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■1 %'T:--:,\ ■ ■\^-;y''i:^-:fXm' 
 
 
 v'? 
 
 \ . LIVINGSTONE'S HlSTORY 
 
 V' \ OF THE 
 
 Republican Party. 
 
 .'fi.'S 
 
 AHI8T0RY0FTHE REPUBLICAN I^^KT Y FROM 1 1 b 
 FOUNDATION TO THE CLOSE OF THE CAM- 
 PAIGN OF 1900, INCLUDING INCIDENTS - 
 OF MICHIGAN CAMPAIGNS AND 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. 
 
 v^ 
 
 VOL, I. 
 
 DETROIT. MICHIGAN: 
 Wm. Livingstone, Publisher. 
 
 C/)^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 .^ 
 
 '^E 
 
 m 
 
 -<~ 
 
^ 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF 
 CONQRESS, 
 
 Two CuPiE» REOtiveo 
 
 MAP 2 1901 
 
 CoPVRiaHT INTHV 
 
 CLASS Cl XXb. No 
 COPY A. 
 
 jr 
 
 
 '.'.*j; 
 
 COPTBIGHX, laOO. 
 
 Bt WM. I.IVINGSTONE. 
 
 BBTROIT. HICHIOAN. 
 
 
 of 
 
 Winn • Hammonk 
 Oetroil. Mkb. 
 
 "ttiiisifw^' 
 
L-IBRABYOr 
 NQRESS, 
 
 UPiE» REOtlveD 
 
 2 1901 
 
 RldHT INTHV 
 
 , /V, t9e>t> 
 Cl XXb. No. 
 
 OPY A. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Tliere have been many histoiies written recounting portions of 
 the life and activities of the Republican party, but "0"«that cover 
 the whole period of its existence from its foundation in 1854 to the 
 closing campaign of the Nineteenth Century. Ko account of the Jack- 
 son Convention, which first gave form and utterance to the convictions 
 out of which the Republican party grew, has ever before been set 
 forth in book form. It seemed to the publisher particularly appro- 
 priate that such a history should be prepared in the State in 
 which the Party was founded, in which it has won some of 
 its most noted triumphs, and which has furnished to the 
 Party councils and to the Nation's history some of the most 
 distinguished names. The History includes an account of every 
 National Convention and Campaign from 1856 to 1900, the text of 
 every National Republican platform adopted, and the principal events 
 occurring during each Administration. Local interest is added by a 
 brief statement of the results of each campaign in Michigan, and by a 
 number of chapters that relate exclusively to political movements in 
 this State. The publisher considers himself fortunate in having 
 secured for the preparation of the general history the assistance of 
 Mr William Stocking, who during alnwst his whole adult life has 
 been at the newspaper end of political campaigns, and who has 
 attended nearly all of the State Conventions held in Michigan since 
 
 it would be impossible, without extending the work far beyond 
 reasonable limits, to sketch, biographically, all the men whose politi- 
 cal prominence or party services deserve mention. Their acts are m 
 many cases, interwoven with the text of the history. So far as sep- 
 arate sketches and portraiture have been employed it has been the 
 aim to select men who were of State prominence, as well as repre- 
 sentative in their respective localities. The artistic excellence of the 
 portraiture will be apparent to everyone who opens the volumes, and 
 needs no word of commendation. 
 
 Ui. 
 
 Winn • Hammond 
 DetToil.Mkh. 
 
 
 '"'WSWJW^sefC^^J 
 
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 ~^-'^»-»jjgwaftiLimai>uaM 
 
 twgLB»«jiiiiiin>i.ii* m^i' 
 
 -iMMl 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 1. 
 
 ACTS OF PttO-SLAVEUY AGOBES8ION. 
 
 Pag% 
 1-18 
 
 miseH at an End. 
 
 *. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE WORK OP PREPAUATION... 
 
 19-34 
 
 I AiiM.i„«n in 1854— The Breaking Down of Old Party 
 
 „ TTninn—Rousiue Antl-Ncbraska Meetings— \ aiuame yyoir 
 TVl and Fi^c DemLttic Editors-Encouragement From the 
 iL..T2etTo--rLong Step Toward, Union-Strong Resoiutions and 
 ji Rousing Call. 
 
 III. THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 35-55 
 
 , . „ t-. o Rnnainic Call— The Great Convention "Under 
 
 Now Party Conducts a Short and Winning Campaign. 
 
 'I • IwMwmmmttitllltttl^liti^ ' 
 
TAHLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 IV. SOLIDIFYTNO THE TARTY. 
 
 Page. 
 66-64 
 
 Cliiinm to Prloilty in Oi'Kuni«nUoii— Mixed Con<lition nnd Various 
 NainoH ot I'artli'H in 1854- The Conduct of AffalfH in KanHaH (Iradu- 
 ally HriuKM all Anti-Hlavcry Elements Together— A Laud Trick in the 
 InterPHt of the MlMxourians— Free Slate Emigrant Aid 8ocietleH— 
 — MurderH and Depredations by the Missourlans— EioctiouH <^arried by 
 Force and li'raud-Ueroic Resistance by Free State Men and Subse- 
 quent Gain in Influence—Tlieir Final Success— Kansas at Last Ad- 
 mitted as a Free State, with Republican Ofllccrs and Legislature. 
 
 V. THE CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 1856. 
 
 85-77 
 
 First Reptiblican National Convention— Nomination of Fremont and 
 Dayton with a Strong Platform— A Spirited Campaign With Ardent 
 Hopes of Success— The October Elections Have a Dei)reHHing Effect— In 
 November Buchanan Is Elected by Narrow Margins In the Mi<ldle States 
 —The Election Considered a Moral Triumph for the Republicans, and a 
 Sure Indication of Future Success— An Exciting and Vigorously Con- 
 ducted Campaign in Michigan— The Rennlt a Decisive and Enduring 
 Triumph— The Old School Democrocy of the Peninsular State In Its 
 Death Throes. 
 
 VI. PRESIDENT BUClLiNAN'S ADMINISTRATION 78-8 
 
 A Fresh Shock to the North— The Dred Scott Decision— Its Effect Was 
 to Nationalize Slavery— The Decision Known to the President in Ad- ^ 
 vnnce— The Colored People Not Citizens Nor Possessed of Rights ;; 
 Which the White Men Were Bound to Respect— Tlie Black Man Not 
 Thought of Except as Property— The John Brown Raid and Its Effect . 
 Upon the South— Character and Career of Brown— The Great Debates 
 Between Lincoln and Douglas— Last Successful Opposition to Internal 
 Improvements— A Prophetic Utterance. 
 
 VII. THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION 89-103 
 
 The Douglas Democrats and the Seceders From the Charleston Con- ^ 
 
 vention— The Republicans Meet at Chicago In High Hopes— Immense 
 Gathering at the Wigwam— All the Free States and Six Slave States 
 Represented— Some of the Distlagoished Men Present— Joshua R. Gid- 
 dlngs and the Declaration of Independence— A Ringing Platform 
 Adopted— Seward First Choice of a Majority of the Delegates- 
 Influences that Operated Against Him- Necessity of Carrying the 
 Middle States— Dramatic Scene When Lincoln was Nominated— Dis- 
 appointment of Michigan Republicans— Strong Nomination for Vice- 
 President. 
 
 ■MMtai 
 
^-■.j^f.''A; 
 
 TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 66-64 
 
 VarlotiB 
 Inn Oradn- 
 fick in thv 
 
 ^•(•U'tloH— 
 
 fv'arrii'd liy 
 fad HiiliHo- 
 LaKt A<1- 
 tlature. 
 
 TlIK LINCOLN AND HAMLIN (^AMrAKJN. 
 
 Pago. 
 104-113 
 
 Thf Itt'Kiilar Doniorratlc and Hwt'doi'H' ('onvcnlionM— NoiiiiinitlDnM itf 
 IioiiKlnH, Bn'fkinriiiKo and Boll— Certainty of a IMvlHion of tln« Dcmo- 
 t-ratic Vote— ConililnallonH of DomocratH and i'oiiNlitiitioiial Union 
 .Men— Reward and IIIh FriendH DiHappoinled, Bnt He IIocm <fO(>d Work 
 in the Campaign— ConMervalivc Api>i<nlH to HiiMin*>HM Mt-n— Howard'M 
 Ileply— A Torch lAght and Parade Canipaiffn— OriKin of the Wide 
 Awakes— DoMulaB on fhe Htuinp— Fnnlon In New York 8tato — The lie- 
 pnblioanH Win and Have Botli IIouHea of CongrcHH. 
 
 
 .'i' 
 
 mont and 
 th Ardent 
 Effect— In 
 Idle Statea 
 ans, and a 
 auHly Con- 
 Enduring 
 ate In Ita 
 
 66-77 
 
 78-88 
 
 EJffect Was 
 ent in Ad- 
 of Rights 
 E Man Not 
 Its Effect 
 at Debates 
 to Internal 
 
 89-103 
 
 ?ston Con- 
 — Immense 
 ive States 
 la R. Gid- 
 Platform 
 •elegates— 
 Tying the 
 ited— Dis- 
 for Vic«- 
 
 ■h 
 
 THE INTEUUEONUM 113-123 
 
 A Country Without a fiovernment— Plots for the IHHniption of the 
 Union— Plans for SeoPHHion Had Long Been in Preparation— Utter- 
 ances in the Secession Conventions— Plotters in tlie Departments at 
 Washington— Arms Sent From the North to Southl^rn Arsenals— Vessels 
 of the Navy Widely Scattered— Preparations for Seizing Southern 
 Forts— Vacillation of the President over His MesMage— He Finally Con- 
 cludes That the Government Has No Power to I'revetit Secession— The 
 South Carolina "Embassy"— Secession of the Southern States and With- 
 drawal of Members of Congress— Union Meetings in the North— The 
 Crittenden Compromise — The Peace Conference. 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION 124-138 
 
 I^incoln's Journey to the Capitol— His Purpose as Regards Slavery- 
 Formation of the Cabinet and Discordant Elements There— Prominent 
 Men in Congress— Divided Opinions About the Southern Forts— 
 Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Con8ideration"~The South 
 Carolina Embassy— The Bombardment of Fort Sumter— The First 
 Call for Volunteers— Prompt Response by Congress to the I'residcnt's 
 lletiuests— Important Acts of General Legislation— The Question of 
 Returning Fugitives— The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery 
 Question— Events liCading Up to the fiSmancipation Proclamation- 
 Varying Fortunes of the War. 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENO.MINATION 139-160 
 
 His Own Attitude Toward the Question- Elements of Hostility to Hiui 
 —The Pomeroy Circular and the Chase Movement— The Union Repub- 
 lican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont — A Feeler Put Out 
 for General Grant — The Baltimore Convention — Lincoln Renominated by 
 Acclamation on a Strong Platform— He Secures the Nomination of 
 Andrew Johnson for Vice-President. 
 
 Iv. ' 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 .. ^. «.:r ^V ^_. M 
 
 ■"■■'-_ ';i:>' :■",,., -Xr 
 
 ■"*; 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTH. 
 
 \ 
 
 PmKc. 
 XII. THE MNCOI.X ANU .lOllNMON (lAMl'AION t6M64 
 
 GhangiiiK Pi-oHiHvtH or tho CiunimlKii— Tho DfiiiocriitH (Jive tho U»>|nil>- 
 llciiiiM VnlimUlo Al<l- 'I'lu-y I'lit ii War (Icnernl on a IN-uct! I'lutfonn- 
 Th«' Wnr-lH-a-Fiiiliirt' lltU'ranio Ui-arlM AualnHt Thfiii— IJiilou Vlc- 
 torl«'n IIi'lp tin- U«m>ii1i1Uhii t^nuw- MiOlsllaii Virtually llfpiitllttt.'M tho 
 IMntroriii, uuil This ("uukom tiivai DiHHatUfactloii— VallaiKllghnm, ami 
 HU (JrU'vaiict'H— IVaof N«'Koll»tloiiK-Tlu' HoptoinlM'r and OctolM-r KIih- 
 tiouM Fnvoriilili— A Hw-ffiiinu lU'i.ulillran Triiniipli. 
 
 XIII. THE THIIITEKNTII AMIONUMBNT 16B-17t 
 
 IniiKirtnnt Eventn AtlcndiuK the CIoho of Preiililent lilncoln'a Admia- 
 istrntion— Prominent Meniberti In tho House of the Thirty-eighth 
 CongrpuM— The Thirtet-nth Amendment Introduced by nn Old Democrat 
 — ItH Kawy PaMsattf in the Sennle— Prolonged ContcMt Over the Measuw 
 in the lIoiiHe- Being Mefenled Itx Parliamentary Standing Was Pre- 
 served by .lames .M. Ashley— The Leading Hpeakers for and A,«ninst It— 
 The President and S«>rretary Hewurd Ise Their InHnence In Its Favor 
 —Fiual Adoption of the Amendment. 
 
 
 XIV. THE END OF THE WAU 176-183 
 
 Futile AlteniptH at Negotiation— I'resldent Lincoln's Ultimatum— 
 SonthernerH Still Seek Recognition of the Confederacy— Mission of 
 Francis P. Blair— .Tefferson Davis Appoints Peace CommisBloners— 
 President Lincoln Visits Fortress Monroe— The Overtures Rejected- 
 War Meeting at Richmond -Report of Oonsplrocy Among Democratic 
 Generals— Succ-sses of Sherman. Sheridan and Grant— The Evacuation 
 ' of Richmond— Llmoln's Visit to that City— His Greeting by tlie Colored 
 People— Surrender of Lee— Assassination of the President— Sherman's 
 Terms with Johnston -Disbandment of the Armies. , . 
 
 XV. ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY 184-202 
 
 ForebodiDgs of the Northerners in Regard to Johnson— His Campaign 
 Speeches Made An Unfavorable Impression— His Threats Toward the 
 South— Tails About Making Treason Odious— Sudden Change of Atti- 
 tude—Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon— Poor Selections of Pro- 
 visional Governors for the Southern State*— Mischievous Results of the 
 President's Plan— Southern States Re-ennct Slavery in Another Form— 
 They Accept the Thirteenth Amendment and Then Proceed to Nullify 
 It— Discriminations Agoinst <:3olored People In the Punishment of 
 Offenses— The President's Message— Committee on Reconstruction— In- 
 teresting Debates on the Southern Question— Passage of the First 
 Reconstruction .Vet and Proceedings Under It— The Fourteenth Amend- 
 ment to the .Constitution. 
 
 % 
 
 .i.a^arMM'jT.tillWWWigariMW*'*^*****' 
 
 KiWMi 
 
TAULK OF roNTENTH. 
 
 Pure. 
 
 151-164 
 
 XVI. TIIK IMI'KA<;illN«; CONCiUKHH. 
 
 Pago. 
 
 203-220 
 
 Intforin— 
 liou Vic- 
 liutcH the 
 mill, aiiit 
 
 ImI- lOll'l- 
 
 166-171 
 
 8 Admiii- 
 rty-olghth 
 Dt'inopriit 
 M(>a8iii-<> 
 VVbm Pi«- 
 rniiiMt It— 
 ItH Knvor 
 
 176-183 
 
 tiinntum— 
 
 lliHHioll ol' 
 
 isHionerK— 
 Itejoc'ted— 
 •emotTiitIc 
 ivaciiatloii 
 le Colorwl 
 Sherman'M 
 
 Tin- Kh'i'tlonH of 1886-TIh' Anii-ln-Ariii Convention In Phllailflpiiia - 
 A HitIoiih Movement TiiriH'd to Ul<li<'iilf- ('onvcnllouH of Hoiitlicrn 
 LoyiillMtH mill Xorthern U«'I>iiI>1I<iiiih A Powerful AdflroMM to the Conn- 
 try by I lie Poriiior- The I'reMitleiil'H "Swiiiif Aioiiml the Clrele"- 
 AdmlnlKtrnlloii and Aiitl-AdiiiiiilHlrHlioii Soidlei-M' and MallorM* ('onveii- 
 tlonii— Large Hepnidh an -Majority in the New ConKrenH— .FohiixoirM 
 NuinerouN VetoeH— CharKeH and ArtlcIeK of Iin|>eaohiiient-~Attenip( to 
 Force Secretary Htanlon Out of Offl<e— Iinpearhiiient Ilenewed— Trial 
 of the Case and BenefltH Therefruin— The Fifteenth Ameaduient. 
 
 XVII. THE FOURTH UKPUBMCAN CONVKIVTION 221-2.10 
 
 The Party at Hea With Uegard to a Candidate— A Oradiial Turning. 
 Toward Oraiit— Hl« DlMcretloii l>iirlnK .lohiiHon'H ('areer — Meeting of 
 the Ohieago ronvention— Delegalcrt From the HoidierH' and HallorH* ('oii- 
 venlion — A Uintring, Patriotic and National Platform Adopted — Oeneral 
 Logan'n Brief and Aiipropriale PivHentatlon of (irant'H Name— The 
 Oeneral TTnnninioiiKly Nominated— Six BallotR for Vice-PrcMlilent— 
 Spea1«er Colfax Finally WinH— A .Michigan Incident in Connection With 
 the Conteat— Brief and Timely Letters of Acceptance — Ornnt'H Defer- 
 ence to the Pottular Wiaheft. 
 
 XVin. THE ORANT AND (JOLFAX CAMPAIGN. 
 
 231-241 
 
 184-202 
 
 Campaign 
 )ward the 
 B of Atti- 
 18 of Pro- 
 ilts of the 
 »r Form- 
 to Nullify 
 ihment of 
 ction— In- 
 the First 
 h Amend- 
 
 ■ //■■■'^V. ;: f 
 
 The Democratic Tammany Hall Convention— "Voiir Candidate I Can- 
 not Be'*— The Nomination of Seyinonr and Blair- A Very ('ritlcal and 
 Fault-Fiuding Platform— Blair'H Previonw Reccrd— A Weak Point In the 
 Ticket— The Hontiiern Fire-KateiH Too OiitHpoken— An Active and 
 Bitter Contest -A Flood of CnnipaiKU Poetry— ({rant's Speeches— 
 Seymonr's ElectioneerluK Tonr — A (treat Triumph for the Republicans 
 —A Large Majority of the I'opular yote, tlie Vote in the Electoral 
 (V)llege and in Congress. 
 
 XIX. PRESIDENT (iRANT'S FIRST TERM 242-252 
 
 I'arngrapbs from the President's Inaugural Message — A Cabinet that , 
 
 Did Not I>ong Hold Together— Attempts to Solve the Reconstruction 
 Problem- Settling Old Scores with Great Britain — Financial Issues 
 Come to the Front— How to Discharge the Public Obligations and (let 
 B««'k to Specie Payments— The Act to Strengthen the Public Credit— 
 The Refunding Act— The Coinage Act Demonetizing Silver— The Salary 
 Oral)— The Treaty of Washington— The Proposed San Domingo Pur- 
 chase Defeated. 
 
 i 
 
 ^ffi 
 
 i :) 
 
 i4 
 
 :'^ 
 
TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 XX. THE FIFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION... 
 
 
 Pace 
 253-261 
 
 The Nomination for President Determined Befo—hand— A Large 
 Amount of Speeohmaking of a High Ordeiv-President Grant Unani- 
 mously Renominated-A Scene of the Wildest Entlinsiasm-NumerouH 
 Candidates lor Vice-President-Henry Wilson Receives the Nomina- 
 tion on the First Ballot-The Work of Newspaper Correspondents-A 
 Long Platform Covering a Variety of Subjects-Strong Commendations 
 of the Candidates— Modest Letters of Acceptance. 
 
