Wallace, of Pennsylvania. In the House the most distinguished members on the Democratic side, a few of whom had served in the Forty-third Congress, but most of whom were' new, were: William H. Barnum, of Connecticut; Ben- jamin H. Hull and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the latter of whom had been in Congress before the war, during which he was ^'ice-P^esident of the ('Confederacy, and whose appearance now, with a solid Democratic delegation, showed that the colored vote in that State was well suppressed; Carter H. Harrison, William M. Springer and Adiai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, the latter Vice-President during Cleveland's second term; Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, who had been in Congress before, but who was missing from the Forty-third; J. Proctor Knott and Joseph C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky, the latter one of the most unreconstructed rebels left in the State; Randall L. Gibson and E. John Ellis, of Louisiana; Otho R. Singleton, of Missis- sippi; Abram S. Hewitt and Scott Tjord, of New York; Frank H. Hurd and Henry B. I'ayne, of Ohio;- William Mutchler, of Pennsylvania; John H. Reagan, of Texas; J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, and Charles J. Paulkener, of West Virginia. On assembling in Decem- ber, 1875, the House elected Michael C Kerr S|)eaker by 173 votes., to 106 for James G. Blaine. With an overwhelming Democratic majority in the House, with a good working Republican majority in the Senate, and a Republican "tawaiMBiii ■rk?-' -f-t' 284 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Presid^iit, it was not to be expected that much legislation would be accomplished by the Forty-fourth Congress, and especially legislation of a political character. Far the most important Act was that regu- lating the count of Electoral votes for President and Vice-President for the term commencing March 4, 1877, an abstract of which appears in the chapter of this book relating to the Electoral Count. Two financial measures were passed at the first session. One was a joint resolution, with these provisions, (1) authorizing the Secre- tary of the Treasury to issue silver coin at any time in the Treasury, to an amount not exceeding 110,000,000, in exchange for an equal amount of legal tender notes, such not^s to be kept as a separate fund, only to be reissued upon the retirement and destruction of a like sum of fractional currency; (2) limiting the coinage of the trade dollar, and removing its legal tender quality; (3) logalizing the manu- facture and issue of silver coin, to an amount, including the amount of subsidiary silver coin and fractional currency outstanding, not exceeding at any time, fifty million dollars. Another financial Act, approved April 17, 1876, directs the Secretary of the Treasury to "give silver coins of the Uuited States, of ten, twenty-flve and fifty cents, standard value, in redemption of an equal amount of fractional currency, whether the same be now in the Treasury awaiting redemp- tion, or whenever it may be presented for redemption; and the Sec- retary may provide for such redemption and issue by substitution at the regular sub-treasuries and public depositories, until the whole amount of fractional currency outstanding shall be redeemed. And the fractional currency redeemed under this act shall be held to be a part of the sinking fund provided for by existing law, the interest to be coieputed thereon as in the case of bonds redeemed under the Act relating to the sinking fund." Other Acts of general interest passed by this Congress were those reducing the rat^s of postage on newspapers and periodicals; extend- ing the franking privilege to the Executive Departments; providing that with certain exceptions named, no person shall be tried for an offense, not capital, unless an indictment is framed or information' instituted within three years of the time the offense is committed; reducing the number of internal revenue districts; increasing pensions to soldiers who lost both an arm •'nd a leg; encouraging and promot- ing telegraphic connection between America and Europe, and extending the time for presenting Southern claims. Two Constitutional Amendments were discussed and voted upon. The first, reported by the House Committee on the Judiciary, pro- NOW Wi?fK",' •m m:. 1 1 tion would be lly legislation vas that regu- k^'ice-President ^hich appears unt. lion. One was ng the Becre- the Treasury, for an equal as a separate Btruetion of a e of the trade ling the manu- ig the amount tstanding, not financial Act, B Treasury to r-flve and fifty t of fractional aiting redemp- ; and the Sec- lubstitution at ntil the whole leented. And )e held to be a the interest to under the Act TWO YEARS OF DISASTER. 285 vided that, "No person who has held, or may hereafter liold, the oiBce of President, shall ever again be eligible to said office." A sub stitute extending the term to six years and making the President ineligible was voted down, yeas 108, nays 144, and the original Amendment was then rejected, yeas 145, nays 108, not two-thirds in the affirmative. , ^. . ^ u*^ The following was reported by the House Judiciary Committee to stand as Article XVI: "No State shall make any law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of pub he schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious Hect or denomination; nor shall any mon,-y so raised, or lands so devoted, be divided between religious sects or denominations. This Article shall not vest, enlarge or diminish, '^K^J^f »;«^^P?\^„V" Congress." This passed the House by a vote of 180 to J, b«t a Senate substitute for it was rejected in the latter body by 27 y^as to 15 nays. vat i ■ess were those dicals; extend- nts; providing )e tried for an [>r information" is committed; 'asing pensions ig and prompt- Eiirofie. and nd voted npon. Judiciary, pro- jii^ MM )BMBaCTW3Kg?yy?'!WW^ISSgsmajt ^ XXIII. THE SIXfH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. The Three Natural Republican lieaders— Blaine's Popularity With the Republicans— Democratic Attacks Upon Him— His Bold Defense in the House— Reading of the Mulligan Letters— His Attack of Sunstroke— Ingersoll's Brilliant Speech at the Cincin- nnti Convention— A Close Contest for the Nomination— It Goes to Rutherford B. Ha.ves on the Seventh Ballot— William A. Wheeler Nominated for Vice-President— A Long Platform Declaration — New Departure for the Democrats- Tilden and Hendricks Nominated— Tilden Conducts His Own Canvass— A Closely Contested Campaign— Hayes Has One Majority on the Electoral Vote. The Sixth National Republican Convention, which met in Cin- cinnati, June 14, 1876, had before it for consideration three of the men who were among the ablest in the party, and who had been in the public service almost from the time of their reaching manhood, and six others who appeared either as favorite sons, or else who were believed to possess some special element of strength. The three natural leaders were James G. Blaine, of Maine; Roscoe Conkling. of New York, and Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. Blaine was the popular favorite, and his initial strength in the Convention was so great as to. tempt to a combination of all the other candidates against him. He had been brought into espiecial promi- nence by debates on the General Amnesty Bill in the Porty-fourthi Congress, where he had stood the brnqt of the attack of half the ex- Confederates in the House. He had won admiration by the boldness and vigor of his counter attacks, and especially by the skill with which he had worsted Congressman Hill, of Georgia, in debate. He was regarded by the Democrats as their strongest foe, and they regarded him with a bitter hatred. In order to compass his undoing, a few days before the Cincinnati Convention was to meet, they started t St mmmmm •smmmmmmmm !y?»?r iy.'»»r»->^'"^'-;y ;<--<1jg*TVV',!)iA.,, j^iia r THE SIXTH KEPUBLK^VN OAMPAKIN. 287 jularity With m — HIb Bold liCtters — His at the Oincin- ition — It Goes —William A. ong Platform \ — Tilden and n CanvaHB — A ajority on tho h met in Oin- u three of the 10 had been in hing manhood, else who were i. The three >e Conkling, of trength in the )f all the other ispiecial promi- e Forty-fourlhii of half the ex- ly the boldneBB the skill with a debate. He foe, and they SB his undoing, »t, they started an investigation, whirh, it was hinted, would implicate Mr. Blaine in a questionable transaction in railroad. bonds. The accusation was at first implied, rather than made, that he had been bribed by a gift of Fort Smith & Little Rock Railroad bonds to use his influence, when Speaker of the House, in favor of that road. The evidence relied upon against him was contained in correspondence which had fallen into the hands of a man named Mulligan, and had become known as the ''Mulligan letters." Mr. Blaine obtained possession of these letters. He refused to show them to the Investigating Com- mittee, on the ground that they had no right to inquire in<o his private corresjiondence. The next morning he supported his refusal 1o produce the letters by submitting to the investigators the written opinion of Jeremiah S. Black, one of the most noted Democratic lawyers in the country, and Ex-Senator Matt H. (^arpenter, also a noted lawyer, that the letters had "no relevancy whatever to the matter under inquiry," and that "it would be most unjust and tyran- nical, as well as illegal, to demand their production." This put the Judiciary Committee in a quandary. The other witnesses were dis- missed and the matter laid over. Some members of the committee proposed bringing the matter before the House, but that was objected to, because it would give Blaine too great an opportunity to make a public defense. As one member put it, they didn't want "to have Blaine cavorting around on the floor of the House." A majority of the members of the Committee had been in the Southern Army, and a newspaper of the period representeti the "Confederate Brigadiers" of the committee triving utterances to their views of Blaine as follows -- He is always in the way — Blaine, of Maine! And in session every day Raises Cain; When his prodding makes us roar. Then he lacerates the sore, Till we holier more and more— Blaine, of Matne. How he boxeB.us around — Blaine, of Maine! Now and then we're on the ground Half insane: Frequently to grass we go; ' This is temporary though, ] m ■*;i „,»«-..>TW»«Kt!/S;Slii«* '.• 288 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. I ''' For we rally from the blow, ' And prepare to eat our crow. Hut he stands us in a row And he smites us high and low, Till we shiver in our woe, And he keeps us whirling so. That we have the vertigo— Blaine, of Maine. The C^onfederate brigadiers, however, eould not keep Blaine from "eavorting around," for after defying the committee he rose in the House to a question of privilege, produced the letters and read them in full. A Washington correspondent who was in the House at the time thus describes the sensational scene that accompanied this bold proceeding: "At times the scene was Intensely dramatic, stirpassing even the scene of the Amnesty debate, the interest reaching its climax when Blaine, after having denied the right of the committee to demand his private correspondence, ciied out that he would take the commit- tee into his confidence and would read to forty millions of people letters that he would not allow a committee to force from him. 'Here they are.' he cried, as he drew a package from his pocket, and, holding it up above hjs head, he turned around so as to face everyone in the hall. 'Here they are,' he repeated, 'and I will read them.' The hall burst into a perfect roar of applause, not only with clapping of hands, but with cries of approbation from the members of the Repub lican side, as well as from the galleries. The occupants of the ladies' gallery shook their handkerchiefs and parasols, and joined in the chteer. It was a sight that never had a parallel in a legislative body. "No words can convey an adequate picture of Blaine's impetuous attack upon Proctor Knott. When he came charging down the aisle and hurled at Knott an inquiry whether he had not received a telegram from. Caldwell, in Europe, which he had suppressed, Knott i*ef used to reply. Blaine pressed the question again and again, till Knott, finally being cornered, and without escape, made the very diS' courteous and angry reply: 'I'll answer you when I get rea^y.' Blaine followed Knott to his seat, shook his finger in his face, and charged him directly with having suppressed a voluntary telegram from Caldwell, in London, acquitting Blaine pf any improper connection with the bond transactions, and offering to send an affidavit to that eifect to the committee. Knott's face colored to a deep crimson, and he sat in his seat in utter helplessness; but there were forty i mminrw aasa— 'Y. THK SIXTH REPrHLirAX rAMTAKJN. 28» i\-r:''' ep Blaine from he rose in the und read them le House at the >anied this bold assing even the ts climax when ttee to demand ike the commit- lionB of people rom him. 'Here et, and, holding; everyone in the aem.' The hall Ith clapping of p« of the Repub its of the ladies' d joined in the legislative body, line's impetuous ging down the 1 not received a ppressed, Knott I and again, till ide the very dis* t rea^y.' BlaJnc ce, and charged telegram from oper connection affidavit to that 1 deep crimson, liere were forty l)emo<Tats on their feet, crying, 'Mr. HiH*akerI' *Mr. Hpeuker!' John Youn«r ilrown, Jones, of Kentucky; Hlackburn, (llover, Holnitiii, Hunton and many others, were very much excited, but Cox, who wuh presiding, rapped them down und saived his party from disgracing itself. Jones, of Kentucky, a hitter Democrat, who has shown him- self to be a guardian of honor, tinally obtained a hearing, and demanded that his colleague answer the tpiestion. He would not consent to have such a di8gra<-eful imputation rest upon his party. Knott was thus driven to say that he would explain the suppression of the telegram in a speech which he intend ed to make." The letters contained nothing to show that HIaine was not entirely innocent of any wrong- doing in the matter, and were so accepted by all faiir-minded p e r s o n s, but the fact that the ac- cusation had been made doubtless cost him some votes in the Con- vention. He sutfered m u c h more in that body, however, by rea- son of prostration by sunstroke when on his way to church on the Hunday preceding the gathering at Cincinnati. roscok conklinq. He rallied quickly, but apprehensions with regard to his health were skillfully used to draw votes from him, when it came to balloting. Boscoe Conkling was, thrdtighout his whole Congressional career, both in House and Henate, recognized as one of the ablest debaters, and one of the most eloquent stump sjieakers in the party. But he was arrogant and unapproachable, entirely lacking in the ele- ments of personal popularity, and there never was a time when he could have received the Presidential nomination at the hands of any Convention. Uis candidacy at this time was not taken seriously. n?" IrS' jr4 ■M 'Jiwiwtaitt ii i I 11 1! I I ' i r .' ,_-^' '■■^■- ;■,- ,_', 200 HIHTORY OF THE REPl'BUrAN PARTY. Ht* hatf wn»Bte<l the conti.il of the Repiiblirun oi-Kanixation In New York from Kx-Governor Fenton and his friends, had a good hold on most of the delegation from that Ktate, and it was understood at the time that his candidacy was intended to lieep the delegation together until their votes could be thrown to the best advantage for someone else, but mainly to beat Blaine. Senator Morton, of Indiana, commenced his public career in very troublous limes. He was elected Lieutenant-Governor of his State on the ticket with Henry 8. Lane, and succeeded to the Governorship when Mr. Lane resigned that office to take a seat in the United States Senate. Mr. Morton had the most difficult task before him of any of Ihe War Governors. The Southern counties of the State were honey- combed with Secession sentiment, the treasonable society, the Knights of the Golden Circle, had headquarters in the Capital itself, and a Democratic Legislature refused to make appropriations neces- sary to fit out troops and carry on the State Government. But Mr. Morton proved equal to the emergency. He went to New York, and on his personal bond, with the backing of wealthy men in Indianap- olis, borrowed money to meet the pressing necessities of the State. He drove the Knights of the <}olden (^ircle into hiding, and had a number of their leaders arrested and tried for treason. He repressed disorders in the Southern counties, and in every way showed rare vigor tuid administrative capacity. He was re-elected Governor in 1864, and was afterwards sent to the Senate, where he took rank among the ablest debaters. Of the other candidates Hartranft and Jewell were "favorite sons" and nothing more, and Hayes belonged in the same rank, although he had some following outside of Ohio before the Conven- tion met, and was regarded as a very likely compromise candidate. Bristow was a man of moderate ability, and rather narrow views, who had come into a temporary prominence through his vigorous prosecution of the Whisky Ring. He had a good following in this Convention, but within two or three years had nearly di^opped out of sight. The Michigan delegation to Cincinnati was chosen at an unusu- ally interesting State Convention, held at Grand Rapids, May 10, 1876, and consisted of the following members: At Large — Henry P. Baldwin, William A. Howard, Delos L. Filer and Jonathan J. Woodman. By IMstricts — (1) William G. Thompson, Herman Kiefer; (2) Rice A. Real, Charles Rynd; (3) William H. Withington, Edward iMitti ., .■;■■"!;'■ Tn THE HIXTH KKIM'MLK'AN rAilPAKJN. LMU Kiition in New good hold on erstood at tho ation together for someone career in very of his State (lovernorship United HtateH him of any of ite were honey- , e society, the > Capital itself, iriations neces- lent. But Mr. New York, and i^n in Indiauap- '8 of the State. ing, and had a He reprejBsed ly showeu rare ed Governor in E* he took rank were "favorite lie same rank. >re the Conven- mise candidate, narrow views. ;h his vigorous illowing in this di^opped out of m at an unusn- ;apids, May 10, I^arge — Henry id Jonathan J. Serman Kiefer; ington, Edward S. Jjiuey; (4) N. A. Hamiltim, (leorge Hannahs; (5) A. H. WatHon, M Kenjamin 1>. Pritchard; (0) William L. Smith, William H. Oeorge; |7) John <\ Waterbury, Samuel .1. Tomlinson; (M) Theodore F. Shepard, A. H. Hoyt; (») VVilliani H. (\ Mitchel, Edward lireltung. Sentiment in the ('onventi<m that j-liose these delegates was unquestionably favorable to Blaine, wlio had succeeded Seward in the affections of Michigan Kepublicans. In the course of previous campaigns he had made a few s]>eeches to immense mass meetings in the State, and his brilliant career in Congress had been wat<*hed with interest and admiration. There was some talk in the Conven- tion of instructing the delegation, and this would probably have been done, had it not been for the interposition of William A. Howard. Mr. Howard was then as sound as ever from the shoulders up, but was very feeble in body, and was badly crippled. Tjoud calls had been made upon him for a speech early in the proceedings, to which he did not respond. He was chosen by acclamation a delegate-at- large, and was again called for, when he feebly hobbled forward on crutches, was assisted to the platform, and sat down. He commenced in a low voice, but soon warmed with his subject, and spoke in that animated and earnest manner which had so often carried audiences of Michigan Republicans to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. He gave interesting reminiscences. of party history, and in relation to the approaching National Convention said: "The campaign is peculiar in this, that sentiment as to candi- dates is not crystallized. The whole question is one of settling indi- vidual preferences and of consulting availability. The prominent candidates are all representative Bepublicans and all worthy of sup- port. But we have not to consult altogether our own preferences. The battle is not to he won in^ Michigan, but in doubtful states like New York. Any one of the leaders can carry the banner triumphant throughout Michigan. We want a leader who will carry it to victory in weak places all along the line, and if we secure this we shall triumph. As to myself, I have no individual prefereni'es. I am in earnest for the cause, but indifferent as to the man. I am not a Blaine man, nor a Bristow man, nor a Morton man; I am your man and for the triumph of the cause.'^ Mr. Howard, at this point half arose, leaned forward, and, with earnest gesture and strong emphasis upon the closing words of the sentence, brought the enthusiasm of the audience to a high pitch. He then went on to show the grounds of encouragement furnished Wh^^-^h ■' ar.-.-. ■ ,'^- .: ■^■ IMHTORY OF THK UKIM'HLirAN PARTY. IB! Ii.v tlu' "Coiif»'d«M*at«* lloiiw" at WaMliiiiKton, n'f»'rn*d to itM fiitilr nttarkM u|i(>u UciMiblicuiiH, and continued: "We want the beHt and HtronKeHt man anion^ the R4*|Mib1i<'anM. In eonBiiltinK availability, we nniHt be Hiire to get pronoune«'d Repub- lleanH. We want no more T.vleiH, no more And.v .folniMonfi. We nnint. Heleet from the tried memberH of onr party. In thlH Meleetlon I pro- p<»He to aid, by the UHe of my boHt jndKnient. and I want you to inHtrnct me junt an little an yon dare. I don't want to j^o to Cincin- nati with my liandH tied. I want to go tm free that if I Hee a chance to do a good thing for you anywhere, I can avail mynelf of It." The plea was effective and no reHolution for InstructionH wan even introduc(Hl In the <'onvention. A canvaMM of the delegateM after adj(>urnment showed that a majority of them were at the time for nialne, but before the National <\inventlon met, wlill«> admiration for Hlaine did not dlmlnlBh, doubtH IncreaMed a» to tlu> ex|HHliency of lii8 nomination at that time. On the different baUott* the vote of the delegation waH u» rtjlows: First and second, Itlaine, S; Conkllng, 1; Hristow, U; Hayes, I. Third, Ttlalne, «; Conkllng, 1(>; Hayes, 4. Fourth, Hlaine. 0; Hristow, 11; Hayes, 5. Fifth, sixth and seventh, Hayes, 22. Th^* naming of candidates for the Presidential nomination was rea«-hed on the second day of the (Mncinnuti gathering, the states l»eing called in alphabetical order. Stephen W. Kellogg, of Connecti- cut nominated Marshal Jewell; Mr. Morton's name was presented by Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, who was seconded by P. B. 8. Pinvhbock, of Louisiana. < General Stewart L. Woodford, of New YorV, presented (^inkling's name. General Harlan, of Kentucky, nominated Ilenjamin F. Hristow, who was supported by Judg(> Poland, of Vermont, (leorge William Curtis, of New York, and Richard A. Dana, of Massachusetts. Robert (}. Ingersoll, of Illihois, nominated Blaine, and was seconded by William P. Frye, of Maine. <jlovernor Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio, nominated Governor Hayes, and was supported by Senator Benjamin F. W'ade. Mr. Ingersoll's speech nominating Hlaine has passed into history as the nuist noted of Convention orations in this country. W-ith the omission of the opening paragraph, it was as follows: The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader, in the great contest of 1876, a man of intellect, of integrity, of known and approved political opinions. They demand a statesman, they demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand a politician in the highest and broadest and best sense of that word. eass ll.l.ll.l- IHMIIJII l.iC " mmm *.M f TY. ■ vi\ to itM futile Ih' R<'|MibliranH. )n(iunci>d Repiib- ittonft. We iiiiiHt. Heleetioii I i»ro- I WHllt .vou to to Ko to Cinrin- f I Hee it cbancv If of It." liiHtniftionB WUH e dele|{ateH after at the time for le admiration for H* ex|»edlenp.v of H tlie vote of the e, H; Conklinf;, 1; la.vefi, 4. Fourth, venth, Hayes, 22. nomination was lerini;, the stateH lojjK, of Conneeti- wa» presented by nded by P. B. R. 'oodford, of New an, of Kentueky, ported by Judtje New York, and person, of Illinois, *. Prye, of Maine. Governor Hayes, (. Mr. Inj^ersoll's as the nM>8t noted s omission of the i as their leader, itegrlty, of known I statesman, they on. They demand ?nse of that word. TIIK IXTII UKIM'nLH AN \J \HiN, j,\r.\ They d(>itiund a iin i a<#|Uii of the jM'ople, witli iHtl (»iil the demands of the fiiliir roniprehend the relation)- of the earth. They deniHii and prerogatives «if each '«m| with iMihlit jifr«ji'R. with the wanirt ■ re<|ii nefMit the hour, but wllli riiey «)' ,aiid a in.tii broad enough lo I the <ii •riiment to the other natiouM I iiuiii w il versed In the powers, duties fid I'very department of this (hivernmeni. They demand a man who will saer«>diy preserve the ttnanrial honor of the I'nited Ktates, one who knows enough to know that all the financial theories of the world eannot redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the money must be nuide, n>it by law, but by lai)or; one who knows enough to know that the |N'ople of the I'nited Htates have the industry to make the money and the honor to pay It over just as fast as they nuike it. The Hepublicans of the rnite«l Htates denuind a man who knows that prosperity and resumption, when they come, must ronu' together. When they come hand in luind through the golden har\esl Helds, hand in hand by the whirling spindles and turning wheels, hand in hand by the open furnace doors, hand in hand by the tiaiming forges, hand in hand by chimneys tilled by eager Are, rocked ami grasped by the hands of the counth-ss nous of toil. This money has got to be dug out of the earth: yon cannot nuike it by passing resolu- tions at a political meeting. The K(>nubli<-ans of the Tnited Htates want a man who knows that this Oovernment should protect every citizen, at home and abroad, who knows that any (Government that will not defend its defenders, and will not protect its protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal separation of church and schools. They demand a man whose polit- ical reputation is as sfiotless as a star; but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a <-ertiflcate of character from a (\mfed- erate ('ongress. The man who has, in full and rounde<l measure, all of these splendid quallflratlons is the present grand and gallant leader of the Bepubljean party, James (?. Blaine. Our country crowned with the vast and nmrvelous achievements of its first century, asks for a nmn worthy for the past and propheth- of her future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a nmn who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain, beneath the flag. That man is James <}. Blaine. For the Kepublican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no such thing as defeat. This is a grand year, a year filled with the recol- lection of the Revolution, filled" with proud and tender memories of the sacred, filled with the legends of liberty; a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Con- gress what our soldiers won upon the field; a year in which we call lor the man that has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of slander, a man that has snat<'hed the mask of Democracy from the hideous. face of rebellion; a man, who, like an intellectual athlete, i i - T^-i^TKiri t /«♦' i'~^'^^ :.^',''>'y . , > ' Wg»w»Twr j f TMjT ■^ .■rt;^^ib.j'yjcwi=a-iyr. ' 204 HIHTOKY OF TIIK KKIM^BMCAN TARTY. ;«''^. ..- Htood in the urcnii of debat(>, rlmlleiiKiHl all conicrM. imd whu up to tlit> lirciient inoniciit, Ih a total Htranxcr to defeat. Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knlKlit, Jame* (). Blaine nuirehed down the hallH of an Ameriean ConKreMM, and threw IiIh HhininK lance full and fair, aKuinftt the brazen forehead of every defanier of this i-ouutr.v, and niallKner of itn honor. For the Kepuli- liean party to deHert that gallant man now Ih an thoutth an army Mhould deHert their K<'neral upon the field of battle. .Iain h (}. HIaine in now, and has been for yearM, the hearer of the fiaerefi xtandard of the llepnblic. I rail it naered, h<>eau8e no hnnmn l>eiii^ can Htand beneath its folds without becominK 'i"<l without remaining fr(><>. GENTLEMEN OF THE <'ONVENTION--In the name of the great Kepublio, the only Republic that ever exinted upon thlR earth, lii the name of all her defender!* and of all the Hupport4>rM, in the name of all her MoldierH living, in the name of her HoldierH that are dead uiKin the field of battle, and in the name of those that perished in the skele- ton clutches of famine at Andersonville and Libby, Illinois nominates for the next President of this country that prince of parliamentariaiiM, that leader of leaders, James O. Blaine. Although on the first six ballots Mr. Blaine had more votes than the aggregate of any other two candidates, the combination in the end proved too strong and on the seventh ballot Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, was nominated. The record of the ballots was as follows: Ist. James G. Blaine, of Maine 2K5 Beuj. H. Bristow, of Kentucky. . 11:1 Roscoe Conkling, of New York. . !M) John F. Hartranft, of Penn 58 61 11 124 Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio. Marshall Jewell, of Conne«:ticut . Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana E. B. Washburne, of lllinoifi Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York . . 2d. 21W 114 \V.i 6a 64 Ad. 21W 121 00 68 67 4th. 2»2 126 84 71 68 5th. 286 114 82 69 104 6th. 808 HI 81 50 113 7th. 351 21 384 3 111 1 3 113 1 2 108 3 2 95 3 3 86 4 William A. Wheeler and Stewart L. Woodford, of New York; Joseph R. Hawley and Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, and Frederick T. Frellnghuysen, of New Jersey, were mentioned for Vice-President, but the balloting showed Mr. Wheeler so far in the lead that the rest were withdrawn, and he was nominated by acclamation. Mr. Wheeler had been a useful member of Congress, where he rendered especially good service as Chairman of the Committee on the Pacific Railroads. He was more widely known, however, as the author of the "Whfieler Compromise," wh|<'h patched up one of the chronic h i ""■'AA!il!W!!!5*S**W*a ■"'f '■■■ : i? ■;■■>' - »Sfe;-:- Y. ■-.;^„, .: Id whu up to tlit> |atiH'» (}. Illaiut' and tlir(*w IiIh |-cliead <»f evci'v For the Itepub Ihoutfl) an anii.v ilaiii H (}. Hlain<> }i'«»fl Mtandard of lH>inK ran Htand inin(f rr(>«>. he nani(> of the ton this oartb, in , in the name (»f It are dead u|)on hed in the Hkolo- linoiH noniinateR arlianientariaiiM, more i I'oteii than nation in the end ord H. Hayes, of 1 aH follows: . 5th. 6th. 7th. i 28(t 308 351 t 114 Ul 21 I 82 81 I 60 50 .. i* 104 113 384 ^ 95 85 i 3 4 i 3 2 .. I, of New York; It. and Frederick r Vice-Presideut, e lead that the olamation. Mr. [lere he rendered ee on the Pacific as the author of } of the chronic TIIK WI.XTfl RKPfTBLir.VN <',AMP.\ION. 20."5 political <|uarrelM in liouiniana, recoKuixed the Kepulilican Kello^); (lovernnient, as aitainHt the Peniocratic McKnerv (iovernnient, Hettled disputcH aH to certain Heats in the liouHe of KepresentativeH in that Htate, and reHton^l the peace until the next election. Following is the platform adopted by the L'uu vent ion at Cincin- nati: When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be pureed of human Hiaver.v, and when the Htren^th of the K<>v<'i'nment of the {MHiple, b,v the peo|)le and for the people, was to be (lenionstratHl, the Republican party came into |>ower. Its de<*dH have paHsed into his- tory, and we look back to them with pride. Incittnl by their n4emori<>H to hi^h aimn for the good of our <-ountry and uuinkind, and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, ho|»e and purpoHe, we, the representatives of the party, in National Convention assembled, make the f<»llowinK declarations of principl<>H: 1. The Cnited Htates of America Ih a Nation, not a leaKne. Ity the <-oml>ined workiuKs of the National and Htate (^overnmentM, undcc llu'ir respective Constitutiims, the rights of every <-iti9sen are secured, at home and abroad, and the <-ommon welfare promoted. 2. The Kepublican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle: "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of luippiness; that lor the attainment of these ends governments liave been instituted among men, deriving their just p»>wer8 from the consent of the governed." Cntil these truths are clieerfully obeyed, <ir, if need be, \ igorously enfor<'ed, the work of the Kepublican party is unfinished. 3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of tlie Union, and the complete protection of all its citiKens In the free enjoy- ment of all Iheir rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly pledged. Tlie power to provide for t'ne enforcement of the prin<'ipleg embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is vested, by those Amendments, in the Congress of the United Htates; and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of tlie Legislative and Executive Departments of the (Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their Constitutional powers for removing any just cause of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall. 4. In the first Act of Congress signed by President Grant the National Government assumed to remove any doubt of its purpose to ^ ^■i'.-itfvri-yr-- .. ■ ^ ■ g p- w — — - ^ ^v-gff^J3J^'&:t^^?W/-M^<^e C^-A^Jt■yr*^^''■t•■^^^Aff^ • .,-«..^--.*.,r^,-. ^?J^p?l?5?!pi?WiPWipffiP*^ I) 2M HISTORY OP THE REPDULK^AN PARTY. disohanje till just obligations to the public creditors, and "solemnly pledged its faitli to make j)rovi8ion at the earliest practicable period lor the redemption of the I'nited States notes in coin." Commercial prosperity, public ntorals and national credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to sptM'ic payment. 5. Under the Constitution, the President and heads of depart- ments are to make nominations for office, tlie Senate is to advise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interests of the public service demand that these distinctions be respected; that Sena- tors and Representatives who may be judges and ai'cusers should not dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments should have reference to the honesty, fidelity and capacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those phu-es where harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but |)ermitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole refer- ence to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of citizens to Hhare in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. G. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern- ing political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid responsibility, and engage that the pfosecution and punishment of all who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough and unsparing. 7. The public school system of the several States is the bulwark of the American Republic; and, with a view to its security and per- nmnence, we recommend an Amendment to the Constitution of the I'Uited States, forbidding the application of any public funds or prop- erty for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control. 8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obli- gation of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country. 9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the National domain be devoted to free homes for the people. 10. It is the imperative duty of the Oovernment so to modify existing treaties with European governments that the same protection shall be afforded to tlie adopted American citizen that is given to the native-born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the States for that purpose. 11. It is the immediate duty of Congress to fully investigate the effect of the immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the moral and material interests of the country. 12. The Republican party recognize with approval the substan- tial advances recently made toward the establishment of equal rights for women by the many important amendments effected by Republican •«ii^ Mira v^\' * ■M B^a;:' V.T-. !■■ IT y\. n THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN ( AMPAKIN. 297 nd "solemnly 'ticable perioil Commercial ind that thiH ;re8s to 8p<M'ie ads of depart- to advise aud ntatives is to terests of the ted; that Hena- lers should not appointments apacity of thej vhere harmony presented, but vith sole refer- it of citizens to country, jeople concern- •rs to a rigid nishment of all insparing. is the bulwark Lurity and per- ititi'ition of the funds or prop- nder sectarian L's and the obli- mi duties upon jted to promote osperity of the a of the public at the National t so to modify lame protection is given to the ssed to protect t purpose, investigate the lians upon the al the substan- of equal rights by Republican Legislatures in the laws which concern the jiersonal and property relations of wives, mothers and widows and by the appointment and election of women to the superintendence of education, charities a ind other public trusts. The honest denmnds of this class of citizens for additional rights, privileges and immunities should be treate<l with respectful consideration. 13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their governments; and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to prohibit and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism- polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories. 14. The pledges which the Nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who imperil their lives for the country's preservation in the kindest remembrance. 15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We, therefore, note with deep solicitude that the i)emocratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the Electoral vote of a united South, secured through the efiorts of those who were recently arrayed against the Nation, and we invoke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sectional strife and imperil sectional honor and hunmr rights. 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in char- acter and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; with making its control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportunity of the Nation's recent foes; with reasserting and applauding, in the National Capitol, the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate soldiers to the front; with deliberately proposing to repudiate the plighted faith of the (xovernment; with being e<)uallyfalseand imbecile upon the overshadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan management and obstruction of invcstigti- tion; with proving itself, through the period of its ascendancy in the Jjower House of Congress, utterly incompetent to administer the Gov- ernment; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and incapable. 17. The National Administration merits commendation for its honorable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the American people for his patri(Ttisni and his eminent services in war and in peace. 18. We present, as our tandidates for President and Vice-Presi dent of the United States two distinguished statesmen of eminent ability and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high oflBces, and we confidently appeal to the American people toentrust the admin- istration of their public afTnirs to Rutherford R. Hayes and William A. Wheeler. i ^:| II i •# ....:',.j.i,a>JH..,.t ...,.,. 298 HISTORY OF THE REimBLICAN TARTY. Iir'the pamyaign of 1876 the Democrats took an entirely new departure, both in candidate and platform. Their candidate for President, Samuel J. Tilden, had been chiefly occupied with money getting until he was some years past 50, when the opportunity offered to render a conspicuous service to the community. The New York Times in 1871 made some astounding revelations of the corruptions and stealings of the "Tweed Ring" in New York Tity, and with great industry uncovered the details of the fraudulent operations, which, with equal courage it published. But it needed something more than the disclosures to break up the ring, and in this Mr. Tilden rendered very efficient aid, both as a Member of the As- s e m b 1 y and in the courts. Whether it was this public* activity that first roused his desire for political distinction, or whether he had been simply biding his time, he took advantage of the opportunity, se- cured the nomination for (lovernor in 1874 and was swept into the Executive chair, by the same tidal wave that carried so many other Democrats into power. RUTHKKFOBD B. HATES. As Govemor he made a vigorous warfare upon the "Canal Ring," which had been robbing the State, under all political parties, for a generation dr two. H^, could very properly come before the public as a reformer. Tammany Hall opposed him, but he had secured such complete control of the Democratic organization in New York State, that for once Tammany was helpless. In the National Convention, which opened in St. Louis, June 27, John Kelly, who had succeeded William M. Tweed as Tammany's Boss, vigorously opposed Tilden, and was aided by a few of the strongest Demociats of the older school. They claimed mmmm SSS^^SS?S5BSS3Ka* THE SIXTH RP:PrBLICAN PAMPAKSN. 21M) entirely new candidate for d with money rtunity offered 'he New Yorlv le corruptions ind with great 'ationg, which, ling more than >8ure8 to break ng, and in this in rendered tnent aid, both iber of the Ag- y and in the iVhether it was ii* actiA'ity that Bed his desire cat distinction, er he had been iding his time, advantage of pportunity, se- he nomination ernor in 1874 swept into the i^e chair, by the 4al wave thui so many other its into power. rnor he made a I been robbing 1 or two. H^j er. Tammany control of the once Tammanv opened in 8t, iam M. Tweed vas aided by a They claimeil that he could not carry New York State, and sought to divert some of his support to General Hancock, Thomas A. Hendricks and others. }tut the new machine, which Tilden had put together, was too strong for them, and on the flrst ballot he had almost the requisite two- thirds vote. On the second his nomination was made unanimous. Thomas A. Hendricks was with e<]ual unanimity nominated for Vice-President. The platform was very long and was in keeping with the reform professions of Mr. Tilden. It consisted of denunciations of Repub- lican acts, a large num- ber of demands, and a tiresome reiteration of the statement, "reform is necessary," applied to a large number of spe- cific subjects. But the campaign was not fought out on the plat- form. The Democrats laid particular stress upon Mr. Tilden's re- form record, and back of that was Tilden's * own adroit manage- ment. He had already become an expert poli- tician, and from the re- cesses of his handsome residence at No. 15 Gramercy Park, he con- ducted his own cam- paign. The Republicans hunted up abundant evidence of devious- ness in some of Tilden's former business transactions, but this really had little effect upon the votecfi, as his official career had been com- mendable. Much more effective for Republican use was the ammunition furnished by the "Confederate Congress," the first Dem- ock'atic House of Representatives for 18 years. The nem«icrat8 had u large majority in the House, and the Southern wing had commenceil once more to rule the Democrats. Their boast: "The South is in the saddle again" cost them more votes than all of Tilden's tortuous business transactions. WILLIAM A. WHBBL.ER. m IF 300 HIHTORY OF THE KEPIBLIOAN PARTY. ThiA year witnessed the GenesiB of the Greenback party, which met at Indianapolis, May 17, nominated Peter Cooper, of New Yorli, for President, and Samuel P. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President, and adopted the following, the tirst platform of a party that brought its opinions before the people for several campaigns following: The Independent pai-tv !» called into existence by the necessities of the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived of its lUst reward bv a ruinous policy, which the Republican and Dem- ocratic parties refuse to change; and, in view of the failure of these parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the country, lher«bv disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the suffer- ing people, we declare our principles, and invite all independent and patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for financial reform and industrial emancipation. 1. We demand the imtoediate and unconditional repeal of the Specie Resumption Act of January 14, 1875, and the rescue of out industries from ruin and disaster, resulting from its enforcement; and we call upon all patriotic men to organize in every Congressional district of the countrv, with a view of electing Representatives to Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard, and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction. 2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the (Government, and convertible, on demand, into Ignited States obliga lions, bearing k rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at par, will atfortt the best circulating medium ever devised. Such I'niled States notes should be full legal tenders for all purposes, except for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing con- tracts, especially "made payable in coin; and we hold that it is the duty of the Government to provide such a circulating medium, and insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that "bank paper must be suppressed and the circulation restored to the Nation to whom it belongs." 3. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legis- lation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business, agricultural, mining, manufacturing and commercial, * 4. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold, bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made for a long period, "hewers of wood and drawers of water," to fbreigners, especially as the American people would gladly and promptly take at par all bonds the (Government may need to sell, providing they are made payable at the option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.05 |)er cent, per annum or even a lower rat<». 5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds, tor the puri»ose of purchasing silver to be used as a substitute for our IMill i Jl l iPHIM 1- THE HIXTH REPITHLKWN CAMPAION. 301 party, whidi }f New York, 'resident, and it brought its •ing: he necessities or is deprived lean and Deui- iiure of these 'the country, of the suffer- ependent and lancial reform repeal of the rescue of our enforcement ; ('ongressional 'sentatives to n this regard, contraction. iirectly by the States obliga- a day on each tates notes at 'Vised. Such ail purposes, ' existing con- that it is the ; medium, and ik paper must on to whom, it n all its legis- mate business, ■\ r issue of gold,, i be made for ' to fbreigners, promptly take riding they are nterest at 3.05 rnment bonds, •stitute f«)r our more convenient fractional currency, which. «;!''"'!f J!'" ["'{"Xn- to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in oiK-ration it will still furtlui oppress in taxation an already overburdened i»eopIe. There was also a Prohibition Convent i<m at Cleveland, May 17, which nominated (Jreen (May Smith, of Kentucky, for I'resident. and there was an "American National" ticket, with James B. Walker, <.f Wheaton, Illinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick of Syra (•use, N. Y., for Vice-Pi'esident. The ()«tober elections this year were not sufficiently decisive to make sure the final result and that remained in doubt up to the very day of the November election, and in fact for some time after- wards. ' The Democrats tlrst claimed the election and the Republi <ans were inclined to concede it. But about 3 o'clock on the morning after election a dispatch was sent out from Republican headquarters in New York, signed Zachariah Chandler, (^hairman, and saying: "Haves has 185 votes and is elected." The fact is Zachariah Chand- ler iiad given up the case, and, exhausted by the fatigues of the campaign and the excitement of the day, had retired, and was fast asleep Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, and William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, were at headquarters, when dispatches were received indicating that South Carolina. Florida and TA>nis- ian;i had gone Republican, making up the necessary 185 votes. When Zachariah Chandler arrived at headquarters the next morning he approved the dispatch, and at oure set out, with his customary vigor to make it good, but it kept him on the alert for the next three months. Mr Chandler afterwards said to the writer that this campaign presented the greatest difficulties of any work that he ever undertook. He could hardlv make a move that was not soon known to his adroit and wily foe. *Hi8 dispatches were intercepted, and alter he secured the use of private wires from New York and Philadelphia to Wash ington his clerks were bribed. It was during the dispute over the contested states that Harper's Weekly published a cartoon showing the «. O. P. -lephant more than half way over the brink of a preci- pice, and Cha.rman Chandler, with feet braced against a rock, trying to hold him back bv the tail. When this was shown to Mr. Chandlei he laughed heartily, and said: "Well if that rock don't give way, nor the tail pull out, I'll land that animal yet." And he did, but was sorry for it afterwards, for President Hayes' Administration was not at all to his liking. '^'': 303 HI8TOKV OF THE HEFUBLICAN PARTY. The' Electoral vote as tlnally detlared and counted by the Elec- toral CommisBion, March 2, 1877, was: Hayes and Wheeler '. 185 Tilden and Hendricks 184 The Popular vote for Presidenl was as follows: Samuel J. Tilden, of New York 4,284,757 Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio 4,033,950 I'eter ('oojjer, of New York 81,740 Oreen Clay Smith, of Kentucky 0,522 Scattering 2,636 In the Senate of the Forty-flfth Congress there were 39 Republi- cans, 36 Democrats and 1 Indejiendeut; in the House, 156 Democrats and 137 Republicans. In the Forty-sixth Congress the Democrats controlled both Houses, having 43 Senators to 33 Republicans, and 150 Representa- tives, to 128 Republicans and 14 Nationals. Michigan stood well by its Republican colors, giving Hayes 166,634, and Tilden 141,035, a Republican plurality of 25,439. The (Greenback ticket had 9,060 votes and the Prohibition 766. Th<! Presidential electors were: At Large — William A. Howard, Henry W. Lord. By Districts— (1) William Doeltz; (2) Charles H. Kempf; (3) Preston Mitchell; (4) Delos Phillips; (5) Jacob Den Herder; (6) Charles Kipp; (7) Jeremiah Jen<ks; (8) Benton Hanchett; (9) William Dunham. For Governor, Charles M. Croswell, Republican, had 165,926, to 142,492 for William L. Webber, Democrat, and 8,297 for Levi Sparks, Ureenback. Alpheus S. Williams, of the Detroit District, was the only Demo- crat elected to Congress, the Rt^publicans chosen being Mark S. Brewer, Omar i). Qbnger, Charles C. Ellsworth, Jay A. Hubbell, Edwin W. Keightly, Jonas H. McOowan, John W. Stone and Edwin Willits. by the Elec- . ... 185 . ... 184 4,284,757 4,033,950 81,740 0,522 2,636 •e 39 Repnbli- 56 Democrats iitroUed both Bepresenta- giving Hayes 25,439. The >n 766. Th<' oward, Henry es H. Kempf; n Herder; (6) ;t; (9) William ad 165,926, to p Levi Sparks, he only Demo- eing Mark S. r A. Hubbell, ne and Edvviii ■> ^-•-«»-' / ' i'J /^ XXIV. '^- --;■■:. :^. THE ELECTORAL COUNT. A Severe Test of Republican Government — Both HideH Claim tho Election — Disputed Voteg in the Southern Htateit — QueMtion a<i to the Ri|{lit8 of the I'resident of the Senate — Various I'roposi tions With Reference to the Count — An Electoral Coniniiasion Decided Upon — Constitution of the (Commission — Democratic Disappointment as to Judge Davis — Several Votes of Eight to Seven — Hayes Declared Elected — Disclosure of Attempts to Buy Electoral Votes. In the space of twenty years the Oovernnient of the United States was subjected to three very severe tests: The contest over the Slavery question and the asserted right of Secession, which, com- bined, actually brought war; the assassination of President Lincoln and the succession to the Presidency of a man who was not in accord with the views of the people that elected him, nor with the Congress which fairly represented their purpose; and the contest over the close and doubtful election of 1N7G. The last was a much severer test than the second, and in any other Republic that has ever, either temporarily or permanently, existed in the world, would have brought on a revolution. The fact that it was peaceably settled by Congress and the result acquiesced in by the country is the best tribute ever paid to the fitness of the people of the United States for self-govern- ment. After the Electoral Colleges had met in the several States there was left room for serious disputes as to the returns from four States, besides objections of lighter weight to single votes in several other States. In Oregon, which gave the Republican electors an nnqnes- tioned majority, one of the electors was postmaster at the time of the election and therefore disqualified, but the disqualification was removed by his resigning both the postmastership and his place in the Electoral College. When the latter met in 1 )ecember, he was chosen to fill the vacancy in accordance with the law authorizing such action. P -v"^???;/ : ^»»flWffg; ^^A^ytftv^ ^ i^j^^' ,.^_'^">- 'i^','^^!W''^im'>f^mmil^mnmmimfmt '■jftj^- MKhp 'M; 804 HIHTOKY OF THE KEPmhU^AN PARTY. The case in three Houthern 8ta(eH nave better jfr^'^nd for Rerioiifi (liH|uiteR than the Oregon cane. The colortKl voters were, at that time, KepublicatiH, almost to a man, and as they far exceeded the whites in numbers iu I^uisiana and Houth Tarolina, there was no question but that the votes of those States, honestly cast and counted, would be for Hayes. In Florida, the whites and blacks were more nearly equal in numbers, but there was a larger projmrtion of white Republicans there than in any other of the Gulf Htates, and with an honest count, there was as little doubt about this Htate as about the two others mentioned. But almost immediately after election ugly riin.ors were heard of a purpose to nullify the will of the people in these states, by false count or trumped up certificates of election. .\t the suggestion of the Chairman of the Republican National Oom- mittee. President Grant, three days after election, sent to GeneruJ Hherman, a dispatch saying: ''Instruct General Augur in Louisiana, and General Ruger, in Florida, to be vigilant with the force at their command to preserve peace and good order, and to see that the proper and legal boards of canvassers are unmolested in the performance of their duties. Should there be any grounds for suspicion of a fraudu lent count on either side, it should be reported and denounced at once. No man worthy of the office of President should be willing to hold it if counted in or placed there by fraud. Either party can afford to 1m« disappointed in the result. The country cannot afford to have the result tainted by the suspicion of illegal or false returns." Soon after this eminent men of both parties, afterwards called "the visiting statesmen," were sent to the three Btates mentioned above, to watch the count and see that it was honestly and fairly conducted. All these precautions, however, did not prevent the preparation of two sets of Electoral returns from all three of the States. It is doubtful if there h^d been an honest election in Louisiana since 1844, when the "Plaquemine Frauds" were depended upon to carry the State for Polk against Clay. There was no concealment of the faC|t, that after the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, frauds were committed at every election; first, to nullify the votes of the enfran- chised blacks, and after that to free the State from "carpet-bag" rule. As one of the Democratic pa))ers blandly stated it: "Election methods were resorted to, which under other conditions would have been unnecessary, but which then became indispensable;" and again, "much of what has been called Southern lawlessness, was, in reality. m hmmmh '^ f¥t>. TIIK KhKCTOKAIitnlNT. :\m nd for Hcriotm were, at thnt exceeded the there was no t and counted, 'ks were more rtlon of white 1, and with an e ati about the • election ugly the people in ed of election. National Com- (Ut to General r in Louisianu, I force at their :hat the proper [)erformance of on of a f raudu )unced at once, lling to hold It an afford to be rd to have thr* turns." Soon sd "the viflitinj; ibove, to watch icted. he preparation States. It i« iana since 1844, 1 to carry the lent of the fact it, frauds were 3 of the enfran- arpet-bag" rule, it : "Election ons would havo )le;" and again, was, in reality. simply u determined and energetic effort to keep the law and the law ulaklng power in the hands of the Intelligent and virtuous classes." It was under these "Intelligent and virtuous classes" that. In 1H«8, a small majority for drant was turned into a very large nuijoritv for Heymour. At that time the Republicans did not need the vote of tlie State and it was of no use to the Demo cratB. The fraud was. therefore, iK'rmitted to go unrebuked. Now a corre<t count was a matter of vital importance. Since 1872 the State had been more or less under the rule of two contemporaneous Kxeculives, (lovernor Kellogg and (lovernor McEnery. while, » por- tion of the time. New Orleans had bwn ruU-d by (leneral Anarchy. The State was i»acitied by the "Wheeler Compromise" in 1875, but, after the election, had fallen into its normally «haoth' condition. There were two Oovernors, and two returning boards, two Electoral Colleges, and two sets of Presidential Electors. In Florida and South Carolina there were charges of fraud on both sides, and the further claim was set up by the Democrats that the presence of Ignited States troops near the polls amounted to Intimidation, and prevented a fr«»e and fair eleition, and there were two sets of rt turns from both these States. Under these conditions it became a grave question as to exactly what were the reBi>ective powers of the President of the Senate and of the two Houses of Congress in counting the Electoral vote. Many Republicans, and among them the Chairman and a majority of the National Committee, held that the President of the Senate, by virtue of his oftlce, had the right to count the Electoral vote, and that he was vested by the Constitution with discretionary i^wer to decide which were, and which were not, the El^itoral votes of a State. They urged the President of the Senate should exercise this right, and wero confident that the President and the army would support him la it. This would have been placing very arbitrary power in the hands of one man. If attempted, it would certainly have been resisted by the Democratic House, up to the point of revolution. The Democratic claim was that both Houses of Congress must acquiesce in counting the votes of any State, and on the objection of either House, the vote of such State must be rejected. In accord- ance with this idea, the Thirty-eighth Congress, when counting the Electoral vote in 1865, adopted a joint rule that "no Electoral vo/e objected to, shall be counted, except by the concurrent vote of the two Houses." This rule had not since been renewed. In such a \m !.' -.^i .iiwiiwii S^^^°J£-_>' ■'i-i*i.'i^."^'i* 8IMI HIHTOKY OF THK UKIM lU.irAN TAKTY. ouM* aa the one now in iiticiiiion it uiiKlit r«*u(iilv liiivo led to diiiin- toitration, for witli u Peniocnitif Uoniie to rcjort tlie returns from one Htate, nnd ti K<>|Miblirun Henate to r«'je<t thoMe of another, the procenii of elimination nilKlit have been curried on, until there wttM nttle left of the Klectoral vote. Fnder these two cluiniM (he excitable men of both partieM lH*Kan to talk about armed reHiHiunce, and one of the DeuuM'ratii of thiM claHH. Henry Wattemon, of the liOuiMville Journal, vouch(>d for one hundred thousand Democrats, who would be ready to march to Wash- iuKton, and install Mr. Tilden in oflltce. The tmly |terce|itible result of this threat was to bring out advice from Hepublicau pai)ers to the valiant editor, to put ice on his head and cool otT, and that was what, Hguratively speakintf, Congress did for itself. It promptly dis- carded the extreme clainis of both |>arties, and set about the work of Hnding some impartial tribunal which could settle all disi'uted points. A few days after the Electoral Colleges met, Representative McCrary, of Iowa, introduced in the House a resolution, providing for a com- mittee, to act with a similar committee from the Henate, to consider the subject of fairly disposing of the disputed votes, and "to prepare and report, without delay, such a raeasun>, either Jjegislative or Con- stitutional, as may, in their judgment, be best calculated to accom plish the desired end." The resolution was adopted with great unanimity, the Benate concurred and the committee was appointed as follows: Benate — (leorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; John A. Logan, of Illinois, and Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, Republicans, and Allen (1. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, and Matt W. Ransom, of North Car olina. Democrats. House — Henry B. Payne, of Ohio; Eppa Hunton, ot Virginia; Abram 8. Hewitt, of New York, and William M. Springer, of Illinois, Democrats; George W. McCrary, of Iowa; George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, ^nd George Willard, of Michigan, Republicans. For ability and calm judgment this committee would rank with the best ever appointed in any Congress. January 18, 1877 the two committees, acting as one, reported a bill "to provide for and regulate the counting of votes for President and Vice-President, and the decision of questions arising thereon, for the term commencing March 4, 1877." The report was signed by every member of the two committees except Senator Morton. Although the bill was fliially reported with such unanimity, the conclusion was not reached without 'developing a great variety of m '»M THE KLKrTOKALCnrXT. :J07 UhI to diiiiu- rotiirnB from another, tbH til there wua mrti«>ii Im>kiiii H-ratH of thin (^hcd for one ireh to WuHh- ptible result pa|»erH to the hat was what, promptly dis- It the work of ■I iited poiDtw. itivH McCrar.v. Dg for a coui- te, to consider [id "to prepare Hlative or Con- ited to accom- :ed with great was appointed t ; Frederick T. oifl, and Oliver rinan, of Ohio; , of North Car Eppa HuntoD, m M. Springer, eorge F. Hoar, , Bepublicans. rank with the 1877 the twp, >r and regulate ident, and the n commencing ber of the two unanimity, the eat variety of ^m viuwit uiid proponitioHH. The (■(Hiiniittcen of the IIoiihi* iuhI Hcnnte at ArHt acted Heparu(«l,v Hoth Mtarted with the idea that a Hcparate tribunal nniHt be eHtabliHhed, aw there wan little proH|)e<t of the two IIouHeH agi-eeiuK upon the diHputed voteH. In the Ilouite ('onunitt(><> Mr. MrCrar.v, who had moved tlie up]><»intment of the committee, wax the HrMt to present the draft <»f a bUi, proposing timt the tribunal should consist of the Chief .lusti««> of the Cnited Htates, and a certain number of the Justices of the Hupreme Court in the order of their seniority. The Denuxrats objected to this on the ground that ('hief Justice Waite could not be considered an impartial Judge in the case, inasmu<-li as, during the campaign, he had spoken of Mr. Tilden in an extremely partisan way and in terms of personal hostility. The tribunal, as tlnally agreed upon by the House committee, omitted the Chief Justice and named the tlve senior Justices, Clifford, Swayne, Davis, Miller and Field. Mr. Mi'Crary's bill proposed that the decision of the tribunal should be binding unless both Houses voted to over- rule it. The Democratic majority on the committee changed this so as to provide that it should not be binding unless both Houses vote*! to concur. The bill further provided that the t-ertiflcates objected to, together with the objections and all papers and evidence i;i the pos- session of theTresident of the Henate, or of either of the Houses of Congress relating to the subject, should be referred to the tribunal. The Senate committee started with the idea of a mixed tribunal, which shonld contain members chosen from the two Houses of Congress, as well as from the Supreme Court. The tirst proposition was that it should consist of thirteen members, of whom nine should be from Congress and four from the Supreme Court. In order to give an equal chance to both parties, tlve members were to be chosen from each House, making ten in all. It was expected that the Senate would appoint Ave Republicans and the House Uve Democrats. Of these, one was to be dropjied by lot, thus leaving it to the Jjord or to chance to decide upon the political complexion of this part of the tribunal. Then the Democrats insisted that if they were to cast lots on the Congressional members jhey should also do it on the Supreme Court members. Accordingly an agreement was reached that the six senior Justices shonld be taken, and one of them be eliminated by lot. This was agreed upon by all the members of both committees, except by Mr. Springer, and the committees, after deciding that the proposed organixation should be called a Commission, instead of a Tribunal, adjourned from Saturday till Monday, in the hope that Mr. Springer would fall into line. ""■'M '.■s::J %!■" ■ :..ir-; ■ff"'- -!f:' 308 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The Bessions of the eomiuittees were secret, in the sam« 8en?e that Executive sessiong of the United Stales Senate are secret. Of course some member lealied, and one of the New York Sunday papers published the whole plan. It met with serious objection from some Democrats, who didn't like the make-up of the Commission, and with ridicule from others who did not like the idea of settling a grave National question on the "dice-box principle." V*'hen the commit- tees met jointly on the Monday morning following, Mr. Payne announced that the premature publication of the plan had developed such strong opposition as to indicate that it could not pass the House. The committee from that body soon afterwards withdrew its assent to the plan, and a new start had to be made. Within the next few days many variations of the general plan were proposed and rejected. Finally it was agreed, by all the members of both committees, that five members of the Commission should be appointed by the Senate and Ave by the House; that the Associate Justices from the First, Third, Eighth and Ninth Judicial Circuits should be taken, and that they should name a fifth, making fifteen members in all. The Justices thus indicated by Districts, instead of by name were equally divided politically, and well distributed geographically, Justice Clif- ford representing New England, Justice Strong the Middle States, Justice Miller the Northwest, and Justice Field the Pacific slope. Senators Edmunds and Thurman were appointed to prepare an address, setting forth the merits of the bill, and after amending and approving this, the committees concluded their proceedings. Of the reception of this important measure in the two Housee, Congressman S. 8. Cox gave the following succinct account in his "Three Decades of Federal I^^gislation :" Its chief opponents in the Senate were Mr. Morton and Mr. Sher- man, ^nd in the House Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, and Mr. Mills, of Texas. Almost the first Tesponse to the submission of the bill came from Massachusetts, where a prolonged struggle over Senator Boutwell » seat was suddenly ended in the triumph of Mr. Hoar; Speeches, of rare eloquence and power were ipade for the bill in both Senate and House. Mr. Conkling spoke for two days. Among other things he riddled to shreds the pretension that the Vice President had the right to "count" the electoral votes. Senator Hill, of Georgia, made a speech of unusual cogency. It breathed throughout the true patriotic spirit. He favored the expedient with all his acumen and eloquence. His enthusiasm kindlied a lambent ttame charged with electric force. As he reached his i)eroration he was handed a telegram, announcing that the protracted contest for Senator in his State had just ended iiV nipmai— mi mmm siMMto ITY. the same 8en?e are secret. Of k Sunday papers 'ction from some lission, and with settling a grave hen the commit- ring, Mr. Payne in had developed t pass the House, hdrew its assent hin the next few ised and rejected, committees, that ed by the Senate i from the First, e taken, and that Ts in all. The ftme were equally ally, Justice Clif- le Middle States, the Pacific slope. i to prepare an ter amending and :eedings. the two Houseg, et account in his ton and Mr. Sher- r. Mills, of Texas. e bill came from enator Boutwell's oAv. Speeches, of 1 both Senate and K other things he ient had the right Georgia, made a the true patriotic en and eloquence, 'ith electric force, gram, announcing te had just ended THE ELECTORAL COUNT. in the senatorial toga being again placed on his shoulders. The popular tide was now all one way. It was irresistible. VV hat would be the consummation? The Democrats felt secure in the justice of their cause. No matter to them who might be the fifth Judge, whoMe ( hoice was to determine the party bias of the Commission. No one doubtt^, however, that the choice of the fifth Judge would fall upon Mr Justice Davis. He was the only one left on the bench on whom the two Democrats and the two Republican Judges could ijossibly unite. He was, to be sure, an unknown element, but, notwithstanding this, the Democrats had more conftden<'e in his impartiality than the Republicans seemed to have. The bill passed the Senate, January 24, by vote of 47 ayes to 17 nays, and the House, January 26, by 1!H to 8«. There was an under standing that the Senate should appoint three Republicans and two Democrats, and that the House should name three Democrats and two Republicans, the vote being taken viva voce. The members of the Commission named were as follows: genate — (5eorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, and Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, Repvib- licans; Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, and Allen O. Thnrman, of Ohio, Democrats. House— Henrv B. Pavne. of Ohio, Eppa Hunton, of Virginia, and Josiah O. Abbott', of Massachusetts, Democrats; James A. Garfield and George F. Hoar, Republicans. Supreme Court Justices— Nathan Clifford, of Maine; William Strong, of Pennsylvania; Samuel F. Miller, of Iowa; and Stephen J. Field, of California. The Democrats in the House probably would never have voted for this bill, if it had not been for the expectation that Justice David Davis would be the fifth member from the Supreme Court. It was said at the time that Abram S. Hewitt, who was the closest to Mr. Tilden of all the members of Congress, had assured that gentleman that Justice Davis would be selected, and that it was on this assur- ance that Mr. Tilden's assent to the Commission bill was obtained. Certainly it was this belief that led the Democrats to vote almost unanimously in favor of the bill, and that led many Republicans to oppose it. Justice Pavis was a man of uncertain politics. He was a supporter of President Lincoln and was appointed by him to the Supreme Bench. But he began, as early as 1870, to be classed as an Independent, went into the Liberal Republican movement in 1872, and was a prominent candidate for the Presidential nomination in the '-m If ' rmiiiSSiSm 310 HISTORY OF THE REPTJHLIOAN PARTY, 'v'..::?"^;,,; ■ Cincinnati Convent ion of that year. He was varionsly classed as a Liberal Republican with strong Democratic leanings, or as a Con- servative Democrat with Republican leanings. The chances are that if he had been on the Commission he would have voted hot', ways — that is, with the Republicans on some points, and with the Democrats at least enough to give them the one vote which they coveted. Much to the disfippointmeut of the Democrats, political events in Illinois put him out of the question as a member of the Commis- mon. IjeneraJ Logan's term in the Senate was nearly at an end, and tlie liCgislatni-e that was to elect his successor was very close. Under the same iBfluences that had defeated the Radical Senators, Carpenter and Chandler, two years earlier, a few malcontent Republicans united with the Democrats and elected Justice Davis to the Senate over Gen. Logan. This occurred the day after the Senate had accepted the Electoral Commission bill and the day before the House had taken the same action. Although he could not take his seat in the Senate until after the Electoral matter was decided, there was a manifest impropriety in his sitting on the Commission and the four Justices who had already been appointed, selected Justice Joseph P. Bradley, of Nftw Jersey, as the tlfth. While this was going on in Congress, -iformation reached the Republican National Committee of bold at*e,- *••- rt bribing Repub- lican electors in Oregon, South (Carolina ri.\ a da. The matter was called to the attention of Congress anc. , joint committee of investigation was appointed. The negotiations for the. purchase of electors had been carried on by cipher dispatches, of which the com- mittee obtained possession. These were afterwards deciphered and the whole plot laid bare. The discovery of the key to the cipher dispatches, which unraveled the plot to buy an electoral vote in Oregon, was made in Detroit. Airied B. Hinman nM Alfred W. Shaw were together in the oil business in Detroit, and Mr. Hinman was also engaged in mining operations in the west which brought him in association with J. N. H. Patrick, of Omaha. The latter was Mr. Tilden's agent in Portland, Oregon, during the dispute there over the Electoral College membership. Oregon elected the Republican ticket, but one of the electors chosen, J. W. Watts, was postmaster of his town at the time he was elected, although he resigned two months before the electors met. The Democrats claimed that he was ineligible for the oflBce of elector, iH^cause he held a Federal olflce at the time of his election, w mmmm ,.v^i. 'V.vfe MM TY. »\y clasBed as a ;b, or as a Con chances are that ted hot' ways— h the Democrats ly coveted, political events ' of the Commis- y at an end, and M-y close. Under lators, Carpenter >publicans united Senate over Gen. lad accepted the Bouse had taken sat in the Senate ; was a manifest the four Justices jseph P. Bradley, ition reached the t bribing Repub- da. The matter int committee of ' the. purchase of )f which the corn- Is deciphered and lispatches, which gon, was made in were together in I also engaged in n association with Tilden's agent in ! Electoral College »t, but one of the B town at the timfr jefore the electors ible for the office ime of his election, THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 311 and that the one below him in the number of votes cast, one E. A. Cronin, a Democrat, was elected. The Republican claim was that even if Watts was ineligible that fact created a vacancy, which the majority of the board should fill. ' In "order to put the matter beyond question the Democratic plan was to induce the Governor of Oregon to declare Watts ineligible, issue a certificate to Cronin, buy one of the Republican electors to sit with Cronin, and thus constitute a majority of the board. If the other Republican Elector would sit with the^m all .„'ht. If not they could declare a vacancy and either All it or send in only two votes. In either event Tilden would have Cronin's vote, which was all that he needed. . ti.- The Congressional Investigating Committee knew about this plot, but had no legal proof of it. As a feeler they sent through the Associated Press to the newspapers of the country one of the Oregon cipher dispat(;hes, of which they had obtained possession, and which afterwards became known as the famous "dabble" dispatch. It was "« '«"*'^«= December 1st, 1876. To Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, No. 13 Oramercy Park, New York: Heed scantiness cramp emerge peroration hot-house survivor browse of piameter doltish hot-house exactness of survivor highest cunning doltish afar galvanic survivor by accordingly neglectful mer- ciless of senator inconsequent coalesce. GOBBLE Mr. Hinman and Mr. Shaw had used in their business correspond- ence with Mr. Patrick, a cipher based on a pocket dictionary, printed in England and not in common use in this country. It omitted many of the common words and contained many which were very uncommon. When Mr. Shaw read this dispatch in the Detroit Post he was struck with the similarity of many of the words in it to words he had seen in the dictionary, and he at once set about deciph- ering it. In interpreting the Hinman-Patrick cipher the method was to take the cipher word and count the number of words between it and the top of the cofumn, then take the next column, and counting down the same number of words, the one so found would indicate the true meaning of the cipher. Mr. Shaw tried this and it didn't work. He tried various other keys and finally found that by going forward, in each case, eight columns from the cipher word he secured an intelligent translation. liiB iMin #■' ^,H*VS~^0^^- HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The "Gabble" dispatch, which was sent by the Oovernor of the State, being thus treated, gave the following translaJion: I shall decide every point in the case of postofflce elector in favor of the highest Democrat elector, and grant the certiucate accord- ingly on morning of the 6th instant. Confidential. Soon after the printing of this in the Post Mr. Hinman was subpoenaed before the Congressional committee with his dictionary, and Mr. Shaw and the Managing Editor of the Post were subpoenaed with him. A mass of cipher dispatches was laid before them, and they all yielded to the same method of translation, disclosing the whole plot. The following is one of the most important of them: PORTLAND, Oregon, November 30. To W. T. Pelton. 15 Oramercy Park, New l''ork: Governor all right without reward. Will issue certificate Tuesday. This is a secret. Republicans threaten, if certificate issue, to ignore Democrat claim and fill vacancy, thus defeat action of Governor. One Elector must be paid to recognize Democrat, to secure majority. Have employed three, editor only Republican paper, as lawyer. Fee three thousand. Will take five thousand for Republican elector. Must raise money; can't make fee contingent. Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellinger will act. Communicate them. Must act prompt. There was no signature to this. The Kelly referred to was United States Senator James K. Kelly, of Oregon, to whom a number of the dispatches were sent. The reference to a contingent fee was in answer to a dispatch, from New York, addressed to J. N. H. Patrick of Portland: "How soon will Governor decide certificate? If you make obligation contingent on result in March, it can be done and increasable if necessary." One of the dispatches, dated December 6, and addressed to Senator Kelly, read: "The eight deposited as directed this morning. Let no technicality prevent winning; use your discretion." Another of the same date, addressed also to Kelly, said: "Is your matter certain? There must be no mistake. AH depends on you. Place no reliance on any report from three southward." In the end the scheme fell through. The two Republican Elec- tors, whose eligibility was unquestioned, met, and Mr. Watts with them. The latter resigned his office on account of questions raised as to his eligibility. Rut if he wras, at the time of the election, ineligi- ia #.; of the State, e elector in ucate accord- Hininan was 18 dictionary, ■e subpoenaed ire them, and lisclosing the of them : ?mber 30. ae certificate if certificate defeat action Democrat, to y Republican thousand for ie contingent, nnicate them. ferred to was lom a number agent fefe was N. H. Patrick •ate? If you be done and ted December deposited as winning; use essed also to >e no mistake. rt from three publican Elec- r. Watts with lestions raised lection, ineligi- THE ELECTORAL TOINT. 818 the vacancy ble, he was so no longer, and he was elected to fill occasioned by his own resignation. Meantime Cronin came in and claimed that he had a <'ertiflcate of election from the Governor, but refused to show it. Being refuseil recognition by the board, he went off into a corner of the room, declared that there was a vacancy in the board, because one of the Republican Electors refused to sit with him, and by his own viva voce vote filled the vacancy. He then declared that there was another vacancy on the board, because the second Republican Elector refused to sit with him. That was also filled, the board organized, filled out a certificate of two votes for Hayes and one for Tilden. Hut this farcical trumped up return received little attention from the Electoral Commission. After the disclosures were made of the attempted bribery of electors, it was said that Mr. Tilden knew nothing about the villainy. It was all the work of his wicked partners. But the Oregon dis patches were brought very close home to him- Most of them were addressed to his nephew, W. T. Pelton, who was a member of Tilden's household, and the "Gabble" dispatch was addressed to Tilden him- self. The ciphel" used in the Florida dispatches was much more intri- cate, but it was finally unraveled by members of the New York Tribune staff. Manton Marble and V. W. Woolley were at the Florida end of the line, and William T. Pelton represented Tilden in the matter. As early as November 22 Marble, over the signature of "Moses," telegraphed to Pelton: "Woolley asked me to say, let for«;e» be got together immediately for contingencies, either here or in Louisiana." This was followed a few days later by another dispatch, saying: "Have just received a proposition to hand over, at any time required, Tilden decision of Board and decision of Governor for 1200,000." Pelton telegraphed back: "Proposition too high." Marble and Woolley then renewed the dicker, and gave Pelton to understand that they could buy one Elector for |50,000. Pelton then informed them that they could not draw until the vote of the Elector was received. But if there really was a purchaseable Elector he wanted pay in advance, and this failing, the negotiation fell through. It was a case of mutual distrust. Pelton was not willing to trust the Elec- tor to "vote right" after he had received the money, and the Elector was not willing to trust Pelton for the pay after he had east his vote. The whole matter wound up with the following dispatch from Marble i';. '"iW i' w iii iilli iMUiMn ■mmmmmmmmtm mtm wt' 814 HISTORY OF THE REPTTHLICAN PARTY. to Petton: ''Propoeiition failed. Finished responsibility as Moses. I4ist night Woolley found me, and said he had nothing, which I knew already. Tell Tilden to saddle Blackstone!" Ho while Pelton was haggling over price and terms, the vote that was so badly needed got away from him. Hmith M. Weed represented Tilden in South Carolina, and on November 16, 1870, telegraphed Pelton that the Canvassing Board demanded f75,UUU for giving Tilden two or three Electors, and $10,000 more would be needed for the "interceder." Later he telegraphed: "Majority of Board have been secured. CoRt is f80,0(M>; one parcel to be sent of |65,000, one of |10,000, one of f5,000; all to be sent in 1500 and f 1,000 bills; notes to be deposited as parties accept, and given up upon votes of South ('arolina being given to Tilden's friends. Do this at once, and have cash ready to reach Baltimore Sunday night." Before the money could reach South (Carolina, however, the Board had met and certified the election of the Republican candidates. Failing In this scheme, an attempt was made to bribe one of the Republican Electors, William B. Nash, of Columbia, who was offered 170,000 to vote for Tilden, as he testified before the Congressional Investigating Committee. This being refused the Tilden managers got up a second set of Electors, and took their chances on these before the Commission. It was not expected that these disclosures would affect the action of the Electoral Commission, which was supposed to be guided solely by the law in the ease, but they did make the people more ready to accept the conclusion that was Anally reached. It was certainly a poor beginning for the promised ''reform'' Administration, to attempt The corruption of officers charged with a high public duty, in trying to bribe itself into office. During all the preliminary discussions )>ertaining to the count of the Electoral voteS) the President of the Senate, Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan, acted With admirable discretion. He never, by a single utterance, gave expression to any opinion as to whether he was authorized to count the votes or not. All the certificates that wek'e sent to him were marked with the exact day and hour when received, and were deposited unopened in a safe place, to be produced only when the two Houses met in joint convention to hear them read. Throughout the long sessions that followed, Mr. Ferry, upon whom, after the death of Henry Wilson, November 22, 1875, the duties of the Vice-President had devolved, presided with a coolness, impartiality ■■.■Mr i THE ELEPTORAL TOVNT. Hi ility as MoBefi. which I knew ile Pelton wafl (lly needed ^ot rolina, and on vasging Board >r8, and f 10,000 le telegraphed: [MM); one pareel I to be sent in leu acoept, and !ilden'8 friends. timore Bunday a, however, the can candidates. •ibe one of the ?ho was oflfered Congressional 'ilden managers on these before aflfect the action be guided solely B more ready to was certainly a Ltion^ to attempt iuty, in trying to ; to the count of lias W. Perry, of ver, by a single vhether he was Icates that wefe r when received, ? produced only liear them read, ■ry, upon whom, the duties of the 98S, impartiality and readiness in deciding prints in Parliamentary law, that brought many expressions of praise from leading men of both ]>arties. The Electoral Commission organized January :n, 1877, and the next day, the two Houses of Congress met in the Kepresentatives' Chamber to count the Electoral vote. The galleries of the House were packed and even the corridors outside were crowded. Mr. Ferry, who was commonly designated as "Acting Vice-President." took the chair, with Speaker Hamuel J. Randall at his Hide. Mr. Ferry opened the certificates in their alphabetical order and handed them to the tellers to be announced and recorded. The votes of Ala- bama, Arkansas, Connecticut and Delaware were set down for Tilden and those of (California and ('olorado for Hayes, without dispute. When the vote of Florida was reached the Chair announced two sets of returns, which, under the new law, were referred to the Electoral Commission. The joint convention then t<M)k a recess to await the action of the Commission. That body met in the Supreme (^ourt room, occupying the bench of the Justices of the Court. The five Justices formed the center, with the Senate members at the right and the House members at the left, the Senior Justice, Clifford, presiding. Distinguished counsel appeared for both sides, the Republicans being represented by William M. Evarts, Stanley Mathews, E, W. Stoughton and Samuel Shella- barger, and the Democrats by Jeremiah 8, HIack, ('harles O'Connor. John A. Campbell, Lyman Trumbull, Montgomery Blair, Asbell Green, George Hoadley, Richard T. Merrick, William C. Whitney and Alexander P. Morse. The claims of Democratic counsel in the Florida case were that the Hayes- Electors were not duly chosen; that the certificate of the Governor of their election was the result of a conspiracy; that its validity, if it had any originally, had been annulled by a subsequent certificate, issued by the Governor; that the Tilden Electors were chosen; that a court decision had affirmed the choice of the Tilden Electors; and that one of the Republican Electors was disqualified because he was a Shipping Com- missioner under appointment of the Government of the United States at the time of his election. The Republican objection to the Tilden votes was that the returns were not duly authenticated by any person holding, at the time, an office under the State of Florida. This was, in some respects, a test case, and the discussion of it lasted until Februarv 7. Ea<-h of the fifteen (Commissioners read his t^itmWiF' IT •m^ 316 HISTORY OP THE RKPITBLICAN PARTY. opinion iti gerret scRBion, but it was Icnown that tho flrgt fourtH^n nu>inber8 uppointed divided on i>oiiti<'al lines, tlie seven Republiciins voting to receive the ^layes Electoral votes, and the seven Democrats holding the Tilden eertifirates valid. This brought it up to Justice Itradle.v, who concurred with the seven Republicans in holding that it was not competent for the Commission to go into evidence aliunde (otherwise than) the pajiers oi)ened by the Henate, to prove that other |)er8ous than those regularly certified by the (lovernor were elected. With reference to the <*ase of the Elector alleged to be disqualified, it was decided that the evidence did not show that he held an office on the day of his appointment. By vote of eight to seven, therefore, the- ('oninussiou decided that the four votes of Florida should be counted for Hayes and Wheeler. On the announcement of this result the Democrats were filled with mortification and rage. They denounced the whole Commission scheme as a trap, a trick to defraud Mr. Tilden of an office to which he had been fairly elected, and to make Mr. Hayes a fraudulent Presi- dent, ignoring the fact that the Bill creating the (commission received an almost solid Democratic vote, with many Republican votes against it. Even Justice Field forgot the proprieties of his Judicial position, and of his membership on the Commission and joined in the denunciations of the tribunal of which he was a member. "The country," he said, "may submit to the result, but it will never cease to regard our action as unjust, and as calculated to sap the foundations of public mor- ality." Justice Bradley came in for the largest share of abuse, being assailed w'th the most virulent denunciation, and finally having fired at him several linear feet of vituperative verse addressed to him as "Aliunde Joe." The two Houses met again in joint convention Feb- ruary 10, and heard the decision, when formal objection being made, they separated to consider it. The Senate, by a strict party vote, accepted the decision of the Commission. The House, every Demo- crat except one, voting against it, rejected the Commission's conclu- sion. Under the provisions of the Bill <'reating the Commission it required the concurrent vote of both Houses to nullify the decision of ' the Commission, and the vote of Florida was, therefore, counted for Hayes. There was no dispute about the votes of Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas or Kentucky, but when Louisiana was reached two cer- tificates were reported, and the case went to the Commission. In this the Rei)ubli( ans based their clijim on the simple statement that mm TUE EliECTOKAL COINT. 