 XXI. THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN ; 262-274 ^ 
 
 An Element of Great Uncertainty -The Liberal Republican Convention 
 at Cincinnati— The Framing of a Platform a Difficult Problem— Attempt 
 to Catch Both Democrats and liiberal Republicans— Non-Commital on 
 the Tariff Question— Greeley Nominated on the Sixth Ballot-B. Grata 
 Brown for Vice-President- An Incongruous Ticket— The Nominations 
 a Disapiwintment to the Democrats, But Accepted by Them-Consterna- 
 tion in Two Deti-oit Newspaper Offices— A Campaign of Ridicule- 
 Straight Democratic Ticket— Unprecedented Republican Triumph. 
 
 XXIL TWO YEARS OF DISASTER 276-285 
 
 The Civil Bights Question -Reference to the San Domingo Affair- 
 Repeal of the Salary Grab-Important Financial Measures-The Seuate 
 Currency Bill— Passage of the Resumption Act as a Party Measure— 
 Suup'-mentary Civil Rights Bill Passed- Various Constitutional Amend- 
 ments Proposed-The Panic of 1873 and the Depression That Followed 
 -Disastrou.. Political Effecta-The Elections Give Democrats a Large 
 Majority in the House-Changes in Many Northern States. 
 
 XXin. THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN 286-302 
 
 The Three Natural Republican Leaders-Blaiue's Popularity With the 
 Republicans-Democratic Attacks Upon Him-His Bold Defense m the 
 Hous.^ReadinK of the Mulligan Letters-His Attack of SunstrOke- 
 IngersoH's Brilliant Speech at the Cincinnati Couvention-A Close 
 Contest for the Nomination-It Goes to Rutherford B Hayes on the 
 Seventh Ballot -William A. Wheeler Nominated for \ ice-President- 
 \ Long Platform Declaration-New Departure for the Democrats- 
 Tilden and Hendricks Nominated-Tilden Conducts His Own Canvass 
 -A Closely Contested Campaign-Hayes Has One Majority on the 
 Electoral Vote. 
 
 *^-^ I" '"'"' """""*''*T mi fflWfiftw ii 
 
 HMIM 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 rage 
 253-261 
 
 XXIV. THE ELECTOKAL COUNT. 
 
 Page. 
 303-319 
 
 A. Large 
 it Unaui- 
 VunieroHH 
 Noinina- 
 idents — A 
 endations 
 
 A Severe Test of Republican Government-Both Sides Claim the Elec- 
 tion-Disputed Votes in the Southern States-Question ««*« the Rights 
 of the President of the Senate-Various Propositions With Referenee 
 to the Count-An Electoral Commission Decided Upon-Constitution of 
 the Commission Democratic-Disappointment as to Judge Dav.s- 
 Several Votes of Eight to Seven-Hayes Declared Elected-Disclosures 
 of Attempts to Buy Electoral Votes 
 
 262-274 
 
 lonvention 
 —Attempt 
 mmital on 
 -B. Gratz 
 )mination8 
 Jonsterna- 
 Ridicule— 
 imph. 
 
 XXV. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES 320-385 
 
 A Strong Cabinet Selected-Four Important Political and Financial 
 Events-Abandonment of Southern Republicans-Ku-Klux and Tissue 
 
 , Ballot Outrages In the South-The Bland-Allison Silver «o>°a«e fen«- 
 
 nre-Changes in the New York Custom House-A Famous Civil Service 
 
 S- Order-A Circular Against Political Assessments-The Greenback 
 Craze of 1878-Tho Resumption of Specie Payments-Regulating the 
 Electoral Count-Restricting Chinese Immigration-Pensioning Jeff 
 Davis-Senator Cliandler's tJloquent Protest. 
 
 276-285 
 
 ;o Affair- 
 Dhe Seuate 
 Measure — 
 lal Amend- 
 t Followed 
 ts a Large 
 
 XXVI. THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION • • 836-362 
 
 The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkling-Its Effect on the 
 Convention of ISSO-Unsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the Unit Bnle- 
 The Three Next Republican Presidents in the Convention-Sharp 
 Debate Between Senator Conkiiug and the West Virginia Members- 
 Important Amendment to the Rules-The Platform Adopted-Conk- 
 ling's Great Speech it Nomination of Grant-The Nomination of 
 Garfield-Conkling's Motion to Make it Unanimous-Supported by 
 General Logan-General Arthur Nominated for Vice-PreBident-1 he 
 Exciting Convention Closes With Apparent Good Feeling. 
 
 286-302 
 
 r With the 
 ense in the 
 JunstrOke— 
 I— A Close 
 yes on the 
 President— 
 (emocrats- 
 rn Canvass 
 ■ity on the 
 
 XXVII. THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Democratic Convention at Cincinnati-Declarations of the Plat- 
 form-Nomination of Hancock "The Superb" on the Second Ballot-- 
 The Tariff a I^cal Issue-The Greenback Candidate and Platform-Not 
 a Bright Prospect for the Republicans-A Change After the Mentor 
 Conferenc^General Grant's Good Work for the Ticket-Result of the 
 October Blections-The Morey Forgery-The Campaign Ends With a 
 Substantial Republican Triumph. 
 
TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 
 Pago. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 THE GAUFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION 361-374 
 
 Blaine's Purpose In Taking the State Portfolio-A SeneB of Unfor- 
 tunate AppoiulmentB-Sllghts Upon Mr. Conlcling and Hia Indignation 
 Therent-Resignatioa of the New York Senatora-Bout well's Statement 
 of the Affair-Successors of Senators Oonkiing and Platt-Assass.na- 
 tion of President Gnrfield-Ouiteau's Letter of ^^P »'»«««°-P;*.«; 
 Lessons Drawn From the Tragedy-Changes ^f ^« f t**" ^**''°"* ^^ 
 Prenident Arthur-His Prudent and Successful Administration-The 
 Question of Civil Service Refoim-The Tariff of 1883-Morri8on s Hori- 
 Bontal Reduction Plan-Other Important Measures. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 375-392 
 
 Pi-ominent Men in Attendance as Delegates-Contest Over the Tem- 
 ,M,rary Chairman-An Important Change in *»>« K«'«r"T«t »' .*»»« 
 Platform Adopted-Blaine and Arthur the leading Candidates-Nomina- 
 tion of the Former-Analysis of the Vote-General Logan for Viee- 
 President-Opposition to the Ticket Within the Party-The Rise and 
 Good Fortune of Grover Cleveland-He Receives the Democratic Nom- 
 Ination-A Bitter Personal Contest-Blaine's Western Tour-His Unfor- 
 tunate Stay in New York-Parson Bui-chard's Misfit Speech-Success 
 of the Democratic Ticket. 
 
 XXX. CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 3»8-*02 
 
 His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor the 
 Reformers-Coolness Between the Pi-esldent and Viee-President-Selec- 
 tion of the Cabinet-Repeal of the Tenure-of-Offlce Act-Clean Sweep 
 of the Offices-Cleveland's Pension Vetoes-Order for Restoring the 
 Southern Flags-^Resentment of the (Jrand Army Posts-Rebuilding 
 the Navy-The Electoral Count and Presidential Succession Acts-ahe 
 Inter-State Commerce Measui-e-The Newfoundland ""d Alaska Ush- 
 eries-The Pt«sident'8 Extraonliuary Tariff Message-The Mills Bill 
 and General Tariff Discussion. 
 
 XXXI. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 
 
 403-418 
 
 i 
 
 A New Set of Candidates for the Rcpublicau Nominatton-Blaiue «id 
 Sherman the Only Old Ones Mentioned and Blaine Positively With- 
 draws-McKinley Forbids the Use of His Name-Sherman I^ads 
 Through Sis Ballots-General Alger, of Michigan, a Strong Possibility 
 iSe Nomination Finally Goes to Huriison-The Text of the Platform 
 -The Demmrats Renominate Cleveland by Acclamation. With Thur- 
 man Second on the Ticket-A Quiet Campaign-The Murchiaon Incident 
 —The Republicans Win. ' 
 
 ■HH 
 

 ■ ■"■■■b^ 
 
 Pag«>. 
 361-374 
 
 TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 
 XXXIl. I'UESIDKNT HARBISON'S ADMIMSTUATION. 
 
 Page. 
 
 419-438 
 
 Unfor- 
 ^igaation 
 tatement 
 IssaHsina- 
 |n — Pre88 
 pinet by 
 ion— The 
 In's Hori- 
 
 375-392 
 
 the Tem- 
 :t of the 
 -Nomina- 
 for Vice- 
 Rine and 
 atic Nom- 
 [is Unfor- 
 'Success 
 
 393-403 
 
 Nor the 
 (nt— Selec- 
 an Sweep 
 toring the 
 Hebiiiiding 
 Acts— The 
 i8ka FiMh- 
 Milli) Bill 
 
 403-41S 
 
 tiaiue and 
 ely Wlth- 
 an T^ads 
 PoBsibility 
 Platform 
 Ith Thur- 
 1 Incident 
 
 4 
 
 A OloHe UouHo in CoogrcbM — I'roHpeet o/ Little Legislation— The Device 
 uf Speaker Reed— A Sinull Majority Mude Effective — ObHtructive Tac- 
 ticit Baffled— The Silver Question Made Pi-uminent— Passage of the 
 Sherman Silver Act— The Republicans Not in Control ou This Subject— 
 The Bargain Under Which the Passage of the McKiuley Tariff Act 
 Became Possible— Effects •t That Act ou Trade— The Political Whirl- 
 wind of 1890. 
 
 XXXIIL THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892 429-442 
 
 Hard Work for Minneapolis as the Place of Gathering for the Republi- 
 caii Convention — A Stirring and Comprehensive IMatform— Recogni- 
 tion of Woman's Aid in the Campaign— Harrison in the Lead for the 
 Nomination— Blaine's Name Presented at the Last— Three Unwonted 
 Demonstrations at the Convention- Harrison and Reid Nominated— 
 The Democratic Convention and the Campaign— Au Unexpectedly 
 1^ Sweeping Triumph for Cleveland and His Party. 
 
 XXXI V. CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION 443-460 
 
 The Selection of the Cabinet— Geographical Considerations Disregarded 
 —The Democrats in Complete Power for the First Time Since 1861— 
 Delays in Action on the Sherman Law und the Tariff Question- The 
 Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the Sherman Law Finally 
 Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on the Tariff Measure — Becomes a 
 Law Without the President's Signature— Au Act of "Party Perfidy 
 and Dishonor" — Tremendous Political Overturn in 1894 — ^The Saudwich 
 - t'i Island Affair. 
 
 XXXV. ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 461-470 
 
 McKiniey Long Before Recognized as the Coming Man for President — 
 A Highly Successful Political Career— The Convention at St. Louis— 
 The Campaign Pronouncement—Contest Over the Silver Plank — Sensa- 
 tional Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans— Their Statement to the 
 Country— Only one Ballot Each for President and Vice-President— 
 Points From the I^etters of Acceptance. 
 
 XXXVL THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN 471-482 
 
 The Democratic Convention- The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggressive 
 and Confident— A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Temporary Presi- 
 dent and in the Platform— The Announcement of Principles After- 
 wards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's Taking Speech and His 
 Nomination— Accepted by the Populists and the Free Silver Republi- 
 cans—Interest of the Business Men in the Campaign— McKiuley and 
 Hobart Elected With a Republican Congress. 
 
 I'^S 
 
 *. 
 
i 
 
 y 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 
 Page. 
 
 XXXVII. PRESIDENT McKINLB^'S ADMINISTRATION 48WW 
 
 Formation ol the New Cabinet-Two Matters ol Grave Domestic Irn* 
 portaace-The Currency and tlie Tariff guestions-Prompt Action on 
 Both-Passage of tlie Dingley Tariff Act-The Hawaiian Islands An- 
 nexed-Strained Relations With Spaln-The Destruction of the Maine- 
 War Breaks Out and Is Very Speedily Terminated-Brilliaut Opura- 
 tions in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines-Subsequent Desultory 
 Warfare in the Latter Islands. 
 
 XXXVIII. TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CON VENTION 49«-B10 
 
 A Large and Harmonious Gathering at Philadelphia-AIembers Present 
 Who Were Delegates to the First Republican Convention in the Same 
 City-Admirable Presentation of Campaign Issues by the Chairman- 
 A Strong Platform Adopted-President McKinley Unanimously Rfuom- 
 inated-Large Number of Persons Mentioned for the Vioe-Presidency- 
 The Nomination Finally Thrust Upon an Unwilling Candidate. 
 
 XXXIX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 
 
 611-522 
 
 XL. 
 
 Bryan's Supremacy in the Democratic Convention-He is Absolute 
 Dictator in Respect to the Platform-He Is the Candidate Also, of the 
 Populists and Silver Republicans-Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles A. 
 Towne Nominated for Vice-President-The Latter Reluctantly With- 
 drawB-The Letters of Acceptance-Animated but One-Sided Campaign 
 -The Imperialist Cry-Division of the Gold Democrats-A Decisive 
 Victory for the Republican Ticket. 
 
 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS 623-644 
 
 The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present Time 
 -The Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingham to Bliss-A Long Roll 
 of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men-A Number of Close and In- 
 tei-esting Contests-Ballots for tiie Head of tiie Ticket in Detail-Names 
 of the Candidates for Other OflUces-A Series of Splendid Successes 
 Broken by Only Two Defeats-Treatment of Public Questions by the 
 Various Conventions-How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the 
 Greenback Onslaught-The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, 
 Silvei and Taxation Questions— Its Attitude in 1900. 
 
Page. 
 488-4»5 
 
 Stic Im- 
 ctioa ou 
 ud8 Au- 
 Muiue — 
 ; Opura- 
 •cHultory 
 
 496-510 
 
 Present 
 lie Same 
 liriuaa — 
 
 Uunoni- 
 lidency— 
 
 511-522 
 
 Abaolute 
 lo, of the 
 larles A. 
 ly With- 
 3ampaign 
 Decisive 
 
 523-544 
 
 leut Time 
 Ijong Roll 
 le aad In- 
 il— Names 
 Successes 
 as by the 
 i Met the 
 mperance, 
 
 INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Zachariah Chandler Frontispiece 
 
 Under the Oaks at Jackson *a^;»K ^^ 
 
 Abraham Lincoln ,, ^^^ 
 
 Lincoln and His Cabinet ^, ^J^ 
 
 Thomas W. Ferry ,, ^^ 
 
 William McKinley 
 
 Kingsley S. Bingham ^^ 
 
 David 8. Walbridge • ^^ 
 
 Jacob M. Howard ^2 
 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr J' 
 
 „, o4 
 
 John Sherman „„ 
 
 John C. Fremont. ^^ 
 
 William L. Dayton ^^ 
 
 James Buchanan 
 
 Charles Sumner ^ 
 
 Roger B. Taney g^ 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas ^^ 
 
 Joshua R. Giddings ^J 
 
 William H. Seward • • ^„ 
 
 Simon Cameron ^^ 
 
 Thurlow Weed ^^^ 
 
 Andrew G. Curtin ^^^ 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin ^ 
 
 John J. Crittenden 
 
 Salmon P. Chase 141 
 
 Samuel C. Pomeroy • ^^^ 
 
 General U. S. Grant ^^^ 
 
 Henry J. Raymond ^^^ 
 
 Andrew Johnson " ' * ' ^^ 
 
 George B. McClellan ^^^ 
 
 Clement L. Vallandigham ^^^ 
 
 David G. Furragut ^^^ 
 
 Oliver P. Morton • 
 
t 
 
 INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Galusha A. Grow ^gg 
 
 James M. Ashley .„ 
 
 General Philip H. Sheridan 
 
 General William T. Sherman 193 
 
 Schuyler Colfax ^^^ 
 
 ThaddeuB Stevens ^^^ 
 
 Samuel Shellabarger ^12 
 
 Edwin M. Stanton ^ 
 
 Benjamin F. Butler ^jq 
 
 William M. Evarts ^^e 
 
 John A. Logan ggj 
 
 Benjamin F. Wade ^gg 
 
 Horatio Seymour ^^^ 
 
 Henry Wilson ^65 
 
 Charles Francis Adams 
 
 ,, , Uoo 
 
 Horace Greeley • • • • • ^gg 
 
 Roscoe Conkling ^93 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes ^99 
 
 William A. Wheeler ^^^ 
 
 James A. Garfield ., • „ 
 
 William H. Robertson 
 
 Chester A. Arthur ^^ 
 
 James G. Blaine ^^^ 
 
 Grover Cleveland 
 
 Benjamin Harrison ^^^ 
 
 Levi P. Morton • • • • 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew ^^ 
 
 Marcus A. Hanna ^^ 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt • " * 
 
 % 
 
 •MM 
 
 iMWi 
 
 •MMM 
 
 mmmma, 
 
 mum 
 
ACTS OF PRO-SLAVERY AnORESSION. 
 
 Adoption of the Missouri Compromise-Purpose of the Mexican 
 War-Acquisition of Slave Territory-The Wilmot Proviso-ItB 
 Defeat and the Confidence of tlie South-The Campaign of 1848- 
 Non-Committal Policy of the Whigs-President Taylor and the 
 Admission of Oalifornia-The Fugitive Slave Law and Other 
 Compromise Measures-Intense Feeling at the North-The Cam- 
 paign of 1852-Renewal of the Agitation and Repeal of The 
 Missouri Compromise— The Day of Compromises at an End. 
 
 Although the consolidation of a large majority of the Anti-Slavery 
 voters of the North into the Republican party was finally a matter 
 of a few months, yet the events that led to it covered a period of fully 
 three decades. It was only after long discussion and strong opposi- 
 tion that Missouri was admitted to the Union as a slave state in 1820 
 To quiet this opposition those who favored admission finally proposed 
 a section in the bill, enacting, "That in all that territory ceded by 
 France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which 
 lies north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes of north latitude, not included 
 within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and 
 involuntary servitude, otherwise than as the punishment of crimes, 
 shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited." , w,„„«.,h 
 
 Even with this pledge for the future the admission of Missouri 
 as a slave state was reluctantly consented to. The pledge was 
 finally accepted as a settlement of all controversy in respect to «lavery 
 in the territories. But the differences of opinion on the ««bject of 
 slaverv itself were so irreconcilable that they could »«* '^^l *; ^« /^ 
 constant source of irritation. Petitions even, from the North in 
 avor of abolishing slavery in the District of C<»»«^^f^'f»^J«'-;*f;; 
 legislation, were resented by the Southerners^ and led to the contro 
 versies over the right of petition, which lasted through three or four 
 Congresses, and in which John Quincy Adams took a prominent part. 
 
 iiiwwiiif*i»i ^ 
 
 »■'■ 
 
if 
 
 ■H 
 
 i 
 
 niHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 'h 
 
 : 
 
 Jt ! 
 
 Tliis, and the growing feeling against slavery in the North, and even 
 in Boine of the border states, intensiflecl the purpose of the most 
 Kealous supporters of that institution, not only to guard it against all 
 assaults, but to extend it into new territory if possible. 
 
 It was thought, when the Missouri Compromise line was ac- 
 cepted, that states south of that line would be ready for admission as 
 soon as those north of it. Hut migration was so much more rapid 
 to the territory west of New England and New York, than it was 
 further south as to upset these calculations. Michigan was ready 
 for statehood and applied for admission in 18H5, but was kept out 
 for two years, lest two more Northern men should take seats in the 
 Senate, without any new Southern men to offset them. The State 
 was not finally admitted until Arkansas could be brought in at the 
 same time. Iowa and Florida were admitted, itnder similar condi- 
 tions, the former which represented free territory, being kept back 
 until the latter could come in as a slave-holding State, just as in 1820 
 Maine had been kept out until Missouri could come in as a companion 
 State. 
 
 Hut it was seen that this equality in the Senate could not long 
 be maintained. Part of Wisconsin was Ailing up rapidly, and there 
 was every prosjiej-t that emigration would soon spread over the 
 region west of that territory, as well as that west of the stat-js of 
 Iowa and Missouri. There was no slave territory to counterbalance 
 this, and the war with Mexico was, in its main purpose, a war brought 
 on by the South for the acquisition of such territory. It was in 
 connection with this war that the first of a long series of memorable 
 contests arose in Congress. 
 
 The declaration of war was made in May, 1846, and on the 5th 
 of August, of the same year. President Polk, in a special message to 
 Congress, said ' that the chief obstacle to securing peace was the 
 adjustment of a boundary line that would prove satisfactory and 
 convenient to both Republics, and he asked that a sum of money 
 might be placed at his disposal, to be used, in his discretion, in the 
 adjustment of the terms of peace. This was in line with the pre- 
 cedent of 1803, when President Jefferson was voted a special 
 appropriation for the acquisition of Louisiana. After the message 
 was read Mr. McKay, of North (^arolina. Chairman of the Committee 
 on Ways and Means, introduced a bill, that two millions of dollars 
 be appropriated, to be ''applied, under direction of the President, 
 to any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in our foreign 
 
 "»^nMMMMMllH 
 
 MHMI 
 
A<TH OF PKOSLAVEKY AUUUKSHION. 
 
 :t 
 
 ^rth, and even 
 of the most 
 it against all 
 
 line was a<r 
 
 admiBBioD as 
 
 |ch more rapid 
 
 :, than it watt 
 
 ;an waB read,y 
 
 was liept out 
 
 ce Beats in the 
 
 II. The State 
 
 ught in at the 
 
 similar condi- 
 
 (ing kept back 
 
 jUBt as in 1820 
 
 18 a companion 
 
 could not long 
 idly, and there 
 •read over the 
 if the BtatOB of 
 counterbalance 
 , a war brought 
 ■y. It was in 
 8 of memorable 
 
 and on the 5th 
 L'ial message to 
 peace was the 
 tisfactory and 
 sum of money 
 jcretion, in the 
 i with the pre- 
 oted a special 
 i^r the message 
 the Committee 
 ions of dollars 
 the President, 
 in our foreign 
 
 intercourse." This followed the lunguiige of the \\v\ ninking an 
 appropriation in Mr. Jefferson's time. Tint the c(mditionM were very 
 different. There whs strong opposition to (he Mexicun war, while 
 there had not been great opposition to the Louisiana purcliHS(>. There 
 were grave apprelrensions of sonit> ulterior and unpatriotic designs 
 now. There were none then. CongreHs hud the utmost confld<*nce 
 in President Jefferson. Many of its members had no i'onflden<*e at 
 all in President Polk. 
 
 In the debate whi«'h followed the introductiim of the bill, Robert 
 (\ Winthrop, Whig, of Massachusetts, said he could not vote for it as 
 it stood. It was a vote of unlimited confidence in an administration 
 in wlii<'h, he was sorry to say, very little confidence was to be placed. 
 Mr. Winthrop had voted for the act under which war was dej'lared 
 iigainst Mexico, while Mr. Adams, of the same State, had voted against 
 it. The latter now said that he dilTered from his colleague with a 
 regret, equal to that with which he had differed from him on the 
 former measure. He should vote for Mr. McKay's bill in any form, 
 but thought it should expressly require that the money should be used 
 only for the purpose of negotiating peace with Mexico, The bill was 
 amended in this manner, and seemed likely to pass without much 
 further debate, and with comparatively little opposition. 
 
 But some of the Northern members saw, in this apparently in- 
 nocent proposition, possibilities of great mischief. There was 
 comparatively little doubt that the money would be used for the 
 acquisition of territory from Mexico outside of the State of Texas, 
 which had been acquired as a result of the war, and that it was de- 
 signed that such territory should be open to slavery. It has been 
 held by some that this apprehension was groundless. Mexico had. 
 twenty years before this, abolished slavery, and the assumption had 
 been made that any territory acquired from that couatry would 
 necessarily retain its free status. But to meet this, the doctrine had/ 
 already been promulgated by Mr. Calhoun, that the Federal Consti| 
 tution carried slavery into all territory from, which it was not) 
 expressly excluded. This interpretation of that instrument would 
 have carried that condition into any territory acquired from Mexico, 
 and that such an interpretation of the Constitution would be 
 attempted in actual practice subsequent events fully showed. 
 
 It was under this apprehension that a number of Northern Demo- 
 crats met for consultation. Among them were Hannibal Hamlin, of 
 Maine; George Bathbun, Martin Grover and Preston King, of New 
 
 MM 
 
iiaKii h^gfcin 
 
 fli 
 
 Mil < 
 
 4. HIHTOUV OF Til K UKIMniLirAN PARTY. 
 
 York; David Wiliiiot, of IViiiiHylvunia; Ja«oh Mrinki'iholT and JaiiicH 
 J. Farau, of Ohio, and Uobort Mcl'lclland, of Michigan. Tlit> rcMuIt 
 of their dt'iilM'rationtt waH (ho franiin|{ of a rhiUHt* to bo added to thu 
 bill, providing, "That, at) an cxproHH and fundamental eondition to the 
 a<'quiitdtion of any territory from the K<*piiblic of Mexico by the ('nitiHl 
 Htates, by virtue of any treaty that may be neuotiated hetw«H*n them, 
 and to the iiHe by the Kxeeutive of the moneyu licrein appropriated, 
 neither Hlavery nor involuntary servitude hIuiII ever exiHt in any part 
 of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall Hmt be 
 duly convicted." 
 
 David Wiluiot wati then only '.iH yvnr» old, and was HerviuK his 
 first term in Congress. H<- was not antouK the most prominent of 
 those present at the conference, but the proviso was entrusted to 
 him for presentation, and made his name known wherever the history 
 of the contest that followed was read. In House (^'ommlttee of the 
 Whole he moved the addition of this ]iroviso to the first section of 
 the bill, and it was adopted by vote of 80 to (54, only three members 
 from the free states voting against it. The bill, as amended, was 
 reported to the House, and upon its passage, Mr. Kathbun, of New 
 York, moved the |»reviouB question. Mr. Tibbals, of Kentucky, 
 moved to lay the bill on the table, and the affirmative votes on this 
 (|uestion showed that the Southerners were willing to sacrifice the 
 whole measure rather than to acce])t this jtroviso. 
 
 The motion to table was lost by vote of J)3 to 79, among the latter 
 being Stephen A. Douglas and John A. McClernand, DenuxTats, of 
 Illinois, and Robert C Schenck, Whig, of Ohio. The bill then passed, 
 with tlie proviso, by a vote of 85 to 80. Henry Orider, Whig, of 
 Kentucky, was the only member south of Mason and Dixon's line 
 who voted for it. Among the prominent Northern Whigs who voted 
 for it were Washington Hunt, of New York ; Robert C Winthrop, of 
 Massachusetts; Truman Smith, of Connecticut; Joseph R. Ingersoll 
 and James Pollock, of Pennsylvania. Among the prominent Demo- 
 crats who voted the same way were Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; 
 Preston King, of New York; John Wentworth, of Illinois; Allen G. 
 Thurman, of Ohio, and Robert McClelland, of Michigan. The last 
 two of these renmined Democrats throughout their political careers. 
 Most of the others afterwards joined the Republican party. The 
 bill was reported to the Senate toward the close of the session. A 
 motion was made to strike out the proviso, and on this motion Senator 
 
 m 
 
ACTH OP I'UOHLAVKUY An<IUKSRION. 
 
 iotr iind JiiiiicH 
 TIh' result 
 10 udd(>d t(i till! 
 |i)ndition to the 
 
 by tlu' riilt«'d 
 |ht»tw«H'n Hh'Iii, 
 
 uppronriuti'd, 
 [iHt in any |»art 
 
 Bhall fii'Ht be 
 
 iiXH Mci'vinK hid 
 t prominent of 
 H entrusted to 
 ver the history 
 niiuittee of the 
 first seetlon of 
 three nionibers 
 
 amended, was 
 ithbun, of New 
 
 of Kentu<ky, 
 e votes on this 
 to sacrifice the 
 
 monp^ the latter 
 , Democrats, of 
 )ill then passed, 
 rider, Whig, of 
 nd Dixon's line 
 'higs who voted 
 0. Winthrop, of 
 ph B. IngersoU 
 fominent Demo- 
 nlin, of Maine; 
 linois; Allen O. 
 gan. The last 
 lolitical careers, 
 m party. The 
 he session. A 
 motion Senator 
 
 John Dnvis, of MassachusetlH, tallced against time until the hour for 
 adjournment, both bill and proviso thus falling together. 
 
 . Before the next session of CongresH the same methods of per- 
 Hunsion uu«^ of threat, that the I'ro-Hlavery leaders so often found 
 elTective in those days with Northern men of weak flbn*, prevailed 
 again. Tiie appropriati(»n was increased from |2,(M)(>,(HI0 to |:<,UIK),000 
 and was voted without the obnoxious proviso. 
 
 Of the next Congress Robert <\ Winthrop, Whig, was <hosen 
 Speaker by <m»» majority. A resolution was offered in this Congress 
 by Harvey IMitnam, of New York, embodying tlie substance of the 
 Wllmot Proviso, but it was tabled by a vote ofltIB yeas to !Kt nays. 
 Although the Whigs had accepted the do<trine of the proviso, the 
 result of this vote was not at all surprising. In the first place their 
 bare uuijority of one, while sutfi< lent to secure the organization of the 
 Mouse, was not sufficient to secure the passage of any disputed 
 resolution or bill. Those of the Whig leaders who were inclined 
 to consult expediency soon recognize*! the dang<'r, that if they per- 
 sisted in any course of opposition to slavery aggression, it would 
 give the whole South to the Democracy. Throughout the whole 
 of this stage of the crontroversy, covering a period of several years, 
 this fear was constantly before their e^-es, and fully accounted for a 
 timidity which sometimes amounted to cowardice. In this case, 
 also, the fa<'t that the Whigs had organized the House, and were, at 
 least theoretically, responsible for its acts, undoubtedly deterred 
 some Democrats from further supporting the doctrine contained in 
 the ])roviso. Beyond this, the cry which some of the Southerners 
 were always ready to make, that opposititm to their desires or plans 
 would endanger the Union, was used with effect. 
 
 Although this Congress did not adopt the Wilroot Proviso nor 
 any other measures of sjiecial note, it served as a school of instruc- 
 tion to some men who obtained a clear insight into Southern plans, 
 and who afterwards became conspicuous in the Republican party. 
 One of the^e was Abraham Lincoln who, now for the only time, 
 appeared in Congress. He learned much here, acquired a nickname 
 and ranked well with the earnest, Anti-Slavery Whigs, but accom- 
 plished nothing that gave indications of his future greatness. He 
 gained his nickname through a series of questions which he proposed 
 asking the executive. President Polk had, in his message, sought to 
 convey the impression that the Mexican war was undertaken to 
 repel invasion, and to avenge the killing of American citizens upon 
 
 ,^ 
 
 U--.. 
 
 Mh 
 
 1 a 
 
fl 
 
 fl HIHTOHY OF TIIK RKlM^niJCAN PARTY. 
 
 our own Noil. Mr. liincoln aitarkcd tliin poHition in a H<'ri(>N of rcH 
 olntionH, tlH* flritt tlin'c rIaiiHeH of which aMk<><l the I'rcHldent (0 
 inform th«' Houw "WlM'ther flit' upot on wlilth tht* hIcMMl of oni 
 litlfx'nit wuH Nhrd, UH in hiM nicMMnK*' (h'llarHl, wan or wait not, within 
 the* t«'rritor>' of Kpain, unlii the Mexican revolution; (2) Whether 
 that H|K)t in, or Ir not, within the territory wrested from Hpain h.v 
 (he revolntionary Rovernment of Mexico; (.'l) Whether that M|M>t Im, 
 or is not, within u Hettlenient of ]>e4»ple, which settlement hait exiHted 
 ever Mince long before the TexuH revolution, and until ItH inhabitantH 
 tied before tlie approach of the United Htaten army." The renolutionH. 
 which contained Ave other queHtions, were HUpimrted by Mr. Lincoln in 
 the tlrut HiMH'ch whi<-h he made in t'onirresH, but they were tabled. 
 HIm frequent umo of the word "Hpot" in the resolutiouH und himh'cIi, 
 ^ave him the nickname of "Hpot Lincoln.'' 
 
 The House of this ('ongress included in itfi membership the follow- 
 Idk who were afterwards prominent in the Republican party: Jacob 
 Collamer and George 1'. Marsh, of Vernumt; Amos Abbott, ,)uliuH 
 Rockwell and Horace Mann, of Massachusetts; James Dixon, John 
 A. Rockwell and Truman Hmith, of Connecticut; Horai-e Greeley and 
 Washington Hunt, of New York; William A. Newell, of N«w Jersey; 
 David Wiimot, of Pennsylvania; Robert C. Hchenck and Joshua R. 
 (Mddings, of Ohio; Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana; John Went 
 worth, of Hlinois; Kinsley H. Hiugham, of Michigan, and Andrew 
 •lohnson, of Tennessee. 
 
 The following senators, who were afterwards conspicuous in 
 liepublican ranks, were also in the Thirtieth Congress: Hannibal 
 Hamlin, of Maine; John P. Hale, of New Hampshire; Roger S. Bald- 
 win, of Connecticut; John A. Dix, of New York; William L. Dayton, 
 of New Jersey, and Bimon Cameron, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In addition to Mr. Uingham, Michigan had Robert McClelland 
 and Charles E. Stuart, in the House, with Thomas Fitzgerald and 
 Alplieus Felch in the Senate. Among the prominent Southerners 
 in the Senate were Wm. Rufus King, of Alabama; John M. Clayton, 
 of Delaware; David L. Yulee, of Florida; Herschell V. Johnson and 
 John M. Berrien, of Georgia; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; Jefferson 
 Davis and Henry Stuart Foote, of Mississippi; David R. Atchison and 
 Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri; Willie P. Magnum, of North Carolina; 
 A. P. Butler and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Sam Houston, 
 of Texas; James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. 
 
 During this C'ongress the slavery question came up in a number 
 
 ■n \ 
 
M«'rl«'H (if rwi- 
 
 l'i'«>Hi<U>nt in 
 
 IiUhmI of niir 
 
 iiH not, within 
 
 (2) WlH'tlit-r 
 
 Ironi Hpiiin b.v 
 
 |i' that M|N>t iH, 
 
 nt huM (>xiHt«Ml 
 
 litH inhahituntM 
 
 'h(> I'CHoiiitionH, 
 
 Mr. Lincoln in 
 
 y w<*n« tnhlcil. 
 
 HH and i4|>e('<*li, 
 
 ihip the follow- 
 i party: Jacob 
 Abbott, JiilinM 
 '8 Dixon, John 
 ice Greeley and 
 of N«w Jersey; 
 and Joshua R. 
 a; John Went 
 a, and Andrew 
 
 coDBpicuouH in 
 
 'Bb: Hannibal 
 
 Roger R. Bald- 
 
 liam L. Dayton, 
 
 >ert McClelland 
 Fitzgerald and 
 «t Southerners 
 )hn M. Clayton, 
 V. Johnson and 
 Inland ; Jefferson 
 El. Atchison and 
 North Carolina; 
 ; Ham Houston, 
 l^inia. 
 up in a number 
 
 forniN. 
 
 Oregon, 
 
 ■MMi 
 
 ACTHOF I'UOHLAVKUY AncJRKHHiON. 
 
 IH in till- Hlia|H> of a rcMoliition direct ing a coniniiltee 
 
 aboliNliing the mIuvc trade in (he DiMtrict of rolanibia. 
 
 n moved an aiiieiHliiient, int«tnic(ing the connnittee 
 
 aboliMhinf; Hiavery itMcif in the DiHirict. Repeated 
 
 uiadt> to apply the principle of the Wilniot i'roviHo 
 
 I'hat waH aflervvai'dH the Klate of California. None 
 
 however, came lo a ccMicliiHlve vote 
 
 Tl 
 
 ley were 
 d iinlll the Hecond ncRttiuii of the CongreHH, after 
 ection of IS4S In triilh although individual 
 alwayH l»e repreHHcd, the Whig leaderH were not 
 having (he nlavery <|iieHtioii injected into (he IM-ch- 
 identiul campaign. They feared (hat a Hti-ong aMNerdon of their 
 anti-extension principles would divide (heir ]iar(y in (he Koiilh, and 
 they knew that any pro-slavery leaniiigH would divide it in (he N'or(h. 
 Resides this, judging fnuii the jirobaliilities of i>arty siicceHH, tliey 
 had flrnier ground to stand uiioii. The laritT had been the main issue 
 in 1844, and the Democrats hud carried two or three states, notably 
 Pennsylvania, ond with them the ele<-tion, on the false cry of "I'olk 
 and Dallas, and the tarilT of '4U." Many of tlieir speakers had given 
 the pledge that t^'f tarilT should be retained. The pli dge was 
 broken, and the tariff of 1H4H, which was a virtual abandonm(>nt of 
 the protective principle, was adopted. The fact that this act was 
 carried in the Senate by tlie casting vote of Vice-I'resident Dallas, of 
 Pennsylvania, made it all the more galling. Tpon this subject the 
 party could be united, if the slavery tiuestion could be av4»ided as a 
 cause of disruption. They also felt that they were on the poixilar 
 side of another important ecommiii- question. As a party they favore<l 
 a policy of government <-onstruction or aid to internal improvements, 
 while the Democratic leaders were either hostile to such improvements, 
 or vacillating on the subject. Their party resolutions were generally 
 hostile to them. Besides this the vote on Mr. Putnam's resolution, 
 asserting the principle of the Wilmot Proviso, was too comlusive to 
 afford any encouragement for a successful light on thisquestion in this 
 Congress. In view of all these considerations little real opposition 
 was made to rotifying the (}uadalup(>-Hildalgo treaty, which ter- 
 minated the Mexican war, and Congress voted the fifteen million 
 dollars asked for payment of the ceded territory, without any stipu- 
 lation upon the subject of slavery. 
 
 By this time the Southerners felt very sure that they were seciVre 
 from anv further assertion of the doctrines contained in the Wilmot 
 
 ' 'At 
 
 v'fflfc' ?'■• 
 

 8 
 
 \ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Proviso, as ib .hown by an incident connected with the negotiations 
 for peaoo. Tb. Mexican government proposed, as part of the treaty, 
 a guaranty from the United States that slavery should not be re- 
 established in any of the ceded territory, but the American 
 Commissioner, Nicholas T. Trist, replied that if the territory were 
 increased ten-fold in value, and, in addition to that were covered a 
 foot thick with pure gold, on the single condition that slavery should 
 forever be excluded, he would not entertain the offer for a moment, 
 not even think of sending it to the government, for no American Presi- , 
 dent would dare to send such a treaty to the Senate." 
 
 It was under these conditions that the Whig National Conven- 
 tion met in Philadelphia, June 7, 1848. In a whirl o'j"»«a^y 
 enthusiasm, which was entirely out of keeping with the attjt«de «, 
 the party as a whole upon the Mexican war, it nominated Gen. Zachary 
 Taylor for President, much to the disgust and wrath of Daniel 
 Webster, who sought the nomination for himself. 
 
 The convention even found it necessary to vouch for the Whig 
 standing of its candidate which it did in the third resolut^n, as 
 followsr "General Taylor, in saying that, had he voted in 1844, he 
 would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the assurance-and no 
 better is needed from a consistent and truth-seeking man-that his 
 heart was with us at the crisis of our political destiny, when Henry 
 Carwasonr candidate, and when, not only were ^ig prmciples 
 well defined and clearly asserted, but Whig measures depended upon 
 success. The heart that was with us then is with u. "ow ;.«d w« 
 have a soldier's word of honor, and a life of public and private virtue 
 
 ns the security." ,. „ x i 
 
 Every other plank in the platform was almost wholly taken up 
 with some form of eulogy upon General Tnylor. But upon real 
 issues it was the most non-committal of any P''^"^^"^^"^"* ^^^^ 
 made by any political party in a National campaign. Although it 
 ZZZa seven resolutions it really said but little more than the 
 VVWgTnvention of December 4, 1839, which nominated Harrison 
 for President, and pi-esented no platform at all. The nominee for 
 Vice-President was Millard Fillmore, of New York. 
 