317 I rat fourteen RepublicuiiH n DemooratH ip to JuBtice )lding that it ienoe aliunde ve that other were elected, isqualifled, it J an offlre on therefore, the Id be counted ts were filled s Commission fflce to which idulent Presi- ssion received ites against it. position, and denunciations itry," he said, ird our action f public mor- f abuse, being y having fired sed to him as invention Feb- n being made, ct party vote, ', every Demo- ssion's conclu- Commission it the decision of •e, coiinted for linois, Indiana, ached two cer- amission. In statement that the Government, with William Pitt Kellogg as its Executive head, had been recognized by every department of the I'nited Hlutes Gov- ernment, and that the certificates «.f the Hayes Electors were certified by Governor Kellogg in due form. The Democrats asserted that John McEnery was the lawful Governor of the Btate; that the certifi- cates of the Hayes Electors were false; and that he canvass of votes by the Returning Board was without jurisdiction and void. They also objected to two of the Electors as disqualified undtM- the Consti- tution, and to a third. Governor Kellogg, himself, because he had certified to his own election. They also offered to introduce testi- mony to prove that ten thousand votes cast for Tllden had been thrown out by the Returning Board in order to count in Hayes; that the Returning Board was not a constitutional body; that it had no jurisdiction, and, therefore, its acts were void. A II of the 1 )emo«rratic contentions were overruled by a vote of eight to seven, and the vote of the State was given to Hayes, taking the same course in the two Houses, as that previously taken by the Florida vote. In the case of Oregon the Commission voted unanimanHly against counting the made up Tilden vote, but again divided eight to seven on the question of counting the entire vote for Hayes. In the case of South Carolina the Democrats claimed that no legal election had been held, and that the Army and Deputy United States Marshals stationed at and near the polls prevented the free exercise <.f the right of suffrage. The Republitan claim was that the Tilden board was not duly appointed, and that the certificates were defective in form and lacking the necessary certification. The Commission heard arguments for a day, and then voted unanimously to reject the Tilden vote, and, by the customary eight to seven, accepted the vote for Hayes. Objection was made to one of the Electors of Michigan and one from Nevada, on the ground that they held Federal offices at the time of election; and fo one of the Pennsylvania Electors, on the ground that he was a Centennial Commissioner. In the latter case the other Electors considered the place vacant, and chose another Elec- tor to fill the vacancy. A similar case came up from Rhode Island and another from Vermont, but all of these were decided in favor of the Hayes vote. In Wisconsin one of the Electors was a pension surgeon. The Senate voted that he was eligible. The House was still debating the question, when the hour arrived, on March 2d, that had been fixed upon for the conclusion ! I I f i II TIIK KLKCTOUAI. rol NT. :U!) door of the midei'Htion of ite, the connt or HayfH and he reHiilt was Tildeu. 10 6 6 a ii is The result of the eleetlon In ('ohuadi» added another to the nunier oiiH paiiK* that plereed the I)eino.ratl<- breant. That eomi.iunlty wan offered Htatehood tM-veral .vearn before thin. Init lM'»-ft.rred to retain the territorial form of ( Jovernnient for awhile longer. In IMTti It applied for adnilsHion aH a Htate. and an It wan Hupponed to be wifely Denioeratic, the H<nii.e of that ('(.nureHK largely v<.t.Hl for ItB adnUsHion, and it came in an "The Centennial Htate." Itn Htate eler- tion, following the adoption of itn ('onntitutiiM., wan reported at flrnt to have resulted in a Henioeratie victory, but full returns nhowed the ehoi«e. by a nniall majority, of the Uepublieau Htate offleern. In November it gave Hayes 8118 majority. If it had given the expected Demoi-ratie n»ajorlty Tilden would have be»Mi elected, without worry- ing himself over Oregon or the half reeoustrueted Houthern Htates. It wan the fashion, for a time, among Demoeratie newspaiH-rn and stump speakers, to refer to the outcome of the Eleetoral Commission plan as a fraud, and to speak of Hayes as a fraudulent President. The New York Hun kept this up as long as Mr. Dana lived. The men who made themselves hoarse by shouting about "The Fraud of '7«- have nearly all passed away or learned to hold their pea<e. But many of those who grow red in the face, and threaten themselves with aiKiplexy. while disclaiming against "The Crime of 73" are still at large upon the earth. j^iMiMiiii paKi i ilTigr i ii i aiiuOTiillMiiM^^ ' ~" > XXV. APMINIKTKATION OF rKKHlhENT HAYKH. A HlionK Cabinet HoUuteil- Four Iinpoituiit I'olltltul uml Fluuiulal EvfiitH ^band<nmu'nt of HouIImmh ReiMibllcaim— Ku-KIhx and TIhbuo Ballot OutraRfg In the Houtli— The lUand-AIHiion Hllvei- ('oinaB»' Meauure— diauKei! in the New York i'uutonj Houne— A Famous Civil Hervice Order— A Cinular A^alnHt rolitical AsHeuH- uu'ntB— The (Jreenbark Cra/.e of 1S7K— The KeBumptlon of Hpeeie ra.vnientM— KeKulating the Electoral Count— Restrleting Chinese InimlKitttion— Pensioning Jeff Davis— Henator Chandler's Elo- quent Protest. In the selection of his Cabinet the new President showed, for the most part, exeellent judgment, securing for the most important places men of recognized ability and of unquestioned Republicanism. It wa*« composed as follows : Secretary of Statt — William M. Evarts, of New York. Secretary of the Treasury— John Sherman, of Ohio. Secretary of War— George W. McCrary. of Iowa. Secretary of the Navy— Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana. Secretary of the Interior— Carl Schurz, of Missouri. Postmaster Oen.ial— David M. Key, a Democrat, of Tennessee Attorney General— Charles Devens, of Massachusetts. The only one of these appointments that met with severe criticism was that of Ex-Senator Schurz, and that was not a fortunate appoint ment either from a political or business point of view. Mr. Schui'Ji, "Oreeleylzed" In 1872, was bitter In his hostility to Grant, and was generally unacceptable to the so-called Stalwart wing of the Republi- can party, though in that respect the President himself, was soon In the same position. Mr. Schurz had never shown any capacity for business affairs, yet he was assigned to a department, which wa« almost wholly business, and not political, In its character. There was. however, one bond of sympathy between him and the President. «w ," : : I I . ADMIXIHTHATION OF PUKHII»KNT IIAYKH. :V2\ ..|,i'^ YKK. and Financial — Ku-Klux and il AlliHun Hilvei' Htoni HouHf — A I'olitiral AsHCHH- nptiun of Wpwci*' trii'tiug (iiineitc Chaudler'H Elo- Hliowcd, for the niportant places icaniHiu. It wat> 'ork. lio. I. f Indiana. uri. , of TenneSHee 1 setts. I severe eriticisni rtunate appoiui w. Mr. Sehur^, Grant, and was U of the Kepubli- lelf, was soon in iny capacity for lent, which wan aracter. There id the President. •."4 ^m^ lie was a profeMHioiiiil civil Mervice reformer, and the I'reMident wa4 active in extending civil Mervice rnleM an far nn poHHible. In Decem- ber, 1M71>, Secretary Mcrrar.v reMlgned to become I'nited HtateM .Fmlge for the KiKhth .liidicial circuit, and .VIexander Han.Mev, of MinneHotii, WMM appointed in hin place. In ISSO I'oHtmaMter Ueneral Key resiKned, and was suc«-eeded by Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. The Hayes .Vdministration has be<'n sometimeH Npokon of as n colorless one, and it was lacking in the excitenientH that had attended some previiHis pericMls, luit it was marked by four very iiit|Mirtant events, political and financial. Thi>se were the abandonment of all attempts, by Federal interference, to secure to IIk' colored voters in the Houth, their pclitical rights; the rapid and unexpecttHl Ki'owth of the G.eenback ;»irty; the resumption of siiecie payments; and the r'>ciMni;ane' r.ejit of the coinage of the standard nilver dollar. ' . ..i»h.>K;.''v ihc Heeded Htates ratified the Thirteenth, Fourti-enth i;u\\ Fh''i.';M'. Amendments to the Constitution, the leaders amouK thf^xtt tit-ver Intended to live up to the spirit of the last two. The n<;!i*>f1l i-niployeil l-y the Democrats to evade or nullify them were nninc-t us, inj^' nmnK nnA some of tlu>m barbarous, (leornia was, at t^i'Ki, th'. mop (>;)!.'? ?u««1 d< flrtHt in its nullifying; measures, but in the i'rtd, ih*: Jiiima-jippi blackn ^-.j'Tered the most from iM'rsonal (^rnelties and. «/u/r«;,vi'. Aj r;art,'. ua iHttU, Oeor^ia, even before its Keimtors oij' .-'iprestr.U «jve»i iM fi^ n ad? litted to Congress, decided, throuj.i;h V'« Ui^M-.lat ■>!•»', tJi..' CI I* trees u' n vere not entitled to serve as Legis- 'jltM«, iior ti. u'ljtd ofRte ')» it). Sf^'^e. Accordingly the blacks were ej:p..''l'i<l from the T>>),is'!i;j"e v. '.i!t-' .vhites, who were ineligible undcv titf r*iurtee'itli V/jitiu ni« j», yn"v billowed to renuiin. The banie Leg- ittlatr.i'e n lused to ratify tu^.' <"<fteenth Amendment. Congress then p/Ml»<^l sn A't detioriii,>v li^e Legislature illegally constituted, and r.ujuK'od the rd*ii^.cfefio« '»f fhe Fifteenth Amendment, as a prere- »|Hieit»» fo *i\e. ac'imiftnoD af floiintors and Representatives to Congress. The Legi'.'i ciwe tun ror .routed before the expulsions was, therefore, reconvened, ave *-he /vinendinent was ratified. '^'his was i'u Ijh; act of open defiance of Congress by any Seceded Ktate. Hut Hoitihern ingenuity was soon at work devising means to ei cojiipl'wh, by indirection, what it did not venture farther to attempt i\V o^K u defiance. The Ku-Klux Klan was the first of these inventions It was a secret organization, whose members went through the country, chiefly at night, on horseback, disguised and armed, intimi- dating, beating, maiming and murdering blacks and white Republi- -1 'I I H'IHUMIJ ■HHil HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN TARTY. cans. It spread through all the (iulf States except Florida, and its outrages extended also through North and South Carolina, Tennesseo and Arkansas. Its operations were especially active just before election, and their intimidating effects were so complete that in some of the states many thousands of colored and white Republicans did not venture to go to the polls. The story of these outrages, as told in the evidence taken bfefore Congressional Investigating Committees, furnishes a chapter of horrid barbarities better suited to a Moslem community in the Middle Ages than to a Christian country in the Nineteenth Century, The tissue ballot was a South Carolina invention for the more peaceable nullification of the Republican vote. A Democratic ballot, printed on the paper commonly used, was first taken, and folded within this there might be half a dozen or a dozen smaller ballots, printed on tissue paper. The Republican ballots were all of the larger size, and printed on the coarser paper. If the number of ballots in a box exceeded the number of names checked *on the poll list, the law required that a sufficient number of ballots should be drawn from the box, to equalize the number remaining with the number of names on the list. This was done by one of the inspec- tors, blindfolded. But a person did not need the use of his eyes to distinguish between the Democratic tissue ballots and the Republican ballots on heavier paper. The latter were invariably the ones thrown out, and the former were left in and counted. Besides these methods of keeping out and throwing out Republi- oaii votes, false counting was resorted to in most of the Southern States, until the phrase, "a free vote and a fair count" became a mockery. Congressional investigations had disclosed these various raethodf, of defeating the popular will, and in consequence of these disclosures President Grant had recognized and sustained Republican State Gov- ernments which the Democrats had sought to overthrow,- it was on this account alone that it became possible for Louisiana and Sout^ <.'arolina to cast their Electoral votes for Hayes, or, in fact, to make a showing at all for the Republican tickets. This policy was aban- doned by President Hayes, much to the disappointment of Republi cans in Congress and throughout the country. The same votes that chose Hayes electors in Louisiana fairly elected Stephen B. Packard Governor; and the same votes that gave him a majority in South Caro- lina, also gave Daniel H. Chamberlain a majority for Governor of that ijs.- •''mMIIKIl'WIi'f'^W^ ■^f^ ■Mh^ r-^.d:.: \ •> ADMINIHTUATION OP PRESIDENT HAYEK ;w.{ urida, and its na, Tennessee e jnst before C that in some ^publicans did rages, as told g Committees, to a Moslem ;ountry in the f fA^-- for the more locratie ballot, ; n, and folded mailer ballots. ere all of the he number of ed'on the poll lots should be ining with the ! of the inspec- I of his eyes to the Republican he ones thrown ng out Republi- f the Southern unt" became a ariouB methodK lese disclosures ican State Gov- tWi it was on ana and South, fact, to make a licy was aban- ?nt of Republi- ume votes that len B. Packard in South Caro- overnor of that State. His failure to recogniKe and sustain these two Republican Governors in their position and his withdrawal of troops from the South were regarded as a piece of ingratitude, as well as a failure to supi)ort the principles of Republican Government. He abandoned Chamberlain and Packard to their fate, and Democratic Governments, based on intimidation and fraud, were set up in those States. Very strong evidence was afterwards produced to show that the withdrawal of the troops was the price paid by Mr. Hayes, through the promises of his friends, for being allowed to take the Presidential ofHce undis- turbed. From that time on, except in Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina and Florida, the Republican vote was practically suppressed in all the. Seceded States, and for twenty years thereafter not a single Republi can Elector was chosen in all Secessia. In reference to this, however, it should be said that Grant, in his efforts to secure fair elections in the South had, up to 1875, been sup- ported by Congresses with large Republican majorities, and even at that he had been obliged to abandon Governor Ames, of Mississippi. Hayes, on the other hand, was confronted with a Democratic House, which would have hindered him in any positive or aggressive policy in reference to the Southern States, even if it had been in his nature to adopt such a policy. Probably, under any policy in Washington, the South must eventually have been left to work out its own salvation. Under whatever method that was tried, it proved slow of reconstruc- tion. Its complete restoration was not accomplished until the birth of a new industrial spirit, the development of its material resources, and the investment of Northern capital in the South brought the two sections into closer business relations. Good feeling was not wholly restored, until the comradeship of soldiers in the Spanish war had cemented it. But from the beginning of the Hayes Administration "The Southern Question," as a distinct political issue may be said to have ceased to exist. The depressed business condition of the country, and a scant cir- culating medium, had by this time led to a great clamor for a restora- tion of the coinage of the standard silver dollar, and what was called the Bland-Allison Bill was the result. It was introduced at a special session of Congress, November 5, 1877, by Richard P. Bland, of Mis- souri. The bill directed that the coinage of silver dollars of the weight of 4121/2 grains of standard silver should be resumed, the coins to be a "legal tender, at their nominal value, for all dues, public ii m mmma — "- " — ■••" ,.> :\l. l\ 324 HISTORY OF THE REPl BLICAN PARTY. and private, except where otherwise provided b.v contract." It also Btipulated that any owner of silver bullion might deposit the same at the mints, to be coined into sucJi dollars for his benefit, npon the same terms as gold bullion. This was immediately passed by the House, under suspension of the rules, by a vote of 164 to M. Of the yeas (57 were Republican and Ul Democrats, and of the nays 24 were Republicans and 10 were Democrats. In the Senate Mr. Allison, from the Committee on Finance, reported the bill, but with essential alterations in its character. It provided that not less than f2,000,U00 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion should be purchased each month and coined into dollars of the weight prescribed, the proUt of the coinage to go into the Treasury. The free coinage of silver for the benefit of owners of silver bullion was eliminated from the bill. In its amended form the Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 48 to 21, and the House concurred in the Senate amendment. It was vetoed by President Hayes, but passed over the veto in the House by a vote of 190 to 73, and in the Senate by a vote of 4(> to 11). The House affirmative vote was 119 .Democrats and 77 Republicans, and the nega- tive vote was 22 Democrats and 51 Republicans. The Senate affirmative vote was 25 Democrats, 20 Republicans and 1 Independent, and the negative vote was 9 Democrats and 10 Republicans. As Secretary Sherman, in whose Department the operation of the Act came, was not, at that time, in favor of very extensive coinage of the silver dollar he kept the purchase of bullion down nearly to the mini- mum limit. At the time the coinage of the silver dollar was dropp<»d in 1873 the white metal was valued at 1.004 as compared with gold. In 1877, when the Bland-Allison Bill passed, its average value was .9295, and just before the passage of the Sherman Act in 1890, it had fallen to .7232. Mr. Allison's elimination of the free coinage feature turned into the Treasury a large profit, that under the original Blaud Bill would have gone into the pockets of the mine owners. The Coinage Act, as finally passed, also provided that the Presi- dent should invite the governments of the countries composing tt-- Latin (Tnion, so-called, and of such other European nations as he might deem it advisable, to join the United States in a conference to adopt a common ratio between gold and silver, for the purpose of establishing, internationally, the use of bimetallic money, and secur- ing fixity of relative value between these metals. Such a conference was afterwards held, but the views of the different countries sharing in it were so far apart that nothing came of it. fm--'% rv ADMINIRTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 325 itruct." It also a»\i the same at :, npon the same a by the House, [. Of the yeas i nays 24 were ite Mr. Allison, it with essential i than 12,000,000 lid be purchased prescribed, the free coinage of eliminated from ly a vote of 48 to t. It was vetoed House by a vote ID. The House ns, and the nega- B. The Senate d 1 Independent, epublicans. As ation of the Act ve coinage of the iarly to the mini- Ilar was dropp<»d pared with gold, ^erage value was ct in 1890, it hatl e coinage feature^ lie original Blaud wners. ;d that the Presi- s composing tt' in nations as he n a conference to r the purpose of noney, and secur- 3uch a conference countries sharing Whether from an unmixed desire for civil service reform, or whether it was because he wished to weaken the power of Senator Conkling in New York politics, President Hayes, early in his term, made a bold move in respect to the most important Oovernment ofBiCH in New York City. It would have been but human had the second motive exerted some influence on his purpose, for Conkling had already begun to treat the President with that lofty scorn and fine sarcasm in the use of which he was an adept. Many complaints were nmde of the administration of affairs in the New York Custom House, where two-thirds of the import duties of the whole country were col- lected, and a <-ommis8ion was appointed in April, 1877, to make an examination. Its first report dwelt on the evils of appointments for political reasons, without sufficient regard for efficiency, and it recom- mended sweeping changes. The President concurred in the recommendations and wrote to Secretary Sherman: It is my wish that the collection of the revenues should be free from partisan control, and organized on a strictly business basis, with the same guarantees for efficiency and fidelity in the selection of the chief and subordinate officers that would be required by a prudent merchant. Party leaders should have no more influence in appoint- ments than other equally respectable citizens. No assessments for political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed. No useless officer or employe should be retained. No officer should be required or permitted to take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns. Their right to vote, and to express their views on public questions, either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not inter- fere with the discharge of their official duties. Other reports followed the first, showing inefficiency, neglect of duty, dishonesty and bribery in the subordinate officers of the Custom House. The commissioners also found "that for many years past the view had obtained with some political leaders that the friends of the Administration in power had a right to control the customs appointments; and this view, which seemed to have been acquiesced in by successive administrations, had of late been recog- nized to what the Commission deemed an undue extent by the chief officer of the service. These gentlemen, on the ground that they were compelled to surrender to personal and partisan dictation, appear to have assumed that they were relieved, in part at least, from the reBponsibilities that belonged to the appointing power." ' >-jK B» 32(5 HISTORY OP THE REPUIILICAN PARTY. The olHcers of the port at the time were Chester A. Arthur, f'oUector; Alonzo B. Cornell, Naval Officer, and (Jeorge H. Hharpe, * Surveyor. Ab they seemed bound to the old system, it was decided that they must either resign or be removed. On this point Secretary Sherman wrote his Assistant Secretary: After a very full consideration and a very kindly one, the Presi- dent, with the cordial assent of his (.'abinet, came to the conclusion that the public interests demanded a change in the three leading officers in New York, and a public announcement of that character was authorized. I am quite sure that this will, on the whole, be considered a wise result. The manner of making the changes and the persons to be appointed will be a subject of careful and full cop-| uideration, but it is better to know that it is determined upon and ended. It is probable that no special point would \\ave been made upon Mr. Cornell's holding his position as I'huirman of the Stat<' ('ommittee for a limited time, but even that was not the thing, the real question being that, whether he resigned or not, it was better that he and Arthur and Sharpe should ail give way to new men, to try definitely a new policy in the conduct of the New York Custom House. I have no doubt, unless these gentlemen should make it impossible by their conduct hereafter, that they will be treated with the utmost consideration, and, for one, I have no hesita tion in saying that I hope General Arthur will be recognized in a very complimentary way. In accordance with the suggestion made in the last sentence of the above letter, the position of Consul General at Paris was offered to General Arthur, but he declined the proffer, preferring to "stick" where he was. None of the three officials named would resign. They were, therefore, removed and October 24, 1877, nominations were made of Theodore Roosevelt for Collector, Edward A. Merritt for Surveyor, and L. B. Prince for Naval Officer. Through Conkling's efforts these nominations were rejected by the Senate, then in special session. At the opening of the regular session, in December, the same names were sent in again, but only Prince, for Naval Officer, was confirmed. After the session closed the President placed Edwin A. Merritt in the office of Collector, and Silas W. Burt in that of Surveyor. These appointments had to come before the Senate for confirmation when it again met. Secretary Sherman had, by this time, become deeply interested in the matter, and wrote to Senator Allison : I would not bother you with this personal matter, but that I feel Ihe deepest interest in the confirmation of General Merritt, which I p' M ■r t/iff< ADM1NI8TRATI0N OP PREgnJENT HAYEH. S27 Hter A. Arthur, orge H. Hharp**, I, it was decided point Secretary one, the Presi- the conclusion e three leading that clmracter »n the whole, be the changes and }ful and full con- 'mined upon and Have been made lan of the State 8 not the thing, i or not, it was give way to new of the New York gentlemen should lat they will be I have no hesita pognized in a very the last sentence Paris was offered ferring to "stick" ted would resign. L877, nominations dward A. Merritt brough Conkling'8 .te, then in special in December, the for Naval OflBcer, lent placed Edwin '. Burt in that of re the Senate for ter, but that I feel 1 Merritt, which I know will be beneficial to us as a party, and still more so to the public service. Personally I huve the deepest interest in it because 1 haye been most unjustly assailed in regard to it in the most offen- sive manner. 1 feel tree to appeal to you and VVindom, represent- ing as you do, Western slates, and being old friends and a<-quaint- ances, to take into consideration this personal aspect of the i-ase. If the restoration of Arthur be insisted upon, tbe whole liberal elemeni will be against us, and H will lose us tens of thousiihds of votes, without doing a particle of good. No man could be a more earnest Republican than 1, and I feel this political loss as much as any one can. It will be a personal reproach to me, and merely to gratify the insane hate of (.'onkling, who in this resjiect disregards the express wishes of the Republican members from New York, of the great body of Republicans, and as I personally know, runs in antagonism to his nearest and best friends in the Senate. To Senator Justin S. Morrill, Secretary Shernmn wrote a much longer and more specific letter, giving reasons why the nominations should be confirmed. This was done, Merritt having 33 votes for confirmation to 24 against, and Burt 31 for, to 19 against. In both cases a majority of the Democrats and a minority of the Republicans voted for confirmation. Conkling was enraged at this defeat, and took it out by abusing Secretary Sherman and George William ( 'urtis, the latter of whom had the temerity to introduce in the next New York State Convention a resolution approving the course of the President in regard to the civil service. Both Sherman and Curtis were added to Conkling's already long list of enemies, to be assailed as opportunity should offer. The views contained in the President's letter to Secretary Sher- man were quoted in the famous Civil Service Order No. 1, and this was added: "This rule is applicable to every department of the Civil Service. It should be understood by every officer of the General Government that he is expected to conform his conduct to its require- ments." This order was sneered at by the Democrats and resented by many Republicans, as putting limitations upon the rights of citizenship, and depri>-ing the party of the services of some of its best men. Many postmasters and other officeholders resigned lucra- tive positions, rather than be put under such limitations. No Civil Service Order No. 2 was ever issued by President Hayes, and no Pr'isident since then has ever gone as far as he did in the attempt to divorce office-holding from politics. In respect to political assessments a circular letter was issued June 20, 1878, establishing a -nle to govern all the executive depart- i ■ w f-\ 328 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN 1»ARTY. ments and Oovernment employes throughout the country. Its eageii- tial parts were as follows: You ret-eive your salary as an employe of the Government for certain services rendered in your ofttciul capacity, not as a member of a political party. The salary so earned belongs to you, and unlesH taxed by law, it is in no sense subject to any assessment for any object whatever. In return for it you are expe<-ted to perform your official duties faithfully, and officially to d^ nothing more. In this connection I have to call your attention to the following statutory provision: "All executive officers or employes of the United States, not appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from, any other officer or employe of the (lovernment, any numey or prop- erty or other thing of value for political purposes." You are as free as any other citizen to spend your spare money in any legitimate way you please, and as your political principles or your public spirit may suggest, provided you do not violate the above quoted provision of the law, either directly or indirectly. Your contributing or not contributing, as above stated, will not affect in any manner whatever your official standing or prospects in the department. When the Greenback party promulgated its' first variegated platform, and began to hold small conventions in the various States, members of the old parties amused themselves by quoting Scripture at it in ridicule, giving especially the account in II. Samuel of the gathering of David's partisans at the cave of Adullam: "And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he became a captain over them; and there were with him about four hundred men." So far as the charactier of the men was concerned the picture was not very far out of the way, for the party was largely an organized discontent with the existing order of things, political and financial ; but so far as its possible growth went, it was greatly underestimated. At the Presidential election in 1K76 it cast 81,740 votes in the whole country. In the spring of 1878 it cast more votes than that in Michigan alone, and brought consternation to the minds of the Republicans by electing a majority of the Supervisors in some of their most reliable old counties. In the fall following it changed the result in quite a number of States, either by fusion with the Democrats, or by drawing away Republican votes, and thus giving the States to the straight Democratic tickets. It did not secure for itself any United States Senators, but it aided the Democrats to \ ■ ■•''';^''- ; v^W*.' ry. Its essori- overnment for as a membei- ou, and uiiIchh Miiient for any perform your more. In this nring statutory Unitetl 8tate«, consent of the eceivinj? from, iioney or prop- ToH are as free any legitimate nr public spirit noted provision 'ibuting or not anner whatever Irst variegated various States, oting Scripture Samuel of the m: "And every debt, and every to him; and he him about four was concerned irty was largely things, political , it was greatly 6 it cast 81,740 cast more votes on to the minds >rvis6rs in some A^ing it changed fusion with the ind thus giving 1 not secure for ? Democrats to ADMINISTRATION OP PRESinKXT HAYES. .129 elect several so that the Senate for the first time since 18({(> hud an anti-Republican majority. In the House it secured fourteen mem- bers, either alone or in combination with the Democrats, besides helping the Democrats in many districts by running separate can- didates. It was at its highest mark in this election, though in 1880 it cast nearly four times as many votes as it did in 1876. In Michigan the campaign was a very exciting one. Some of its details are given in another chapter of this bo(»k. The vote on Oovernor was: Charles M. Ooswell, Republican 126,280 . ? Orlando M. Barnes, Democratic 78,50:5 Henry S. Smith, (Jreenback 73,3i:{ Watson Snyder, Prohibition 3,469 Scattering 1,200 On Congressmen the result in Michigan was different from thai in many of the other States, for here the Greenback vote divided the opposition instead of drawing mainly from the Republicans. There was consequently a solid Republican delegation from the State, the membership being as follows in the order of their districts: John S. Newberry, Edwin Willits, Jonas H. McOowan, Julius C. Burrows, John VV. Stone, Mark S. Brewer, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, Jay A. Hubbell. The act passed at a previous Congress providing for the resump- tion of specie payments January 1, 1879, occasioned considerable discussion during the Hayes administration. Every theory of the Greenback movement was against it. The Democrats were hostile to the act when it passed and their platform in 1876 demanded its repeal. A bill for that purpose was introduced in the House, and, although it stood no chance of passing the Senate, it occasioned a long debate in the lower body. The argument against repeal was well summed up in the following paragraph from a long and able argument made against it by James A. Garfield: Suppose you undo the work that (^ongress has attempted, 1o resume specie payment, what will be the result? You will depreciate the value of the greenback. Suppose it falls ten cents on the dollar? Y'ou will have destroyed ten per cent, of the value of every deposit in the savings banks, ten per cent, of every life insurance policy, and every flre insuratice policy, of every pension to the soldier, and of every day's wages of every laborer in the Nation. The trouble with our greenback dollar is tliis: It has two distinct functions. One a mm "T^ im) HISTORY OPTHK REPT'HI.K'AN PARTY. IMirchuHiiiK |iower, iind tlie otluM- n debt |iii.viti|{ {hiwci*. Ah a debt paying )Miwer it iH e(|ual to one hundred lentH; tliat ih, to pay an old debt. A gn'enba<*k dolUir will, by law, diHcharge one hundred eentn of debt. But no law can give it purchaning power in the general market of the world, unletiH it repreHentm a known standard of (*oin value. Now, what we want is that these two quaHties of our green- back dollar shall be made e<]ual — itit debt paying power and its gen- eral purchasing power. When these are equal the problem of our currency is solved, and not until then. Humming it all up in a word, the struggle now |>ending in this House is, on the one hand, to make the greenback better, and on the other, to make it worse. T'n« Kesuniption .\ct is making it better every day. Repeal this Act, uad you nmke It indefinitely worse. In the name of every man who wa its liis own when he has earned it, I demand that we do not make Im> wages of the ]MM>r man shrivel in his hands after he has earned th€m; but that his money shall be made better and better, until the phw- holder's money shall be as good as the bondholder's money; until ( ur standard is one, and there is no longer one money for the rich aid another for the poor. There is an old story about the inhabitants of a certain village who wanted to see how much noise they could make, thinking also that they might raise a volume of sound that would reach the moon, and bring a response therefrom. They agreed that at a given minute upon a day Axed, they should all stand in front of their houses and at the top of their voi<'es give one tremendous shout of the word ''boo," that should rend the air and sound into the depths of space. When the minute came they were all in their assigned positions, but each one held his breath in sus)>ense, awaiting the sensation which he would experience when the great shout came. Not a sound was heard except from one deaf old woman who despaired of hearing the rest and In a cracked and feeble voice gently said '*boo." There never was before nor afterwards so silent a moment in that village, as at the time wheii the grand demonstration of sound was to be made. The day of resumption came in about the same way. There had been anticipations, forebodings and prophecies, of panic, of financial and industrial disturbance, of a repetition of the "Black Friday" experi- ences and of other dire disasters. But while these prophets of evil were holding their breath in suspense the day came and went, with- out a ripple on the calm sea of the financial world. The Government had made ample provision for any calls for gold that might be reason- ably anticipated, but there was no drain whatever upon its resources. The Assistant Treasurer in New York took in more gold in exchange '■vt» ^ NHNM r. Ah a delit to pay an old hundred ccntM in the general tandard of coin »i» of our green - ver and its gen- problein of our I up in a word, hand, to make worHe. T.H* al thin Act, and man who wu itH o not make he H8 earned them; until the pl< w- none.v; until ( ur or the ri<'h aid I certain village :e, thinking alHo reach the moon, t a given minute ir houses and at ut of the word depths of space. ?d positions, but sensation which ot a sound waH d of hearing the o." There never at village, as at vas to be made. There had been of financial and Friday" experi- prophets of evil and went, with- rhe Government might be reason- on its resources, fold in exchange ADMINISTRATION OF PREWIDKNT HAVKK :v.\\ for notes that day than he did notes in ex<'hange for gold. Instead of being a day of panic and disaster, it was one of flu* quietest days that had been passed for years in New York fina... iai circles, with hardly a panic stricken greenbacker even to stand on Brooklyn bridge and say "boo." When gold was at a premium and hard to get, every one was eager for it. Now that it could be had in free exchange for currency nobody wanted it. The closeness of the last Presidential contest bMl. political parties and committees, for some years thereafter, to make the most rigid scrutiny as to the qualifications of candidates for the Electoral College. It «va8 exjiected also that it would lead to legislation or Constitutional Amendment, which would determine similar cases in the future. Many measures, looking to this end, were introduced, but none of them reached final passage. The most elaborate measure proposed was one introduced by Henator Edmunds, of Vermont, in 1878 and reported by Senator Morgan of Alabama from a select com- mittee in 1880. Senator Edmunds' Bill changed the time of election to the first Tuesday in October in each fourth year. In <'ase of the death of both the President and Vice-President more than two months before that date in any other year than Presidential year a new election was to be held. It also provided that: "Each State may provide by law, enacted prior to the day in this Act named, for the appointment of Electors, and for the trial and determination of any controversy concerning the appointment of Electors, before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, in any manner it may deem expedient. Every such determination, made pursuant to such law so enacted before said day, and made prior to the time of the meeting of the Electors, shall be conclusive evidence of the lawful title of the Electors who shall have been so determined to have been appointed, and shall govern in the counting of the Electoral votes." The provisions of the Bill relating to the count followed the method outlined in the twenty-second joint rule, with the following exceptions: No vote from' a State from which there was but one return should be rejected, except by the concurrent vote of both Houses. If there were two or more returns, that only could be counted which wps decided to be the true return in the manner just cited. If there were no such determination, or if there were two or more decisions, purporting to have been made in accordance with a law paased in conformity with that section, that return m^- 7H.-/ssffl4ti)iJsj,-j *■■ IV.\2 HISTORY OP THE UKITBLKWN F'ARTY. or that di'ciHion only, conld hv accepted whirli tho two Homwh. a<tinK «epaiat««l.v, Hlionid <le«ide, li.v altlniiativ*' vot«', to bo in arcordaiu*' with tlu' Constitution and tin- Lawn. When the two Houhph separated to consider objections to Klectonil votes, each member of either House miRht speak once only for tlve minutes, and at the expiration <»f two hours It would become the duty of the presid- ing olticer to put the question. The liill passed the Senate by a vote of .'{5 to 2«, the nays all being Hemoi-rats, and tin* yeas all Republican except Senators Hayard, Davis. M«'rriman and Morgan. It was not considered by the House. Mr. Morgan's Hill, introduced after the Democrats obtaine«l control of the Senate, provided that no vote from a State which sent but one ri'tuin was to be rejected, ex<ept by the amrmative action of both Houses of (Nmgress. If two or more returns should be offered, neither was to be counted unless the two Houses agreed in deciding that one of them was the true and correct return. Provision was also made for one hour's debate in each House upon objections, no member to speak more than on<'e, nor longer than ten minutes; and u!80 for debate, by unanimous consent, in the joint meeting. It was also provided that an appeal might be taken from a decision by the presiding ofllcer. which was to be overruled only by concurrent action of both Houses. A motion to substitute the Edmunds Bill for the one under consideration was lost, and the Morgan Bill then passed by a vote of 25 to 14. In the House it was defeated by filibustering. The only outcome of the discussion, which lasted through three sessions of Congress, was the revival of the twenty-second joint rule, with slight raodiflcations. To the period covered by President Hayes' Administration belongs also the first important Congressional agitation of the Chinese Immigration Question. In his annual message to Congress in 1875, President Grant had called attention to the evils resulting from unre- stricted Mongolian immigration. April 20. 1876, Senator Sergeant, of California, submitted a resolution asking the Senate to "recom- mend to the President to cause negotiations to be entered upon with the Chinese Government to elTect such a change in the existing treaty between the United States and China as will lawfully permit the appli- cation of restrictions upon the great influx of Chinese subjects to this country." An investigation of the whole subject by a joint Com- mittee of Congress followed. Its report led to a long discussion, and finally, in 187!>, to the passage of a Bill to restrict the immigration mm 1 . two HOIIHCM, ((', to lie ill WIhmi tlM' '111 voteH, each ininute8, and of the presid- t<> b.v a vote of II Kepublicnn It was not ratH obtained ate which Bent ative action of uld be offered, ed in deciding Provision wan objections, no minutes; and ^tinf?. It was lecision bv the M'urrent action ds Bill for the ill then passed ly filibustering. through three •ond joint rule, \dministraiion I of the Chinese ngress in 1875, ting from unre- lator Hergeant, ate to "reconi-., *red upon with existing treaty ?rmit the appli- jubjects to this k' a joint (^oni- discussion, and le immigration AUMINIHTUATION OF l»HKHII»KNT IIAYKH. :<:{:! I } of the Chinese into this country. President Hayes vetoed the liill because it alirogated the Iturlinganie treaty of \Hi\H, without notice, and o|M>ned negotiations for a nioditication of the treaty. Fie appointed .lames H. Angell, President of Michigan Cnivcrsity. .lohn K. Kwift. of California, and William Henry Trescott, of Kouth Caro lina, as Commissioners, to proceed to China for this purpost*, Mr. Angell being at tlu' same time appointed Minister to that Kmpin- The Commissioners negotiated a treaty covering this suliject, and also one relating to the general commercial relations of the two countries. Itoth were ratified, and under the terms of the tirst, legis lation was enacted which almost entirely suppressed Chinese inmii- gration. With the incoming of a Democratic majority in the House, and the approach of a similar majority in the Senate, the H(uithern wing of that party became very aggressive and several hot debates occurred over p flood of Houthern war claims that were presented. Hut "^he most sensational and dramatic scene in Congress for muuy years was that in the Henate on the morning <>f March U. 1S70. Near the close of the second session of the Forty-fifth Congress a Bill was before the Henate making appropriations for arrearages of pensions. To this an amendment was ofTert-d extending to those who served in the war with Mexico the provisions of the existing law giving pensi(ms to the surviving soldiers of IHV2. To this a further amendment was offered excluding persons who served in the Confederate Army or held any office under the Confederacy from the benefits of this liill. This amendment was defeated by the votes of the l)emo(*rats and two Houthern Republicans. Another amendment was then offered by Henator Hoar excluding Jefferson Davis from the benefits of any Pension Bill. Then followed some remarkable utterances from Houthern Hen- ators. Henator Garland, of Arkansas, declared that Davis' record Would "equal in history all (Irecian fame and all Roman glory." Hen- ator Maxey, of Texas, called him a "battle scarred, knightly gentleman." Senator Harris, of Tennessee, pronounced him "the peer of any Henator on this floor," Senator Coke, of Texas, said: "I will not vote to discriminate against Mr. Davis, for T was just as much a rebel as he." Henator Lamar, of Mississippi, considered the proposi- tion "a wanton insult," springing from "hate, bitter, malignant sectional feeling, and a sense of personal impunity," and added: "The only differen<'e between myself and Jefferson Davis is that hi. 1 '■¥■ ^^w. ' IIIHTOHV (►KTIIK HKIMIILU'AN I'AKTV. *.-, t'xaltcd I hai'iirlt't', IiIh pfcciiiiiicnt tulciitH, IiIh wi'll-cNttibliHlicd n'pii- latioii iiH a Hfat«'Hiiian. ait a patri«>t, and an a Noldicr. <>iial>l«>d lifiii to take tlic lead in a cauMi' to which I conttcrratt'd nivHclf." Il(> fni'tlii'i- ftaid that Davin' niotivcH wen* "an Hacri'd and moIiI<> an vvvr inHpii'(>d the breaHt of a Hampden or a Wanliington." Kenatoi- HanHom. of North Taroiina. Maid.: "I Mhall not dwell npon Mr. DaviH' public Mervicefi aH an American Holdier and Ntateiiman. He lielonf^ii to lilHtory, aH doen that cauHe to which he ^nve all the ability of hiH great nature," The Kepublican HenatorH who made objection to thin apotheoHJM of unrepentant treaiion did mo, for the moHt part, in renionHtranrc rather than in denunciation. The whole debate wan a reminder of the davn. in the earl.v tlftiew, when the Houthern SenatorH and RepresentalivcH were wont to crack the whip over the headu of their aHHociaten from the North. The debate had hiMted over two hourH, when, about half past three in the morning, William E. Chand- ler, of New Haniptthire. who was lintening to the dificuHgion, naid to Senator K. H. KolllnH: "Tell Zach Chandler that he Ib the man to call Jeff IlaviB u traitor." Henator Chandler received the mesBage with a nod, and an noon uh he could obtain the floor, Baid, with great Holemnit.v and emphaaiB: Mr. I'reHident, twent.v-two years ago to-morrow, in the old Hall of t'.ie Henate, now occupied by the Hnpreme Court of the United States, I, in company with Mr. JefferBon Davis, stood up and swore l)efore Almighty Ood, that 1 would support the Constitution of the l.'nited Htntes. Mr. Jefferson Davis came from the Cabinet of Franklin Pierce into the Henate of the United Htates and took the <»ath with me, to be faithful to this Oovernment. During four years I Hat in this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and saw the preparations going on, from day to day, for the overthrow of this Oovernment. With treason in his heart and perjury on his lips he took the oath to sustain the Government that he meant to overthrow. Sir, there was method in that madness. He, in co-operation with other men from his section, and in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, made careful preparation for the event that was to follow. Your armieri were scattered all over this broad land, where they conld not be used in an emergency; your fleets were scattered wherever the winds blew and water found to float them, where they could not be used to put down rebellion; your Treasury was depleted, until your bonds, bearing six per cent., principal and interest payable in coin, were sold for eighty-eight cents on the dollar, for current expenses. Preparations were carefully made. Your arms were sold under an apparently innocent clause in an Army Bill, providing that the Secretary of War »' 'Wi .!] i|i < i . ' liliHlu'il rrpii- iubl«><l him to III' further ever iiiMpircd KlIIIHOIll, of DuvIh' public l>«>louf{ii to ability of bin cctioii to thiM uioHt part, in ' debute wait u hern Senators r the headH of Hted over two lam E. Chand- iiMHlon, Huid to Ih the man to d the mefiiiaKc lid, with great n the old Hall of the United up and Rwore titution of the he Cabinet of ) and took the ring four yearn le preparations H Government. )ok the oath to ■operation with luohanan, made Your armies, iild not be used the ifirinds blew be used to put bonds, bearing were sold for Preparations an apparently cretary of War ' '\ : AMWIMHTKATION OF I'KKHIhKNT IIAYKH. ;i:ir. might, at Ilia* dtHcrelion, Hell hucIi iinnMUM he deemed it for the iiilereHl of the Oovenimeut to Hell. ri'iv, i'i){| teen yeiu'H ago hiMt month. I nut in theHe hiillH and lintened to •l-<>ffei-H4»n Davis (leliv<>ring IiIh farewell addreHM, informing us what our « 'ouHtitutioiial dutieH to this Oovernment were; and then he left, Mhil entered into the K(>bellion to overthrow the Ooveriiment that he hH<;ii sworn to suppitrt. I remained here, Hir, during the whole of that rrible Kehellion. I saw our brave Moldiers by tliousands and liundreds of thousandH, aye, I might Hay millitmH, puHH through to the theater of war, and I huw their shattered rankn return; I saw Hteam- boat after steamboat, and railroad train after railroad train, arrive with the maimed and the woundeil; I was with my friend from Rhode iHland (Mr. Durnsidei when he commanded the Army of the I'otonuic. and saw piles of legs and aruiH that nmde humanity shudder; I saw the widow and the orphan in tlieir homes, and heard the weeping and wailing of those who had lost their dearest and best. Mr. I*resident, I little thought, at that time, that I should live to hear in tlie Henate of the Tnited Ktates eulogies upon .letTerson l>nvis living — a living rebel eulogized on the H«M»r of the Henate of the T'nited States. ^ 1 Hir, I am amazed to hear it; and I can tell the gentlemen on the otlier side thot they little know the spirit of the North when they come here at this day, and with bravado on their lips, utter eulogies cm a man whom every man, w<mnin and <'hild in the North believes to have been )i double-dy(>d traittu- to his Government. " ^' ■ • ' ' , From the beginning to the end of this sj)eecli it was listened to intently by all within hearing, and as Mr. Chandler brought out with resonant tone the closing words, "a double-dyed traitor to his Gov- ernment," a round of applause 4-nme from the galleries, w^iich the presiding officer could not check. No attempt was made '>u answer Mr. t^handler, but after a few minutes of embarrassing silence. Sena- tor Thurnian began to s|>eak on another branch of the subject. Wiieu it oame to a vote Senator Hoar's amendment carried by one majority, but the whole amendment, as so modified, was rejected. The Southern Senators would not give to the loyal veterans of the Mexican war the benefits of the measure, unless Jeff T)aviB could share with them. :X' -'» ;..i ■■:^. THE SEVENTH KEi'l RLICAN CONVENTION. The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkliug — Its Effect on the Convention of 1880 — Unsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the Unit Rule — The Three Next Republicata Presidents in the Convention — Shjiip Debate Between Senator Conkling and the West Vir- ginia Members — Important Amendment to the Rules — The Plat- form Adopted — Conkling's (Jreat Speech in Nomination of Grant — The Nomination of Garfield — C'onkling's Motion to Make it Unanimous — Supported by General Logan — General Arthur Nominated for Vice-t resident— The Exciting Convention Closes >Vith Apparent Good Feeling. The cauipaign of 1880 was approached b.v the Republicans under circumstances different from any which had preceded it since the party was organized. James G. Blaine was unquestionably the choice of a majority of the Republicans in the country for the nomina- tion, but he hud enemies among the party leaders who were influential in their own states. The most bitter of these was Senator Conkling, of New York, with whom Blaine had a personal controversy on the floor of the House many years before. In 1866, General Grant, then in command of the Army, gave an opinion that there was no further need of the office of Provost Marshal General, and when the Army Bill came before the House, soon afterwards, Mr. Conkling moved to strike out the section making an appropriation for that office. In the course of his remarks he assailed General James B. Fry, who then held thai position, in a manner that was offensively personel and abusive. General Fry, in retaliation, sent to I^r. Blaine a letter attacking Mr. Conkling in turn, and Mr. Blaine read the letter in the House. Mr. Conkling, while a Member of Congress had been assigned, in the capacity of Judge Advocate to the prosecution of Major Haddock, an Army .officer, and the trial of certain "bounty jumpers." In his letter to Blaine, General B^ry charged that Conk- THE 8EVENTH REPUHLIC'AN CONVENTION. IM7 ■J'-- TION. Its Effect on the nfprce the Unit I the Convention the West Vir- Jules— The Plat- Nomination of Motion to Make (General Arthur invention Closes epiiblitang under ded it since the luestionably the f for the nomina- [) were influential Senator Conkling, ntroversy on the leral Grant, then e was no further when the Army inkling moved to I* that office. In B. Pr.v, who then ?l,v personal and , Blaine a letter the letter in the gress had been e prosecution of certain "bounty irged that Conk- ling had, inipr()j)erly if not illegally, received a fee for the proseciition of Major Haddock; that, in the discharge of his duties, he had not acted in good faith, and had prevented the prosecution of deserters at l'ti<a; and that he had notified the War Department that the Provost Marshal in Western New York needed legal advice, and thus secured an appointment for himself. A discussion followed the reading of this letter, and it became exceedingly personal between Conkling and Blaine. Among other things the passage which gave Conkling as great offense as any, was that in which Blaine referred to his pompous manner, to his vanity about his personal appearance, and the curled front lock which he always wore, and compared him to a turkey-cock strutting about the floor of the House. At Conkling's request a committee was appointed to investigate the charges of General Fry. That committee reported a series of resolutions exonerating Conkling and condemning Fry, the most important res'slution being as follows: "That all the statements made in the letter of General James B. Fry to Hon. James G. Blaine, a Member of this House, in so far as such statements impute to the Hon. Roscoe Conkling, a Member of this House, any criminal, illegal, unpatriotic, or otherwise improper conduct, or motives, either as to Ihe matter of his procuring himself to be employed by the Govern- ment of the United States in the prosecution of military offenses in the State of New York, in the management of such prosecutions, in taking compensation therefor, or in any other charge, are wholly ■without foundation or truth, and, for their publication there were, in the judgment of this House, no facts connected with said prosecutions furnishing either a palliative or an excuse." From that tim'e until Conkling's death there was open enmity between the two, and Conkling, at least, omitted no opportunity to show his dislike, either in small or great affairs. The writer recalls an incident in the Senate illustrative of this. Blaine had been speaking upon a Bill for distributing the proceeds of the Alabama award. When Conkling rose to reply he turned his back upon Blaine, though in order to do this he had to tui-n his side toward the presid- ing officer, and addressing the ceiling more than anything else, commenced with: "A suggestion has reached my ear." He then went on to point out with fine scorn what he considered weak pointR in Blaine's argument, without, however, making any direct reference to the Senator from Maine. Conkling's j'niiiity to Blaine seems to have become a consuming passion, and he indulged it even at the / •■ .>^;^' --y' ■ys-- .'Kft ' M ■ 338 HIHTORY OP THE REPUBIJCAN PARTY. . r.^,:. :...':■...; .....-.-'■ expense of his own political fortunes. And lie succeeded in many of the efforts which it inspired. For his influence and work were potent enough, in connection with other influen<'es, t<» defeat Blaine for the Presidential nomination in 187(i, and again in 1880, and to carry New York against him after his nomination in 1884. In the successful attempt to beat Blaine out of the nomination in 1880 General Grant's renewed popularity wan apparently used as a foil, though many of his supporters undoubtedly thought he could be nominated and elected. In 1875 feelers had been put out by Gen- eral Grant's admirers as to the expediency of nominating him for a third term of the Presidency. The proposed movement, however, did not take at that time. The Pennsylvania State Convention in that . year adopted a resolution declaring against the election to the Preai- ; dency of any jierson for a third term. This called out a letter from Grant to the President of the Convention, in which he said: "Now for the third terui, I do not want it any more than I did the first," but he added that later on the time might come wlien it would be unfor- tunate to make a change at the end of eight years, and that he "would not accept a nomination if it were tendered, unless it should come under such circumstances as to make it an imperative duty — circum- stances not likely to rise." This was not considered a aufticiently explicit refusal and in the latter part of December of the same year a resolution was offered in the National House of Representatives:' "That, in the opinion of this House, the precedent established by Washington and other Presidents of the T'^nited States, in retiring from the I'residency, has become, by universal concurrence, a part of our republican system of Government, and that any departure from this time-honored custom would be unwise, unj)atriotic and fraught with peril to our institutions." The adoption of this by the decided vote of 2S4 to 18, put a stop, for the time, to all talk of again nomin- ating Grant. In the interim the General and Ex-President had made his tour around the world, had been received witii almost royal honors in every Capital which he had visited, and had returned more popular than ever. Three influential Republican leaders. Senator Corkling. of New York; Senator Cameron, of Penn'ijylvania, and Senator I^ogan, of Illinois, agreed to take advantage of (Jrant's popularity and bring him forward as a candidate, and each of the three undertook to control the Convention in his own State for that purjtose. In New York the State Convention, by a majority of only 88 in a total vote ii pm iii « i | .i- THE SEVENTH KEPIBLICAN CONVENTION. 33!) ■eded in many of and work were to defeat Blaine in 1880, and to 1884. ' the nomination [)arentl.v used as hought he could put out by Geu- aating him for a ent. however, did (nvention in that Hon to the Presi- out a letter from he said: "Now aid the first," but [ would be unfor- id that he "would 8 it should come ive duty — circum- red a sufliciently of the same year Representatives : it established by Itates, in retiring urrence, a part of y departure from •iotic and fraught lis by the decided k of again nomiu- lad made his tour t royal lumors in ned more popular Senator Torkling. nd Senator Tjogan, )ularity and bring iree undertook Vi )urpo8e. In New 38 in a total vote of 397, instructed its delegates to vote as a unit for the nomination of General Grant. In Pennsylvania the majority giving the same instructions was only 20. The Illinois Convention went further yet, for, although the Grant majority was very small, the Convention not only instructed the delegates to vote as a unit, but set aside nine dele- gates, already chosen by their respective districts. In view of the action taken by the Convention at Cincinnati in 1876, which was intended to abolish the unit rule, these proceedings aroused great indignation, both against the proposed nomination of rjrant for a third term, and against the methods by which it was sought to bring it about. The method did not prove as effective as the triumvirate had hoped; for on the first ballot Illinois, instead of giving its whole vote for Grant, gave Blaine 10 and Washburne 8; New York gave Blaine 17 and Sherman 2; Pennsylvania gave Blaine 23 and Sherman 3. If these delegates had all gone for Grant, as instructed, his vote would have been 3fi2, with only 379 required to nominate, a near enough approach to a nomination to cause a stampede in almost any Convention. Op the ninth ballot Grant would have stood a still better chance for the nomination if the unit rule had not been abrogated. On that hj-llot he had 308 votes as it was, while 61 of the instructed votes from the three States men- tioned went against him. These added to the 308 would have given him 369, only ten short of the number required to nominate. The instructions, therefore, did not in the final result, help Grant, but they did bring the queslion before the Convention in such form as to deter- mine finally that a State Convention cannot, by instructions, bind the district delegates. The National Convention met in Chicago, June 2, and was in session six days. General Grant's confidential lieutenants and campaign managers in the (Convention were Senators Conkling, of New York; Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Logan, of Illinois, with George S. Boutwell, of Mausachusetts, who had been a United States Senator and a member of Grant's Cabinet. Three other members of Grant's Cabinet were in attendance, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- land; Edwards Pierpont, of New York, and George H. Williams, of Oregon. In the Convention, also, were the next three Republican Presidents of the Cnited ."Hates. James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Chester A. Arthur, of New York, and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. There were also the following who were, either then or soon afterwards. United States Senators: (Jeorge F. Hoar, of Massachusetts; Preston ammammm <V>i. HISTORY OP THE REPITBLK'AN PARTY. B. Plumb, of KauHUB; ^Villiunl Pitt Kellogg, of Louiniana; Blanche K. Bruce, of MiBsiBsippi; lilugene Hall and William P. Prye, of Maine; William J. Sewell, of New Jersey; Omar 1). Conger, of Michigan; PhiletuB Sawyer, of Wisconsin, and Dwight M. oabin, of Minnesota The Michigan delegates were: At Large — James P. Joy, Omar, 1). Conger, Perry Hannah, Erwin C. Watkins. By Districts — (1) William G. Thompson, David O. Parrand; (2) J. D. Ronan, Louis R. Penfleld; (3) Caleb D. Randall, Morgan Bt tes; (4) A. H. Morrison, J. W. French; (5) Oeorge A. Parr, A. B. Watson; (C) Charles Kipp, J, M. Adams; (7) B. W. Huston, William Jenney; (8) E. O Avery, Thomas N. Stevens; (5)) Joseph H. Chandler, Delos A. Blodgett. With the exception of Tlumipson they voted steadily for Blaine through thirty-flve ballots. On the thirty-sixth ballot the twenty-one went from Blaine to Oarfield, Thompson still sticking to Giant. The struggle between the factions commenced in tiie National Committee before the Convention opened. In an executive t^ession of the Committee, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, offered a resolution recognizing the right of a delegate in vhe Convention "freely (o cast, and to have counted, his individual vote therein, according; lu his own sentiments, and, if he so decides, ngainst any unit rule or other instructions, passed by a Stat<» Convention, which right was conceded and exercised in the Conventions of 1860 and 1868, and, was, after full debate, affirmed by the Convention in 1876, and has thus become a law of Republican Conventions, ind until reversed by a Convention itself, must remain a governing principle." The Chairman of the Committee, Senator J. 1). Cameron, of Pennsyl- vania, declared the resolution out of order, an autocratic ruling which, following the arbitrary proceedings of the New York, I'ennsylvania and DlinoiM Conventions, excited great indignation, and when it became known, outside of the Committee, it caused an immediali' revolt. Twenty two members of the New York delegation signed a paper, decla'-'ng their purpose "to resisi the roiinnation of General U. 8, Grant at all hazards," and giving it as their opinion that, in New York, at least, his nomination would insure defeat. A break in the Pennsyl" >,'ia delegation followed. Alarmed at these defectioHfl the Grant men im the Committee proposed a compromise, which was accepted. tImb was to the eiTect that (Jeorge P. Hoar, the choice of the majority of the Committee, should be made temporary Chairman of the Convention, and that no attempt should be made io enforce the unit rule, nor to have a test vote in the Convention, until the <l««p< RTY. . ' Hiana; Blanche K. . Prye, of Maine; ;er, of Michigan; )in, of Minnesota iieH F. Joy, Omar, Hy Districts— (1) Uonan, Louis U. i. H. Morrison, J. Charles Kipp, J. 8) E. O Avery, I. Blodgett. With )r Blaine through ! twenty-one went Giant. •> . d in ti.e National executive session lampshire, offered in ihe Convention lual vote therein, cjdes, against any Convention, which tions of 1860 and 'onvention in 187(5, .mentions, ind antil verning principle." meron, of Pennsyl- Tatic ruling which. 'ork, Pennsylvania ion, and when it sed an iinniediaU? [elegation signed a tnation of General jinion that, in New A hreak in the these defections iromise, which was Hoar, the choice of inporary Chairman e made }(» enforce ivention, until the THE SEVENTH REPT'BLICAN CONVENTION. 341 Committee on Credentials had reported, when the unit rule matter should be decided by the Convention itself. The Convention opened at noon on Wednesday, June 2, with a brief and moderate speech by Senator Cameron, Chairman of the National Committee. Following are the essential parts of the address: > During the canvass just ended there has been manifested in many sections of the country considerable bitterness, which 1 trust, will 'ntirely disappear before we enter upon the graveduties devolved upon us. i^et there be but one motive governing our action, and let that be a determination \o place in nomination the strongest possible can- didates — n>eu strong in themselves, men strong in the confidence and utfections ot the people, and men who will command the respect of the civilized world. Our country, ot which we are justly proud, has grown so I'apidly in population, wealth and influence during the existence of the Uepublicau party, that we have attained a position as one of the leading powers of the world; and we can no longer be satisfied with our isolation, tiecognizing the changed conditions, we must place m position men wlio^e familiarity with other nations will enable them to direct our aftairs, so that we will take the lead in (•ommen-e, as we have in agriculture and in manufacture. Do not for a moment doubt the strength of our institutions. They have been tried in blood, and have come through the contest better, stronger and .purer, than the most ardent patriot had dared to hope. No combination of circunistances, no coterie of individuals, no per- sonal ambition, can ever prevail against the intelligence, and inborn love of liberty, which are implanted in the hearts of Americans. When the nominations are made, and the Convention has completed its work, let there be but one sentiment animating all earnest, sincere and unselfish Kepnblicans, and let that be that each shall vie with the other in carrying our grand old party through the coming contest to victory. Senator Hoar was introduced as tem|;orary Chairmnn of the Con- vention, an appointment which was subsccjuently made perumnent. His opening address consisted chiefly in a sharp ctmtrast between th(> purposes and acts of the two great parties. The members of the various committees were muned, as usual, by the delegations from the states, and in all of them the jGrant members were in the minority, The Committee on Credentials made Omar D. Conger, of Michigan, Chairman by a vote of 25>, to 11 for Benjamin F. Tracy, of New York, and General Garfleld was made Chairman of tht, impoi'taut Commit- tee on Rules. The playing for position extended through all the preliminary proceedings, and in all test votes the (h-aut forces were beaten. The first test vote came on the second dav of the Conven- i ■wft'-<lft4*i?c ^r-^" .- ^1 ' iffiaiyiiiitair pm IMMUMlftalMM^aipMMiMMh- . «UMI 342 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY. tion, when Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, moved that the Committee on RnleB be inetructed to report, witliout waiting for tlie report of the Committee on Credentials. After u sliarp and very personal discus- sion between Mr. Henderson^ Oeneral Logan, of Illinois, Mr. Boutwell. of Massachusetts, and General Sharpe, of New York, the latter, who was a minority member of the Committee on Rules, moved an amend- ment that the Committee on Credentials be instructed to report first. On a roll call of the states this was lost by a vote of 318 to 406, but Mr. Henderson's motion was subsequently laid on the table, by general consent. On the third day Senator Conkling precipitated a sensation, by offering a resolution that every member of the Convention " is bound in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so agree." This was put, viva voce, and declared t-arried, when Mr. Conkling said: "Plainly and audibly to me and to others, negative votes were given on this resolution, and I respectfully ask the Chair to call the states, that we may know who it is in a Republican Conven- tion that votes 'No' on such a pledge." On the roll call of states the vote was yeas 716, nays 3, the latter all being from West Virginia. Mr. Conkling then moved an additional resolution: "That the delegates who, on this roll-call, have voted *no' on the resolution just adopted, do not deserve to have, and have forfeited their votes in this Convention." Delegates A. W. Campbell and 8. P. McCormick, of West Virginia, boldly took up the challenge thus thrown down, and held their ground, not only against the mover of the resolution, but against all comers. It was in this debate that Mr. Campbell first gave currency to the phrase, if he did not coin it, "I always intend to carry my sovereignty under my own hat." McCormick, in his short speech, made a personal thrust at Mr. Conkling, as follows: "1 have to say to the gentlenmn from New York, that I have been as consistent a Republican as he has been ; I have further to say to the gentleman from New York, that when the war broke out in 1861, 1 was but a boy of 18 years of age, and I went Into the Army from the State of Indiana, and into Camp Morton, and was in the Army for two long years. I made, Sir — if the gentlemjen of the Convention will allow mo to say — in IN'"' more than one hund.-ed sjieeches for the nominee of the RepublicH.. party, and I am informed that the gentleman from New Yoi-k Piade but one. It is a notorious fact that the gentleman from New York, on many occasions in the past, when he has failed to UTY. u> Committee on the report of the V personal discus- ois, Mr. Boutwell, the latter, who moved an amend- ed to report llrst. ns to 406, but Mr. table, by general a sensation, by vent ion " is bound linee may be; and not ready to so carried, when Mr. others, negative ly ask the Chair to epnblican Conven- 1 call of states the West Virginia. lution: "That the the resolution just I their votes in this , P. MeCormick, of thrown down, and the resolution, but Mr. Campbell first 'I always intend to rmick, in his short 1 follows: "1 have e been as consistent y to the gentleman }61, 1 was but a boy from the State of Army for two long ntion will allow m«» for the nominee of he gentleman from that the gentleman hen he has failed to THE SEVENTH REPT'HLICAN CONVENTION. 'MA secure what he wanted from the Republican party, has not givr'u it the hearty support that I have. I object to that resolution for this: That resolution recites that u man who dareM assert his independence in this Convention is not worthy of a seat in the body. I say he is. and I object to it for that reason, and not because I do not intend to support the nominee of this Convention. I do, and it umkes no differ- ence who he is." At the end of a long discussion a roll call of states was ordered on the resolution, when Mr. Coukling withdrew it, only to receive this parting shot from Mr. Cam{»bell: "In the language of the gentleman from New York, I congratulate him upon his suc^cess." The Committee on Credentials was not ready to report until the third day of tiio Convention. It had many contested cases before il. several of whic-h turned upon the right <»f a State ('onvention to set aside the action of district conventions, or to bind district delegates. Two reports were made, the majority report deciding in every case on the right of am individual vote, and the minority views, in cases of this class, being in accord with the unit rule. In the Convention the con- tested j-ases in the different states xsere taken up separately, and were made the subjects of long discussioi^s, which attracted wide attention at the time, but which have long since lost their interest. The first test vote was on contested seats from Alabama, in which the majority report was sustained against the minority by a vote of 449 to 30(». On the other cases the majority reports were sustained, though by widely differing votes. ;',.•",:'•'' It was not until the fourth day of the Convention that the report of the (.'ommittee on Kules came up for consideration. The rules reported by the majority were nearly the same as those that governed tlv? Convention of 1876, except Rule 8, to which an addition was made so as to make it read as follows: "In the record of the vote by States, ihe vote of each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia shall be announced by the Chairman; and in case the vote of any State. Territory or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes cast for any candidate, or for or against any proposition; but if exception is luW.v. by any delegate to the correctness of such announcement by t'l'- rb!:ii'man of his dele- gation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of mem- bers of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in accordance with the votes individually given." The report of the minority omitted the last clause of this section. The friends of Oeneral Grant did not desire immediate consideration of the rules, '^i^. .344 HIHTOUY OF THE HKrrm.lCAN PARTY. und General Mhnrjie, of New York, Hoiight to creute a diverHion, by niovinjLr to proceed iiimiedintely to the noiiLiiuition of PreHident and Vice President, but this wuh nej<ative<l by vote of 27(5 to 479. A motion to substitute the minority report for tlie majority was lost, witliout roll call. On motion of Mr. Houtwell, of Massachusetts, this section was added to the rule relatint; to the formation of the National ('ommittee: "Said Committee shall, within the next twelve months, prescribe a method or methods for the election of delegates to the National Convention in 1884; announce the samt to ihe (?!ountry and Issue a I'all for that (convention in conformity therewith; Provided, that such methods or rules shall include and secure to the several Congressional Districts of the Cnited Htates the right to elect their own delegates to the National Convention." This was adopted, as was also the majority report, as so amended, thus settling, probably for all time, the ((uestion of the unit rule, which had been the subject of great dissension during the Conventions, both in 1876 and 1880, The platform adopted by the Convention was as follows: The Republican party, in National Convention assembled, at the i*nd of twenty years since the Federal Government was tlrst com- mitted to its charge, submits to the people of the I'nited States its brief report of its administration : It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men to subvert the National authority. It reconstructed the Union of the States with freedom, instead of slavery, as its cornerstone. It transformed tour million of human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the A'alue of our paper currency from thirty-eight per cent to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, pay- ment in coil) for all the National obligations, and has given us a cur- rency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended coun- try. It has lifted the credit of the Nation from the point where six Iter cent, be ids sold at 86 to that where four {ler cent, bonds are eagerly sou ht at a preminm. Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 miles in IMO to more than 82,000 miles in 1870. Our foreign trade has increased from 9700,000,000 to fl,150,000,- 000 in the same time, and our exports, which were (20,000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were |264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of Government, besides the accruing interest II (livei'Mion, hv President and 1»7<J to 471). A ority wan lost, mchuwttH, thin of the NationHl twelve montlH, legates to the le Country and with; Provide*!, to the several It to elect their ^as adopted, as ttling, probably )een the subjert 876 and 1K80. followR: isenibled, at the was tlrst eoni- nited Htates its rly a million of ucted the Union cornerstone. It keness of things p infamous work slavery does not rom thirty-eight solid basis, pay- s given us a cur- 1* extended coun- point where six cent, bonds are Bed from 31,00(» 00 to 11,150,000,- 120,000,000 less n our imports in closed, defrayed U'cniing interest THE SEVENTH REPPRLirAN rONVENTION. 'm:> on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over |:tO,000,000 for sol- diers' pensions. It has paid 9S8S,000,0(I0 of the public debt, and, by refunding the balHn(*e at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly 9151,0(»0,000 to less than 981»,(»00,000. All the industries of the Country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire Country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued confidence and support of the i)eople, and this (Convention subuiils for its approval the following statement of the principles and pur- poses which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts: 1. We atHrm that the work of the Republican party for the last tventy years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the dilation; that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, through immense dilflculties, should be preserved; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future genera- lions: that the order established and the <'redit acquired should never be impaired; that the pensions promised should be paid; that the debt, so much reduced, be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further pro- moted, and that the commerce already so great should be steadily encouraged. 2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract; out of c<mfederate States it nuide a sovereign Nation. Some powers are denied to the Nation, while others are denied to the States; but the boundary between the powers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the National and not by the State tribunals. 'A. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several States, but it is the duty of the National (Government to aid that work to the extent of its Constitutional ability. The intelligence of the Nation is but the aggregate of the intelligen<'e in the several States, and the destiny of the Nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all. 4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the Nation can he protected against the influence of sectarianism while each State is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the Confltitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition upon the legislature of ea<'h State, to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 5. We affirm the belief avowed in 187fi, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor Amer- ican labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be umd<' ,>■■''■■■■. :)40 HIKTORY OF THE BEriJHLK^AN I'AKTY. \ to any rullwii.v <»r other ••orporatlon ; that HlftVery huvitiK p^tIbH^mI in the Staten, it» twin barbarity — polygamy — niUHt die In the Terri- tories; that everywhere the protection aceordeil lo citizenii of Anier lean birth miiHt be Hemred to cltlKenH by AHieri<-an adoption; that we esteem it the tliity of CongreHH to develop and improve our WRter conrMes and harborH, but InMlMt that further HubHidieH to private per- Bonti or rorpora'iiouH must ceaHe; that the obliKationH of the Republic to the men wl: > preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undi- minished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory — to do them perpetual honor is and shall forever be the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people. '<k •; ^4V- «. Kin«e the authority to regulate Immigration and Interponrse between the I'nlted States and foreign nations i.Hts with the Con- gress of the I'nited Htates and the treaty-making powers, the Repub- lican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the fhinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to restrain and limit that immigration by the enactntent of such just, humane and reasonable provisions as will produce that result. 7. That the purity and patriotism which characterised the early career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our imuHMliate predecessors ti» select him for a I'residential candidate, have continued to inspir" him in his career as ('hief Executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an eftlcient, just and courieous discharge of the publi<- business, and will honor his interposition between the people and proposed partisan laws. 8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of ])atrioti8ni and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and patronage. That to obtain possession of the National and State (Governments, and the conti'ol o:f place and position, they have oh- stru«*ted all efforts ^n promote the purity and to (-onserve the freedom of suffrage; have lievised fr'judulent certifications and returns; hav«» labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of .% majority of the States in the House of liepresentatives ; have endetvored to occupy, by force and fraud, the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legis- lation to appropriation bills, u|>on whose passage the very movements of Oovernment depend; have crushed the rights of the individual; have advocaf(>d the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the Nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nation- ality, personal freedom and individual equality. The e(]ual, steady and complete enforcement of the laws and protection of all our citi- Kens in the enjoyment of all privileges and immunities guaranteed by the Constitution, are the first duties of the Nation. The danger of a -'k: rv. lUviuK p«*rlsh«Ml io in the Terri- fizenii of AnitT <»ption; that we rove our water I to private per- of the Republic battle are undi 1 victory — to do ateful privilege and inlercoupse a with the Con kreru, the Itepnb- of the rhinese f that pow«'r to nt of 8uch just, lat result, terized the early id which (guided 'lect hiu» for a III in his i'areer B udniiniBtration rteouB discharge ion between the labitual saoriflce le lust for office tional and Btate n, they have ob- erve the freedom nd returns; have gresR, to secure, in the House of •e and fraud, the », and rescued by ave, by methods ed partisan legis I very movements f the individual; rebellion against cred memories of i-esults of nation- 'he e<iual, steady )u of all our citi- es guaranteed by The danger of a TIIK SEVENTH REIMHLirAN CONVKNTION. 'M' Holid rtoutli • un only be averted by the faithful performance of every promise which the Nation made to the citiz-en. The executi(m of the laws and the punishment of all those who violate them, are f ■ y safe methods by w hich an enduring peace can be secured and .'null prosperity established throughout the Houth. Whatev r ,••<»">'"**'"» the Nation nwikes, tiw Nation must perform; and the Nattjn cannot with safety reicgut • \i \n duty to the Htates. The solid South must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find free expression; and to this end honest voters must be protected against terrorlHin, violence or fraud. And we affirm it lo be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party .o use all legitimate means to restore all the Htates of this I'nion to the most perfect harmony which may he priMti<able; and we submit to the practical, sensible iK'ople of the Tniled States to say whether it would not be daugerouH to the dearest interests of our country, at this time, to surrender the administration of the National (Government to a party which seeks to overthrow the existing policy under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence and hope. 9. The Republican party, adhering to the principles affirmed by its last National Convention, of re8i»ect for the Constitutional rule covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, that the reform of the Civil Service should be thorough, rad- ii-ai and complete. To this end it denmnds the co-operation of the T^gislative with the Executive Department of the Government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper practical tests, shall admit to the public service. There was no debate upon this pronouncement, except on the last resolution, which was not reported by the Committee on Resolu- tions, but was added by the Convention. It was during the debate on this resolution that Webster B'lanagan, of Texas, made he '» nious si)eech, which furnished catch phrases for the spoilsineii for several years thereafter. He said: "Texas has had enough of the Civil Ser- vice, Daring the last four years, sir, out of fourteen hundred officers appointed by the President of the Cnited States, one hundred and forty represented the Repubii«"an party. We are not here, sir, for the purpose of providing offices for the Democracy. There is one plank in the Democratic party that I have ever admired, and that is. To the victors belong the spoils.' After we have won the race, as we will, we will give those who are entitled to positions office. What are wo up here for? I mean that members of the Republi'^an party are entitled to office, and If we are victorious, we will have office." The order of naming candidates for the Presidency was not reached until Saturday afternoon, the. fourth day of the Convention. fpiHWi MH fllHTORYOFTHK KKIMHMCAN PARTY. "^ V roiiklftiK liiid Ix't'ii <'1miii<>ii to pr«>H<>tit C]niiit*H iiniiie, nnd lie did it in a H)M><M'li tliat, in tlic iinnalM of Aiiicricaii <'oiivvntioii oratory, Iuih coiii- iiioiily Ix'tMi ruiilvt>d hh Hcroiid only to InKcrHoll'H nomination of Hluinc in 1H7((. Tli(> tirMt part of tlic h)h>4m-Ii wan cHpccially Htirrin^, and iH giv«*n licrowitli: And when aHlicd wlwit Htati he IuUIh from, Our Molc reply hIuiII Ih', Uu liailH from Appomatox / .. And itH famouH apple (rcc. ,. In obedicncv to inHtructionH which 1 uhou' i. ■ "r diiv to diMPe- Kard, cxprcHHiut^ alno my own tlnu convictionH, ; i«e. Mi ''reMidcnt, in behalf of the State of New York, to propoHe a noi;'!n.'