 The Democratic Convention was held about a fortnight earlier 
 in Baltimore. It nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for P^«dent 
 and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. Its plat- 
 form was long and suflBciently explicit. It defended the Mexican 
 war; opposed taking from the President the veto power; denied the 
 
 gwi 
 
^'-t'' 
 
 >'•£.,■ 
 
 ACTS OF PRO-SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 
 
 9 
 
 negotiations 
 )f the treaty, 
 not be re- 
 Ameriean 
 ritory "were 
 re covered a 
 avery should 
 a moment, 
 lerican Presi- 
 
 )r 
 
 onal Conven- 
 of military 
 le attitude of 
 Gen. Zachary 
 ith of Daniel 
 
 for the Whig 
 resolution, as 
 ed in 1844, he 
 ■anee — and no 
 nan — that his 
 \ when Henry 
 hig principles 
 leponded upon 
 • now, and we 
 private virtue 
 
 lolly taken up 
 ut upon real 
 neement ever 
 Although it 
 more than the 
 Eited Harrison' 
 e nominee for 
 
 •tnight earlier 
 for President, 
 nt. Its plat- 
 1 the Mexican 
 er; denied the 
 
 power of the government to undertake a general system of internal 
 improvements, or to assume the debts of states incurred for such 
 purpose, and opposed the protective policy in the tariff. Upon the 
 slavery question it resolved, "That Congress has no power, under the 
 Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of 
 the several states; and that such states are the sole and proper judges 
 of everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the 
 Constitution; that all efforts by Abolitionists, or others, made to 
 induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take 
 incipient steps in relation thereto are calculated to lead to the most 
 alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have 
 an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and 
 endanger the stability and permanence of the Union, and ought not 
 to be countenanced by any friend to o.ur political institutions." This 
 was an exact copy of one of the resolutions in the Democratic plat- 
 form of 1840. 
 
 The timid and non-committal policy of the Whigs was as distaste- 
 ful to the pronounced Anti-Slavery men of that party, as the 
 declaration of the Democratic Convention was to the Anti-Slavery 
 men in its ranks. .The former were Ironically named the "Conscience 
 Whigs," while both classes were sometimes called the "Come Outers." 
 In Massachusetts the feeling took the form of a Whig revolt, led by 
 Henry Wilson and E. Rockwood Hoar. In New York, the Whigs 
 were mainly kept in line through the activity and political genius of 
 William H. Seward. In that State it was the dissatisfied Democrats 
 who made the trouble. The Free Soil element of the party, with 
 Silas Wright and Martin Van Buren at its head, made numerous 
 demonstrations, among them being a great meeting held in the City 
 Hall Park, New York, directly after the return of the delegates from 
 the Baltimore Convention. At this meeting the cowardice of North- 
 ern senators who had voted with the South, was denounced. 
 
 At the Baltimore Convention two sets of delegates had been 
 admitted to seats, one representing the Hunkers, or pro slavery fac- 
 tion, and the other the Barn-burners, or Free Soil element. The 
 latter now issued an address, calling for an Ineopendent Democratic 
 Convention, which was held at Utica, June 22d, and iiominated Martin 
 Van Buren for President. At a larger convention, held at Buffalo 
 August 9, other states were represented, Mr. Van Buren's nomination 
 was confirmed, and Charles Francis Adams was nominated for Vice- 
 President. A platform was adopted which was strongly anti-slavery 
 
 m 
 
 Mm 
 
 wmmmmmmm9mm^'tii^ 
 
 HMMM 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN V . RTY. 
 
 In all phases of the subject which were then before the people. The 
 sixteenth resolution declared: "We inscribe on our banner, Free 
 H<,ll, Free Speech, Free Labor and Free Men,' and under it we will 
 rtKhi on and flght forever, until a triumphant victory «hall reward 
 our exertions." From this declaration the «'*K«»»^«*'"»^^,'^'^!^ **7 
 name of "Free Soil Party." The same elements had, in 1840 and 1844, 
 
 iH^en called the Liberty Party. ^,o„*„^a 
 
 In the election which followed the Taylor and F'"«'«[^ j-»f* *«••« 
 received 1,360,601 votes, the <'ass and Butler electors 1,220,544 and 
 Van Buren and Adams 291,2«:J. In the Electoral College the W higs 
 had la votes, and the IVmocrats 127. The vote '" M-^igan was 
 (^ass Electors, 30,677; Taylor, 23.930, and \ an Buren, 10,39^. Though 
 the administration was Whig, Congress was Democratic in both 
 houses during the whole term. In the Thirty-flrst Congress, 1849 
 o iS , the Senate stood: Democrats, 35; Whigs, 25; Free Soil, 2. The 
 House was: Democrats, 116; Whigs, 111. }- '"^^ '^'^'^ZT^ S^tn 
 gress, 1851 to 1853, the Democrats were stronger y^^'^^^'^K f® ^ 
 The sl-nate, to 23 Whigs and 3 Free Boilers, and m the House 140, to 
 88 W higs and 5 Free Hoilers. ^ *„ k^ 
 
 President Tavlor, though a Ix»uisiana slave-holder, proved to be 
 more hostile to the aggressions of slavery than did "b B«-^»^r, 
 President Fillmore, a resident of a Northern free State. The South- 
 erneT^d counted upon a large addition to the area of slave territory 
 from the acquisition from Mexico, which included what afterwards 
 Zme the State of California, and the Territory of New Mexico In 
 rteldinary course of events their hopes would have been realised, 
 but he dUcovery of gold in California put a different face upon heir 
 uL^cts It called to that section thousands of hardy, enterprising 
 rdTesllute men, a very large proportion of whom were f rom «.e 
 North. The very conditions of their occupation made free and self- 
 Tut^ ting labor necessary, and a system of slavery impossible The 
 terrUo y was organized as a State with an Anti-Slavery Constitution 
 and Sdent Taylor, in a si»ecial message, reiommended its admis- 
 sion Attempts were made to cut off from the State the territory 
 south of the MUsouri Compromise line of 36 degrees^SO n;i»«tes, but 
 these were unsuccessful, and the State was admitted early in 1850. 
 Two days later a bill passed organizing New Mexico as a territory, 
 without any restriction as to slavery, and one for organizing Utah as 
 
 a Territory soon followed. „ ., ^ s „ 
 
 The death of President Taylor called to the Executive chair a 
 
 •-'WBKaiMoeiiMMHillMII 
 
ACTS OP PRO-SLAVERY AOGRE88ION. 
 
 n 
 
 rntive chair a 
 
 timid and pliant inetrunient of Honthern aggression, for President 
 Fillmore not only signed all the so-called Compromise Measures of 
 1850, which a Democratic Congress passed, but exerted a mild influ- 
 ence in their favor. Of these measures, the one most obnoxious to 
 Northern people, and the one which gave the most occasion for strife 
 and ill-feeling afterwards, was the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 
 The Constitution, in Article IV., Section 2, Clause .1, provided that 
 '<No person held to servi(ie or labor in one State, under the laws 
 thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or 
 regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but 
 shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or 
 labor may be due." Although the word slave is not mentioned in this 
 article, as it is nowhere mentioned in the Constitution, there was no 
 question of its application to that class of labor. This provision 
 had never been carried out, with any great degree of rigor, but the 
 Fugitive Slave Law provided the officers and machinery for securing 
 the rendition of fugitives by very harsh methods, and enlisted the 
 United States Marshals and United States C'ourts in that work. It 
 brought the evils of slavery home to the Northern people, who, in 
 many of the states, refused to comply with its requirements. Not 
 only the "Conscience Whigs," but men of all parties refused to be 
 enlisted as "slave-catchers." 
 
 Religious feeling was aroused against it, especially in the Con- 
 gregational, Baptist and Methodist churches of New England. Their 
 Thanksgiving sermons often modified the expression of thanks by 
 apprehension of evil to the country because it tolerated the sin of 
 slavery, and many fast day sermons, though preached from. Scripture 
 texts, were keyed to the sentiment of Jefferson's utterante when, 
 speaking of the wrongs and cruelties of slavery, he said: "I tremble 
 for my country, when I reflect that God is just." 
 
 Here are some of the texts from which these sermons were thun- 
 dered forth: "Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." 
 "Thou shalt not oppress a hired servant." "I will be a swift witness 
 against those that oppress the hireling in his wages." "Yea they 
 have oppressed the stranger wrongfully. Therefore have I poured 
 out My indignation u])on them." "Is not this the fast that I have 
 chosen: to loose the bands of wickedness to undo the heavy burdens, 
 and to let the oppressed go free?" And here is one from Deuter 
 onomy, that was especially appropriate to the Fugitive Slave Law: 
 "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped 
 
 
•■'4-.. 
 
 12 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 from \m master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, even amonjj ■ 
 you in that place where he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it 
 liketh him best. Thou shalt not oppress him." 
 
 In the earliest stages of the agitation this feeling among the 
 churches was slow in finding expression, but it continually gamed 
 momentum. When, at a somewhat later period than this, a i>etition 
 was sent to Congress from 3,015 Congregational ministers m New 
 England, asking for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and the 
 abolition of slavery in the IMstrict of Columbia, every anti-slavery 
 member of Congress felt his backbone stiffen and his courage rise. 
 And when, later still, meetings were called in the North for the pur- 
 pose of raising money to buy rifles for the Free State settlers in 
 Kansas, it was in the churches, instead of in public halls, that many 
 
 of them were held. , , j 
 
 It was largely, also, through the members of these churches, and 
 in this period, that the modern form of the doctrines of the 'Higher 
 Law" and of passive resistance were evolved. The great mass of the 
 men who resisted the Fugitive Slave I^w were, in almost everything 
 else, law-abiding citizens, but no power on earth could make them aid 
 in enforcing that iniquitous act, because it was in violation of Scrip- 
 tural injunction, and of that higher law of justice and of universal 
 brotherhood, which God had implanted in their souls. At the same 
 time there were many of them who, if caught aiding and abetting the 
 escape of a fugitive, would not make forcible resistance but would 
 take flne or imprisonment with the equammity of saints, and the 
 courage of martyrs. As the contest proceed the atmosphere in 
 the churches of the North became more and more one of hostility to 
 slavery. Into that atmosphere many of the Whig leaders never canie 
 or they would not have consented to the compromises. The depth 
 of feeling against slavery and of devotion to the Union that was 
 behind these demonstrations, the Southerners ^'d not appreciate, or 
 they would not have forced the slavery issue as they did during the 
 next four years, nor have brought on the war, as they did, six years 
 
 Aside from the Fugitive Slave Law, the so-called Compromise 
 Measures of 1850 included the settlement of the Texas boundary and 
 the payment to that State of |10,000,000 indemnity, for the loss of 
 territory to which it had laid claims; the abolition of the slave trade 
 in the District of Columbia; the admission of California as a State, 
 and the organization of New Mexico and Utah as territories. The 
 
ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 
 
 13 
 
 HI 
 
 even among 
 ites where it 
 
 among the 
 lually gained 
 lis, a i)etition 
 iters in New 
 I Law and the 
 
 anti-slavery 
 I courage rise. 
 
 for the pnr- 
 e settlers in 
 Is, that many 
 
 churches, and 
 f the "Higher 
 it mass of the 
 )8t everything 
 nalce them aid 
 ition of Scrip- 
 1 of universal 
 At the same 
 d abetting the 
 ice, but would 
 lints, and the 
 atmosphere in 
 of hostility to 
 rs never came, 
 i. The depth 
 lion that was 
 appreciate, or 
 lid during the 
 did, six years 
 
 I Compromise 
 boundary and 
 or the loss of 
 he slave trade 
 lia as a State, 
 'itories. The 
 
 attempts to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to forbid 
 the bringing of slaves into the District, failed. 
 
 Although the Pro-Slavery leaders, as it a)>peur8 now, had already 
 formed the purpose to secure further legislation in their interest, 
 they chose, for the time, to have it considered that the Compromise 
 Measures were a final settlement ot all questions relating to slavery. 
 The Whigs were not in position to take any other ground. Both 
 parties, therefore, approached the campaign of 1852 with professions 
 of the purpose to avoid further agitation. 
 
 The Democratic Convention was held first, at Baltimore, June 
 Ist to 4th. It reiterated the declaration on the slavery question 
 adopted in 1840, and again in 1848, and already quoted In this chapter, 
 and supplemented it with resolutions, as follows: 
 
 ''That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended to 
 embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, 
 therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this 
 Naiioual platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution 
 of the acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the last 
 Congress, the Act for Reclaiming Fugitives from Service or Ijabor 
 included; which act, being designed to carry out an express provision 
 of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so 
 changed as to destroy or impair its efllciency. 
 
 "That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, 
 in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question under 
 whatever shai)e or color the attempt may be made." 
 
 Aside from this the platform was long, covering nearly all the 
 National questions then before the people. The Convention nomin- 
 ated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and William 
 R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. 
 
 The Whig Convention was held in the same city a fortnight later, 
 and nominated another military hero, Winfield Scott, of New Jersey, 
 for President, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina, for Vice- 
 President. It is noticeable that from 1832 to 1856 inclusive, both the 
 Whig and Democratic parties, in each campaign, put one Northern 
 man and one Southern man on each ticket, and both factions of the 
 disrupted Democracy did the same thing in 1860. The platform 
 adopted by the Whigs in 1852 contained this utterance on the slavery 
 question. 
 
 "The series of Acts of the Thirty-second Congress, the Act known 
 as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by 
 
 '^vpi,- 
 
r 
 
 ii 
 
 'm 
 
 
 14 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KKPUHLK^AN I'ARTV. 
 
 the Wliif? party of the I'nited Btateg a» a setth'nient, in principle and 
 HiiliHtanee, of the dangerous and ex<-itin>,' questiontt which they 
 embrace, and bo far ag they are concerned we will maintain them, and 
 insist u}Mm their strict enforcement until time and experience shall 
 demonstrate the necessity for fnrther legislation to guard against the 
 evasion of the laws on the one hand, or the abnse of their t>ower 
 on the other, not impairing their present efficiency; and we deprecate 
 all further agitation, whenever, wherever or however the attempt 
 may be made; and we will maintain the system as essential to the 
 nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union." 
 
 The Free Soil Convention met at IMttsbnrg, August 11, nominated 
 Senator John V. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, and George 
 W. Julian, of Indiana, for Vice-President. Its platform consisted of 
 twenty-two planks, of which eleven related to the slavery question. 
 One of these denounced, in detail, the whole series of Compromise 
 Measures of 1830, followed by the declaration: "That no permanent 
 settlement of the slavery question can be looked for except In the 
 practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom 
 national; by th(> total separation of the General Government from 
 slavery and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence 
 on the side of freedom ; and by leaving to the states the whole subject 
 of slavery, and the extradition of fugitives from service." Another 
 of the declarations was, "That to the persevering and importunate 
 demands of the Slave Power for more slave states, new slave terri- 
 tories, and the nationalization of slffivery, our distinct and final answer 
 is, no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, 
 and no National legislation for the extradition of slaves." 
 
 Another clause distinctly announced the principle of "the Higher 
 Law" in the declaration, "That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repug- 
 nant to the Constitution, to the principles of common law, to the 
 spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; we 
 therefore deny its binding force on the American people, and demand 
 its immediate and total repeal." ' 
 
 Upon some subjects of National interest, aside from 8>avery, the 
 platform took ground so far in advance of its time, that even the 
 (irogressive Republican party did not hold the same positions till ten 
 years later. It was an able rnd patriotic document, but cut little 
 figure in the ca^r :>.'.'^, for the Free Soil vote was only 156,149, not 
 much more than iialf what it had been four years earlier. 
 
 As between the Democrats and Whigs the campaign was spirit- 
 
 »%; 
 
 ''-'xX~'^ 
 
 
 
ACTS OF Pitt) HLAVEUY AatJUEHHION. 
 
 18 
 
 I'inciple and 
 which they 
 
 in tliem, and 
 rienee Hhall 
 against the 
 their ;>owei' 
 
 we deprecate 
 the attempt 
 
 ential to the 
 
 ion." 
 
 LI, nominated 
 t, and George 
 
 I eoniiisted of 
 ery question. 
 
 Compromise 
 Qo permanent 
 except in the 
 
 II and freedom 
 ernment from 
 onal influence 
 whole subject 
 8." Another 
 1 importunate 
 »w slave terri- 
 id final answer 
 alized slavery, 
 
 B." 
 
 of "the Higher 
 ' 1850 is repug- 
 m law, to the 
 ized world; we 
 e, And demand 
 
 m slavery, the 
 that even the 
 sitions till ten 
 but cut little 
 ly 156,149, not 
 
 ign was spirit- 
 
 less, and the result a decisive Democratic vlt-tory. In the Ele«'tonil 
 College I'ierce and King had 254 votes, and Hcott and Graham only 
 42. The iMipular vote was Democratic, 1,001,474; Whig, 1,38«,57H. 
 The Thirty-third Congress, elected mainly at the same time, had in 
 the Senate 38 Democrats, 22 Whigs and two Free Soilers; in the 
 House 150 Democrats, 71 Whigs and four Fri'e Soilers. The Michigan 
 vote on President was, for Pien-e, 41,842; Scott, 33,071, and Hah', 
 7,237. Its Congressional delegation was all Democratic. liewis 
 Cass and Charles E. Stuart repi^sented the State in the Senate. 
 
 Of the condition and prosi)ects of the country at this time Horace 
 (JrH'iey said in his "American Conflict": "The finances were healthy 
 and the public credit unimpaired. Industry and trade were signally 
 prosjierous. The tariff had ceased to be a theme of partisan or sec- 
 tional strife. The immense yield of gold in California, during the 
 four preceding years, had stimulated enterprise and quickened the 
 energies of labor, and its volume as yet showed no signs of diminution. 
 And though the Fugitive Slave I^aw was still denounced and occasion- 
 ally resisted by Abolitionists in the free states, while Disunionists still 
 plotted in secret, and, more oi)enly, prepared in Southern commercial 
 conventions, there .was still a goodly majority in the South, with a 
 still larger in the North and Northwest, in favor of maintaining the 
 Union and preserving the greatest practical measure of cordiality and 
 fraternity between the free and slave states, substantially on the 
 Compromise of 1860." 
 
 If the Democrats, as a party, had been sincere in their assertion 
 of the purpose to resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress, "the 
 agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the 
 attempt might be made," this pleasant picture of pea<'e and prosperity 
 might have continued, with Democratic supremacy, for many years; 
 but overconfident in their strength, and not comprehending the depth 
 of feeling in the North, they speedily renewe«l the agitation. 
 
 At the last session of the Thirty-second Congress a bill was intro- 
 duced to organize the territory west of Iowa and Missouri into a single 
 Territory, to be called the Territory of Platte. It was reported from 
 ('ommittee as a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska. Although 
 the Territory was large, and the population increasing, many Southern 
 members opposed the bill, and it was reported adversely to the 
 House by the Committee of the Whole. A motion to table it was 
 lost, and it was passed and sent to the Senate-, where it remained, at 
 the end of the session, among the bills not acted upon. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ' S*j* 
 
I'l 'M 
 
 
 16 HISTORY OF THE REFITHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 At the oiM..ni.iK «f the Thirty-third OongreBS Senator Dodge, of 
 Iowa, introduced a similar bill, whi<h was referred to th« Committ^ 
 on T;rritorieB. It wa« subsequently reported by that /^^omm «ee 
 when Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, offered an amendment, providing 
 that the Act of 1820 should not be so construed as to apply to the 
 Territory contemplated by this act, nor to any other Territory of the 
 United States. Senator Dixon was a Whig, and was charged by the 
 Washington Union, the Democratic organ, with taking this course m 
 order to divide and disorganize the Democratic party. To this 
 charge he replied on the floor of the Senate: "Sir, I merely wish to 
 remark that upon the question of slavery I know no Whiggery, and 
 I know no Democracy. I am a Pro-Slavery man. I am from^ a 
 slave-holding State. I represent a slave-holding constituency. I am 
 here to maintain the rights of that people, whenever they are before 
 
 the Senate." , . . , ^j 
 
 Senator Douglas did not wish discussion on this issue forced 
 immediately, and therefore had the bill ref err^ back to his Commit, 
 tee on Territories. He subsequently reported it, amended so as to 
 create the two Territories of Kansas and Nebraska and with the 
 provision that all questions pertaining to slavery in the states, to be 
 Cmed from these territories, should be left to the action of tlie people 
 thereof, through their appropriate representatives, and that the pro- 
 vi o"s of the'constitution and laws of the United States in respect 
 to fugitives from service, should be carried into faithful execution in 
 all the organized territories, the same as in the states. 
 
 The bill, as introduced, had the stipulation, "That the Cons itu- 
 tion and all laws of the United States which are not locally mapplica- 
 
 ble, shall have the same force and -^^^^''"^'^ ZJulZlZ 
 elsewhere in the United States." To this the amended bill added the 
 following reservation: "Except the section of ^^^^^'IT^S 
 to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6 1820, 
 which was superceded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, com- 
 Tonly called Vhe Compromise Measure, and is declared inoperative' 
 But even this was not strong enough to suit those^who hoped to 
 make slave states of the new territories. After a hot debate Senator 
 Douglas proiK,sed the following in place of the reservation above 
 cZtecl- '^x ept the section of the Act preparatory to the admiss on 
 olMTssouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being 
 to^.Z with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with 
 slavery in the states and territories, as recognized by the legislation m 
 
ACTH OF PKO-SLAVEUY AG(JREHHI()N. 
 
 17 
 
 or Dodge, of 
 
 e Committee 
 t Committee, 
 nt, providing 
 
 apply to the 
 rritory of the 
 
 arged by the 
 Ithig course in 
 ty. To thid 
 erely wish to 
 V'higgery, and 
 I am from, a 
 uency. I am 
 ley are before 
 
 issue forced 
 o his Commit- . 
 mded so as to 
 and with the 
 le states, to be 
 n of the people 
 i that the pro- 
 ates in respect 
 ul execution in 
 
 t the Constitu- 
 cally inapplica- 
 id territory as 
 1 bill added the 
 ct preparatory 
 March 6, 1820, 
 m of 1850, com- 
 d inoperative.'' 
 i who hoped to 
 debate Senator 
 ervation above 
 I the admission 
 , which, being 
 Congress with 
 le legislation in 
 
 H 
 
 1860, commonly called th<? Coiiipromise Measure, is hereby declared 
 inoiierative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this 
 act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or Htate, nor to exclude 
 it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and 
 regulate their domestic iustitutions in their own way, subject only 
 to the Constitution of the United Htates." 
 
 This was adopted by a vote of .'{5 to 10. That it wos not intended 
 to mean what it said, was clearly demonstrated immediately after- 
 wards, for Senator Chase, of Ohio, moved to add to the above the 
 following: "Under which the i)eople of the Territory, through their 
 appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the existence 
 of slavery therein." This was rejected by a vote of 30 to 10, thus 
 showing that so far as the territories were concerned the doctrine of 
 "Popular Sovereignty" was a jiretense and a sham — that the people 
 of the territories were Jiot to be allowed to prohibit slavery, previous 
 to their admission as states. Further contest in the Senate was 
 hopeless, and tbe bill passed on the morning of March 4th, by the 
 decisive vote of 37 to 14. 
 
 In the House the measure was fought with more vigor, and at 
 first with some hope of compassing its defeat. A separate bill had 
 been there introduced, but the Senate bill was substituted for it, and, 
 by a parliamentary trick, its ojiponents were prevented from ofifering 
 amendments. The discussion upon it was long and acrimonious, but 
 it finally passed, by vote of 113 yeas to 100 nays. The affirmative vote 
 consisted of 101 Democrats, of whom 44 were from the North, and 12 
 Whigs, all of whom were from the South. The negative vote con- 
 sisted of 44 Northern Democrats, 44 Northern Whigs and three Free 
 Sellers. The bill went back to the Senate, nominally as a House bill, 
 but in reality the Senate measure, finally passed that body May 26, 
 and was signed by President Pierce, May 30. The Northern Whigs, 
 it will be noticed, finally voted solidly against the measure, but the 
 non-committal attitude of their party in previous campaigns had pre- 
 vented their having members enough to make their votes effective. 
 The passage of the measure sealed tbe fate of the Whigs as an organ- 
 ization, and hastened the concentration of anti-slavery sentiment in a 
 new party. 
 
 This brief narration of events can convey but a faint impression of 
 the excitement with which the men of the North watched their course. 
 The long discussion of the Compromise Measures and of the Kansas 
 Nebraska bill had taught them many things, not only with regard to 
 
 If 
 
 ■A ii 
 
 ■ --? • 
 
 i1| 
 
IT" 
 
 ■'^,■■ 
 
 IS 
 
 IlISTOnYOFTIIK IIKIM HIJCAN PAKTY 
 
 Houthorn a^Kn-HHiouH in the int.Me«t of «lav»M-.v. but with the fvils of 
 Hlav.'rv itw'lf. TlH' Iltoratnn- (►f the iMM-iod wan IntoiiB*'. Mis. 
 Stow,.'H "liuU. Ton.'H i'abin," whi.h probably had a diHiH-r and moro 
 widennmid InfJ.HMUv on opinion than an.v ..tlu-r story of mmonilr and 
 Bo,ial lifo that waH ever written, wan pnblinhed durinK this iM-riod of 
 diHon«Bion, flrBt a« a nerial in Dr. nanuiliel Hailey'«Wa«hinKton pain^r, 
 the National Era. and afterwards In book form. The/*"*';'* 2" 
 Hon.Hl, and many other political newspapers made the Kansas^ 
 N,.braska bill and kindred n.atters the .hlef tophs of discussion, and „ 
 a nun.ber of religious paiK-rs ^ave them seareely less attention. 
 
 The VntlHlaverv element in the North had accepted the admission 
 „f Missouri even wlH. the Compromise with reluctanie That meas- 
 ure for adn.lssion had passed by 7« votes from slave states and on 
 14 from free states, nuiklng im. The negative votes were 87 all fro'" 
 he frei. states. The Houth, in the admlss^un of that state with 
 Iverv m U roasthution, had reape<l all ttTe benefit of the Com^ 
 ^n m se, and now v.olated its spirit and repudiated Its fore. Tha 
 nntrument had dedicated the territory which It covered o freedcMU 
 orever, and now It was proposed to make It ,M'r,H.tually slave. The 
 C ro. ises of 185i» again had bm. accepted as a finality and both 
 heTreat parties had so declared In their conventions not two years 
 p e^,; to this time. Yet a new agitation had been "'"-d atjMy 
 Unu .nd in the debates in this Congress the puriK.se had been made 
 S est, to admit no more free states to the Un on unless an equa 
 Tmber of slave states could come in; a p«r,K.se. '^^^er JMn his to 
 earrv slaverv into all the territories. In the legislation of 1820 and 
 ISoS^tl e No^th had yielded enough. It would yield no more. The 
 iav of Compromises was past. The time for organizing a new party 
 had come, and Michigan was to take the lead m that work. 
 
Ii the t'vils of 
 itciiHe. Mrs. 
 IMT and inor*' 
 (M-undiiiic uiid 
 this iM'rl(«l ttt 
 linKtoii patH'i-, 
 u* puiKM* men- 
 
 the KnnmiH- 
 iHi'iiHsion, ami , j 
 ttentlon. 
 the adiiiiBHion 
 
 That ineaB- I 
 ates, and only 
 re 87, all from 
 hat state with 
 it of the Com- 
 } fone. That 
 red to freedom 
 ly slave. The 
 ality, and both 
 
 not two years 
 m Immediately 
 had been made 
 inless an equal 
 ler than this to 
 ion of 1820 and 
 no more. The 
 ng a new party 
 mrk. 
 
 II. 
 
 A WOltKOFrKEl'AHATION. ,, 
 
 The Hitnation in Mi.hiKan in lHr.4-The Hreaking Down of Old I'arty 
 L|,„.«_HtronK An.i-HlaviMy Kentiment In the Htate-The Under- 
 
 - ground Railway Llm— ('orrespouden.e of Whig Edltors-An 
 Important IMeliniinary Meeting-Htatements from Home of the 
 l^niders-Free Demorratlt- Mass <>nv< iitlon-It Nominates a 
 TUket and Makes Overtures for a Union-Rousing Anti-Nebraska 
 Meetlngs-\aluable W<.rk by Whig and Fri-e Democratie Edlt«.rs 
 -Knronragement From the Early Eleetlons-A Umg Step 
 Towards Union-Strong Resolutions and a Rousing Call. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the Htate had generally given Demooratle 
 ,„«j«rlties up t<» the time when the slavery question became the pam- 
 mount issue in ,K,lities. a majority of Michigan i^eople were oppos^ 
 to the policv of that party on this supreme question. Their Htate 
 was part of 'the great Northwest Territory, over which the Ordinance 
 of 1787 spread the mantle of per,H-tual freedom. Their history and 
 traditions were in full accord with the principles of this fundamenta 
 law As the Eastern border of the State was on the frontier it 
 became part of the great highway that U^ the fugitive slave to Canada 
 and fnn^om, and along that highway, at Kalamazoo, Adrian, OetroU 
 and other places, were stations of the ^'underground ra Iway, where 
 fleeing slaves had been assisted on their way, and where they had 
 aroused the deepest sympathies of those who met them Some of 
 these men had been arrested and fined for violation of t^^ J»K**»^« 
 Slave Law. They were, at this time, as thoroughly aroused as the 
 I,eople of almost any other Northern State, at the repeated aggres- 
 sions of the slave power. ir„„-„« 
 The difflcnltv, when the feeling that grew out of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska controversy was at its height, was in a lack of concentration^ 
 A la "e majority of the Whigs shared In the feeling but were attached 
 n alTection and sentiment to their party and wished to preserve its 
 
IIIHTOUY OF TIIK UKPlIlilJrAN 1»AKTY. 
 
 inti'Ki'it.V hihI itM iiuiiic. TImtc wiih niiotlK't- party, iiiikIl' up mainly 
 of AbolitioniHtH and of ||iom<> old Di'mocratH whose Anti-Hlavery HtMiti- 
 nientH wciv ho Hti-onK lliat llify i-oiild not r(»llow their old organiitatiun 
 into the Houthern fold. The men of (IiIh party were, in (■<iaif'-in|>or- 
 aneouH reeordH, variouHly called Free KoilerH, Fhm* Deniocrv » nud 
 Free Koil DenioeralM. In the election o* 1H52 they had given Imuuc 
 1*. ('hrlHtianey 5,sri() voteH for Oovernor, while the VVhiKH gave Zaeh- 
 ariah Chandler :t4,((it(l, and th<> DemocratM gave Robert Merielland 
 42,7J>H. ThiH wai4 a clear nuijority fi>r the DemueratB over the other 
 two parties conibiniHl. 
 
 8nbHe4|uent eventH, however, had changed that, and in 1854, there 
 WHH no doubt that a nntjority of voters in the Htate were not only 
 oppoHed to the exteuHion of slavery into any new Territory, but were 
 also in favor of obliterating some of the rompntniise Measures that 
 had, two years earlier, been accepted as a settlement of the whole con- 
 troversy. The difliculty was in combining all the Anti-Slavery 
 elements into one j-olierent whole. The Whigs themselves were not 
 entirely united in sentiment upon this subject. There were, in truth, 
 two factions antong them, the Keward Whigs, as they were called and 
 as they rather ]ik(>d to call themselves in Michigan, and the Silver 
 Oray Whigs, as they were tlrst called in New York and subsequently 
 in other states. The former were in full sympathy with the rising 
 tide of Anti-Slavery sentiment. The latter were conservative on the 
 subject, but neither was ready to disband its organization. They cer- 
 tainly had no idea of being absorbed by the Free T)emocrats, nor had 
 the latter any purpose of losing their party identity. 
 
 But the work of preparation for the breaking down of these party 
 lines had long before b<'en commenced. Charles V. De I^nd, one of 
 those who was active in this preliminary work, recently made this 
 brief statement in reference to it: 'The movement began soon after 
 the crushing defeat of the Whigs in 1852, by correspondence between 
 the leading Whig editors of the Northern states. I was at that time 
 editor of the Jackson Citizen, and distinctly remember the circular 
 letters of the National Intelligencer, Albany Journal and other leading 
 papers, asking the expression of all Whig editors as to the situation, 
 and what the future policy of the party should be. These circulars 
 induced some of the leading Whig editors of Michigan to hold a con- 
 ference at Jackson in February, 1854, of which Henry Barns, of 
 Detroit, was Chairman, and the writer was Secretary. The Free Soil 
 party had called a convention for the 22d of February to nominate a 
 
 Mil 
 
w mainly 
 jery wilt I- 
 iiini«iitiun 
 |)iif ' -iii|»or- 
 |'i"M It (I lid 
 Ivcn Ihuuc 
 law Zach- 
 |cn('|latid 
 I the other 
 
 HM, tliere 
 ' not only 
 , but were 
 Mires that 
 whole c'ou- 
 iti-Slavery 
 I were not 
 i, in truth, 
 
 [culled and 
 the Silver 
 tfiequently 
 the rising 
 ive on the 
 They cer- 
 ts, nor had 
 
 hese party 
 md, one of 
 made this 
 soon after 
 :e between 
 t that time 
 le circular 
 ler leading 
 ^ situation, 
 e circulars 
 lold a con- 
 Barns, of 
 ? Free Soil 
 lominate a 
 
 A WORK OP I'RKl' A RATION. 
 
 tl 
 
 L' 
 
 Htato ticket. The KaimiiM N'cluaMka liill, the re|teal of tli<' .MiMHoiir! 
 ('oiii|iroiiiiH(' and other nulirai pi-oMlavcry l<>i;iHlali<>ii wan iiciidiiiK in 
 ConKn-HM. .Mn-atly the |mm»|»I«' of tin* Norllierii Mtates were holding 
 mass iii(>4>tintj;M, dciioiiiiring and renioiiHt rating aKaiiiHt the |>i'o|M»He<l 
 leglMlation. The edilorH adopted a |M»ll*-y looking; to the i-onHtilidution 
 of nil the .\ntl-Hlavei\v exteiiHion elenienlH into a new party. Henry 
 HurnH, of the l)<>troit Trihnne; Oeor^e .\. Fitch, of the KalaniUTSoo 
 Telegraph, and Z. 1). Knight, of the I'ontiuc Oa/.ette, were appointed 
 a roninilttiM' to attend the Free Hoil Htate (Convention, and Hubniit the 
 pntpoHition to the leaderH of that party. A ronference waH held on 
 the evening of the L'lHt, at the ofllce of AuHtiii lllair, and among the 
 Fre<' Soil lenders preHent I remember KiiiHley H. Hingham, llovey K. 
 riarke, Naac V. ChriHtiancy and William T. Howell. The Free Holl- 
 ers thougtif if best to go on and hold their conv<>ntion an<l to noiiiinate 
 a ticket, but agreed to name a joint committee, with authority to cull 
 a mass conventiim later, and if a union of the kind proposed was feubi- 
 ble, to withdraw their Htnte ticket and join the new organlKution." 
 
 Of a Inter phase of the nioveinent Henry Wilson, in his "Rise and. 
 Fall of the Hluve Tower in America," suid: ''Immediately on the' 
 passage of the Nebraska bill, Joseph Warren, editor of the Detroit 
 Tribune, entered upon a course of ineaHures that resulted in bringing 
 the Whig and Free Hoil parties together, not by a mere coalition of 
 the two, but by n fusion of the elements of wlii«'li the two were coin^ 
 posed. In his own language he 'took ground in favor of disbunding 
 the Whig und Free Hoil parties, and of the organisation of a new party 
 composed of all the opponents of slavery extensitui.' Among the) 
 first steps tuken toward the accomplislnnent of this vitally important 
 object, was the withdrawui of tlie Free Hoil ticket." 
 
 In reference to the same movement, Joseph Wnrren himself wrote, 
 twenty-flve years later: "Though the repeal of the Compromise 
 between freedom and sluvery, which for nearly thirty-tive years had 
 been looked upon as an inviolable compact, creuted widespread and 
 intense excitement, the members of the Whig party, it wus feared, 
 were not prepured to abandon their own organ ix.ut ion, and be absorbed 
 in the Free Soil party. Being impressed with the conviction that 
 such a sentiment existed to a sufficient extent to render the success of 
 the Free Soil ticket doubtful, even if it should be formally udopted (as 
 he felt it should not be) by a Whig convention, the writer of this brief 
 sketch, then editor and part owner of the Detroit Tribune, initiated, 
 through its oolumns, a movement on the part of the Anti-Slavery peo- 
 
 
 ;! , * 
 
 Pil 
 
 MM 
 
M»wMi«MMa8BWtBB>WWi 
 
 mmmm 
 
 22 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 pie of the State, which resulted in the Jackson masB convention, and 
 in the organization and chriBtening of the Republican party. . . He, 
 through the columns of the Tribune, took immediate and very decided 
 ground in favor of formally disbanding both the Whig and Free Boll 
 parties of the State, and of the organization by mass convention, of a 
 new purty, composed of all the opponents of slavery extension of 
 whatever name. This course, it is due to himself to state, he took 
 upon his own responsibility, being so thoroughly convinced that it 
 was right and would triumph, that he advised not even with his imme- 
 diate political friends as to the wisdom of the step." The time here 
 referred to was that immediately following the final passage of the 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill in May, and for the next two months Mr. 
 VVarren'ir paper was undoubtedly the most conspicuous, as it was one 
 of the ablest, and certainly the most vigorous, among newspaper advo- 
 cates of the movement. But it would not be just to ascribe to any 
 one man the credit either for the initiative or the progress of the move- 
 ment. It was too broad and the feeling was too deep to be credited 
 to any one individual. It was an inspiration that came alike to 
 hundreds of earnest men engaged in editorial work and in other 
 avenues of public life. 
 
 The call for a mass convention of the Free Democracy was issued 
 January 12, 1854, and was signed by U. Tracy Howe, Hovey K. (^larke, 
 Silas M. Holmes, S. A. Baker, S. B. Thayer, Samuel P. Mead, Samuel 
 Zug, J. W. Ohilds and Erastus Hussey, State Central Committee. 
 Between the call and the time of the convention an address was issued 
 to the people of the country by Senators Salmon P. Chase and Charles 
 Sumner, and Representatives Joshua R. Giddings, Edward Wade, Oer- 
 ritt Smith and Alexander DeWitt, condemning the Kansas-Nebraska 
 bill as "a gross violation of a satTed pledge, a crim.inal betrayal of 
 precious rights, a part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from 
 a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the old world, and free 
 laborers from our own states, and convert it to a dreary region of 
 despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves." The various arguments 
 or excuses which had been offered for the bill were examined, their 
 fallacious character was shown, and an eloquent appeal was made to 
 the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the North. This address was given 
 a wide circulation in Michigan and added to the intensity of feeling, 
 which found expression in various Courty Conventions of the Free 
 Democracy, and at numerous Anti-Nebraska meetings which were not 
 limited to that party. 
 