>i:in v>ith which the country and the Uepiiblican jM<f»v can Ki'undiy win Tltc > 'lection before U8 Ih tl»e AuHterlitz of Au^.-ricun politi<'H. It will decide, for many yearH, whether the country hIiuII be Republican or Cou^ock. The Hupreme need of the hour id not a i ;ukdidate who can carry Michi- gan. All Kepubli<-an candidateH vuf ic that. The m*ed Ih not of a enndidate, popular in the territorieB, i'tiwuse the terrltorieH have no v(..((.». The ne«>d ih of u candidate who can carry doubtful states; not iJu? doubtful Blates of the North alone, bat uIhc doubtful Btates of the Hoiith, wliich we have heard, if I understood u-ight, ought to lake little or no part here, because tlie s^'outh has notti'i; ;? to give, but every- thing to receive. The nej'd whit Is urj!i«<i itself Oii the conscience and reason of the Convention is of ai candidate wlio can carry doubtful states, both North and Houth. And believing that he, more surely than any other man, can carry New York against any opponent, and (•an carry not only the North, but si'veral states of the Bonth, New York is for Ulysses H. Grant. Never defeated — in peaie or in war — his name is the most illustri- ous borne by living man. His services attest his greatness, and the <-ountry — nay, tlie world — knows them by heart. His fume was earned not alone by things written and said, but by arduous greatness of things done; and {lerils and emergenfies will search in vain in the future, as they have searclied in vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans with such confidence and trust. Never liaving had a policy to enfon-i' against the Will of the i>eople, he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the people will never desert or betray him. Standing on the highest eminence of human distinction, modest, tirm, simfde, and self- poised, having tilled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only the high born and the titled, but the poor and the lowly, in the utter- most ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied the needs and defects of many systems of government; and he has returned a better American than ever, witli a wealth of knowledge and ex|M'rien<'e added to the hard common Hense which shone so conspicu- ^M ■' '"\ - • * , PY. lid lie did it ill •at my IlilM OOIII- iHtion of Hluiiic Mtirriiiij:, iiud it« III, I -' ■.'-"' dir'»' to dlMrt'- Mi ','rt*Bidt'iit, , liiitivtith which u TIh' '.'lectiou will decide, for nil 01* (Jou.>}ack. can carry Michl- need iM not of a ritorifH have no btfiil MtatcH; not fr.I Btates of the t, ouKhi to take ) give, but every- e conBt'ienoe and 1 carry doubtful he, more surely ly opponent, and the Month, New the moHt illuBtri- ' — nay, the world alone by thingH > done; and {lerils •e, a» they huve the Nation leauH policy to enforce auMe or a friend, standing on the Hiiiiple, and self- lag Heen not only wly, in the utter- He has studied lent; and he has >f knowledge and lione HO <*oii8picu- J^^ r ■■4^?% * 'I'lF ■ ' tl:" II, .vsl S'AI'.CiSjK'Ri;? -asar! HMMMil VfMtK vtSf ilUtl^Blllt^^llWllMti ^ju„-„. t i 4i t M ja<h M> > rrr ii ' J rti i f»t''-y« itaiSfei W Ji-^^^^^ .^..^^^^^^, . •*Vijr, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historicai lyAicroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions liistoriques ^s THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN (CONVENTION. 34J) \ ». uu8l>- in all tbe fierce light that beat upon him durinjj; Hixteen .yeai-8, the most trying, the most portentous, the most perilonis in the Nation's history. Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnumbered persons, not in other lands, but in his own, assaults upon him have seasoned and strengthened his hold upon the public heart, ('ainmny's ammu- nition has all been exploded; the powder has all been burned once — its force is spent — and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and imperishable star, in the diadem of the Republic, when those who have tried to tarnish it have mouldered in forgotten graves; and when their memories and their epitaphs have vanished utterly. Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has ever, in peait as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The terms he presented for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love of peace, by an arbitration of international disputes which stands the wisest, the most majestic example of its kind in the world's diplomacy. When inflation, at the hight of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both Houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant, single and alone, which overthrew expansion and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more than to any other man, is due the fact- that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold. James A. Garfield's nomination of John Sherman was also a fine piece of Convention oratory, though some of Sherman's friends com- plained afterwards that it was delivered in such a way as to make the orator more conspicuous than the man whose cause he was advocat- ing. Mr. Blaine's name was presented by James F. Joy, of Michigan, and supported by F. M. Pixley, of California, and William P. Frye, of Maine. Through fe. F. Drake, of Minnesota, the name of William Windom was presented. Frederick Billings, of Vermont, presented the name of George F. Edmunds, and J. B. Cassoday, of Wisconsin, that of Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois, who was supported by Augus- tus Brandegee, of Connecticut, as the only man who could surely carry the doubtful Eastern States. Grant's nomination was sup- imrted by William O. Bradley, of Kentucky, and Sherman's by R. B. Elliott, of South Carolina. Balloting did not commence until the fifth day of the Convention, Monday, June 7. The largest number of votes cast on any ballot was 756; necessary to a choice 379. There was one vote each for tbe persons named on the ballot indicated: Third, fourth and fifth, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; thirteenth, George W. McCrary, of Indiana; nineteenth, twentieth, twenty -first rlii . II i "vi^-'*':i''^''!^H'y<''^' ' ^ i y^'''''" ' 1^'. ^•"''■"■"'•^ ' "'^ 360 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. A and twenty-second, John F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania; thirtieth Philip H. Bheridan, of Ohio; thirty-flrst, Roscoe CJonkling, of New York and Edmund J. Davis, of Texas. Aside from these, the follow- ing is a record of the thirty-six ballots: r BALLOT. ^ 2 o First 304 Second 305 Third 305 Fourth 305 Fifth 305 Sixth 305 Seventh 305 Eighth 306 Ninth 308 Tenth 305 Eleventh 305 Twelfth .S04 Thirteenth 305 Fourteenth ...... 305 Fifteenth, ;.. 309 Sixteenth 306 Seventeenth 303 Eighteenth 305 Nineteenth 305 Twentieth 308 Twenty-first . 305 Twenty-second . . 305 Twenty-third .... 304 Twenty-fouKth ... 305 Twenty fifth 302 Twenty sixth 303 Twenty-seventh .. 306 Twenty-eighth ... 307 Twenty-ninth .... 805 Thirtieth 306 Thirty-first 308 Thirty-second . . . ^0» Thirtythird 309 Thirty-fourth .... 312 Thirty-fifth 313 Thirty-sixth 306 i •3 % u OB a 1 P 1 1 93 OS PQ ^ H t^ Ttl 284 31 34 10 93 282 31 32 10 94 282 31 32 10 93 281 31 32 10 95 281 31 32 10 95 280 31 32 10 95 281 31 32 10 94 284 32 31 10 91 282 32 31 10 90 282 32 31 10 92 281 32 31 10 93 283 ^ 31 10 92 285 33 31 10 89 285 35 31 10 89 281 36 31 10 88 283 36 31 10 88 284 36 31 10 90 283 36 31 10 91 279 32 31 10 96 1 276 35 31 .10 93 1 276 35 31 10 96 1 275 35 31 10 97 1 275 36 31 10 97 2 279 35 31 10 93 2 281 35 31 10 94 2 280 36 31 10 93 2 277 36 31 10 93 2 279 35 31 10 91 2 278 35 12 7 116 2 279 33 n 4 120 2 276 37 11 3 118 1 270 44 11 3 117 1 276 44 11 4 110 1 275 30 11 4 107 17 57 23 11 3 99 250 42 5 , , , , 3 399 ^<.<{,- nia; thirtieth l(ling, of New ise, the follow- a cs a u '6 o 93 , , 94 93 95 95 95 94 91 90 92 93 92 89 89 88 88 90 91 96 i 93 I 96 1 97 1 97 2 93 2 94 2 93 2 93 2 91 2 116 2 120 2 118 1 117 1 110 1 107 17 99 250 3 399 THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN (^ONVENTIC).n. 351 The break to (laifleld on the thirty-flftti ballot presaKed his nom- ination on the next as the second choice of the Blaine men, unless the (h'ant leaders could throw their forces for some other candidate. But they were not inclined to do this. The roll call for the thirty- sixth ballot had hardly commenced, when it became evident that the Blaine and scattering vote was going to Oarfleld. A Grant delegate rose, amidst the excitement, and in sonorous voice called out: '*8teady-y-y-y, all along the line," the Grant forces held to their candi- date, and the General had two more votes on the last ballot than he did on the first. The management of the last part of Grant's canvass in the Convention was not good politics. It ::.^i^^^^KMi^l^Hn^s%. was hai'dly prudent generalship, but it was superb discipline. After the result of the thirty-sixth ballot was announced, the President of the Con- vention suggested that the nomination be made unanimous. Senator Conkling said that he rose to make a motion to that effect, but the Chair had anticipated his motion. He, how- ever, availed himself of ' the opportunity to con- J^mbs a. qarfield. gratulate the Republican party of the United States upon the good nature and the well-tempered rivalry which had distinguished the aniwated contest. He added': "I trust the zeal, the fervor, and now the unanimity seen in this great assemblage will be transplanted to the field of the final conflict, and that all of us who have borne a part against each other, will be found with equal zteal bearing the banner— with equal zeal carrying the lance of the Republican party into the ranks of the enemy." <leneral Logan supported the propo- sition to make the nomination unanimous and in the course of his m' f .itap.n^i'.'mn i Bffl i jJ 862 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. remarks, Huid: "Whatever may have transpired in this Convention that may have momentarily marred the feelings of any one here, I hope that, in our eonclugion it will pass from our minds. I, sir, with the friends of I think one of the grandest men that graces the face of the earth, stood here to fight a friendly battle in favor of his nomination ; but, sir^ this Convention has i-hosen another leader. The men who stood by Grant's banners will be seen in the ffont of this contest on the field. We will go forward in this contest, not with sealed lips, not with bridled tongues, but to speak the truth in favor of the grandest party that has ever been organized in this country; to maintain its principles, to maintain its power, to preserve its ascendancy; and, sir, with the leader you have selected, my judgment is that victory will perch upon your banners." Remarks in similar vein were made by men who had been supporters of other candidates, and the nomination was then made unanimous. For Vice-President the following candidates were formally placed in nomination: Chester A. Arthur, of New York; Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois; Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut; Thomas Settle, of Florida; Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, and Edmund J. Davis, of Texas. Mr. Conger read a resolution, adopted by the Mich- igan Repul^lican State Convention : "That in view of the pure charac- ter, strong patriotism and eminent services rendered our State and Nation by Senator Thomas W. Ferry during his long legislative career, both in State and National councils, we hereby respectfully recommend and urge bis name to the National Convention as a fit candidate for the nomination for Vice-President by the Republican party." Mr. Conger followed the reading of this resolu- tion with a letter from Senator Ferry, declining to be a candidate, and his name was therefore withdrawn. The vote was as follows: Chester A. Arthur, of New York 468 Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois 193 Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut 44 Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. ^ 30 Blanche K. Bruce, of Mississippi 8 , James L. Alcorn, of Mississippi 4 Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 2 Thomas Settle, of Florida 1 Stewart L. Woodford, of New York 1 The nomination of General Arthur was made unanimous, and after Committees of Notification had been appointed, the longest, and in some stages of its proceedings, the most heated of Republican National Conventions, closed harmoniously. wnMlKWi" ■WMMMnMii • .ip iTY. this Convention any one here, I minds. I, »h', 1 that graces thi; le in favor of hits )ther leader. The the front of this contest, not with he truth in favor I in this country; , to preserve its ted, my judgment smarks in similar other candidates, s were formally w York; Elihu B. necticut; Thomas , and Edmund J. •pted by the Mich- f the pure charac- red our State and I long legislative ereby respectfully ional Convention President by the ling of this resolu- )e a candidate, and I as follows: 468 193 44 ..).... 30 ..;.... 8 . 4 ; . . 2 1 1 le unanimous, and ?d, the longest, and ited of Republican XXVII. THE GARFIELD AND ARTHT'R CAMPAIGN. The Democratic Convention at Cincinnati— De<larations of the Plat- form-Nomination of Hancock "The Superb" on the Second Ballot-The Tariff a Local Issue— The Greenba<k Candidate and Platform— Not a Bright Prospect for the Republicans— A Change After the Mentor Conference— General Grant's Good Work for the Ticket— Result of the October Elections— The Morey Forgery —The Campaign Ends With a Substantial Republican Triumph, The Democratic National Convention of 1880 opened at Cincin- nati, June 22, entering the campaign with strong hopes of winning on account of the feuds that existed in the Republican party. The platform adopted had a few high-sounding generalizations, togetlier with the following definite though somewliat incoherent enuncia- tions of principles and declarations: 3. Home rule, honest money— consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public faith. State and National and a tariff for revenue only. The subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. 4 The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and miist and shall be maintained in every part of the United States. 5 The existing Administration is the representative of con- spiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and the unprecedented use ^f the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insult the people and imperil their institutions. We execrate the course of this Administration in making places m the civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform by statute which shall make it forever impossible for a defeated candi- date to bribe his way to the seat of the usurper by billeting villains upon the people. , * . 6 The great fraud of 187fi-'77, by which, upon the false count of the Electoral vote of two States, the candidate defeated at the l-'« ■'■.S:t4« 364 HIHTORY OP THE REIM'HLICAN PARTY. ■■'-■■A _*v- ■■:■/«; polls was declared to be the President, and, for the flrst time in American history the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representa- tive government; the Democratic party, to preserve the country from a civil war, submitted for a time, in the tlrm and patriotic faith that the (leople would pujiiBh this crime in 188(); this issue precedes and dwarfs every other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a Nation of free men. The platform also declared against sumptuary laws; m favor of the separation of Church and Btate for the good of each; in favor of "free ships and a living chance for American commerce;" against "Chinese immigration, except for travel, education and foreign com- merce, and therein carefully guarded." It also passed a eulogy upon Hamuel J. Tilden, assuring him of "their confidence in his wisdom. ])atriotiBm and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement which he has chosen for himself, by the sympathy and respect of his fellow citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating the standards of public morality, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party." Only two ballots were taken for the nomination for the Presi- dency, Gen. Hancock having such a decided lead on the second as to speedily bring changes enough to give him a large majority. The ballots were as follows : Second as First. Second. Corrected Winfleld 8. Hancock, of New York 171 320 705 Hamuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania 128V^ Thomas P. Bayard, of Delaware 153 y. 113 ' 2 Henry B. Payne, of Ohio 81 Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio 68V2 50 " Stephen J. Pield, of California 65 ' 651/2 William R. Morrison, of Illinois 62 , . . *" Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana 50V^ 31 3 ' Samuel J. Tilden, of New York .38 6 i Horatio Sevmour, of New York 8 ... Scattering 31 22 ... Total :.. 7281/2 736 738 Necessary to a choice. 486 491 492 Por Vice-President William H. English, of Indiana, and Richard M. Bishop, of Ohio, were named^ but during the first ballot the name V yAD'^ TY. lie first time in ; under a threat m of representa- lie country from riotic faith that ue precedes and upon the people a Nation of free awn; lu favor of iach; in favor of imerce;" against and foreign corn- ed a eulogy upon e in his wisdom, ts of a common )llowed into the e sympathy and who, by elevating ; gratitude of his [)n for the Presi- the second as to ( majority. The THE OAKPIELI) AND AUTHrU (AMI'AKlN. OtMf Second as Second. Corrected 320 705 I28V2 113 2 'bo 651/2 • • • • • • • • ■ [31 6 S 1 22 • • * 736 491 738 492 liana, and Richard St ballot the name of Ex-CJovernor Hishop was withdrawn, and Mr. English was nomin- ated by acclamation. (leneral Hancock was one of the best of the Fnion generals during the war, and <»f his military career (General (Irant said: "Han( ock stands the most conspicuous figure of all the general officers who did not exercise a separate command. He ciunmanded a corps longer than any other one, and his name was never mentioned as having committed in battle a blunder for which he was responsible. He was a umn of very conspicuous personal appearance. Tall, well formed, and, at the time of which I now write, young and fresh looking, he preseuted an appearance that would attract the attention of an army as he passed. His genial disposition nmde him friends, and his courage and his presence with his command in the thickest of the flght won him the confidence of the troops serving under him." To a reporter in search of adverse criticism during the Presidential canvass. General Sherman said: "If you will sit down and write the best thing that can be put in language about General Hancock, as an officer and a gentlenmn, I will sign it without hesitation." On account of his splendid figure and bearing he had been called "Han- cock the Superb," and he was at this time the most popular of Democratic generals. He had been before the Democratic Conven- tions of 1868 and 1872 as a candidate for the nomination, and had made a fair showing in each case. Of his politics he said in a letter to a friend in 1861 : "My politics are of a practical kind— the integrity of the country, the supreuuicy of the Federal Government— an honorable peace or none at all." In later years, like Ge^ieral Sherman, he was '*a soldier, not a states- man," and was not well informed on the political issues of the day. Hut he was sufficiently well aware of that fact to be discreetly silent during most of the campaign. Revision of the tariff was then one of the main questions before Congress and the people. In one of the few attempts that he did make to oxpress his views on pending issues, he referred to the tariff as "a local issue" which he had once heard discussed in Pennsylvania. This occasioned much ridicule during the campaign, although, in some of its phases the tariff has come a great deal nearer being a "local issue" than the theorists on either side would be willing to admit. William H. English was a shrewd politician, not of the highest order, who was, just then, at the head of the party in Indiana. His nomination was intended to carry that State, which was always doubt- ■'i . :m\ INHTOUY OF TIIK KKlM'Ili.ECAX I'AKTY. fill, fur the tick(*t, but on acrdiint of the pai't.v U'luU and joaloiigicH (here, it Hcrnm )M'obable that a Htron^ <-andidat(' from another Htate would have been a j{reat«'r help to the party. The Greenba<-k Convention uiet in (.'hicago, June \), and adopted a platform that touched upon nearly every subject that was before the people. The utteranceB that were moHt diHtin(;tly charafteristic of the party were the following: The rivil (}overnment should guarante<' the Divine right of every laborer to the result of his toil, thus enabling the producers of wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical <*omfort, and facilities for mental, and social, and moral culture; and we condemn, as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery ait the price of a bare animal existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive power by the universal introduction of liibor-saving machinery, and the discovery of new agents for the increaiie of wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, and few producers are lifted from poverty into conifort and pecuni- ary independence. The associated monopolies, the international syndicates, and other income classes demand dear money, cheap labor, and a strong Government, and hence a weak people, forjiorate control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing society into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor and of building up monopolies of associated capital, endowed with power to contisoate private property. It has kept money scarce; and the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade and public and corporate loans; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the borrowers. Other results are — deranged markets, uncertainty in manufacturing enterprises and agriculture, precarious and intermit- tent employment for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauper- ism and crime, and the consequent intimidation and disfranchisement of the producer and a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. Therefore, we declare, 1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power, to be maintained by the people for their common benefit. The dele- gation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central attribute of sovereignty, void of Constitutional sanction, and con- ferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power an absolute dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic or pai)er, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the Govern- ment, and not by, or through, banking corporations: and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private. 2. That the bonds of the United Btateg should not be refunded but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable the Government to meet these obligations, legal tender currency t-li ''ill ' ■■'•.■''^•i' ■i'' ■ MMH '^■'V TIIK aAKKIKLh AND AUTlirU CAMrAKJN. :<:>- UTY. (Ih and JouIoiihU'r oin another Htute nc !), and adopted lliat waH before rtly I'haracterUtic Ine rl^lit of every oducerH of wealth ical comfort, and ; and we condemn, licb impoHes upon ' of a bare animal 'a»e of productive ng machinery, and 1th, the task of the int little shortened, ontfort and pecuni- the international money, cheap labor, people. Corporate I of dividing society e products of labor tital, endowed with t money scarce; and ubiic and corporate e bankruptcy of the lets, uncertainty in trious and intermit- increasing pauper- id disfranchisement orporate feudalism. i a sovereign power, benefit. The dele- ader of the central sanction, and con- power an absolute ey, whether metallic ilied, by the Govern- tions: and, when so , public and private. iild not be refunded •ontract. To enable a1 tender currency Hhould be HiibMtitutcd for tlHMiotcH of the National banks, the National bunking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, aH well as gold, established by law. • . . On the first ballot for a l*residential candidate, J. H. Weaver, of Iowa, had a decided lead over six other aspirants, and he was tluii nominated by acclamation. For the nomination for Vice-I'rcHJdi'nt on the only ballot taken, Itenjamin •) <'Iiambers, of Texas, had 4(Ki votes, and (iencral A. Af. West, of MiHf<it*aippi, lUl. . . v, The Prohibition party met in rievcland, .lune IT, and nominated Neal Dow, of Maine, for President, and Henry A. Thompson, of Ohio, for Vice- J 'resident. There was also an Anti-Masonic ticket in the H>ld. which nomin- ated John W. I'helps, of Vermont, for President, and Hamuel ('. Pomeroy, of Kansas, for Vice-President. The votes for this ticket came chiefly from Illinois, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, New York. Rhode Island and Wisconsin. During the campaign, beyond a little good-natured ridicule of Hancock's ignorance of economic and political atTairs, the Oenera! was treated with the utmost consideration by the Republicans, who conducted their canvass on political issues and not on personalities Their main subject of discussion and attack was furnished by the Democratic Congress, and by Southern arrogance and greed. Houth- ern war claims, which had been introduced in Congress in great numbers, and in sufHcient volume to swamp the Treasury, were (minted out as an element of danger in case the Democrats should obtain possession of the Executive, as well as the liegislutive branch of the Government. The Kolid Houth, made so by fraud, intimida* tion, and false counting, and controlling the Democratic party, was held up as a constant menace, and the outrages committed on colored and white Republicans were feelingly portrayed on the stump. The Democrats tried to ridicule this di>wn, by s})eaking of it as "waving the bloody shirt," but the arguments derived from it had not yet lost their force 'ipon the Northern mind. The Democrats, on the other hand, made many bitter personal attacks on the Republican candidates, particularly upon General Garfield. They accused him of disreputable connection with the Credit Mobilier, and the figures "329" which, it was said, represented one of his dividends from that Association, were not only used in campaign speeches, and in transparencies doing duty in torch-light parades, but they were chalked up on dead walls and on sidewalks. -m — %V -.-•iHs 868 IIIHTORY OF THK RKIMIIMCAN PAKTY. ^i He wtiH nrrUMMl of contiortion wifh the WiiMliliiKton Newer, piiviiiK aiul tiidevvalk riiiKM of ii iM'riml eiKlit or ten .vearM earlier than thii* though no fraud or qnestionahle intent wuh ever Mhown in eonnee- tlon with this. The onl.v effective |iernonnl attaek on him, however was in the wide distribution of a faeitimile of a letter, puriMirting to rome from him relating to t'hinese immigration. The letter waH flrHt printed in a paiM>r called Truth, puMiHhed in New York, under date of Saturday, October '2:\, 1NH4). It waH headed, ''tlarfleld'ii Politi- cal Death Warrant," and waH cliaracteriKed as "HIh InfamouH I^etter Advocating the Increased Immigration of ('hine8(> Cheap Ijabor." It was written on Houne of KepreHentativeM* letter head, wan marked "Personal and Confldential," was addressed to II. L. More,v, of Lynn, Mass., and read as follows: Y'ours in relation to the Chinese problem came duly to hand. I take it that the question of employes is only a question of private and corporate economy, and individuals or companies have the right to buy labor where they can get it ('heapest. We have a treaty with the Chinese Government which should be religiously kept until its provisions are abrogated by the action of the General Government, ond I am not prepared to say that it should be abrogated until our great manufacturing and cor|M)rate interests are considered in the matter of labor. This let.ter was promptly denounced as a forgery. It was after- wards proven to be such, and one of the authors of it was sentenced to prison for eight years. But it was so late in the campaign when it was circulated that the truth could not, in all cases, overtake the lie, and it cost Garfield the popular rote of California. In 1878, when the Greenbackers were at their strongest, a com- bination between them and the Democrats elected a Democratic Governor in Maine, the first time the Republicans in that State had been beaten since the party was organised. The next year Governon Garcelon and his councillors counted in a Democratic Legislature, by methods more suited to Louisiana than to Maine, and in contraveii tion of a decision of the Supreme Court. Notwithstanding the indig- nation caused by the proceeding, the combination elected their candidate for Governor in 1880, though by only 169 majority. This was a decided setback for the Republicans. But it had one good effect in uniting the factions and setting them earnestly to work. Senator Coakling had, before this, sulked in his tent, but through the influence of General Grant, he was induced to visit General Garfield linftwht \itit,^^mmmimAm iTY. THE OAKPIKLh AND AIlTHrU CAMrAION. nm )ll Ht>H-<*r, |IUVill^ Mirlicr than thiH liowp in ronnec- »ii lilm, however r, |Mir|M>rting to The letter waH New York, under Onrfleld'B Polltl- InfaniouH I>»tter > rheap Ijabor." lead, waM marked More.v, of Lynn, duly to hand. Illy a question of DUipanieH have the t which should be by the action of aa'y that it should orporate interests ■ry. It was after- f it was sentenced he campaign when •ases, overtake the uia. • strongest, a com- cted a Democratic in that Rtate had lext year Oovernou itic Legislature, by and in contraven standing the indig- ition elected their W majority. This It it had one good earnestly to work, nt, but through the it General Garfield at Mentor, Ohio, and afterwards to enter heartily Into the canvass, lie and General Grant, together, made a stumping tour through New York Htate, Grant making tlve-minute speeches, and Tonkling addresses of considerable length. It was due to their combined efforts, doubtless, that New York, in November gave the Kepublican Electors as fair a majority as it did, perhaps due to this effort that it gave them any majority at all. Garfield curried every Northern Htate except New Jersey, Nevada and California. In the laiur Htate one of the Democratic candidates for Elector was badly scratched, on account of personal unpopularity, so that Garfield had one Elector from that Htate. Hancock had the Holid Houih, Including all the old H«»ceded and Border Htates. The Electoral vote was: Garfield and Arthur 214 Hancock and English 155 The popular vote was as follows: Garfield and Arthur 4,454,410 Hancock and English 4,444,»52 Weaver and Chambers .•?08,578 Dow and Thompson 9,770 Phelps and Pomeroy 1,.'J92 In Maine, the vote credited to Hancock was cast on a Fusion ticket of Democrats and (Jreenhackers. It had a total of 65,171, of which probably two-thirds was cast by the former and one-third by the latter. In Virginia there were two Hancock tickets, one nom- inated by the "Funders" and the other by the "Readjnstit^rs," two factions into which the Democratic party was divided on the method of adjusting the Htate debt. The first of these had 90,596 votes and the second, 31,559. The Kepublican vote in the Htate was 88,511. During the Garfield-Arthur Administration Congress was divided politically as follows: Forty-seventh Congress. Henate — Repnblicans, 37; Democrats, 37; American 1; Beadjuster, 1. Honse — Republicans, 152; Democrats, 130; Nationals, 9; Readjusters, 2. Forty-eighth Congress. ' Senate — Republicans, 40; Democrats, 36. House — Republicans, 119; Democrats, 200; Independents, 4; Nationals. 2. I :i ),)■ # 360 HI8TOBY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Tlie Michigan voto on President was as follows: Garftfld and Arthur 11^'^m Hancock and English i/^K Weaver and Chambers ^*'»»° Dow and Thompson ^^° PhelDS and ^omeroy The Presidential Electors were: At Large-Charles B Peck, Samuel M. Stephenson. By I>istrict8-(1) Edward H. Butler; | Charles T. Mitchell; (3) David R. Cook; (4) Charles D«^^«^t>«; ^5) Aaron B. Turner; (6) Ira P. Bingham; (7) Watson Beach; (8) William H. Potter: (9) Samuel A. Browne. The vote of the State for Governor in 1880 was: David H. Jerome, Republican • JJ8,944 Frederick M. Holloway, Democrat. or loj David Woodman, 2d, Greenback ^^il Isaac W. McKeever, Prohibition ^.JJ* Cornelius Quick, Anti-Masonic -s^" The Michigan Congressmen elected were all Republicans, and were as follows, in the order of their districts: Henry W. I^rd, Edwin Wilms, Edward S. Lacey, Jnlins C. B«""7«' «^j; .^v WeWier, Oliver L. Spaulding, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, Jay \ Hubbell Mr. Conger was elected to the United States Senate by the legislature of 1881, and was succeeded by John T. Rich. In the election of 1882, which came midway in this Presidential period, the vote for Governor was as follows: Josiah W. Begole, Fusion J54,269 David H. Jerome, Republican k JkI Daniel P. Sagendorph, Prohibition o»»o* Waldo May, National •• ^'""° Charles C. Foote, Anti-Masonic *»*^ The Congressional elections in 1882 were quite in keeping with the revolution which gave the Governorship to the Democrats, six out of the eleven members being elected by Fusion votes «» 'oUo^s: (1) W. C. Maybury: (2) N. B. Eldredge; (4) George L. Yaple; (5) Juhus Housemann, (6) idwin B. Winans; (7) E^ra C. Carlton The Repub- Ucan members werei (3) Edward S. Lacey; (8) Roswell G. Horr; (9) Byron MCutcheon; (10 Herschel H. mtch; (11) Edward Breitung. rY. 185,190 131,301 34,895 938 312 larles B. Peck, . H. Butler; (?) Buncombe; (5) ach; (8) William . . 178,944 . . 137,671 . . 35,122 1,114 220 iepublicans, and Henry W. liord, OW8, George W. veU G. Horr, Jay sd States Senate jhn T. Rich, this Presidential 154,269 149,697 5,854 2,006 343 » in keeping with le Democrats, »ix votes, as follows: . Yaple; (5) Julius ton. The Repub- swell G. Horr; (9) Edward Breitung. XXVIII. THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. Blaine's Purpose in Taking the State Portfolio— A Series of Unfor- tunate Appointments— Slights ITpon Mr. (?onkling and His Indig- nation Thereat— Resignation of the New York Senators— Boutwell's Statement of the Aflfair— Successors of Senators Conkliug and Piatt— Assassination of President Garfield— Guiteau's letter of Explanation— Press Lessons Drawn From the Tragedy— ("hanges Made in the Cabinet by President Arthur —His Prudent and Successful Administration— The Question of Civil Service Reform— The Tariff of 1883— Morrison's Horizontal Reduction Plan— Other Important Measures. If President Garfield had any purpose of harmonizing the factions in the party, and to "treat all stripes alike," he set about it in a very awkward way, for his choice of Cabinet officers, and some of his New York appointments, made soon afterwards, were in the highest degree offensive to the ruling faction in the Republican poli- tics of the Empire State. The Cabinet was made up as follows: Secretary of State— James G. Blaine, of Maine. Secretary of the Treasury — William Windom, of Minntaota. Secretary of War— Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois. Secretary of the Navy— William H. Hunt, of Louisiana. Secretary of the Interior— Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa. Postmaster General— Thomas L. James, of New York. Attorney General— Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania. Blaine's appointment was, of course, distasteful to the domin- ant wing in the party in New York. Many of his wisest friends advised him not to take the portfolio, among them Senator Dawes, who said, at a later period: "I warned Mr. Blaine that if he entered the Cabinet with the intent or hope of circumventing his rival, it would be fatal to him and to the AdministraHon of Garfield, and I ■J.l % ^?'f' 1.' Ajl'/ ,;, ■«« .m^ 862 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. expr'e88ed the opinion that it would be iiupoBsible for him to keep the peace if he took the office. He replied with fraukness, and, I have no doubt, with entire sincerity, that it would be hie purpose, if he accepted the office, to ignore all past differences, and so deport himself in it as to force reconciliation. He also said that he could not agree with me, even if the effect should prove otherwise, that he should be debarred from the gfeat opportunity, for which he felt himself quali- fied, to administer the Foreign office on the broad and grand scale he did afterward undertake, but was not permitted to perfect. I fore^utv' the rocks, all too plainly, and advised him to remain in the Beniic. But he determined otherwise and accepted the position." Thai Blaine did not overestimate his qualifications for the import- ant duties of Secretary of State, was shown at a later period, by his successful and brilliant administration of the same Department under President Harrison. But that he underestimated the difficulties of promoting peace, with himself in the Cabinet, and with as impulsive a man as Garfield in the Presidency, is equally clear. But this appointment was not as offensive to Mr. Conkling and his political associates, as the second proffer that was made of a Cabinet position, that of the Treasury irartfolio to Charles J. Folger, of New York. . This offer was made, not only without consulting Senator Coiikling, but against his recommendation of Levi P. Morton for the place. Mr. Folger declined the offer, but that did not miti- gate Mr. Conkling's wrath at the slight that had been put upon him. It became known soon afterwards that the New York postmaster, Thomas L. James, was to be appointed Postmaster General, and as there was no likelihood of two Cabinet appointments going to the same State, this shut out the Empire State from the Treasury port- folio, which, its Senators had been assured, should go to that State. When Senator Piatt heard of this he communicated the information to Senator Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, whom he found at breakfast. The three repaired to the Riggs House, where Garfield had rooms, to which they were admitted. Conkling broke out int(» an unseemly tirade, which he continued for a long time, charging Garfield, who was, all the time sitting on the edge of the bed, with treachery to his friends in New York, and with being false to his party. Both Arthur and Piatt subsequently declared that for invec- tive, sarcasm and impassioned eloquence, this was the speech of his life. ■ii^W'.;.:-,-;'^ ifiiMBiai •riiiirifiifetiiniiiliiilfiiiffflilil HbmMm noaXKBUS % llTY. him to keep the less, and, I have 8 purpose, if he lo deport himself i could not agree hat he should be elt himself quali- and grand scale d to perfect. I to remain in the ed the position." I for the import- :er period, by his department under the difBcuIties of mth as impulsive r. tfr. Conkling and t was made of a ::?harles J. Polger, ithout consulting of Levi P. Morton that did not miti- >en put upon him. York postmaster, r General, and as ents going to the he Treasury port- go to that State, d the information rhom he found at ie, where Qarfleld ng< broke out into Dg time, charging s of the bed, with being false to his red that for invec- the speech of his ^~*»,»^j ^^i5l GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. 303 The President, after this made a number of appointments in New York that were satisfactory to the Vice-President and the Senators from that State. The most important one of all, that of Collector of the Port, was held in abeyance until March 23d, when the I'resident nominated William H. Robertson, of Westchester County, E. A. Merritt, the incumbent at the time, being appointed Consul General to liondon. No appointment could have been nmde more offensive to Conk- ling than this. There was no objection to Robertson on the score of fitness or ability. He had served his District acceptably in the State Senate and in Congress. But he was restless under the dictation of Conkling and his asso- ciates, was the leader of the anti-Grant ele- ment in the New York delegation, and was the first to disregard and repudiate the unit rule in the Convention, sup- porting Blaine as long as there was any chance for him, and then trans- ferring his own vote and as many others as he could to Garfield. The nomination was sent in March 23d. wili.iam h. robektson. Conkling and Piatt did their utmost to defeat its confirmation, by argument and by appeals to Senatorial courtesy, but without prospect of success. While this wa» pending, on the 5th of May, the Presi- dent, hearing that the New York Senators intended to secure the confirmation . of the other New York appointments, but to hang up that of Robertson till December, withdrew the others, leaving Rob- ertson to stand alone. Vice-President Arthur and the New York Senators sent a letter to the President remonstrating against this, but without avail. The fight had now become so bitter that a com- "ssmmmmmmmmB 304 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. T'i. "v -• ftj mfttee^of five unitual friends visited Conkling to gee if a reconcilia- tion could not be effected. Of the result, Senator Dawes, chairman of the committee of conciliation, afterwards said: "On that occasion he surpassed himself in all those elements of oratorical i>ower, for which he was so distinguished. He continued, for two hours and a half, to play, with consummate skill, npon all the strings known to the orator, and through aJl the notes, from the lowest to the highest, which the great masters command, and concluded in a lofty apos- trophe to the greatness and glory of the Republican party, and his own devotion to its highest welfare, 'and,' said he, *I trust that the exigency may never arise when I shall be compelled to choose between s6lf-respect and personal honor on the one side, and the temporary discomfiture of that party on che other; but if that time shall ever come, I shall not hesitate in the choice, and I now say to you, and through you to those whom it most concerns, that I have in my pocket an autograph letter from this President who is now for the time being its official head, which I pray God I may never be com- pelled in self-defense, to make public; but if that time shall ever come, I declare to you, his friends, he will bite the dust.' " He after- wards published the letter, but it did not create the sensation he anticipated. It was an appeal for collections from Government ofQcials and (clerks for campaign expenses. On the 16th of May ( 'onkling and Piatt resigned their seats in the Senate, and two days later Robertson was confirmed, with very little opposition. There has been muth discussion as to the part that Blaine had in this nomination. His friends, at the time, said that he had noth- ing to do with it, and knew nothing about it until after it was made. His enemies said that he M'as the instigator of the whole mischief. Probably there is no one else, living at the present time, so well fitted to state the facts ii| the case as George S. Bout well, of Massachusetts. Mr. Boutwell was in President Grant's Cabinet, was one of his four trusted managers at the Chicago Convention, and was {intimate with Conkling, without ever breaking friendship with Blaine. In McClure's Magazine for January, 1900, Mr. Boutwell gives very . interesting reminiscences of this affair. He says that, following the visit of General Grant and Mr. Conkling to Mentor, in the fall of 1880, he was informed by Mr. (Conkling that he had not been alone one minute with General Garfield, intending by that cnre-taking, to avoid the suggestion that his visit was designed to afford an opportunity for IPM if a recoin'ilia- e%, chairman of bat occasion he ower, for which 9 and a half, to linown to the to the highest, n a lofty apos- party, and his I trust that the,; >lled to choose > side, and the )ut if that time id I now say to ■ns, that I have who is now for ly never be com- time shall ever St.' " He after- he sensation he >m Government d their seats in rmed, with very that Blaine had bat he had noth- ter it was made, whole mischief, me, so well fitted f Massachusetts. ) one of his four as intimate with ne. In McClure's very . interesting ing the visit of II of 1880, he was lone one minute ng, to avoid the 1 opportunity for OARPIELP AND ARTHFK ADMINIWTKATION. .m eny personal or party arrangement. It was the wish of General Grant, as it was his wish, that the effort which they were then making should lie treated as a service due to the party, and to the country, and that General Garfield should be left free from any obligation to them whatever. Mr. Boutwell continues his narrative as follows: After the election and after Mr. Blaine became Secretary of State, he volunteered to sjieak of the situation of the party in New York, and of Mr. Conklings standing in the State. Among other things, he said that Mr. Conkling was the only man who had had three elections to the Senate, and that Mr. Conkling and his friends would be considered fairlv in the appointments that might be made in the State. When in conversation with Conkling, I mentioned Blames remark, he said: "Do vou believe one word of that?" I said, "Yes, I believe Mr. Blaine." He said with emphasis : "I don't." Subsequent events strengthened Mr. Conkling in his opinion, but those events did not change my opinion of Mr. Blaine's integrity of purpose in the conversations of which I have spoken. My knowledge of the events, which seem to have the relation of a prelude to the great trag«?dy, was derived from three persons, Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Marshall Jewell. At the request of the President, Mr. Conkling called upon him the Sunday preceding the day of the catastrophe. The President gave Mr. Conkling the names of persons that he was considering favorably for certain places. To several of these Mr. Conkling made jobjections, and in some cases other persons were named. As Mr. Conkling was leaving he said: "Mr. President, what do you propose about the collectorship of New York?" The President said: "We will leave that for another time." These statements I received from Mr. Conkling. From Mr. Jewell I received the following statement as coming from the President: "When the New York nominations were sent to the Senate, the President was forthwith in the receipt of letters and dispatches in protest, coupled with the suggestion that every- thing had been surrendered to Conkling. Without delay, and with- out consultation with any one, the President nominated Judge Robert- son to the oflice of Collector of New York. Further, the Prebident said, as reported by Mr. Jewell, Mr. Blaine heard of the nomination, and he came in very pale and much astonished. Prom Mr. Blaine I received the specific statement that he had no knowledge of the nomination of Judge Robertson until it had been made. These statements are reconcilable with each other, and they place the responsibility for the sudden and fatal rupture of the rela- tions between Mr. Conkling and the President, upon the President. Mr. Conkling could npt fail to regard the nomination of Robertson as a willful and premeditated violation of the pledge given at the mmm w » . . . 366 HIHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ;;y;;7^ .-^■. ■ >'V" V Hunday confcivuce. It was, however, only un inBtance of General Uarfleld'H impulsive and iinrengoning BubuiiBHiun io an expresHion of public opinion, without waiting for evidence of the nature and value of that opinion. That weakne^g had been observed bv hig agaociates in the Houge of RepregentatiAeg, and on that weaknegg hig admin- igtration was wrecked. When iRenatorg fonkling and Piatt regigned their geatg it wag with the expectation that the New York Tjegiglature, then in geggion, would immediately re-elect them. In thig they were digappointed. They had taken tlie gtep hagtily, and without congulting their friendg. Even Vice-President Arthur knew nothing of it, until the resignationg rea(*hed him in hig ofBcial capacity ag pregiding ofHcer of the Benate. When the letters of regignation reached Governor Cornell, of New York, he nngu(*ceggfully sought to have them withdrawn. On the flrgt ballot in the Legiglature Conkling had only 35 voteg for the ghort term, and Piatt 2J> for the long term. They did not get beyond thig number in the succeggive ballotg, while from 75 to 79 were necesgary to a choice. The Democratg nominated Francig Kernan for the long term, and John C. Jacobg for the ghort term. The Republicang, who were oppoged to (^onkling and Piatt, made no regular nominationg, but gradually concentrated their voteg on William A. Wheeler and Chauncey Mj Depew, but the highegt vote reached by the former wag 50 and by the latter 55. Finally the Republicang caucuged and named Warner Miller to Bucceed Mr. Piatt and Elbridge B. Tjapham to succeed Mr. Conkling. On the forty-eighth ballot Mr. Miller was elected, but it took another caucug, and geveral more ballotg to land Mr. Lapham. The contest lasted from May 31 to July 22. It wag during this contest that the names "Stalwarts" and "Half Breeds" came into use, the former being applied at firgt to the Grant-Conkling wing of the party, and the latter to the Garfield-Blaine followerg The failure of rp-election concluded Senator Conkling's political career, but Mr. Piatt was soon on his feet again, and before many years was the most influential man in his party in the Empire Statei While the election of Senatorg in New York wag gtill pending the country was startled at news of' the assassination of President Garfield. On the morning of July 2, as he was in the waiting room of the Pennsylvania Railroad station in Washington, whence he was to start with his (^abinet on a tour through New England, Charles J. Guiteau, a disappointed ofHce-see|cer, approached him, and fired two shots at him, one of which took effect in the back, and ultimately ■I¥^" ' rv. ince of General m expresHion of Eiture and value y his a880(;iate8 De88 his admin- sir 8eat8 it wuH then in session, re disappointed, ng their friendB. the resignations »r of the Senate. Cornell, of New Irawn. On the tes for the short get beyond this I were necessary nan for the long tepnblicans, who lar nominations, A. Wheeler and r the fornijer was Ds caucused and . ridge B. Lapham t Mr. Miller was e ballots to land July 22. It was d "Half Breeds" e Grant-Conkling Blaine followers ikling's political Eind before many he Empire Sta^ei uras still pending tion of President, the waiting room 1, whence he was igland, Charles J. im, and flred two i, and ultimately GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. !{67 caused his death. On (Juiteau's person, after iiis arrest, was found a letter whith said: "The President's tragic death was a sad neces- sity, but it will unite the Republican party and save the Republic. Life is a flimsy dream, and it matters little when one goes; a human life is of small value. During the war thousands of brave boys went down without a tear. I presume that the President was a Christian, and that he will be happier in Paradise than here. It will be no worse for Mrs. <Jarfleld, dear soul, to part with her husband this way, than by natural death He is liable to go at any time, anyway. I had no ill-will toward the President. His death was a political necessity. I am a lawyer, a theologian and a politician. I am a Stalwart of the Stalwarts. I Mas with General Grant, and the rest of our men in New York during the canvass. 1 have some papers for the press, which I shall leave with Byron Andrews, and his company, journal- ists, at 142(» New York Avenue, where all the reporters can see them." The letter was signed "Charles Guiteau," and was addressed "To the White House." Guiteau s declaration that he was a Stalwart of the Stalwarts, and the information which came out afterwards that he had, himself been disappointed in office-seeking, induced many to think that there was some connection between him and the President's political opponents In New York. Nothing could have been further from the truth, than the suspicion that there was any direct connection of this sort, for, although the Stalwarts were fighters they were not assas- sins. Some of the leading newspapers, however, found a logical, if not a direct, connection between the political quarrel and the political assassination. The Springfield, Mass., Republican said: "Guiteau is a miserable ne'er do well, who shares the common feeling that all the offices are in the dispen«ation of the President of the United States, and that he has a claim on that functionary for patronage. He is in sympathy with Arthur and Conkling in the struggle over the New York Custom House. His wits have become only a degree more disordered than those of Conkling himself, and being a much weaker and feebler man, his vengeance has taken the direct and vulgar form of a pistol shot, rather than the more refined form of resigning the seats of the Republican majority in the Senate of the United States, and demanding a vindication from the State of New York." The New York papers were not as direct as this, but drew lessons of much the same tenor. The Times said: "Though the murderer was obviou(s.ly of unsound mind, it is impossible to ignore the causes 868 HISTORY OP THE REIMIULICAN PARTY i»v-'v;> ;',:^i.':^$- which l(>d immediately to this act; which dire<'ted his ill-reKulated will to final aim. He was a disapirainted oflicp ••"«»ker, and he linlitHl the bitterneHB or his personal disappointiuent with the paasionatc animosity of a faction. This ri '■•^ntin^'at was intlanied and intensified by the assanlts upon the President, which have been common in too many circles for the past few months. Ortainly, we are far from holding any party or any section of a party responsible for this mur- derous act, but we believe it our duty to point out that the act was an exaggeraled expression of a sentiment of narrow and bitter hatred, which hns been only too freely indulged. It is not too much to say, in the first place, that if Mr. (i^arfleld had not been the chief of a service in which ofHces are held out as prizes to men of much the same merit, and much the same career as this murderer, he would not have been exposed to this attack." The New York Tribune had this: "President Qarfleld has been shot down, not by a political faction, but by the spirit which a political faction has begotten and nursed. But for that spirit, there was hardly a man in this country who seemed; at sunrise yesterday, more safe from murderous assault. It does not appear that the assassin of yesterday had ever been thought a lunatic by any associate or acquaintance, until the deadly shots wen^ flred. Was he 'crazed by political excitement' then, as many say? At what point, if ever, did the madness of faction become the madness of irresponsibility? Do the leaders of factions ever intend all the mischief which grows from the wild and desperate <!pirit which they create, feed, and stimulate, week after week? Is it not their constant crime against self government, that, by kindling such u spirit, they (tend weak or reckless men beyond the bounds of right, or reason? This assassin, it seems, was not ignorant that he was trying to kill one President and make another. His language and letters prove that l\e knew what he was doing only too well, and a 'Stalwart of the Stalwart^,' his passion was intense enough to do the thing which other reckless men had wished were done." Instead of allay- ing factional feeling, this tragic event seemed for tlie time to inten- sify it. In spite of treatment by the most eminent surgeons in the coun- try, and the aid of a strong constitution, the President gradually weakened under the effects of the wound, blood poisoning set in, and he died on the 19th of September, at Elberon, N. J., where he had been taken in the hope of being benefited by the cool air of the seashore. The time between the fatal shot and the President's death, was a mhmmi RTY. 1 his in-rcK"lat<>d cer, and he linked h the paasionate ed and intensitled in eoinnion in too , we are far from lible for this mur- that the act was irrow and bitter it is not too much t been the chief of men of much the iirderer, he would York Tribune had lot by a political has begotten and an in this country nurderouB aBsault. y had ever been e, until the deadly citement' then, as ! of faction become B of factions ever nd desperate spirit T week? Is it not by kindling such a bounds of right, or that he was trying agnage and letters ell, and a 'Stalwart ;h to do the thing ' Instead of allay- • the time to inten- rgeons in the coun- 'resident gradually oisoning set in, and , where he had been ftir of the seashore, ent's death, was a GARFIELD AND AKTUlil ADMINIHTRATION. m\t period of int«Mi»e suiTering, which he bore with a patlen<e and heroism that won the admiration and renewed tlie affections of the people. Oii the 27th of February following, the two Houses of Congress held memorial services, to which the heads of Departments, Hupreme Court Justices, Ministers of Foreign countries, (lovernors of states, and distinguished officers of the Army and Navy were invited. In the recollection of his heroic endurance of suffering and tragic death, his political mistakes were forgotten, and the eloquent tribute to his memory by Secretary Blaine, who was the orator for the occasion met with a hearty response from the people. In his closing para- graphs Mr. Blaine said: As the end drew near his early craving for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospital of pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from its oppress ive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed- for liealing of the sea, to live or to die, as God should will, within sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold voices With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the ocean's changing wonders; on its far sails, whiteninc; in the morning light; on its restless waves, rolling shore- ward to break and die beneath the noonday sun; on the red clouds of evening, arching low to the horisson; on tlie serene and shining path- way of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic meaning, which only the rapt and parting soul may know. Let us believe that, in the silence of the receding world, he heard the great waves breaking on a further shore, and felt already upon his wasted brow the breath of the eternal morning. The trial of Guiteau <'ommenced in November and lasted about two months. It was often interrupted or disturbed by disorderly conduct and scurrillous remarks by the prisoner, often giving the impression that lie was simulating insanity. He was convicted in January, and was executed in Washington, June 30, 1882. An autopsy showed no disease of the brain. At the time of President Garfield's death Vice-President Arthur was in New York, and he immediately took the oath as President before Judge Brady. He subsequently renewed the oath before the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at Washington. Before his nomination for the Vice-Presidency but little was known of General Arthur, except as one of the managers of one wing of the New York Republit'ans. His capacity for the statesmanlike treatment of large iifiiiiiw iinnrii tiiii^ 3T0 J41HTORY OF THE HKITHLICAN PAKTY. I V 'V public iilTairH hud not been tested. To niun.v people, who hud tliouKht of him only ui* a loral polltirlan, his letter urreptlnn the nomination came ub a revelation. HIb treatment of the public lusueii then pend- ing, Indicated a Boundness and B«illdlt.v of thounht, that were fully as acceptable m those of the more brilliant and elTuHlve (hirfleld After hlB wceimion to the Presidency, <leneral Arthur gained very rapidly In public confidence and favor; and before hlB lerm closed he was regarded as among the most prudent, and most discreet, as well as one of the ablest of our Presidents. The changes he made , In the Cabinet, which he inherited from Oar- field, were numerous, but they were nmdi; with deliberation. Mr. Ulaine, who, as the head of the Cabinet, had, during President Clarfleld's illness, came nearer the possession of Presidential power, than he ever did before or afterwards, retain«Kl his portfolio till Decem- ber 10, 1881, when he surrendered it to Fred- erick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey. Edwin 1). Morgan, who had been nominated an<l CHEMTBR A. ARTHUR. confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury, declined, on account of ill health. Charles J. Pplger. who had declined the position under Garfield, was appointed ajd accepted. He afterwards resigned and was succeeded in 1882 by Walter Q. Oresham, and he, in turn, by Hugh McCuUoch. In April, 1882, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, was appointed Secre- tary of the Navy, and Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, Secretary of the Interior. Within the next three years there were three different incumbents of the position of Postmaster General, Timothy O. Howe, of Wisconsin, who succeeded Thomas L. James; Waiter Q. Gresham, of Indiana, and Frank Hatton, of Iowa. -mun m ■ m.'. I'Y. liM had thouKlit the nomination BUfii then iifhd- that were fully Tuiiive (Jarfleld mr gained ver.v I term closed lie liB<reet, as well hangeH he made Cabinet, which •rited from Gai*" vere numerouH, ey were mad*; ^liberation. Mr. who, as the jf the Cabinet, II ring President d'B illnesB, came the poBHession sidential power. e ever did before rwardfl, retainf>d tfolio till Decem , 1881, when he dered it to Fred- r. Prelinghuysen, V Jersey. Edwin >rgan, who had nominated ami aed as Secretary ^harleB J. Polger, 8 appointed apd ^ed in 1882 by lUoch. In April, appointed Secre- Secretary of the ■e three different Mmothy O. Howe, titer Q. Gregham, GAUFIKI.l) AND AHTlll 11 ADMINIKTU.VTION. :»7l A number of imiwrtant que«tionii which had »»een before <'on- greBu, in one form or another, for Home years, were settled during President Arthurs Administration. An improvement In the (Mvil Service, which should remove minor appointments from iM»liti<al influen«e. was agitated as i-arly as Grant's first term, but even Grant, with all his firmness, though favoring a progressive movement in that direction, c«»uld not nmke much headway against the political influences that were oi»|M»sed to the niDvement. In 1871 the first Civil Service Law passed, and under it President Grant appointed a commission to ascertain and act on the fltness of candidates for appointive ofllces. Congress, however, gave it only grudging support, and in 1874, refused to make any appropriation, whatever for the Commission. The I^w remained in innocuous desuetude for several yoars. The pe<»ple and the Congressmen were not yet edu- cated up to it. Besides Grant, Presidents Hayes, Garfield in his maugural, and Arthur, all urged the passage of a law making the tenure of the minor appointments indefiendent of partisan changes in the I'residency, and both parties were pledged to this in their platforms. The matter finally came to a definite result in January, 1883, when a Bill prepared by the Civil Service Reform league, and Introduced by Senator George H. I'endleton, of Ohio, became a liaw. It repealed the main provisions of the Act of 1871, and authorized the appointment, by the President, of three Civil Service Commissioners, who were to institute competitive examinations open to all persons desiring to enter the serviw of the (Jovernmcnt. It provided that the clerks in the Departments at Washington, and in every customs district or postofflce, where fifty or more were employed, should be arranged in classes, and that, in the future, only persons who had passed the examinations should be appointed to service In these ofBces, or promoted from a lower to a higher grade, preference being given according to rank In the examinations. It also provided that no official should be removed for refusing to contribute to political funds. It made any Congressman or Government official, convicted of soliciting or receiving political assessments from Government employes, Hal le to a Une of |6,000, or imprisonment not more than three years. It forbade persons in the Government service to use their official authority or influence to coerce the political action of anyone, or to interfere with elections. Dorman B. Eaton, I^roy D. Thoman and John M. Gregory were appointed the first Coramis siouers. MMMMlMI '*?■ "! IIIKTOIIY OFTIIK KKITIlLirAN I»AKTV. DiiriuK tho two rcuiaiiiiiiK .v«*tti'M of l>r«>Mid<>iit Artliur'it twriu hv iipplied the law to 15,773 pIuceH. Clevrlttud added 11,757 plaeeH in liiB flmt term, and 42.025 in liia Hecond, whilt HarriHun increaMed tli<! list by 16,51)8 in his term, maltinK over H5,(KH) [i\h'^ 'trought under tlie Act during the flr^t three and one-half tt'rmu of it« ^'xistenre. The flrBt general reviiion of u. tariff imd^rtalcen ulnre the Morrill Acts of the war |>eriod, waH luvulr duriuK thJN AdminiHtra- tion. An Act approved May 15, 1882, apiiohiM'd the following TarilT (^onimiflsion, ronsiitiug of prominent manufactiirerg and otiiers: .). L. Hayes, H. W. Oliver, A. M. (larland, Robert I'. I'orter, J. W. H, Underwood, A. R. Bateler and Duncan F. Kennon. In December following, this ComnUttee brought in a Hill, together with a lon^ report, showing very industrioua research into the whole subject. The purpose of the Bill waa thus stated: "In the performance of the duty devolved uiM>n them, all the members of the ('onimission have aimed, and, as they believe, with success, to divest themselves of political bias, sectional prejudice or considerations of personal interest. It is their desire that their recommendations sliall serve no political party, class, section or school of political economy.'* Congress, however, did not reach this degree of impartiality. The Senate tacked a different Tariff Bill to a House Internal Revenue Measure, and thus the whole subje<'t was brought before a Conference Committee, which turned out a Bill that was satisfactory to no one. The Commission Bill reduced the rates of duty on an average about 20 per cent., in some cases as much as 50 per cent. The average reduction by the Conference Bill was only about 4 per cent., and in some cases there was an actual increase over the war tariff rates. The ConuuJssion Bill was carefully studied, and was symmetrical in its character, while the Conference Bill was contradictory in its methods and incongruous in its provisions. Senator John Hhermau said of it in his "Recollections:" "If the Senate Finance Committei.' had embodied in this Bill the recommendations of the Tariff Com- mission, including the schedules, without amendment or change, the tariff would have been settled for many years. Unfortunately, ibis was not don^, but the schedules prescribing the rates of duty, and their classification, were so radically changed by the Committee that the scheme of the Tariff Commission was practically defeated. Many persons, wishing to advance their particular industry, appeared before the Committee, and succeeded in having their views adopted." In the next House, which had a large Democratic majority, William R. Morrison, of Illinois, introduced a measure which gave to i UTY. Xrtliur'M term h« n,7B7 placeB In sun increaHed the Ml Itrought under itM *'»i8tenee. '■taken nUue the tliifi AdminiRtrti- e followhlK TaritT rs and others: i I'orter, J. W. H, ►n. In I>acenjber ther with a lon\i lie wliole subject . erfornianee of the CommisHion have t^nt themselveH of innH of personal ationis Mhall serve oHtieal economy." Impartiality. The Internal Revenue efore a Conference factory to no one. an average about ent. The average I per cent., and in s war tariff rates, 'as symmetrical in itradictory in its tor John Sherman i'inance Committee jf the Tariff Com- enti or change, the Tnfortunately, this rates of duty, and he Committee that ly defeated. Many industry, appeared sir views adopted." mocratic majority, sure which gave to OARFIEI.n .\NI> .\RTnrR ADMINIHTR.VTION. .173 him the niclt-nanie "Horlxontal Hill." It proponed to make a horl- xontal reduction of iiO per <ent. on the dutii'H levied by the .Vet of \HKi. Hut this met witli little favor, for, it whm argued, if the Act of \HK\ was uneven, irrational and contradictory in its Hcli«Klules, a uniform reduction of 20 iier cent, would not nuike it a bit less so. Thirty-nine Democrats voted with the Hepublicans against even giving the Hill consideration. After it liad been dis'UHsed at length :(7 Democrats voted vv^ith the Republicans to strike out the enacting clause, while U Democrats refrained from voting. The motion to strike out carried by 158 to inn, and that was the end of tariff agita- »l«»n tor the Foriy-eighth Congress. Tiie Hituatioii in regard to the ['residency at the time of (}artield*s assassination rtMtiinded (Vtngress that legislation was needed relating to tlie succesHiou to that office. The .\ct of IIU'2, which was still in fon-e in 1881, provided that in case the Vi«e-l*resident, as well as the President dies, is removed or is diiw|ualitled, then the President pro temiiore of the Senate, or, after him. the Speaker of the House, should assume the duties of the ofllce untii the disability is removed, or a President elected. At this time there was no Speaker of the House, because the new Congress had not met. Jt had been the custom, on (be last day of the sessions of the Senate, f»»r the Vice-i'resident to retire, so that the Senate might elect a President pr<» tempore, to hold ofHce during the recess, but this had been neglected ut the special session of the Senate in May. There was an interval of some weeks therefore, in which, in (-ase of President Arthur's death, there would have been no provision whatever for the suci-ession. On the second day of the first regular session of the Forty-seventh Congress, the Senate ordered its Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any further legislation was necessary in respe<-t to the Presidential suc- cession, and report by Bill, or otherwise. Senator Garland, for the Committee, accordingly reported a Bill placing the succession to the Presidency in members of the Cabinet, in an order named, commenc- ing with the Secretary of State. This vas in 1881, and it is a curious comment on the disposition of legislative bodies to defer matters when the immediate exigency has passed, that no measure on this subject was adopted until January, 188«, when a law based on Gar land's plan was enacted. A bill restricting Chinese immigration, in accordance with the terms of the Burlingame treaty, passed both Houses of the Forty- seventh Congress, but was vetoed by President Arthur. An effort m 1' 374 HISTORY OF TH E UEI'IJBLIO AN PA RTY. to fLn it over his veto failed, wlien another Bill, framed so as to mec • his objections, passed and beeani* a law. ( Mder the Act organizing National Banks, the charters of these associations had a life time of only twenty years. Their charters began expiring about this time and an Act passed this Congress allow- ing them to reorganize for twenty years more. The first Anti Polygamy Act, directed especially against the Mormons in Utah, also passed the Forty-seventh Congress, by a non-partisan vote. The factional spirit which had been fostered by the incidents of the Chicago Convention and by the events that followed in New York, told heavily in the elections of 188?. In Pennsylvania for nearly thirty years, there have been two factions among the Republicans. They have generally confined the;.' disputes to caucuses and conven- tions, and afterwards supported the nominations therein made, but 1882 woa one of the vears when they couldn't agree, and there were two Republican candidates for Governor. The result was the election of Robert M. Pattison, Democrat. The same influences defeated Henry W. Oliver, the Regular Republican nominee for the United States Senate, though they did not elect a Democrat. In Massa- chusetts, up to that time reliably Republican, a combination of Greenbackers and Democrats also defeated the Republicans for Gov- ernor. But the worst break was in New York State, where about 200 000 "Half Breed" Republicans stayed away from the polls, because the' candidate was supposed to represent the Administration, to which they had not yet become reconciled. The result was to give Grover Cleveland 192,854 majority for Governor, and to put beyond question his nomination as the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency. mm mtm tTY. framed so as to :'harter8 of these Their charters B Congress allow- The first Anti »rmonH in Utah, irtisan vote. ' the incidents of ived in New York, vania for nearly the Republicans, •uses and conven- herein made, but ?, and there were t was the election fluences defeated e for the United ocrat. In Massa- i combination of publicans for Gov- ■ate, where about the polls, because dministration, to esult was to give inA to put beyond candidate for the •.f:^^' ^'^^f ,^.*;-.r^^<' V .'": -j^[j4pii.;mt>:.*&£mAi:.u;^A^:^.^. XXIX. THE EIGHTH BEPUBLI(!AN OONVENTIGN. Prominent Men in Attendance as Delegates— Contest Over the Tem- porary Chairman- An Important Change in the Rules— Text of the Platform Adopted— Blaine and Arthur the Leading Candi- dates—Nomination of the Former— Analysis of the Vote- General I^gan for Vice-President— Opposition to the Ticket Within the Party— The Rise and Good Fortune of Grover Cleve- land—He Receives the Democratic Nomination— A Bitter Personal Contest— Blaine'u Western Tour— His Unfortunate Stay in New York— Parson Burchard's Misfit Speech— Success of the Democratic Ticket. The eighth National Convention of the Republican party opened in the Exposition Building, Chicago, June 3, 1884. The proceedings were not lacking in interest, though they were entirely lacking in the strifes and excitements of four years earlier. The contest was recog- nized, at the outset, a« being between Artliur and Blaine, though there were, as usual, a few favorite sons in the field. The personnel of the Convention was not as strong as some that have been held, although it included the two next Republican Presidents, Harrison and McKinley, and a third. General Alger, who was a leading candi- date for the Republican nomination, four years later. The following were among the leading delegates: Powell Clayton and Logan H Roots, of Arkansas; Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois; Richard W. Thompson and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; John 8. Clarkson, of Iowa; Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas; William O. Bradley, Walter Evans and William il Goodloe, of Kentucky; William Pitt Kellogg, P. B. S. Pinchback, and A. J. Dumont, of I^ouisiana; Georg«; F. Hoar, William W. Crapo, John D. Long, Henry Cabot Lodge and Carroll D. WrigLt, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. Davis, of Minne sota; Blanche K. Bruce and John R. Lynch, of Mississippi; R. T. Van- Horn, John B. Henderson and (^hamicey I. Filley, of Missouri; William McKinley, Mark A. Hanna, Benjamin Eggleston and A. L ■Hi warn .TM)' Hi '■''- ' '^-■-'....- .-'■' 37« HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Tonger, of Ohio; H. H. Bingham and Oali: ha A. Grow, of Pennsyl- vania; W. P, Brownlow and L. C. Houclc, of Tennessee. The Michigan delegation was as follows: At Large — Roswell G Horr, William F. Swift, Samuel C. Watson and Julius C. Burrows. By Districts— (1) Russell A. Alger, William 8. Morey; (2) W. A Underwood, Joseph T. Jacobs; (3) Edward C. Nichols, William H Powers; (4) 8. T. Reed, Josiah Andrews; (5) George W. Webber, Henry F. Thomas; (6) M. D. Chatterton, Joseph E. Sawyer; (7) John P. Sanborn, R. R. Noble; (8) W. S. Turck, W. E. Watson; (9) M. P. Gale, Abel Anderson; (10) H. H. Aplin, George W. Bell; (11) Seth O. Moffatt, 8amuel M. Stephenson. One o^ the sharpest contests of the Convention was over thn comparatively unimportant office of temporary Chairman. Ever since the party was organized it had been the* province of the National Committee to name that official. In accordance with this custom the Committee designated for the place Powell Clayton, a one-armed Union soldier from Arkansas, then the leading Republican politician in that State. The friends of General Arthur antagonised Clayton with John R. Lynch, a colored delegate from Mississippi, Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, making this nomination. The discussion of this question, which developed more heat than the subject at all warranted, was participated in by fourteen different members of the Convention, and the roll call of states showed 424 votes for Lynch to 384 for Clayton. This was considered a triumph for President Arthur. In reality it was simply an anti-B'laine vote, for the oppo- sition to Blaine never united on Arthur. Following this, 8. W. Hawkins, of Tennessee, moved a suspension of the rules, and the adoption of a resolution that, ''as the sense of this Convention, every member is bound in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so agree.*,' After a short debate, in which half a dozen members participated, the resolution was withdrawn. The Committee on Permanent Organization reported the name of John B. Henderson, of Missouri, for President, anci Charles W Clisbee, of Michigan, for Secretary. Mr. Henderson, in a brief speech, on taking the chair, praised all the men that had been talked of ns possible candidates, and, on his own account, added ''the grau^ old hero of Ktnesaw Mountain and Atlanta*' to the list. The report of the Committee on Rules was the subject of a long discussion. One of the propositions, debated nt length, and with »*■ air HtHIMili ^'ji£^lB^1r^\''' ^Fi>;.ft^-^^'i-V.^%;':^' THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 377 ge — RoBwell G as C. Borpowa. rey; (2) W. A iB, William H ;e W. Webber, iwyer; (7) Johc itson; (9) M. P. ell; (11) Seth O. 1 waa over the hairinan. Ever • of the National ith this custom on, a one-armed blican politician ionized Clayton pi, Henry Cabot The discagsion e subject at all members of the rotes for Lynch h for President e, for the oppo- ing this, 8. W. > rules, and the onvention, every. i, whoever that here who is not eh half a dozen I. K>rted the name and Charles W in a brief speech, een talked of n» I "the grau^ old mhject of a long ength, and with great earnestness, was that the district representation in future Con- ventions should be based on the number of Republican votes cast for Congressman at the last election, instead of being the same for ail the districts. This was hotly opposed by the Southern Republicans, who insisted that their representation in the Convention should not be reduced, because Southern Democrats, with the practical conniv- ance of the National Administration, had disfranchised many of their voters. The proposition was finally withdrawn. It has been brought up, either in the National Committee or in open Convention, in every campaign since then, even to that of 1000, and has, every time, been either withdrawn or voted down. The only rule that was materially changed as a result of the long discussion, was that relating to the duties of the National Commit- tee. As finally adopted the rule read as follows: "A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one member from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory and District of Columbia, shall uume, through its Chairman, a person to act as a member of the Committee who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. Said Committee shall issue the call for a meeting of the National Convention six months at least before the time fixed for said meeting; and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member of Congress is made in said District; and in the territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected in the same way as the nomination of delegates to Congress is made; and said National Convention shall prescribe the mode of electing delegates for the District of Columbia. An alter- nate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each State, and their alternates, shall be elected by State Conven- tions in their respective states." The clause providing that no person should be a member of the Committee who was not eligible as a member of the Electoral College was intended to exclude Federal office-holders from the Committee, and was adopted on account of the Civil Service Act, forbidding such officers to solicit or receive campaign contributions from other Fetl- eral office-holders or Government employes. m 878 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ■■\X- iW ' <':j'-- '^'■■^' ^,: t^u.. :- m:' nl .•*■■ '\: is|'V,-V:^;r;._ '^he report of the Committee on Resolutionfi was made on the afternoon of the third day of the Convention, by William McKinley, of Ohio, Chairman of the Committee. It was adopted without amend- ment, and without debate, and was as follows: The Republicans of the United States, in National Convention astiembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have triumphed in 'six successive elections, and congratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation and Administration by which the Republican party, has, after saving the Union, done so much to render its institutions just, equal and beueflcent, the safeguards of liberty, and the embodiments of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men, for a united nation assuring the rights of all citi- Kens, for the elevation of labor, for an honest currency, for purity in legislation, and for integrity and accountability in all the depart- ments of the government, ami it accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform. We lament the death of President Garfletd, whose sound states- manship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong and . successful Administration, a promise fully realised daring thi} short period of his office as President of the United States. His dis- tinguished ^success in war and in peace, have endeared him to the hearts of the American people. In the Administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise, conservative and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his eminent services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen. It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights and promote the Interests of its own people. The largest diversity of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that the imposition of duties upon foreign imports shall be made not for revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Gov- ernment, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity. Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. ITY. THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN i^^ONVENTlON. 370 ras made on the illiam McKinley, without amend- tonal Convention upon which they ongratulate the iltB in legislation has, after Baving just, equal and >odiments of the th by quick and the freedom and rights of all citi- ncy, for purity in all the depart- luty of leading in tose sound states- mise of a strong lUixed daring thi; States. His dis- eared him to the recognize a wise, country has been lieve his eminent approval of every protect the rights » largest diversity [>erity and of the sfore demand that 1 be made nojt for mues for the Oov- rd security to our and wages of the as well as capital, B full share in the Democratic party, lard, we enter our iled completely to axation by a wise The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indis- criminate process of horisontal reiduction, but by such methods as will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great productive industries of the country. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing and the danger threatening ics future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of duty on foreign wool in order that such industry shall have full and adequate protection. We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized world, and we urge that an v'*ort be made to unite all coui- ntercial nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage. The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the states is one of the most im|H>rtant prerogatives of the general government and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur- pose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carrj* out the Constitutional power of (.'ongress over its State commerce. The principle of public regulation of railway corporations is u wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people: and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the laws. We favor the establishment of a National Bureau of labor; the enforcement of the eight-hour law, and a wise and judicious system of general education by adequate appropriation from the National revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere the protection to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citi- zens of American adoption; and we favor the settlement of National differences by international arbitration. The Republican party,- having its birth in a hatred of slave labor and in a desire that all men may be free and eqnal, is unalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we denounce the in^portation of contract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to carry out its purposes. Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republi- can Administration, should be completed by further extension of the reform system, already established by law, to all the grades of the ser- vice to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive appointments; and all laws nt 380 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 'Sc* varitttfce with the object of existing reform legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided. The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United State*, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where the hold- ings are in the hands 6i non-resident aliens. And we will endeavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants which have lapsed by reason of noij-compliance with Acts of Incorporation, In all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the conditions of such grants. The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union soldiers and sailors of the late war. And the Republican party stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in the Arrears Act df 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike and their pension shall begin with date of disability, or discharge, and not with the date of their application. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which shall give the right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling In American affairs — ^the policy Which seeks peace and can trade with all powers, but especially with those of the Western helnisphere. We demand the restoration of our Navy to its old-time strength and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American citizens and the interests of American commerce; and we call upon Congress to remove the burdens under which Americian shipping has been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commer(« which leaves no sea^unexplored, and a Navy which takes no law from superior fotce. RESOLVED, That appointments by the President to offices in the territories, shoiild be made from the bona fide citizens and resi- dents of the territpries wherein they are to serve. RESOLVED, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiasti- cal power of the so-called Mormon Church; and that the laws so enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and by the military, if need be. The people of the United States in their organized capacity con- stitute a Nation and not a mere confederacy of states. The National Oovernmeut is supreme within the sphere of its National duties; but the States have reserved rights which must be faithfully maintained; UL. KMM I f JM TY. ition Rhould bt> ions which lurk sctively avoided. e United States, all holdings by f large tracts of where the hold- will endeavor to 11. We demand tits which have ncorporation, in Faith to perform lue to the Union epnblican party re disabled, and 1 the war. The »f the limitation lid Boldiers shall of disability, or ill keep us from h shall give the •om meddling in I can trade with lietnisphere. )ld-time strength hts of American nd we call upon pan shipping has have a commer(« ikes no law from lent to offices in •itiisens and resi- ) enact such laws temi of polygamy n the ecclesiasti- hat the laws so rities, if possible, sed capacity con- >s. The National -ional duties; but Fully maintained; THE EIGHTH REPUWLICAN CONVENTION. UHl each should be guarded with jealous care so that the harmony of our system of government may be preserved and the Union be kept invio- late. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free ballot, an honest count and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy in the Southern States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such fraud and violence. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former partv affiliations, our cordial sympathy; and pledge to them our most eaVnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will secure to every citiaen, of whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and political rights. The order of nominating candidates for the Presidency was reached on the evening of the third day. The nominating speeches were numerous, several of them long, most of them good, but none of them specially striking. Augustus Brandegee, of Connecticut, was the first to speak, placing iii nomination General Joseph B. Haw- ley, of that State. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, placed General John A. Logan in nomination, referring in eloquent terms to his brilliant military service, and his long civil career; and- the nomination was supported by Benjamin H. Prentis, of Missouri. Judge William H. West, of Ohio, presented the name of James G. Blaine, and the nomination was supported by (^nshman K. Davis, of Minnesota; William C. Goodloe, of Kentucky; Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania; and, strange as it may seem in view of the events of three years earlier, by Thomas C Piatt, of New York. President Arthur's name was placed before the Convention by Martin I. Townsend, of New York, who was seconded by Henry H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania; John R. Lynch, of Mississippi; Patrick H. Winston, of North Carolinn, and P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, and William H. Holt, of Kentucky, spoke for John Sherman, while John D. liOng, of Massachusetts, and George William Curtis, of New York, performed a like service for Senator George P. Edmunds, of Vermont. This brought the proceedings up to 1:45 a. m., in tue morning of the sixth, when adjournment was had until 11 a. m. , ■1 382 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. it required only four ballots to make the PreBidential nomina tion, the record being as follows: 1st. 2d. 3d. 4th. James G. Blaine, of Maine 3341/2 349 376 541 Chester A. Arthur, of New York. 278 270 274 207 George P. Edmunds, of Vermont. 93 95 69 41 John A. Logan, of Illinois 68% «1 53 7 John Sherman, of Ohio 30 28 25 ... Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 13 13 13 15 ^ Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 4 4 8 2 William T. Sherman, of Missouri 2 2 2 There was a strong feeling among Republicans that President Arthur was entitled to the candidacy. Every Vice President pre- ceding him who had succeeded to the Presidency, had disappointed his party and the public, but President Arthur had given a very satisfactory administration. It had been entirely free from scandals, except those connected with star route bids for the Mail Service, and these had commenced under a previous administration, to be broken up under his. He had striven to allay factional quarrels, his conduct had been prudent and dignified, and his State papers were among the most thoughtful, in substance, and clear in expression, of any in the archives of the Government. Although Blaine was still the popu- lar favorite and had a decided lead in the Convention, he had not a majority at the start. It was evident that a combination of the , votes of all the opposing candidates was the only method of beating him. But to the theorists who supported Edmunds, Arthur was no more acceptable than Blaine. Besides that, Arthur had not the sup- port of his own State. Twenty of the New York delegates addressed a message to the Convention, in which they said: ''Blaine can get more votes in the Convention than any other man, and can carry the State triumphantly. An analysis of the Republican representa- tion in the National Convention, on the basis of the Presidential vote of 1880, shows that from President Arthur's own State a decidlBd majority of the delegates to the Convention are opposed- to hi» nom- ination; that the overwhelming preponderance of the delegates from the districts giving Republican majorities is for Blaine; that twelve Republican districts and four Democratic districts are for Blaine; that five other districts send Edmunds, or antl Arthur delegates, while but five Republican districts send delegates for Arthur, the large majority of his support coming from Democratic districts; that ■„ .^4 i^-^£^'^*.^''fc « '§Ummtiiiimm FY. dential nominu W. 4th. *75 541 274 207 69 41 53 7 25 . . . 13 15 8 2 2 . . . I that President J PreBident pre- lad disappointed id given a very e from BcandalS: Mall Service, and on, to be broken rel8, his conduft era were among i*B8ion, of any in A% still the popii- tion, he had not nbination of the ethod of beating , Arthur wa« no had not the sup- egates addressed "Blaine can get 1, and can carry lican representn- Presidential vote State a decidNi K)sed- to his nom- te delegates from line; that twelve rare for Blaine; Arthur delegates, for Arthur, the tic districts; that THE B:1(»HTH HP:PI BUCAN convention. 383 in the Blaine districts there is an aKgrt^Rate of «3,773 Republican majority, against 17,456 Republican majority in the Arthur districts. These facts and figures are conclusive, that in New Yorit, as in other States, where the Electoral votes nmy be given to a Republican candi- date for President, the direct Republican expression is in favor of James «. Blaine's nomination; indeed, that he is the accepted leader of the Republican party to a sure victory." On the first ballot in the Convention New York gave Arthur 31 votes, Blaine 28, and Edmunds 12; on the last it gave Arthur 30 and Blaine 20. Pennsyl- vania, on the first bal- ^ lot, gave Blaine 47, and f ^ Arthur 11, Edmunds and Logan each 1. On the last it gave Blaine 51, and Arthur 8. The Michigan votes were as follows: First ballot, Arthur, 2; Blaine, 15; Edmunds, 7; William T. Sherman, 2. Second, Arthur, 4; Blaine, 15; Edmunds, 7; General Sherman, 2. Third, Ar- thur, 4; Blaine, 18; Ed- munds, 3; General Sherman, 1. Fourth, Blaine, 26. In Illinois, on the first ballot Blaine had 3 votes, and Arthur 1, to 40 for Lo- '^™ ®- blainb. gan, and in Ohio Blaine had 21 votes to 25 for Sherman. There were comparatively few of the States that voted solidly for any one candi- date. For Vice President the current set all one way, General Logan having 779 votes, to 3 for Walter Q. Gresham, of India;na, and 1 for J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. Bliiine's nomination, however, was not accepted by all Repub- licans. June 7th, tht day after the nomination was made, the New York Times said: "The Times will not supi>ort Mr. Blaine for the ■■m:SSssmsxs:^s ^m ^^i Mii^ e ! ii&ii^ii mi :'srw &/ ,:i!msssmii , !^iA^mJimW^»X,A i^^-^f'S T S0m^ 884 HlHTOllY OP THE RKPUMLICAN PAKTY. WH! Presidency. It will advise no man to vote for him." It predicted Iiih defeat, and furtlier declared: "That defeat will be the salvation of the Repnblican party. It will arouse its torpid con8<ience; it will stir it to self-purifl cation; it will depose the false leaders who have fastened themselres upon it; it will send the rogues to the background and will make the party once more worthy of honor and of power in the Republic it has so nobly served." The New York Evening Post and the Boston Advertiser, which had, before that, been Republican, also bolted the ticket, as did also the Boston Herald and the Bpring field Republican, which had been Independent, with Republican leanings. But the metropolitan paper which, of those that had been Repub- lican, was the bitterest against Blaine, was Harper's Wwkly. Its editor, George William Curtis, was a delegate to the Convention. When the resolution was pending, declaring that every member of the Convention was bound in honor to support the nominee, whoever he might be, and that no man should hold a seat who was not ready to so agree, Mr. Curtis, in a burst of virtuous indignation, referred to the example of Joshua R. Giddings in leaving the Convention in 1856, and added: "Well, gentlemen, he yielded to persuasion, and took his seat, and \)efore that Convention proceeded to its nomination, by a universal roar of assent, the Republican party then assembled declared, without one word of doubt or dissent, that no sound should ever be heard in a Republican Convention that in the slightest degre.' reflected upon the honor, or upon the loyalty of the men who took part in that Convention." After the nomination for President was made, instead of following the example of Mr. Giddings in 1856, or pursuing the cour«e taken by the Silver Republicans at St. Louis in 1896, in leaving the Convention, with a protest, Mr. Curtis remained taking part in the rest of the proceedings, till the close. It was not until af er he had returned to New York, and had his conscience vac- cinated by the employers who were paying him a largp salary, that he decided whether he should abide by the ordinary rules of political honor or not. Having come to the determination, he was one of the bitterest and most unjust of Blaine's assailants. He doubtless injured Blaine in the campaign, but himself lost caste with the party more rapidly than any other political leader of that generation. The most potent factor in the early stages of the campaign, how- ever, was an organization, called at first "Independent Republicans," and afterwards "Mugwumps." This association was organized in saes mmm ' It predicted bin t* the BalvatioD of idenoe; It will »tlr eaders who have to the background r and of power in ork Evening PoHt , been Republican, Id and the Spring with Republican t had been Reptlb- )er'8 Weekly. Its a the Convention, ery member of the uinee, whoever he I was not ready to lation, referred to 'onvention in 1856, i8ion, and took hif) nomination, by a ^ then assembled It no sound should he slightest degre*' the men who took for President was ddings in 1856, or ms at St. Louis in p. Curtis remained close. It was not his conscience vac- irge salary, that he J rules of political he was one of the e doubtless injured Ith the party more leration. the campaign, how- dent Republicans," was organized in mVE ' mTH UEIM HLICAN <X)NVENTIC)N. :tHn Hoston In J)»^ #**«er. \m\, and on May 12, sent a circular to the Repub- Moan > 'OM*! ' i^entlon In reference to the character of the men who »► AtA b« nouilnatcd. Being Ignored by the Convention, it held a mef ofr in New York, June 16, and adopted a preamble, declaring that *iialiie and Ix)gan were nominated -in absolute disregard of the n.fori» sentiments of the Natltm." The meeting als«» resolved: 'That it is our convl<tion that the country will be better served by opiMming these nominations than by supiM»rting them; and that we IcMik with solicitude to the coming nominations by the Democratic party; they have the proiier men; we hoi»e they will put them before the people." This was intended as an offer of Indeiiendent Republican support to drover Cleveland, in case he should be nominated, and was so under- stood at the Democratic Convention which met at Chicago, July 8, 1884. That Convention was called to order by the Chairman of the National Committee, William H. Barnum. of Connecticut, and Rlchanl D. Hubbard, of Texas, was made temiwrary (Chairman. Without waiting for permanent organization, Tammany Hall, which was hostile to Cleveland on account of his course while Governor of New York, made an effort to break down the unit rule, In order to divide the New York delegation. Tills delegation had not, been instructed for Cleve- land, but had been instructed to vote as a unit. Tamnmny's effort failed, and with the failure went much of Tammany's chance of inau- encing the nomination. William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made permanent President of the Convention, and while waiting for the report of the Platform Committee, a day was spent in naming candi- dates for the Presidency, the following being formally presented: Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas P. Bayard, of Delaware; Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana; John G. ('arlisle, of Kentucky; Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Grover Cleveland, of New York. The platform adopted was inordinately long, and prefaced its promises of what the Democrats would do by the following recapitula- tion of the Republican sins of commission: The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a remin- iscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been brought to light in every Department of the Government, are sufficient to have called for reform within the Republican party; yet those in authority, made reckless by long possession of power, have succumbed to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket ;ay«i!yMj ytji^aii^<.^4!i«»*»ia>iig«»»!iaw w&t^ - ^-^ -i^'-i*&sfe«W=.i''*S*ff^-^'* iim HIHTOUY OFTHK KKITIILK'AN PARTY. iigaiiitt which the indeuondent portion of th<> purty are in open revolt. Therefore a chanfte ii demanded. Huch a ehanRe was alilte necei««ar.v in lH7fl, bnt the will of the i)^«>ple was then defeated b.v a fratid whirh ♦•an never be forgotten or 4>ondoned. Again in 1880 the change demanded by the jMHiple wa« defeated by the laviah ute of nion<>y. contributed by unBcrupulous contractora and Hhauieleaa Jobliera, who had bargained for unlawful proftts (»r high offlre. I^ie Republican party during its legal, ItH utt^len, and itH bought tenureii of {lower, ban steadily decayed in moral «• Saracter and political capacity. Ita plat- form promiaea are now a list of ita paat failurea. It denianda the reatoration of our Navy — it has squandered hundreds of millions of dollars to create a Navy that does not exist. It calls uiton (^ongresH to remove the burdens under which American shipping has lieen depressed — it imimsed and has continued those burdens. It professes a policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers — It has given away the people's heritage, till now n few rail- roads and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It pro- fesses a preference for free institutions — it organi7.ed and tried to legalise a control of 8tate elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire to elevate labor — it has subjugated American workingmen to the competition of convict and imported contract labor. It professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows and orphans — it left to a Democratic House of Representatives the first effort to equalize both bounty and pensions. It proffers a pledge to correct the irregplarities of tariff — it created and has continued them. Its own Tariff Commission confess the needs of more than twenty per cent, reduction — its Congress gave a reduction of less than four per cent. It professes the protection of American manufacturers — it has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials. It professes to protect all American industries — it has impoverished many to snbsidixe a few. It professes the protection of American labor — it has depleted the return of American agriculture, an industry followed by half of our people It professes the equality of all men before the law, attempting to fix the status of eo]oi«d citizens — the Acts of its Congress were overset by the decisions of its Courts. It ''accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform" — its caught criminals are per- mitted to escape through contrived delays or actual connivance in the prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shocit Its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent journals no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its councils, or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of more than |100,000,(K)0, which has yearly been collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have ■■ ^-■1 TY. e in open if volt. I alike nereMHMry ».v a fraud which I8HU the chanKe li use of niou«'yi eRM JobberH, who Xhe Repuhlicuii •en of power, haH paclt.v. Its plat- It demandii the ]r of millionfi of H ii|K)n <^on|{re(tH ppinft ban lieeii •n8. It profesgem IdinKH bv aetual I now H few rail- orate, poHtieHs a wo seaH. It pro- sed and tried to ps. It profeBseit n workln^men to )or. It profeBseH ', leavlnK widown iresentatives the profferii a pledge id has continued ds of more than otlon of leflB than in manufaoturens nufactured goodft tions, not one of »ct all American 'ew. It profeBseK •d the return of If of our people attempting to fix resB were overHet e duty of leading nmlnalB are per- corinivanoe In the eaklng exposureH 8, its independent r authority in its ange is necessary 0«),(M)0, which has ecessary taxation party for having ixes, which have THE EKJHTII UEIMJHUCAN CONVENTION. 387 purulyzed buiilneRR, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employ, ment and of Just reward. One ballot for a PreHldential iioniinec was taken on the evening of the third day, with the following result: Orover Cleveland, of New York •192 Thomas A. Ilayaid, of Delaware 170 , Allen O. Thuriiian, of Ohio .' 88 Hamuel -J. Randall, of Pennsylvania 78 Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana 56 John O. Carlisle, of Kentucky 27 Hcattering 9 Total number of votes 820 Necessary to choice under two thirds rule 547 An adjournment was hud over night. During the Interval the Indiana delegation withdrew Jiisepb E. McDonald and substituted Thomas A. Hendricks as their candidate, in the hope that this might cause a stampede to the latter. But the hope was delusive, for on the second ballot, Cleveland had 68a; Bayard, 81 Mj; Hendricks, 451/2; Thurmun, 4; McDonald, 4; Randall, 4. Hendricks was then nominated fgr Vice-President by acclamation. The year 1884 wos a year of conventions. Previous to the gather- ing of the two great parties two different organizations had nominated Oeneial Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, for President. The first of these was a party which had came suddenly into existence, and called itself the Anti-Monopoly party. It met at Chicago, May 14, and named Butler as its Presidential nominee by a vote of 122, to 7 for Allen O. Thurmaji, of Ohio, and 1 for Solon Chase, of Maine, one of the original Greenbackers. The nomination of a Vice-President was left to be decided by the National Committee, acting in co-operation with the Greenbackers. The latter held their Convention at Indian- apolis, May 28, and on the first ballot gave General Butler 322 votes, to 99 for Jesse Harper, of Illinois; 2 for Solon Chase, of Maine; 1 for Edward P. AUis, of Wisconsin, and 1 for David Davis, of Illinois. General Alanson M. West, of Mississippi, was nominated for Vice- President. General Butler accepted both nominations, and issued an address to his constituents which really formed the platform of the combination. It was decidedly Populistic in its utterances, and was flavored with spicy criticisms of both the old parties. A straight Prohibition Convention was held at Pittsburg, Pa , July 23, and nominated John P. St. John, of Kansas, for President, a^^M-'^-?^'^#^^^5§-^"'#^^^^^*^-^*g'->-'''-i'-^^ 388 HISTORY OF THE BEPl BLICAN PARTY. W witK William Daniel, of Maryland, for Vice. There was also an American Prohibition Convention at Chicago, Jnne 19, which named Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, for President, and John A. Conant, of Connecticut, for Vice President. To complete the list, an Equal Rights Convention met at Han Francisco, September 20, and nom- inated Belva A. Lockwood, the first woman admitted to the bar in the District of Columbi< for President, and Marietta L. Snow, of Cali- fornia, as second on the ticket. With fine satire on their chances they adopted the following as the first clause in their platform: "We pledge ourselves, tf elected to power, so far as in us lies, to do equal and exact justice to every class of our citi- zens, without distinc- tion of color, sex or nationality." x^t the opening of the campaign there were several elements of uncertainty. Cleveland had been a remarkable vote-getter in several local campaigns. Erie county, in which Buf- falo was situated, was generally Republican, yet in 1863 he was chosen Assistant Dis- trict Attorney for the tiBQVER CLEVELAND. County, and in 1870 he was elected Sheriff. In 1881 he Was elected Mayor o^ Buffalo, by a combination of three or four parties or sections of parties, and served with great acceptance to the Reform elements in the City. He waa in great luck in 1882 when he ran for Governor of New York, for while his own vote was less than 800 in excess of the Democratic vote for President two years earlier, disaffection among the Repub- licans reduced the vote of that party 213,000 below its last Presi- dential vote. The Republicans in 1883, however, rallied and again carried the State. ■:l>'..;:ii:ii-22SSi£SiSaaS£-;:.J;",':a£&V;iiili::; tTY. »re was also an 19, which named »hn A. Conant, of I list, an Equal »er 20, and nom- to the bar in the L Snow, of Cali- heir i-hanceB they platform: "We ge ourselveB, tf i to power, so far 18 lies, to do equal ^xact justice to class of our citi- without distinc- at color, sex or lality." the opening of the lign there were r a 1 elements of tainty. Cleveland >een a remarkable fetter in several campaigns. Erie ;y, in which Buf- wtM situated, was ally Republican, in 1863 he was in Assistant Dis- Attorney for the ty, and in 1870 he *r of Buffalo, by a )artiie8, and served the City. He was of New York, for of the Democratic among the Repub- low its last Presi- rallied and again THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 389 Tammany continued to oppose (Cleveland even after the nomina- tion, while the Independent Republican organization favored him. In the end, however, by the personal solicitation of Thomas A. Hend- ricks, Democratic candidate for Vice-President, Tammany was brought into line for the New York candidate, while the Mugwumps could not be brought over to the support of the man from Maine. The unknown strength of the third and fourth parties added to the uncertainty. While it was expected that Butler's candidacy would injure the Democrats, it was very certain that St. John would draw most from the Republicans. The campaign early took a personal turn. All the old stories against Blaine, whether refuted or not, were revived. As to Cleve- land, plausible evidence was offered that he had shamefully neglected and maltreated the inother of his illegitimate child, and that, during the war he hired a substitute, whom he afterwards suffered to die in the poorhouse. Cleveland, himself, made no explanation or denial of these affairs, and probably the statements did not very materially affect his vote. He was not running on the moral character of his early life, nor on his patriotism in the war period, but on the official career of hip later years. Mr. Blaine's letter of acceptance was a statesmanlike document, and in an extended campaign tour which he made through the Middle and Western States, where he was received with unbounded enthus- iasm, his masterly addresses helped his prospf^cts. Indiana and Pennsylvania had changed the time for holding their State elections from October to November, so that they no longer furnished pointers as to the general result. But Ohio was still an October State, and gave a Republican taajority. On the whole, when Blaine finished his Western tour, the prospects looked favorable for the Republicans, and he was inclined to go directly to his home in Maine. In an evil hour he was overpersuaded, by some of the party leaders, to remain in New York, for receptions, and a banquet at Delnuonico's. One of the leaders remarked to another that if they could secure Blaine's presence at the banquet it would be "worth a thousand dollars a plate," and as campaign funds were running low, subscriptions of a thousand each were in demand. Two unfortunate results followed this breaking into Mr. Blaine's plans. His meeting so many of the rich men and corporate property- owners at a banquet was used to his disadvantage with the class of restless and dissatisfied men, who were half inclined to vote the Anti- ■fyjK-i^r;>^iU-.'.i.[ ,.j,<iyai;^if.. 390 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Moifopoly ticket anyway. The second result was worse yet. Mr. Blaine's mother was a Roman Catholic. His father was a Presbyter- ian, and on one occasion, when running for a local office he found that his prospects of election were injured by the charge that he was a Catholic b 'cause his wife was. He, therefore, went to the priest for a certificate of non-membership, which was given him. It ran as follows: "This is td^ certify that Ephraim L. Blaine is not now, and never was, a member of the Catholic Church. Furthermore, in my opinion, he is not fit to be a member of any church." James G. Blaine once described his own religion as "Christianity tinctured with the Presbyterianism of the Blalnes and the Catholicism of the Gillespies." On another occasion he said: "I would not, for a thousand presidencies, speak a disrespectful word of my mother's religion." Partly on account of his broad. Catholic spirit in religion, and partly on account of what was called his "jingoism", in his rela- tions with foreign nations during the ten months of his service as Secretary of State under Garfield and Arthur, he was popular with Irishmen and Catholics, many of whom were his avowed supporters. This fact cost him some Protestant votes. But in order to reassure him on this score, a delegation of Protestant clergymen called upon him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York, to tell him that he had their unwavering support. It was during this interview that a "misfit preacher named Burchard," let go his alliterative description of the Democracy as the party of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion.'" Blaine did not catch the words at the time, or he would undoubtedly have been quick-witted enough to resent, or at least to repudiate, the expression, which was used greatly to his disadvantage during the short remaining time of the campaign. In the election New York turnt-d the scale against Blaine, by giving the Cleveland Electors 1,149 plurality in a total vote of 1,167, 169. The totW EMectoral vote was, for Cleveland, 219; Blaine, 182. Cleveland had the votes of the Solid South, together with those of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana. Tbe i>opular vote is given as: Democratic electors, 4,874,986; Republican electors. 4,861^981; Butler electors, 175,370; Prohibition, 150,369. Both the Denu>cratic and Republican electors, however, received credit, through fusion^ for some votes that properly belonged to the Green- back and Anti-Monopoly parties. In Iowa the fusion was between the Greenbackers and Democrats, and the whole vote is credited in the Cleveland column. In Wi8C<insin it was between the Greenback- IMI %-J«^¥i.'Mr,^m s-m^v'^^tT' #■ RTY. worse yet. Mr. was a Presbyter- Bce he found that ;e that he was n mt to the priest n him. It ran as s is not now, and rthermore, in my iirch." James G. itianity tinctured iatholicism of the ivould not, for a I of my mother's spirit in religion, oiftm".in his rela- of his service as was popular with ?^owed supporters, order to reassure ymen called upon 1 him that he had interview that a rative description n and Rebellion.'' rould undoubtedly t to repudiate, the mtage during the gainst Blaine, by »tal vote of 1,167, 219; Blaine, 182. her with those of The i>opular vote publican electors. 50,369. Both the received credit, iged to the Oreen- sion was between rote is credited in en the Greenback- THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 891 era and Republicans, and the vote is credited to B?^lne. Similar fusions were made in a few other states. Blaine's defeat by such a narrow margin in New York State was a great disappointment to his supporters. It required, to accomplish it, the combined effects of Senator Conkling's personal hostility and political influence, the Mugwumps, the Prohibition vote, which was drawn largely from the Republicans, and Burchard's bad break. The wrath of the Republicans expended itself chiefly upon the Mugwumps, and in a secondary way upon the Prohibitionists. But little was said about Conkling's hostility, which was perfectly natural, con- sidering the past relations of the two men. As to Burchard, he was regarded as a mysterious dispensation of Providence. Before the next election he turned Democrat, but never had the opportunity to do the party of his second choice tho ill service that he did the party of his first choice. Blaine himself took his defeat philosophically, and occupied his time in retirement and in travel, until called to tlio head of Harrison's Cabinet in 1889. Congress, during Cleveland's Administration, was composed politically, as follows: Forty-ninth Congress. Senate— Republicans, 41; Democrats, 34. House— Republicans, 140; Democrats, 182; Nationals, 2. Fiftieth Congress. Senate— Republicans, 39; Democrats, 37. House— Republicans, 151; Democrats, 170. In Michigan the campaign was one of the hottest and closest in the history of the party. The vote on President was: Blaine and Logan 192,669 Fusion, Democratic, Greenback and Anti-Mon- opoly 189,361 Butler and West, Straight Greenback. .... 763 St. John and Daniel • 18,403 The Presidential Electors chosen were: At Ijarge— Dwight Cutler, Joseph B. Moore. By Districts— (1) James McMillan; (2) William S. Wilcox; (3) George H. French; (4) J. Eastman Johnson; (5) George G. Steketee; (6) Josephns Smith; (7) George W. Jenks; (8) Charles W. Wells; (9) Lorenzo A. Barker; (10) Seth McLean; (11) John Duncan. MiMil mm ■ %; 392 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ^e vote for Governor was as follows: Russell A. Alger, Republican 190,840 Josiah W. Begole, Fusion 186,887 David Preston, Prohibition 22,207 Scattering *1* Of the Congressional delegation elected at this time, seven were Democrats, as follows: (1) William C. Maybury; (2) Nathaniel B. Eldridge; (5) Charles C. Comstock; (6) Edwin B. Winans; (7) Ezra C. Carlton; (8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. The Repub^ licans elected were: (3) James O'Donnell; (4) Julius C. Burrows; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; (11) Seth C. Moffatt. , At the election occurring in the middle of President Cleveland's term, the vote of Michigan for Governor was: Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 181,474 George L. Yaple, Fusion... 174,042 Samuel Dickie, Prohibitionist 25,179 Imperfect and Scattering IW The Congressional delegation chosen at this time contained six Republicans, as follows: (2) Edward P. Allen; (3) James O'Donnell; (4) Julius e. Burrows; (6) Mark S. Brewer; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; (11) Seth C. Moffatt. There were also thfse Ave Democrats: (1) John Loger Chipman; (5) Melbourne H. Ford; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. Mr. Moifatt died December 22, 1887, and Henry W. Seymour was chosen at a special election in February, 1888, to fill the vacancy. !S^S..X_.i.:: ■-. ,V^i^^i*tf- ^' ' •-^-■1 f-l^.'A\*Ai^t- tTY. .. 190,840 .. 186,887 . . 22,207 414 time, seven were (2) Nathaniel B. aanB', (7) Ezra C. her. The Bepub-^ O. Burrows; (9) Ident Cleveland's .. 181,474 . . 174,042 . . 25,179 190 me contained six James O'Donnell; ron M. Cutcheon; Democrats: (1) istin B. Whiting; Mr. Moffatt died tosen at a special XXX. CLEVELAND'^ FIRST ADMINISTRATION. His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor the Reformers— Coolness Between the President and Vice-President —Selection of the Cabinet-Repeal of the TenureofOfflce Act- Clean Sweep of the Oftces-^leveland's Pension Vetoes— Order for RestoriuK the Southern Flags— Resentment of the Grand Army Posts— Rebuilding the Navy— The Electoral Count and Presidential Succession Acts— The Inter-State Commerce Meas- ure—The Newfoundland and Alaska Fisheries— The Presidents Extraordinary Tariff Message— The Mills Bill and General Tariff Discussion. The consideration of President Cleveland's Administration natur ally divides itself into topics, instead of suggesting the treatment of events in their chronological order. In the matter of civil service reform he offended both classes of his supporters, the Democratic partisans and the Mugwump non-partisans, the former by his profes sions and by the dilatory manner in which he made changes in office, and the latter by the clean sweep, which he did make when he once commenced. He had been accepted as a candidate by many of the Democratic party rather a* a necessity than from any liking they had to him, and he was not very popular with the mass of the party. This was shown on the day of his inauguration, when the cheers for him were faint compared with those which went up from the crowd when Vice-President Hendricks' carriage appeared. It was to this discrimination in the applaui^ that many ascribed the coolness toward the Vict President which Cleveland showed up to the time of Mr. Hendricks' dwith. A month after the inauguration Mr. Hendricks called upon the President, and on returning to his rooms said: "I hoped that Mr. Cleveland would put the Democratic party in power, ic fact as well as in name, but he does not intend to do it." About the same time a Southern Congressman said 394 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ■*; '■^i^iit^'.: ;;.iv^--- /:*■ to Hoiae of his Democratic friends: "Gentlemen, we've got a big elephant on our hands. I fear there will be some disappointment about the offices." The appointment of his Cabinet furnished no indi- cation of a purpose to follow out the spirit of the Civil Service law, as none of the gentlemen composing it, named below, had made any record on this subject. December 6, 1887, Don M. Dickinson, of Detroit, succeeded Postmaster General Vilas. Secretary of State— Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. Secretary of the Treasury— Daniel Manning, of New York. Secretary of War— William C. Endlcott, of Massachusetts. Secretary of the Navy— William C. Whitney, of New York. Secretary of the Interior— Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Postmaster General— William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin. Attorney General— Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. Though the Cabinet appointments included no "reformers," Cleveland understood that his Mugwump support was due quite largely to the stand he had taken on the evils of Congressional pat- ronage, and he had promised to abate this so far as he could. Hf; was better situated for doing this than any previous President, for the Pendleton Law, passed during the last Administration, required that 15,000 9f the offices should be filled by nonpartisan tests, and authorized the President to extend this method of appointment. But in attempting to make good his promises, he encountered the opposi- tion of almost every Democratic leader, and finally of Congress. His first clash with the Senate was over a removal from office, that of G. M. Duskin, District Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama. It was made during a recess of Congress, and when the Senate again convened it called on him for the reasons for his action, and for the papers in the case. This he refused, in a strong message, taking the ground that for his acts of removal and suspension he was responsi- ble to the people itlone, and not to the Senate, and that the papers in the Duskin case were of a private nature. The ^nate receded from its position, and three months later Congress ^ repealed tl^e Tenure-ofOffice Act, which had been passed twenty years earlier to prevent Andrew Johnson from removing Executive officer's after they had been confirmed by the Senate. This left Mr. Cleveland with no check on his power to remove from office. In 1886 Congress refused to make any appropriation for the salaries or expenses of the Civil Service Commissioner 3, and the I'resident then surrendered. Within a year from that time he had m^de a clean sweep of nearly all the lasaBK:. ITY. weWe got a big disappointment irnished no indi- ivil Service law, V, had made any I. Dickinson, of ware. ' New York. isachusetts. New York. )f Mississippi. iconsin. kansas. no "reformers," : was due quite ongressional pat- is he could. H<: lis President, for tration, required rtisan tests, and [)pointment. But itered the opposi- )f Congress. His ofBce, that of O. rict of Alabama, the Senate again ;tion, and for the ssage, taking the he was responsi- i that the papers s ^nate receded >ss = repealed tl^e f years earlier to officers after they lleveland with no Congress refused >nses of the Civil endered. Within of nearly all the CLEVELAND'S FIU8T ADMINISTRATION. 895 Presidential postmasters, foreign ministers, collectors of internal revenue, district attorneys, marshals, territorial judges and i)ension agents, while 40,000 of the 62,600 fourth-class postmasters lost their positions. In the course of another year he had added a large number more, bringing up to about 80,000 the list of Republican office-holders who had been replaced by Democrats. Such wholesale changes greatly impaired the service, as well as the President's reputation for sincerity. Although the members of the Cabinet had, before this, made no public record on the Civil Service reform matter, they made records fast enough now. Daniel Manning, of the Treasury Depart ment, and Postmaster General Vilas, especially, took delight in the official slaughter. When Cleveland first took office it was given out that only those Republicans who were guilty of "offensive partisan- ship" would be removed, but in these later stages the fact that a man was a Republican at all was enough to set him upon the order of his going. In 1887 the President made another effort to disprove the asser- tion that he was "no Democrat." Senator Gorman was then making a desperate effort to retain his political hold on the State of Mary land, and was using methods that rivaled those in Louisiana and South Carolina. It was stated on Democratic authority that, in Bal timore, election after election was carried by the grossest frauds; that to stop a ballot in an important ward murder was recognized uh a political service; that ballot boxes were opened and votes taken out, and that in one ward nineteen men with criminal records, drew pay from the City for doing political work of doubtful or criminal character. The President, by his appointments, gave Mr. Gorman all the aid that h^ could, and this, following his weakening on the Civil Service matter, effectually alienated the great mass of reform voters. President Cleveland aroused the bitterest feeling among the soldiers of the country by the number and character of his pension vetoes. During the two sessions of the Forty-ninth Congress alone, he vetoed more bills than all the other Presidents combined, from Washington down. In all 864 ineasures which passed this Congress failed of his approval, though 167 of these became laws, by lapse of time, without his signature. Of the whole number 300 were private pension bills, and he wrote 123 separate vetoes on these. He often sat far into the night, laboriously writing out, with his own hand, these long veto messages. Some of them were insulting, and some of 306 HISTORY OF THE REriTBUrAN PARTY. , . (*'•» '•• •>.. frtJ^ thenT were marked by cheap wit at the expense of the wound* and Hufferlng of the soldiers. They gave the impression of personal hos- tility to every man that wore the blue, and, coupled with his own record during the war, made the most effective of campaign docu- mients when he came before the people for rt-election. He pursued the same polity in the Fiftieth Congress, and further intensified the feeling against himielf by vetoing the Dependent Pension Bill Worst of all .was his order, given in 1887, through Adjutant General Drum, to return to the various Southern States the Rebel flags cap- tured during the war. The order could not be carried out, for H was illega,], as the flags were in the custody of the Government, and could be removed only under authority of an Act of Congress. But before this fact became generally known there was abundant time, for popular indignation to find expression. General Butler called the order "an attempt to mutilate the archives." General Sherman wrote: "Of course I know Drum, the Adjutant General. He has no sympathy with the Army which fought. He was a non-combatant. He never captured a flag, and values it only at its commercial value. He did not think of the blood and torture of battle; nor can Endicott, the Secretary of War, or Mr. Cleveland." Grand Army Posts, throughout the North, passed resolutions denouncing the order in the strongest terms.- After a time it was formally revoked, but the impression of a want of patriotism on Cleveland's part remained. Two incidents illustrate the intensity of the feeling on this subject. A number of Grand Army Posts in Western Pennsylvania, West , Virginia and Ohio, held a camp fire at Wheeling. A banner had been suspended over the street on their line of march, bearing the Presi- dent's portrait, with the inscription, "God Bless our President, Com- mander-in-Chief of our Army and Navy." Most of the posts, with colors folded and reversed, marched around this, although in order to do so, they ha* to go through the gutters. Again, the National Encampment of ihe Grand Army was held at St. Louis, and the President had accepted an invitation to be present. After the flag incident he withdrew the acceptance, because he thought it his duly to protect the dignity of the people's highest oftlce, adding: "If among the membership of that body there are some, as certainly seems to be the case, determined to denounce me and my ofBcial acts at the National Encampment, I believe that they should be permitted to do so, unrestrwned by my presence as a guest of their organisation, or as a guest of the hospitable city in which their meeting is held." tmmmmm^m&f^vt^'i ltftv»«ei&*cj»'.:! .^ ITY. the wound* and of personal ho8- >d with hi« own campaign docu- on. He pursued >r intenaifled the It Pension Bill idjutant General Rebel flags cap- rried out, for it Government, and Congress. But i abundant time, al Butler called General Sherman pral. He has no I non-combatant, ommercial value, nor can Endicott, id Army Posts, ing the order in revoked, but the i part remained. ; on this subject, lusylvania, West banner had been earing the Presi- ' President, Com- ! the posts, with Ithough in order Etin, the National .Louis, and the . After the flag ought it his duiy [ding:' "If among ainly seems to be icial acts at the e permitted to do r organisation, or ting is held." CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 897 President Cleveland was very fortunate in his selection of a Secretary of the Navy. William C. Whitney was a lawyer of high standing in New York City, but he was also a practical man of affiUrs, and he soon had a thorough knowledge of the business of his depart- ment. The American Navy had gone to decay very rapidly after the war, and in 1881 was in a de<?idedly unserviwable condition. Under the Garfleld Administration, Secretary Hunt secured the appointment of a Naval Advisory Board of capable and ex|)erienced men. Then President Arthur's Secretary of the Navy, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, dinned into the ears of Congress such notes of alarm as to prepare that body for the rehabilitation, in a comprehensive way, of that branch of our service. The final report of the Advisory Board recommended that, within the next eight years, |30,000,000 should be expended on the Navy, and it was estimated that this would construct twenty-one ironclads, seventy unarmored cruisers, five rams, Ave torpedo gunboats, and twenty torpedo boats. There was objection in Congress to making a beginning that looked to so large an expenditure. Some even declared that the United States did not need a large Navy, as we were certain to have no more civil war, and not likely to be engaged in any foreign war. But Secretary Chandler's lonnsels prevailed, and the Forty-sixth Congress author- ised the construction of three unarmored cruisers. The work was continued through Secretary Chandler's term of offlw, was taken up with seal by Secretary Whitney and continued through President Harrison's Administration. Up to the time of the meeting of Con gress in December, 1894, forty-seven vessels were either in commission or under construction, including the battleships Oregon, Massachu setts, Indiana and Iowa, which rendered such efflcient service four years later in the war with Spain. Although the Senate was of one stripe in politics and the House another, and neither was in full accord with the President, three important Acts, of a non-partisan character, marked this Adminis- tration. Two of these, though non-partisan, were of a political nature; the Electoral Count Act and the Presidential Succession Act. These, as passed, were practically the same as the measures introduced during the Arthur Administration, and explained in some detail in a previous chanter of this book. The first of the two,, which provides for settling Electoral count disputes within the dtates, and requires the concurrent action of both Houses of Con- gress to reject an Electoral vote, passed the Senate without division RBB fsm •.f i » , , HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and tfie HouHe by a vote of 141 to 100. It bocame a law by the aigna- ture of the President, March 3, 1887. The Bccond of the two meaanrea pasaea the Preaidential Bucceaaion through the Cabinet, instead of making the Preaident of the Senate and Speaker of the House eligi- ble to that office. It has two manifeat advantagea over the old law of Buoeeasion, in that the (Cabinet ofltcea are never entirely vacant, and the Cabinet is miide up of men of the game political faith aa the PrcBident. This alBo passed the Senate without diviaion, and the HouHe by a vote of 185 to 77. It waa signed, January 18, 1886. Another inheritance from former Congresses was the Inter-State Commerce Measure. A Bill to establish an Inter-State Commerce Commission was first introduced in the Forty-sixth Congress in 1879>: but it failed in the House. It was reintroduced in the Forty-seventh Congress, when many facts brought out by an investigation of the New York Railroads in 1879 were given wide publicity. The unre- strained power of railroads to make such charges as they chose, or, att one of the railroad magnates put it, to charge "as much as the traffic will bear," was the cause of great uncertainty and loss to busi- ness. In many articles the cost of transportation had such an important effect upon the price at which goods could be sold with any chance for profit, that it was easy for the railroads to enrich one man and impoverish another in the same line of business, and this power often led to corruption of the railroad officials themselveM. It was shown in the investigation mentioned that the milling busi- ness of certain towns in Northern New York waa ruined by the rail- roads granting rates which were more favorable to Minneapolis and other Western points. The merchants of New York complained that discriminating ratea were driving trade from that city to Baltimore. Where there were competing railroads the long hauls of freight were almost invariably lower in rate per mile than short hauls. Man- ufacturers in Rochester, New York, desiring to send goods to San Francisco, found it cheaper to ship them first to New York City, the goods going through Rochester again on their way Westward. Tl^e subject was agitated at every session of Congress till the last of the Forty-ninth Congress, when a Bill passed for regulating "freight and passenger rates, and appointing an Int^r-State Commerce Commis- sion. It was signed' February 4, 1887. It forbade special rates to special shippers, and provided that all charges for the transportation of passengers or property from State to State, or from this to a foreign country should be "just aijd reasonable." It forbade rebates, TY. iw by the •igna- be two measnrea tinet. infltead of the Houie eltgi- >ver the old law entirely vacant, ical faith as the iviBion, and the r 18, 1886. 8 the Inter-Stat^ State Gommerce ^ongresR in 1879^ lie Forty-seventh istigation of the Icity. The unre- B they chose, or, 'as much as the and loss to busi- >n had such an lid be Bold with ilroads to enrich of business, and cials themselves, the milling bnsi- lined by the rail- Minneapolis and complained that ity to Baltimore. haulB of freight iiort hauls. Man- nd goods to San w York City, the Westward. Tl^e ill the last of the iiting freight and mmerce Gommis- > special rates to tie transportation r from this to a ; forbade rebates, CLEVELAND'S FIKST AOMINIBTRATION. 300 drawbacks, unjust discriminations and nil undue or unreasonable preferences, and re«iuired that freight turllTs ahould be conspicuously (tosted, and that they should, In no case, be advanced without ten days' previous notice! It provided for the ap|iolntment of a Commis- sion of Ave members, at the head of which, for some years, was Thomas M. Cooley, of Michigan, an admirable selection for the place. This Commission was open to complaints from any person or corpor- ation, and was required to investigate all charges so made. It had the power to direct railways to remedy evils complained of, und 'n case of refusal to comply with its requirements, It might bring siiii In the United States Courts, against the ofHcers of the off^ , iiug road. It required a uniform system of book-keeping for the different roads, with annual reports of their business and financial condition. It prohibited "pooling" between different roads, and prohibited any greater compensation for a shorter haul of freight or passengers than for a longer haul over the same line, and in the same direction though the Commissioners were empowered to suspend the operation of this clause when its enforcement was likely to give Canadian rail- roads an advantage over those in this country, or to throw the traffic into the hands of carriers by water. This Act, with occasional modi- fications by legislation or court interpretations, has been in operation ever since its first enactment. It has not remedied all the evils com- plained of, but it has been of great benefit to shippers. Much excitement was occasioned during this period by disputes over the Newfoundland cod and mackerel fisheries and the Alaska seal fisheries. The fishery clause of the Treaty of Washington ceased to be operative July 1, 1885, and as nothing else had been substltutetl for it, the Treaty df 1818 again became in force. Under this treaty American vessels could not enter Canadian ports for bait, nor fish within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays or harbors of aiiy of Her Majesty's dominions in North America. In determining these limits England measured from headland to headland at the entrance of bays or indents of the coast, thus shuttiiig the Americans out of all the bays, even though they might be more than three miles from the nearest coast line. As we were then collecting a customs duty on Canadian salt fish, the Canadians were inclined to enforce the harsh provisions of this treaty with the utmost rigor. Several of our fishing vessels were detained in Canadian ports and for some weeks the excitement over the subjecjic was great. In May, 1886, Con- gress gave the President power to suspend commercial relations mmm 400 HIHTOHY OF THE UEITBLirAN PAHTY. - ,*■-. ., wifb ranada. and later a Bill wan Introdmed In the Hoiimo making ■nrli HUHpenRion absolntc without reference to the President. A more moderate meaaure was Anally adopted, whioh provided that the Prei- Ident, on belnjc asaured that our flshing maRtera or rrewa were used in t'anadian iiorta any lean favorably than the maatera or trewa of tradiuK veaaela from the moat favored nationa, rould, *'ln hla diacre- tion, by proclamation to that effect, deny veaaela, their maatera and crewa, of the Itrltlah dominlona of North Amerhu. any entrance Into the waters, iMirta or places within the Ignited Htatea." The President did not uae thia iwwer, but arranged with Oreat Britain for a joint (Commission to consider the whole matter. Thia Commission con- sisted of Secretary Bayard, President Angell, of Michigan University, and William L. Putnam, of Maine, on the part of the United Htates, and Joseph Chamberlain, 81r Charles Tupper, of Canada, and the British Minister at Washington, Hlr Lionel West. The three months' deliberations of the Commission resulted in an arrangement that was aatiatactory to neither <ountry. and it was rejected by the Senate. Meantime the excitement had died down, and the matter settled itaelf. American flahermen became acctistomed to carrying their bait and provisions from home, and no longer cared to visit the Cana- dian seaport towns. The only losers, in the end, were those Canadians who were making part of their living by selling bait, pro- visions and marine sundries to the outside fishermen. In the matter of the A!aakan seal fisheries the British considered themselves the aggrieve'^ parties. In order to prevent poaching and to preserve the seals, tho United States set up the claim that the Behring Sea was a closed sea, ond a number of British vessels were aeiaed and condemned, their skina confiscated and their masters fined. The release of the vessels was demanded by the British Gov- ernment, and ordered by President Cleveland. In August, 1887, cir- cular letters were sent by Secretary Bayard to the United States Ministera in England, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and Sweden, asking the co-operation of those countries in settling pending dis- putes, and in determining the beat methods of regulating the aeal fisheries. All the powers appealed to. except Sweden,- assented to the conference, but it was not until 1892, during President Harri- son's Administration, that a treaty was agreed to, referring the whole matter to seven (Commissioners, one each from Canada, Great Britain, Sweden, France and Italy, and two from the United States. The Coromisaion gave the following decisions on pointa aubmitted to HI HTY. le lloiiHo iiiakinK 'eHid<>nt. A inon» led that tlw Pret- orewB wen' used iter« or crewB of Id, "in his disvre- hcir inaRterH and my entranw Into " The President iritain for a joint ComnilsHlon oon- blKan University, he United Htates, (*anada, and the rhe three months' ngement that was !id by the Senate. le matter settled to carrying their to visit the Cana- end, were those ' selling bait, pro- en. British considered rent poaching and lie claim that the itish vessels were nd their masters Y the British Gov- August, 1887, cir- the United Btates issia and Sweden, tling pending dis- }guliiting the seal eden, assented to President Harri- eferring the whole Ida, Great Britain, lited States. The Ints submitted to CLKVKLAXIVH FIHHT ADMINIHTHATION. 401 It: (1) By the Treaty of 1H*J4 with the Inlted Htates and by that of 1HL»B with Ureat Hrltnln, HiiMHia ubnndoned the right ot exeluslve jnilwlletlon beyond eannon nliot from nhore, and never, from that day till the lesslon of Alaska, exereised it. (U) Oreat Britain never reeognUed Russlun rialms to exj-lusive Jurisdiction outside of terri- torial waters. (8) In the Anglo Hussian Treaty of 1825 the term •I'aeifle Ocean" includ«'<i Hehrlng Hea. {4) At the cession all Russia's rights iMSsed to the United Htates without impaltment or Increase. (5) The United Htates has no right to the protection of, or to proi>- erty in, seals outside the ordinary three-mile limit. These decisions, with the exception of point f«)ur were all against the contentions of the United Htates. The Boanl also nmde provision for a joint police of Behring Hea, by (heat Itritain and the United Htates, for an open and clostHl season, and for the licensing of sealing vessels. These latter provisions have probably deferred for many years the final extinction of the seal in these waters. During the last puit of Ulevelnnd's flrst term revision of the tariff occupied much ntt^ntlon. Wm. «. Morrison, of Illfnols. rein- troduced his bill for a horizontal reduction of tariff rates, but it met with a worse fate axon than it did in the previous Congress. For this time It Vas refused consideration by a vote of 157 to 140, 35 of the former being Democrats. But at the opening of the Fiftieth Congress, December «, 1887, t'leveland precipitated the discussion again by devoting his whole message to the tariff question. Ba spolce of the large and increasing surplus in the Treasury as a reason for reducing tariff rates, and argued at some length the industrial bearings of the subject. He gave large space to the tariff on wool, which he wanted greatly reduced or wholly removed. He also favored a great reduction In the rates on all other raw materials, and the removal of the tariff on the necessaries of life. While leaning toward free trade In practice, he discarded the theory in the following passage, which furnished one much quoted sentence: "Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of ban- dying epithets. It is a condition which confronts us— not a theory. Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant." The immediate effect of this message was the Introduction of the Mills Bill, reducing tariff rates. This Bill was so named from Roger 'mmmm !*•; HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Q. AillB, of Texas, who was Chairman of the Ways and Means Com- mittee of the House, though in its preparation he was assisted by the other Democratic members of the Comir?ittee: William L. Scott, of Pennsylvania; Clifton R. Breckenridge, of Arkansas; William D. Bynum, of Indiana, and William L. Wilson, of West Virginia. These members all supported the Bill with speeches on the floor of the House, as did aJsd^ the following prominent Democrats: John 6. Carlisle, of Kentucky, Speaker of the House; Samuel S. Cox, of Ohio; John E. Russell, of Massachusetts, and Charles R. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania. The Bill did not go the full length of Cleveland's message in inclining tov,ard free trade, but it leaned sufficiently that way to meet with almost solid Republican opposition. The leading speakers against it were: William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania; William McKinley, of Ohio; Thomas B. Reed, and Charles A. Bou- telle, of Maine; Julius C. Burrows, of Michigan, and Henry O. Burleigh, of New York. The Bill passed the House by a vote of 162 yeag, of which one was Republican, to 149 nays, 4 being Democrats. In the senate it was antagonized by a measure of far different scope The vriimate result of the long agitation was that no tariff legisla- tion ot all was adopted ai this session, and the question became the leadiag one in the next campaign. RTY. I and Means Com- as assisted by the illiam L. Scott, of nsas; William D. t Virginia. Tlies© I the floor of the locrats: John G. el 8. Cox, of Ohio; B. Backalew, of th of Cleveland's >d sufficiently that tion. The leading of Pennsylvania; 1 Charles A. Bou- n, and Henry Q. le by a vote of 162 being Democrats, far different scope ,t no tariff legisla- lestion became the XXXI. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. A New Set of Candidates for the Republican Nomination— Blaine and Sherman the Only Old Ones Mentioned and Blaine Posi- tively Withdraws— McKinley Forbids the Use of His Name- Sherman Leads Through Six Ballots— General Alger, of Michi- gan, a Strong Possibility —The Nomination Finally Goes to Harrison— The Text of the Platform— The Democrats Renomin- ate Cleveland by Acclamation, With Thurman Second on the Ticket— A Quiet Campaign— The Murchison Incident— The Republicans Win. As the time for the Republican Convention in 1888 approached a new set of candidates appeared in the field. Only two of the men who had been prominently before previous conventions were at all mentioned in connection with this, Blaine and Sherman. After President Cleveland issued his famous tariff message and the Mills Bill was introduced, Blaine, who was then in Paris, nade a reply to the message in an interview which was furnished by the Associated Press to the leading papers in the country. It was received with great favor and created a strong demand for his nomination for the Presidency, as being the best man to meet the issue which was thus thrust upon the people. Mr. Blaine was at this time under medical treatment in Paris for the physical ailments which afterward ter- minated in his death, and was morbidly sensitive as to the condition of his health. He felt himself unable to endure the fatigues and excitements of another campaign. Although he afterwards recovered sufficiently to enter again into the activities of public life, his inti- mate friends knew that at this time he had no anticipation of being able to do so. He wrote two letters from Paris, declining, in posi- tive terms, to have his name presented as a candidate. One of these, written May 17 to Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York Tribune was very emphatic in its withdrawal. BSS gsss i :i.j:.t]iJw:"!P 404 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ^ -^^Notwithstanding these expressions of his desire there was a strong sentiment, when delegates gathered for the Convention at Chicago, in favor of putting him forward, even against his consent. The temporary President of the Convention, John M. Thnrston, of Nebraska, himself a strong _ "sonal friend of Blaine, sought, in his opening address, to check this. Having in mind the claim, vigorously maintained for yea^s by General Butler, that part of the vote cast for Butler in New York City was counted for Cleveland, thus defeat- ing the Republican candidates, Mr. Thurston said that he "had hoped that 1888 would right the great wrong of 1884." He then paiid a high tribute to the worth of General Logan: "The citizen soldier, the warrior statesman, the Black Eagle of Illinois, who had be^n summoned by the silent messenger to report to his old commander beyond the river.'* After referring further to General Logan's place on the ticket of 1884, he continued: The other, that gallant leader, the chevalier of American politics, the glory of Republicanism and the nightmare of Democracy, our Henry of Navarre, is seeking in foreign travel the long needed relax- ation and rest from the wearisome burdens of public life and service With the sublime magnanimity of his incomparable greatness, he has denied us the infinite pleasure of supporting him in this Convention. Desiring above all things party harmony and success, he has stepped from the c^rt» . adder of his own laudable ambition that some other man may din ' ' ver. As his true friends we cannot, dare not. commit the p Ime of disobedience to his expressed will. We cannot place hi. .. the head of the ticket, but we will make him commander-in-chief at the hiead of the forces in the field, where he will be invincible. And though James G. Blaine may not be our President, yet he remains our uncrowned king, wielding the baton of acknowledged leadership, supreme in the allegiance of his devoted followers. Honest and respected by all honest and loyal men, the greatest living American, and the worthy object of our undying love. Mr. Thurston's reference to Blaine's refusal to allow himself to be nominated was received with cries of '*No!" "No^*' from all over the hall, but his declaration that the Convention dare not commit the offence of going contrary to Blaine's expressed wish was wildly applauded. His withdrawal of Blaine's name was, however, resented by many of the admirers of the man from Maine, who claimed that Thurston had no right to assume such authority, and they declared that they would work harder than ever for the man of their choice. Some votes were cast for him on each ballot, reaching 48 on the fifth which was taken on a Saturday. On Monday, two dispatches were received from Mr. Blaine, addressed to Delegates Boutelle and Man- BTY. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 405 sire there was a ie Convention at ainBt his consent. 1 M. Thnrston, of ine, sought, in his i claim, vigorously t of the vote cast iland, thus defeat- aid that he ''had ;4." He then paiid !he citizen soldier, ds, who had been lis old commander General Logan's American politics, ►f Democracy, our long needed relax- lic life and service i greatness, he has n this Convention. )ss, he has stepped an that some other ; cannot, dare not. zpressed will. We we will make hii|i :he field, where he e may not be our elding the baton of nee of his devoted md loyal men, the t our undying love. :o allow himself to NoP from all over areinot commit the wish was wildly , however, resented , who claimed that and they declared lan of their choice. ling 48 on the fifth vo dispatches were Boutelle and Man^ ley, of Maine. The first said: "Earn«?HtIy request all friends to respect my Paris letter." The second read thus: "I think I have the right to ask ray friends to respect my wishes, and refrain from voting for me. Please make this and former dispatches public." This ended the talk about a break for Blaine as the final result of the numerous ballots, though fifteen enthusiasts voted for him on the seventh, which was taken after these dispatches had been read. In his relation to the Presidency Mr. Blaine has often been com- pared to Henry Clay. The comparison might be extended much further than to this single matter of their high ambitions. Both had brilliant careers in the House of Representatives, of which they were elected Speaker. Both served in the Senate. Both made reputations in diplomacy. Clay as a Foreign Minister, and Blaine as Secretary of State. Both twice sought unsuccessfully, the Presidential nomina- tion at the opening of campaigns in which their parties were successful. Both obtained the nominations in years when their parties met defeat. Clay, in 1844, lost the election by a slender adverse majority in New York. Blaine, in 1884, lost the election by a still narrower margin in the same State. But they were unlike in this respect, Clay never had the opportunity to refuse the nomination in a campaign in which his party was in the ascendancy, and if he had, would never have put away the long-coveted honor, as Blaine did in 1888. The other candidate who had before this been a prominent candi- date for the Presidency was John Sherman. Mr. Sherman had served with distinction in the House, the Senate and the Cabinet. He was for- mally placed before the Conventions of 1880 and 1884, but the highest vote lie reached at feither of these gatherings was 120. In 1888 he started with 229, rose to 249 on the second, and for the first six ballots was ahead of every other candidate. But when the break came it did not go to him, and he failed to win. He appeared as Ohio's avowed choice. William McKinley, Jr., another resident of Ohio, received the votes of a few delegates from other states, and one of the stirring incidents of the Convention was a short speech from Mr. McKinley, in which he tried to take himself out of the field. Evidently having in mind the aspersions cast, in 1880, upon General Garfield, who was sent to Chicago to help nominate Sherman and afterwards received the nomination himself, Mr. McKinley said: I am here, as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am here by a resolution of the Republican party, without one dissent- 406 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. '0 ^ ' - 1/- ing-^oiee, commanding me to cast my vote for John Hherman, and use every worthy endeavor for hia nomination. I accepted the trust because my heart and judgment were in accord with the letter and spirit and purpose of that resolution. It has pleased certain dele- gates to cast their votes for me. 1 am not insensible to the honor they would do me, but in the presence of the duty resting upon me I cannot remain silent with honor. I cannot, consistently with the credit of the State, /whose credentials I bear, and which has trusted me, I cannot with honorable fidelity to John Sherman, who trusted me in his cause with his confidence, I cannot with consistency with my own views of personal integrity, consent, or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate before the Convention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my heart to do, to say, or permit to be done, that which would even be ground for anyone to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to the chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I do request, I demand, that no delegates, who would not cast reflection upon me, shall cast a ballot for me. Notwithstanding this appeal, McKinley continued to receive a few votes, his highest number being on the seventh ballot. This W8«» emi- nently a vote-as-you-please Convention. Of the new candidates the one whose chances, at the outset, seemed the most promising, and in whom Michigan was most especi- ally interefsted, ws^ General Russell A. Alger. At the Republican State Convention, held in Grand Rapids, May 8th, the following dele gates were chosen to the National Convention : At Large— Robert E. Frazer, John K. Boies, W. Q. Atwood and Thomas B. Dunstan. By Districts— (1) Henry M. DufBeld, Charles Wright; (2) Thomas S. Applegate, Josewh T. Jacobs; (3) D. B. Ainger, William H. Withing- ton; (4) Theron F^ Giddings, A. B. Copley; (5) William Alden Smith. George W. Webber; (6) Charles F. Kimball, Otis Fuller; (7) A. B. Avery, W. H. Acker; (8) F. C. Stone, N. J. Brown; (9) Newcomb McGrath, E..B. Martin; (10) F. T. Carrington, D. C. Page; (11) H. O. Young, Thomas T. Bates. The Convention also unanimously adopted the following declara- tion: "The Republicans of Michigan, desiring only the success of the principles and candidates of the great party that saved the Union, and renewing their pledges of loyal fealty to both, but recognizing the great worth and strong availability of their generous and noble- hearted fellow citizen, that gallant soldier statesman and successful man of business, General Russell A. Alger, do hereby unanimously and earnestly recommend him as the man who should be chosen as the standard-bearer «f the part)? in the great contest about to ensue, RTY. )hn HhermaD, and iccepted the trust ith the letter and ased certain dele- lible to the honor resting upon me 1 ustently with the which has trusted man, who trusted I consistency with >em to consent, to the Convention. I eart to do, to say, lund for anyone to ny devotion to t!be ■equest, I demand, pon me, shall cast ed to receive a few ot. This was emi- :es, at the outset, D was most especi- A.t the Republican the following dele- t Large — Robert E. a B. Dunstan. By It; (2) Thomas B. illiam H. Withing< lliam Alden Smith. s Fuller; (7) A. R. jwn; (9) New comb C. Page; (11) H. O. ; following declara- nly the success of at saved the Union, th, but recognizing renerons and noble- man and successful lereby unanimously hould be chosen as :est about to ensue, THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 407 and who, if so selected, will harmonize and unite the party every where, and lead the Republican hosts to certain and triumphant victory." On the second ballot in the National Convention General Alger was next to Hherman in the number of votes received. At one time the indications, and some promises made by delegates from other states, led his supporters to believe that the tlnal break would be to him, instead of to Harrison; in this they were disappointed, but the twenty-six Michigan delegates stood by him loyally to the end. After the nomiqation was made, the General sent the following dispatch: "Please convey to the delegates who have so loyally supported my candidacy, my heartfelt thanks. No State or man will give the gal- lant gentleman who has won this fight, heartier support than Michigan and myself." The read- ing of this dispatch in the Convention was fol- lowed by the familiar cry, already heard three or four times at the gathering: "What's the matter with Alger?" "He's all right." Two of the otherinen who received votes in this Convention, and both of whom after- wards became President, were regarded with interest by Michigan Republicans, by reason of the addresses they made at the annual banquet of the Michigan Club in the February preceding. On that occasion General Harrison responded to the toast, "Washington, the Republican," and Major McKinley to one on "Washington, the Ameri- can." Both addresses were received with great favor. General Harrison spoke with strong emphasis upon the duty of securing a free ballot and a fair count of the votes of every citizen. South, as well as North. As this subject was again beginning to come to the BBNJAMIN HARRISON. lam i iiMi fi .. i : -1! #, umii 408 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY. fr«nt in Congreus, General Harrison's clean cut utterames on thin occasion were very reassuring to the Republicans during the cam- paign. The proceedings of the Ninth National Republican Convention commenced in Chicago, June 10, 1888, with the reading of the call and the designation of John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as temporary Chairman. The first day's session was occupied largely with routine business, and with the discussion of the claims of contesting delega- tions from Virginia. But the monotony of business was agreeably relieved by speeches from General John C. Fremont, the first Repub- lican nopinee for the Presidency, and from Frederick Douglass, the venerable colored orator. On the second day Maurice M. Estee, of California, was named permanent Chairman, and spoke very briefly as he assumed the duties of the position. The rest of the day was occupied with a discussion of the rules, and with contested delegate disputes. Only two essen tial changes were made in the rules. One established those of the House of Representatives in Washington, as a guide to the order of procedure. The other provided that an Executive Committee, con- sisting of nine members, should be chosen by the National Commit- tee to conduct the affairs of the party. It was not until the third day that the order of resolutions was reached, and the following platform was then received: The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their dele gates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their pro- ceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people— Abraham Lincoln; and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more recently beew called away from our councils — Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, CoBkling.' May their memories be faithfully cherished. We also recall with our greetings, and with prayer for h^s recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the Republic— the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party we send fraternal congratulation to our fellow-Americans of Brazil upon their great Act of Emancipation, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout thf two American continents. We earnestly RTY. itteranoes on thin i during the cam- bUcan Convention ?ndinf{ of the i-all bIvU, as temporary r^ely with routine contesting delegn- i»B was agreeably t, the first Repnb- rii'l< Douglass, the oruia, was named issumed the duties with a discussion Only two essen shed those of the de to the order of e Committee, con- National Commit- Df resolutions was ived: >led by their dele- ihold of their pro- ader, the immjortal Abraham Lincoln; remembrance and B who have more t, Garfield, Arthur, ly cherished. We r h^s recovery, the ill be treasured iu blic — the name of hilip'H. Sheridan. ir own devotion to } of despotism and Republican party merieans of Brazil tleted the abolition its. We earnestly THE CAMPMON OF 1S88. 400 hope that we may soon congratulate our fellowcitiwns of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule f<»r Ireland. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Constitution and to the indissoluble union ot the Htates; to the autonomy reserved to the states under the Const it utiim; to the personal rights and liber- ties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citiasen rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to liave that ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and.the just and etjual repie seutation of all the iH»ople to be the foundations of our republican Oovernment, and demand efTective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority We charge that the present Administration and the Democratio majority in Congress owe their txistenw to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and the I^iws of the United States. We are uncompromisingly In favor of the American system of protection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue and confl dently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protective- system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been fol- lowed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the labor and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican Representatives iu Congress in opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist thai the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protec- tion to that industry. The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the National revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor, and release from Import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of inter- nal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system, at the joint behests of the whisky trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers. We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign contract labor and of Chinese labor, alien to our civilization ^ifi'teiiififiiiiiiii ■HMmmiNiB w 1 iij«M«.'»ihrff*^.ji "" • t^ft^<iajtemf!^.v^fvi>»ggi4fe'#.-';JR^f:if !^ » ■;i^-t^--/)Mifti^i*fctfe( ^^p,^^,^^^;^^^^^^^^. ,,. n^ Kwiyy,- - .■-*j;n»»*fc*-..^ •#. m.r-' '.r :->>■; 410 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and our ConBtitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing lawn againsf it, and favor such immediate legiBlation as will exclude such labor from our shores. We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organ- ized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the State legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the trans- portation of their products to market. We approve the legislation by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discrimina- tion between the States. We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers, not aliens, which the Republican Party established in 1862, against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent devel- opment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that the Democtratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and Democrats about 50,000,000 of acres of unearned lands originally granted for the construction of railroads have been restored to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the Democratic Administration with failure to execute the laws secur- ing to settlers title to their homesteads, and with using appropria- tions made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the false pretense of exposing frauds and vindicating the law. The Governnient by Congress of the territories is based upon necessity only, to the end that they may become states in the Union; therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material resources, public intelligence and morality are such as to insure a stable local Government ,thei\ein, the people of such territories should be per- mitted, a« a right inherent in them, the right to form for themselves Constitutions and State Governments, and be adi^itted into the Union. Pending the preparation for Statehood, all officers thei;eof should be selected from the bona fide residents and citizens of the Territory wherein they are to serve. South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted as a State in the Union, under the Constitution framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan purposes, to favorably consider these bills, is a willful violation of the sacred THE TAMPA ION OP 1888. 411 Amerit-an principle of local self-governiuent, and merits the condeni nation of all Just men. The pendiuK bills in the Menate for Acts to enable the people of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Terri- tories to form Constitutions and establish Htate Governments should be passed without unnecessary delay. The Uepublicau party pledges itself to do all in its |>ower to facilitate the admission of the Terri- tories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment of self-government is States, such of them as are now qualifltHl, as soon as possible, and the others as soon us they may become so. The political power of the Mormon Cbun'h in the territories, as exercised in the past, is a menace to free institutions, a danger no longer to be suffered. Therefore, we pledge the Republican party to appropriate legislation asserting the sovereignty of the Nation in all territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical iM)wer, and thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns *\\e policy of the Democratic Admin- istration in its efforts to demonetize silver. We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per onnce. In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign — the people — should possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelli- gence which is to preserve us a free Nation; therefore the State or Nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learn- ing, sufficient to afford every child growing up in the land the oppoj*- tunity of a good common school education. We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Con- gress in the enactment of such legislation as will best secure the rehabilitation of bur American merchant marine, and we protest against the passage by CongresH of a free ship bill, as calculated to work injustice to labor, by lessening the wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well as those directly employed in our ship- yards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy; for the construction of coast fortillcations and modern ordnance and other approved modern means of defence for the protection of our defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for the necessary works of national importance in the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise and foreign commerce; for the encouragement of the shipping inter- ests of the Atlantic, Oulf and Pacific States, as well as for the pay- ment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give employment to our labor, activity to our various industries, increase the security of our country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for our '^-. Mhii 412 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 5 ,',.'.- produce, and cheapen the cost of transiiortation. We affirm this to be far better for our country than the Democratic policy of loaning the Oovernment'g money without interest to "pet banliB." The conduct of foreign affairM by the present Administration hag been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having with- drawn from the Henate all i)ending treaties elTected by Republican Administrations for the removal of foreign burdens and restrictions up<m our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen, with idle complacency, the extension of foreign influence in Central Anierica, and of foreign trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has refused to charter, sanction, or encourage any American organization for constructing the Nicaragua Canal, a work of vital importance to the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine, and of our National influence in Central and South America; and necessary for the development of trade with our Pacific territory, with South America, and with the islands and further coasts of the Pacific Ocean. We arraign the present Democratic Administration for its weak and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries (]uestion, and its pusillani- mous surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830 and the comity of nations, and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. We condemn the policy of the present Administration and the Demo- cratic majority iq Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly and conspicuously* unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable national industry and an indispensable resource of defence against a foreign enemy. The name of American applies alike to all citizens of the Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligations of obedience to the laws. At tlie same time that citizenship is and must be the panoply and safeguard of him ^ho wears it, and protect him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights, it should and must afford him protection at home, and follow and protect him abroad in whatever land he may be on a lawful errand. The men .who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and con- tinue to adhere to the Democratic party have deserted not only the cause of honest government, of sound finance, of freedom, of purity of the ballot, but especially have deserted the cause of reform in the civil service. W'e will not fail to keep our pledges because they have broken theirs, or because their candidate has broken his: We there- fore repeat our declaration of 1884, to-wit: "The reform of the Civil Service auspiciously begun under the Republican Administration should be completed by the further extension of the reform system already established by law to all the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all Executive appointments, and all laws at variance RTY. ^e atUini this tu policy of loaning iminietration ham ce. Having with- ^ by Republican ) and reHtrictionfi >r markets, it hafi tead. Professing idle complacency, la, and of foreign fused to ctiarter, for constructing the maintenance ve in Central and nt of trade witli li tlie islands and ition for its weak and its pusillani- >ur Ashing vessels $18, the reciprocal itions, and which le United States, on and the Demo- is unfriendly and stroy a valuable f defence against ike to all citiisens me obligations of nship is and must and protect him, rights, it should f and protect him and. in 1884 and cou- rted not only the edom, of purity of of reform in the because they have ;n his; We there- Bform of the Civil a Administration he reform system f service to which reform should be laws at variance THE CAMPAKJN OF 1888. 413 with the object of existing n'forrn legislation should be rei»ealed, lo the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk In the power of official patronage may be wisely and elTe<'tually avoided." The gratitude of the nation to the defenders of tlie I'nion «unnot be measured by laws. The legislation of Congress should conform to the pledge made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended as to provide against the |»ossibillty that any man who h(vnorabl.> wore the Federal uniform should become the inmate of an almshouse, or dependent uiKin private charity. In the presence of an <»verflowing Treasury it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose valorous service preserved the riovernment. We denounce the hostile spirit of President Cleveland In his numerous veto«*s of measnres for pension relief, and the a<tion of the Democrat!*' House of Kepreseu tatives in refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation. In supimrt of the principles luM-ewlth enun<'lated, we invite the co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all work- ingmen whose prosiierity is seriously threatened by the free-trade IKilicy of the present Administration. The first con 'ern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of their homes. The Republican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and morality. The platform was read by William McKinley, Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, and was unanimously adopted. It was followed immediately by the presentation of candidates, of whom there was a larger number in the field, and for whom more nominating; speeches and seconds were made than at any other Convention In the history of the party. The first speech naming a candidate was by Leonard Swett of Illinois, nominating Walter Q. Oresham, of Indiana, who was supported by Cushman K. l>avis, of Minnesota. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, Mr. Mc(.'all, of Massachusetts, and John B. Rector, of Texas. Ex-Governor Porter, of Indiana, presented the name of the "Soldier-Statesman, General Benjamin Harrison," who was supported by Messrs. Terrell, of Texas, and Gallinger, of New Hampshire. Senator Allison's name was presented by Congress- man Hepburn, of Iowa, and was seconded by Benjamin A. Bosworth, of Rhode Island. Robert E. Frazer, of Detroit, in a speech of great eloquence and power, presented the name of General Russell A. Alger, who was heartily supported by Charles J. Noyes, of Massachusetts, Patrick Egan, of Nebraska, M. M. Estee, of California, and L. F. Eggers, of Arizona. Senator Hiscock, of New York, nominated Chauncey M. Depew, of the same state, who was supported by a Min nesota Granger named Hartley. General Hastings, of Pennsylvania, 414 HIHTORY OP THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. ■■n naitipd John Hhernian, of Ohio, who waa aupported by Oovornor J. H. Foraker, of the Hatiie Htate, and by the diatinguiahed colorHl delegate, John M. liangiton, of Virginia. Charlca Emory Hmith, of Philadel- phia, named Mayor Fitter, of the Name rity, and Senator Hpooner, of WiaconRin, propoaed Jeremiah Ruali, of the aanie Htate. The balloting comnienoed on Friday, June 22, and continued till Monday, June 26. In all eight baliolH were fnken with the following reiult: 1 Benjamin Harriaon, (Ind.).. 80 John Hherman (Ohio). 220 Ruaaell A. Alger (Mich.). ... 84 Walter Q. Oreaham (Ind.).. Ill Willinin R. AlliHon (Iowa). . 72 Chauncey M. I>ei)ew (N. Y.) »» Jeremiah Rusk (Win.) 25 Wm. Walter PhelpH (N. J.). . 25 John J. Ingallg (Kan.) 28 E. H. Fitter (Penn.) 24 William McKinley (Ohio). . . 2 James O. Rlaine (Maine) 36 Robert T. Lincoln (III.) 3 Scattering 2 »1 249 11« 108 76 c^'-* Whole number of votea.. 830 830 KJO 82« 827 KiH ff^l f^30 NeceBBary for choice 416 416 416 415 414 4W> Afd 416 There waa only one ballot for Vice President, and that gave B6* to Levi P. Morton, of New York; 119 to William Walter Pli Ips, of New Jersey; 103 to William O. Bradley, of Kentucky; 1 1 to Blancjue K. Bruce, of Mississippi, and one for Walter F. Thomas, of Texas. Encouraged by their success in 1884, and ready to makt ibe Im'ne in 1888, the Democrats, for the first time in a long period of jioivr^, called their Convention earlier than the Republican, it met ia ff-L Louis, June 7. Its duties were somewhat perfunctory, for (Meveland's nomination was a foregone conclusion, and rieveland had made the issue for the campaign. Before the Convention met, t>emocratic Oon- ventions in every State in the Union had declared in his fav<>c, ami had indorsed his position on the tariff. In the Convtatik-'-. he wan lauded to the skies by Stephen M. White, of Californ a. to j; j >».;'< ry President; Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, Perujt*ucitit PtiJii dent; and by Daniel Dougherty, the "Silver-Tongue«i Cri toi" of PMI adelphio. The President was then renominated by j iclamAtton. Only one ballot was taken for Vice President, rnsr'ti.ig in ti>e uomination KTY. by OovMi'nor .1. B. I eolorwi dfU'Kate, mith, of Phlladel- >nutor Hpoon«>i', of itate. and continued till ivlth the following 5 6 7 8 la 231 278 64t 24 244 231 118 42 137 120 100 87 01 91 69 99 78 76 ... THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 41B u 4S "V2 40 i?'. 5 :: "2 •2 27 14 4V!;. 8?.l ■Wt.ti 83v) 416 and that gave RS* Walter Pi! IpB, of jr; 11 to bJam-meii. laH, of Texftd. y to makt tbe hwae ig period of 7)?arf>, ;an. It met tc fl-L jry, for Clevelaud'8 land had made the »t. liemocratic Oon- a in hia far. Donv.ifttJ*?'-. he wa« liforn a, t<:;i!jii.r<rir Peruj»»uc'r(t Prisi- e.i '^ri \»)." of PMI ■ J iclamAt'oM. Cn!/ ; in trie uomination of Allen O. Thurman, of Ohio, by «07 vote*, to 104 for Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana, and 31 for .lohn ('. Black, of Illlnolii. The platform renewed the party's old de<'laration» in favttr of the maintenance of the Union, extension of Civil Hervire n'form, rediutlon of taxu^Ion and of the surplui, the admiHHion of VVaHhlngton. Dakota, M(mtana and New Mexico an MtatcH. and expreB8e<l sympathy for the »auHe of home rule in Ireland. The following was the tariff plank: "Our establlMhed domestic indiiHtries and cnterpriHCH should not and need not be endangered by the reduction and correction of the burdet'B of taxation. On the contrary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the dif- ference between the wages of American and foreign labor, must pro- mote and encourage every branch of such industries and enter- 'riges, by giving them ^^ y./ Mdurance of an extend- i,^ '•«^* ;^*i jryr* 'arket and steady, M, cv'/'tinuous operations Xj. tl».^ interests of yj!' tm labor, which .^hi'iB^d in no event be i*irlGcted, the revision of our tax laws, con* tcmplated by the Dem- o^ratic party, should promote the advantage of such labor by cheapening the *ost of the necessaries of life in the home of every working man, and at the same time securing to him steady land remunerative employment. Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely coiicerning every phase of our national life, and upon every question involved in the problem of good government, the Democratic party submits its principles and professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people." In addition to the nominations of the two leading parties, there were two Union Labor tickets, both nominated at Cincinnati, May IS. LEVI P. MORTON. MM .■■B...-. yij>.^;.j--f-*V|-'j 416 HIB'fORY OP THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. I ■ fe- ?./. O:- TlTe first naiutd Andrew J. Streatur, of Illinois, for President and Charles E. Cunningham, of Arkansas, for Vire President. The - second was Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, for President, and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for Vice. The Prohibition ists voted for Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersej', for President, and John A. Brooks, of Missouri, for Vice. The "American" party nominated James I^angdon Cifrtia, of New York, for President, and James R. Greer, of Tennessee, for Vice. Kome other factious went through the formality of making nominations, but did not go through the formality of voting for them in sufficient numbers to be counted as anything but '*scatterinf|." The campaign was much less spirited than any which had pre- ceded it since the Republican party was established. There was trickery and bribery charged in Ohio and Indiana, but without attract- ing wide attention. The only real sensation of the campaign was occasioned by the "Morchison letter," written in California, and addressed to Lord Back vi lie- West, British Minister at Washington. The writer, calling himself Charles F. Murchison, a voter of English birth, a?d still considering England the motherland, asked the Minis ter's advice how to vote. It said : Many English citizens have for years refrained from being natur- alized, as -they thought no good could accrue from the act, but Mr. Cleveland's Administration has been so favorable and friendly toward England, so kind in not enforcing tae Retaliatory Act passed I Con- gress, so sound on the Free Trade question, and so hostile to the dynamite schools of Ireland, that, by the hundreds — yes, by the thouts;inds — ^they have become naturalized for the express purpose of helping to elect hitn over again, the one above all American politicians they considered their own and their country's best friend. . . If Cleveland was pursuing a new policy toward C&naua, temporarily only, and fov the. sake of obtaining popularity and continuation of his office four years ^mure, but intends to cease his policy when his re-elec- tion in November is secured, and again favor England's interests, then I should have no further doubt, but go forward and Vote for him. I know of no one better able to direct me, sir, and I most respectfully ask your advice in the matter. . . As you are the fountain head of knowledge on the question, and know whether Mr. Cleveland's policy is temporary only, and whether he will, as soon as he secures another term, of four years in the Presidency, suspend it for one of friendship and free tr^ 'e, I apply to you, privately and confidentially, for information which shall in turn be treated as entirely secret. Such information would put me at rest myself, and if favorable to Mr. Cleveland, would enable me, on my owr responsibility, to assure !^ ^^^^ MWiiiliii ! ! I RTY. lis, for President Vice President. B, for President, The Prohibition- resident, and John ' party nominated 'nt, and James R. us went through >t go through the I to be counted as ny which had pfre- shed. There was ut without attract the campaign was in California, and er at Washington, a voter of English d, asked the Minis I from being natur- n the act, but Mr. lUd friendly toward A^ct passed I Con- l so hostile to the Ireds— yes, by the express purpose of merican politicians jt friend. . If &naua, temporarily continuation of his cy when his re-elec- nd's interests, then nd Vote for him. I I most respectfVilly ; the fountain head er Mr. Cleveland's soon as he secures spend it for one of ' and confidentially, as entirely secret, and if favorable to tnsibility, to assure THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 417 many of my countrymen that they would do England a service by voting for Cleveland, and against the Republican system of tariff. It was aflBrmed afterwards that there was no such person as Murchison, and that the letter was a Republican trap, set to secure campaign material. The British Minister very innocently fell into the trap, for he wrote in reply: I am in receipt of your letter, and beg to say that I appreciate the diflBculty in which you find yourself, in en sting your vote. You are probably aware that any political party w ich o-ienly favored the mother country at the present moment, would lose popularity, and that the party in power is fully aware of the fact. The party, how- ever, is, I believe, still desirous of maintaining friendly relations with Great Britain, and still desirous of settling all questions with Canada which have been, unfortunately, reopened since the retraction of the treaty by the Republican majority in the Senate, and by the Presi- dent's message to which you allude. All allowances must, therefore, be made for the political situation as regards the Presidential election thus created. It is, however, impossible to predict the course which President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retaliation should he be re-elected; but there is every reason to believe that, while upholding the position he has taken, he will manifest a spirit of con- ciliation in dealing with the question involved in his message. In spite of the diplomatic impropriety of Mr. West's action, Cleve- land was inclined to ignore the matter, until a member of the Cabinet showed him a letter from a member of the Democratic National Com- mittee saying: "Does the President know that the Irish vote is slipping out of our hands through diplomatic shilly-shallying? See Lamont at once. Something must be done at once." Then he acted. He asked for the recall of Minister West, and when this was refused, gave him his passports. The British Government resented this, and sent no one to take Mr. West's place tillthe close of Cleveland's Administration. In the election which followed the Democrats carried the Solid South, with Connecticut and New Jersey, giving Cleveland and Thur- man 168 Electoral votes, while Harrison and Morton had 233. The popular vote for President was as follows: Harrison and Morton, Republican 5,441,989 Cleveland and Thucman, Democratic 5,538,464 Pisk and Brooks, Prohibition 250,299 Streator and Cunningham, Union I^abor 147,045 Cowdrey and Wakefield, Union Labor 2,668 Curtis and Greer, American 1,591 Scattering.. 6,053 ! " B hlll. 'li Mi'HJ g M» ' -»V>J'J'i* ! )W>!BW,jWJMI!^^ '^(¥.^^1^ 418 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. "^The totals given on the popular vote vary some in different statis- tical publications. The above aggregate is computed from the highest vote given an Elector in each State. During Harrison's Administration Congress was divided politically as foUovvS: Fifty-flrst Congress. Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, 37. House— Republicans, 169; Democrats, 161. Fifty-second Congress. Senate— Republicans, 47; Democrats, 39; Farmers' Alliance, 2. House— Republicans, 88; Democrats, 235; Alliance, 9. In the Fifty-first Congress the Republican vote, given above, was afterwards increased as the result of decisions on contested election cases. The vote of Michigan for President was as follows: Harrison and Morton 236,387 Cleveland and Thurman 213,469 Fisk and Brooks 20,945 Streator and Cunningham *>555 The Presidential Electors chosen were as follows: At Large — RuBsell A. Alger, Isaac Cappon By Districts -(1) Edward Burk; (2) Junius E. Beal; (3) Richmond Kingman; (4) Joseph W. French; (5) Don J. Leathers; (6) James M. Turner; (7) John S. Thomson; (8) Elliott F. Grabill; (9) Wellington W. Cummer; (10) Henry P. Merrill; (11) Perry Hannah. The vote for "Governor, at the same election was as follows: Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 233,595 Wellington R. Burt, Democratic 216,450 Amherst B. Cheney, Prohibition 20,342 WMIdman Mills, Union Labor 4»388 Imperfect and Scattering 17 The Congressional delegation wa^: "il Republican except the members from the First and Seventh Districts and was as follows in the order of the Districts: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) Edward P. Allen; (3) James 6'Donnell; (4) Julius C. Burrows; (5) Charles E Belknap; (6) Mark 8. Brewer; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) Aaron T. Biiss; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; (10) Frank W. Wheeler; (11) Samuel M. Steph- enson. ,' rm^- RTl. in different statis- tiputed from the taring HarriBon'H f ollovv 8 : ers' Alliam-e, 2. nee, 9. , given above, was contested election ... 236,387 ... 213,469 . . . 20,945 . . . 4,555 ows: At Large — Edward Burk; (2) tV. French; (5) Don lomson; (8) Elliott ry P. Merrill; (11) as as follows: .... 233,595 .... 216,450 . . . . 20,342 ..... 4,388 ..J. 17 iblioan except the nd was as follows lan; (2) Edward P. wb; (5) Charles E ;(8) Aaron T. Bliss; I) Samuel M. Steph- iiiiMMiimiqM*n XXXII. PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. A Close House in Congress— Prospect of Little I^egislation— The Device of Speaker Reed— A Small Majority Made Effective- Obstructive Tactics Baffled— The Silver Question Made Promi- nent-Passage of the Sherman Silver Act— The Republicans Not in Control on This Subject— The Bargain Under Which the Passage of the McKinley Tariff Act Became Possible— Effects of That Act on Trade— The Political Whirlwind of 1890. The Fifty-first Congress had not been long in session when it began to appear as if no important legislation could be accomplished on account of the closeness of the House. The Republicans had there a majority of only eight, and could not often have enough of those present to constitute a quorum. The Democrats, by refraining from voting, could generally break a quorum, and by dilatory motions could harass the Republicans. But the new Speaker, Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was equal to the emergency. He was a man of strong will, ready wit, great resourcefulness, and utterly fearless. He facilitated business by refusing to entertain dilatory motions, and established the practice of counting a quorum, even when the roll call did not show one present. The House had power to compel the attendance of a member, but no power to make him vote, after it had secured his attendance. Speaker Reed took the ground that if a member was visible on the floor of the House, he was present, whether he voted or not, and on a number of occasions ordered the Clerk, in order to make up a quorum, to record as present certain non-voting members whom he saw in the Hall. This "cotmting a quorum," as it was called, was bitterly denounced by the Democrats, who gave to the Speaker the title of "Czar Reed." Then they began to use various devices to escape being counted, hiding behind the seats, or making for the doors On one occasion Representative Kilgore, of Texas, made himself famous by kicking down a door which he found locked at one of the exits. Mr. Reed was sustained in his course by the Republicans, as i I it M :;.;JA -:!.■" .'".■^i'A> o.. " ;.-*•'•: ■-♦:.!i>:'i; ■■■^_;.- --. ■ ■■,"- .,.:; ;.' ;:7^^:^ ■ •■.'i/s: 420 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. W^l as by that broad conunon sense and sense of justice which requires that, in a parliamentary body, the majority shall, at least, have the means of bringing a measure to a vote. The Speaker, not wishing to depend upon his individual rulings, devised a system of rules to enable the majority, which was always held responsible for legislation, to exercise more control under the proceedings than was possible under the old rules. These rules, after a long contest, were adopted by a party vote of 161 to 144, with 23 members not voting Their main principles have been applied in the House ever since, even Speaker Crisp taking advantage of them in the next House, which bad nearly a three-fourths Democratic majority. With the new methods of facilitating business, this Congress transacted more business that was of serious moment than almost any other Congress since the war. The first of the important meas- ures to pass, though not the first to be introduced, was the Coinage Act of July 14, 1890, commonly called the Sherman Silver Act. The Bland- Allison Act of 1878 had not accomplished the purpose designed, of getting silver into circulation in any large amount, nor of bringing it to par with gold. On the contrary the white metal had suffered a material decline in value. In 1877, the average value of the silver contained in a standard dollar was .92958. In 1878, the year in which the Bland- Allison Bill passed, it was .89222. In 1889 it had fallen to .72325. Not only did the compulsory purchase of 12,000,000 worth of bullion a month not bring silver to par with gold, but the silver dollars themselves would not circulate to any great extent. The Govern- ment had purchased, under the Bland-Allison Act 12,136 tons of silver at a cost of 1.308,199,262, and had coined out of this 378,166,793 standard silver dollars, at a mintage cost of |5,000,000. These dollars were legal tender for most purposes, and the Government, at one time took pains to get them into use by shipping them to remote points yet not more than one-eighth of them found their way into circula- tion. The Government might have saved the cost of minting by stor- ing the bullion, and issuing certificates against it. I Still the cry was for more silver, coupled with the demand for the free coinage of that metal. Upon this subject the President said in his first annual message to Congress December 3, 1889: "The Act of February 28, 1878, requiring the purchase by the Treasury of f2,000,- 000 of silver bullion each month, to be coi dd into silver dollars, ha« been observed by the Department, but neither the present Secretary, nor any of his predecessors, has deemed it safe to exercise the discre- MMMM IMI III M I IilllH ,^ %'i. , AHTY. e of justice which •ity shall, at least, The Speaker, not evised a system of eld responsible for )ceeding8 than was Jong contest, were lembers not voting ase ever since, even next House, which less, this Congress oment than almost he important meas- id, was the Coinage m Silver Act. The J purpose designed, ant, nor of bringing letal had suffered a value of the silver 8, the year in which L889 it had fallen to 12,000,000 worth of »ut the silver dollars ctent. The Govern- 12,136 tons of silver of this 378,166,793 ),000. These dollars rnment, at one time m to remote points ir way into circula- t of minting by stor- t. -i rith the demand for t the President said r 3, 1889: "The Act e Treasury of |2,000,- to silver dollars, ha<« le present Secretary, ) exercise the discre- PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 421 lion given by law to increase the monthly purchase to f 4,000,000. He further said he thought it was clear that "if we should make the coin age of silver at the present ratio free, we must expect that the differ- ence in the bullion value of the gold and silver dollars will be taken bccount of in commercial transactions;" in other words, that gold would disappear, and that business wouio be conducted on the basis of the bullion value of the depreciated silver dollar. However, he favored the use of silver in the currency, and approved a plan, sub- mitted by Secretary Windom, providing for the issue of notes against the deposits of American silver bullion at the market price of bullion on the day of deposit. These notes were to be redeemed, either in gold or silver bullion, at its then market value, at the option of the Government, or in silver dollars at the option of the holder. It would seem as if this measure was likely to produce a currency of fluctuating and uncertain value, but the experiment contained in it was never tried. As a substitute for this, E. H. Conger, of Iowa, introduced a bill providing for the purchase of |4,500,000 worth of silver bullion a month, and the issue of Treasury notes against it; providihg also for free coinage when the market price of silver reached fl.OO for 3711/4 grains of the pure metal. This Bill passed the House but in the Senate a clause was inserted providing for the free and unlimited coinage of silver. This was done, June 17, 1890-, on motion of Senator Plumb, of Kansas, by an affirmative vote of 29 Democrats and 14 Republicans, to a negptive vote of 22 Republicans and 2 Demo- crats. The House, by a vote of 152 to 135, rejected the free coinage amendment, and the Bill went to a Committee of Conference. A com- promise measure was the result, it repealed the Bland-Alli- son Act, and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase -1,500,000 ounces of silver each month, at the market price, and to issue in payment for it Treasury notes, these notes to be a legal tender for all debts, public and private, except where other- wise provided in the contract, the notes to be redeemable in gold or silver coin, at the option of the Secretary. After the legal tender clause was one which read: ^'It being the established policy of the United States to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other, upon the pipesent legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law." The Act also provided for the actual coinage of 2,000,000 silver dollars a mouth up to July 1, 1891. After that date no dollars were to be coined, but the bullion purchased was to be held in the form of fine silver bars. f.\ ' 1 1 i iiiiii ii iii iiii ' r"'*" ""'"'— ' "'""'*"™ ' '""'" '"'""""* M:- "Hi' 422 HIBTORX OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ' This Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 39 to 20, and the House by a vote of 122 to 90, the yeaa in both Houses beinj? all Republican except one Independent, and the nays all Democratic. Under this Act 28,298,455 silver dollars were coined, and up to April 1, 1891, |89,602, 198 in Treasury notes had been issued to pay for bullion deposited and of this sum 177,605,000 was in circulation. November 1, 1891, the total of silver dolfars coined, and in existence in the United States under all the Acts, was $409,475,368, of which |347,339,907 was in the Treasury, and only |62,136,461 was in circulation. The 54.000,000 ounces of silver bullion which, under this Act, the Treasury was required to purchase, represented just about the output of the mines in this, country in 1890. It was thought that by furnishing so large a sure cash customer for the whole American product of the white metal, its market price would very materially appreciate, perhaps come even to par with gold. This result did not follow, for though there was a temporary appreciation, a rapid decline followed. In 1889, the year preceding the passage of the Sherman Act, the average value of a silver dollar, as compared with gold, was .72325. In 1890, during about half of which that law was in operation, it was .80927. In 1891 it was .76416; the next year .67401, and in 1893, the year of the panic, and of the repeal of the Sherman Act, it was .60351. The year following that, 1894, it fell to .49097 and since then it has had some fluctuations, the lowest average being in 1898, when it was .45640. Although the Republicans were in a numerical majority in both Houses of the Fifty-flrst Congress, and in the Senate of the Fifty- second, they could not control that majority on all questions. The admission of N6i*th and South Dakota and Washington as States, in time to be represented in the Fifty-flrst Congress, and of Montana and Idaho in time for representation in the Fifty-second, seemed to give them control of the Senate for a long time to come. But it turned out that upon the silver question, the Senators from those States, as well as those from Colorado and Nevaida, and Senator Plumb, of Kansas, were as much against the majority of the Repub- licans as were the Democrats themselves. Whatever legislation was accomplished, therefore, was necessarily the result of compromise, if not of bargain. Of the passage of this Act, Senator Sherman says in his "Recollections of Forty Years:" "The situation at that time was critical. A large majority of the Senate favored free silver, and it was feared that the small majority in the other House might yield mmm ARTY. 2G, and the House nnff all Republican Ic. Under this Act ril 1, 1891, 189,602, • bullion deposited tvember 1, 1891, the the United States ',339,907 was in the ;h, under this Act, ited just about the iras thought that by lie whole American nld very materially gold. This result ppreciation, a rapid the passage of the •, as compared with which that law was the next year .67401, teal of the Sherman it fell to .49097 and »st average being in jal majority in both ^nate of the Fifty- all questions. The lington as States, in >ss, and of Montana ty-second, seemed to le to come. But it ^nators from those evaida, and Senator jority of the Repub- :ever legislation was lit of compromise, if itor Sherman says in ion at that time was (d free silver, and it r House might yield PRESIDENT HARRISON'S Al>MlNISTRATION. 423 and agree to it. The silence of the i»resident on the matter gave rise to an apprehension that, if a free coinage Bill should pass both Houses, he would not feel at liberty to veto it. Some action had to be taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage, and the measure evolved was the best attainable. 1 voted for it, but the day it became a law 1 was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be had without substi- tuting in its place absolute free coinage." In a speech in the Senate in 1896, Mr. Teller, of Colorado, one of the silver Senators in 1890, took issue with Mr. Sherman on the reason for passing the Bill. He said the rea) reason was that the free coinage men in the Senate would not permit any tariff bill to pass without some concession to silver. Tariff revision shared with the Silver question the greatest amount of public attention during President Harrison's Administra- tion. The Republicans, in their National platform, were pledged to this, and the interests of the country demanded it. The war tariff had produced a larger income than the country needed. The Act of 1883 did not greatly help in that respect, and besides that, was unequal in the operation of its protective features. The Ways and Means Committee of the House undertook the preparation of a measure which should at the sanie time reduce the revenue, and afford increased protection to American industries. Fortunately it had for Chairman a man who was singularly well equipped for the work of preparing such a measure. William McKinley, of Ohio, had been thirteen years on the Ways and Means Committee and had made a special study of the subject. He mjade his first tariff speech in 18Y8, when the Wood Bill was under discussion, and it was regarded as one of the best speeches delivered on that measure. When the Bill which resulted in the Act of 1883 was before the House, his part in securing its passage was so conspicuous that J. W. D. Kelley, the veteran protectionist of that body, said that McKinley had "distanced all of his colleagues in mastering the details of the tariff." He resented the course taken by the promoters of the Mills Bill in 1888, in considering the measure Jn secret, without even permitting the minority of the Committee, which was to report it, to be present. When that Bill was printed and ready for inspection, he prepared, in a very short time, a masterly report against it. The Mills Bill was framed according to preconceived notions, not only without the benefit of such suggestions as the minority of the Ways and Means Commit- tee could have given, but without adequate information from the ) ■"-rMtMMniiriinii !i i n i. i i i ,m «ii n i w ii 424 HI8TOKY OP THE REPUHLirAN PARTY. '^; ■ '■^'i- i m^: ffreat nmnufacturiiiK and <'oiiiiiiercial intereiitti tiint were involved. The majority of the <*oniniittee even went bo far as to rebuff leadinft manufacturern of the country, who nought iufonnntion as to the con- tentB of the Hill, and who desired to be heard in reference to itH details. The McKinley Hill was framed after a far different method. All previoua acts were carefully Btudii>d. Manufacturers, jobbers, shippers and importers were given at>ntive hearings, their evidence making a valuable contribution to economic literature. After the most careful preparation, following .consultation with a great variety of interests, the measure was sifted through a long debate in the House, in which the majority of the Committee which framed it were ready with the fullest explanationt of details. Its preparation and consideration occupied almost the whole of the first session of the Fifty-first Congress. As it passed the House it contained no reci- procity feature. This was added in the Henate after a plan outlined by Secretary Blaine, and was as follows: With a view to secure reciprocal trade with countries producing the following articles, and for this purpose, on and after the Ist day of January, 1892, whenever and so often as the President shall be satisfied that the Government of any country producing and export ing sugars^ molasff^es, coffee, tea and hides, raw and nncured, or any of such articles, imposes duties or other exactions ui)on the agricul tural or other products of the United States, which, in view of the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides into the United States, he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unrea- sonable, he shall have the power, and it shall be his duty, to suspend, by proclamation to that effect, the provisions of this Act relating to the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the production of such country, for such time as he shall deem just; and in snch case, and during such suspension, duties shall be levied, collected and paid upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the product of, <or exported from, such designated country as follows. The rates of dpty in snch cases are then given, being from seven-tenths cent to two cents a pound on sugar; four cents a gallon on molasses; ten cents a pound on tea, and one and one-half cents a pound on hides. The Bill passed the House May 21, by a vote of 164 yeas, all Re- publicans, to 142 nays, consisting of 140 Democrats, 1 Republican and 1 Independent. The reciprocity clause was not added in the Senate till September 9, when it received the vote of 38 Republicans, to 27 Democrats and 2 Republicans against it. The Hill, as thus amended, and with some other modifications, passed the Senate l^y a strictly ARTY. lit w»*re involved. I to rebuff leadioK Hon as to the eon- n reference to its rent method. AH Lf'turem, jobbers, igs, their evidence aturo. After the Ith a great varie*y )ng debate in the Ich framed it were 8 preparation and rst session of the contained no reci- er a plan outlined )untrie8 producing 1 after the 1st day President shall be lueing and export id uncured, or any ) u|)on the agricul- ich, in view of the tea and hides into unequal and unrea- s duty, to suspend, bis Act relating to fee, tea and hides, le shall deem just; ies shall be levied, tea and hides, the ountry as follows. pf from seven-tenths rallon on molasses; 8 a pound on hides. of 164 yeas, all Re- », 1 Republican and dded in the Senate Republicans, to 27 1, as thus amended, enate l^y a strictly PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 425 partisan vote of 40 to 29. After refusal of the House to concur in the Senate amendments, the Bill went to a Committee of Conference, which endorsed most of •' «> Senate Amendments, and the House final- ly concurred, by a vott of 152 to 81. The Bill was signed by the President, October 1. 180(K The Act increased duties on MS articles, embracing farm products, manufactures not sufficiently protected, manufactures to be established, and luxuries. It decreased duties on 190 articles, includ- ing Bome branches of manufacture already well established, or such as would not suffer from foreign comi»etition. It left the duties unchanged on 249 articles. It enlarged the free list, so as to make it cover 55.75 per cent, of all imjiorts, or 22.48 per cent, more than the previous tariff. It was effective in reducing the revenue. In 1890, the year before the Act passed, the re<-elpts from customs were |229,- (168,584. In 1891, during part of which year the law was in operation, they were 1219,522,205, and in 1892, during the whole of which year it was in operation they were fl77,452,964. A great reduction of revenue was made by putting sugar on the free list, and the price of that article of universal use was reduced. In 1890 the surplus of revenue over expenditure was 186,000,000, and in 1892 it was only about 110,000,000. Besides thus reducing the revenue to the actual needs of the Government, the law gave a wonderful impetus to man- ufacturing in this country, while the treaties negotiated under the reciprocity clause enlarged old markets and opened new ones for American breadstuffs and provisions. liegislation intended to secure the colored people of the South their right to vote, and to have their votes counted, was attempted, for the last time, in the Fifty-first Congress. The measure introduced for this purpose was called the "Force Bill," and its purpose was to extend and strengthen the Federal election laws of 1870, 1871 and 1872. It provided for Federal supervision of Federal elections, sup- ported, if need be, by the military. It was strongly favored by the President. It met with strong opposition from the Democrats, and the feeling aroused by it led to acts of violence in the South, and to threats of a Southern boycott on Northern merchandise. It passed the House by a vote of 155 to 149, the former all Republican except 1 Independent, and the latter all Democrats except 2. In the Senate Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Jones and Stewart, of Nevada; Teller and Wolcott, of Colorado, and Washburn, of Minnesota, com- bined with the Democrats to defeat it. On motion of Senator ■ 1 rrrr* 420 HIHTORY OP THE REPrHLirAN PARTY. Wolcott it wuB, by a vote of :i5 to !W, gidc-trmked, to make way for the Apportionment Bill, and wan not rearlied again that gesHion. The next House was Democratic, as was also the next Adininlstration, and in 1894 all the laws which this was designed to supplement were repealed. The Houth has, ever sinie, been allowed to go lt» own way in its treatment of Republican votes, whether white or black. In the last days of its second session the Fifty-first Congress passed a Bill much more restrictive of immigration than any previ- ously adopted. It provided that the following iM»rsons besides Chinese should be excluded from admission to the United Rtates: All idiots, insane persons, paupers or persons likely to become a public charge, persons suffering from a loathsome disease, or a dan- gerous contagious disease, persons who have been convicted of a felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpi- tude, polygamists, and also any person whose ticket or passage is paid for with the money of another, or who is assisted by others to come, unless it is affirmatively and satisfactorily shown, on special inquiry, that such person does not belong to one of the foregoing excluded classes, or to the class of contract laborers, excluded by the Act of February 2B, 1885; but this section shall not be held to exclude persons living 'in the United States from sending for a relative or friend, who is not of the excluded classes, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; provided, that nothing in this Act shall be construed to apply to, or exclude persons con- victed of a political offense, notwithstanding said political offense may be designated as a felony, crime, infamous crime, or misdemeanor. Involving moral turpitude by the law of the land whence he came, or by the court convicting. The Act also added to the stringency of the law of 1885, making steamship companies responsible for the bringing in of the proscribed classes of immigrants, and forbidding them to solicit the immigra- tion of aliei)8, except by the ordinary advertising methods. It is not easy to account for the political whirlwind that struck the middle of this period. Harrison's Administration had been clean, conservative and prudent. The Mcltinley Tariff Act was merely vhe carrying out of a policy which the voters had endorsed in advance in the elections of 1888. If any evil effects were to come from it, they were not yet apparent, for it had hardly gone into effect. The country was prosperous and the outlook for busi- ness continued good. Yet the State and Congressional elec- tions in November, 1890, resulted in a complete overturn. From a m »ARTY. , to make way fur that R«H8ion. The dininiiitratioD, and Hiipplement were to Ko Hm own wa.v «' or black. ifty-flrflt ('ongresH i>n than any previ- l |M^rHon8 besideH Unitt>d States: ' likely to become a disease, or a dan- ten convicted of a olving moral turpi- cket or passagf itt jiBted by others to shown, on special e of the foregoing rs, excluded by the be held to exclude i for a relative or luch regulations as vided, that nothing tclnde (lersons con- olitical offense may ?, or misdemeanor, S whence he came, iw of 1885, making n of the proscribed Dlicit the immigra- methods. rlwind that struck ion had been clean, Let was merely ihe >rsed in advance in jre to come from hardly gone into outlook for busi- ongressional eiec- overturn. From a ***" •s; PRKSIDENT HARRI80N'H APMr IHTRaTON. 427 majority of fifteen, which the Republicans liud in ilie lust tlouse nfter the contested election cases were settled, they were reduced to a number not much exceeiling one-fourth (he memberitliip of that body. In fact tliere were hardly enough of them to make u|i resitectable minorities on the comniitteeH. The following seventeen Htates did not send a single Republican Representative: Alaltaiiia, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Tiouisianu, ^larylaiid, MiMsistiippi, Mis souri, Montana, New Hampshire, Nebraska, Rhode IsIiiihI, Houth Car olina, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Five States, I iviiig four or more members, sent only one Republican each; Connecticut, Ken- tucky, Minnesota, North Carolina and Wisconsin. In Staten lutviug four or more members each, the Republicans had a maj()rit\ of the members in only three; California, Maine and PennHylvania. Michigan fared as badly as the rest of the staxs. The vote on Governor was 18.'{,725 for Kdwin M. Winans, Democrat, to 172,205 for James M. Turner, Republican; 28,681 for Aaariah H. Partridge, Prohi bition, and 18,108 for Eugene H. Relden, Industrial. The Demo( i ats also elected their entire Ktate tick*', and eight out of the eleven ( on gressmen, as follows: |1) J. Ix)gan Chipman; (2) James H. Gorman; (5) Melbourne H. Ford; (6) Byron G. Stout; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) Henry M. Youmans; (9) Harrison H. Wheeler; (10) Thomas A. E. Weadock. The Republicans elected James O'Donnell in the Third District, Julius C. Burrows, in the Fourth, and Samuel M. Stephen son in the Eleventh. In April, 18U1, Mr. Ford died, and Charles E. Belknap was elected to fill the vacancy. With a House so strongly Democratic and Senate Republican, it could not be expected that any legislation of a partisan character would be enacted. An attempt was made to crowd a free coinage Bill through the House, but it met with an unexpected defeat. The Bill was introduced by Mr. Bland, of Missouri, and was pushed with the Eeal that was common with him when advocating that measure. After some discussion of the Bill, on a motion for the previous ques- tion, enough Eastern Democrats united with the Republicans to make the vote stand 148 to 148. Speaker Crisp broke the tie in favor of the Bill, but it was finally beaten by dilatory motions. One important and enduring Act which this Congress did pass, and that by a very mixed, non-partisan vote in both Houses, was the Geary Law affecting Chinese immigration. This extended for ten years all former laws prohibiting and regulating Chinese immigra- tion, provided for the deportation of all Chinamen not lawfully %^- it /f OF THE UEPrilLUAN PARTY. entHlHl to rPtiiAin In the rnltwl HtateH, and n'«|ulr««d t'liliiese labor- fv, alrend.v in thin country, to Benire cfrtiflratos of reBldc«n«e from Collcctorii of Internal Hevenue, within a year, on i>enalty of deporta- tion. Two Executive Acta of this Adniinlatration were of Interest The Edmunds Iaw for puniiihinK i)olygamy had been enforced with a good deal of rigor against the Mormons In Utah, and under ifm provisions, in the course of two years, la.tMMl persons were disfran- chised, though monogamous, as well as imlygamous Mormons made common cause against the law, and Southern members of Congress opposed it as unconstitutional, impolitic and sectional. Test cases were made under the Law, and in 189« the Supreme Com < rendered two decisions sustaining its constitutionality. This w tallowed by a general promise to obey the law in the future, and a petition for amnesty for past offenses. January 4, 1803, President Harrison granted a full amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penal- ties of the Act "by reason of unlawful cohabitation under the color of polygamous or plural marriages, who had, since November 1, 1890, abstained from such unlawful cohabitation; but upon the express condition that they should, in the future, faithfully obey the laws of the United States hereinbefore named." ny a bloodless revolution In the Hawaiian Islands in January, 1893, the Queen, Llliuokalanl, who was in Ill-favor with many of her native subjects, as well as with the foreign residents, was deposed, a Committee of Safety organised a new Government, and concluded a treaty annexing the islands to the United States. The treaty pro- vided for the assumption by the United States of the Hawaiian debt, and for the payment of |20,000 a year to the dethroned Queen, and 1160,004) in a gross sum to Princess Kaiulanl. The President sent the treaty to the Senate, with his approval, but that body had not acted upon it when its term and that of the Administration ended. President Cleveland withdrew the treaty, soon after his inaugura- tion, thus initiating the work, which occupied a larjje share of the time of his second Administration, of undoing the good which his predecessor had done. Ml I mmimmmmm ■ ■ I", {1} '|--f ARTY. >«>(1 riiiiifMe labur- of resldcnoe from enaltj' of deporta- were of Interegt e«n enforced with ah, and under \fm lona were disfrau- iH Mormona made nbera of CongrewM ional. Teat cases le Coo I I rendered B w tollowed by Etnd a. petition for esident Harrison iabie to the penal- m under the color November 1, 1890, upon the ezprcgs f obey the laws of lands in January, with many of her its, was deposed, a :, and concluded a , The treaty pro- he Hawaiian debt, ironed Queen, and le President sent that body had not linistration ended. Iter his inaugura- [ar(;e share of the le good which his , ^ > XXX III. THE CAMl'AKJN OF 1892. Hai'd Work fur Mlnuwipijlis as the i lace of (lathering for the Kepnb- Mean ( 'on vent ion— A Btlrring and Comprehensivf IMatforui— Recognition of Woman's Aid in the Campaign— Hurriscm in the T.ead for the Nomination— Blaine's Name Presented at the Last —Three Unwonted Demonstrations at the Convention— Harrison and Reid Nominated- The Democratic (^onv<ntlon and the Cam- paign—An Unexpectedly Sweeping Triumph for (Meveland and His Party. The Exposition held in Minneapolis in 1880 brought about the erection of a large hall, ample for tlie needs of a National Convention, and some oflTort was made to secure the Republican gathering for 1888 in that hall. The City received but a small vote at that time, but was first in the field for the next Convention. It was rapieseuted before the National Committee by a capable and hustling committee of citiKens, who had alreaJy flooded the country with literature showing tlje attractions of the v ?ty, and who urged the political advan- tages to the Northwest of holding the Convention there, and offered a guarantee fund of |50,0UU to cover the expenses of the gathering. New York, Omaha, Cincinnati and San Francisco were actively in the field, and on the first two ballots in the National Committee there were a few scattering votes for other cities. But Minneapolis led from the start, and on the eighth ballot carried its point, having 29 votes to 3 for New York and lo for Cincinnati. The Convention met on Tuesday June 7, with Hon. J. Bloat Fr.d- sett, of New York, as temporary Pi ' sident. Mr. Fassett was one of the prominent young men of the Jay, who had gained a high repu- tation in the New York State Senate, and won the good will of the Convention by an earnest and enthusiastic sjieech on the past cdhd future of the party, with eloquent references to a number of its heroes, dead and Hiring. The first day's session was very brief. The -<« i '%f 430 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. second day was occnpied chiefly with the designation of the perma- nent officers, William McKinley, of Ohio, being permanent President, and with the consideration of the rules. Only two modifications were made in these, one adopting the rules of the House of Representa tives of the Pifty-flrst Congress and the second providing that it should be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a pending measure, and that such motion, if adopted, should not carry with or prejudice such measure. The first rule was supported by the Committee, by reference to the efficiency of the Reed rules jin enabling a small majority in GoKgress, to carry through important legislation. Arguments and votes over contested seats in the Conventibn occupied the whole of the third day until late in the evening, when the following platform was reported and adopted: The representatives of the Republicans of the United States assembled in general Convention on the shores of the Mississippi River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible Republic, whose most glorious chapter of history is the record of the Republican party, congratulate their countrymen on the majestic march of the Nation under the banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of 1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and prosperity in our fields, workshops and mines, and make the following declaration of prin- ciples : We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call atten tion to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condi- tion of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the last Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competi- tion with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that prices of manufactured articles of general con- sumption have 6een reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act of 1890. We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, as mani fested by their attc?ks upon wool, lead and lead ores, the chief pro- ducts of a number of States, and we ask the people for tueir judgment thereof 1. V, \'. e point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity, under which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and enlarged markets have been opened for the products of our farms and workshops. We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the oKMMil ><p»w>«rwiiptB«P5»" ,!^f f f mmvi > mm>m. " '.i' ' ^4 '' !Bl l WI.!>'!l;',' ' , ' |t':^Ji'!! ' ' ' '''' ' -'-'...' ' : ' ^l^' ! ^ ' 'ywp»Wf^il ! 3*ji^ 5% I lRTY. ion of the perma- manent Freaident, nodiflcations were se of Bepresenta- providing that it amendment to a , should not carry WSLB supported by the Reed rules ,in hrough important n the Conventibn the evening, when he United States of the Mississippi )ublic, whose most Republican party, irch of the Nation >f our platform of erity in our fields, iclaration of priu- »n. We call atten prosperous condi- enue legislation of all articles which nxurieo, should be ning into competi- lid be levied duties at home. es of general con- I of the Tariff Act jority of the House tiecemeal, as mani- >res, the chief pro- for tueir judgment licy of reciprocity, Bed, and new and ucts of our farms >r opposition of the THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 131 Democratic party to this practical business measure, and claim that, executed by a Republican Administration, our present laws will eventually give us control of the trade of the world. The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal- lism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such pro- visions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the mainte- nance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the country, its farmers and its workingmen. demand that every dollar, paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be as good as any other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our Government to secure an international conference to adopt such measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and* unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall be c<mnted and returned as cast; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, this sovereign right guaranteed by the Qonstitution. The free and popular honest ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just and equal protection under the laws, are the fonndstion of our Republican institutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every State. We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon American citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States of the Union. We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration of our mercantile niarine by home-built ships, and the creation of a navy for the protection of our National interests and the honor of our flag; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all foreign powers; entangling alliances with none, and the protection of the rights of our fishermen. We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine and believe in- the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its broadest sense. We favoi' the enactment of more stringes\t laws and regulations for the restriction of criminal, pauper and coniract immigration. We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and limbs of employes of transportation companies engaged in carrying on interstate commerce, and recommend legislation by the respeitive states that will protect employes engaged iti state commerce, in mining and manufacturing. 432 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ^ The Republican party has always been the champion of the oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of faith, color, or nationality. It sympathizes with the cause of home rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews in Russia. The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelli- gence of the people and the maintenance of freedom am<ong all men. We therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instru- mentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the land; but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious libefty, we are opposed to any union of Church and State. We aftirm our opposition, declared in the Republican platform of 1888, to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens. We heartilv indorse the' action already taken upon this subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be required to remedy any defects in existing laws and render their enforcement more complete and effective. We approve the policy of extending to towns, villages and rural communities the advantages of the free-delivery service now enjoyed by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration con- tained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the reduction of letter postage to one cent at the earliest possible moment consistent with the Biaintenance of the Post Office Department and the highest class of postal service. We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the Civil Ser- vice, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican party of the laws regulating the same. The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest impor tance to the American people as a measure of defense and to build up and maintaia American commerce, and it should be controlled by the United States Government. We favor the admission of the remaining territories at the earliest poifsible date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the territories and of the United States. All the Federal officers appointed ior the territories should be selected from bona flde residents thereof, and the right of self-govern meut should be accorded as far as practicable. We favor cession, subject to the homestead laws, of the arid public lands to the states and territories in which they lie, under such Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclamation, and occu- pancy by settlers as will secure the maximum benfits to the people. The World's Columbian Exposition is a great national undertak- ing, and C,)pgre«s should promptly enact suf-h reasonable legislation in aid thereof as will insure a discharging of the expense and obliga- ARTY. ; champion of the od, irrespective of the canee of home tion of the Jews in ment is the intelli- om amiong all men. rty of thought and igencies and instru- the children of the of religious libefty, ublican platform of trusts or otherwise, g our citizens. We lis subject, and ask remedy any defects more complete and I, villages and rural lervice now enjoyed the declaration, con- ng the reduction of moment consistent ent and the highest pm in the Civil Ser- be Republican party f the highest impor efense and to build aid be controlled by : territories at the terests of the people erritories should be right of self -govern- d laws, of the arid they lie, under such lamation, and occu- iflts to the people, t national undertak- ^asonable legislation exi)ense and obliga- | |w|J l u^ll l lu^ l ll,^JWlJJJ;.^illl^l ll )^J. l j | ^ p^ p^^^»^ ^ ^ 1 iii THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 433 tions incident thereto and the attainment of results commensurate with th'^ dignity and progress of the Nation. We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. Ever mindful of the services and sacrifices of the men who saved the life of the Nation, we pledge anew to the veteran soldiers of the Republic a watchful care and recognition of their just claims upon a grateful people. We commend the able, patriotic and thoroughly American Admin- istration of President Harrison. Under it the country has enjoyed remarkable prosperity, and the dignity and the honor of the Nation, at home and abroad, have been faithfully maintained, and we offer the record of pledges kept as gr.Tantee of faithful performance in the future. For the first time in the hintory of th«B party this Convention recognized woman's aid in campaign work. A communication was received from the Woman's Republican Association of the United States, addressed to the Chairman of the New York delegation and reading as follows : "We respectfully call your attention to the work of the Republican women for the maintenance of Republican princi- ples and the' •'lection of Republican candidates. The work of women, in whatever concerns the home or the state, is justified by every principle of popular government, and at the present time is made important by current political conditions. The Republican prrty will be the gainer if it utilizes the social, moral and political influence of its women sympathizers. This can only be broadly effective through organization. We earnestly ask the delegates to the Convention to seek the co-operation of women in their various localities. To aid in their co-operation, we will present each delegate with a general statement of the work accomplished and plans proposed. Thus may the fireside and the schools, as well as the platform and the press, sustain the principles of the Republican party, among which is the noble sentiment of the last National Convention, viz: 'The first con- cern of good government is the virtue and sobriety of the citizen and the purity oi' the home.' " On motion of Senator Warner Miller, of the New York delegation, it was resolved that this organization should be used in the coming campaign, and that the officers be presented to the Convention. In response Mrs. J. Ellen Foster. President of the Association, addressed the Convention in a stirring speech. 434 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. -t^:'-:'rX -_t, ^- Up to within a few days of the Convention Harrison's name waa the only one seriously mentioned in connection with the nomination. Then opponents of Harrison succeeded in fanning into a new flame the dying flres of Blaine's old ambition. He had exerted a strong influence, both on the Administration and on Congressional action, and was supposed to be well satisfied with his position as Secretary of State. But foui^^ays before the Convention, he resigned that ofHce, and permitted his friends to present his name. William McKinley was also brought forward without his consent, and at the la^t against his protest. The leaders of the Blaine forces at Minneapolis were Thomas C. Piatt, of New York; Joseph H. Manley, of Maine; Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, and J. S. Clarkson, of Iowa. Of their flrst test of strength, which occurred on the fourth day of the Convention, a cor- respondent wrote at the time: When they went into the Convention last evening they were reduced to the necessity of making a demonstration. They had been thrown into a panic, which they could not disguise, by the bold expedient of the Harrison managers in calling their delegates to make a display at midday. The caucus proved, as it was intended to do. the determination of the issue, and when the 463 men got together, Harrisson's nomination v/as practically assuijd. It did not suit the purposes of the opposition to recognize this.* They undertook to rijcover some of their lost prestige by forcing an issue on the report of the Committee on Credentials, and fought desperately from 8 o'clock until nearly 1:30 this morning to get something out of it. When the flrst test was wot- by the Harrison men by 463 votes, exactly the number that had bee,; counted at the Market Hall meet- ing, it was noticed that a majority of the Convention was elbow to elbow under the leadership ui Depew on the floor. Fxact figures had a striking and impressive etfect, in showing that the organization of the Harrison forces was altogether complete, and could not be broken, even on a side issue. The next ballot, taken on the majority report of the CredentialB Committee, gave the Harrison people thirteen additional voteis. It left the opposition in a state of depression. Only two names wtre formally presented to the Conven'tion. Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, who^e hoptility to President Harrison was probably deeper than Lir affection for any particular opposing indidate, made the opening speech for Blaine, bringing in te number |f terse, incisive sentences, which called out tremendous applause. Maine's nomination was supported by William H. Eustis, of Minne sota; W. E. MolH«on, of Misrissippi; Senator Warner Miller, of New ARTY. THE CAMPAIGN OP 1892. 435 irriBon 8 name was ith the nomination. ^ into a new flame 1 exerted a strong ngrefiBional action, sitiou as Secretary resigned that office, William McKinley i at the Ifl^t agtvlnst polls were Thomas ine; Benator Quay, f their first test of I Convention, a cor- evening they were un. They had been gnise, by the bold r delegates to make va» intended to do. ! men got together. It did not suit the They undertook to issue on the report lesperately from 8 »mething out of it. men by 463 votes. Market Hall meet- Dtion was elbow to Exact figures had the organization of •ould not be broken, the majority report on people thirteen of depression. to the Convention. President Harrison particular opposing 'inging in te number >mendous applause. [. Kastis, of Minne rner Miller, of New York; 6. L. Boyd, of Tennessee; and Stephen W. Downey, of Wyoming. The venerable Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, pro- posed the renomination of President Harrison, and was supported by Chauncey M. Depew, of New York; H. P. Cheatham, of North Car- olina; Senator Spooner and Brunno E. Fink, of Wisconsin. Mr. Depew made the most taking speech of the occasion. The speaking generally was of a high order, and although the result of the ballot was a fore- gone conclusion, the adherents of the two candidates vied with each other in the length and volume of their applause. There were three unwonted and sensational swnes during this order of business, two of them caused by women, who seemed to take literally and immediately the decision that they were to be recognized in the campaign. At the conclusion of Mr. Eustis' speech occurred a scene, which was thus described by George O. Seilhamer, of the New York Herald Bureau : While the cheers were rapidly dying out, a pretty woman, with a sweet, girlish face and blue, sparkling eyes, rose suddenly among the mass of men and women behind the Chairman's desk. She was Mrs. Carson Lake, of Washington. In full view of the vast multitude she waved a silken uqibrella round her shapely head and cried "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" Then she graBp(>d her sun umbrella, {rare white, with a white silk cord and tassel, opened it, and swung it round her head and danced it up and down, sometimes grasping it with one hand and sometimes with both. "Blaine! Blaine!" she cried again, and thousands of people in the galleries, and Blaine people among the delegates rose in a mass and shouted. Mrs. J. S. Clarkson, who sat beside her, caught her enthusiasm, too, and springing to her feet, waved a silken flag, and even Mrs. Kerens, whose husband was a stanch Harrison man, added her mite to the tribute to Blaine. It ran wildly, outburst after outburst. Big "Tom" Reed, whQ sat just in front of Mra. Kerens, took up the movement. His face melted into a broad grin, and he stood and shouted in honor of. his old-time enemy. All over the hall the delegates were crying: "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" Delegates opened their umbrellas and waved them aloft. Judge Thurston, of Nebraska, waved a big white umbrella with Blaine's name in big black letters. An Illinois delegate, standing on his chair, fan in hand, led the chorus of: "Blaine! Blaine!" on the floor like the leader of a chorus in a comic opera. Then the band brought up the rear of the procession with a melody, and just as the crowd in the galleries and on the floor started the stamping again. Chairman McKinley began to pound the table with his gavel. His call brought most of the delegates to order for a minute, but the confusion in the galleries continued. Again the Chairman pounded the table, and again his signal mingled with the 43G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. echoes. After thirty-one minutes of pandemonium, Governor McKin- ley's voice was at last heard, requesting that as a matter of safety, suggested by those having a knowledge of the building, the stamping of feet be discontinued. But there were Harrison ladies, as well as Blaine ladies in the Convention. As Chauncey M. Depew closed his ringing and eloquent second of Harrisi^n's nomination there was great cheering and shout- ing, and the waving of flags and banners. The*,, four ladies, with Mrs. Depew as leader, rose on the platform, waving handkerchiefs, ^ans and flags, and calling to the crowd: "Louder, louder, louder." Then with increased volume of sound the immense . assemblage shouted "Harrison," "Harrison," some one cried out "Glory, glory, hallelu- jah," and then came the song, with that chorus from thousands of voices. Just then .4 group of men appeared with an immense por- trait of the President, and the shouting was renewed with greater force than ever. Then a delegate rushed down an aisle with the silken banner of the Chicago Blaine Club, liaving on it a portrait of the man from Maine, and placed it in front of the Harrison portrait.: Then opposing forces shouted: "Blaine" and "Harrison," until they were hoarse, whi.^o the band struck up the "Star Bpangled Banner." When the State of Ohio was reached on the ballot for President, another scene occurred. Some of the Fn i^^dent's opponents thought they mit^ht start a stampede for McKinley at the expense of Harrison, and also throw to the Ohio maa as much as possible of the Blaine vote. They began with Alabama, which was expected to give Harrison its CHAUNCEY DBPKW. . 1 i'iiinniir«M— ii-^wrihrwiiiKWig;' ARTY. 1, Governor McKin- a matter of aafety, Iding, the Htampint; Maine ladies in the nging and eloquent cheering and shont* ar ladies, with Mrs. Iiandlierchiefs, fans flags, and calling to crowd: "Louder, ler, louder." Then 1 increased volume lound the immense imblage shouted rrison," "Harrison," le one cried out »ry, glory, hallelu- " and then came the r, with that chorus a thousands of les. Just then .4 Dp of men appeared ti an immense por- t of the President, the shouting was »wed with greater » than ever. Then ^legate rushed down aisle with the silken ner of the Chicago man from Maine, it. Then opposing they were hoarse, ler.' t)allot for President, I opponents thought 'xpense of Harrison, le of the Blaine vote, to give Harrison its ''V. THE TAMPA ION OP 1892. 4»7 full 22 votes, butwhirh actuallydid give hiinonly 15, to 7 for McKinley. When Ohio was rea<'hed Harrison had .'i82 votes, of which 27 were from New York, Blaine had 138, iii<luding 35 from the Empire State, and McKinley 76, of which 10 were from the same divided common- wealth. When Ohio was called, the vote was announced by Mr. Nash as 44 for McKinley, and 2 for Harrison. "I challenge the vote of Ohio," said Mr. McKinley, from his position as permanent President of the (Convention. "The gentleman is not a member of this dele- gation at present," said Governor Foraker, Chairman of the delegation. "I am a member of that delegation," retorted McKinley. To this Jacob A. Ambler, of Ohio, replied; "The gentleman has left the delegation to assume a higher position, and has left a substitute;" and Governor Foraker added: "The gentleman's alternate has taken his place in the delegation, and the gentleman is not recognized p» a member of the delegation now, and we make that point of order." The chaJr overruled the point of order, and the roll of Ohio was called, wiih the result of 45 votes for McKinley and 1 for Harrison. It was hoped that the whole vote of Pennsylvania could be carried over to IfcKinley, and he did get 42 of its 64 votes, but 19 of the delegate^ fiom that State stood by Harrison, and the stampede was checked. The vote of Texas, 22 for Harrison to 6 for Blaine and 2 for Speaker Beed, gave the President enough to nominate, and after that it went his way. The proceedings for the three hours preceding the announcement of the ballot had been much livelier than in many conventions which were closer, and which furnished much more real occasion for excite- ment. The McKinley, episode, while the roll was being called, was characteristic of the man. It is quite certain that, even then, he had Presidential aspirations, but he was clear-headed enough to see that crowding them then might injure his future prospects. He was content to abide his time. The footings of the ballot were announced as follows: Benjamin Has ' iaon, of Indiana 535 James G. r.iaiiie, of Maine 182 William S(lc.:iiue.^ , of Ohio 182 Thomas B. Keed, of Maine 4 . Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 1 Total number of votes 904 Necessarv to a choice 453 %- HI8T0RY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ^Hne Michigan delegation was as follows: At Large — Dexter M. Ferry, Charles W. Wells, Delos A. Blodgett and James M. Wilkin- son. By Districts— (1) Henry M. Duffleld, William H. Elliott; (2) William H. Withington, William 8. Wllleox; (3) Charles Austin, Charles L. Truesdell; (4) Fred E. Lee, George W. Merriam; (5) James H. Kidd, L. M. Belters; (6) Marshall E. Bumsey, Halinon 8. Matthews; (7) John W. Porter^ George W. Jenks; (8) Aaron T. I Miss, William M. Kilpatrick; (9) Charles H. Hackley, Fred A. Diggins; (10) Selwyn Eddy, Robert J. Kelley; (11) George P. Stone, Thomas T. Bates; (12) Orrin W. Robinson, John Q. Adams. The delegation voted 7 for Harrison, 2 for Blaine and 19 for McKinley. Only two names were presented for Vicip-President, Whitelaw Reid, of New York, and Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. General Little- field, of the latter State, informed the Convention that, in the opinion of the Maine delegation, Speaker Reed would decline the nomination if it were tendered him, and requested the delegates not to vote for Themas B. Reed until they were assured that it was by his authority that his name was used in the Convention. His name was, therefore, withdrawn and Whitelaw Reid was nominated by acclamation. The Democratic National Convention met in Chicago, June 21. The permanent President of the Convention was William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, who afterwards tried his own hand at tariff tinker- ing with deplorable results. He said in his address on taking the chair: "The distinguished leader who presided over the Repuiilicau Convention boasted that he does not know what tariff reform is. Who ever said that he did? Let us hope, with that charity that endureth all things and believeth all things, that he is as ignorant as he vaunts himself to be. Unfortunately, the people are not so ignorant of the meaning of protection which is doled out to them in the Bill that bears his name. They see that meaning written large today in a pnostrated agriculture, in a shackled commerce, in stricken industries^ in the com^iulsory idleness of labor, in law-made wealth, in the discontent of the workingmen, and the despair of the farmer." ■ This kind of sentiment was echoed in the platform, and was the main point of attack in the campaign. Of the tariff, the platform said: "We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the T>emocratic party that the Federal Government has no Constitutional power to impose and collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue only, and RTY. Large — Dexter M. lames M. Wilkin- m H. Elliott; (2) Charles Austin, erriain; (S) James inon B. Matthews; Itliss, William M. gins; (10) Selwyn nas T. Bates; (12) ition voted 7 for 'sident, Whitelaw (. General Little- lat, in the opinion ae the nomination es not to vote for s by his authority me was, therefore, acclamation. Chi(!ago, June 21. William L. Wilson, ad at tariff tinker- ess on taking the er the Bepniilican : tariff reform is. that charity that he is as ignorant people are not so ed out to them in ling written large imerce, in stricken law-made wealth, lir of the farmer." Form, and was the iriff, the platform raud, a robbery of benefit of the few. Democratic party 1 power to impose revenue only, and THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 439 we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when honestly and economically adiiUnistered." This was the boldest declaration of the tariff-for- revenue-only principle that the party had made in any of its plat- forms. The resolutions also declared against the principle of the Force Bill, reciprocity, trusts and combinations, contract immigra- tion, and sumptuary laws; and in favor of repealing the ten per cent, tax on the circulation of Htate Bunks; the honest enforcement of all laws regulating the civil service; "a foreign policy consistent and vigorous," which made the committee laugh in their sleeves, when they remembered the feebleness of Cleveland's Administration of foreign affairs; "just and liberal pensions for all disabled Union soldiers, their widows and dependents," which was a hard drive at Cleveland's pension vetoes; aid to the Nicaragua canal and the Colum- bian Exposition, and the admission of the remaining territories as states. There was no real question of Cleveland's nomination for a third time, but there were other candidates in the field. Tammany Hall was opposed to him, and presented David Bennett Hiil. The other candidates, either formally or informally before the Convention, were Horace M. Boies, it Iowa; Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland; John G. Carlisle, of Kentu<:ky, and Adlai E. Btevenson, of Illinois. It required only one ballot to give Cleveland the nomination by 617 1-3 votes, to 115 for Hill, 1U3 for Boies, 361/2 for Gorman, 16 2-3 for Stevenson, 14 for Carlisle, 2 for William B. Morrison, of Illinois; 2 for James E. Campbell, of Ohio, and one each for Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsyl- vania, William E. Bussell, of Massachusetts, and William C. Whitney, of New York. Although Cleveland's vote was so much in excess of that of any other single candidate, he had only a very little more than the two-thirds necessary to nominate. The total number of votes cast was 909V^, requiring' 607 to make a nomination. On the single ballot taken for Vice-President Adlai E. Btevenson, of Illinois, bad 402 votes; Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana, 343; Allen B. Morse, of Michigan, 86; John L. Mitchell, of Wisconsin, 45; Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, 26; Bourke Cochran, of New York, 5, and Jjambert Tree and Horace M. Boies, one each. Mr. Stevenson was then nominated by acclamation. The third party in this campaign took the name of the National People's I'arty, and at a Convention held at Omaha, July 2, nomin- ated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and James Q. Field, of nHffi 440 HISTORY OP THK BEI'UBLICAN PARTY. 4o^^ ■',: ' ; i., 'i- ■', ■ Vii^iiiia, for VlrePredldt'nt. Its platform covered u Kn*at variety of subjects, but its most distinctive features were tlie flnaneial planks, whieh demanded the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1, and a speed.v increase of the circulating medium to not less than |50 per capita. It also demanded a Kratlu- ated income tax, and the establishment of postal savings banks. While this party did not choose many Presidential Electors, it drew away enough Republican votes to give several Htates to the Demo- crats, and polled so large a popular vote that it was able, four years later, to dictate both candidate and platform to the Democratic party. The Prohibition iHts, at Cincinnati, June 22, nominated John Bid- well of California, for President, and J. B. Cranflll, of Texas, for Vice- President. A Hocial Labor Convention, held in New York, August 28, 1802, nominated Himon Wing for President, and Charles H. Machett, for Vice President. The campaign, on the part of the Republicans, was the most spiritless of any since the party was organized. On the part of the Democrats it was bold and aggressive. The McKinley Tariff Act, which had not yet had time to bring about its beneficial effects, was vigorously assailed at every point, as v/ere also the Reciprocity Act, the Sherman Act, the large appropriations made by the Fifty-first Congress and nearly everything else the Republicans did in 1889 and 1890. The popular vote for Cleveland was only about 20,000 greater in 1892 than it was in 1888, but the Republicans lost so heavily to the People's Party, that the result to them was a disastrous defeat. In view of subsequent events, it might be said also that to the Demo- crats it was a disastrons victory, for their next Administration was unfortunate from the start. Cleveland and Stevenson carried the Solid South, together with Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and West Virginia, and had one vote from Ohio, five from Michigan, eight out of the nine from California and one out of three from North Dakota. His total Electoral vote was 277 to 145 for Harrison, and 22 for Weaver. Of the latter Oregon gave 1, Kansas 10, Nevada 3, Colorado 4, North Dakota 1 and Idaho 3. The popular vote was as follows : Cleveland and Stevenson, Democratic 5,556,533 Harrison and Reid, Republican 5,175,577 Weaver and Field, People's Party 1,122,046 Bidweil and Cranfill, Prohibition 279,191 Wing and Madiett, Socialist Labor 21,191 THE CAMPAIGN OP 1802. 441 i u Krcat varietj ere the flnaneial lage of Bilver and of the circuhitinj; Mitanded a Kra<lu- i\ Ravings bankg. Electors, it drew tea to the Demo- B able, four years Democratic party, (linated John Bid- ►f Texas, for Vice- Rw York, August , and Charles H. 18, was the most n the part of the Linley Tariff Act, >flcial effects, was > Reciprocity Act. by the Fifty-first )8 did in 1889 and )nt 20,000 greater ost so heavily to disastrous defeat, that to the Demo- Iministration was ith, together with linois, Wisconsin fe from Michigan, three from North • Harrison, and 22 as 10, Nevada 3, jular vote was as . 5,556,533 . 5,175,577 .. 1,122,045 279,101 21,191 During the second ('leveland Administration the composition of i.'ongress was as follows: PiftytlOitt uag ^ss. S<*nate — Democrats, 44; B vijlicans, 40; Farmers' Alliance, 2; Populist, 1; Indepestuent, 1. House— Democrats, 218; Republicans, 130; Third Party, 8. Fifty-Fourth C'ongress. Senate — Republicans, 42; Democrats, 39; Populists, 4: Silver, 1; Vacancy, 1. Uou8« — Republicans, 245; Democrats, 103; Populists, 6; R^'lver, 1. The vote in Michigan for President was: Harrison and Reid 222,708 Cleveland and Stevenson 202,296 Bidwell and Cranflll 20,857 Weaver and Field 19,931 Scattering 925 The Presidential Electors from Michigan were: At Large — George H. Durand, Jay A. Hubbell. By IMstricts— (1) Rufus W. tiillett; (2) Edwin R. Smith; (3) Otto Ihling; (4) Philip T. Colgrove; (5) Conrad G. Swenborg; (6) Henry H. Haigh; (7) Frank W. Hubbard; (8)FredSlocmn; (9) Justus S. Steams ; (10) Worthy L. Churchill; (11) Julius T. Hannah; (12) John H. Comstock. Ujider a law passed by the Democratic Legislature of 1891, the Electors were chosen by dis tricts, the Democrats having five and the Republicans 9. The vote of the State for * i/vei uc;' was as follows: John T. Rich, Republican 221,228 Allen B. Morse, Democratic 205,138 John W. Ewing, Populist 21,417 John Russell, Prohibitionist 20,777 The Democrats elected Congressmen in the First, Second, Seventh and Tenth districts and the Republicans in the rest. The list was as follows: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) James S. Gorman; (3) J alius C. Burrows; (4) Henry F. Thomas; (5) Charles E. Belknap; (6) David D. Aitkin; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) William S. Linton; (9) John W. Moon; (10) T. A. E. Weadock; (11) John Avery; (12) Samuel M. Stephensod. During the term J. Logan Chipman died and Levi T. GrilBn, Democrat, succeeded him. ARTY. in 1894, Michigan'H 237,216 l»0,82a 80,012 18,788 160 all RepubliranH, an ;; {'.{) JiiliiiM C. Bur ^mith; (H) David I>. I ton; (0) KoHwell V. ry; (12) Hamuel M. t'^. io i-i #' •'■f mummmmm mmmmmmim^, imhfn Mi iir[iw iiia» N --t> ' 4i;aaM.tt-jf3fc~^xj,*c^<rtatM.