 NiliMIIMMIiili 
 
ion, and 
 
 . He, 
 
 decided 
 
 ree Soil 
 
 ion, of a 
 
 nsion of 
 
 he toolc 
 
 Id tlmt it 
 
 is ininie- 
 
 ime here 
 
 Jge of tlie 
 
 thB Mr. 
 
 was one 
 
 per advo 
 
 )e to an.v 
 
 the move- 
 
 i credited 
 
 alike to 
 
 in other 
 
 'as issned 
 K. (Clarice, 
 d, Ramuel 
 ommittee. 
 vaa isHued 
 td Charles 
 ^'ade, Ger- 
 ■Nebraska 
 Btrayal of 
 lude from 
 and free 
 region of 
 rguments 
 Bed, their 
 9 made to 
 vas given 
 ►f feeling, 
 the Free 
 were not 
 
 ,; A WOKK OP PREPARATION. 28 
 
 The most notable of the latter wa» held in Detroit February 18, 
 in response to n call whi«'h contained the following among other well- 
 known names: Zachariah Chandler, Jacob M. Howard, Oliver New- 
 berry, George B. Pease, William It. Wesson, Raker & Conover, Fred. 
 Morley, John H. Jenness, Lyman Baldwin, Francis Raymond, Silas M. 
 Holmes, John Owen, Frederick Riihl, James A. Van Dyke, Hanine| 
 Zug, Robert W. King, Daniel Kcotten, William A. Butler, Richmond ^ 
 Backus, Henry P. Baldwin, A. C. McGraw, D. Bethune DuffleldJ 
 Thomas A. Parker, Seymour Finney, Alexander H. Dey, George Kirby, 
 Joseph Warren, Jacob S. Far rand and A. J. Brow. Major Jonathaq 
 Kearsley was President of the nu»eting, Shubael Conant, Henry Chip- 
 man and C. C. Trowbridge were among the Vi<'e-Pre8ident8, an(| 
 speeches were made by Major Kearsley, JamcH A. Van Dyke, Zach' 
 ariah Chandler, Samuel Barstow and D. Bethune Dullield. Strong 
 Anti-Slavery resolutions were adopted, but they did not commit tlm 
 meeting in any way to an abandonment of old party lines. Tliu 
 people were not yet ready for that and it is probable that if such a 
 proposition had been made at the time it would have been voted down. 
 
 In fact, the proposition had, as yet, hardly come into serious con- 
 sideration as a practical nmtter, and the Convention which was held 
 at Jackson four days later, February 22, 1S54, was lit Id as a (Jonven- 
 tion solely of the Free Democratic party. It was called to order by 
 Hovey K. Clarke as Chairman of the State Central Committee, and 
 organized with DeWitt C. Leach as temporary Chairman. Subse- 
 quently William T, Howell, of Hillsdale, was chosen President, with 
 one Vice-President from each Judicial district. 
 
 The Committee on Resolutions was an exceptionally strong one, 
 consisting of Hovey K. Clarke, Fernando C. Beaman, Kinsley S. 
 Bingham, F. Huseey, Nathan Power, 1). C. Leach and L. Moore. Its 
 report, as prepared by Hovey K. Clarke, and slightly amended by the 
 Convention, proclaimed, in a preamble, attachment to the Union, 
 pledged support to the Constitution, announced a policy with refer- 
 ence to certain matters of State interest, and contained the following 
 resolutions upon questions of National importance: 
 
 1. That we regard the institution of domestic slavery, which 
 exists in some of the states of the Union, notonlyas a foe to the domes- 
 tic tranquillity and the welfare of such states, but as subversive of the 
 plainest principles of justice and the manifest destroyer of the bless- 
 ings of lil)erty. As an institution, we are compel UmI to denounce and 
 abhor it. Yet we concede that in the states where it exists It is politi- 
 
 
24 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 if II-. 
 
 cally beyond our reach. But as we cannot deny our responsibility 
 concerning it, so long as it finds protection under the laws of the Fed- 
 eral Government, so we will never cease to war against it so long as 
 the purpose of the Constitution shall remain unaccomplished to secure 
 the blessings of liberty f o all within its power. 
 
 2. That in following in the footsteps of the fathers of the 
 republic, who regarded FREEDOM the NATIONAL and slav- 
 ery the sectional sentiment, we best vindicate their claims to 
 enlightened patriotism, and our own to be considered loyal supporters 
 of the government they established ; and that opposition to any exten- 
 sion of slavery, and to any augmentation of its power, is clearly the 
 duty of all who respect the doctrine or the practice of the wisest and 
 ablest of the framers of the Constitution. 
 
 3. That the attempt now pending in Congress to repeal the enact- 
 ment by which the vast territory north of the Missouri Compromise 
 line was dedicated to freedom is an outrage upon justice, humanity 
 and good faith; one by which traitorous ambition, confederated with 
 violation of a solemn and time-honored compact, is seeking to inflict 
 upon the nation a deep and indelible disgrace. We denounce the 
 scheme as infamous; and we call upon the people to hold its authors 
 and abettors to the most rigid and righteous accountability. 
 
 4. That executive patronage has grown to be an evil of immense 
 magnitude; consolidating the power of the government into the hands 
 of the incumbent of the Presidential mansion to a degree subversive 
 of all proper accountability to the people', and for which there is no 
 adequate remedy short of a transfer of this power from the President 
 to the people. 
 
 5. That We are in favor of cheap postage by land and sea; of free 
 grants of land out of the public domain in limited quantities to actual 
 settlers; of harbor and river improvements, National in their charac- 
 ter; and of grants by the government in aid of a railroad to the 
 Pacific in such form as shall best avoid the wasteful splendor of gov- 
 ernment jobs and secure the early completion of the road. 
 
 Additional reso|lutions urged great care in the choice of members 
 of the Legislature, and made several pronounced declarations in refer- 
 ence to matters of State legislation. 
 
 A large Committee on Nominations was appointed, and its 
 recommendation of a full State ticket, with Kinsley S. Bingham at 
 its head, was adopted by the Convention, which also appointed a State 
 Central Committee, consisting of S. A. Baker, Samuel P. Mead, 
 Samuel Zug, J. W. Childs, R. R. Beecher, W. W. Murphy and D. C. 
 Leach. 
 
 The papers of those days did not make a practice of reporting the 
 speeches at conventions, and the accounts of those made on this 
 
 i-'^K'if! 
 
 BtHM 
 
 ■m 
 
I \f^ 
 
 >nBibiIit.y 
 the Fed- 
 lo long as 
 I to secure 
 
 PS of the 
 ind slav- 
 blaims to 
 
 |upporters 
 my exten- 
 
 [learly the 
 irisest and 
 
 the enact- 
 
 mpromise 
 
 humanity 
 
 •ated with 
 
 to inflict 
 
 ounce the 
 
 ts authors 
 
 f immense 
 
 the hands 
 
 Bubversive 
 
 here is no 
 
 President 
 
 lea; of free 
 s to actual 
 eir charac- 
 Dad to the 
 ior of gov- 
 
 f members 
 IS in refer- 
 
 I, and its 
 ingham at 
 ed a Btate 
 P. Mead, 
 and D. C. 
 
 orting the 
 e on this 
 
 ^ * A WORK OF PREPARATION. 86 
 
 occasion were provokingly meager. We are told that the nominee 
 for Governor was "vociferously called," and made a short speech, 
 which was received with "rapturous applause," but what he said 
 contemporary records fail to state. Henry Barns and H. H. Emmons 
 spoke briefly. Both were given the floor by courtesy as representa- 
 tives of the Anti-Slavery Whig element. Of the latter speech, and 
 of the desire for union, which found expression at the Convention, 
 the Free Democrat gave this glimpse, in an editorial: 
 
 "Mr. Emmons was not prepared to say 'Fellow Free Democrats,' 
 but he was rejoiced in 
 
 the nominations which , , , { ^ i / 
 
 had been made, and V. ' / 
 intimated that at least 
 the nominee for Gov- 
 ernor would receive his 
 vote. He was pleased 
 to observe the spirit of 
 liberality and conces- 
 sion which was mani- 
 fested in the choice of 
 candidates, and in all 
 the action of the Con- 
 vention. He was heart- 
 ily with us in our 
 principles and purposes, 
 and so were a vast 
 majority of the Whig 
 party of Michigan. He . 
 seemed to hope that 
 there would be but two 
 
 parties in the State this kinbley s. binoham 
 
 fall, that all the friends of freedom would be able to stand upon a 
 common platform against the party and platform of the slave propa- 
 gandists. Mr. Emmons made a masterly speech, and won the hearts 
 of all who heard him. If the Whigs of Michigan will take his ground 
 the days of the Slave Democracy are numbered. The Free Demjocracy 
 are willing to meet them on the grounds indicated in that speech, as 
 the oft repeated affirmative responses showed. 
 
 "The speeches were of great service to the Convention by opening 
 to the members some view of the advantages which nmy yet accrue 
 
 MM 
 
26 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 from a judrcioua and liberal policy in the nifitpict and County nomina 
 tions- and the\ were a source of sintere deliRht, as they indicated a 
 probability of 'a co-operation of the Whigs in the effort to carry the 
 doctrines of freedom into execution." 
 
 This was the first editorial expression by the Free Democrat of a 
 hope of union with the Whigs. Its editor, H. A. Baker, was promi- 
 nent in this convention. His associate, J. P. Conover, was conspicu- 
 ous in subsequent movements, and was one of the secretaries of the 
 Republican convention that was held in July following. 
 
 Tlie speech of Mr. Emmons was useful, not only, as here indicated, 
 in inspiring the Pree Democrats with a Iwye of union, but also as an 
 indi<a^ion to the Whigs, from one of their prominent members, of 
 their dutv in the existing situation. It voiced tlie sentiments of 
 thousands of Whigs who had already overcome their natural reluct- 
 ance to giving up their old organization. The necessities of the 
 situation were gradually bringing others around to the same view, 
 and the unselfish attitude of Mr. Bingham materially aided in bringing 
 them to a rational and politic course. That patriotic and publi.- 
 spirited gentleman, in an interview with Col. Defend a few weeks 
 after the convention, not only announced his own willingness to 
 retire if that would help the cause which he had at heart, but volun- 
 teered the statement that he favored the withdrawal of the whole 
 ticket if the liberal Whigs and Democrats could thereby be united. 
 He further expressed the conviction that a union could be formed 
 that would carry Michigan and the entire North. 
 
 Mr Bingham also suggested that the Anti-Nebraska editors of 
 the State should have a conference to see if they could find a basis 
 of common opposition to slavery aggression. Following th'* '"ter- 
 view there were conferences with Jacob M. Howard, Zachanah Chand- 
 ler William A. Howard, A. 8. Williams, E. A. Wales, Henry Barns 
 and others. A meeting of editors was then called at the Detroit 
 Tribune office in March. It was attended by Henry Barns and Joseph 
 W^arren, of Detroit; Z. B. Knight, of the Pontiac OaBette; G*orge A. 
 Fitch of the Kalamazoo Telegraph; H. B. Rowlson, of the Hillsdale 
 Standard, and C. V. DeLand, of the Jackson Citizen. Even yet the 
 upospect of such a combination as would present an invincible front to 
 the cVmmon foe, was not considered very bright. Mr. Warren, how- 
 ever was enthusiastic and declared in favor of the plan of disbanding 
 both the old parties and forming a new one, with a new name. To 
 this plan, which he had before this outlined in his pai>er, he consist 
 
 :''"K 
 
•I^kwl 
 
 A WORK OP PREPARATION. 
 
 87 
 
 nomina- 
 licated a 
 carry the 
 
 )crat of a 
 las promi- 
 j congpicu- 
 lieg of the 
 
 [indicated, 
 
 \]»o a» an 
 
 mberg, of 
 
 imentg of 
 
 •al reluet- 
 
 es of the 
 
 »me view, 
 
 n bringing; 
 
 nd public- 
 
 "ew weekH 
 
 ngnesB to 
 
 but volun- 
 
 the whole 
 
 be united. 
 
 be formed 
 
 editors of 
 nd a basis 
 this inter- 
 iah Chand- 
 nry Barns 
 le Detroit 
 nd Joseph 
 George A. 
 Hillsdale 
 en yet the 
 le front to 
 rren, how- 
 isbanding 
 ime. To 
 le consist - 
 
 ! i> 
 
 ently adhered. Mr. Fitch follow(>d in an editorial in the Kalamazoo 
 Telegraph of April 2(i, declaring that the old parties had outlived 
 their usefulness, and that an imperative necessity existed for the 
 organization of a new (lolitit'al party. In the course of the article 
 he said: "We <-annot look to any other movements of the old 
 parties in reference to the Nebraska bill and questions touching slav- 
 ery that bring any promise of success, nor to any class of old bi<. ken- 
 winded, broken-down {toliticians; but we may look with a strong ho|*e 
 of success to see these measures consumnmted by the honorable and 
 active young men of the Htute, those who have not trimmed their sails 
 to catc'h every breeze which has swept across every political sea; those 
 who have not acted for years as the mere weathercocks of public 
 opinion, but active and untiring young men who shall enter with assur- 
 ance and vigor into the field — those capable of grasping the questions 
 of the time, and wringing from them their meanings — a little after the 
 'Young America' order, if you please. We therefore advise the 
 holding of a Young Men's Independent State ('onvention, irrespec- 
 tive of party, at an early p«»riod, to express their opinions upon the 
 leading questions which now agitate the masses of the i)eople of this 
 and other states, to advise and consult together, and to adopt such 
 plans for future action as their consultation would give rise to." 
 
 Most of the other Whig paiHM's of the state gradually fell into 
 line. The spring elections also heli)ed in the movement. In New 
 Hampshire and Connecticut anti-Administration tickets were elected, 
 although the opposition to the Democracy had not yet crystal ized into 
 perfectly coherent organizations. Htill greater encouragement had 
 come from a local election within our own borders. In Grand Rapids 
 the Eagle, formerly a Whig paper, had expressed its approval of the 
 chief objects of the Free Democra<ry, its editor, Aaron B. Turner, 
 taking the ground that the Whig party had reached the end of its 
 career, and that there must be a reorganization, upon broader princi- 
 ples of freedom and (^ual rights, to renew the struggle against the 
 Democratic party. After the February (,^onvention the Eagle 
 promptly put up the Fr.-^ Democratic ticket, but urged a movement 
 for another and joint Con /ention, an abandonment of the Whig organ- 
 ization, a new party and new life upon popular ground. It also 
 strongly urged that a beginning be made right at home, in the city 
 nominations, for the spring election. Mr. Turner, personally, was at 
 the front of this movement, and he was joined by a number of leading 
 Whigs, some Democrats who had become dissatisfied with the attitude 
 
 
 I I ; I 
 
 I r; 
 
 <*>■■■■»■ 
 
28 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 of their own part.v, and the leaders of the Free Democracy, who had 
 before this perfected a Btron^ local orKanization under the name of 
 the Free Democratic (Mub. A kind of free-for-all City Convention 
 was held, Wilder D. Foster, one of the most active members of the 
 club was, against his protest, nominated for Mayor, and elected. This 
 sweeping success, in a Democratic City, of an opposition not yet half 
 organized, was accepted as an omen of what a well-equipped and 
 cohesive party might accomplish in the Btate as a whole. 
 
 As the Free Democrats had, all along, been the most ready to 
 make overtures for a union, while the Whigs had been rather coy of 
 accepting such advances, so the former were the flrst to take a practi- 
 cal step in that direction. This was in a call, issued by the State 
 Central Committee, which had been appointed in February, for a mass 
 convention to be held in Kalamazoo, June 21. As an illustration of 
 the i>erfervid and hortatory style of address to which the intense 
 excitement of the period led the call is worth reproducing in full. It 
 is as follows: 
 
 FELLOW CITIZENS— A fearfully momentous question is agitat- 
 ing the American people: It is whether within the forms of the Con- 
 stitution (which were designed to establish and extend the blessings 
 of liberty), the scope and intent of that Instrument shall be subverted 
 and its whole power exerted to promote and extend the system of slav- 
 ery which prevails in some of the states of the Union. 
 
 Step by step within a third of a century have the enemies of 
 freedom advanced, at first cautiously, but with increasing boldness, — 
 and step by step have its friends been driven back, until, by the crown- 
 ing perfidy of the passage of the Nebraska bill, the Constitution is 
 subverted, and that system which, at the organization of our govern- 
 numt, begged for a temporary existence, has become the great 
 controlling power of the Nation. SLAVERY 18 RAMPANT IN THE 
 CAPITOL. It makes and unmakes Presidents, and its Presidential 
 tools buy and sell the representatives of the people like chattels in 
 market. There is no lower depth that the Nation can reach but one; 
 and that is, that the people, by adopting the act of their representa- 
 tives in Congress, shall voluntarily consent to share this degradation. 
 l»EOPLE OF MICHIGAN! can it be that this foul scheme will receive 
 your sanction? Can it be that the immense region about to be organ- 
 ized as the Nebraska and Kansas Territories, in which FREE 
 institutions ought to be allowed an unquestioned right, which right, 
 moreover, has been bought and paid for by concessions which have 
 introduced three slave states in the Union; can it be that Freemen 
 after they have bought their own domain shall be compelled to submit 
 to the robbery of that which was their own by nature and by purchase? 
 
T^Yi^i^i— 
 
 ,•' >''.\ 
 
 A WORK OP PREPARATION. 
 
 29 
 
 who had 
 name of 
 lonvention 
 lers of the 
 Ked. This 
 )t yet half 
 |ipped and 
 
 ready to 
 her eoy of 
 e a practi- 
 ' the State 
 for a mass 
 stration of 
 le intense 
 in full. It 
 
 >n is agitat- 
 of the Con- 
 e blessings 
 subverted 
 em of s lav- 
 enemies of 
 boldness, — 
 • the crown- 
 stitution is 
 [)ur govern- 
 i the great 
 ^T IN THE 
 'residential 
 chattels in 
 ch bat one; 
 representa- 
 egradation. 
 will receive 
 
 be organ- 
 ich FREE 
 hich right, 
 vhich have 
 t Freemen 
 
 1 to submit 
 purchase? 
 
 Shall they submit without complaint? Will they raise a voice of 
 remonstrance? Is the spirit of liberty — the spirit of the fathers of 
 the Revolution, the haters of oppression in every form — "crushed out" 
 at the impudent command of a demagogue, and crushed out forever? 
 PEOPLE OF MICHIGAN. Look at your representatives in Con- 
 gress. Are you satisfied with their conduct? How recently have 
 most, if not all of them, when seeking your favor, committed them- 
 selves fully against the extension of slavery into free territory? Is 
 that their position now? (live all the credit you can to the two who 
 voted, at the passage of the bill, against it. How much are they still 
 justly answerable for in smoothing the way of the dominant majority 
 to this most shameful success; and you will retain them? Are you 
 willing to share their degradation by approving their conduct — by 
 which the passage of the bill was tinally accomplished? 
 
 The undersigned, representing the only political party in this 
 State, which, as a party, adopts as a principle in its political creed 
 opposition to the extension of slavery, believe that the time has come 
 when the people who regard slavery as a 8e(;tional and not a National 
 institution, should rally to vindicate this principle, take the liberty to 
 invite a 
 
 MASS CONVENTION 
 
 ■•^P' 'i 
 
 of all who would restore the government to its original position on the 
 slavery question, of all who are opp(»sed to the consummation of the 
 Nebraska fraud, to assemble at !;,. 
 
 KALAMAZOO .'..,::,. ':-.-:y,^:l.7i^;^ ■■■ 
 
 on the 2l8t of June Next, 
 
 at noon, there to concentrate their opposition to the rapid strides of 
 the slave power, in such a manner as shall be deemed most practical 
 and efficient, and to protect their own cherished rights as citizens of 
 free t^tates. In taking the initiative in this call they intend no disre- 
 spect to any party or body of their fellow citizens who may sympathize 
 with them in its object. They could not, without seeming to neglect 
 the interests which they are especially appointed to promote, decline 
 to act at this juncture, and they believe it their duty to act promptly. 
 They desire it, however, to be understood that all who approve the 
 objects of this call, as above ex[)re8sed, are earnestlj' invited by their 
 presence and participation in the Convention to show that the 
 PEOPLE ARE AROUSED, and that the day of retribution to their 
 betrayers is at hand. 
 
 There was a purpose in calling the Convention at Ka^ imazoo, for 
 this was in the center of a strong Anti-Slavery district. The Village 
 and County, as well as the adjoining County of Cass, contained numer- 
 ous "underground railway" stations, and many of its citizens had 
 been active in aiding escaping fugitives. The County was among the 
 few in the State that regularly gave Whig majorities. It had besides 
 
 I f 
 
■ ^ ■^'T'k 
 
 III8TOUY OP THE UEI'l HLK'AN rARTV. 
 
 a fitron}{ Fr(H> Hoil orKHiiixution, and in Home elections fnlly one-flfth 
 of its vote had none to that party. It was ably represented in the 
 Jackson Convention of February 22d, and had held a large and earnest 
 Anti-Nebraska meeting early in March. Many of its prominent Whigs, 
 and some of its leading Democrats, were ready to join in any move- 
 ment that should give full effect to the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the 
 State. It was the home of United States Senator Charles E. Stuart, 
 and of Samuel (.'lark, Representative in Congress. Both of these gen- 
 tlemen had spoken strongly against the principles of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill, but had afterwards voted for it, and had thereby 
 incensed many of their r»emo<*ratic constituents, some of whom had 
 signed the call for the meeting on the 11th of March and had after- 
 wards attended that gathering. Two of the most conspicuous of these, 
 S. H. Uansom, brother of Ex-(lovernor Epaphroditus Ransom, and 
 George W. Winslow, before that active in the Democratic ranks, had 
 been roundly denounced by the Oaxette, the Democratic organ. This 
 had intensified the feeling, which was further heightened by the fa(*t 
 that the final passage of the amended Nebraska bill in the House, had 
 occurred only three days before the call for the mass convention was 
 issued. 
 
 The meeting was held in the County Court House. A storm and 
 the (luarter Centennial celebration of the settlement of the Village 
 kept many away. The meeting was, therefore, not large, but it was 
 thoroughly representative in character, and enthusiastic in spirit. It 
 included four of the candidates on the Free Democratic ticket, Kinsley 
 S. Bingham, Silas M. Holmes, Hovey K. (Marke and S. B. Treadwell. 
 It included, also, three of the editors who had been prominent in 
 urging union, J. F. Conover, of Detroit; A. B. Turner, of Qrand Rapids, 
 and C. V. DeLand, of Jackson. The first two of these were Secretaries 
 of the Convention. M. A. McNaughton, of Jackson, was chosen 
 President, with fotfr Vice-Presidents, and the following were named 
 on the important Comniittee to frame resolutions : Hovey K. Clarke, 
 Samuel Ransom, U. Tracy Howe, W. E. Dale, C. Gurney, H. B. Rex- 
 ford and {'. V. DeLand. This Committee reported a strong preamble 
 and resolutions. The first four of the series declared that the Con- 
 stitution established a government of freemen for a free people; that 
 the institution of slavery was regarded, at the time the Constitution 
 was framed, as exceptional and local in its character, and to be limited 
 and restricted until it should finally disappear; that the recent pas- 
 sage of the bill for organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska 
 
 Mm 
 
 it: 
 
'"•If™ 
 
 A WORK OF PREPARATION. 
 
 81 
 
 one-flfth 
 ed in the 
 d earnest 
 |nt WhiKB, 
 ny move- 
 nt of the 
 |E. Stuart, 
 these gen- 
 ie Kansas- 
 thereby 
 hom had 
 had after- 
 8 of these, 
 isom, and 
 'anks, had 
 an. This 
 )y the fart 
 lonse, had 
 ention was 
 
 storm and 
 he Village 
 but it was 
 spirit. It 
 :et, Kinsley 
 Tread well, 
 ominent in 
 ind Rapids, 
 Secretaries 
 ^as chosen 
 'ere named 
 K. Clarke, 
 H. B. Bex- 
 ^ preamble 
 It the Con- 
 eople; that 
 onstitution 
 • be limited 
 recent pas- 
 I Nebraska 
 
 was the crowning act of a series of slavery aggressions, and that evils 
 so great demanded a remedy. 
 
 The fifth resolution declared, "That we do not and will not de- 
 spair; that we believe the iieople of this Htate are ready to resptmd to 
 the call of their country in this emergency; that they are ready, irre- 
 spective of all past political preferences, to declare in an unmistakable 
 tone their will; and that will is that slavery aggression upon their 
 rights shall go no further — that there shall be no compromise with 
 slavery — that there shall be no more slave states — that there shall 
 be no slave territory — that the Fugitive Slave Law shall be repealed 
 — thai the abominations of slavery shall no longer be perpetrated 
 under the sanctions of the Federal t^onstitution — and that they will 
 nmke their will effective by driving from every place of official power 
 the public servants who have so shamelessly betrayed their trust, and 
 by putting in their pla<e8 men who are honest and capable; men who 
 will be faithful to the Constitution and to the great claims of 
 humanity " 
 
 This resolution, comprehensive and bold as it was in its declara- 
 tion of purpose, occasioned a long discussion, but was finally adopted. 
 Then after a short digression, the sixth resolution was taken up. This 
 brought down to practical action the main purpose for which the Con- 
 vention was called, and was as follows: 
 
 "Resolved, That the Free Democracy of Michigan rejoice to behold 
 the indications of popular sentiment furnished by this Convention. 
 They are conscious that the deeply aroused feeling of the masses in 
 this State will seek a suitable expression in a Convention springing 
 from themselves, irresiiective of any existing political organization; 
 and that if such a movement shall be animated and guided by the prin- 
 ciples expressed in the resolutions of this Convention, and shall 
 contemplate an efficient organization to give effeet to our principles in 
 this State, we shall willingly surrender our distinctive organization, 
 and with it t|ie ticket for State officers, nominated at Jackson on the 
 22d of February last; and that we commit the execution of this pur- 
 pose . to a committee of sixteen, two persons from each Judicial 
 District, to be appointed by this Convention." 
 
 Toward the adoption of this resolution all the proceedings of the 
 Convention, as well as the events of several preceding weeks had 
 tended, but it was recognized to be a step of such grave importance as 
 to require deliberation, and it was not until it had been fully discussed 
 in all its phases that it was adopted. 
 
 1 
 
 (!"•.- 
 
88 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, "; 
 
 At an adjourned iii>8Hion, held in the evtMiing, the committee of 
 sixteen, strong in its iM*rHonnel, was a|>point(*d, speeches were made 
 by Messrs. Ringhuni, Howe and Clarke, and the Convention adjourned. 
 It was followed by a private i'onferenre of some of the leaders at the 
 house of Dr. J. A. H. Htone, a veteran Free Holier, and then President 
 of Kalamazoo College. It was there agreed that they would not only 
 acquiesce cheerfully in the withdrawal of their ticket and other con- 
 ciliatory measures, but that they would work actively to draw together 
 in mass convention. Free Boilers, Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Demo- 
 crats, and to bring about a complete agreement between them. 
 
 Of this gathering and its results the Free Democrot said: "Now 
 when the exigencies of the times demand that a permanent party of 
 fretmien in this State, with enlarge<l facilities for action, should be 
 formed, a party which shall bi* but a single section of that great free- 
 dom organization which is to restore our government to its once proud 
 position, and wrest it from the control of the slave oligarchy, the mem- 
 bers of the Convention felt called npon, by all that is hallowed in love 
 of country and sacred in humanity, to surrender, as they offer to do, 
 everything but principle. No ordinary emergency could have secured 
 such entire unanimity of consent to so great a surrender. The seduc- 
 tions of a temporary triumph would not have moved them to such 
 action, but now that tlie aroused sentiment of the country demanded 
 the organization of a party that should be entirely efficient to the 
 maintenance of those principles upon which our government was 
 established, 'a government of freemen for free people,' they have nnhes* 
 itatingly taken the action their resolutions record." 
 
 From this time on events ntjoved forward with great rapidity. 
 The preliminary work had been thoroughly done, and the Anti-Slav- 
 ery people of the State were prepared for immediate and concerted 
 action. A call for a mass convention, to be held at Jackson, July 6, 
 had already been drawn and the men who were conspicuous in the 
 Kalamazoo Convention, with many of their Whig friends, and 
 otiier volunteers, devoted the next fortnight to giving it circulation. 
 The call was written by Isaac P. Ohristiancy, was submitted to others 
 interested in the movement and was slightly modified as the result 
 of such discussion. As finally issued, it was addressed to '^To The 
 People of Michigan,'' and was as follows : 
 
 A great wrong has been perpetrated. The slave power of this 
 country has triumphed. Liberty is trampled under foot. The Mis- 
 souri Compromise, a solemn compact, entered into by our fathers, has 
 
niJttee of 
 ere made 
 idjoiirned. 
 [era at the 
 Presideut 
 not only 
 [other <'on- 
 together 
 ka Denio- 
 liem. 
 
 "Now 
 
 t party of 
 
 should be 
 
 great free- 
 
 9noe proud 
 
 ', the mem- 
 
 ved in love 
 
 affer to do, 
 
 ive secured 
 
 The seduc- 
 
 sm to such 
 
 demanded 
 
 lent to the 
 
 nment was 
 
 have unhes* 
 
 It rapidity. 
 > Anti-Slav- 
 I i'oncerted 
 i|on, July 6, 
 lous in the 
 iends, and 
 circulation. 
 ^ to others 
 the result 
 to '^To The 
 
 wer of this 
 
 The Mis- 
 
 athers, has 
 
 A WORK OF I'HKPAUATION. M 
 
 be<>n violated, and a vast territory dedi<uted to freedom, has been 
 op«'ntKl to slavery. 
 
 This act, so unjust to the North, has lM>t>n iM*riM>truted under cir- 
 cumstances which dceiM'n its |>erfldy. An Administration placed in 
 power by Northern voters has brought to bear all the resources of 
 Executive corruption in its supi>ort. 
 
 Northern 84'nators and Ueprescntatives, in the face of the over- 
 whelming public sentiment of the North, expressed in the proceedings 
 of public m(H.'tingB and solemn remonstrances, without a single p<'ti- 
 tion in its favor on their table, and not daring to submit this great 
 i|uestion to the people, have yielded to the seductions of Executive 
 patronage, and Judus-like, betrayed the cause of liberty; whi!e the 
 Houth, inspired by a dominant and grasping ambition, has, without 
 distinction of party, and with a unanimity almost entire, deliberately 
 trampled under foot the solemn <-omimct entered in the midst of a 
 crisis threatening to the iH>ace of the Tnion, sanctioned by the great- 
 est names of our history, and the binding force of which has, for a 
 period of more than thirty years, been recognized and declared by 
 numerous at^ts of legislation. Huch an outrage upon liberty, such a 
 violation of plighted faith, cannot be submitted to. This great wrong 
 must be rightnl, or there is no longer a North in the councils of the 
 Nation. The extension of slavery, under the folds of the American 
 flag, is a stigma upon liberty. The indefinite increase of slave repre- 
 sentation in Congress is destructive to that equality between freemen 
 which is essential to the permanency of the Union. 
 
 The safety of the Union — the rights of the North — the interests of 
 free labor — the destiny of a vast territory and its untold millions for 
 all coming time — and finally, the high aspirations of humanity for 
 universal freedom, ALL are involved in the issue forced upon the 
 country by the slave power and its plastic Northern tools. 
 
 In view, therefore, of the recent a(;tion of Congress upon this sub- 
 ject, and the evident designs of the slave power to attempt still further 
 aggressions upon fre<?dom — we invite all our fellow citizens, without 
 reference to former political associations, who think that the time 
 has arrived for a unicm at the North to protect LIBERTY from being 
 overthrown and down-trodden, to assemble in 
 
 MASS CONVENTION 
 
 On Thursday, the 6th of July Next, 
 
 at 1 o'clock p. m., 
 
 At Jackson, 
 
 there to take such measures as shall be thought best to concentrate 
 the popular sentiment of this State against the aggressions of the 
 slave power. 
 
 The response to this call was prompt and emphatic. To the 
 offices of newspapers which were friendly to the movement, to all 
 classes of business places, and to the men who were personally ran- 
 
 1 
 
 ,^*; 
 
HJItiiiaiM 
 
 vanHliiK, uluiMMH .aine In ..MiHtHiit ntifuiuH. In u fortnight l«,000 
 Hlirniitun'H w.-ro «btnhHMl, nnd tlH'.v Incliul.'d a HurpriHlnR numbir of 
 \hv HtionK n.».n of tin- Ktatf. Many luindii'dn of them- Kathennl at 
 .hukHon frmi all tlu' w'ttlnl ^HMintM'K and prrHfUtiHl a notabU- Inntann- 
 of tlH- .apaclty of tlu' AnuM-iran imm.^U- for taking the Initiative for 
 creating an organlwitlon "Hptinglng from tlu'insclveB." 
 
 ill 1 1! 
 
^ V «dif^ X -^<^ '^"-^■^ 
 
 ight 10,000 
 number of 
 athcnKl ut 
 lie inHtunce 
 Itlatlvf for 
 
^ v.V 
 
m 
 M 
 
 c 
 
 iS 
 
 h 
 « 
 
 •9 
 B 
 
 .. '... - 'Iff 
 
 III. . 
 
 -THK FIKST ItKlMMLK'AN (CONVENTION. 
 
 r 
 
 A (/uick KcMuonsH to ii UoiiHiuy ('all — Th«' (Jifjil Coiivoution "lIiuhM- 
 the Oiiks" at JurkHon — An Iiiiiur'nHt' <fathennjjr <>f Hliong and 
 B«'i;r<*Ht»«tativf Mfii- A Seiifs of Patriotic and Htirriiij; Kcsohi- 
 tiouK — Business Trtinsacied l).\ Oenuxratic ^letluxlx — A JUxty 
 HannoniouH in Purjiosi- and JlcHalt» -Tln^ Most Noted (iathei-in}? 
 Kvei- Held in Ihi' Htate Mtn Who Aftervvard» He.-anie rnMiilMcnt 
 in National AtfairH — How I In- I'aiiy Recciv^'tt Its Name The Last 
 of Afichiiian Wliii; ("onventions- (.'oiir.se of the I'l'ohibinoniMts — 
 The T»eniorni(i<- NoniiuafionK- The New Party ('onduit« u fc»hoi"t 
 and W'iniiinji ('amitaijjii- 
 Tlif frathering wliicli was to take its phne in liistor\ as-the llrst _ 
 l^!|)uMi(-au Conveniion in the countiy, was <jilh'd to ordei- at llron 
 son's Hall, JaekKon. Judge L<'vi Raxtei-. of Hillsdale, was made tein- ' 
 porary Cliainnan. and a t'onjinittee of (wo from each «"ongresHionaI 
 IMstrirt wan apjiointed i(» select |»ernia\ienr otllcerss of the Convention. 
 The crowd and the entlniHiahni were much greater than the most »;ih 
 gnine had antjcipaled, and the hall wan not large enough to contain 
 either. It w.nild hold abuijt fitMl and there were between t.Otttt and ^ 
 n,000 ho wanted to get iii. .Adjournnieut was, had To an oak 
 gffrt'e on the edge of the then smail city, at ;i i»oiMt that now i oversii the 
 corner of Washington and First xtreetx. li wasi tlUHbiantitul grove 
 thar was for long afterwiudn c(>lelM-a(ed us rife birtlijilacc of the 
 Kepnbliean jiarty, and i>arti<'ijm(ion in the Convention 'Tuder the 
 Oaks," wan a token of honor to those afiending j«. e»j>e<i{illy to those, 
 who, twenty-six years later, were Seleg^t-'S to u Hepublican State 
 Nominating t'oovention in the same cffy The attendance of uhmi 
 from other parts of the Stare was larj^*-. and uh the procession took 
 itB <-ourse to the grove, it drew after it li«tif the twHiple of the town. 
 As stated in a contemporunettns i^jK>rt : "The m-viw* iit the grove wtt« 
 most uniriiating. The excellent bra«w lm»'i of .J«< knitn was present, 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
 i'-Ul 
 
 
 lU 
 
 ■'hi 
 
 h 
 
 Mi 
 
 W--Ar.r 
 
 •# 
 
'4 \ 
 
 III. 
 
 THE PIR8T REIT^BLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 if'!n>s:' 
 
 r:> 
 
 A Quirk KeBUonse to a KouBing Call — The Great (Convention "Under 
 the Oaks" at Jackson — An luiiuenBe Gathering of Strong and 
 Representative Men — A Series of Patriotic and Stirring Resolu- 
 tions — Business Transacted by Democratic Methods — A Body 
 Harmonious in Purpose and Itesults — The Most Noted Gathering 
 Ever Held in the State- -Men Who Afterwards Became Prominent 
 in National Affairs — How the Party Received Its Name — The Last 
 of Michigan Whig Conventions — Course of the Prohibitionists — 
 The Democratic Nominations — The New Party Conducts a Sho't 
 and Winning Campaign. 
 
 The gathering which was to take its place in history as the first 
 Republican Convention in the country, was call'xl to order at Bron- 
 son's Hall, Jackson. Judge I^evi Baxter, of Hillsdale, was made tem- 
 porary Chairman, and a Committee of two from each Congressional 
 District was appointed to select permanent officers of the Convention. 
 The crowd and the enthusiasm were mu<'h greater than the most san- 
 guine had anticipated, and the hall was not large enough to contain 
 either. It would hold about 600 and there were between 4,000 and 
 5,000 who wanted to get in. Adjournment was had to an oak 
 grove on the edge of the then small city, at a point that now covers the 
 corner of Washington and First streets. It was this beautiful grove 
 that was for long afterwards celebrated as the birthplace of the 
 Republican party, and participation in the Convention "Under the 
 Oaks," was a token of honor to those attending it, especially to those, 
 who, twenty-six years later, were delegates to a Republican State 
 Nominating Convention in the same city. The attendance of men 
 from other parts of the State was large, and as the procession took 
 its course to the grove, it drew after it half the people of the town. 
 As stated in a contemporaneous report : ''The scene at the grove was 
 most animating. The excellent brass band of Jackson was present. 
 
 
nW 
 
 se 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 and greatly enlivened the occasion by its muBie. A high enthusiawrn 
 pervaded the entire asBembly, and there was every prospecl of the 
 harmonv and good feeling that have so abundantly prevailed. 
 
 As this was not a delegate Convention there was no oef sio" for 
 a Committee on Credentials. As it was the ftrst of its kind, there 
 were no rules and no precedents to govern its order of business or 
 course of action. It contained some incongruous elements, and it 
 was so large as to be unwieldy, yet so great was the desire of its mem- 
 bers for a genuine concert of action, that it reached conclusions in 
 ucr» lui K harmony and transact- 
 
 ed its business in order. 
 The first occasion for 
 any concession to the 
 desire for harmony 
 came in the Committee 
 on Permanent Organi- 
 sation. Some of the 
 Free Soil members of 
 the Committee desired 
 that Isaac P. Chris- 
 tiancy, their last candi- 
 date for G o V e r n o r, 
 should be i)ernianent 
 Chairman. But it was 
 argued that the tem- 
 porary Chairman was a 
 Free Soiler, that senti- 
 ment against dropping 
 old party names and 
 adopting a new one was 
 stronger among the 
 Whigs than among Free Soilers, and that every appearance of 
 crowding the latter party to the front should be avoided. The choice, 
 therefore fell upon David 8. Walbridge, of Kalamazoo, a zealous 
 Whig whose selection, it was thought, would Lave some inflxience in 
 inducing reluctant Whigs to acquiesce in the union. Twelve Vice- 
 Presidents were chosen, taken impartially from the different parties. 
 Of the seven Secretaries, three, J. F. Conover, A. B. Turner and Q. A. 
 Fitch, were among the editors who had aided in the movement. 
 
 The next action was the appointment of a Committee on Resolu- 
 
 DAVID S. WALBRIDGE. 
 