-.:«^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) £<lf -**'-#>^- 111 m lU ■ 2.2 U2 12.0 PhotograpAiic Sciences Corporation V 23 WIST MAIN STIIET wnSTER,N.Y. USM (716) •72-4503 •i* CIHM/iCMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Instituta for Historical l\/licroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microraproductions historiquas ,.J-V XXXIV. CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. The Selection of the Cabinet — Geographical Considerations I>i8re- garded — The Democrats in Complete Power for the First Time Since 1801 — Delays in Action on the Sherman Law and the Tariff Qaestion — The Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the Sherman Law Finally Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on the Tariff Measure — Becomes a Law Without the President's Signature — An Act of "Party Perfidy and Dishonor" — Tremend- ous Political Overturn in 1894 — The Sandwich Island Afl'uir. In making up his second Cabinet, as in the first, President Cleve- land ignored geographical considerations, and selected two personal friends from New York. The list was as follows : Secretary of State — Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana. Secretary of the Treasury — John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. Secretary of War — Daniel S. Lamont, of New York. Secretary of the Navy — Hilary S. Herbert, of Alabama. Postmaster:General — Wilson S. Bissell, of New York. Secretary of the Interior — Hoke Smith, of Georgia. Attorney General — Richard Olney, of Massachusetts. Secretary of Agriculture — J. Sterling Morton, of Nebraska. After the 4th of March, 1893, the Democrats, for the first time since January, 1861, were in possession of all branches of Govern- ment. They had come into power largely upon the strength of two specific promises. The first was thus stated in their platform: "We denounce the McKinley Tariff Law, enacted by the Fifty-first Con- gress, as theculminatingatrocity of class legislation; we endorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify its most oppressive features in the direction of free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consumption, and we promise its repeal ajs one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic party." The second piece of legislation which the Democrats had ' 'l im -,■*->->■ . *in. 4^M * i^i^^ ' ' '»f 'y^ ■■ HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. T' promised to do away with, a» speedily as possible, was the Sherman Act for the purchase of silver buMion. This A<'t their plntform denounced as "a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger in the future which should make all of it& supporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal." If the evils brought about by these two measures were as great as Mr. Cleveland, and those who stumped for him during the cam- paign, declared them to be, it was certainly the part of duty to wipe them off the statute books as soon as it could be done. Everyone expected that Congress would be at once called together for this purpose. Hut a new danger had arisen. The Populist demand for the free coinage of siher, at the ratio of 16 to 1, had taken a strong hold of the Democrats, and there was a small sprinkling of Republi- cans from the Northwest who joined in the same demand. The Presi- dent feared that he could not control his own forces in the Senate, and delayed calling a special session of Congress, in order that the proper influences might be brought to bear upon those members who were not sound upon this question. Meantime the business of the country was in a disturbed condition. The continued purchases of silver and the threat of its free coinage had begun to drive gold abroad. The probability of radical changes in the tariff prevented manufacturers from making calculations for any long time in the future, and stagnation in that branch of industry, of paramount importance to the country was the result; while the threatened abro- gation of the reciprocity treaties bid fair to curtail the foreign demand for our agricultural products. A panic followed, accompanied by a general want of confidence. Depositors made runs on the banks, some of which closed, and all of the banks found it necessary to call in their loans. Credits of all kinds shriveled; mills were shut down; laboring men were thfown out of work, and if not brought to actual distress, found their purchasing power very much diminished, and busiuep-=< failures increased enormously, both in numbers and in the amount of liabilities. Congress Anally assembled in special session, August 7th, and the President attempted to prod it up to its work by the following utterances in his message: Our unfbrtunate financial plight is not the result of untoward events, nor of conditions related to our natural resources; nor is it traceable to any of the afflictions which frequently check National growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, with abundant promise of remunerative production and manufacture, with unusual i Sherman pintforiii bilities of rs, as well e as great f the cam- ty to wipe Everyone r for this emand for a a strong if Republi- The Presi- be Senate, r that the Qbers who ess of the rchases of irive gold prevented me in the )aramount ened abro- ;n demand mied by a :he banks, ary to call hut down; t to actual ished, and ind in the Ell session, ;s work by untoward ; nor is it : National abundant h unusual (CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 445 invitation to safe investment, and with satisfactory assurance to business enterprise, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every side. Numerous moneyed institutions have suspended be<-ause abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the demands of frightened depositors. Surviving corporations and indi- viduals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to loan, and those engaged in legitimate business are sur- prised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though hereto fore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values, supposed to be fixed, are fast becoming conjectural, and loss and failure have invaded every branch of business. I believe these things are principally chargeable to Congressional legislation touching the purchase and coinage of silver by the General Government. This legislation is embodied in a statute, passed July 14th, 1890, which was the culmina- tion of much agitation on the subject involved, and it may be considered a truce, after a long struggle, between the advocates of free silver coinage and those intending to be more conservative. Undoubtedly the monthly purchases by the Government of four mil- lions and five hundred thousand ounces of silver, enforced under that statute, were regarded by those interested in silver production as a certain guaranty for its increase in price. The result, however, has been entirely different, for immediately following a spasmodic and slight rise, the price, of silver began to fall after the passage of the Act, and has since reached the lowest point ever known. This dis- appointing result has led to renewed and persistent effort in the direction of free silver coinage. It was my purpose to summon Con- gress in special session early in the coming September, that we might enter pron-ptly upon the work of tariff reform, which the true interests of the country clearly demand; which so large a majoritv of the people, as shown by their suffrage desire and expect, and to the accomplishment of which every effort of the present Administra tion is pledged. But while tariff reform has lost nothing of its immediate and paramount importance, and must, in the near future, engage the attention of Congress, it has seemed to me that the flnan cial condition of the country should at once, and before all other subjects, be considered by your honorable body. Instead of taking immediate action in a line to which the Demo- crats were pledged, and in which a very large proportion of the Republicans were ready to concur, tJie majority in the House delib- erately planned for a long discussion of a Bill which was introduced repealing the Sherman Act. A resolution, introduced by Mr. Bland, was adopted, providing that fourteen days should be allowed for debate under the following order: Eleven days to be given to general debate under the rules of the last House, the time to be equally divided between f. ;.l w^, 1^^ I j iijij^iiiiii vwpi -1 luy Ml i^t ,ijf |i ,1,1 i . w wi-fi'iyitfci — ^> 4m HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIOAN PARTY. the two sides, as the Speaker may determine. The last three days may be devoted to the consideration of the Bill and the amendments herein jirovided for under the usual flve- minute rule of the whole House. General leave to print is hereby granted. Order of amendments. The vote shall be taken first on the free coinage of silver at the present ratio. If that fails, then a separate vote to be had on a similar amendment proposing a ratio of 17 to 1; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of 18 to 1; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of 19 to 1; if that fails on one proposing a ratio of 20 to 1. If the above amend- ment fails, it shall be in order to offer an amendment reviving the Act of February 28, 1878, restoring the standard silver dollar, com- monly known as the Bland-Allison Act; the vote then to be taken on the engrossment and third reading of the Bill, as amended, or on the Billitself, if all amendments shall have been voted down, and on the final passage of the Bill, without other intervening motion. This elaborate program was carried out. And so, while business men were in suspense, and the industries of the country were at a standstill, the solemn trifling of debate over propositions which every body knew were untenable went on. It was not until August 28, three weeks after the House met, that the bill for unconditional repeal passed, by vote of 239 to 109. The proposition to revive the Bland Law was defeated by Republican votes, the Democratic vote stand ing 112 for to 109 against. The Republican vote was 15 for to 110 against, and 9 Populists voted for the proposition. The 239 votes by which unconditional repeal finally passed consisted of 138 Demo- crats and 101 Republicans, the negative vote being 76 Democrats, 24 Republicans and 9 Populists. Thus, six months after the Democrats came into power, and three weeks after Congress met, the House passed, by the aid of Republicans, an Act to which the Democrats were pledged, and which ought not to have required more than three hours foi its disposal. It was a striking illustration of the incapa- city of the latter day t>emocracy for assuming the responsibilities of Government. But this was not the worst, for the Senate, a smaller body, which might be supposed to act more expeditiously than the House, took just two months over the matter. The Finance Committee of that body reported a substitute for the House Bill, and to this substitute no less than seven others were added by individual Senators. Mr. Peffer, Populist, from Kansas, wanted to go back to the coinage Act of 1834, and if he couldn't have that, then to the Act of IKil. Mr. Berry, of Arkansas, wanted to reviv*' the Bland-Allison Act of 1878. V^ Y. rhe last three the Bill and > usual flve- to print is hall be taken If that fails, it proposing a ig a ratio of ' 19 to 1; if above amend- t reviving the >r dollar, com- to be taken on ided, or on the vn, and on the ttion. while business itry were at a B which every- iigust 28, three litional repeal ive the Bland tic vote stand 15 for to 110 e 239 votes bv of 138 Demo- Democrats, 24 the Democrats et, the House he Democrats ore than three of the incapa- )onsibilities of er bocly, which e House, took mittee of that this substitute Jenators. Mr. lie coinage Act of laSI. Mr. n Act of 1878. CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 447 Senator Pasco, of Florida, wanted a couniiission to ascertain or estab- lish a proper ratio between gold and silver. There were other sub- stitutes olTered bv Senators I'erkins, of California; Allen, of Nebraska; Blackburn, of Kentucky; Scjuire, of Washington, and Stewart, of Nevada. They included propositions for additional Treasury notes, for silver coinage with Ji seigniorage of 20 per cent., and the coinage of the seigniorage. At last, on the 28th of October, the Senate passed a substitute for the House Fiill, repealing the Sherman Law, and addinga declaration in favor of bimetallism through international agreement. The yeas on this were 23 Republicans and 20 Democrats, and the nays were 19 Democrats, 9 Silver Republi cans and 9 Populists. The House agreed to the substitute by a vote of 194 yeas and 94 nays. The proposition for bimetallism through international agreement was a perfectly harmless one, but utterly futile. The experiment of an international conference was thoroughly tried by the Republican Administrations at earlier stages of the silver discussion, and had shown that it was impossible for the European countries to agree upon the subject. The long delay in repealing the Sherman Act neutralized any good effect that tlie repeal itself was designed to have; for the debates upon it, and the strong assertion of free coinage sentiment continued to keep business men in a state of alarm, and business itself in a condition of uncertainty. The proposed revision of the tariff was another cause of disturb- ance and apprehension that loomed up before business men. Since this revision was bound to come in some form, it would have been vastly better if this also had come promptly, but all consideration of it was deferred from the special to the regular session of Congress. During this delay the question of the free coinage of silver continued to come up in one form or another, while the condition of the Treas- ury was such as to occasion alarm. When the regular session of Congress met in December the Treasury reserve of gold for redemp- tion purposes had fallen below the |100,000,000 which had, for a long time, been considered the lowest limit of safety and there was a deficit of f68,000,000 in the Treasury. For the first time since the days of President Buchanan the Government became a borrower of money to pay current expenses, in time of peace. The first loan of f50,000,- 000 was called for at about this time, and this was followed in the course of this Administration by four others of equal or larger amount, till the whole sum borrowed reached 1262,000,000. Mi •mpim«frnMVif>^w^*MI "> K 44N HIHTORY OF THE REIMHH.KWN PARTY. Ab a temporary relief for the Treasur.v Mr. Blaud, who was always ready with some new silver stheme, proposed < hat the Treas- ury should 4oln the selKuiorajje silver in its vaults. This had a nominal value at the time of |55,0(»0,«00, and if coined into silver dol lars would have added that amount to the Treasury holdings. This scheme was seized upon with avidity by the free coinage men as being a step in their direction, but was opposed by most of the Repub- licans and the "sound money" Democrats, as being a measure of sheer inflation, without any security behind it. as silver certificates had already been issued against this bullion. This Bill passed the House, March 1, 1894, by a vote of 168 to 12S>, and the Senate, March 7, by 44 to 31. It was vetoed by the President, and fortunately there were not votes enough to carry it over the veto. The most alarming thing about the Treasury at this time was the continual outflow of gold from the country and the reduction of the Treasury reserve of that metal. February 1, 1894, the reserve was 165,438,377. A sale of |5(),(M)0,0«0 in bonds was made to replen- ish it, but by June 10 it had again fallen to about |65,000,()00. November 24, 1894, it was ^57,669,701 and February 1, 1895, it had fallen to 141,810,181. The Government was rapidly approaching bankruptcy, and its policy was one of floundering. The Treasury was depleted by a very simple "endless chain" process. Bonds were sold for gold. The very parties who bought the bonds could then gather up greenbacks, present them for redemption and draw out the gold. The Treasury would pay out the greenbacks for current expenses, and they could be gathered up and redeemed over again. The process was well understood, but could not well be checked, as long as the Government receipts were less than its expenses, and greenbacks, once redeemed, were reissued. The Fifty-third Congress made no intelligent attempt to check it. That waa left for a Repub- lican Congress under a Republican President to do. The preparation of the new tariff Bill was placed in the hands of a queerly constituted committee. William M. Springer, of Illinois, was Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the Fifty^second Congress, but Speaker Crisp had appointed in Springer's place at this time, William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, a college professor, a scholarly theorist on the subject of Free Trade and Protection, but unfamiliar with the wants of business, even in his own section, to say nothing of those of the country at large. He took as his model for a revenue tariff that of 1846, which was begotten of false pretenses, W; ..) . T!^ 1 t CLEVELAND'S WECOND ADMINISTRATION. 440 lid, who was hat the Treas- This had a nto silver dol- ildingH. This nage men an of the Repub- iBure of sheer rtiflcates had led the House. , March 7, by ly there were his time was » reduction of [, the reserve ade to replen- t f65,000,()00. , 1895, it had approaching rhe Treasury Bonds were Is could then md draw out :s for current d over again. le checked, as ixpenbes, and hird Congress : for a Repub- i the hands of >r, of Illinois, ; Fifty'Second jer's place at sge professor, rotection, but section, to say his model for Ise pretenses, and which worked great injury to the country. With him on the Committee were Ave members from the South, a section which had not yet attained any great prominence in nmnufacturing. and which had scarcely begun to appreciate the value of diversified industries. These members were McMillin, of Tennessee; Turner, of Georgia; Montgomery, of Kentucky; Breckinridge, of Arkansas, and Tarsney, of Missouri. This Committee, with five Northern Democrats, sat down to frame a measure on a subject, upon the practical aspects of which most of the members were densely ignorant. The delibera- tions were carried on without the presence of the Republican mem- bers. In refusing, or ignoring suggestions from outside, the Com- mittee made the same mistake, though in an exaggerated degree, that prevailed in preparing the Mills Bill. Great complaint was made that the business interests were denied a hearing, or that, when one was granted, the facts and arguments presented went for naught. The Bill was finally reported to the House, December 19, 1893. As soon as it was printed various incongruities were pointed out in it, the general and avowed plan of the Bill having been departed from in numerous instances, for the benefit of particular interests. Although the great industries of the country had been refused hear- ings, the members of the Committee seem to have got the ear of their associates, to the extent of helping themselves and their friends in cases where the tariff might be made a "local issue." The Bill made sweeping reductions from the rates fixed by the McKinley Act, made most classes of lumber free, and placed coal, animals and iron ore on the free list. It carried out the idea, long advocated by Presi- dent Cleveland, of putting wool (m the free list, and reduced the duties on manufactured wool below the protective point. In the various changes that were subsequently made in the Bill, these two features remained, and they inflicted a deadly blow to the wool growing and woolen manufacturing interests of this country. Mod- ifications of other sche*' h^s, particularly those relating to agricul- tural products, greatly c^'arged the free list. The bill wiped out entirely the reciprocity feature of the McKinley Act, under which treaties very valuable to our export trade had been negotiated with Spain in behalf of her West Indian possessions and with several of the South American Republics. An unexpected feature of the Bill was the revival of an income tax, the am.ount being two per cent, on all incomes over f4,000. No tax of this kind had ever been levied before, except under the pres- ■<^.^ 450 IIIHTOUV OPTIIK KKIMIU.ICAN PARTY. ' sure of war iHM-cHiiit.v. Kv(>ii tlicii tlie pupiilar rlainor UKaiiiHt it whh very grcut. It wuh denounced uh an iiiircaHonablo and impcrtintMit prying into the private buHineHH of individiiaJH. The publicity which was given to the liHtH of income tax-payerH waH eHpecially diHtaMtefnI. and the tax waH removed Hoon after Mie war. The DeniocratH were efipecialiy vigorouH in denouncing it at that time, and no Democratic platform had everdemandod itH re-enactment. Vet now it wuh brouglit in, at a time of peace, and not long after the DeniocratH had been declaiming in favor of 8onie meaHure for "reducing the MurpluH." It was a confeHHion that the Wilfion taritf <-ould not be depended upon to produce revenue enough to Mujtport the Government. Yet itH intro- duction was no accident. It waH referi-ed to in the PreHident'n mcH- Bage December 4, 181W, a fortnight before the Committee made its report. The mcHgage naid: "The ('<»mniittee, after full couHideration, and to provide against a temporary deficiency which nujy exist before the business of the country adjusts itself to the new taritT schedules, have wisely embraced in their plan a few additional internal revenue taxes, including a small tax upon incomes derived from certain cor- porate investments. These new assessments are not only absolutely just and easily borne, but they have the further merit of being such as can be remitted, without unfavorable business disturbance, whenever the necessity of their imposition no longer exists." Proba- bly the real reason for the addition of this section was found in a desire to get Populist votes for the measure as a whole. The Popu- list Convention at Omaha in 1892 had demanded a ''graduated income tax," and the main grievance of that party was that, in their opinion, the rich were not bearing their share of the public burdens. The income tax was a method of "getting eA'en with the rich fellows." When Mr. Wilson reported the Bill, he nude a speech, in which he set forth, with eloquence and ingenuity, the merits of the measure, and urged, if he did not exactly predict, its speedy passage. But he soon found that he had run against, not only active opposition, but an inert obstruction that it was difficult to move. A good many of the Democrats, while conceding the party obligation to malie a revis- ion of the tariff in the direction of revenue as against protection, yet did not take kindly to this measure, because it affe<'ted injuriously interests in their own districts. The Republicans adopted the Demo- cratic tactics of the Fifty-first Congress, sometimes making dilatory motions, and sometimes refraining from voting sq as to show "no quorum." At last the Democrats, with a clear majority of 80 in the I ' If '^. •t^ ('LKVKLANirK HKCONP Al»MINIrtTRATION. iTA (IlitlHt it WHH iin|H>rtiii(>nt :)lit'it.v whirli r (li8tHMti>fu). locratB wcrt' > l>(Miio(-riiti<- WUH hntuglit itH liml hiM'ii ^urpluH." It [M>lld(>(l ll|IOU V»'t Hh inti'd- sideilt'H IIU'H- t(>(' made itH DiiHidenitioii, exist before iff sclieduleH, rnal revenue eertain eor- l.v absolutely f bein^ such disturbance, its." Proba- 8 found in a The Popu- iiated income heir opinion, iirdens. The fellows." •ch, in which the measure, age. But he position, but ood many of iiake a revis- •otection, yet d injuriously ?d the Demo- king dilatory to show "no of 80 in the %. House, were obliged to resort to the same method of "counting a quorum,"' that the Kepublii-ans had found necessary to use when they had a nuijority of only H. No one was in greater glee over the situation than "Cjiar Re«Ml," as he jibed his political opp<ments on their tardy wisdom. In conceding the necessity and justice of the rules which he was nuiinly instrumental in establishing, in course of time all (»bstacles were overcome, and the Hill passed by a vote of 204 to 140. Of the yeas 104 were Democrats and 10 were Populists. Of the nays 12") were Republican, and 15 were Democrats. When the mangled remains of Tariff Rill came from the Henatc Finance Committee Its foster father in the House would no longer recognize it, and objected to having it named after him; and during the renminder of the discussion it was called the Rrice-Oorman Bill, Instead of the Wilson Rill. It took the Finance Committee from February 1 to March 8, to make out its reimrt, although it followed the example of the House in refusing hearings to interested parties. The Bill as thus reported was far from satisfactory, and so the Com- mittee took several weeks more at it, made all together about 400 amendments to it, and it finally came up for consideration May 8. It was then the object of bitter attack by nearly all the Republican speakers, and by a few Democrats. The greatest hostility was aroused by the income tax feature of the measure, which was attacked on the grounds that it had no legitimate place in a tariff reform Bill; that it was neither Democratic nor Republican in principle, and had never been approved by the people, but was a doctrine of Populism; that it was unnecessary as a revenue measure; that it was a direct tax and therefore unconstitutional; that it was unequal, unjust and sectional in its operations; that its exemptions stamped it as an offensive piece of class legislation; that it was inquisitorial and offen- sive; that it usurped a field of taxation lawfully belonging to the states and would lead to conflict between Federal and State authori- ties. Senator Hill, of New York, was one of the Democrats who opposed this feature of the Bill, which he called Popolistic and not Democratic. He repudiated the "spurious Democracy of these modern apostles and prophets, who are part Mugwump, part Populist, and the least part Democratic, who seek to lead us astray after false gods, false theories and false methods." The charge that this feature of the Bill was sectional in its character was very well sustained by the attitude of the Southern Senators toward it. They were aggres- sive in their support of it, and used the argument that the rich men 1 Ml' ■!•: il i ir^^^B^" wmmmmm r 4r.:i mSTOHV OKTIIK KKIM MI.K'AN I'AUTY. of tin' Xortli, piifticiilarl.v tli(iM«' in N«'w York (Mt.v, wci'o not pujinK tlicii' Hhiirc of lli(> tax4>H. Tntlrr tliiH kind of talk, and the pfcHHiirc from the AduiiniHlration, the inconu* tax waH finally retained aH part of tile Itili. Then a threat Hcandai aroHe over tlie nieaHure. The direct clmrtre wan inaxle that corrupt nieanH liad been iiHed to manipulate tlie HUKar nehedule; that meniherH of tlie Hu^ar TruHt Imd Hecretl.v viHited memberH of tlie Heiiate Finance ('ommittee, and had Mecured tt inoditlcation of that H<'liedule, by metuiH of which they would reap great profltH. These ]>rotltH were to be realised by placing a duty on HUKar, but making tliiH part of the Act take effect .lunuary 1, 181)5, ho that the Trust could accumulate a large stock without duty, and then advance the price to the extent of the duty. It was also charged that the Secretary of the Treasury had personally dictated a change in the sugar schedule, in accordance with the wishes of the Trust, and that the Trust demanded and obtained this concession, in accord- ance with a pre-existing understanding with the leaders of the Demo- cratic party, that its interests should be protected, in return for a contribution of |nO(),000 to the Democratic campaign fund in 1892. It was still further charged that information with reference to the work of the Finance Committee was secretly given to New York brokers, and that Senators had taken advantage of this information by making profitable investments in sugar stock. An investigation of these serious charges was ordered, but while it served to deepen the con- viction that the charges were at least in part true, it did not bring out positive proof. The newspaper men who had made the exposure Housed to testify, and were sent to the criminal courts to be tried for contumacy. The officers of the Tr,ust admitted to giving money for campaign exiienses to State, but not to National campaigns. They admitted, also, that they expected benefits from these investments. One of the Senators examined admitted that he had been speculating In Sugor Trust stocks, and defended his course in so doing, and others, who were not so frank, did not make absolute denials. The revelations came nearer to positive proof of extensive Senatorial corruption than anything that ever before occurred in the country. They did not, however, serve to lessen the hold which the Trust had on the Senate, but were accepted as an ample explanation of the indif- ference which the Trust showed to the Bill in the House. It served also to explain the belief which hud become general, that no Tariff Bill at all could be passed nnless the Trust dictated the sugar :^P i J 'W [> not pajriiiK the pfcHHiirc lined iih part The dlicMt » manipulate liud secretly had Mecured would reap tig a duty on •y 1, IWJB, HO it.v, and then iIho ehai-Ked ted a change >f the Trust, •n, in accord- of the Demo- return for a I in 181)2. It ( to the work ork brokers, m by makinii; ion of these pen the con- id not bring the exposure ) be tried for g money for nigns. They investments. 1 speculating ) doing, and lenials. The e Senatorial the country, lie Trust had I of the Indif- p. It served lat no Tariff d the sugar «i nLKVKL.WDS HKCOM) .\nMI.\IHTK.\TION. 45.'< schedule. The cont-essionH made to what was at that time the hccoikI largest Trust in the country, served to weaken faith in the sincerity of the Democrats, «'specially when taken in connection with a strong Anti-Trust plank in their platform, on which this tNmgress was elected. Hefore the Hill left the Henate that body had added more than 200 amendments to the 4(M) whi«'h the Finance (\)nimitt<>e had tacked upon it. On its final passage two I'opulists, Allen, of N'(>braska, and Kyle, of Houih Itakota, v«)ted with the Democrats, giving IJO yeas. Tlie Populists, Stewart, of Nevada, and I'etl'er, of Kansas, and the Democrat Hill, of New York, voted with the Itepublicans, giving 34 nays. In accordance with an understanding previously had, the House immediately sent the amended Bill to a Conference Conimit-^ tee, which after a fortnight's time reported a disagreement. Then occurred a remarkable s<'ene. Mr. Wilson pointed out the great dif- ference between rates of duty as originally fixed by the House, and those passed by the Henate and added: "If it be true, as stated (of wliicli I have swn myself some confirmation) in the press, if it be true that the great American Hugar Trust has grown so strong and powerful that it says that no Tariff Bill can pass the American Con- gress in which its interests are not adejpiutely guarded; if, I say, that be true, I hope this House will not consent to an adjournment until it has passed a single bill putting refined sugar on the free list." Then referring to President Cleveland's long continued labors for tariff reform, he produced a letter from the President, addressed to Iiimself and dated July 2d, the day before the Bill passed the Henate. This letter he read. The principal portions of it are as follows: Every true Democrat and every sincere tariff reformer knows that this Bill in its present form and as it will be submitted to the Confer- ence Committee falls short of the consummation for which we have long labored, for whi<'h we have suffered defeat without discourage- ment; which in its anticipation gave us a rallying cry in our day of triumph, and which, in its promise of accomplishment, is so inter- woven with Democratic pledges and Democratic success, that our abandonment of the cause or of the principles upon which it rests means party perfidy and party dishonor. One topic will be sub- mitted to the conference whidi embodies Democratic principle so directly that it cannot be compromised. We have in our platforms and in every way possible declared in favor of the free importation of raw materials. We have again and again promised that this should be accorded to our people and our manufactureu as soon as the 1'^ iiif! if.' tl s <( warn I J i fyy- - m HISTORY OB^ THE REPUBLICAN TARTY. ' Democrafif party was invested with power to determine the tariff policy of the country. The party now has the power. We are as certain to-day as we ever have been of the great benefit that would accrue to the country from the inauguration of this policy, and noth- ing has occurred to release us from our obligation to secure this advantage to our people. It must be admitted that no tariff measure can accord with Democratic principles and promises, or bear a genu- ine Democratic badge, that does not provide for free raw material. In these circum8tan«;e8 it may well excite our wonder that Democrats are willing to depart from this, the most Democratic of all tariff principles, and that the most inconsistent absurdity of such a pro- posed departure should be emphasized b^' the suggestion that the wool of the farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariff taxation be placed around the iron ore and coal for corporations and capitalists. How can we face the people after indulging in such out- rageous discrimination and violation of principles? It is quite ap- parent that the question of free raw materials does not admit of adjustment on middle ground, since their subjection to any rate of tariff taxation, great or small, is alike violative of Democratic prin- ciple and Democratic good faith. . . . I'uder our party plat- form a;.d in accordance with our declared party purposes, sugar is a legitimate and logical article for revenue taxation. Unfortunately, however, incidents have accompanied certain stages of the legislation which will be sumbitted to the conference, that have aroused in con- nection with this subject a National Democratic animosity to the methods and manipulations of trusts and combinations. I confess to sharing in this feeling and yet, it seems to me, we ought, if possible, to sufficiently free ourselves from prejudice to enable us. coolly to weigh the considerations, which, in formulating tariff legislation, ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a taxable article. While no tenderness should be entertained for trusts, and while I am decid- edly opposed to granting them, under the guise of taxation, any opportunity to further their particular methods, I suggest that we ought not to be driven away from the Democratic principle and policy which lead to the taxation of sugar by the fear, quite likely exaggerated, that in carrying out this principle and policy we may indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar-refining interests. I know that in present conditions this is a delicate sub- ject, and I appreciate the depth and strength of the feeling which its treatment has aroused. I do not believe we should do evil that good may come; but it seems to me that we should not forget that our aim is the complex jon of a tariff bill, and that in taxing sugar for proper purposes and within reasonable bounds, w-hatever else may be said of our action, we are in no danger of running counter to Democratic principles. With all there is at stake, there must be in the treat- ment of this article some ground upon which we are all willing to stand, where toleration and conciliation may be allowed to solve the problem without demanding the entire surrender of fixed and con- ;^/ \ ■ f -.r I I ^ iiii^iiimHH e the tariff We are as that would y, and noth- secure this riff measure )ear a genu- ,w material. t Democrats of all tariff such a pro- on that the ion of tariff (rations and in such out- is quite ap- Dt admit of any rate of >cratic prin- party plat- i, sugar is a fortunately, e legislation used in con- Bsity to the I confess to , if possible, lis. coolly to legislation, icle. While ■ I am decid- ixation, any est that we 'inciple and quite likely licy we may igar-reflning lelicate sub- Qg which its n\ that good that our aim r for proper may be said Democratic n the treat- II willing to to solve the :ed and con- CLEVELAND'8 SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 455 sclecticuB convictions. I expect vci-y few of us can say, when our measure is perfected, that all its features are entirely as we would prefer. You know how much I deprecated the incorporation into the proposed bill of the income feature. In matters of this kind, how- ever, which do not violate a fixed and recognized Democratic doctrine, we are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our Demo- cratic brethren. ■ " . ' ': , ' ' The President's letter was the occasion of a sharp debate in the Senate. The Republicans pointed out that the logic of the plea which he made for a duty on sugar, which was a concession to the Sugar Trust, was virtually carried out in concessions to trusts of all kinds; to the Nova Scotia Coal Syndicate in his plea for free coal, and to the Cuban Iron Syndicate, in his plea for free iron ore. The Democrats were less concerned about the logic of the President's position, or the inconsistencies of the Rill, than they were about what they considt^red the impertinence of his attempt to interfere with legislation. Senator Vest said: "Mr. Cleveland is a big man, but the Democratic party is greater than any one man. It has sur- vived Jefferson, Madison, Jackson; it will survive Grover Cleveland. Under what clause of the Constitution did Mr. Cleveland get the right, after a Rill had been sent to full and free conference between the two Houses, to make any appeal to his party friends to stand by his individual views?" Senator Gorman, whose activity in revising the bill had been such that he might justly consider the President's letter a personal attack, was much more severe. He said: "In {patriotism the Democratic Senate had gone to work to save the country, and keep their party in power, when suddenly, in the midst of their work, came the President's letter. It was the most uncalled for, the most extraordinary, the most unwise communication that ever came from a President of the United States. It placed the Senate in a position wiiere its members must see to it that the dignity and honor of the chamber must be preserved. It places me in a posi- tion where I must tell the story as it occurred. The limit of endurance has been reached." He then said that, during the progress of the work on the Rill, Senators Jones and Vest had frequent con- ferences with the President and with Seretary Carlisle; that Secretary Carlisle had endorsed the completed bill; and that no one who had been consulted had ever suggested that the Rill was in violation of Democratic principles. Senators Vest, Jones and Harris con- firmed the truth of the statements made by Senator Gorman. The §,i S,i^;M'^fi'M: - t:^ ^ ^im £it.J3S <'vm^'i^;W^^WS li g*M . 1A 2Wii3l£iiaii ■»i'rii'iiii; Iv ' J f ? > ^ ' 466 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. latter tli^h denounced the President in the bitterest terms, and declared that if there had been deceit it had been with that official, and not with the Benate. The feeling aroused was so strong that no attempts at further consideration of the measure were made for three weeks. At last, on the 13th of August, a caucus of the Democratic members of the House decided to surrender to the Senate, and the Bill of the latter, with its 634 amendments to the House Measure, was concurred in by a vote of 182 to 106. Of the yeas 174 were Democrats and 8 were Populists. The nays were 93 Republicans and 13 Democrats. The House then passed four separate Bills, called the "Popguh'' Bills, placing sugar, coal, iron ore and barbed wire on the free list, but they deceived nobody, because it was not expected that the Senate would pay any attention to them. The General Tariff Bill was now up to the President, and all eyes were turned on him. He kept the country in suspense for ten days longer, and then at midnight, on the- 27th of August, the conglomerate Bill became a law without his sig- nature. It had taken the Democrats eighteen months from the time they camie into the possession of full power to pass a measure which brought disaster to the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country. Three years later it took the Republicans less than five months to pass a tariff ac^t which brought universal prosperity. Even with the long delay in passing the Bill, it was not, in the end, carefully examined, and was full of errors, some of which required to be eliminated by joint resolution or special enactment. In 21 consecutive pages of the Bill no less than thirty-one errors were discovered. The President sent no message to Congress in explanation of his course, but he wrote another letter, this one dated August 27, and addressed to Congr^ss^en Catchings, of Mississippi, and Clarke, of Alabama, in which he said that he felt the utmost disappointment at being denied the privilege of signing such a Bill as he had hoped to see pass, one which embodied Democratic ideas of tariff reform. He did not claim to be better than his party, nor intend to shirk any of his responsibilities, but the bill contained provisions not in the line of honest tariff reform, and had "inconsistencies and crudities which ought not to appear in tariff laws." He would not separate himself from the Democratic party by a veto of tariff legislation, which, though disappointing, was chai-geable still to Democratic effort. But there were incidents attending the passage of the Bill in its later PS»i!SB'Pll!'!PflWP'* terms, and hat official. 1 at further 8. At last, bers of the r the latter, urred in by and 8 were rats. e "Popgun" tie free list, : the Senate ill was now le kept the ight, on the*^ lOut his sig- )m the time isure which interests of SB than five perity. not, in the e of which enactment. r-one errors ation of his ust 27, and i Clarke, of ointment at ad hoped to •eform. He ihirk any of in the line lities which rate himself tion, which, effort. Bu<^ in its later CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 457 stages which made every sincere tarilT reformer unhappy, and which ought not to be tolerated in Democratic councils. He said he took his "place with the rank and file of the Democratic party who believe in tariff reform and who know what it is; who refused to accept the results embodied in this Bill as the close of the war; who are not blinded by the fact that the livery of Democratic tariff reform has been stolen, and worn in the service of Republican protection, and who have marked the places where the deadly blight of treason has blasted the counsels of the brave in the hour of their might. The trusts and combinations, whose machinations have prevented us from reaching the success we deserved, should not be forgotten nor forgiven. We shall recover from our astonishment at their exhibi- tion of power, and then, if the question is forced upon us whether they shall submit to the free legislative will of the people's represen- tatives or shall dictate the laws which the people must obey, we will accept that issue as one involving the integrity and safety of Ameri- can institutions." The President's method of communicating his views, by private letter to individuals, instead of by message to Congress, did not take much better in this case than it did in the Wilson letter. But the tariff matter was disposed of for this session, and the excitement over the Catchings missive soon died out. One other act of the President's during the first half of his second term intensified the popular feeling against him, and that was his treatment of the Hawaiian question. The Tariff question was to quite a large extent one of partisan poli- tics and economic theoirizing. The Hawaiian matter was one that appealed to patriotism and a sense of justice, and Cleve- land seemed to be lacking in both. In the first part of 1893 the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian group of islands nego- tiated tt treaty for the annexation of those islands to the United States. President Harrison transmitted it to the Senate for ratifi- cation, but it was near the end of the session and the Senate failed to take action. President Cleveland not only withdrew the treaty, but sent James H; Blount, of Georgia, as ^cial Commissioner to the islands, with paramount authority to make investigations fts to our relations with the Hawaiian Government. (Jnder his direction the American protectorate, which the United States had assumed over the islands, was terminated, the American flag was hauled down, and a small garrison of marines, sent ashore from a United States war ^llll •Wn ■■>>. - ''jxs».mm^ms!>&^^«}wmm;immm^mdfimmmmm'^^m?' mm* PWM'i ' MP: ji'ij'.fii ipgwiPiilWP' 458 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. vesBel f6r the prot«H'tion of Americau interests, was withdrawn. John L. Stevens, the American Minister, was recalled, and Albert S. Willis was appointed to succeed him, with instructions looking toward the overthrow of the Provisional Government, and the restor- ation of Queen Liliuokalani. He might have succeeded but for the stubbornness and cruel disposition of the Queen, who refused to promise a grant of amnesty, demanded the execution of those who had helped to depose her, and showed, throughout, a disposition that was threatening to all foreign interests. Minister Willis himself at last conceded that an analysis of the list of the Queen's special advisers was not encouraging to the friends of good government nor American interests. The plan of reinstating the Queen was pursued for some months, under circumstances of intrigue and de<;eit that were astounding to the American people when they became known. The President could not use force to carry out his purpose without the consent of Congress, and that he could not obtain, for Congress was as bitterly opposed to his plans as was the country at large. The Queen found suflBcient encouragement from his course to attempt an insurrection, which was spee<lily repressed by the Provisional Government, when she, for herself and heirs, forever renounced the throne, gave allegiance to the Republic and counselled her former subjects to do th^ same. She afterwards took journey to Washing- ton, iiartly for the purpose of presenting a claim for damages for the loss of her crown, for which, she argued, the ntteran(;es of the President and his agents had given good ground. With the Ameri- can people expressions of indignation now gave place to ridicule, and if the President read the papers at all, he saw his name coupled with the futile efforts of "Paramount Blount," and the aspirations of "Queen Lil'' much oftener than he cared to. Even rhyme and min- strel song were not lacking in this entertainment. The State and Coqgressional elections in 1894 came on a little over two months after the passage of the Tariff Bill, and while the Hawaiian intrigue was still in progress. They resulted in a Republi can vli'tory of unexi>e«'tedly large proportions. The Democratic strength in the House as <;ompared with the last Congress was reduced from 218 to 103, and the Republican strength increased from 130 to 245. Delaware, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, Utah and Wyoming, having one Representative each, all chose Republicans, while fifteen slates, having more than one each, had solid Republi- can delegations. Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine Michi- k^SSttsMiUmmt ■'^:* withdrawn, ad Albert S. ODB looking d the restor- but for the 1 refused to f those who )osition that illis himself >en's special ernment nor ivas pursued de<;eit that ame known. )ose without or Congress large. The to attempt Provisional nounced the her former to Washing- lamages for in(;es of the 1 the Ameri- to ridicule, ame coupled ipirations of Tie and min- * on a little id while the n a Republi Demoeratic >ngre8s was reased from ,» Utah and Republicans, lid Republi- [aine Michi- CLEVELAND'8 SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 459 gan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. Of the old Slave States, Delaware elected one Republican; Kentucky five R«-pub- licans to six Democrats; Maryland three Republicans to three Democrats; Missouri eleven Republicans to four Democrats; North Carolina three Republicans to four Populists and two Democrats; Tennessee four Republicans to six Democrats; and Virginia iwo Re- publicans to eight Democrats. Republicans were also elected in Alabama, South Carolina and Texas. Only four States of what was formerly the Solid South, now sent full Democratic delegations- Arkansas, Florida, liouisiana and Mississippi. The Legislatures chosen at this election gave the Republicans a gain of two in the United States Senate, while the Democrats lost Ave, but the four Populists and one Silver Republican held the balance of power. Only two events that attracted wide attention occurred during the last half of this Administration. The flrst was a decision of the Supreme Court declaring the income tax feature of the Brice-Gorman- Wilson Tariff Act to be unconstitutional. This decision widened the gap between the Treasury receipts and expenditures and for the remainder of the term, the finances of the Government Treasury were in a very embarrassed condition. During Secretary Gresham's incumbency of the State Depart- nxent, as well as that of Secretary Bayard under the former Cleveland Administration, complaints were frequent of the un-American policy of the Administration. After Mr. Bayard became Minister to England, his sycophancy at the Court of St. James, and in public addresses, were especially distasteful. In Hawaii the annexationists felt keenly the slight put upon them by President Cleveland's Admin- istration, in that it imparted its views and its purposes to the British and Royalist citizens in preference to the American residents. In May, 1895, Secretary Giesham died, and Richard Olney, who had been Attorney General, succeeded him. Either through Olney's influence, or else because he wanted to efface the Hawaiian memories, the President now inaugurated a jingo policy. New discoveries of gold had given increa8«?d importance to a long standing boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, The President insisted, on the ground of the Monroe Doctrine and our essential sovereignty on the American continent, that Great Britain should submit the dispute to arbitration. When this was refused he sent a message to Congress which startled the country. He proposed the )iyf»;aiiiiBiiiiii IIIIHIIIIIHIII lillllH ■nuMTWWilKftfato.— 460 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. creation 6lf a eominiHsioii to determine and report upon "the true divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana," He added: "When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its p»wer, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interest, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental juris- diction over any territory, which after investigation, we have deter- mined of right belongs to Venezuela." Both Houses passed a resolu- tion for the appointment of the Commission. Immediately American securities began to fall, creating almost a panic in the stock market, and tlie gold reserve rapidly diminished. Thrt« days after he sent the war message he was obliged to send another, asking for legisla- tion to preserve the National credit. The fact is, that neither in its Army nor in its finances, was the Nation in condition to go to war with a second-class power, let alone Great Britain. This pyrotechnic display of jingoism and devotion to the Monroe Doctrine was the last decided sensatiop of an Administration that had been fertile in surprises, but mostly barren of useful results. Some good did, however, ultimately come out of this last agitation. For, though Great Britain woui^"-T»«tja£knowledge the authority of a Boundary Commission appointed by the United States, yet growing out of our intervention a treaty was made between that country and Venezuela, providing for a joint commission. The treaty was signed at Wash- ington, February 2, 1897, by Sir Julian Pauncefote, British Ambas- sador, and General Jose Andrade, Venezuelan Minister to the United States. The Venezuelan Congress ratified the treaty without a dis- senting vote, and diplomatic relations with Great Britain, which had been suspended for ten years, were at once resumed. The ratifica- tions of the treaty were exchanged in Washington, June 14. The Commissioners named in the treaty were Lord Herschell and Justice Henn Collins,, on the part of Great Britain, and Chief Justice Fuller and Justice Brewer, oii the part of Venezuela. The fifth member, chosen by these four to act as President and umpire, was Professor Martaens, of the University of St. Petersburg. They met. in Paris in the autumn of 1898 and gave their decision in 1899, confirming, for the most part, the British claims. eipi- n "the true He added: opinion, be n itg p9wer, >propriation lental juria- have deter- led a resolu- ly American ock market, rter he sent for legisla- either in its 3 go to war pyrotechnic iVas the last 1 fertile in good did, ^'or, though ft Boundary t out of our 1 Venezuela, d at Wash- ish Ambas- 1 the United thout a dis- , which had I'he ratiflca- le 14. The and Justice stice Fuller th member, 8 Professor et. in Paris firming, for XXXV. eleve:nth republican convention. McKinley liOUg Before Recognized as tlie Coming Man for President • —X Highly 8uc<'essful Political Career — The Convention at St. Louis — The Campaign Pronouncement — Contest Over the Hilver I'lauk — Hensational Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans — Their Statement to the Country — Only one Ballot Each for Pres- ident and Vice-President — Points Prom the Letters of Accept- ance. Tjong before the time for the assembling of the eleventh Re- publican National Convention it became apparent that the nomination would go to William McKinley, of Ohio. Major McKinley, during his young manhood, served mQre than four years in the war. From 1877 to 1891 he was almost continuously in Congress, where he earned the reputation of being the best-informed man on the tariff of any member of either House. He was one of the best of the debaters who took part in discussion of the Tariff Bill of 1883, waa a leader in opposition to the Horizontal Reduction Bill of Congressman Morrison, and to the Mills Bill. He was on the Ways and Means Committee of the House I'or eleven years, was its Chairman in the Fifty-first Congress, and was the author of the Tariff Act which bore his name. In 1896 he was C9iisidered the best living exponent of the Republican Protective Tariff policy, and was well informed upon all other matters of legis- lation. Besides this he was a "vote-getter." His District waa three times "gerrymandered" by the Democrats in order to keep him out of Congress. In 1878 he was placed in a district which was Democratic by 1,800; but McKinley carried it by 1,300 majority. In 1884 he was placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, Medina and Wayne Counties, then strongly Democratic, and was elected by over 2,000 majority. Under the Price gerrymander of 1890, his district was made up of Stark, Medina, Wayne and Holmes Counties, which had the year before given Campbell, the Democratic candidate for Governor,. 3,900 Ja£m 4(>2 HIHTOKV OF TUE KEl'L'ULICAN PARTY. majority, but on the fnlletst vote ever polled in the dicttrict, Major McKinley reduced this majority to 303. He received 2,500 more voteg in the district than had been cant for General Harrison for President in 1888 in the same counties. He was Chairman of the Committee on Itesolutions in the National Conventions of 1884 and 1888. On June 7, 1801, Major McKinle.v was unanimously nominated by the Republi- cans of Ohio for Governor; and after one of the most hotly contested campaigns in the history of the Wtate, he was elected over James E. Campbell, then Governor, by a plurality of 21,511 votes. At the Re- publican State Convention in 1802, Governor McKinley was elected «me of the DeleKates-at-lurKe to the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis. He was made (.^hairnmn of the Ohio delegation, and l)ermanent Chairman of the Convention. Although not desiring to have his name mentioned for the Presidency, and doing all he could personally to renominate President Harrison, he nevertheless received 182 votes for that high office. At the election in November, 1803, Governor McKinley was re-elected, defeating Lawrence T. Neal by 80,005 majority, in a total vote of 835,604. He received 433,342 votes, the greatest number ever given any 8tate or Presidential can- didate in the history of Ohio. The unprecedented Republican victories in Ohio in 1804 and 1805 were also attributed to his effective work for the party. In 1894 the plurality of Hamuel M. Taylor for Secretary of State was 137,086, and in 1805 the plurality of Asa 8. Bushnell for Governor was 92,662. The National <:onvention met in St. Louis, June 16, with Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, for Temporary Chairman. On the second day permanent organization was effected, with John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as I'resident> rules were adopted nearly identical with those used in the Convention of 1892, majority and minority reports of the Committee on Credentials w^re presented, and the cases for contesting delegati6ns ^ere settled. On the third day the Committee on Resolutions reported the following platform: ; The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre- sentatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and historical justification of their claims to the miitchless achievements of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience of their countrymen in the following declnration of facts and princi- ples : For the first time since the Civil War the American people have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Dem- MiataiiMi HMWMMMRMIMMMMMN,. strict, Major more votes or President 'oiuinittee on 18. On June the Republi- tly contested 'er James E. At the Re- was elected 1 Convention legation, and ; desiring to all he could nevertheless n November, ence T. Neal >ived 433,342 idential can- Republican his effective [. Taylor for ty of Asa 8. with Charles a the second Thurston, of entical with jrity reports he cases for e Committee their repre- popular and Lchievements ntly address d conscience 9 and princi- people have tricted Dem- ELKVKNTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 463 ocratic control of the Koveriiment. It has been a record of unpar- alleled incapacity, dishonor and disaster, in administrative nmnage- iiient it has rullilessly sacrificed indispeiiHable revenue, entailed an increasing dettcit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the public debt by |2({'2,(HIO,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndi- cates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful Repub- lican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, <'losed fac- tories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprises and crippled American i>roduction, while stimulating foreign produ<-tion for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and indi- vidual interest demands that the government shall be rescued from the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party which for thirty years administered it with unequaled success and prosperity. In this connection we heartily indorse the wisdom, patriotism and success of the administration of President Harrison. We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protec- tion as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foundation of American development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home indus- try; it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American producer; it upholds the Amer- ican standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reason- able application it is just, fair and impartial, e<pially opposed to for- eign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination and individual favoritism. We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious to the public credit and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such an ei]uitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the CJovernment, but v;ill pro- tect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands We are not pledged to any jiarticular schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the timje and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industry. The country demands a right settlement and then it wants rest. We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now t.i' ■ n . n '•* » ■ '• Ili . i < i iu «e l »ii i»i iu.' t "iffPfy UPttfaK.^ 464 HI8T1>KY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. obstruct the ftale of American products in the ports of ottier coun- tries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests and factories. Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule lias reclc- lessly struck down both and both must be re-established. Protection for what we produce; tree admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal agreements of mutual interests which gain open '.nark\£ts for us in return for oiir open market to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; rei^iprocity builds up foreign trade and finds au outlet for our surplus. We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party favors such protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other countries more than {100,000,000 annually. To all our products — to those of the mine and the field, as well as to those of the shop and the factory — to heiiip, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished woolens of the mill — we promise the most ample protection. We fovor restoring the early American policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our mjerchant marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships, the product of American labor employed in American shipyards, sail- ing under the Fttars and Stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Americans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie pay- ments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the <'redit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agree- ment with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga- tions of the United Rtates and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable they should be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril. We denounce the practice in the .pension bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present adminis- liiMi^ other c'uun- f our fariiiH, irin iiienttureB ule liaH reck- ProtectJoii of life which ereftts which et to otherM. secureB our ;n trade and ceeping faith blican party American moJI r which they fleld, as well , the product the finished ion. iBcriminatinK he protection lerican Bhips, lipyards, sail- ind owned by merco ey. It caused >f specie pay- as gold. We o debase our re, thei-efore, itional agree- Id, which we nent can be ed. All our ty with gold, ly the obliga- oin or paper, tened nations i receive fair ?ticable they ent, and they calculated to he dark days the pension sent adminis- ELKVKNTH UEIMIILKJAN CONVENTION. 466 iUia tration of reducing |H>nsionM and arbitrarily dropping names from the rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American people. Our foreign policy should he at all times firm, vigorous and dig- nified, and all our liitereKts in Jlie Western Hemisphere carefully watched and guarded. The Ilawuiian Islands should be controlled by the Uniteil Htates and no foreign power should Im* jn'ruiitted to interfere with them. The Nicaragunn canal should be built, owned and operated by the Tniled Htates; and by the purchase of the Danish Islands we should secure a pro|H'r and much needed naval station in the West Indies. The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep synkpathy and just indignation of the Anu'rican {H'ople, and we believe that the United States should exercise all the influence it can pro|>erly exert to bring these atrocities to un end. In Turkey, American resid(>nts have been exposed to the gravest dangers, and American projierty destroyed. There and <'verywhere American citixeiis and American property must be absolutely protected at all bastards and at any cost. We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we reaflirm the right of the I'nited Htates to give the doctrine effect by responding to the appeals of any American state for friendly inter- vention in «'a»e of EuroiM*an encronchuient. We have not interfered, and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any European power in this Hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pre text, be extended. .We hopefully look forward to the eventual with- drawal of the European powers from this Hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of all Enirlish-speaking parts of the Tontinent by the free consent of its inhabitants. From the hour of achieving their own independence, the people of the Ignited States liave regarded with sympathy the struggles of other American peoples to free themselves from European domina- tion. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its trenty obligations, we believe that the Govern- ment of the I'^nited StatcH should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island. The p(>nce and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its rightful influence ainonc the nations of the earth demand a naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility. We, there- fore, favor the continued enlararemenr of the Navy and a complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses. For the protection of t.'je (j^ality of our American citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low- priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the I'^^nited States those who can neither read nor write. qpi 4l«i HIHTOUV OF TIIK HKIM HKHAN I'AKTV Tlu' Civil Hi'i'vhr LiiH wiiM pliicfd on tln' HfuttHe book by tlu; Ui'liiiblicaii piirl.v, which hiiM iiIwhvh HiiMtaincd it, anil we renew our rc|M>at('d lieclaration that it Mhall b«> thoroughly and hont'Htl.v enforced and extended wherever practicable. We demand that every citlxen «»f the I iiited Htateit Hhall be allowed to caHt one free and unreHtrlded ballot, and that hucIi ballot Hhall be counted and returned aN cant. We pro<'l;!hn our unqualltied <ondeninatinn of the uncivilised and barbarouH practice, well known an lynching; or killing; of human behiKH, itnH|»ec)ed or charKcd with crim«-. without proceHM of law. We favor the creation of a National Hoard of Arbitration to nettle and adjuHt difference* which may arine between employer and employ(> en^aK^d in interntafe commerce. We believe in an Immediate return to the free homentead policy of the Hepubli<an party; and ur^e the paHMatte by <'onj?reM8 of the MatlHfactory fn'e homeiitead meaHure which Iuim already paHHed the House and is now |>endinR in the Henate. We favor the admisHion of the renuiinint; terrltorlen at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interestH of the people of the terrltorien and of the I'nlted KtateH. All the Federal ofHoers appointed for the territor'eH Hhould be Helected from bona tide refiidentH thereof, and the right of Helf-government Hhould be accorded as far as practicnbh^. We believe the citizens of Alanka should have representation in the Congress of the Cnlted States to the end that needful legiHlation may be intelligently enacted. We sympathize with ail wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women. Protei-tlon of American industries includes e«pial oppor- tunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome their co-operation ia rescuing the country from I )emocrati<; and Popo! >t mismanagement and misrule. Such H.v the principles and policies of tlie Uepublican party. IJy these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into exe- cution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American people. Contldeut alike in the history of our great party and In the justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in the full assurance that the election will bring victory to the Republi- can party and prosperity to the people of the United' States. Senator Teller, in behalf of himself, and the other Silver members of the Committee on Resolations, offered the following as a substi- tute for the financial plank of the platform: "We, the undersigned, Members of the Committee on Resolutions, being unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which treats of the subject of took by tlit> • rj'iM«w (Hir fl.v «'iiforc«'<l CM hIiuII Im^ HUcli ballot iiiicivllixt'il H of hiiiiiaii of law. >iit ration to iiplovfi- and 4ti«ad poliry i;i*»*HH of tlie IHIHHOd th(> ricM at tlic' •estH of the the Federal from bona Hhonid be tentation in I le^iHlation ) Ie88eu and ntereHts of |ual oppor- home. We ulnetiH, and I >enioeratic party. By lit into exe- e American and in the ndidates in he Bepubli- sr members 18 a Bubgti- adersigned, le to agree ■ subject of KLK\ KNTH KKIM IILK AN CONVKNTION. 4((7 coinage and AnanceH. rcMpectfully Hubmil the following paragraph aH M HiibHtitute therefor: 'The Kepublican party authorixcH the tiHe of both gold and silver as etpml standard money and pledges its {Mtwer #0 securt tli<' free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our mittts at the mih of sixt****!! parts of silver to onv of gold.' " Henator Teller niwde a long speech in support of the substitute, (he addr(>ss iM'ing also his fitrcwcll to the Kepublican party, with which he had acted for forty years. On motion of (lovernor Foraker, of Ohio, the substitute was laid on the table r>y a vote of «IHi/y to ItlRi/... The financial plank as given in the majority report was then adopted by a vote of 812 i/L' to IKIU, the :\:\y votes in both cases coming chleHy from the Houth and the silver producing States. Following this th< platform as a whole was adoptt>d by a viva vow vote. Then came the climax of the (convention. Senators Teller, of Colorado, and (*anmm, of Utah, ascended the platform, and the latter read a statement prepared by the silver men. It referred to the flnancial plank in the platform of 1892, and to the dilTerent construc- tions that had been put upon it, quoted the ilnancial declaration that had just been adopted, continued with an enumeration of the evils which they declared would result from the adoption of the gold standard, asserted that the Convention had "seceded from the trtlfh" and closed as follows: "Accepting the flat of this Convention as the present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this Convention to return our constituents the authority with which they invested us, believing that we have better discharged their trust by this action whi«'h restores to them authority unsullied, than by giving cowardly and insincere indorsement to the greatest wrong ever wilfully attempted within the Republican party, once redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor, unless providentially restrained by the votes of free men." This document was signed by Senators Teller, of Colorado; Dubois, of Idaho, and Cannon, of Utah; Congressman Hartman, of Montana, and A. C. Cleveland, of Nevada, as the representatives of their respective States on the Committee on Resolutions. Senators Teller and Cannon then shook hands with Chairman Thurston and Governor Foraker, descended from the plat- form, went down the aisle, and passed out of the hall, followed by about twenty other Silver delegates, amid the yells, hoots, cheers and hisses of the audience, the waving of hats, handkerchiefs, nnbrellas and flags, the playing of the band, and a general tumult. The bolt, however, was not as formidable in numbers as had been threatened, . (I! 408 H18TOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and its t^eet upon the Convention was bnt temporary. Senators Mantle, of Montana, and Brown, of Utah, and A. P. Burleigh, of Wash- ington, all Silver > 'legates, explained why they did not leave the Con- vention, and the order of the presentation of Presidential aspirants was taken up. John W. Baldwin, of Iowa, presented the name of Senator William B*. Allison; Henry (^abot Lodge, of Massachusetts, that of Thomas B. Reed; Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, that of Levi P. Morton; Governor J. B. Foraker and Senator .Tohn M. Thurs- ton that of William. MeKinley, and Governor Hastings, of Pennsyl- vania, that of Mathew Stanley Quay. The only ballot taken resulted as follows: William MeKinley, of Ohio G61V<> Thomas B. Reed, of Maine 8iYj Mathew Stanley Quay, of Pennsylvania 61V^ Levi P. Morton, of New York 58 William B. Allison, of Iowa SSy^ Total Number of Votes 901 Necessary to a Choice 451 For Vice-President William G. Buckley, of Connecticut; Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey; Charles Warren Lippitt, of Rhode Island; Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee, and General James A. Walker, of Virginia, were proposed* The ballot gave Hobart, 5331/2; Evans, 2771/2; Buckley, 39; Walker, 24, and Lippitt, 8. The Michigan delegates to the Convention were: At Large — Russell A. Alger, Thomas J. O'Brien, John Duncan, Mark S. Brewer. B.V Districts — (1) David Meginnity, Freeman B. Dickerson; (2) James T. Hurst, Edward P. Allen; (3 )Hamilton King, E. O. Grosvenor; (4) Frank W. Wait, Richard B. Messer; (5) Gerritt J. Diekema, William H. Anderson; (6) William McPherson, George W. Buckingham; (7) John L. Starkweather, Williaut H. Aitken; (8) Oliver L. Spaulding, Theron W. Atwood^ (0) Charles H. Hackley, Edgar G. Maxwell; (10) Temple Emery, J. Frank Eddy; (11) Edgar P. Babcock, Charles L. Crandall; (12) James McNaughton, Charles E. Miller. They gave MeKinley their entire 28 votes. For Vice-President they gave Hobart 21 and Evans 7. The speeches in the Convention turned largely upon the deplora- ble results of four years of Democratic rule, which were fairly summed up by Senator Wolcott, upon taki.ig the chair. The follow- ing paragraphs were a portion of his remarks: The appalling result of the President's p»ilicy is still fresh in the memory of millions, who suffered from' it. In four years the country ii i nnwlM ti l iii i r. y. Senators gh, of Wash- ave the Con- al aspirantH the name of i8Bachn8ett8, 'ork, that of in M. Thurs- of Pennsyl- ken resnlted G61V> 841/. 58 35% 901 451 icut; Garret hode Island; . Walker, of 31/2 ; Evans, At Large — k 8. Brewer, n; (2) James rosvenor; (4) ma, William iingham; (7) I. Spanlding, [axwell; (10) , Charles L. They gave gave Hobart the deplora- were fairly The follow- fresh in the the country ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 469 witnessed GO.UOU commen-iul failures, with liabilities aggregating more than nine hundred millions of dollais. One hundred and seven- ty-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the circle of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion of dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into the hands of receivers. More than 170 National banks closed their doors, with liabilities reaching seventy niJUions; wool and all farm products which tariffs could att'ect, lost tens of millions in value; farm mortgages were foreclosed by thousands throughout the great West; our agricultural exports shrunk in value; the balance of irade which had been in our favor, turned ruinously against us; the National Treas- ury was depleted of its gold reserve; our government bonds were sold to syndicates at far below their market value before or since, and our steadily declining revenues were insufli(*ient to meet the neces- sary expense of conducting the Government. If capital alone had suffered, the loss would have been great, but not irremediable. Unfortunately those who rely upon their daily labor for their sustenance.- and their families dependent upon them, constituting the great mass of the American people, were made to feel heaviest this burden of disaster. Nearly one-third oi the laboring population of the United States were thrown out of employment, and men by thousands, able and willing to labor, walked the highways of the land clamoring for work or food. Mr. McKinley's reply to the committee appointed to notify him of his nomination laid particular stress upon the tariff and currency questions, his chief utterances upon these points being as follows: Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American policy, should again command the earnest encouragement of the Gov- ernment at M'ashington. The Government must raise enough money to meet both its -current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources. A failure to pursue this {mlicy ha^ compelled the government to borrow motney in a time of peace to sustain its credit and pay its daily expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adequate revenue for the expenditures of the Government, economically and prudently administered. The National credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. The complaint of the people is not against the Administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy r I -'{ i >5; ■-••.■ 47U HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. which ha» made this necegBary. It is but an incident, uaA a necessary one, to the policy which has been inaugurated. The inevitable effect of such a policy is seen in the deficiency of the United States Treas- ury, except as it is replenished by loaus, and in the distress of the people who are suffering because of the scant demand for either their labor or the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, the reujiedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty. During the years of Republican control following resumption there was a steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was sacredly maintained and our currency and credit preserved without depreciation, taint, or suspicion. If we would restore this policy that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years under the most trying conditions eyer known in this country, the policy by which we made and bought goods at home and sold more abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in our favor and gold would come to us and not go from us in the settlement of all such balances in the future. The money of the United States, and every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver, or gold, must be as good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every com- mercial center of the globe. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage- earner, and the pensioner must continue forever in equal purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Government creditor. The platform adopted by the Republican National Convention ha« received my careful consideration and has my unqualified approval. It is a matter of gratification to me, as, I am sure, it must be to you, and Republicans everywhere, and to all our people that the expression of its declaration of principles is so direct, clear and emphatic. His letter of acceptance was devoted mainly to the currency question, but that was preceded and followed by the enunciation of his views on nearly all pending questions in short speeches addressed to various visiting delegations at his home in Canton, Ohio, where he remained throughout the cam])aign. The candidate for Vice-Presi- dent, Mr. Hobart, confined his participation in the campaign mainly to his letter of acceptance, which accepted the platform and briefly discussed pending issues. * MMtiilii '-■j^-ff "^M I a necessary itable effect tates Treas- tress of the either their Dtal trouble, ty. During :here was a reserve was ved without this policy thirty years jountry, the i sold more r favor and ;ment of all States, and , must be as it at its full ; every com- ■r, the wage- purchasing ?nt creditor, vention ha^ sd approval, t be to you, i expression hatic. tie currency iinciation of '8 addressed lo, where he Vice-Presi- aign mainly and brief! V ■^*;. XXXVI. THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. The Democratic Convention — The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggres- sive and Confident — A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Tem- porary President and in the Platform — That Announcement of Principles Afterwards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's Taking Speech and His Nomination — Accepted by the Populists and the Free Silver Republicans — Interest of the Business Men in the Campaign — McKinley and Hobart Electe<l With a Repub- lican Congress. The sentiment in favor of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 was quite strong in the Democratic party, and at this time it was reinforced by the belief that by a combination with the Popu- lists and the Silver Republicans, that party might again carry the election and share in the spoils of office. Many of the Silver Republi- cans and some of the Populists were Protectionists. For this reason the Democrats chose to keep that issue as far as possible in the back- ground, and make the campaign on the Silver question. They miscal- culated in two directions — by overestimating the number of Silver Republicans that would come to the combination, and by underesti- mating the extent of the revolt of Sound Money Democrats from the new and un-Democratic doctrine. Their Convention commenced at Chicago, July 7, and found the Silver men confident, aggressive and ready to push the fight from the start. The National Committee had recommended David Bennett Hill, of New York, for temporary Cliairman of the Convention. The Free Silver men antagonized him with John W. Daniel, of Virginia and won by a vote of 556 to 349. Twenty-six States voted solidly for Daniels as follows: Alabama, Arkaiisas, California, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio. Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and Wyom- ing, all, it will be noticed, Southern or Western States. 472 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. . Senator Daniel, on taking tbe chair, mingled profound grati- tude for the honor conferred upon him, with regret that his name should have been brongfat in even tbe most courteous competition with his distinguished friend, Senator Hill, who, however, would recognize the fact that there was no personality in the matter. It was solely due to the principle which the great majority of the Demo- crats stood for, Mr. Daniel standing with them. As the majority of the Convention was not personal in its aims, neither was it sectional. It began with the sunrise in Maine and spread into a sunburst in Louisiana and Texas. It stretched, in unbroken lines across the con- tinent from Virginia and Georgia to California. It swept like a prairie fire over Iowa and Kansas, and it lighted up the horizon in Nebraska. After this flight of oratory Mr. Daniel continued with an argument in favor of free silver and against a gold standard. On the second day Stephen M. White, of California, another Silver man, was named as permanent President, and contested delegate seats from Michigan and Nebraska were settled in favor of Silver delegates. Meantime the Committee on Resolutions were having hot work over the platform. The Silver men were determined upon a declaration so unequivocal as to ensure the co-operation of the Popu- lists and Free Silver Republicans, while the men who favored a gold standard desired shch modification, in phraseology at least, as would prevent a break in the party. The outcome was a majority and a minority report, the former read by Senator Jones, of Arkansas, and the latter by J. B. Wade, of Ohio. It was the Democrats now, and not the Republicans, who had come to the parting of the ways. The flery Southerner, Senator Till- man, of South Carolina, made a strong speech favoring the majority report, and denouncing the Administration in the bitterest terms. He brought out the sectional feature of the question with such empha- sis that Senator Jones, df Arkansas, thought it advisable to declare that free silver coinage was not sectional, but National, and, as a cause, had adherents in every State in the Union. Senator Hill, of New York, vigorously opposed the majority report, but in accordance with his declaration made under trying circumstances, "I am a Dem- ocrat," indicated that he should abide by the action of the Convention. Senator Vilas, of Wisconsin, a member of Cleveland's first Cabinet, followed in an eloquent and pathetic address deploring the step" which the party was about to take. Ex-Governor William E. Russell, of Massachusetts, followed in a speech which reminded. his hearers of ai i'.t THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 478 >und grati- t his name competition ver, would matter. It ? the Demo- majority of it sectional, lunburst in )88 the con- ke a prairie I Nebraska. 1 argument )ther Silver id delegate r of Silver ere having nined upon tf the Popu- ored a gold t, as would >rity and a cansas, and 3, who had enator Till- le majority rest terms, uch empha- ! to declare , and, as a tor Hill, of accordance am a Dem- Uonvention. st Cabinet, step" which Russell, of hearers of that in which Senator Teller nmde his farewell to the Republican party. Mr. Russell, in the course of his remarks, said: "I am con- scious, painfully conscious that the mjnd of this (.'onvention is not and has not been open to argument. I know the will of this great majority, which has seen lit to override precedents and attacks the sovereignity of states, is to rigidly enforce its views. I know full well that an appeal also will fall on deaf ears. There is but one thing ieft, to enter my protest. I do so, not in anger nor in bitterness, but with a feeling of inlluite sorrow. 'Jur country, if not this Conven- tion, will listen to our protest." William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, who was to be the central figure in the coming campaign, then created the sensation of the day. Mr. Bryan had h^t'ome noted as an eloquent and convincing speaker. He W88 one of the ablest advocates of the Wilson Tariff Bill, was among the strongest of the Free Silver men, and had omitted no opportunity that offered to support that cause on the floor of the House. He now came forward, and in an impassioned speech, made a plea tor free silver coinage and against the gold standard, in defense of the income tax and in arraignment of the Supreme Court. A majority of the Convention were with him from, the beginning, but he fairly carried the members off their feet, when, referring to the sound money men in the Convention he said: "If they dare to come out, and in the open, defend the gold standard as a good thing, we shall fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing masses of this Nation and the world. Having behind us the commer- cial interests and the laboring interests, and all the toiling masses, we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them: 'You shall not press down upon the brow of Ijabor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify man upon a cross of gold.'" At the conclusion of Brjan's speech the Convention went wild. Cheer upon cheer was given, while the whole immense crowd rose to its feet amid waving of liandkerchiefs, flags, unbrellas and hats. Then, as if by a sudden impulse, a member of the Texas delegation took the banner of that State from its fastenings, carried it across the hall, and planted it by the side of the Nebraska banner. The example was followed by others, until the banners of thirty States were grouped together with the purple standard from Bryan's home State in the center. Delaware was not among the states that had carried its banner to the Nebraska rallying ground, but when the excitement had subsided Delegate Saulsbury, of that State, stood upon his chair. li 1 ^1 474 HISTORY OF THE REPUBJilCAN PARTY. \ while he Itnd his three Silver colleagues gave three cheers for Bryan, and a shout came from the gallery: "What's the matter with Bryan for President?" There was no question, from the time the discussion opened till its close, about the adoption of the platform reported by the majority of the Committee. That action was taken without further delay, the financial and tariff planks being as follows: Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this time, we invite attention to the tact that the Federal Constitu- tion names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit. We declare that the Act of 1873, demonetising silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in prices of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money- lending class at home and abroad; a prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people. We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of hard times. (}old monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American, but anti- American, and it can be fastened upon the United Statas only by the stitling of that spirit and love of lib- erty which proclaimed our political indei)endence in 1776 and won it in the war of the revolution. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, «nd we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holder of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in times of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, su^^ply the Federal Treasury with gold to main- tain the policy of gold monometallism. mtm m THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMrAIQN. m 8 for Bryan, with Bryan I opened tit) the majority sr delay, the to all others ral Constitu- (itals of the by Congress iry unit and silver dollar without the ulted in the commodities of taxation the money- ndustry and 1, which has paralysis of its adoption ndon. It is istened upon . love of lib- \ and won it Id and silver r the aid or adard silver )r all debts, prevent for >y by private 'endering to ion reserved ns in either (onds of the Hcking with m enormous old to main- Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and I'resi- dent Jai-ksou declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individu8*ct. We therefore demand that the power to issue notes to circulate us money be taken from the National banks, and that all paper money shall be issued by the Treasury Department, redeemable in coin and receivable for all debts, public and private. We hold that taritf duties should be levied solely for the purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or sec- tion, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government, honestly and economically administered. We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the McKin- ley I^w, which has been twice condemned by the people in National eletrtions, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expi>nse of many, restricted trade and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to make up the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. It is illustrative of the entire absorption of the Convention in one subject that the plilnks relating to other features of Democratic policy did not receive the careful attention that the leaders thought desira- ble for campaign use, and additions were made after the Convention adjourned. The copy of the platform, generally circulated in Michi- gan and some other states contained four clauses, which were not in that instrument as reported by the press at the time, nor as it is given in the standard books of reference. These were clauses relating to civil and religious liberty, favoring arbitration in cases of dispute between employers and employes, declaring the Monroe Doctrine a permanent part of the foreign policy of the United States, and insert- ing the words "except as provided in the Constitution," after a declaration against a life tenure in the public service. However, these matters received comparatively little attention, for Mr. Bryan sounded the key note of the campaign when he said in his letter of acceptance, September 9: ''It is not necessary to discuss the tariff question at this time. Whatever may be the individual views of citi- zens as to the relative merits of protection and tariff reform, all must recognize that until the money question is fully and finally settled the American people will not consent to the consideration of any other important question. Taxation presents a problem which in some form is continually present, and a postponement of definite mi I •' ' 476 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PAETY. 3i action upon it involveg no gacriflce of personal >pinion or political principles; but the crisis i)rc8ented by financial conditions cannot be postponed. Tremendous results ^ill follow the action taken by the United Htates on the money question, and delay is impossible. The people of this Nation, sitting as a high court, must render judgment in the cause which greed is prosecuting against humanity. The decision will either give hope and inspiration to those who toil, or 'shut the doors of mercy on mankind.' In the presence of this over- shadowing issue, differences upon minor questions must be laid aside in order that there may be united action among those who are deter- mined that progress toward an universal gold standard shall be stayed, and the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution restored." Jt was not until the fourth day of the Convention that balloting for the Presidential candidates commenced. Whenever Bryan's name was mentioned in the proceedings that occurred after his plat- form speech it was greeted with great demonstrations of applause, and he was looked upon as the coming man, but on the first ballot he developed only about half the strength shown by Richard P. Bland, the father of silver coinage legislation. That ballot scattered the vote as follows: Richard P. Bland, of Missouri 236 William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska 119 Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsylvania 95 Horace M. Boies, of Iowa 85 J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky 83 John R. Mclean, of Ohio. 54 Claude Matthews, of Indiana 37 Benjamin R. Tillnian, of South Carolina 17 Sylvester Pennoyer, of Oregon 8 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado 8 Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois 7 William E. Russell, of Massachusetts 2 David B. Hill, o^ New York 1 Not voting .178 The abstention from voting of so large a number of delegates was ominous, but was in keeping with the attitude of the minority who were disgusted with the platform, and incensed with the treat- ment tliey had received from the majority. It included the New York and New Jersey delegations, and parts of Connecticut, Delaware, Rho<]e Island, Michigan and Wisconsin. Through four more ballots the candidates were gradually sifted out, until on the fifth the vote ■iwiiir ■I or political 18 cannot be alien by the Bsible. The iv judgment lanity. The who toil, or jf this over- >e laid aside lo are deter- rd shall be n restored." at balloting k'er Bryan's ter his plat- ot applause, St ballot he ■d P. Bland, •attered the . 236 . 119 . 95 . 85 . 83 . 54 . 37 . 17 . 8 8 7 . 2 1 . 178 of delegates he minority th the treat- le New York :, Delaware, nore ballots fth the vote THE 8IXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 477 as cast stood: Bryan, BOO; BInnd, lOrt; Pattison, 95; Matthews, 31; Boies. 20; Stevenson, S; not voting, 102. Changes folh»wed enough to give Bryan the neresHary 512, and he was declared the nominee. Five ballots were taken for a nominee for the Vi<e-Presidency resulting in the nomination <if Arthur Hewall, of Maine, a man known more for his wealth than for any previous political activity. Of his characteristics the Chicago Chrhnicle, a Democratic pai>er, said: "He is the richest man in Maine. He is president of the American Ship- ping league, an ironclad and copjier-fastened trust of ship builders and owners. He is President and owner of the National bank of Bath, Me. He is a large owner of stock in National banks at Portland and Boston. He is ex president and Is now one of the directors of the Maine Central Hallway Company, described as the most grasping and powerful railway «orporati<m in New England. He is a stock- holder and director in nearly every corporate monopoly in the State of Maine and in nmny other New England corimrations. He is a lumber baron and saw log king. He is proprietor of the biggest ship- yard in New England. He is a typical capitalist, monopolist, lobbyist and plutocrat." The action of the Convention Immediately occasioned a wide- spread revolt among Democrats who had been trained in Jacksonian hard money ideas, and esi>ecially among business men in the Eastern and Middle Western States, Nor was the revolt confined entirely to these sections, for a number of the oldest Democratic pafiers in the South joined in it. >>ithln ten days after the ('Onvection adjourned 100 Democratic dailies In different parts of the country had repudiated its action. The number was soon increased to 150. and many of them expressed their dissent in the strongest terms. Four members of <'leveland's (^abinet were outspoken in their denun- ciation of the platform, and while the President himself gave no inuiediate expression of opinion, the platform was known to be utterly repugnant to his views, for he was as strongly in favor of a sound currency as he was in favor of tariff revision. Later in the campaign, after the bolting Democrats had called another Conven- tion and nominated a separate ticket, he expressed himself heartily in favor of the latter. In every commercial center the revolt included many of the most capable and clear headed business men and the most responsible business firms. Many of these men announce<1 their purpose to vote the Republican ticket. Others met in Conven- tion at Indianapolis, September 3; declared that in view of the grave ■■• Hii ■pMMMH m HIHTOUY OF THE KEl'lJHLK^VK PABTV depai'tdivH made by the (*hii*aKo Convention from Deiiiotiattc prin- ciples tlie.v oould not finpport its candidateti nor be bound l».v ItH artM. and nominated Jolin M. Palmer, of Illinoiti, for I'reMident, and Himon B. Ilurlcner, of Kentiiclty, for Vice-President. Meantime tlie Itrvan people received Bonje encouragement from <w(» other orKanixationH. The PopuliRt party, which had cast over eleven hundred tliouBand votes at the last Presidential election, and which was stronger now than it was then, met in 8t. I^ouis, .Inly 24, endorsed the nomination of Bryan and named Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, for* Vice-President. The same day an organisation of Silver Republicans, calling itself the National Silver imrty, met in th« same City and endorsed the nomination?* of Bryan and Bewail. Th« financial plank adopted by the latter gathering declared: "The para- mount issue at this time in the Tnited Spates is indisputably the money question. It is between the gold standard, gold bonds and bank currency on the one side, and the bimetallic standard, no bonds and government currency on the other. On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctively American flnancial system. We are unalterably opposed to the sing!^ ^xtM standard and demand the immt^iate return to the Constitutional standard of gold and silver by the restoration by this (Joverninent, independent of any foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both gold and silver into standard money at the ratio of 16 to 1 and upon terms of exact equal- ity as they existed prior to 1873; the silver coin to be a full legal tender, equally with gold for all debts and dues, private and public, and we favor such legisla ion as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. We hold that the povirer to control and regulate a paper currency is inseparable from the power to coin money; and hence that all currency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its volume controlled by the General Government only and should be legal tender." > The Populist Convention demanded a graduated income tax and declared that the Supreme Court decision relative to that, subject was a misinterpretation of the Constitution; demanded that the Governnient should use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which its obligations should be paid, and had the following addi- tional tinaucial clauses: We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the General Government only, without tlie intervention of banks of issue. THK HIXTKI N To OXJ AMI'AION. iKH-i'iitic prill- 11(1 by itH HctH, lit, and Hiiiiuii nKciiient fruiii Imd cant ov<>r p|e<'tioii, aiul imiifi, July 24, 8 E. Watson, Kanieation of 't.v, met in tlio. Bewail. The I: "The paru- iHptitabl.v the Id bonds and lard, no bondM le we declare mcial B.VRtem. 1 and demand of i^old and ndent of any ind silver into •f exact equal- e a fall legal te and public, le future the vate contract, iper currency lence that all sued, and its nd should be conie tax and that, subject ded that the lawful money dlowing addi- ssued by the anks of issue. to be a full legal tender for till debtn. pui.lic ami -ate, at i jwiii. equitable and efttrienl ineaiiH of diMtribiitioii dir»- „ t\u- r ***e and through the lawful disburHeiiientM itt the govei .«-iit. >\'e deniaiid the free and unrestricted colniii- of Mihei ami gold at the present legal ratio of HI to 1. without wiiiriug for the consent of foreign nations. We demiiud tlie volume of circulating medium be hihhhHIv increased to an amount siimcient to meet tlie demands «»f the busi- ness and population of this country and to restore the just level of prices of labor and production. We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public interest-bearing bond debt nuide by the present mini inist rat ion as unne<e8snry and without authority of law. and demand that no more bonds be issued except by 8iie<-iflc Act of Congress. We demand siuh legislation as will prevent the demonetization of the lawful money of the T'nited Htates by private contract. Kven the customary quiet of the Prohibitionists was disturbed by the paramount issue, for their Convention held at Pittsburg. May 27, had split on this subject. The original body nominated Joshua Levering, of Maryland, for President, and Hale Johnson, of Illinois, for A'ice on a straight Prohibition platform. The bolters added 16 to 1, and various other declarations to their platform, and nominate<l C. E. Kentley, of Nebraska, for President, and J. H. Routhgate for Vice. The bolters called themselves the National party. To complete the assortment of tickets a Bocialist Labor Convention met in New York, July 4, demanded changes which would practically revolution- ise our Government, and named Charles H. Matchett, of New York, as the head of its ticket, with Matthew McGuire, of New Jersey, as his associate. The campaign which followed was one of the most exciting in the history of the country. Bryan, who has rare talents as a cam paign orator, was constantly on the stump, was everywhere greeted by large crowds, and made a profound impression. Silver orators held meetings fn almost every school district, in the yards of manu- factories, and on the corners of city streets. The manufacturing and commercial interests soon became alarmed, and men who had taken no part in politics for years now came out with liberal contributions and active personal work for the sound money ticket. Detroit may be taken as a type of other cities of its size among the manufacturing and trade centers. Every noon sound money meetings were held on the vacant first floor of the new Majestic building, and frequent meet- lil '7'i' infffiHWffift'ini 480 HIHTOliV OF TIIK KKlMUlLirAN 1»ABTY. ings in otlicr vuciiut Htor«'M. The beHt talkers iu the city from ainung lawyerM hihI '. 'iHineNN men were enlbted for these meetings, and occaMioniill.v not«'ti M|MMil(erH from abroad attended. H|MHH-heH were made at the large niannfa<'torieM during the noon hour, the I'reiii- dents and HuperinteudentH of the (•(mipanies fn>(|uentl.v addresHing iheir own men. Finally nearly every large faetory in the city wan eloHed for a day, to give opportunity for the largest parade of indus- trial interests ever seen in the tity. Nor was there any laek of oratory on the other side; for after the sound money men had vacated the Majes- tic building for the day, the sliver men o*-- cupied it. Their ora- tors talke<l also from the City Hall steps, the Campus Martins, often throughout thedayanu far into the evening. K i m i I a r exiK>riences were d u p 1 1 «• a t e d in (Irand Rapids, Haginaw and other manufaetar- ing cities in the State, while the villages and the rural districts were thoroughly canvassed. A large part of the work was done by local committees who paid their own expenses. makc'ur a. manna. At the same time the Htate Central and County Committees were doing the usual work of providing speakers for general meetings and distributing documents. What was true of Detroit and Michigan was true of every other C^ity and State north of the Ohio river, and of a few manufacturing enters in the Southern States. The circulation of documents was enormous. There were hundreds of different speeches and compilations issued, and the aggregate circulation was estimated at 50,000,0(M) copies. Under ail these influences an immense vote Was polled, the aggregate being ty from ainutiK iiii>etinKR, and HiMHM'he* wert' >ur, the Preiil- tly addreiiiiiiK ti the clt.v WHB irad(> of ioduH- side; for after id money men ited the Ma Jen- ding for the silver men o<*- t. Their ora- ted also from Hall Mteps, the Martins, often Mi the day and the evening. I r exi»erience8 l> I i (■ a t e d in npids, Haginaw >r manufaetnr- » in the Htate, e villages and districts were ily canvassed. part of the B done by local .•es who paid wn expenses, y Committees s for general , pue of Detroit e north of the the Southern 1. There were sued, and the ies. Under all ^gregate being THE 8IXTKKN TO ONE CAMPAION. 481 13,023,643, against 12,154,542 in 1892. All parties recognized, at the outset, that the fighting gnmnd for the campaign was in the North- west, and for the direction of affairs in that territory they established headquarters in Chicago. Tlieie was a good understanding among the fn'e silver allies, and in all the un<ertain states they named joint Kle<'toral tickets, dividing the Electors betwwn the DenHMrats, I'opu- lists and Free Hilver Republicans, in proportion, as nearly as they could estimate, to the vote which each section would cast for the combination. Mix weeks before election the result was considered doubtful, but the actlvily of the business interests had such an effect that as election day approached but little doubt remained of the success of the Hepublican ticket. On the Ucpublican side the campaign brought a new figure into ^'ational poliii<s. MarcuH A. Hunna, a wealthy manufacturer and capitalist of Cleveland, and a personal friend of Governor McKin- ley's, was the principal mannjrer <»f the campaign made by the friends of tlie latter for the nominati<»ii. and was afterwards made Chairman of the Republican National Committee. He proved to be a good organizer, an energetic worker and resourceful in planning. Neither on his part nor on .that of Chairman Jones of the Democratic National Committee was there any lack of vigorous <'ondu<'t or skillful man- agement of tlie campaign. When the returns were in the electoral vote for the several candidates figured up as follows: McKinley and Hobart, Republican 271 Uryan and Bewail, Democrat, Populist and Silver Republican 149 Bryan and Watson, Democrat and Populist 27 Prom the old Southern and Border States McKinley had the fol- lowing electoral votes: Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; Kentucky, 12; West Virginia, 6. Of the Northern States which Cleveland carried in 1892, McKinley carried the following in 1896: Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, Indiana, Hiinois and Wisconsin. Bryan carried all of the new Northwestern States except North Dakota, their vote on Vice-President being divided between Bewail and Watson. The popular vote for President was as follows: McKinley and Hobart 7,106,199 Bryan and Bewail and Bryan and Watson 6,502,685 Palmer and Buckner 132,871 Levering and Johnson 131,757 Bentley and Southgate 13,873 Matchett and Maguire 36,258 IKBRSSS 482 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ¥>'. i" k Con|j^8S, during President McKinley's term, was constituted as follows: Fifty-flfth Congress. Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, 31; Populists, 5; Silver, 5; Independent, 1. House— Republicans, 203; Democrats, 119; Populists, 15; Silver, 3; Fusion 14. Fifty-sixth Congress. Senate- Republicans, 55; Democrats, 24; Populists, 4; Silver, 7. House— Republi<!ans, 185; Democrats, 163; Populists, 4; Silver, 1; Fusion, 4, The popular vote in Michigan was, for McKinley, 293,072; Bryan, 236,994; Palmer, 6,905; Levering, 4,938; Bentley, 1,815; Socialist Labor, 293; scattering, 585. The Presidential Electors from Michigan were: At Large— Josiah C. Gray, Frank VV. Gilchrist. By Districts, in their numerical order — John Atkinson, Oscar J. R. Hanna, Sumner O. Bush, Harsen. D. Smith, William O. Webster, G. Willis Bement, Thomas B. Wood- worth, Henry C. Potter, Digby B. Butler, Rasmus Hanson, Lorenzo \. Barker, Albert C. Hubbell. The oflQcial vote for Governor at the same election was as follows: Hazen S, Pingree, Republican 304,431 Charles R. Sligh, Fusion 221,022 Robert C, Stafford, Prohibition 5,499 Ruf us F. Sprague, National Democrat 9,738 John Gilbersou, National ] ,944 A fusion of the Democrats and Populists elected Albert M. Todd to Congress from the Third District, and Ferdinand D. Brucker in the Eighth. The rest were Republicans, as follows: (1) John B. Corliss; (2) George Spalding; (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) Wm. Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Horace G. Snover; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) William R. Mesick; (12) Carlos D. Shelden. At the State election held about the middle of President McKin- ley's term in 1898, the vote for Governor in Michigan was as follows: Hazen 8. Pingtee, Republican 243,239 Justin R. Whiting, Fusion 168,142 Noah W. Cheever, Prohibition 7,006 Sullivan Cook, People's Party 1,656 George Hasseler, Socialist Tikbor i.ioi The Congressional delegation from Michigan was again solidly Republican; (1) John B. Corliss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3) Washington Gardner: (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar W^eks; (8) Joseph Fordney; (9) Roswell P. Kshop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) William S. Mesick; (12) Carlos D. Shelden. ''wiii kHi / PY. ..- ■ constituted as ^, J 8, 5; Silver, tnlistg, 15; pulists, 4; pulists, 4; 1 293,072; Bryan, , Socialist Labor, ' : At Large — their numerical i . Bush, Harsen. omas B. Wood- anson, Lorenzo was as follows: 304,431 221,022 5,499 9,738 ],944 Albert M. Todd Brucker in the ohn B. Corliss; . Alden Smith; P. Bishop; (10) los D. Shelden. esident McKin- veas as follows: 243,239 168,142 7,006 1,656 1,101 8 again solidlv [3) Waahington en Smith; (6) ey; (9) Boswell ick; (12) Carlos mmmmmm y- ^ £.'„^^e. A.- z:^ H/t^Aa-^ rS Sra A^y PM «r^v<^.. XXXVII. PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. Formation of the New Cabinet— Two Matters of Grave Domestic Importance— The Currency and the Tariff Questions— Prompt Action on Both— Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act— The Hawaiian Islands Annexed— Strained Relations With Spain— The Destruction of the Maine— War Breaks Out and Is Very Speedily Terminated -Brilliant Operations in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines— Subsequent I>e8ultory Warfare in the Latter Islands. President McKinley named the following members as his first Cabinet: Secretary of State-^ohn Sherman, of Ohio. Secretary of the Treasury— Lyman J. Gage, of Illinois. Secretary of \^^ar— Russell A. Alger, of Michigan. Secretary of the Navy— John I). Lcmg, of Massachusetts. Attorney General— John W. Griggs, of New Jersey. Postmaster General— John A. Gary, of Maryland. * Secretary of the Interior— (Cornelius N. Bliss, of New York. Secretary of Agriculture— blames Wilson, of Iowa. This Cabinet, however, was not lasting, for before the Fifty-sixth Congress met in December, 1899, a number of changes had occurred: John Hay, of the District of Columbia, had succeeded John Sherman as Secretary of State; Elihu Root, of New York, was Secretary of War; Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania, was Postmaster Gen- eral, and Ethan Allen Hitchcock, of Missouri, was Secretary of the Interior. Vice-President Hobart, who had proved an able and impartial presiding officer and who stood high in public esteem, died November 21, 1899, and was succeeded as President of the Senate bv William P. Prye, of Maine. Two matters of grave domestic importance confronted the new Administration when it first came into power, and our relations / i 484 HIHTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. with tw6 foreign countries demanded immediate attention. The most important of the domestic matters was such an adjustment of tariff rates as would produce an income sufficient for the needs of the Government, and at the same time revive our depressed manufac- turing industries. The Ways and Means Committee of the last House, of wliich Congressman E. N. Dingley, of Maine, was a member, had already spent several months in the preparntion of a Tariff Bill. Their method was in marked contrast to that adopted with the Mills and Wilson Bills. Great complaint was made that in the preparation of these two, particularly the latter, the needs of very important interests were entirely ignored, and that, the most eminent business men of the country c6uld not even secure a hearing. The Bill was prepared behind closed doors and was constructed upon theory, with little reference to the facts of experience. The Dingley Committee, on the other hand, set apart many days for hearings from manufac- turers, importers and other business men. The report of the evidence taken at these meetings makes 2,3(10 printed pages of matter bearing on almost every phase of the tariff as it relates to the investment of capital, the employment and wages of labor and the effect on import and export trade. It is one of the most important and valuable eco- nomic reports ever printed by the Government. President McKinley called Congress together in special session March 15, only eleven days after he took the oath of office. His message on the occasion was, in part, as follows: With unlimited means at our command, we are presenting the remarkable spectacle of increasing our public debt by borrowing money to meet the ordinary outlays incident upon Wen an eco- nomical and prudent administration of the Government. An examination of the subject discloses this fact in every detail, and leads inevitably to the conclusion that the condition of the revenue which allows it is jitnjustiAable and should be corrected. We And by the reports of the Secuetary of the Treastiry that the revenues for the flscal years ending June 30, 1892, from all sources, were f 425,868,- 2G0.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were |415,953,806.56, leaving an excess of receipts over expenditures of 19,914,453.66. The receipts of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893, amounted to f461,716,66l.94 and its expendi- tures to 1459,374,887.65, showing an excess of receipts over expenditures of |2,341,674.29. Since that time the receipts of no fiscal year, and with but few exceptions of no month of any flscal year have exceeded the expend! • The receipts of the Government, from all sources, during the m >ntion. The djuBtment of the needs of Bed manufae- of the laBt as a member, a Tariff Bill, ath the Mills B preparation vy important lent business The Bill was I theory, with y Committee, rom manufac- f the evidence latter bearing investment of ect on import valuable eco- pecial session )f office. His resenting the >y borrowing even an eco- irnment. An 'y detail, and the revenue We find by 'enues for the ere 1425,868,- 15,953,806.56, ,453.66. The le fiscal year its expend t- •eceipts over with but few the expendi- 's, during the PRESIDENT McKIXIiEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 485 hscal year ending June 3U, 18i)4, were 9372,802,4!)8.2!), and its expendi- tures f442,605,T.58.s7, leaving a deficit, the first since the resumption of specie payments, of 169,803,260.58. Notwithstanding there was u decrease of f 16,769,128.78 in the ordinary expenses of the Oovern- ment, as compared with the previous fist'al year, its income was still not sufficient to provide for its daily necessities, and the gold reserve in the Treasury for the redemption of greenbacks was drawn upon to meet them. But this did not suffice, and the government then resorted to loans to replenish the reserve. The receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895, were |390,373,203.30, and the expenditures |433,178,426.4», Bhowing a deficit of |42,805,223.18. A further loan of flUO,000,000 was negotiated by the Government in February, 1896, the sale netting 9111,166,246, and swelling the aggregate of bonds issued within three years to |262,315,400. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the revenues of tlie government from all sources amounted to 9409,475,- 408.78, while its expenditures were $434,678,654.48, or an excess of expenditures over receipts of $25,203,245.70. In other words, the lotal receipts for the three fiscal years ending June 30, 1896, were insufficient by |137,811,729.46 to meet the total expenditures. Nor has this condition since improved. For the first half of the present fiscal year the receipts of the government, exclusive of postal revenues, were ,$157,507,603.76, and its ex^tenditures, exclusive of postal service, fl95,410,000.22, or an excess of expenditures over receipts, of $37,902,396.46. Congress should promptly correct the existing condition. Ample i.evenueis n?.jst be supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the Government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt. In rais- ing revenue, duties should be so levied upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far as possible, to our own producers; to revive and increase nianufactories; to relieve and encourage agri- culture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and building, auid to render to labor in every field of useful occu] ation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled. Mr. Dingley was appointed Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the new House, and on the 19th of March reported the Bill with a long statement of the changes which it made from the existing tariff, togetlur with a statement somewhat similar to that which the President had made, of the need of increased revenues, and an estiniaie of the extent to which the tariff changes would meet this need. The most important changes were in the wool and sugar schedules. The tarifi' on wool and woolen goods was restored to a protective rate. That on sugars was changed from an ad-valoreui ll ■11 f f ■v-=,-Ri;^;.|tii*,;5PiV,i' Ti^^^f-^'W' ^« 486 HISTORY OP THE REPUHLICAN PARTY. duty t6 a Bpeciflf rate of 1.63 cents per pound, with a i-ountervailing duty equivalent to the export bounty paid by any country sending HUgarH to us. A large number of other increages were made, and ihe reciprocity policy was restored and its scope enlarged. The House passed the Bill April 2. The Senate Finance Committee spent about a month upon it, reporting it May 7. The Senate had the Bill under consideration foi' two months, and passed it, with numerous amendments, July 7. It then went to a Conference Committee, where the different points of disagreement were adjusted, and it Anally passed the House July 19, and the Senate Are days later. It went into operation immediately, and its beneAcent effects in reviv- ing manufacturing industries and increasing the revenue were speedily felt. The question of our relations with the Hawaiian Islands came up again early in McKinley's term. This was not, by any means a new question. As early at 1842 President Tyler sent a message to the Senate in relation to these islands. Fillmore, in 1850, reiterated the statements made by Tyler in favor of the annexation or protection of the islands by our Government. Franklin IMerce, in 1854, desired the aunexation of Hawaii and authorized the negotiation of the treaty of annexation Qf that year, but the treaty was not conArmed by the Senate. President Buchanan, in 1849, as Secretary of State, stated that English or French control of Hawaii would be highly injurious to the United States. The annexation of Hawaii was favored by President Grant. President Arthur was in full sympathy with the Americanizing of Hawaii, and President Harrison caused an annexa- tion treaty to be negotiated in Hawaii. President McKinley, early in his Administration, negotiated another annexation treaty which he sent to the Senate, June 17, 1897. Oommissioners were named on the part of both countries with full power to carry oi *■ the terms of the treaty. These provided for the cession by the Hawaiian Government to the United States of all the territory of the islands, with their rights of sovereignty, all public buildings and other property, the United States to assume the public debt of the islands to the extent of f4,000,00U. Provision was also made for the exclusion of Chinese immigration, for the adjustment of treaties with other powers, and for the Government of the islands during the transition period. This treaty was not acted upon during the special session of Congress, and during the regular session it became evident that it coiild not secure, in the Senate, the two-thirds MWBiiwiiii i iiii w^ PRESIDENT MoKIXLEY'H ADMIXIHTRATION. 487 ountervailiDK intry sending re made, and Qiarged. The nniittee spent e had the Bill 1th numerous ;e Committee, justed, and it lays later. It fects in reviv- revenue were ' lands came up ' means a new lessage to the reiterated the or protection 1 1854, desired n of the treaty aflrmed by the ^ State, stated ghly injurious as favored by lathy with the )ed an annexa- on, negotiated June 17, 1897. tries with full ovided for the ates of all the nty, all public ime the public ision was also lie adjustment of the islands !d upon during liar session it the two-thirds vote neoesHury to its ratitieation. But the same puritose was accom- plished by nn<itlier method. A tender of the islands to the United States, on very much the same terms as those named in the treaty was formally made by President Dole, and this was accepted by Congress by Joint resolution, which required only a majority vote of each House. Some objection was made to this method when it was first proposed, as being an evasion of the (constitutional provision requiring a two-thirds vote of the Senate for the ratification of a treaty. The claim was made that even if the proposed transfer was not, in terim*, a treaty, yet it amounted to the same thing. But between the time when annexation was proposed in 18U7, and the lime when the joint resolution eauie up in 18U8, the Spanish war had intervened, showing the great importance to the United States of a convenient coaling and naval station in the Pacitlc, and the danger that might come to our interests, in case the isiunds should fall into the hands of a hostile naval power. Whatever anti-annexation feeling had before existed was nearly obliterated, and the Joint resolution now met with favor. It passed the House June 15, by the decisive vote of 2U]) to 91. The Senate debate on the matter con- tinned from June '20 to July 0, and covennl every phase of the question. The resolution Anally passed that body by 42 to 21, Just two-thirds of those voting. The President signed the resolution the next day, and about a month later President Dole, on presentation of a certified copy of the resolution, formally delivered over to Bear Admiral Miller, representing the United States, the sovereignty and public property of the islands. On the I2tli of August the American flag, which President Cleveland had ordered down, was again raised over the Government buildings, this time to remain. In accordance with the terms of the joint resolution, the President directed that the civil, judicial and military systems of Hawaiian ofHcials shculd con- tinue until Congrcjs could provide a form of Government suited to the new conditions. This was accomplished, upon recommendations of Commissioners appointed to make the necessary investigations, and early in 1899 a Territorial Government for the iBlan<^<4 was fully establicihed. The condition of Cuba had for nmny years before this time been a matter of great concern to the people of the United States. To go no further back, the ten years' struggle which the Cubans made for freedom, in the period from 1868 to 1878, excited the liveliest sympathy in this v"cuntry, which wa« several times on the point of intervention. m i V '■■-& 488 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. W That war cloBed with proniiflefi of reform in the riihan OovernmeDt, which Spain made only to break. The next revolt o<'<'urred in 1895 when Oeneral (iomez landed with 500 men near Santiago de Cuba, and Boon raised an army which marched across the island and even threatened Havana. Spain increased her armies on the Island to 100,000 men, a force suflicient to wipe out the insurgents if they could liave been brought into an open light. The insurgents, however, carried on a desultory warfare, harassing the Spaniards at every point, but avoiding conflicts with superior numbers. On the part of the Spaniards the war was conducted with the greatest cruelty in all its details. The Spanish General Weyler was shown to have been privy to the assassination of General Maceo, the ablest of the Cuban generals, and his policy of concentration had resulted in the death of scores of thousands of non-combatants through exposure and star- vation. The "reconcentrados," as they were called, were obliged to leave their farms and plantations, and were huddled together in certain designated towns, without sutHcient protection from the ele- ments, and with but a scant supply of food. The wholesale destruc- tio'a of lile thus occasioned looked very much as if a policy of extermination had been determined upon. The Fifty-fourth Congress adopted a resolution, expressing detestation of tjie Spanish methods in Cuba, and sympathy for the Cubans. There was a disposition to make this a joint resolution granting belligerent rights to the patriots, but the influence of Presi- dent Cleveland went against this. Many bitter criticisms were made upon the Administration in this connection. The President, espec- ially, was charged with going much beyond his duty in enforcing neutrality. He undertook to police the seas beyond the three-mile limit, and to seize vessels carrying munitions of war, for violating neutrality. He went so far beyond the requirements of international law that in only cme case did the courts sustain him. The ctute of a vessel called the Competitor presented such an outrageous infringe- ment of neutral rights that the Government was at last Aroused to a mild form of intervention. The Competitor was seized while trying to land munitions of war for the insurgents. Her crew were sum- marily tried by court martial. Without being allowed time for the preparation of their case, or counsel of their own choosing, they were found guilty and sentenced to be shot. Fortunately, the sentence could not be carried out until it had been approved from Madrid, and this gave opportunity for an American protest which PRESIDENT MrKINLEY'8 Al»MINI8TRATION. 480 (lovernment, urred in 1800 laKo de Cuba, land and even the Island to i if they could ntB, however, urdB at every )n the part of cruelty in all to have been of the Cuban i in the death isure and atar- were obliged ed together in from the ele- legale destruc- r a policy of n, expressing ipathy for the int resolution lence of Presi- ms were made isident, eapec- r in enforcing the three-mile , for violating international The ciute of a ;eous infringt>- ist aroused to i while trying ew were sum- time for the boosing, they tunately, the pproved from >roteBt which was heeded. The crew of the Competitor were convicted by the court martial of piracy and treason. But their act had none of the elements of piracy, and it could not be treason, because none of those accused were Hpanish subjects. One of them was an American. The feeling on the subject of the Cuban war was so strong that in the fall campaign of 180tt it found its way into many State Conven- tions, and into the National Conventions. The Kepublicuns in their fe}t. Louis platform declared that ''the Government of the United Btates should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the Island," while the Democratic platform simply extended ''sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence." At a special session of the Fifty-flfth Congress, called by Presi- dent McKinley in March, 1897, the Senate passed a resolution recog- nizing the belligerency of the insurgents, but the House failed to take action upon it. President McKinley brought sufficient pressure to bear upon the Spanish Government to secure the recall of General Weyler, and a decree of autonomy for the Island. The insurgents, however, distrusted the sincerity of the latter and kept up the war. . In his annual message to Congress, December G, 1897, President McKinley explained at length the new duties and responsibilities that a recognition of Cuban belligerency would impose upon this country, declared that for the present such recovnition was unwise and inad- missible, and added: It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spain that she should he given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficiency of the new order of things, to which she stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of croncentration and has undertake to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so, and assures them of the protection of the Spanish Government in their lawful occupations. She ha» just released the Competitor pris- oners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the pre- ceding Administration. Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cnbuus and to Spain, as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare, of Cuba, is '^i. 1 r ■ t r i';* 'r \: U^ 490 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN I'AKTY. Hkely to hv attuiiied. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time comes, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable riglil and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people who have conHded to it the protection of their interests and honoi, and to humanity. The attitude of the Spanish resideute of Havana became more and more threatening, and in Januaiy the battleship Maine was sent to that port. She was an<hored at a point in the harbor indicateil by the Spanish authorities, and on the IRth of February was blown up by an outside explosion with the loss of » large part of her crew. Five days later United States C^onsul (General l^ev, wrote from Havana, referring to the arrests of Americans there: I am under orders frcmi Washington, and I must obey instruc- tions from headquarters. The department authorizes me to act a certain way, and I but carry out my orders. I came here unprejudiced and determined to form my opinions by what came directly under my observation. From the moment I landed njy American blood began to boil, and if I stay here much longer and am forced to witness all the indignities heaped upon my countrymen without restraint it will literally boil away. They trample on our flag. They hiss us in the streets. Americans are. murdered, robbed and imprisoned. Indigni- ties are heaped upon our women, and every atrocity (;onceivahle for a Spaniard to put on Americans is thrust upon uh. About the same time Spanish sympathizers in that City openly declared that if more American warships were sent they would destroy the American consulate, and thus, by their own acts force a war with the United States. A Naval Court of Inquiry into the Maine disaster was ordered, and reported that the battleship was destroyed by a submarine mine. Squadrons of United States vessels were concentrated at Key West and Hampton Roads, and on the 11th of April the President sent a mjCKsage to Congress asking for authority "to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the Island the estab- lishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquil- lity and the security of its citizens, as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for this purpose." He alsa asked for an appropriation for feeding the t>r and other hen that time tputable right itancy, in the to the people t8 and honor, became morn aine was sent >bor indicateil ry was blown t of her crew. , wrote from obey instruo- nie to act a ' unprejudiced ctly under my ti blood began to witness all straint it will hiss UB in the ned. Indigni- iceivable for a t City openly they would acts force a was ordered, imarine mine, at Key West sid^nt sent a ures to secure overnnient of ind the estab- ng order and and tranquil- nd to use the be necessary )r feeding the 'yt\ /•4„^,*,>,- .'^ PRKKIDENT MiKINLKY'H .vnMINIHTH.XTlON. 401 starving UeconceutrHdoM. rongress made the appropriation, and on April ]) adopted a Joint resolution favoring Cubun indeiiendence, and authorising intervention. The Hpanish <htvernmeiit showed its understanding of the reMolutions by standing Oencral Ktewart L. Woodford, American Minister at Madrid, his pass|iortH. The date of this act, April 21, is accepted us tlie lieginning of a state of war between the Tnited Htates and Hpain, though the fornnil declaration was not made by Congress till the 25th. The short war that followed was. on the part of the T7nited States, one of the most brilliant in the military and naval annals of the world. Our Navy was, in one sense, untritnl, for since the War of the Rebellion it had seen no active serviire. Within that period the old types of vessels had almost entirely disappeared, and new kinds had been put in commissitm. Hut in able seamanship on the part of officers, in One discipline on the part of the marines, in ex|)ert marks- manship on the part of gunners, a record was made worthy of the splendid cruisers and battleships, to the building of which four dif- ferent Administrations had devoted tteir energies. Hy the daring and brilliant a(-hievenu>nts of Commodore Dewey in passing the forts near the entrance to Manila Day and attacking the vessels which had tendezvoused there, one of the best of the Mpanish fleets was annihi- lated. In the running light olT Santiago Hay another was destroyed, and it was only a few weeks after the beginning of the war before the Spanish nav.y was swept fnmi the seas. The vessels that were not destroyed or captured remained sheltereil in her home ports, not venturing into oi>en water outside the Straits of Oibraltar. The direct losses of her Navy were twelve cruisers, representing a dis- placement of 49,U74 tons; two tor|iedo boat destroyers and twenty -one gunboats. The operations on land were e<|ually memorable. In an incredi- bly short space of time, a volunteer force of 8,785 officers and 207,244 enlisted men was raised and equipped as an addition to the 2,323 officers and 56,365 enlisted men of the Regular Army. In the few engagements that they had they maintained the old American repu- tation for endurance and bravery. In the engagements of Juragua, San Juan Hill and El Caney the volunteer officers and men won laurel wreaths as green as those which adorned the brows of their comrades in the Navy. Three months and twenty-two days sufficed to end the war by the protocol to a treaty, though the treaty itself was not signed till RMHSII IIIHTOUV OF TIIK HKIMHLK'AN PAIITY. l>e(t»iiibtfr 10, 18J»H. TIm' |>riii(i|ial hiII«I««h ot »ln- ((iiiipN'tcd ftaty provided for i\w cviKunfioii of ('iibu hv tlu' H|miiiaidH, the lefmion of l»or(o Kl«o, (^uuiii and tlie l>hili|ipim> liilandN, and for the acquire- ment bv the inltiHi Htate» of piil>li<> proiH'rt.v. and the relincpilMh- ment of arehiven; determined the HtatiiH of HpaniMh MubjeetH renminlng in the eiHled terrltorieH and of ineompleted rontra<tH and law hiiUb; gave KuaranteeH of the Hame terniis to HpaniMh HhippinK and mer- ebandlHe aii to that of the Inited KtateH in tlie iniilipplneit for ten .veam, and Kiiui'Hnte(>d reliKiouH freedom in the itnied territorieH <m the ttanie terniM n» the treaty for the eeHHion of Florida. For I'orto Kico, which tliUM became a poHseggion of the United States a complete form of civil Kovernment. with provi»ion for raiHlnj? the needed revenue was adopted at the first session of the Fifty- dixth <'on};reHH. Tnder the treaty Hpain abandoned all jjretensions to rule in Cuba, but the C'n'.ted Htates (Government had previously announced its purpose to giv*. that Island an independent government as soon as circumstiuues would permit. In (><tober, ISMMl, Major Oeneral lAH)nard Wood, Governor Oeneral, was able to report a most remark- able improvement in the condition of the Island. Every town of consequence had been provided with a hospital well equipped and with all necessary supplies; the prisons had been overhauled and their sanitary conditions greatly improved; many hundreds of accused persons, held long in detentitm without trial, had been released; courts had been stimulated and urged to a prompt perform- ance of their duties, and many judges, found derelict in their duty, hud been dismissed; inspectors of prisons had been appointed whose mstructions required them to visit every prison at least once in three months; correctional courts had been established for the trial of minor offenses, with the privilege of jury trial; over 3,0(M> schools had been established with 3,000 teachers and 150,000 pupils; public build- ings had been repaired and the streets in all the large cities had undergone extensive paving and sewer improvements; a thoroughly efficient nmil service had been established; nearly 7(M) miles of jmst roads had been built, and many hundred miles of old roads had been put in repair and made passable; bridges had been rebuilt, and public works, involving milliona of dollars had been taken up and com- pleted; a complete overland telegraph had been established. The Island had been restored to such order that a traveler might journey from one end of it to the other, without fear of being assailed by a 1^ nl^ f ■ I I, tli(> ct'Hiiion r \\\v uoquir(>- i(> rt>llu(|niMh- rtH reiiiiUniiiK iid luw HiiitH; iiiK and iiier- ipiiieH for ten ti'rrit«rl»*H on of the United on for rniHinK of the Flfty- 18 to rule in ily announced inent as soon lajor Oeneral most reuiarli- very town of equipi)ed and erhauled and iiundreds of al, had been ttnpt perform - in their duty, lointed whoHe east once in )r tlie trial of BchoolB had public build- Ke cities had a thoroughly miles of \M»t ads had been t, and public up and com- iliHhed. The ight journey iBBailed by a I'KKHIDKNT McKINLKYH ADMINISTRATION. 498 robber, iind without behiK Holiched by h be^uar. Meantime flnanoial and induHtrinl t-oiidilionH had been Mteiidiiy improving;. The Govern- ment wiiH Heif-Hupportng and had an unincumbered bnlnnce of $1,500,- 000 in the TrniHiiry. A moHl etHcient cuHtoiiiH xervice had b»H»n eittabliHlied of which many of the oftlcerH were CnbiuiH, and the quar- antine Mervice Imd been thoroughly equipped Hud waH rigidly enforced. Tlu' tobacco crop for the yeiir whh an (MionuoiiH one; the sugar produced, which had fallen to almost nothing during (lie devas- tating wiir between Hpain and Cuba, was, in the season (»f HMKI, more tluin hiilf as large as during the palihiest and most iieticefui days tiefore the war, and all other induK tries had been stimulated. I'nder the influence of this won derful progress the people were j-ontent, and received with faith the promises of the I'nited States to establish a stable government in which they should have their share. Two genera! elections had been held, one on June 15, 1000, for municipal officers throughout the Island, and one Heptemberl5, for delegates to the Constitutional Con- vention. Hoth elections were conducted without .Vmerican officials, either military or civil, being at a single polling place in Cuba, and without any intei-ference whatever on the part of the Amerieau mili- tary or civil authorities. There was not a single disturbance in either election. The whole story was one of marvelous reconstruction, rapid progress, and high regard for the welfare of the people such as had never before been approached in the colonial history of any country. In the Philippine Islands matters were more difficult of adjust- ment. Armed bands of Insurgents, under the lead of Aguinaldo, maintained a desultory warfare throughout the Island of Luzon through the year 1809 and nearly all of 1900. It is a well established fact that they derived great encouragement from the "Anti-Imper- ialist" talk of u few prominent Republicans and many Democrats, including the head of the Democratic tii'ket. The diploma<-y of the Ignited States won great praise from other Nations during the troubles that occurred in China in 1900. A strong force of insurgents, or revolutionists, under the name of the "Boxers" opened what they intended to be a war of extermination against all foreigners, destroyed many of the mission stations and besieged the legations of all the great Powers at Pekin. The United States, (ireat Britain, Russia, Oermany, Austria, Prance and Japan, united in sending troops for the rescue of their ambassadors and raw mm 494 HIBTOKY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. consulB and the protection of their interests. It was through the influence of the United Btates that commtinication was first opened with the besieged legations, and it was largely through the same Influence that a disposition shown by other Powers to obtain indem- nity by the acquisition of Chinese territory received its first check, and the dismemberment of the Chinese Empire was for the time at least prevented. In financial and industrial results the achievements of the first McKinley Administration were most marked. The Currency Bill, passed at the first regular session of the Fifty-fifth Congress, settles a number of questions which have been agitating the public for some years. It establishes, by definite statute, the gold standard in finan- cial transactions. By forbidding the reissue of greenbacks once redeemed, it stops the ''endless chain" method of drawing gold from the Treasury. By authorizing National banks to issue currency up 1o the face value of bonds deposited, and by reducing from 150,000 to 125,000, the capital necessary for establishing such banks, it npeni^ the way for an increase of currency when needed, and for fnrnishing banking facilities to the smaller towns. By fixing the denominations of silver certificates at flO and below, and of I"^nited Statt> aotes at |10 and above, it-gives a larger circulation to the former, at the same time that it provides for the gradual retirement of the Treasury notes. It provides for the refunding of the National debt in bonds drawing only two per cent, interest. This is a lower rate of interest than that paid by any other (xovernment, and when it was proposed predictions were abun'lant that the bonds could not be floated. Yet within three months of the time the Curren<'y Bill passed, |300,000,- 000 of the two per cents had been taken. They were then quoted at 1.06 while British 2^ per cent, bonds were selling at .08. When President |4cKinley called the extra session of Congress in March, 1897, he urged that ample revenues be provided; that "duties should be so levied as to preserve the honie market so far as possible to our own producers; to revive and increase manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining ana building; and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled." A great mass of figures might be given to show that all these results have been achieved. But a few will suflice. During the (h"*" through the first opened ;h the same btain indem- first check, the time at I of the first irrency Bill, ;res8, settles t)lic for some [ard in flnan- nbacks once ag gold from currency up from 150,000 nks, it opens or furnishing enominations att . notes at , at the same the Treasury lebt in bonds ite of interest was proposed floated. Yet sed, 1300,000,- > then quoted .98. i of (longress bt- provided; honie market and increase ■ ; to increase >p mining ana occupation the 1 industry are that all these . During the PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 495 thirty-five months the Wilson Tariff was in operation there was a total deficit of more than »1(»8,000,000 in the public revenues. In the flrnt thirty-two months of the operation of the Dingley tariff the surplus revenues, eliminating war receipts and expenditures, and the amounts derived from the Pacifli- Railroad settlements, exceeded ¥45,000,000. The story of improved trade and industry is succinctly told by the following table of exports and imports for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, under the Wilson tariff and a Democratic Administra- tion, as compared with those of the year ending June 30, 1900, under ihe Dingley tariff and a Republican Administration: IMPORTS. 1896. 1900. Articlesof food and animals.... 1237,025,045 |218,479,098 Articles in crude condition for use in manufactures 209,368,717 302,264,106 Articles wholly or partly manu- factured for use as materials in manufacture and the mechanics arts 94,733,719 88,433,549 Articles manufactured ready for consumption 145,274,039 128,885,697 Articles of voluntary use, luxu- ries, etc 93,323,154 111,652.220 Total 1779,724,674 #849,714,670 EXPORTS. Products of Agriculture 1569,879,297 f 835,912,952 Manufactures 228.571,178 432,284,366 Mining .... 20,045,654 38.997.557 Forest :iit,718,204 52.309,484 Fisheries 6,850,392 6,289,664 Miscellaneous 4,135,762 4,682,142 Total ..... 1863,200,487 f 1,394,186,371 The benefit of the change to nmuufacturers is shown in the fact that in spite of enormously increased consumption the imports of manufactured goods ready f&r final use diminished, while the imports of crude materials to be used in manufactures increased about |93,- 000,000. American labor received the benefit of wages paid for working up these crude materials. The exports of manufactured articles in four years increased |203,713,188, or almost 90 per cent. »»».':' r TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. Large aud HarinoniouB Gathering at Philadelphia— Members Present Who Were Delegates to the First Republican Conven- tion in the Same qity— Admirable Presentation of Campaign Issues by the Chairman— A Strong Platform Adopted— President McKinley Unanimously Renominated— I-arge Number of Per- sons Mentioned for the Vice-Presidency— The Nomination Final- ly Thrust Upon an Unwilling Candidate. The preliminaries to the Twelfth Republican National Conven tion lacked the interest that attends a contest between a number of aspirants for the chief honors of the Nation. From the time the call was issued till the last Territory had named its delegates r> other name was mentioned for the Presidency except that of Willis ' McKinley. There was a mild preliminary skirmish over the nomii^j. tion for the Vice-Presidency, but even that wan settled before the time came for making the nomination. The number of contesting delegations was unusually small and those were settled by the Com- mittee on Credentials. There was only one thing during the whole proceedings that threatened any acrimonious debate. That was the Old, old proposition to change the representation in future National Conventions, so as to put it on the basis of Republican votes cast Instead of on population. The Southern delegates were prepared to oppose this, but it was withdrawn without giving oi>portunity for discussion. So it turned out that in this Convention of more than 900 delegates there was not a division nor a roll call on any disputed question, nor an occasion for any parlia- mentary tangle. No one objected to the temporary organization nor to the permanent organization, nor to the report of the Commit- tee on Rules, nor to that of the Committee on Platform, nor to the nomination for President, nor to that of Vice-President. It was the first time in the history of parties that candidates for both these high V :^ TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 497 ia — Members ican Conven- af Campaign (d — President aber of Per- ination Final- ional Conven- a number of the time the delegates r. at of Willia » r the nomitL^ ed before the of contesting i by the Com- ing the whole That was the iture National an votes cast •e prepared to 5 oi>portunity :5onvention of Q nof a roll r any parlia- organization f the Conunit- rm, nor to the it. It was the )oth these high I ' offices have been nominated by unanimous vote on the first ballot There were none of the frenzied demonstrations of applause, lasting ten or fifteen minutes that have sometimes occurred when a close contest between candidates has wrought a Convention up to a high pitch of excitement; but there was still abundant enthusiasm and j.upreme confidence in the result of the coming contest. The business sessions were held at Convention Hall, Philadel- phia, commencing Tuesday, June 19. They were preceded, the evening before, by a parade that has never been equaled by any afifair of the kind in any gathering of any party. About 30,000 men marched in line, making five miles of party enthusiasm, and it was viewed by 300,000 spectators, who yelled themselves hoarse in the glare of red light and to the accompaniment of patriotic airs. The marching army represented the supporters of McKinley Republicanism, from the bluffs of Maine to the shores of California. Prominent in the rainks were the Young Men's Blaine Club > ' Cincinnati, the Cook County Marching Club of Chicago, the First Regiment Band of Cin- cinnati, the Pioneer Corps of Westchester, Pa., and the Cook Fife and Drum Band of Denver. Senators Hanna, Piatt and Quay, Gov- ernor Roosevelt, Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff and other prominent party leaders reviewed the trudging thousands and waved their handkerchiefs until they were tired. As the assemblage gathered on Tuesday, there were occupying prominent seats upon the platform four men who were delegates to the first Convention of the party held in Philadelphia, June 17, 1856. All were members of the regular Ohio delegation. Three of them were prominent in the Ahti-Slavery fight that led to the Convention held in Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, which was the precursor of the Philadelphia gathering and these men therefore claim to be among those who were chiefly instrumental in forming the Republican party. The three men who were first at Pittsburg and later at Philadelphia were Judge Rush R. Bloane, Sandusky, O.; General B. Brinkerhoff, Mansfield, O.; and Hon. George R. Trey, Springfield, O. Judge W. H. I 'pson, of Akron, Oi, was at the Philadelphia Convention, but not at that in Pittsburg. Among the distinguished members of the party whose entrance was greeted with demonstrations of applause, were Cornelius N Bliss, of New York, who had been urged to go on the ticket as Vice President, but who had absolutely refused the use of his name; Governor Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, who had, up to that !mm WP** 498 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. i time, put the same honor from him; Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, who had free silver leaninRS in 1894 and 1896, but who stayed with the party, in which he was again in full fellowship; Senator J. B. For- . aker, of Ohio; Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota; Chauncey M. Depew, of New York; Senator Fair- banks, of Indiana, who wtis also a Vice Presidential possibility, and not by any means the least observed. Senator Mark Hanna of Ohio. Mr. Hanna, as chairman of the National Committee, called the Convention to order, paid a graceful tribute to the City of Philadel- , phia in which it was held, predicted success in the coming campaign, and expressed his gratitude for the loyal and efficient service which the National Committee rendered during the campaign four years ' previous. He then introduced Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, as Tem- porary Chairman. Mr. Wolcott's address was an admirable pre- sentation of the issues of the coming campaign. He referred to the destructive effects of four years of Democratic misrule upon the industries and credit of the country, and continued: Facing these difficulties, the President immediately ujmn his inauguration convened Congress in extra session, and in a message of force and lucidity summarised the legislation essential to our National prosperity. ' The industrial history of the United States for the past four years is the tribute to the wisdom of his judgment. It is quickly epitomized. The tariff measure under which we are now conducting business was preceded by an unusual volume of impor- tations based upon common kncjwledge that certain duties were to be raised; the bill met the popular demand that duties on many of the necessaries of life should be lowered and not raised; advances in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary and unwise to revert to the higher tariff provisions of the law of 1890; the increases in the revenue provisions were slight. Yet, notwith- standing all these facts, tending to reduce income, the revenues from the Dingley bill marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal income exceeded our normal expenditure, and we paased from a con- dition of threatened insolvency to one of national solvency^ This tells but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise provisions of our tariff laws and the encouragement afforded to cap- ital by a renewal of public confidence, trade commenced to revive. The looms were no longer silent and the mills deserted; railway earn- ings increased, merchants and banks resumed business, labor found employment at fair wages, our exports increased, and the sunshine of hope again illumined the land. Th- figures that illustrate the growing prosperity of the four years of Republican administration well might stagger belief. There isii't an idle mill in the country -■ '^r^ of Colorado, stayed with or J. B. For- Cushman K. Senator Fair- ssibility, and nna of Ohio, e, called the of Philadel- ng campaign, lervice which a four years •ado, as Tern- mi rable pre- ferred to the lie upon the sly upon his in a message jntial to our :ed States for judgment. It I we are now me of impor- ities were to 8 on many of ed; advances ecessary and law of 1890; Yet, notwith- •evenues from n our normal d from a cou- sncyi ider the wise forded to cap- ped to revive. railway earn- 3, labor found the sunshine illustrate the idministration the country TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. today. The mortgages on western farms have been paid by the tens of thousands, and our farmers are contented and prosperous. Our exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months onr exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by 1550,000,000. Our manufactured articles are finding a market all over the world and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly taking our place as one of the great creditor nations of the w^orld. Above and beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all onr broad domain, who cannot find work, and the scale of wages was never in our history as high as now. Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the war, let me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years. We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendered essential by four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions thousands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of the blight of the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact business and share the blessings of Republican prosperity. Senator Wolcott *hen recounted the achievements of the past four years in the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, the settlement of the Pacific Railroad obligations, the passage of the Currency Act and the successful conduct of the Spanish War; spoke about the respon- sibilities of the Nation in connection with its new possessions, and made a strong declaration in favor of the retention of the Philippines. His remarks on each one of these topics were met with approving cheers; but the most enthusiastic applause greeted his declaration in favor of retaining the Philippines, and the statement that on the money question the East and the West were no longer divided. The Michigan delegation was composed as follows: At large- Frank J. Hecker, of Detroit; Delos A. Blodgett, of Grand Rapids; William McPherson, Jr., of Howell; William E. Parnall, of Calumet. By Districts— (1) William Livingstone and August Marxhausen, of Detroit; (2) Charles L. Edwards of Carleton, and I^eslie B. Robertson, of Adrian; (3) Edward N. Dingley, of Kalamazoo, and George E. Howes, of Battle Creek; (4) George E. Bardeen, of Otsego, and George M. Valentine, of Benton Harbor; (5) Henry Spring of Grand Rapids, and Brinton F. Hall, of Belding; (6) Frederick W. Higgins, of Wood- mere, and Russell C. Ostrander, of Lansing; (7) John E. Wallace, of Port Austin, and Charles F. Moore, of St. Clair; (8) Ralph Loveland, of Saginaw, and Harvey B. McLaughlin, of Vernon; (9) A. Oren Wheeler, of 31anistee, and Earl Fairbanks, of Luther; (10) Edward F. Land, of An Sable, and Victor D. Sprague, of Cheboygan; (11) Ren Barker, of Reed City, and William H. C. Mitchell, of Traverse City; m: '•'mmmmu masssss ,_•_, .:a'v'iiif'i«y:I*'' 500 HISTORY OP THE REPlIltLICAN PAKTY (12) Murray M. Duncan, of Ighpeming, and Thomas F. Cole, of Iron- wood. William Livingstone was Chairman and Brinton F. Hall Hetio- tary of the delegation, and Convention ofllcers and members of com- mittees were as follows: Permanent Organi/.ation, I^slie B. llobert- son; Rules and Order of Business, William McPherson, jr.; Creden- tials, Russell C. Ostrander; Resolutions, Edward N. Dingley; to notify Presidential nominee. Col. F. J. Hecker; to notify Vice-Presidential nominee, William E. Parnall; member of National Committee, Williaui H. Elliott. An interesting incident of the second day's proceedings was the marshaling, upon the platform, of fifteen surviving members of th.; Republican Convention at Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, one of their number bearing a tattered American flag which had been presented as a relic of that occasion. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massa- chusetts, designated as Permanent Chairman of the Convention, was escorted to the platform by Governor Shaw, of Iowa, and Governor Roosevelt, of New York, amid great applause. Senator Lodge gave the Convention another good instalment of sound Republican doc trine and encouragement. He mentioned the chief incidents of Presi- dent McKinley's Administration, referred to other achievements of the party, but added that we did not expect to live upon the past. The Republican party was pre-eminently a party of action, and its march was ever forward. He then considered our duties with refer- ence to our new possessions and to other new problems that are before us. His reference to Hawaii and the presence of representa tives of that new acquisition brought the delegates to their feet in a lusty greeting to the Hawaiians. Mr. Lodge's reference to the policy of the Government toward Cuba and the Philippines, brought out frequent manifestations of approval. His brilliant tribute to the American soldiers fighting in the Tropics closed with the sentence: '•They are our soldiers and we will sustain them." In the reception of the speeches of both Senators Wolcott and Lodge, and throughout the proceedings the Convention showed that the opposition war cry of "Anti-Imperialism" had no terrors for a Republican body. The day's proceedings closed with the reading of the report of the Com- mittee on Resolutions, which was adopted without dissent, as fol- lows: The Republicans of the United States through their chosen representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an Ha TWELFTH RErUBLlCAN CONVENTION. 601 )le, of Iron- Hall Hetio- jers of <'oi\»- e B. Ilobert- jr.; Cn'deu- ey; to notify Presidential tee, William ngs was the (ibers of th.? one of their m presented e, of Massa- vention, was nd Governor Lodge gave lublican dot- >nt8 of Presi- ievements of ton the past, tion, and its s with refer- >mB that are f representa their feet in rence to the ines, brought ribute to tlie the sentence: the reception d throughout ition, war cry a body. The : of the Coni- Bsent, as fol- their chosen tack upon an unsurpassed record of acliievenient and looking forward into a great Held of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations: The exjiectation in which the American iK?ople, turning from the Democratic party, entrusted ]Kiwer four years ago to a Repub- lican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled nt the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and administralion, business was dead industry paralyzed and the national credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruinous conditions, which they had themselves prodmed. than to coin silver at the ratio of 10 to 1, The Republican party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures— a protective tariff and a law niaking gold tlie stai^dard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed, Prosperity ihore general and more abundant than we have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the status of any Government obligations. Everv American dollar. is a gold dollar or its assured equivalent, and Ameri- can credit stands higher than that of any other Nation. Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably oi «u pied. No single factor more strikingly tells the storv of what Republican government means to the country than this— that during the whole period of 107 years fronj 1790 to 1807 there was an excess of exports over imports of only 1883,028,407. Tliere has been in the short three years of the present Republican Administration an excess of exports over imports in the enorniAUs sum of |l,483,537,094. And while the American people sustained by this Republican leg islation have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and commerce, they have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No thought of National aggrandizement larnished the high purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came tjie American Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and foresight of Republican states manship. To ten millions of the human race there was given "a new birth of freedom,*' and to the American people a new and nobh- respon sibility. We indorse the Administration of William McKiniev. Its acts have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, apd at home and ¥assi»srsfc;-,rsi*iv-5??is ■irSStS'-'.'^'V-SWI^l^^^SF-'^ '!'■ riT 602 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. abroad it ban distinctly elevated and extended tbe intluence of tbe Ameriean Nation. Walking untried patbH and facing unforeseen responHibilities, President Mi'Kinley lias t^'en in every situation tbe true American patriot and tbe uprigbt sratesuiau, clear in vision, strong in judgment, tirm in action, always inspiring and deserving (be confidence of bis countrymen. In asking tbe American people to indorse tliis Republican record and party, we remind tbem of tbe fact tbat tbe menace to tbeir pros- perity bas always resided in Democratic principles and no less in tbe general incapacity of tbe Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business pros{)erity is public confidence in tbe good sense of tbe Government and in its ability to deal intelli- gently witb eacb new problem of administration and legislation. Tbat confidence tbe Democratic party bas never earned. It is hope- lessly inadequate, and the country's pros])erity when Democratic success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipa- tion of Democratic blunders and failures. We renew our allegiance to tbe principle of tbe gold standard and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of tbe Fifty- sixth Congress by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business activity, and for tbe purpose of further equalixing and of further low- ering tbe rate of interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of tbe season and of all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. Tbe volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. No measure to. that end could be considered which was without the support of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have secured tbe country against the peril of base and discredited currency, tbe election ot a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to bring once more into question the intention of tbe American people td maintain upon tbe gold standard the parity of tbeir n^oney circulation. The T)emocratic party must be convinced that tbe American people will never tolerate tbe Chicago platform. We recognize the necessity and propriety of tbe honest operation of capital to meet new businegs conditions, and especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or to ccmtrol prices, and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and pro- mote competition, and secure tbe rigbtn of producers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. TWELFTH RKPl'JILKWN CONVENTION. non lence of the unforeseen ituation the ir in vision, efterving 1 Ih« iliean record their proH- less in the iiblic affairs. ;onfldence in deal intelli- legislation. It is hope- Democratic ere anticipa- itandard and of the Fifty- the stability Ve recognize ind business further low- ation as will ctions to be ained, labor of money in Dd unlimited idered which ntries of the have secured currency, the 1 impair the ?: intention of the parity of be convinced platform, est operation illy to extend 1 conspiracies s monopolies, legislation as )tect and pro- torers, and all We renew our fiiifh in flie poiir.v of protcrtion Ut .Vuierirun labor. In that iM)li«y «ur induslrleH have Ihvu cHiabllslied, diversifled and maintained. Hy protecting the home iiuiiket <'onipi>tition has been Htimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the Inventive genius of our people has been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever befor»', tuid iiiways diMtlnguishing our working people in their Iwtter condition of life from those of anv comi»etlntf «*ountry. . » » Enjoying the bleKsings of tiie Ameruan conanon school, secure In the right of seif-government, iind jtrotected in the occupancy of their own marketR, their constantly in< reaHing knowUnlge and skill have enabled them finally (o enter the markets of the world. We favor the asHociated policy of reciprocity, ho directed as to open our nmrkets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign nmrkets. In the further Interest of Am<>rlcan workmen we favor a more effective restru lion of the Immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of ojiportunities of education for working chil dren, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protetlion of free labor as against contract «-onvict labor, and an effective svstem of labor insurance. Our present dep(>ndence on foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the iixlustry of this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple <nir expanding foreign commerce. The national defense and naval efflciencv of this countrv moreover, supply a comiielling reas<m for legislation which will enable us to recover our former |ilace aumrig the trade carrving fleets of the world. The nation owes a d«tbt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws, founded on this just sentiment, should be lib- eral,, and should be liberally administered, and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to emplovment in the public service to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining the efficiency of the civil service. The Administration has acted wisely in its eflorts to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico Hawaii and the rhilippine Islands only those whose fitness has been determined by training and exi)erience. We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should be confined as far as practicable to their inhabitants. It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Con stitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in 1-r 54)4 HIHTORY OF THK REPUBLICAN PARTY. regafd to the elective franthiBe. Devhes of State GoverninentH, whether by stalutor.v or Constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose ol this amendment are revolutionary and should be con- demned. Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of the several states. We favor the extension of the rural free delivery servii-e wherever its extension may be justified. In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective states and territories. We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufflcient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well i)erformed its work that it has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of f40,(M)0,0()0. So ample are the Government's revenues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity <»f its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent, bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting that it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about a reduction of the war taxes. We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an Isthmian canal by the Government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States Consular system should be reorganized unde» the supervision of this new department upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. The American Government must protect the person and property of every citizen whenever they are wrongfully placed in peril. We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record t)f public service in the Volunteer Aid Association, and as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to American people. In m Jovernmentt, to avoid th«' ould be ooii- ement of th«> lial approval, Tation of the vi<-e wherever ( ( le Republican e recommend of the United r irrigation to 1 1 Btateliood of venue for the it it has been IK). Ho ample ►lie confidence »d 2 per cent. I in exi)ecting bring about n protection of tes. ag of our farm i obtain new ion i8 warmly II trading and :;hina. In the that Congress le charge of u :ate8 Consular 1 of this new enure as will ig trade. 1 and property ' < peril. their splendid ;iation, and as paigns of our jpreciate their istry. affairs of the in people. In TWELFTH UEPUHLICAX CONVENTION. 506 releasing us from the vexatious conditlonii of a European alliance for the Oovernment of Kamoa his course is esiM^cially to be commende<l. By securing to our undivided ctiutrol the most important island of the Hamoan group and the best harbor in the Houthern I'aciHc, every American interest hafc been safeguarded. We approve the annexution of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. We commend the part taken by our government in the l*ea<'0 Conference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the |M)licy announ<-e<l in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered lis friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Uritain and the South African Republics. While the American Government must ctrntinue the policy pre- scribed by Washington, affirmed by every 8U<*cee<ling I'rcHldent. and imposed upon us by The Hague treaty, of non-intervention in Euro- pean controversies, the American people earnestly luqie that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both cont(>nding parties, to terminate the strife between them. In accepting, by the treaty of Paris, the just responsibility of our victories in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the Western Indies and in the Philippine Islands. The i-ourse creat«>d our respon sibility before the world, and with tlie unorganized population whiHu our intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for the mainte- nance of law and order, and for the establishment of good government and for the perfonnance of international obligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization u)N>n all the rescued people. The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare »nd our duties shall be secured to them by law. To Cuba, independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be performed. The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration of its principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American people. Although the renomjnation of President McKinley was predeter- mined, and its effect on the Convention to some extent discounted, yet the event added much of interest and enthusiasm to the third day's proceedings. The nominating speech by Senator Foraker, of Ohio, was given wHh a vigor, eloquence and magnetism characteristic .^fS Mimuns mm mmumtmrnmmimtm,' IIIHTORY OF THK HKinillLK'AN I'AKTV. of the man. HIh revi<>w of the luliioveiiientH of Miif M<Kiiil(>y Admin- istration wam brilliHiit and epiKi-Huiniatir. When li«* rt'fcm'd to tht> pasMage of t)i(> financial legislation during tlie laHt leMsion of ('ongreM, upon thp rtM-oninu'ndatiou of tli#» I'reiildent, the <'onv(>nti<tn chitTcd the wntinient en(himiaiiticall.y. His reference to the great leader of the part.v, the HiicceHHeH already achieved by him and the grave re8pon8ibiliti<'H now being carried forward by him, caused frequent and long-conlinued applause. Uut it remained for his closing sen- tence, iui- the first time mentioning William McKinley by name as the nominee, to electrify the great multitude. Kveryone stood and waved and yelled. Htate standards were wren<'hed from their places and borne aloft with umbrellas, great plumes of nd, white and blue, a perfect tempestuous sea of color. Henator Ilanna sprang to the front of the stage, a flag in (»ne hand and a plume in the other, and led in the tremendous demonstration. Not content with their frenzied hur- rahs on the floor, the delegates now man^hed in solid ranks upon the platform, with staiulards, plumes, banners and flags. After the demonstration hti«! continued seven minutes, the Ohio delegation, where centered the waves of sound, moved up the aisle, while all the other State delegations, bearing aloft their standards, formed in a grand procession about the ball. When Governor Roosevelt, of New York, rose to second the nom- ination of McKinley there was another tremendous demonstration, as much perhaps for the speaker, as foi- the man whom he supported. The Governor made a very taking speech, uhIii^^ many short, terse sentences, especially in describing the I)emocrati<' attitude toward public events. He made an espe<ially strong appeal to the Gold Democrats, and one of his best appreciated hits was that at the New- York Ice Trust, as follows: "Until our opponents have explicitly and absolutely repudiated the principles wliii li in '!>6 they professed, and the leadecs who embody these principles, their success meanis the undoing of the country. Nor have they any longer even the excuse of being honest in their folly. They have raved, they have foamed at the mouth in denunciation of trusts, and now, in my own State, their foremost party leaders, including the man before whont the others bow with bared heads and trembling knee, have been dis- covered in a trust which really is of infamous, and, perhaps, of crim- inal character; a trust in which these aj^stles of Democracy, these prophets of the new dispensation, have sought to wring fortunes from the dire need of their poorer brethren." In conclusion. Governor V. " '■ '^ ■■■ Iviiiloy Admln- »»f<'rn*«l to tln! n of < 'ongreHM, •ntUm chitTed reat leader of iid the grave used frequent H cloHing seii- y name m the ►od and waved >ir places and e und blue, a ig to the front er, and led in ' frenzied hnr- itnkM upon the H. After the io delegation, , while all the , formed in a cond the nom- onstration, a» he supported, y short, terse titude toward to the Gold at at the New ave explicitly liey professed. uc<'es8 nieanh iger even the ed, they have w, in my own before whom lave been dis- haps, of crini- locracy, these ring fortunes lion. Governor ^ TWKLFTM UKIMIILICAN TOW KNTION. 507 Koosevelt declared the Hepublican party and the American |M'ople <hallenged the future and they were eager for the labor lahl out for I hem as if by Providence. The closing words of the Governor brought another demonstration, and for a minute it seemed that the ('on- vention would at once uuike two nominaticms instead of one. I'lumes went up und standards again left their sockets to be wave<l (»n high. .Xs the Governor left the platform he waved a salutation to the moving throngs and one in particular toward the radiant face of his wife, sitting Just outside the area of delegates. The nomination of McKiuley was further supported by Henator John M. Thurston, of Nebraska; J(»hn W. Yerkes, of Kentucky; George Knight, of Illinois, and Governor J.inu>s A. Mount, of Indiana The roll of states was then (aflcd, the vesult being 930, a unanimous vote for 11c.'<iuley. v>n ihe Hi moi: i .Mnent there was another burs! of applau»f'. with «, 6iVy)H}' o, plutva m and standards. The huge form of an elephant •» i ))nuii"'»t vlu iiie hall. Around its neck were entwined garlands of 'd.t.i'e.'t>. ijaiighter and applause were mingled as the great embleri v.n'-. V.orn-- about. Tin' denn oust ration in honor of the Tresidt hts n» uiuati'-n ii sted J"» ra'^ntes, and then the Chair- num called for tlu' r<^?vv^il}'tioa oi buBtii«:.s. The mai<MM' in y<l\uh ']\' nounyn.iU>u for Vitt; i^resident came about was ..lUnethiti't rtui4Ue in tin» hii^lory o' 'i.o.uvi'r.'lons. Early in the year pubiir stnt'o fc* turw^'d tti^'itrd Goveaoi Theodore Roosevelt, of New YorV., ■>« ilu gtrm.arii^p*: jsiara ?or tlie ptace, but, he positively forbade ♦he nuf* of )iiw iseme, iud a l.'.rgc flru ■r-':- if others were mentioned as tiuilaiDlt ■xMW.utf'B, fee fo!lt>i«.irit/; tMiong them: Secretary of the Navy John 0. Lonic, o" M»»s«?t'h fH,»tt?i; Ex-Secretary of the Navy Go ncli'ia N. HVlm, jvieiiteni nt Gove^ nvu* Timothy L. Woodruff, and StJile ('hft m. n P.. B, Odell. >ri' :\ew York; Senator C. W. Fairbanks, of Iniviaji; tit-nfttoi.' VV. n. A-Iltucr. Hcpresentative DoUiver and Governoi Shaw, olf hywur. (tovK'rvot Hchofleld, of Wis- connin; Representative Jeter C. i^'tcanA, ■•:'' N'jrth Carolina; Ex- Senator Washburn, of Mionesote ; Sena'^v E (). Wolcott, of Colorado, and Irving M. u'ot., ol OA!>rvnia. Oi fiew' Ex-Secretary Bliss who was suppoRdl t^s bft liifc fovoriiv; of the i i dministration, and Senator Allison abso utelj iiciriied ti> bo onsidered candidates. Lieutenant Governor Woeui-^iil ftnL .H. ^\. Jdell were, it was understood only tentative *a'!i«'5ite«, p«^ f >rward by the New York leaders to keep their de^igatior. iogether. Some of the other candidates were not tal'n very seriously and when the Convention opened the contest KtWa «r-i-'TBafi i tg ,ii nr i u - a B aiOTi i ri i iiiiM i ii i r tta 608 HISTORY OF THE REPTIBLICAN PARTY. hjid apparently narrowed down to Secretary Long and Congresgman Dolliver, with the* Administration influence in favor of Long. A caucus of the Michigan delegation on the morning of the 20th showed 13 votes for Dolliver, 9 for Long, 1 for Roosevelt and 1 for Scott, with four not voting. But early in the Convention T. C. Piatt, of New York, and Ex-Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, commenced an agitation which they kept up continually in favor of Roosevelt. The motive assigned to Piatt was to get Roosevelt out of New York politics, while Quay was credited with the purpose to annoy President Mc- Kinley and Chairman Hanna by sidetracking the candidate whom they favored. What- ever the motive, the Roosevelt seed which they sowed fell upon congenial 8oi|, and soon began to bear fruit. Roosevelt, who unques- tionably preferred to run for another term as (Jovernor of New York,' remonstrated and pro- tested, but the current continued to set strongly in his favor. Whenever he appeared in the Convention he was greeted with ap- plause, and influential THEODORE B008KVELT. ^en of the party urged him to forego his individual preference. When the day for making nominations came it was evident that the Convention would not take no for an answer, and the Governor reluctantly consented. When the order of nominations for Vice-President was reached Colonel Lafe Young, of Iowa, in behalf o'f the delegation from that State, withdrew the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver, and in an eloquent speech nominated Governor Roosevelt. The demonstration which followed the announcement by Coloiiel Young of Governor Roosevelt as the candidate of the young men of the country, who represented ( I mmmmm \ • %■-. w^'. \ ■ fS** \ TWELFTH KKl'UBLICAN ( HJN VENTION. 509 Congressman of Long. A e 20th showed for Scott, with Piatt, of New 1 an agitation . The motive; York politics. President Me- nd Chairman f sidetracking lidate whom ored. What- motive, the t seed which ed fell upon soi|, and soon I bear fruit. , who unques- preferred to lother term as of New York, ited and pro- it the current led to set In his favor. he appeared onyeiition he ted with ap- id influential i party urged y for making ould not take d. was reached on from that n an eloquent ration which nor Roosevelt i represented their desires and their ambitions and embodied tlieir jjatriotism and Americanism, was not second to that accorded the I'lesident's name. The vast assemblage sprang to its feet and State emblems, pampas plumes, handkerchiefs and liats fairly filled the air. The band in the main gallery began to play "There'll lie a Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight," and to the inspiring strains the delegates began marching around the hall, filing past Governor Roosevelt as he sat in the New York delegation and extending to hiui their congratula- tions. In the procession of standards after the nomination of Roosevelt was one of the women delegates from I'tah, who presented him with a big bunch of roses, for which Governor Roosevelt returned a profound bow. Several of the Kansas delegates removed their beautiful silk sunflower badges and threw them upon Governor Roosevelt during the march of the telegates. The demonstration lasted nearly seven minutes, when the Chairman with difficulty restored order and recognized Butler Murray of Massachusetts for a speech seconding the nomination of Roosevelt. He spoke in behalf of "old New England," and elicited another demonstration' for the rough rider candidate. An additional second was made by General James M. Ashton, pf Washington, when loud calts arose for "Depew!" Response was made by Senator Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, who rounded out the speech-making of the Convention by ah eloquent and witty address. In the course of his remarks he gave the follow- ing incidents of Colonel Roosevelt's career: /• We call him Teddy. He was the child of New York City, the place that you, gentlemen from the West, think means "coupons, clubs, and eternal damnation for every one." Teddy — this child of Fifth avenue, he was the child of the clubs'; he was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College; and he went West and became a cowboy and then he went into the Navy Department and became an Assistant Secretary. He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said : "Why, ('olonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this pow der." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have got to get ready when war comes, and powder was manufactured to be burned." And the burn ing of that powder sunk Cer^era's fleet outside of Santiago's harbor, and the fleet in Manila bay. At Santiago a modest voice was lieard, exceedingly polite, addressing a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while Spanish bullets were flying over them. This voice said: "Get one side, gen- tlemen, please; one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out." And when this polite map got his men out in the open where they kHili t -. j^S«»i,-, }l -j^jf if 610 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. could ftce the bayonet, and face the bullet, there wan a transforma- tion, and the trangformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and, rushing up the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the militiamen, lying down: "Give them hell, boys! Give them hell!" Senator Depew also told, amidst great laughter and applause, a couple of stories, of which this is one: There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter, he was a consumptive, and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. Her one remark was, as they sat on the piazza: "Stop coughing, John." John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six weeks. His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We are traveling on a time-li~Jiited ticket and we have got several more places to go to." So she carried him off. The next station they got to the poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: "Poor madam! What shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have got a time-limited ticket and several more places to go to." Now, we buried 16 to 1 in 1896. We put a monument over it weighing as many tons as the Sierra Nevadas when gold was put into the statutes by a Republican Congress and the signature of William McKinley. Colonel Bryrn has been a body snatcher. He has got the corpse from under the monument, but it is dead. He has got it in its coffin, carrying it along, as did the bereaved widow, because he says : "I nipst. I must. I am wedded to this body of sin and death. I must. 1 must. Because I have a time-limited ticket which expires in November." Senator J)epew's remarks were followed by tumultuous applause and calls for "Roosevelt!" "Teddj . ' "Roosevelt!" the roll of states was called, announcement was made that the vote was unanimous, 925 for Roosevelt, and with another burst of applause the serious work of the Convention ended. i a trangforma- come a eowboy, tne a hero, and, shouted to the B them hell!" ind applause, a last winter, he s woman. Her tughing, John/' itay in bed six npossible. We »t several more tat ion they got roprietor said: lim up. I have to." aument over it 1 gold was put e signature of snatcher. He t is dead. He ?reaved widow, his body of gin e-limited ticket tuous applause i roll of states ras unanimous, ise the serious I ; W9 f.. V, . i,V.,..: XXXIX. . - THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. Bryan's Supremacy in the Democratic Convention— He Is Absolute Dictator in Respect to the Platform— He Is the Candidate, Also, of the Populists and Hilver Republicans— Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles A. Towne Nominated for Vice President — The Lat- ter Reluctantly Withdraws— The Letters of Acceptance— Ani- mated but One-Sided Campaign— The Imperialist Cry— Division of the Gold Democrats — A Decisive Victory for the Republican Ticket. The Democratic National Convention which met in Kansas City, July 4, 1900, presented the remarkable spectacle of a great party with only one candidate considered available for the Presidency, and absolutely dominated, as to its platform, by that candidate. William Jennings Bryan, of Lincoln, Nebraska, had already been nominated for President at a National Convention of Populists, held at Sioux Falls, Iowa. It was understood that he was entirely acceptable to the Silver Republicans who were to meet in Kansas City at the same time that the Democratic Convention was held, and a large number of the State Conventions of the latter party had given him their indorsement. His nomination by acclamation was assured before the Convention met. About the platform, however, there were two antagonistic opin- ions. The Democratic leaders and a large majority of the delegates favored, when they left home, the singing of the silver song in minor licy. It was argued that Bryan, himself, stood sufficiently for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and that it was not necesssary to make thlit prominent in the platform; that a reasser- tion of that doctrine would further alienate the Gold Democrats who bolted the ticket four years earlier and that a much stronger fight could be made on an anti-imperialist, anti-trust platform. The believers in this theory advocated a simple reaffirmation of the Chi IMUiiii tgHimmmmmmmiim ifi'S^#!MiaS*lsiLji±2::iifel '■ S- ' 612 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. cago platform of 1896, without speeiflc mention of free coinage, or the 16 to 1 ratio. On the other hand it was argued that the Popalisi and Free Bilver Republican alliance turned more upon this question than upon any other, and that if the platform was not explicit upon this subject, there would be a loss of votes from those allies; that the Gold Democrats were traitors anyway, having bolted four years" ago and that the party ought not to sacrilice its convictions, beliefs nor policies in the hope of coaxing them back again. This difference of opinion was a matter of serious discussion for some days before the Convention met, and there was much speculation as to what Bryan's wishes in the premises were. At last it was given out by men very close to him that he would have been content in the first place, with a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, but that the Easter : Democrats, some of whom had just crawled back into the party, had already given the Silver question such prominence in their discussions, that nothing short of a definite declaration on the subject would answer. This was not accepted as final, and the ultimate belief was that Bryan could have his own. way in the matter, but that he must say positively what he wanted. If he did this the Convention, however reluctantly, wo.uld accede to his wishes, and he must take the responsibility for the results. Of the wishes of the Free Silver Republicans Senator Teller, of Colorado, left no doubt, and he was better entitled to speak for them than anj other person. He said the demand for a simple reaffirma- tion of the Chicago platform without other reference to the financial question came from the Go'd Democrats who did not support Bryan in 1890, and it was doubtful whether some who insist upon the j)ursu- ance of this course would support him in 1900. In many of the states west of the Alleghenies there were thousands of voters who would support Bryan and the Democratic party on account of their position on the financial question. These people believed in the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and they would regard a simple reaf- firmation of the Chicago declaration as an attempt to minimize the Silver question. They would not believe that such an omission was insisted upon by the Gold Standard Democrats for any other purpose than to make it appear that the contention for free silver coinage at 16 to 1 had been abandoned by the Democratic party. It was with the whole matter, to a certain extent, in the air, that the Convention met at noon on the 4th of July. The purpose had been expressed by many of the leaders to push business along so '• \ '<^, THE CAMPAIGN OP 1900. •ee coinage, or it the Popalisl 1 this question t explicit upon •He allies; that ted four years' iotions, beliefs discussion for ich speculation ist it was given content in the platform, but crawled back ich prominence declaration on final, and the in the matter, le did this the wishes, and he lator Teller, of ipeak for them ople reaflSrma- the financial support Bryan pon the pursu- y of the states (rs who would their position le free coinage a simple reaf- 1 minimize the omission was other purpose ver coinage at nt, in the air. The purpose liness along so that they could celebrate Independence Day by nominating Bryan and adopting the platform. But no such blue fire and sky rocket method proved feasible, for the Committee on Resolutions were in session the whole afternoon and evening without coming to an agreement. In their absence the Convention did little except listen to the reading of the Declaration of Independence and to a long and tedious speech from its temporary Chairman, (lovernor Thomas, of Colorado, and a shorter but more spirited one from the permanent (Chairman, James D. Richardson, of Tennessee. The Committee on Resolutions was very evenly divided on the 16 to 1 question, and it was given out at night that there would probably be two reports. Meantime Bryan came a little nearer giving his ultimatum. At least his most intimate friends conveyed the impression that unless there was a specific 16 to 1 declaration he would not accept the Democratic nomination, but would run on a separate Populist and Free Silver ticket. One signifi- cant event of the day was the refusal of the New York delegation to put David Bennett Hill on the Committee on Resolutions, a position which he much desired. The delegation was virtually controlled by Richard Croker, the Tammany Hall Sachem, whose course was dic- tated partly by the desire to humiliate Hiil and partly to prevent Hill's making the strong fight which he purposed on the Silver question. On the second day of the Convention the Committee on Resolu- tions, by a vote of 20 to 24, agreed upon a platform and a member of the Committee afterwards told how that and various other events came about: Mr. Bryan knew that the so-called "Conservative" Democrats were after him. He feared that a Convention held in Chicago or Mil waukee or St. Louis or any City so far east could be packed with people opposed to a redeclaration for 16 to 1. Also with people opposed to William J. Bryan. He knew that a majority of the dele- gates were apt to be against silver, and that with congenial surroundings they might easily upset Mr. Bryan's ambitions. He would have preferred Omaha or Denver as the Convention City, but feared that the selection of eithw would be to palpable a Bryan move and therefore he chose Kansas City and itp discomforts. Here he knew his Convention could be packed only with people friendly to himself. But his far-reaching designs did not end with the selection of a Western Convention City. Even here he knew the Convention was in danger of capture anci a great many carefully planned details \*ere arranged to keep the Bryan feeling at fever pitch. It was by Bryan's instructions that July 4 was 8ele<ted for the opening of the Convention, and he wanted very much to he nomiualcd P ^^^ iWiiliiiiBtliiliiiM ,ii m tvm» 514 HISTORY OP THE KEIHIBLICAN PARTY. on that ^y. It wub by Brvan's instructions that the immense Con- vention Hall was stufftd anr! packed with people until even the seats and aisles of the delegates were invaded, and the press section so jammed and congested with the general public that no newspaper man could be sure of his seat unless he hired some one to hold it for him, and after he had it, could not work because of the crowd stand- ing in his way in every direction. It was by Bryan's directions that a great Bryan deiiionHtratiou was sprung in the Convention the preceding night' by this great mob in order that the immense popularity of Bryan might be realized bv those delegates who were considering a determined flght in the Con- vention against a radical free silver plank. It was by Bryan's directions that Bryan buttons were to be had for nothing on every corner, while the silver plank of the platform was in doubt. It was Bryan, Bryan on every hand, and it was all arranged in order to effect the result which the night before hung in the balance. It was Bryan's idea to have a private wire from Kansas City to his home in Lincoln, and McKinley never watched the Spanish war with more anxiety, or followed its movements in his war room more closely than Bryan followed the Convention. He was instantly apprised of everything, and his lieutenants were constantlv carrying out bis direct orders. When the Committee on Resolutions showed bv its first test vote that an explicit declaration for 16 to 1 was going to be defeated a recess was taken and Mr. Bryan notified. When the session was resumed and the time for another vote approached Senator Jones stood up, and, with Bryan's telegraphic orders in his pocket, informed the Committee of the exact situation: "Gentlemen," he said, "you can defeat this out-and-out expression for silver if you want to, but before doing so it is my duty to warn you of the consequences. Unless you reiterate the distinct declaration for Ifi to 1 Mr. Bryan cannot accept your nomination for President, but neither can he decline the Populist nomination already received, nor the Silver Republican nom- ination he is about to receive. Those Conventions stand true blue for silver. He must ran on their ticket. What the effect will be upon our ticket you gentlemen, who are to be responsible for the action of this committee, must decide." i Among those who were strongly opposed to the 16 to 1 declara- tion was Senator Hill, of New York, who was willing even to let Bryan go, rather than to adopt that declaration. It was understood that he and two or three others would make a flght in the Convention against the platform, but they did not, and the declaration, as agreed upon by the Committee, went through without a murmur. It opened with a reaffirmation of the Declaration of Independence; denounced ^:^ iimenBe Con- 'en the seats 8 section so > newspaper hold it for Lrrowd stand- iiionstratiou Is threat mob ■i realized bv t in the Con- re to be liad the platform id it was all ifore hung in msas City to Spanish war r room more 'as instantly ntly carrying Irst test vote >e defeated a session was mator Jones let, informed le said, "you want to, but ices. Unless iryan cannot e decline the ublican nom- true blue foi* will be upon he action of to 1 declara- even to let understood s Convention m, as agreed It opened denounced THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 515 the Porto Bico Law passed by Congress at its last session ; condemned the Philippine policy of the Aduiinistration and favored "an immedi- ate declaration of the Nation's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a stable form of government; second, independence, and third, protection from outside interference, such as has been given for nearly a century to the Republics of Central and South America." After these declarations came the following plank on imperialism: "The importance of other questions now pending before the Amer'.f«n people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes n( backward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish war involves the very exist- ence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign." Then came a declaration that the Republican party was insincere in its reference to the Monroe Doctrine, a plank on militarism and one on trusts. After all these came the silver plank, as follows: "We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Democratic plat- form adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiterate the demand of that platform for an American flnancial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other Nation." Denunciation of the Currency Bill passed at the last session of Congress, and utterances on half a dozen other current questions of the day completed the document. Three days after the Convention adjourned it occurred to some of the leaders that there should have been an income tax plank, and so they added one, making the con- venient plea that the omission in the first place was the fault of a typewriter. They had run the campaign of 1896 on a platform, four clauses of which were not read in the Chicago Convention, and there was no reason why they should not smuggle into the campaign of 1900 one declaration which the Kansas City delegates never heard. Following the adoption of the platform came the presentation of Bryan's name for the Presidential nomination. Up to this time the proceedings in open Convention had been tame, except as Chairman Richardson's spirited address evolved some enthusiasm. But the demonstrations upon, the first presentation of Bryan's name, and upon its subsequent repetition, were a flattering evidence of the hold which his strong personality has upon the party. His name was pre- ^LxMiKSiJMM^ ^£M:Mmmsd;iMiS!i^£;.iM&iMtMi»^Xi '^^ii^L 316 HIHTORY OF THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. Rented \fy W. I). Oldham, of Nebraska, wlio cloHed with a iiersonal eulogy of the candidate, delivered with inipattsioned fervor. This was the signal for prolonged cheers, the waving of flags and handker chiefs, music by the band, and a procession of delegates carrying their Btate banners around the hall. Nebraska's nomination was sup- ported by a dozen other Stales, and a roll call gave him a unanimous vote. The nomination for "^'ice-President was a matter of u'ore discus- sion. Ohar'es A. Town**, who had already received the Populist nomination for the same position, was an active and anxious candi- date. He was as eager to get the Demo<'ratic nomination as Roosevelt had been to get away fron the Republican. The Silver Republicans and the x\.merican Monetary Jjt.'^ue, in session at Kansas City, both expressed a preference for Town". But there was a feeling in the Democratic Convention that with a 16 to 1 plank in the platform and Hryan at the head of the ticket, there was about all the free silver that the party could carry. A candidate was sought who was not specially identified with that movement, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, Vice-President during Cleveland's second terra, was put forward. The most popular delegate in the Convention was undoubt- edly Senator Hill, of New York, although he was opposed to the 16 to 1 delegation, and was not at all enamored of Bryan. Tammany Hall tried to take advantage of his popularity by pushing him into this nomination, but when his name was presented Hill took the plat- form, and in a vehemjent speech, mingled with personal appeal, stayed the tide that threatened to sweep him into the unsought position. Next to Hill, Stevenson was the favorite and after his name was presented it received secondB from a number of states. The roll call showed 5591/2 votes for Stevenson, 200 for Hill and 89i/^ for Towne. Tennessee then changed her 24 votes from Hill to Stevenson, and enough other changes were speedily made to give him the 624 neces sary to a choice. 1 Meantime the Silver Republican Convention had adjourned, having first given to its officers and the Executive Committee of the j)arty, power to decide upon a Vice-Presidential nominee. After a conference with the Democratic National Committee and a sub-com mittee of the Populists, and with the consent and advice of Mr. Towne, they endorsed the nomination of Stevenson. Mr. Towne, after some weeks of delay, withdrew from the Populist ticket, in favor of Mr. Stevenson, and made a few speeirhes for the combination candi .:■-;, \i;W , Vf"5»'51v-'- 3a»c' fSS» th a iMTBontil fervoi*. This and liaiidker carrying their ion was mu|»- n unaniniouN ' more discuH- tlie Populifit mxiouM candi- i as Roosevelt I* RepnblicanH 4a8 City, both feeling in the l>latform and he free silver who was not Stevenson, of Tra, was put was nndonbt sed to the 16 n. Tammany ling him into took the plat- ippeal, stayed ight position, lis name was The roll call J/^ for Towne. ;evenson, and the 624 neces 1 d adjourned, imittee of the nee. After a id a sub-com id vice of Mr. Towne, after t, in favor of ination candi THE CAMl'AION OF 1900. 517 dates. Not more than one set of Electors was nominated in any Htate to represent this combination. Th«* llrst week in September, 1898, the Middle-ofthe-Road Popu lists, as they called themselves, that is, those who were opposed to fusion with any other party, met in Cincinnati and nominated Wharton Barker for President and Ignatius Donnelly for Vice-Presi dent. The first National assembly of the Christian Political Union, con vened in Rock Island, 111., May 1. As a preliminary to deciding whether to organize a political purty, the Convention discussed the theme, "The Priuiiples of Christ; Bl f.ll We Apply Them in Concrete Form to State and National f Jovernment Through a Christian Politi- cal Union or Party?" The Convention answered the question in the affirmative by unanimous vote. The name United Christian party was adopted in place of (Christian Political Union. Dr. Silas C. Swal- low, of Harrisburg, Pa., and John G. Hooley, of Chicago, were nominated as candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States. The platform adopted declares for: "The abolition of laws which require a desecration of the Sabbath, authorize unscrip tural marriage and divorce, and encourage the sale of liquors as a beverage; equal rights for men and women; arbitration as against war; government ownership of public utilities; election of President and Vice-President and United States Senators by direct vote of the people.*' The Prohibition National Convention, in session in Chicago, June 28, nominated John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for President, and Henry B. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, for Vice-President. The so-called National party held a Convention in New York, September 5, with less than 100 delegates present, half of whom were from that City, and placed in nomination for President, Senator Don- aldson Caffery, of Louisiana, and for Vice-President, A. M. Howe, of Cambridge, Mass. The Union Reform party, by a referendum vote, the result of which was announced in New York, September 5, nominated Seth H. Ellis, of Ohio, for President, and Samuel T. Nicholson, of Pennsyl- vania, for Vice-President. The Social I)emocrats nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, and for Vice-President Job Harriman, of California. In this year of conventions there was still another, making the eleventh, held by the so-called Deleon Socialists who nominated for It 518 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY PreMident, •loHopb F. Maloney, of MassacbuHetti, and for Vice-Preai- dent, Valentine Rennvill, of Pennsylvania. Home of thetie scattered ori^anizations, however, ceased their labors, after going through the form of making nominations and were not henrd of again during the eampaign. I'residfint McKluley, in his letter accepting the renomination, reviewed at length the affairs of bis Administration, paying particu- lar attention to the course of events in the Philippines, which be recognized as of grave importance in the campaign. Upon this subject be said, in part: There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when wt: could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of territory thus acquired. We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of these came all our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was made. It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a Government suita- ble to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants, and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self-government when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for it. Thai I am aiming to do under my Constitutional authority, and will con- tinue to do until Congress shall determine tlie political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago. Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of our Army over the archipelago; the complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the powers of government over all the other peoples of the nrchijtelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in the islands without consulting the majority, and to abandon the largest portion of the population to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent band. More than this, we are asked to protect the minor- ity in establishing a government, and to this end repress all opposition to the majority. We are required to set up a stable government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired npon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost against its enemies within and against those having ambitions and designs from without. Uir. il 'f^- : 'ft f. or Vlce-Presi- eeased their linations and renomination, lying partivu- les, which be 1. Upon thlM the enemj's ! archipelago. )Qgrefl8 could huB acquired. Tted the war Ication of thi> there can be !8. If others lie treaty, we le waH made, rnment suita- d to prepare •niiient when or it. Thai Knd will con- status of the abandon our •pose, then it ult from the ilipinos, that a withdrawal idence of the t over all the alog leaders. 1 minority in abandon the the guerrilla L't the minor- lII opposition ►vernment in ty and flred t its enemies rom without. TJIK CAMPAIGN OF 1»00. SIO This would r<>(|uir«> iiii Army and Nav.v far largi'r than is now ninintained in the riiilippineH, and Hiill more in excess of what will be neceMsarv with the full recognilion of our sovereignty. A military support of uiilliority not our own, us thus proposed, is the very essence of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but which, by their poli»j, would of necessity be established in its most otfensive form. The President took no further part in the campaign, remaining most of the time i|uietly at home, nuiking no siK}eches and writing no politii'al letters. Mr. Bryun, in his letter of acceptance, again declared his loyalty to the Ifi to 1 policy and to free trade; denounced the Dingley taritT, the Republican Currency Act, and the trusts; discussed various phases of the labor question, and spoke very briefly u]K>n the questions at issue in respect t*' the Philippine Islands. Mr. Htcvenson's letter of acceptance was very short, and was devoted lart;eiy to a protest against "war of c<u)<]ue8t" nnd against Imperialism. Mr. Roosevelt, in his letter of acceptance, discussed the questions at issue at considerable length, and followed this by a series of campaign tours, surpassing in amount of travel and number of speeches made anything in the history of politics in this country except the Bryan tours of 1896. One of the first states which he visited was Michigan where he opened the campaign early in Septem- ber by addressing a meeting of over 4,()0tl people in Light Guard Armory, Detroit. He went thence to Bay City, where he was greeted by an immense crowd, made up in part by excursicmists from the shore towns along Lake Huron. A demonstration of equal magnitude awaited him at Haginaw, and in his tour across the Htate he addressed crowds at Owosso, Lansing, Jackson, Eaton Rapids, Charlotte, Hast- ings, Grand Rapids, Holland, Allegan, Kalamazoo, Grand Junction, Benton Harbor, Niles and some of the interlying towns. He con- tinued his tour to the far West, and then through part of the South and East, ending up with a ten days' campaign in New York State. In all he visited tweiity-fonr States, traveled 21,2<M) miles and made 673 speeches. (Candidate Bryan also made nmny speeches and was re<!eived with nearly as great favor as he was in 1896. Having secured a complete recognition of his money views in the various Conventions that nom- inated him he was content to let that nmtter take secondary place in the general meetings. In his speeches he dwelt more upon the dangers to the industries of this country fr<mi trusts, and the dangers t v^ '^1" : mtmmmmttmmm «2fl HIHTORY OFTHK HEPrnLlCAN PARTY. of r('ii(nillx(><l power Hiid an iiii|M>riHliMti(- policy. Tli<> latlt>r wbh the ke.v-iiote to niueh of the Deniocratic oralorv throuKhoiit the country. In tliiH they received Honie aid and encoiiraKonient from the National Anti-IniperialiHtic lieaKiie, which met in indianapoliM, AuftuHt IR, and which included Home prominent Hepublicanit, aM well um Democrats. It denounced the policy of the AdminiHtration and practically endorMed Itryun. The elYorts of thene men were very largely countera<-ted by the viewH expro88ed by candid uien who were familiar with the Hituation in thoHe islandH. The lamented General Lawton, who made it a practice to examine thoroughly every Bubject in which he b(>cam(> intereHted, went to the I'hilippineH Htrongly prejudiced aKaiuNt our occupation of those inlands, calling the HtruKK'i! tin '^unholy" war. His observutionH there effected a complete chancre in his viewH and he wrote to Hon. .lohn Barrett, United Htateg MiniBter to 8iam: I would lo God tliat the truth of this whole Philippine situation could be known to every one in America as I know it. If the real history, inspiration, and conditions of this iuHurrection, and the influ- ences, local and external, as well as the actual possibilities of these islands and peoples and their relations to this great East, could be understood at home, we should hear no more talk of unjust "shooting of government" into the Filipinos or hauling down the flag in the Philippines. If the so-called Anti-Imperialists could honestly ascer- tain the truth on the ground, and not in distant Ameri<-a, they, whom I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the error of their statements and conclusions, and of the unfortunate effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it may as well come from one of my own men, because I know from observation, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the continuance of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America. Dean (\ Worcester, of Michigan rniversity, one of the Philip- pine Commission, is another witness to the same purport. In a letter received from him, October 25, by Regent Dean, of the University, he said: i Conditions were improving here very rapidly up to the time Bryan was nominated and began to talk in public. The result of the announcement of his policy in regard to the Philippines was to put a stop to the important surrenders, which were steadily being made under the terms of the amnesty, and to bring about renewed hostili- ties through the worst districts here in Luzon. We knoYf absolutely, from captured correspondence, that this desperate elTort to keep up a show of resistance is being made only '>^::?<f. fe "■■ ,ft-i'^*;> r. , . . ^ ' atttT waH thi? tlu» country, the National IIRUHt 15, HUd M I h'UiorrutH. 1 prarticully ■acted by the the HJtiiation u made it a h he became aKuinHt our inlioly" war. views and lie ^iani : ine situation If the real ind the intiu- tieg of these I8t, could be i8t "shooting; ^ flag in the nestly ascer they, whom inced of the unfortunate Ino bullet, it know from continuance >m America. the Philip- In a letter University, to the time •esult of the was to put being made wed hostili- e, that this f made onlj' ,H THE CAMP au.N OF 1U0(». 021 in the hope of iuMuencing the elccfiim at home, and important insurg ent leaders like Sindico hiiv that, unless Mr.van is elected or the war in ('hina draws troops from i liese islands, they will give up their uselesK eflforts in November. I "i^refure do not look for any general improve ment in the situation in ,ii after (he Presidential election; but, witli that out of the way, 1 expect to se*' a speedy change for the better. At present the insurg<'ii<H are resorting to that last resort of a failing cause, whitlesule assaMnination. They are putting prices on the heads of men known to be friendly to the Americans, and are resorting to the most flendish tortures and mutilations in order to influence the common people by fear. The (JoM Democrats did not nmke separate nominations In this campaign uu did not cut as conspicuous a flgure as in the <;ontest four years earlier. Their votes were divided, some supporting Bryan on other issues, and some voting for McKinley. Among those, who openly advo<ated MciKlnley's election were two members of IM-esi dent Cleveland's Cabinet: I»ostmaster (Jeneral Don M. Dickinson, of Michigan, and J. Hterling Morton, of Nebraska, Hecnitary of Agri- (rulture. James H. Kckles, Comptroller of the (Currency under President Cleveland, was also quite active in the campaign for McKin- ley. On the 29th of October, Ex-President Cleveland wrote a letter to Don M. Dickinson, in which he referred to a speech made by him in April, 1897, saying that he could not suppress or abate from it, and would not if he could, and saying also that he should not object to any use which Mr. Dickinson might see ttt to make of it. This was a speech in which Cleveland condemned the course of those who were sowing the seeds of discontent and cultivating a growth of sectional and class suspicion and distrust. He also regretted to see the remedy for supposed financial ills proposed in the free coinage of silver with a depreciated currency and cheap money. The reference to this speech showed plainly enough that Mr. (31eveland's sympathies in the pendi.ng campaign were against Mr. Bryan and his followers. There were no October elections this year to furnish an indica- tion of the drift of public sentiment. Oregon, in June, gave an unusually large Republican majority. Vermont and Maine, in September, gave majorities considerably smaller than those in 189fi. But the careful canvass made by the Republican committees in various states indicated a triumph of very large proportions, and their most hopeful indications and prophecies were surpassed by the results. McKinley and Roosevelt carried every Northern State except Colorado, Idaho, Montana and Nevada, and in those the Bryan MiNiiiiliai ti^: ^y HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICxiN PARTY. majoritieg were much less than they were in 1896. Republican Elec tors were also chosen in Delaware, Maryland and West Virginia. The total Electoral vote was: For McKinley and Roosevelt, 295; Bryan a-. ^ Stevenson, 152. The Republican plurality on the popular vote waa nearly 900,000, being the largest ever given to any candidate. In Michigan Bryan carried only one County, and the highest Republican Elector ha4 105,168 plurality. The Republicans also elected a solid Congressional delegation as follows: (1) John B. Cor- liss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3) Washington Gardner; (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar Weeks; (8) Joseph W. Fordney; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) Archibald B. Darragh; (12) Carlos D. Shelden. tt ^'•^ ^publican Elec- Vest Virginia, loosevelt, 293; on the popular any candidate, id the highest [)ublicanB also ) John B. Oor- (4) Edward L. lith; (7) Edgar (10) Rousseau lelden. y% : XL. - , REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present Time— Tlie Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingham to Bliss A Long Roll of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men— A Number of Close and Interesting Contests— Ballots for the Head of the Ticket in Detail— Names of the Candidates for other Offices— A Series of Splendid Successes Broken by Only Two Defeats- Treatment of Public Questions by the Various Conventions- How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the Greenback Onslaught— The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, Silver and Taxation Questions— Its Attitude in 19d(». In the second and third chapters ef this publication an extended account is given of the various State gatherings out of which was evolved the Republican party of Michigtn. The foundations were so well laid and the work of organizatioH ^ms so well done that, so far as its State Executive and Judicial tickets were concerned the party moved along the path of victory with no setbacks and with but little friction for more than a quarter of a century. The names of the candidates for Governor with details of the votes cast for that official and for Presidential Electors in the various contests, with the names of delegates to Republican National Conventions, and the names of all Electors chosen, are given under the appropriate chapters in the first volume of this work; but brief additioqal details of the different Conventions may be interesting. The Convention of 1856 was held at Marshall, July 9, and was large, earnest and enthusiastic. The newly organized party had been triumphant in 1854, and was confident now. Fremont had been nominated for President, and the general campaign had opened with spirit. Among those present at this gathering were many who took part in the proceedings at Jackson two years earlier, and others who afterwards became prominent in State and National affairs. ! "' ifi III' iiiii iriim'i^i ■■•■{'•'^h HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Josiah^Turner, of Livingston, was i)ermanent Chairman of the Con- vention. The old State ticket was renominated, the National platform was endorsed, and an Electoral ticket, headed by Fernando C. Sea- man, was placed in the Held. Bingham's majority for Oovernor two years earlier, was 4,»77. It was now more than trebled, being 17,317. The Convention of 1858 met in Detroit, August 1, and was called to ordef by James M. Edmunds, Chairman of the State Central Com mittee. Austin Blair was both Temporary and Permanent Chair- man. On the first ballot for Governor, Hezekiah G. Wells, of Kala- mazoo, had 69 votes, to 56 for Moses Wisuer, the rest scattering among a number of candidates. On the third ballot Mr. Wisner had a majority and was declared the nominee. As the old incumbents had all served two terms, there was a new list of candidates, and a contest for n.ost of the offices. Jacob M. Howard was the only one of the old officers renominated, the full list being as follows: Lieu- tenant (Jovernor. E. B. Fairfield; Secretary of State, N. B. Isbell; Treasurer, John McKinney; Auditor General, Daniel L. Case; Com- missioner of the State Land Office, James VV. Sanborn; Attorney General, Jacob M. Howard; Superintendent of Public Instruction, John M. Gregory; Member of the Board of Education, Witter j! Baxter. The platform, reported by H. H. Emmons, was brief and confined chietly to National affairs. In the election that followed Wisner's majority was 9,135. The Convention of 1860 was called to order in Merrill Hall, Detroit, June 8, by E. C. Walker, Chairman of the State Central Committee. Alexander Campbell, of Marquette, was Temporary, and Robert R. Beecher, of Lenawee, was Permanent Chairman. On the first ballot for Governor, Austin Blair, of Jackson, had IO8I/2 votesj and James M. Edmunda, of Detroit, (^14. Mr. Edmunds' name was then withdrawn and Mr. Blair was nominated by acclamation. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Governor, Jaraes Birney: Secretary of State, James B. Porter; State Treasurer, John Owen; Auditor General, L. G. Berry; Commissioner of the State Land Office, S. S. Lacey: Attorney General, Charles Cpson; Superin- tendent of Public Instruction, JoJin M. Gregory; Member of the State Board of Education, Edwin Williis. The National Convention had made a platform for the whole country, and Michigan Republicons accepted it as their creed. In the evening an immense ratification meeting, attended, it was said, by 8,000 people, was held. The Rej ub- licans of the State shared in the enthusiasm with which the campaign '■r'^m^«Sf^*^W^^- i»£t£ ' W K w i fc^ a aiihW --MWMMflflMHH! iinaWimnniMitiiii t> -^> ?Y. M»;-. REPUBLICAN STATE (CONVENTIONS. 525 an of the Con- ional platform nando C. Bea- Oovernor two 1, being 17,317. ind was called ' Central Com- inanent Chair- Veils, of Kala- est scattering r. Wisner had Id incumbents didates, and a J the only one ollows: Lieu- N. B. Isbell; L Case; Com- )rn; Attorney c Instruction, on, Witter J. (vas brief and that followed Merrill Hall, State Central imporary, and lan. On the 1 IO8V2 votes, ds' name was raation. The ernor, Jaiaes jasurer, John of the State son; Superin- r of the State uvention had Republicans e ratification TheReiub the campaign throughout the country was conducted, and gave their canf^idate ,for Ooveirnor 20,585 majority. It gave the Republican Presidential Electors a plurality of 23,423, and a clear majority of 22,213. The Convention of 1862 followed the example of 185(» in giving the <loveriy)r a second term, a practice which has since become almost invariable with the party. E. C. Walker was Temporary and William A. Howard Permanent Chairman of the Convention. Mr. Blair's renomination for Governor was effected by a vote of 186 out of a total of 207. Charles S. May was nominated for Lieutenant Governor and Henry T. Backus for Secretary of State. The State Treasnrei-. Commissioner of the State Land t)ftlce, and the educational oflBcers were renominated. P^mil Anneke was designated for Auditor (Jeneral, and Albert Williams for Attorney General. The platform was long and patriotic. The campaign came during a period of depression caused by the slow [irogress of the Union armies. Yet it was visrorously conducted and resulted in a majority of 6,614 for Blair. .1. W. Tillman was Chairman of the State Central Committee. The Convention of 1864 was held after the Democratic National ''onvention bad declared the war a failure, and the Republicans had renominated Lincoln. It was one of the most exciting periods of the war, and the issue of the election was uncertain. The Union victories, which afterwards gave assurance of political success, had not yet come. The Convention was held in Merrill Hall, Detroit, with John M. Lamb, of I-apeer, as Temporary and Robert R. Beecher, of Lenawee, Permanent Chairman. There was a close contest for the nomination for Governor between Henry P. Baldwin, of Detroit, and Henry H. trapo, of Flint, the latter winning en the fourth ballot by a vote of 106 to 103. Charles S. May was a candidate for renom- inntion for Lieutenant Governor. He led at the start, but his own county deserted him, and on the fourth ballot E. O. Grosvenor, of Hillsdale, received the nomination. The old candidates for Secretary of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Attorney General and Member of the Board of Education were renominated. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Commissioner of the State Land Office, Cyrus Hewitt; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel Hosford. William A, Howard was umde Chairman of the State Central Committee, a posi- tion which he held thrcmgh two campaigns. The vote as officially counted gave Crapo 10,443 majority, but the \of<8 of Alpena and .Manjuette Counties were not returned in time to be included in this count. Under a decision of the Supreme Court the soldiers' vote. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY taken in the Held, wag alHo exclnded. The vote as actually cast was: Crapo, 91,35ti; Fenton, 74,21)3; majority for Crapo, 17,063; for Presi- dent, Lincoln, 91,521; McOlellan, 74,004. The Poldiere' vote was 9,608 for Crapo and 2,992 for Fenton. Before the Convention of 1866 met Johnsonisni had commenced its work by sowing discord in the ranks of the Republican party; yet the Convention was a strong, if not very harmonious body. It met in Merrill Hall, Detroit, August 30, with Charles S. May as both Temporary and Permanent Chairman. On an informal ballot for Governor, Henry H. Crapo had 105 votes, Henry P. Baldwin 52, Wm. L. Rtoughton, of St. Joseph, 46, and scattering 3. On the first formal ballot Governor Oapo was renominated. Dwight May was nomin* ated for Lieutenant Governor, and the rest of the ticket was as follows: Secretary of State, Oliver L. Spaiilding; Treasurer, E. O. GroBvenor; Auditor General, William Humphrey; Commissioner of the State Land Office. Benjamin I). Pritchard; Attorney General, Willip.m L. Stoughton; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel Hosford. Crapo's majority in the election was 29.038. The Convention of 1868 was held in Merrill Hall. Detroit, July 1, and was called to order by William A. Howard, (^hairman of the State Central Committee, David H Jerome was Temporary Chair- man and James Birney Permanent. Henry 1*. Baldwin was nominated for Governor, receiving 139 votes to 62 for Cyrus G. Luce. Morgan Batett was nominated for Lieutenant Governor, receiving 102 votes to 60 for Jonathan J. Woodman and 34 scattering. Dwight May was nominated for Attorney General, and the rest of the old ticket was renominated. John J. Bagley T^ras chosen Chairman of the State Central Committee. The Convention of 1870 met in Y'oung Men's Hall, Detroit, Sep- tember 1, with Lawrence T. Reiner, of St. Clair, for Temporary Chairman, ar.d J. K. Boies, of Lenawee, for Permanent. Governor Baldwin was renominated by acclamation and Morgan Bates was renominated for Lieutenant Governor on the first ballot. Daniel Striker was nominated for Secretary of State; Vi<'tory P. Collier, for Treasurer, and Charles A. Edmunds for Land Commissioner, with the old incumbents for Aud'tor General, Attorney General, Superin- tendent of Public Instruction and Members of the Board of Education. Some restiveness had developed before this time at the dominant influence of Detroit in the part.>. That City now had the Governor, both Unite<l States Senators, the Chairman of the State Central rv. iiall.v cast was: ,063; for Presi- vote was 9,608 ad commenced tublican part.Vj lious body. It 3, May as both nal ballot for Idwin 52, Wm. he first formal ly was nomin- ticket was as easurer, E. O. niinissioner of rney General, lotion, Oramel ►etroit, July 1, lirman of the porary Chair- Baldwin was 'yrus G. Luce. receiving 102 •ing. Dwight '8t of the old Chairman of Detroit, Sep r Temporary it. Governor n Bates was illot. Daniel ?. Collier, for Bsioner. with ?ral, Siiperiu- of Education, he dominant he Governor, Itate Central **iiwi*^ itf^-:' | ?W P' yffl!*»\ ' .'i' || |l^L |' j i J.jL.f i i > !,iMy,^«ij,^i i ), I -.ii ' Tin ' t"- ' ii!;' KEPriBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 527 Committee and the party headquarters, and the last seven State Conventions had been held there. This restiveness found expression in H vote that the next State Convention should be held at Lansing, and in the designation of Stephen I). Bingham, of the same City, as Committee Chairman, a position which he filled with eminent ability and success through four campaigns. The Prohibitionists appeared in the field with a separate ticket for the first time in this campaign, polling 2,710 votes. Baldwin's plurality was 16,785. The (>»nveution of 1872 met in Representatives' Hall, July 31 and had Charles E. Holland, of Houghton, as Temporary, and Sylves ter Larned, of Detroit, as Permanent Chairman. John J. Bagley was nominated for Governor on the first ballot, having 164 votes to 44 for Francis B. Stockbridge. Henry H. Holt was nominated for Lieu- tenant Governor; Daniel B. Briggs, for Superintendent of Public Instruction; L. H. Clapj>, for Land Commissioner and Byron D. Ball for Attorney General. The rest of the old ticket was renominated. The election was .a walk over, Bagley having 57,088 plurality over Austin Blair, candidate on the Greeley ticket. The Convention of 1874 was held at Lansing, August 26, under a n«w apportionment which largely increased the number of delegates. Byron M. Cutcheon was Temporary Chairman and J. Webster Childs Permanent. The old candidates for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Land Commissioner and Superintendent of Public Instruction were renominated by acclamation, and the rest of the ticket was made up as follows: Treasurer, William B. McCreary; Auditor General, Ralph Ely; Attorney General, A. J. Smith; Member of the State Board of Education, Edgar Rexford. This campaign was as difficult as that of 1872 was easy. At one time defeat seemed to stare the Republicans in the face. But they pulled through with 5,1169 plurality for the head of the ticket, and with pluralities not varying widely from this for the rest of the candidates. The Convention of 1876 was held at Grand Rapids, August 3d, and was devoid of any striking features. Early in the season public sentiment had <entered upon Ex-Speaker Charles M. Croswell, of Adrian, as the candidate for Governor. There was a movement started during th*? summer in favor of William A. Howard, the plea being made that after the reverses of 1874 the party needed an excep- tionally strong candidate in the field. B«t Mr. Croswell had been too long before the jieoplc to be sidetracked, and the Howard move- ment was short lived. Nothing wns heard of it after the delegates : I » •" f+^- '«MMiiH*^MiM •^^tamntamUMmmUm '"'k' ■ ,tf,/,.jite^iaiftit: 'il:' <i 528 ■' -r^^:; HISTORY OP THE RBU'UBLICAN PARTY, i..,&:r lis, V%%-, ' 1 reached Grand Rapids. The night before the Convention a torch light procession paraded the streets, which were illuminated with colored lights and fireworks. Witter J. Baxter, of Hillsdale, wais Temporary, and David H. Jerome, of Saginaw, was Permanent Chair- man. Charles M. Croswell was nominated for Governor by acclamation. The rest of the ticket was as follows : Lieutenant Gov- ernor, Alonzo Sessions, of Ionia; Secretary of State, E. G. 1>. Holdeu, of Kent; Auditor General, Ralph Ely, of Gratiot; State Treasurer, General W. B. McCreary, of Genesee; Commissioner of the State Land Office, General B. F. Partridge, of Allegan; Attorney (leueral. Otto Kirchner, of Wayne; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Horace A. Tarbell, of Saginaw; Member of the State Board of Education, Witter J. Baxter, of Hillsdale. The platform adopted was short and very general in its character. This campaign was the first in which the Greenback party made any considerable showing, its vote for Governor being 8,297. Crosswell's plurality was 23,434. In the campaigns up to 1878 the principles of the party had been well defined by the ^National Conventions and the party in the States might reasonably follow in the imths thus outlined. But the year 1878, which was not a Presidential year, presented a new problem for consideration. The Greenback party, which had first come into the field with a separate ticket in 1876, hardly rose in that year above the dignity of a faction. It was regarded by most Republicans as an a-ggregation of visionaries, which need not be taken into serious account in the planning of a campaign. But the morning after the spring elections in 1878 the Republican leaders rubbed their eyes as if awakening from a dream. The little faction of Greenbackers had suddenly sprang a form^idable movement. They had carried a large number of City and Village elections. Worse than that, in the fann- ing districts they had cut a wide swath through many of the staunchest Republican counties. Along the two Southern tiers, and up through the centei" of the State, they had carried township after township, and in Boards of Supervisors which had been Republican ever since the party was organized it now figured only as a small minority. In Barry County the Republican representation on the Board was reduced from 10 to 3, in Bay from 16 t(» 7, in Branch from 18 to 5, in Calhoun from 17 to 7, in Clinton froin 11 to 7, in Gratiot from 18 to 8, in Ionia from 13 to 8, in ^Vayue from 23 to 14 add in Kent from 22 to 2. The Greenbackers .' id won nearly all that the Republicans had lost, and some from the liemocrats besides. They ■.^'■^•-' '■.<^- •MMMMI 1 [""M: ■ ■ ention a torch- luminated with Hillsdale, wais Tnmnent Chair- Governor by Jeutenant Gov- :. O. n. Holdeu, tate Treasurer, the State Land ' (Jeneral, Otto uction, Horace of Education, >ted was short as the first in owing, its vote 3,434. party had been y in the States But the year !W problem for come into the lat year above ublicans as an 1 into serious ning after the I their eyes as snbackers had arried a large t, in the farm- many of the ern tiers, and Dwnship after ;n Republican , ly as a small tation on the Branch from 7, in Gratiot to 14 a^id in ? all that the esides. They KEIM'BLICAN STATE CONVENTIOXH. m» were, ni<»rcover, us the tiiue for the summer (onventions approached boastful, confident and defiant. They even scorned a fusion with the Democrats, professing their ability to <arry the State alone; or as Moses VV. Fifcld expressed it in the Wayne County (Convention, they would 'sweep Waynt county like a whirlwind, and elect a Governor by the largest majority tluit Michigan ever gave." The (}n>«^nbackers were not only confident but were eager for th iontest. They proposed to nmke it a talking campaign and a long one. Tlieir conventions were called in advance of those of the other parties, that in Wayne County being May 28, and the State conven- tions being lield in Grand Rapids, June 5. There were two sets of delegates and two State Conventio^is, one the "regulars," headed by Moses W. Field, and the other the Pomeroy" section, headed in this State by R. E. Hoyt, but after a little dallying they came to an agreement, nominated Henry S. Smith for Governor, and adopted a platfonn, which contained, among others the following demands: 1. The unconditional rejieal of the so-called Resumption Act. 2. The issue of all paper money by the General Gc ernment: only such paper money to be a full legal tender for all delta public and private. 3. Tliat no more interest-bearing bonds of the Government of any kind or < lass be issued, and that all bonds now outstanding be paid as speedily as possible. 5. The coinage of silver to be placed upon the same footing as that of gold. «. The repeal of the National Banking Law. In their speeches many of the Greenbackers went much further than this, advocating the full flat money idea and proposing an issue of f2,(MM>,000,C'00 in greenbacks, to be issued "direct to the people." While the Greenback movement was thus boasting itself, the Republican leaders were in a quandary. Owing to President Hayes' "Civil Service Order No. 1," a number of members of the State Cen- tral Committee had resigned. Among these was the Chairman, „ Stephen J). Bingham, who had successfully conducted four cam- paigns, but \*ho was then Postmaster at Lansing. George H. Hop- kins, of Detroit, had been appointed to fill the vacancy. In this emer- ji^ency he sent out letters to leading Republicans throughout the State, inviting them to a conference at the Russell House in Detroit, and in so doing rendered the party the best service that it was his good fortune to perform during the two periods of his chairmanship. ■'■•%. I mm In % u, 53U HISTOKY OF THE HEPUUUCAN PARTY, 111 About seventy-flve responded and it wan a gatlieHnR of Htrong men. The cpisig called for as much of the heroic quality um did that which led to the organization of the i)arty in the first place; and the heroic quality was Ihere. The main question was whether ther« should be any concession to the Greenl>a<'k sentinumt in platform or cam- paign, or whether the banner of resumption and of sound money should be held aloft, even though it was i-arried to temporary defeat. Governor Croswell was prt'sent, and it might be said that he was the most interested ]mrty there, inasmuch as he was a candidate for re-election. He told the I'onferees that they need not take his prospects into account. He would rather be defeated on a sound money platform than to be elected on one that involved any surren- der of principles. A few were at first in favor of modifying the party utterances in the hoi)e of winning back some of the (Greenback Repub- licans, but the general sense of the conference was that there should be no concession made to that sentiment. The ultimate decision was that an early convention should be called and an aggressive cam- paign should be made. It was fui*ther agreed that ex-Henator Chan- dler should act as Chairman of the Convention, and should also be Chairman of the State Central Committee. It was with much of this same spirit that the Convention met in Detroit. June 13. It was a superb gathering, bringing together more of the strong men of the State' than any other gathering since that which organized the party in 1854. James H. Stone was Temporary Chairman, and according to the understanding arrived at by the Russell House conference, Mr. Chandler was Permanent Chairman. Mr. Chandler, in his opening speech, left no doubt in regard to his attitude on the currency ques- tion, and the platform was equally explicit. Two of its paragraphs were as follows: We denounce repudiation in any form and repudiators in every disguise. We regard the plighted faith of a community as binding upon all its members, and the failure to fulfill a public obligation as a stain upon both public and private honor; and we insist that the debts of the Nation shall be paid wit) the same fairness and integrity with which an honest man seeks to j ly his individual liabilities.- We assert that no prosperity can be real or durable that is founded on a fictitious standard; tiiat the value of paper currency, whether issued by the Government or by banks, is derived from its ''promises to pay" and the credit that promise is worth; that the full benefits of such a currency cannot be realized unless it is convertible on demand into gold and silver; that a circulation of paper and coin i;cr::r!irlSi<^l^imimimi''W^''-'''''-^'^ **(!!»■ T -: '.V^-: ,. ^-^u if 8tr<>ii){ men. lid that which iiul the lieroiv there should ■form or cam- sound money |)orary defeat. I that he was ^ a candidate , not take his i i on a sound \, d aiiv surren- n ang the party ; 'nbacli Repub- there should ' decision was pressive cam- Senator (/han- hould also be 1 much of this 13. It was a g men of the zed the party according to nferenee, Mr. his opening iirrency ques- paragraphs tors in every y as binding obligation as sist that the and integrity ' bilities.- *able that is >er currency, ved from its that the full convertible per and coin REPUBLK'AN HTATE (X)NVENTION8. 531 interchangeable at par and at the will of the holder, has been proved by experience to be the best known to commer<>e: that this country is too great to submit to a subordinate jjlace among commercial nations, and its people are too honest to be <'ontent with unredeemed and irredeemable promises, and in the name of all the producing Classen and of every honest workingman, we demand a currency that is not only worth its face all over the Union, but will command respect, recognition and its full value in every market in the world. Mi<'higan Rejiublicans were the only ones in the West that wer» entirely aggressive in their flght a«?ainst every form of financial heresy. The New York Times said editorially, the day after the Convention: "The Michigan Republicans have done well. Their ])latform has aJout it the clear ring of honest conviction, undulled by any half hearted or halting compromise. So lucid and courageous an enun- ciation of the financial creed of the Republican party has ct rtainly not been made this year, nor has the irreconcilable hostility of the party to all forms of tampering with public credit and National honor been so resolutely and judiciously stated as by the Detroit Convention." The campaign that followed was in keeping with the platform. Mr. Chandler's Confidential Secretary, George W. Partridge, was appointed Secretary of the State Central Committee, He was admir- ably equipped for the detailed work of that organization, leaving Mr. Chandler free to take the stum]), which he did, with good results, in all the leading cities of the State. Many joint debates were arranged, among them a series between General Samuel F. Cary, the "father of the Greenback party," and William Williams of Indiana, which attracted wide attention. A number of distinguished speakers from outside the State were enga^^ed for single meetings, including James Q. Blaine, James A. Garfield and Stewart L. Woodford. The restilt was a magnificent victory, the Republicans electing their State ticket by over 47,00(1 plurality, with an entire Congressional delegation, and large majorities in both houses of the Ijegislature. As one result of this victory the Democrats and "Nationals," as the Greenbackers then called themselves, fused, or rather, it might be said that the Nationals absorbed the Democrats, in the next spring campaign. But even at that, the splendid organization of the Republicans enabled them to win, electing Supreme Court Justice and two Regents of the University by majorities ranging from 5,381 to 6,143. In 1880 the fusion between the Democrats and Nationals was off again. The two parties nominated separate tickets for Governor, ■vl B32 HIKTORV OFTIIr" RKITHLICAN I'AKTY. and tliat guvr th<> Ui'publicaiiH aHHiinince of an catt.v caiupaiKii. At thj'ir <N)nven<HU) there wan a v»*rv pretty ra<'e for the (j^ubernatorial nomination between David H. .Jerome, Tliomat* W. I'alnier, Rice A. Itt'al, Jolin T. Rieli and FraneiH H. Stoekbridge. The eonteHt wan eloHe and the <-anvaRNinf; a<'tive, but entirely g<»od natnred. The ('<»n- vention waH held at JackMon, Au^iiHt 5, with Rohw<>II d. Horr an Temporary rhairnmn, and Colonel licnry M. iMitlleld aH I'ermanenI Chairman. A lon^ time waH taken a'mU the variouM nominatin^j; and Hecondinj^ HpeeeheB. and the firHt ballot, when, at last it whh reached, g«,ve the following very even reHult: John T. Rich 115 '< Rice A. Real 107 • w ThonuiB \\. Palmer 105 Francis R. Stockbridge 103 David H. Jerome 102 Charles T. Gorhatn 16 K. G. 1). Holden 1 '-' The Hecond ballot wan about the Hame. Stockbridge began to fall off on the third ballot, Pnlnu'r on the sixth, and Real on the eighth, leaving the contest virtually between Rich and Jerome. It termin- ated on the tenth, when Jerome had IMS, Rich 238 and Heal 4. The candidates w.'ie all on tl.e ground, and as they were called out, one after the other, they gaA'e very good examples of varied convention oratory. Senator Palmer especially captivated the audience with a witty and philoso[>hic speech, commencing with "One by one the martyrs come before you." It was remarked by many that if he had been afforded a chan<'e to make such a si)ee<-li early in the Conven- tion he would have been nominated. The ticket was tilled out with Moreau S. Crosby, for Lieutenant (Jovernor; Secretary of State, William Jenney; Treasurer, Renjamin 1>. Pritchard; Auditor Gen- eral, W. I. Latimer; Land Commielsioner, James Neasmith; Attorney Gen3ral. Jacob J. Van Riper; Sui)erintendent of Public Instruction, Cornelius A. Ctower; Member of the State Roard of Edncalion, Kdgar Rexford. H. P. Raldwin was (^hairman of the State Central Com- mittee, and W. R. Rates was Secretary. The campaign was well con- ducted, and the opposition was divided. A handsome plurality for the whole ticket was the result, that for Jerome being 41,273. Hefore the campaign of 1882 opened the temperance qut»stion had become a disturbing factor in Republican politics. There was a very strong demand for the submission of a I'rohibitory Amend- 'n Y. KEPIJHLH'AN HTATK CONVKNTIONK. '>:{:{ unipuiKn. At ffiibernutorial Inier, Rice A. • conteHt WHH •ed. The Con- II (}. Hon' iiH UH IVriimiieiil )iiiinatiufi: and WHH reached, ... 107 • . .. 105 . .. 103 . .. 102 ... 16 I' bejjaii to fall an the eighth, e. It termin- Heal 4. The ailed out, one ?d convention lience with a by one the hat if he had the Conven- lled out with ivy of State, Vuditor Oen- itli; Attorney luHtniction, aiion, FMgar 'entral Ooni- wa» well <'on- plurality for ,273. nee question There was tory Auiend- HLent to the ('ouHtitudou and the lic]»ublicanH in the hiHt Le((iBlature wer« committed aliiioHt unaniiriouHly t(* that. Ooveruor Jerome, althou}{h not at all ohtruHive in <'X|>reHMinK Imh o|(ini(»n on the Hub ject, waH known to be oppoHed to the aiiicndment. and even to the HubmiHsion of it. HIh adminiHtratiou had I ii dean and able, but he had made H<tme enemicH by IiIh auHteiit,\ of numner, and there were ||;iave doubtH anion^ obHervin^ I{ei>ubli('anH of IiIh ability to carry the Htate again. When the <'oiivention im-i in Kalaniiuoo, AugUHt 30, lhS:i, tliere wan a decide<l in<-lination to depart from the two-term, rule (»f the party and to nominate Home oilier man. The preference turned toward ThonuiH W. I'almer, and when li mitively refiiHed the uhc of IiIh name, there waH a diHpoHitioii aniouK Home to place him in the tlMd, even againnt IiIh prot«'Ht. TIiIh movement whh finally HuppreHHed, i hough nearly one hundred delegaten Htill inHititeti up<m voting for him. .1. W. French wan temporary Chairman of the Convention and ThonuiH W. i'aimer Permanent Chairnum. The ))lat- forni, \)'hich waH long, heartily indorned Governor Jerome's adniiu- iBtration, gave attention t<» a numliifr of State and National affairM, and had the following upon the pndiibition <]ueHtion: it Ih a fundamental right «»f the people to alter, from time to time, tile organic law of the State, an new circuniHVanceH or growing evils may retjuire, laying itH foundatiouH on hucIi principles and organising its powers in such a form as to them shall seem most likely to efl'ect their safety and happiness. The evils of intemper ance have beiome so great that, in the name of patriotism, most efficient measures ought to be taken to reduce those evils to a mini- mum, and as members of no political pairty are wholly agreed as to whether this can be best be done by prohibition or regulation of the traffic in intoxicating liquors; and as the peojile are and ought to be the final arbitrators of this question; and as more than a hundred thousand among the moral and intelligent people of the State have aslied by petition that that (|uestion be put to the i)eople by sub- mission to them of a prohibitory (Constitutional Amendment; we declare that we believe it would be wise and patriotic for the next Legislature to submit such amendment to the direct vote of the Iieople, and we denuind tliat it be so subntitted. Wlien the time came for nominations, Governor Jerome's name was presenti»d by Captain E. P. Allen, of Washtenaw, and supported by half a dozen other counties. The vote stood as follows: David H. Jerome 561 Thomas VV. Palmer 07 Franiis B. Stockbridge 14 Henjamin F. Pritchard 10 Scattering 10 -^ t': ''■ .: ('.', f n:t4 iiisTouY oft:' hkithijcan tauty. ; I ;; ^ I m- Till- ticket wiiH coiiiph'U .i ai* followM: liicntciiaiit Governor. Morcaii H. t'roHbv. of K«Mit; Sccretai-.v of Htate, llariy A. Conanf, of Moiiroo; TivaHiirtT, Kdward II. Butler, of Wa.vne; Auditor Oeneral, William ('. HteveuH, «*f Iohco; liaiid ('ouiniiHHioner, Minor H. Newell, of tJeneKee; Attorney (leneral, Jacob J. Van Riper, of HerrJcn; HuiH?r intendent of I'uhlic luHt ruction, Varnuni It. ('o<-liran, of Ai.'.rquette; Member of the Htate Hoard of Education, Hela W. Jenkn, of St. Clair. The DeniocratH and Nationals nominated a FuHion ticket, headed b}' JoHiah \V. Ke^ole, u fornuM' Uepublican Mendier of CongresiUs and iifterwanlH one of the . .iderH in the Clreenback movement. They w.iA^ the contettt a bitterly j- rHonal one jigaiuHt (lovernor Jerome, a^ ; were aided by Boni« KepublicanH. The Htraight [Prohibition vote, which waH dr-iwn chieHy from the Ue)Mil>lican8, alHo increuHed from 1,114 in IHMt) I : 5,864 in thlH campaign. Tnder theHc t-oiiibined intia- ences Oover^Mu- Jerome wuh defeated by 4,572 voten. The rest of the Republican ucket was elected by pluralitien ranging from 7,772 to 14,237. In spUe of tlie defeat of a part of the ticket in the taW >f 1882, and of tht' whole tic! > ' in the Hpring of IHHIJ, the Republicans '•»)me together at Detroit, '-.unjust 1J{, 1884, in one of the largest and moa' enthusiaBtic gatherings ever held in the Htatc. Early in the Heawor^ Cyrup G. Luce was counted on generally as the noniint:> for liovernor, bat iJVifuer late in the canvaas General R. A. Alger entered the field Geaer^ul Al^er was comparatively new in |)olitics, but put up a cam- pa*^.* that had enough of the cavalry dnoh in it to soon make him an imponaut ).;< tor in the contest. When the Convention met it was, by no i;\eon8. anybody's fight, but by the time the preliminaries were oven, t'?e r.'esidentia! Electors were named, the platform adopted an'* ! he nominating speeches made, it was clear that General Alger ' fiH in the lead. It required only one ballot to settle the matter, Alger having 371 votes and Luce 243. Mr. Luce was then nominated for Lieutenant Governor by acclamation, but declined, and the ticket was completed as follows: Lieutenant Governor, Archibald Buttars, of Charlevoix; Secretary of State, Harry A. Conant, of Monroe; State Treasurer, Edward H. Butler, of Wayne; Auditor General, W^illian* C. Stevens, of Washtenaw; I^and (Commissioner, Minor S. Newell, of Genesee; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Hersehel R. Gass, of Hillsdale; Attorney General, Moses Taggart, of Kent; Member of the State Board of Education, James F. Ballou, of Allegan. Jay A. Hub- bell, of Houghton, was Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and Edward B. Lacey, of Eaton, was Permanent Chairman. ^■'■'•?ft"' £;-S'*'1':*:V-*-:'r''^ ^ RTV. t«'iinnt Oovernor. rry A. Conunf, of Auditor OtMieral, Minor H. N»*w('ll, if Herifi'ii; Kiiimm- in, of Ai..r«nH«fte, I'nlcH, of St. Cluir. on tickot, headed of CongresM, and iiient. They wuid^ nor Jerome, aiU Prohibition veto, i> Increased from I' c-oikibined infiu- The rest of the ig froM 7,772 to the /«;i .)f 1882, epublicanH fftme urgent and moiB< ly in the seanor^ t*' for iixivernor, iitered the field It put up a cam- on make him an tion met it wag, ilimJnarieB were atform adopted t General Alger ttle the matter, then nominated 1, and the ticket hibald Buttars, f Monroe; State eneral, William jr 8. Newell, of hel R. GasB, of Member of the a. Jay A. Hub- convention, and ■'J^: ■ i^ M:. P ¥*. '^»f?.-i^»-i.>tf SJKSiilOTWSTWRBswi W//W; iBBSaB?" — c ft in>i fii i-rtilfi'.i'afiirtMrii'itOTH . :iii»iiHt!iJ.iA:K,A,~.^is>^. CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques ^j^^l REPUBLICAN STATE CONVEXTIOXS. r^'M i as introduced, and the next Legislature passed such an Act as is liere indicated. But by this time the Prohibition wave liad begun to recede, and only a few counties availed themselves of the law. The straight Prohibition vote also began to fall off, and the Temperance (juestion, except so far as it affected the vote for (Governor in 1890, ceased to have very great influence upon Michigan elections. The first day and evening of the Convention which met August S, 1888, constituted more of a ratification meeting for the I'resideutial nominations than a meeting for the pushing of business, though the District caucuses completed their work. Major Charles W. VVatkins, of Kent, was Temporary Chairman and George A. Farr, of Ottawa, was Permanent Chairman. The Governor, Ijieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Land Commissioner and Superintendent of Public Instruction were all renominated. Stephen V. R. Trowbridge, of Ionia, was nominated for Attiirney Gen- eral, and Perry P. Powers, of Wexford, for Member of the State Board of Education. In this campaign the Republicans, both in State and Nation, were confident from the start. The Cleveland Adminis- tration had given great dissatisfaction, while the Republican candidates were entirely acceptable to the party. The result was a fair plurality for the whole Republican ticket, both Electoral and State, that for Governor Luce being 17,145. The Convention of 1890 met in Detroit, August 27, and was called to order by Major George H. Hopkins, Chairman of the old State Central Committee. Judge P. T. Van Zile was Temporary Chair- man, and Austin Blair was Permanent Chairman. It had been generally expected that John T. Rich, of Lapeer, would receive the nomination for Governor, but James M. Turner, of Lansing, made a sharp six weeks' canvass, and took the nomination by 499 votes to 455 for Mr. Rich. The rest of the ticket was: Lieutenant Governor. William S. Linton, of Saginaw; Secretary of State, Washington Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, Joseph B. Moore, of Wayne; Auditor General, Theron P. Giddings, of Kalamazoo; Attorney Gen- eral, Benjamin W. Huston, of Tuscoia; Commissioner of State Land Office, John G. Berry; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Orr Schurtz; Member of the State Board of Education, James M. Ballon. James McMillan was appointed Chairman of the State Central Com mittee, of which W. R. Bates was Secretary. The platform was very short, and the temperance plank in it was narrowed down to this: "We reaffirm the position of the Republican party heretofore ■- 'te'. rw iw^T' '' ' ' ^^ ' ^r-r HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. r expressed in its State platforms of 1886 and 1888 upon the Temper- ance question." Previous to the nomination Mr. Turner had not been conspicuous in politics. The mass of the Republicans linew but little of him, but their oppoi^nts took pains that they should speedily And out a great deal too much. His record did not prove satisfactory to the temperance people, and in some other respec-ts the campaign became a defensive one. The Prohibition vote went up to 28,681, the largest ever polled, and most of the third party vote, which at this time went under the names of Patrons of Industry, was cast for the Democratic ticket. On the strength of this A'ote the Democratic can- didate for Ooverno;- was elected by 11,520 plurality, and the other candidaies on the ticket by pluralities ranging from 887 on Treasurer to 3,636 on Member of the Uoard of Education. The Democrats had a clear majority in the House of Representatives. In the Senate, at the opening of the session, there were 14 Republicans, 14 Democrats and 4 who were elected as Patrons of Industry. Of the latter one generally voted with the Democrats and the other three maintained an independent position. In order to secure control of the Senate the Democrats took advantage of the absence of eight Republicans at the State Convention in February, to unseat two of the Republican Senators, and seat Democrats in their places. A promise had been given by the Democratic leaders that no matters political should be brought up during the absence of the Republicans at Convention, but the majority claimed that this promise was not binding upon them. Aside from this breaking of a pledge the proceedings in the unseating movement were in violation of half a dozen rules of parliamentary procedure. In both cases do«'uments were presented to the Senate as reports of committees which the committees had never seen nor authorized ; in some part of the proceedings in each case the minority were denied recognition by the presiding officer; in the last case Senators were recorded as present and voting when they were not in the Senate Chamber, and the Journal was afterward falsifled in order to sustain the bogus vote; throughout the whole proceedings an officer of the Democratic State Central Committee, but not a member of the Senate, stood at the elbow of the presiding officer and prompted his rulings. The next day an attempt was made to deprive the minor- ity of the right of protest guaranteed by the (Constitution to every Senator, and the Senate refused the request made by six of the Sena- tors that their names be stricken off the Journal where they erroneously appeared as voting in one of the cases. Finally the two v^V ■■. 'f. T|i rY. >n the Temper- urner had not icans knew bur nhould speedily ve satisfactorv I the campaign p to 28,681, the which at this as cast for the •emocratic can- and the other 7 on Treasurer Democrats had the Senate, at 14 Democrats the latter one •ee maintained of the Senate it Republicans he Republican aiise had been ii'pA should be onvention, but ig upon them. the unseating parliamentary to the Senate ever seen nor i the minority the la«t case y were not in iifled in order oeeedings an lot a uiember ind prompted ve the minor- tion to every of the Sena- where they mlly the two RKIMHLICAN 8TATK CONVENTIONS. 5.S«) Senators who had been fraudulently declared entitled to seats were surreptitiously sworn in early in the morniui;, and the same day they voted on questions relating directly to their own cases. With the majority thus obtained the Democrats passed an appor- tionment Bill that- was declared unconstitutional, and other exti-eme partisan measures. The record, taken as a whole, waH so unsavory that the people wanted no more of the party. The spring election went Republican again, and the State kept going Republican by majorities which in six out of the next eight years were larger than ever before. From 1852 to the present time the State has had only **'«ne Democratic Legislature, and one branch of that was made so by ■; fraud. With the rtmvention of 1892 conunenced Uazen S. Pingree'« meteoric career in State politics, though it did not reach its zenith till four years later. The Mayor's political and administrative sue cesses in Detroit had been such as to warrant the expectation of a notable career in a wider field, and with the solid backing of Wayne County he appeared as a candidate for Governor at the (Convention which commenced its sessions at Saginaw, July 20. He was too late, however, (or that campaign, as John T. Rich was decidedly in the lead. The only ballot taken at the Convention gave Rich 5791/2, Pingree 2101/2, Jp.mes O'Donnell 5, and Washington Gardner 1. The ticket was completed by the nomination of J. Wight Giddings, of Wexford, for Lieutenant Governor; John W. Jochim, of Marquette, for Secretary of State; Joseph F. Hambitzer, of Houghton, for Treas- urer; Stanley W. Turner, of Roscommon, Auditor General; Gerrit J. Diekema, of Ottawa, Attorney General; H. R. Pattengill, of Ingham, Superintendent of Public Instruction; E. A. Wilson, of Van Buren, Mennber of the Board of Education. Mark S, Brewer was both Tem- porary and Permanent Chairman, and James McMillan was Chairman of the State Central Committee. In the election Rich's plurality was 16,090. In 1894 Mr. Rich was a candidate for renomination, and Mayor Pingree again appeared in the field against him. The Convention was held at Grand Rapids, July 31, with Philip T. Colgrove as Tem- - porary and Permanent Chairman. Mr. Pingree had the Wayne delegation of 106 votes entirely devoted to him, but did not make as much headway in other coanties as he had anticipated, and the night before the Convention it was decided that his name should not be presented, and that the Wayne delegation should vote blank. This m ■'''■'•vi I I I I m » mm\ i 9 ' \ m^ m\ ' V.fl ' m" y % ' ' ~ jM > l yii ^iL Pi , ji " i M i j.iiiy.j;jjj i p.j^.ii | i ! H ' )M i , i ;, ii .iw.«M i« . r. I ._.A . _^_ L . 540 HISTORY OP THE REPUHLIOAN PARTY. plan, which brought no end of lidiiule upon the delegation, wa« carried out the next day, 15 members from other counties joining in it. Tlie one ballot taken for Governor gave Ri»h 7W, Aaron T. BHbh 98, Blank 121. The ticket was filled out with the following: Lieu- tenant Governor, Alfred Milnes, of Branch; Secretary of State, Washington (iardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, James M. Wilkin- son, of Marquette; Auditor General, Stanley W. Turner, of Roscommon; Attorney General, Fred A. Maynard, of Kent; Land Commissioner, William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruction, H. R. Pattengill, of Ingham; Member of the State Board of Education, Perry F. Powers, of Wexford. The Silver question appeared in this Convention in a mild resolution, which was reported as follows: "We pledge the Republican party of Michigan to use every effort in its power to restore silver to its historic posi- tion in the United States as a money metal." This, after a long debate, was adopted. James McMillan was again Chairman of the State Central Committee. The campaign resulted in a tidal wave plurality of 106,392 for Rich, on a total vote of 416,838. There were those who said that the fiasco of Mayor Pingree's candidacy in 1894 would end his career in that capacity, but he had altogether too much vitality and virility to be kept down by one bad break of his indiscreet supporters. At the Convention which com menced its sessions in Grand Rapids, August 5, 1896, and over which J. Wight Giddings presided, he was the leading candidate from the start, and won the nomination on the fourth ballot, and that in spite of the fact that the party was on a gold platform, and that he had decided leanings toward free silver. The four ballots taken had the following result : 12 3 4 Hazen S. Pingree, of Wayne 339 358 405 449 Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw 286 297 308 293 James O'Donnell, of Jackson 83 78 89 79 David D. Aitken, of Genesee 56 43 17 17 A. O. Wheeler, of Manistee 47 34 14 .... Harry A. Conant, of Monroe 22 17 5 2 Whole number of votes 833 827 8:^8 840 Necessary to a choice 417 414 420 421 The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu- tenant Governor, Thomas B. Dunstan, of Houghton; Secretary of State, Washingt(m Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, George A. ■^JriBltMli I.A . .,. M.A... •. .v^ 1 llegation, was lies joining in jaron T. mim )wing: (ir.v of State, les M. Wilkin- Tnrner, of Kent; Land iiperintendent ember of the 1. The Silver >n, whith was V of Michigan historic posl- after a long lirnian of the a tidal waA'o i.vor Pingree's .V, but he had vn by one bad >n which com nd over which date from the 1 that in spite i that he had taken had the 3 105 i08 8« 17 14 5 4 449 293 79 17 «38 K4(> t2(> 421 dates : Lieu- Secretary of n; George A. REPIHLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 541 Steel, of Clinton; Auditor (ieneral, Koscoe I). l>ix, of Berrien; Attor- ney (leneral, Fred A, Maynard. of Kent: l^and Commissioner, William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion, Jas(m E. Hammond, of Hillsdale; Member of the State Hoard of Education, James W. Simmons, of Shiawasst'e. Mr. Pingree's nomination was received with an enthusiasm that had not been seen in a Michigan State <'«>nvention before for many years, and his speech, when he came before the Convention, was received with almost equal favor. The campaign that followed had some curious phases. At the spring Convention for choosing dele- gates to the National Convention, Dexter M. Ferry was elected Chairman of the State Central t'ommittee. He was strongly in favor of a currency based on the gold standard and believed in making the campaign light mainly on that issue. Mr. Pingree did not wish that question to be made prominent. Besides that he classed Mr. Ferry among his political ent'mies on other grounds. The oxitcome of it was that the State Central Committee condu«'ted the National and (Congressional <-ampaign on the gold <'urren«'y and protective tariff issues, and Mr. Pingree and his friends carried on the State campaign mainly on his personal record and on State issues. The opposition had a State {"icket in the Held composed of Democrats, Populists and Silver Republicans. The result was a personal triumph for Mr. Pingree, who had a plurality of 83,409 on a total vote of 547.802. McKinley's plurality was 57,078. That of State officers other than Governor ranged from 50,445 to 62,394. Governor Pingree, during his lirst term, may be said to have created a new issue in State politics, that of equal taxation of all property, including that of railroad companies, exi>ress companies, telegraph companies and telephone companies. A bill, known as the Atkinson Bill, intended to secure the taxation of corporations of the classes mentioned, passed the Legislature and was signed by him, but the Supreme Court, in a decision on another matter, declared, by implication, that the Act was unconstitutional. That left the sub- mission of a Constitutional Amendment as the only way in which the purpose could be accomplished, and to that end the Governor directed his most strenuous efforts, finally succeeding at a special session of the Legislature, held in October, 1900. The 1898 Convention met in Detroit. September 21, with Grant Fellows as Temporary, and E. O. Grosvenor as Permanent Chairman. <TOveruor Pingree was renominated by acclamation with a Lieuten- fKV»imii»immtmmiimmmms»s^msmfi'sammimMm II ]i>ii«iHiiiiuHmttMnntMnMR»»fir#:'T^^&>'--- *#•- .v.-f- ■ ■I*p»i"««f" 1' ! 542 HISTORY OF THE KEPIIKLK^AN PAllTY. ant GoveriKir practiiall.y of his own gelectioii. Among the reHolntions adopted was one ooinuiending (Governor Pingree's patriotism and energy in liis efforts to equip and send to the front Michigan's volun teers; and especially commending his unselfish and fatherly devotion to the interests of the sick and dyinjr soldiers of Michigan and the bereaved families of the dead, Anollier was as fcdlows: "We com- mend the present State Administration for its earnest efforts in favor of tlie equal and just taxation of the property of railroad, tele- graph, t( lephone and expr<>ss companies. We favor the immediate repeal of the tax upon the gross earnings of railroad companies and favor a tax to be levied upon the true value of railroad, telegraph, lelephone and express companies' property, this value to be deter- mined by a State board. The taxes collected therefrom shall be paid into the Primary School Fund, We endorse the principles of the Atkinscm Bill and pledge the support of the Republican party thereto," The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu- tenant Governor, Orrin W, Robinson, of Houghton; Secretary of State, Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Auditor General, Roscoe D. Dix, of Berrien; Attorney General, Horace M, Oren, of Chippewa; State Treasurer, George A. Steel, of Clinton; Land Commissioner, William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Jason E. Hammond, of Hillsdale; Regents of the University, Eli R. Sutton, of Wayne, and J, Byron Judkins, of Kent; Members of the State Board of Education, E, F. Johnson, of Washtenaw, and F, A. Piatt, of Genesee, Gen, A. F, Marsh, of Allegan, was made Chair- man of the State Central Committee, a majority of which was friendly to the Governor, The campaign was fought largely on the taxation issue, and the election gave Pingree a plurality of 75,o<)7, on a total vote of 412,104, The State Convention for 1900 met at Grand Rapids, June 27, with Daniel P. Markey, of Port Huron, in the chair, both as Tempor- ary and Permanent Presiding Offi<>er, There were three active candidates for the nomination for Governor, the friends of each claiming that their favorite had the lead. There were also three others with a smaller following, but each hoping that in case of a deadlock among the favorites he might inherit the strength of one of them. The candidates, in the order in which they stood on the first ballot, were: Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw; Dexter M. Ferry, of Wayne; Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Chase S. Osborn, of Chippewa; James 'A 1 lie reHolntiong Atriotism and lii^nn'B voluii UM'l.v devotion iiKun und the s: "We com- ?8t efforts in railroad, tele- he immediate ompanieB and a.d, telegraph, ( to be deter- flhall be paid leiples of the iblican party tidates: Lieu- Secretary of oscoe D. Dix, ppewa; State oner, William ? Instruction, ersity, Eli B. 'mbers of the iw, and P, A. I made Chair- <i was friendly I the taxation !>7, on a total tids, June 27, :h as Tempor- three active ends of each e also three : in case of a igth of one of d on the first I'y, of Wayne; ►pewa; James REIMBUCAN STATE CONVKNTIONH. Ml\ O'Donnell, of Jackson; Mllo I). <'ampbell. of Hranch. It to«»k nine teen ballots to nominate, the following being the figures: „ALU>TK' I ^1 J I I pq ^ 00 O O y First 255) 251 215 01 42 IS Second 273 259 201> 52 35 13 Third 279 271 210 33 35 13 Fourth 277 272 211 33 34 13 Fifth 278 274 209 33 33 13 Sixth 280 279 210 34 25 13 Seventh 270 28.'$ 210 34 23 13 Eighth 273 290 20C 34 24 13 Ninth 280 294 198 30 20 13 Tenth 280 290 200 27 25 13 . Eleventh 279 283 202 35 28 13 Twelfth 281 282 200 29 29 14 Thirteenth 290 275 203 29 30 13 Fourteenth 290 203 200 28 39 13 Fifteenth 283 201 203 28 53 13 Sixteenth ..'. 293 231 195 29 GO 13 Seventeenth 299 249 191 20 03 13 Eighteenth 320 90 181 31 194 13 Nineteenth 595 95 7 9 135 .. Total number of votes in the < Jonveution 841 Necessary to a choice 421 The remainder of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Gov- ernor, O. W. Robinson, of Houghton; Auditor General, Perry P. Powers, of Wexford; Secretary of State, Fred M. Warner, of Oakland; State Treasurer, Daniel McCoy, of Kent; Commissioner of State Land Office, E. A. Wildey, of Va:; Kuren; Attorney General, Horace M. Oren, of Chippewa; Superintv.t>'?nt of Public Instruction, Delos Fall, of Calhoun; Member of the 8ti.te Board of Education, James H. Thompson, of Osceola. The platform, which was short, declared "allegiance to the gold standard, believing that the free and unlimited coinage of silver by this Nation alone would bring about untold disasters." It also had the following upon the- tax question which Governor Pingree had brought so much to the front: "The Republican Party renews its allegiance to the principle of e«iual and uniform taxation. All prop- erty owners in the State, whether individuals, co-partners, or 4 ; ■; ; ■j " r ' ' » ' i.»vin i|i n i iyMi i i HMIMh nijiuiiijaiMai'ffll,iii Mj i ihwj^'iifeimu i mkt i 'a iWHtftfwiiiiaBi^tww ^^' '■- f'P'-l jir"^^' " ' " ." ■ ..[ 544 HIHTOUY OF THK KEl'UHLICAN I'AUTY <'6r]H»iati(>tiH, iilionld contribiitH tlit^ir Jimt itlinre to the piihlic burden nnd expenw; und we deiiuind that every dolhir of wealth Mhull he taxHl e<]iialiy with every other. We favor the prompt repeal of all special railroad eharterH Krantiiif; to any lailroad in the State Hpecial privilejifeH. We believe that all the railroadH of the State tthonld do biiHineHH tinder the same general lawH." Hou. (}errit J. Diekenia, of Holland, Ottawa County, waM ehoHen rhairnian of the State <Vntnil Coniniittee, and 1). E. Alward, of Clare, was again chogen Secretary UoomH for headquartern were secureil in Detroit. The diHtribution of docunientH coniuieuced about August 10th, and the speaking campaign a month later. The National and State Central Committees together sent out 105 H]»eakerH who held 1,024 political meetings in Michigan, and there was a large distribu- tion of documents. The Pemocrats nominated William C. Maybury, an exceptionally strong candidate, f(u* Governor. He made a |)er- gonal canvass and ke)it the Ke]iublican plurality on that oftlce down to about SO,(IOO. On the other State offleers the [pluralities were in the neighborhood of OS.OOO and on Tresident it was 105,1()8. The defeat of the Democrats wys so sweeping that prominent uumi of their parly began, forthwith, to discui^s plans for a reorganisation, with new leaders and a new de<'laration of principles, before venturing upon another campaign. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. -i) './-Ujiu^.- i j iiii ei L'AUTY. :<) th(> piililic burden of wt'iilth Mhull b(* ii'onipt r«'iM»al of till 1 in the State Hpecial tile Ktate ttlioiild do Connt.v, wan rlumen E. A 1 ward, of Clare. artei'H were 8e«'ure<l enced about August The National and I H])enkefH who held ^aH a large diHtribu- Villiani ('. Maybury, r. He made a per- on that ottlce down ' pluralities were in I waH lOH.KJS. The tniineut men of their •eorganiscation, with »8, before venturing E. J V^ »^ •M & i i i iiiMi^ iti- '^- ■■ ..V X ?^^ yy ^^ '*%■ ffflf^'"