'. ?'H>V 
 
 THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 37 
 
 hnthusiaBm 
 ect of the 
 
 Iccasion for 
 [kind, there 
 usinesB or 
 >nt8, and it 
 of its mem- 
 iclusions in 
 id transact- 
 'SB in order, 
 iceasion for 
 iion to the 
 r harmony 
 Committee 
 ent Organi- 
 )uie of the 
 ineroberg of 
 ttee desired 
 P. (?hri8- 
 r last candi- 
 o V e r n o r, 
 I>ermanent 
 But it was 
 it the tem- 
 irman was a 
 ', that senti- 
 ist dropping 
 names and 
 new one was 
 r among the 
 pearanoe of 
 The choice, 
 9, a zealous 
 influence in 
 twelve Vice- 
 rent parties, 
 er and Q. A. 
 ?ment. 
 s on Resolu- 
 
 tions, and in accordance with the thoroughly democratic* character of 
 the meeting this Committee was named by the electors of the several 
 Congi'essional Districts, four from each District, making sixteen in 
 all. It Included a number of strong nen of very positive views, and 
 it waa deemed quite certain that if tlvy could agree upon a platform 
 the Convention would accept it. Th »y adjourned to the edge of the 
 oak opening, at what is now the corner f»f Second and Franklin streets, 
 and here half a dozen diiTcrent platfori.i8 came out of the pockets of 
 members of the CJommittJMj. One by Au itin Blair was fiercely radical. 
 One set was forwarded by Horace Ortvley, from New York. Others 
 were by Isaac P. Christiancy, Jabez Fox and Jacob M. Howard, the 
 latter of whom was Chairman of the Committee. His resolutions had 
 been very carefully prepared, after consultation with leading members 
 of both parties. They were accepted by the Committee, with some 
 modifications suggested by the platforms drawn by Mr. Christiancy 
 and Mr. Pox. They were considered by Mr. Blair to be too tame, and 
 in the Convention, he nmde a minority report covering his own resolu- 
 tions. This was, however, tabled, and Mr. Howard's report was 
 almost unanimously adopted. It was as follows: 
 
 The freemen of Michigan assembled in convention in pursuance 
 of a spontaneous call, emanating from various parts of the Btate, to 
 consider upon the measures which duty demands of us, as citizens of 
 a free state to take, in reference to the late Acts of Congress on the 
 subject of slavery and its anticipated further extension, do 
 
 RESOLVE, That the institution of slavery, except in punishment 
 of crime, is a great moral, social and political evil; that it was so 
 regarded by the fathers of the Republic, the founders and best friends 
 of the Union, by the heroes and sages of the Revolution who contem- 
 plated and intended its gradual and peaceful extinction as an element 
 hostile to the liberties for which they toiled; that its history in the 
 United States, the experience of men best acquainted with its work- 
 ings, the dispassionate confession of those who are interested in it; 
 its tendency to relax the vigor of industry and enterprise inherited in 
 the white man; the very surf acre of the earth where it subsists; the 
 vices and immoralities which are its natural growth; the stringent 
 police, often wanting in humanity' an^ speaking; to the sentiments of 
 every generous heart, which it demands; the danger it has already 
 wrought and the future danger which it portends to the security of 
 the Union and our Constitutional liberties — ^all incontestably prove it 
 to be such evil. Surely that institution is not to be strengthened and 
 encouraged against which Washington, the calmest and wisest of our 
 Nation, bore unequivocal testimony; as to which Jefferson, filled with 
 a love of liberty, exclaimed : "Can the liberties of a Nation be ever 
 
 mmm 
 
■ ■,;V-" 
 
 ' — _-^- — ii- 
 
 88 
 
 HI8TORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 thoiififht secviro when we have removed their only flrni buBis, a convic- 
 tion in the minds of the people that their liberties are the GIFT OF 
 (JOD? that they are not to be violated but with His wrath? Indeed, 
 I tremble for my country when I reflect that Ood is just; that His 
 justice cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, nature and 
 national means, only a revolution of vhe wheel of fortune, an exchange 
 of situation is among possible events; that it may become probable by 
 supernatural interference. The Almighty has no attribute which 
 can take sides with us in such a contest." And as to which another 
 eminent patriot in Virginia, on the close of the Revolution, also 
 exclaimed: "Had we turned our eyes inwardly when we supplicated 
 the Father of Mercies to aid the injured and oppressed, when we 
 invoked the Author of Righteousness to attest the purity of our 
 motives and the justice of our cause, and implored the God of battles 
 to aid our exertion in its defense, should we not have stood more self- 
 (onvicted than the contrite publican?" We believe these sentiments 
 to be as true now as they were then. 
 
 RESOLVED, That slavery is a violation of the rights of man as 
 man; that the law of nature, which is the law of liberty, -gives to no 
 man rights superior to those of another; that (}od and Nature have 
 secured to each individual the inalienable right of equality, any viola- 
 tion of which must be the result of su{)erior force; and that slavery, 
 therefore, is a perpetual war upon its victims; that whether we regard 
 (he institution as first originating in captures made in war, or the 
 subjection of the debtor as the slave of his creditor, or the forcible 
 seizure and sale of children by their parents or subjects by their king, 
 and whether it be viewed in this country as a "necessary evil" or 
 otherwise, we find it to be, like imprisonment for debt, but a relic of 
 barbarism as well as an element of weakness in the midst of the State, 
 inviting the attack of external enemies, and a ceaseless cause of inter- 
 nal apprehension and alarm. Such are the lessons taught us, not 
 only by the histories of other commonwealths, but by that of our own 
 beloved country. 
 
 RESOLVED, That the history of the formation of the Consti- 
 tution, and particularly the enactment of the Ordinance of July 13, 
 1787, prohibiting islavery north of the Ohio, abundantly shows it to 
 have been the purpose of our fathers not to promote, but to prevent 
 the spread of slavery. And, we, reverencing their memories and 
 cherishing free republican faith as our highest inheritance, which we 
 vow, at whatever expense, to defend, thus publicly proclaim our 
 determination to oppose, by all the powerful and honorable means in 
 our power, now and henceforth, all attempts, direct or indirect, to 
 extend slavery in this country, or to permit it to extend into any 
 region or locality in which it does not now exist by i>o8itive law, or 
 to aditait new slave states into the Union. 
 
 RESOLVED, That the Constitution of the United States gives 
 to Congress full and complete i)ower for the municipal government of 
 
THE FIRST REPI^ULKVVN TONVENTION. 
 
 »\\ 
 
 , a conviiv 
 I GIFT OF 
 Indeed, 
 that His 
 [latnre and 
 exchange 
 Irobable by 
 i>ute whicii 
 Icli another 
 lution, also 
 Supplicated 
 I, when we 
 |*ity of our 
 of battles 
 1 more self- 
 sehtinients 
 
 8 of man an 
 
 gives to no 
 
 ature have 
 
 , any viola - 
 
 hat slavery. 
 
 r we regard 
 
 war, or the 
 
 the forcible 
 
 y their king, 
 
 Hry evil" or 
 
 ut a relic of 
 
 of the State, 
 
 use of inter 
 
 ight us, not 
 
 t of our own 
 
 the Consti- 
 of July 13, 
 shows it to 
 t to prevent 
 Emories and 
 e, which we 
 roclaim. our 
 lie means in 
 indirect, to 
 id into any 
 tive law, or 
 
 states gives 
 I'ernment of 
 
 the territories thereof, a jmwer which from its nature cannot be 
 either alienated or abdicated without yielding up to the Territory an 
 absolute political inde|)endence, which invttlves an absurdity; that 
 the exercise of this power necessarily looks to the formation of states 
 to be admitted into the Union; and on the (|uestion whether they shall 
 be admitted as free or slave states, Congress has a right to adopt 
 such prudential and preventative measures as the jirinciples of 
 liberty and the interests of the whole country require; that tliis 
 (|uestion is one of the gravest importance to the free stateH, 
 inasmuch as the Constitution itself creates an equality in the appor- 
 tionment of Representatives, greatly to the detriment of the free and 
 to the advantage of the slave states. This question, so vital to the 
 Interests of the free states (but which we are told by certain political 
 doctors of modern times, is to be trejited with utter indifference), is 
 one which we hold it our right to discuss; which we hold it the duty 
 of Congress in every instance to determine in unequivocal 
 language, and in a manner to prevent the spread of slavery and the 
 increase of such unequal representation. In short, we claim that the 
 North is a party to the new bargain, and is entitled to have a vole** 
 and influence in settling its terms. And in view of the ambiti4>us 
 designs of the slave power, we regard the man or the party who would 
 forego this right, as untrue to the honor and interest of the North 
 and unworthy of its support. •" ,i * 
 
 RESOLVED, That the repeal of the "Missouri Compromise." 
 contained in the recent Act of Congress for the creation of the Terri- 
 tories of Nebraska and Kansas, thus admitting slavery into a region 
 till then sealed against it by law, equal in extent to the thirteen old 
 states, is an act unprecedented in the history of the country, and cnie 
 which must engage the earnest and serious attention of every 
 Northern man. And as Northern freemen, independent of all former 
 party ties, we here hold this measure up to the public execration for 
 the following reasons: 
 
 That it is a plain departure from the policy of the fathers of the 
 Republic in regard to slavery, and a wanton and dangerous frustra- 
 tion of their purposes and their hopes. 
 
 That it actually admits and was intended to admit slavery into 
 said Territories, and thus (to use the words applied by Judge Tucker 
 of Virginia to the fathers of that commonwealth), "sows the seeds of 
 an evil which like a leprosy hath descended upon their posterity with 
 accumulated rancor, visiting the sins of the fathers upon succeeding 
 generations." That it was sprung upon the country stealthily and by 
 surprise, without necessity, without petition and without previous 
 discussion, thus violating the cardinal principle of Republican gov- 
 ernment, which requires all legislation to accord with the opinions 
 and sentiments of the people. 
 
 That on the part of the South it is an open and undisguised 
 breach of faith, as contracted between the North and South in the 
 
 fl 
 
 ! ;l 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 :!!;: 
 
 Hettlement of the MiHsouri <|U(>fitiun in 1820, by wliich the tranquillity 
 of the two 8cc'tion8 was rcHtonHl, a compromiBe binding upon all hon- 
 orable men. 
 
 That it is al80 an open violation of the Compromise of 1850, by 
 which, for the sake of {leace, and to calm the distempered impulse of 
 certain enemies of the Union and at the South, the North accepted and 
 acquiesced in the odious Fugitive Slave Law of that year. 
 
 That it is also an undisguised and unmanly contempt of the 
 pledge given to the country by the present dominant party at their 
 National Convention in 1862, not to "agitate the subject of slavery in 
 or out of Congress," being the same (Convention which nominated 
 Franklin Pierce to the Presidency. 
 
 That it is greatly injurious to the free states, and to the terri- 
 tories themselves, tending to retard the settlement and to prevent the 
 improvement of the country by means of free labor, and to discourage 
 foreign immigrants resorting thither for their homes. 
 
 That one of its principal aims is to give the slave states such a 
 decided and practical preponderance in all the measures of govern- 
 ment as shall reduce the North with all her industry, wealth and 
 enterprise, to be the mere province of a few slave-holding oligarchs 
 of the South — to a condition too shameful to be contemplated. 
 
 Because as openly avowed by its Southern friends. It is intended 
 as an entering wedge to the still further augmentation of the slave 
 power by the acquisition of the other territories, cursed with the same 
 "leprosy." 
 
 RESOLVED, That the obnoxious measure to which we have 
 alluded ought to be repealed, and a provision substituted for it, pro- 
 hibiting slavery in said Territories, and each of them. 
 
 RESOLVED, That after this gross breach of faith and wanton 
 aflfrout to us as Northern men, we hold ourselves absolved from all 
 "compromises," except those expressed in the Constitution, for the 
 protection of slavery and slaveowners, that we now demand meas- 
 ures of protection and immunity for ourselves; and among them we 
 demand the REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, and an 
 Act to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. 
 
 RESOLVED, That we notice without dismay certain popular 
 indications by slaveholders on the frontier of said Territories of a 
 purpose on their part to prevent by violence the settlement of the 
 country by non-slaveholding men. . To the latter we say : Be of good 
 cheer, persevere in the right, remem.ber the Republican motto, "THE 
 NORTH WILL DEFEND YOU." 
 
 RESOLVED, That postponing and suspending all differences 
 with regard to political economy or administrative policy, in view of 
 the imminent danger that Kansas and Nebraska will be grasped by 
 slavery, and a thousand miles of slave soil be thus interposed between 
 
 ■s:im3ff~'mmM 
 
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 41 
 
 pquillity 
 all hon- 
 
 1850, by 
 ipnlse of 
 ?pted and 
 
 |>t of the 
 at their 
 jlavery in 
 dominated 
 
 the terri- 
 •event the 
 iscourage 
 
 68 such a 
 ►f govern- 
 ealth and 
 oligarchH 
 d. 
 
 i intended 
 
 the slave 
 
 1 the same 
 
 1 we have 
 For it, pro- 
 id wanton 
 I from all 
 n, for the 
 and meas- 
 f them we 
 V, and an 
 
 n popular 
 ories of a 
 »nt of the 
 3e of good 
 tto, "THE 
 
 lififerencea 
 n view of 
 rasped by 
 i between 
 
 the free states of the Atlantic and those of the Paeiflo, we will act 
 cordially and faithfully in unison to avert and repeal this gigantic 
 wrong and shame. 
 
 REBOLVEI), That in view of the necessity of battling for the 
 tfrst principles of Republican government, and against the schemes 
 of aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth 
 was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as 
 REPUBLICANB until the contest is terminated. 
 
 RESOLVED, That we earnestly recommend the calling of a gen- 
 eral convention of the free states, and such of the slave-holding states, 
 or portions thereof, as may desire to be there represented, with a view 
 to the adoption of other moreextendednndeffectual measures in resist- 
 ance to the encroucliments of slavery; and that a committee of five 
 persons be appointed to correspond and co-operate with our friends 
 in other states on the subject. 
 
 RESOLVED, That in relation to the domestic affairs of the Stat? 
 we urge a nijore economical administration of the government and a 
 more rigid accountability of the public officers, a speedy payment of 
 the balance of the public debt, and the lessening of the amoust of 
 taxation, a careful preservation of the primary school and university 
 funds, and their diligent application to the great objects for which 
 they were created, and also further legislation to prevent the unneces- 
 sary or imprudent sale of the lands belonging to the State. 
 
 RESOLVED, That in our opinion, the commercial wants require 
 the enactment of a general railroad law, which, while it shall secure 
 the investment uiid encourage the enterprise of stockholders, shall 
 also guard and protect the rights of the public and of individuals, and 
 that the preparation of such a measure requires the first talents of the 
 State. 
 
 If these resolutions are mild one can imagine what Mr. Blair's 
 pronouncement must have been. The difficulty of getting at the exact 
 facts in relation to an incident of which a number of persons have a 
 partial knowledge, is illustrated by the different accounts given of 
 the naming of the party as it appears in the piatforui. George A. 
 Fitch, of the Kalamazoo Telegraph, a natural political organizer, was 
 in full accord with those, who, in its early stages, recognized the 
 importance of a combination, in a new party and with a new name, of 
 all the elements of opposition to the Pro-Slavery Democracy. Some 
 of his associates in the local movements of the time, aver that he had 
 a compact, made in writing, between leading Free Sellers and Liberal 
 Whigs, for an independent organization and a division of the local 
 nominations, and that several weeks prior to July 6, they gave the 
 name Republican to the party ip the compact. It is not known that 
 Mr. Fitch himself, ever set up this claim. 
 
 "ti 
 
 v, 
 
 -•» 
 
«i 
 
 IlIHTORY OF TIIK UEPT'HLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 r. V. licTiiind, in a h'tU'i- written (htolMT 21, IWW. mndo thiH 
 Htutcniciit of the nmttor: "The honor of nuniinK fhe pnrr.v belonics to 
 Zephaniuh H. Knight, of the I'ontini- Gazette. He {>ro|K»8ed It at the 
 February ronferenie and advoratcMl it Hteadil.v. He wan one of the 
 ('oniniitt(*e on I'hitforni at the JackHon (Convention, and moved itH 
 adoption b.v that roniniittee, and it wan derided favorably by a vote 
 of eleven for Hepubllcan iu five for Union." 
 
 Jogeph Warren, In whoHe life the .larkRon tVmvention wan the 
 ({reatest event, and whoHe rerolleetion of ItH detailH wati quite minute, 
 wrote aH follows, In a letter June '.W, 18T!>: "Having had houu' 
 agency, aH well in the naming and (■hrlHteniug, an in the meanureH 
 which led to the organisation, of the Republican party, and claiming, 
 therefore, to be familiar with the origin of ltd name and its applica- 
 tion to the new party, the writer will briefly «tate the fa«'t8 in regard 
 to it. The honor of having named and chrlHtened the party, the 
 writer Iuim alwayH claimed, and now iuMlHtH, lielongH jointly to Jacob 
 M. Howard, Hura.ce Greeley and hiniHelf. . Soon after the 
 
 writer began to advocate through the colnmnH of the Tribune, the 
 orgnni9sati<»n of all opitonentg of slavery into a single party, Horace 
 Greeley voluntarily ojiened a correspondence with him in regard to 
 this moveni'/nt, in which he frankly communicated his views, and 
 gave him many valuable suggestions as to the wisest course to be 
 pursued. This correspondence was necessarily very short, as it 
 began and ended in June, it being only live weeks from the reiK'al of 
 Ihe <'omprom.ise to the Jackson ('onvention. In his last letter, re- 
 ceived <»nly a day or two before it was t<> assemble, Mr. (ireeley sug- 
 gested to him the name Republican. This met the writer's cordial 
 approval, he gave Mr. (ireeley's letter, containing the suggestion, to 
 Mr. Howard, on the day of the <'onvention, after that gentleman had 
 been apjiointed Chairman of the Committee <»n Resolutions, and 
 strongly advised its adoption. This was done, the platform was 
 adopted and the ticket nominated." 
 
 Jacob M. Howard's recollection of the incident, as told to his 
 son, Hamilton G. Howard, is this: After the call for the Jackson 
 Convention he drew up a series of resolutions which he thought suita- 
 ble for adoption, but left the name of the new party blank. Mean- 
 time Mr. Warren had some correspondence with Horac-e Greeley on 
 the subject of the (Convention, and Mr. Greeley forwarded a set of 
 resolutions, not knowing that Mr. Howard was engaged in the same 
 work, and suggested the name, I>emocratic-Republi(ran. At the (Con- 
 vention Mr. Howard's resolutions were reiiorted by the Committee, 
 of which he was Chairman. The matter of name came before the 
 Convention in the form of a motion to insert the one proposed by Mr. 
 
THE FIRBT RKrmUrAN (ON VKNTION. 
 
 v.\ 
 
 nnd(> ttiiH 
 »elonK8 to 
 1 it at the 
 
 >tH' Uf tlu* 
 
 moved ItB 
 by a vote 
 
 n wan the 
 te inhiute. 
 had Hoiiic 
 
 ineaBuren 
 I claiminK. 
 ts appHt-a- 
 1 in regard 
 part.v, the 
 y to Jaeob ' 
 
 after the 
 •ibune, the 
 ty, Horace 
 1 regard to 
 views, and 
 lurse to be 
 ihort, an it 
 le reiK*al of 
 t letter, re- 
 treeley sup- 
 er's eordial 
 jgestion, to 
 tleman had 
 ntions, and 
 iitfonn was 
 
 told to his 
 the Jackson 
 ought Buita- 
 nk. Mean- 
 Greeley on 
 led a set of 
 in the same 
 At the Con- 
 Committee, 
 B before the 
 josed by Mr. 
 
 ■mt of '«"•'*'"'•"'''' „„, „„„, b,„ t„« „( .1... ,..i|H-r. wl>i.-.. mi- 
 lt .■ a <nrl(..i» fi»-t <..»'. »" "" „, ,,,.k,,, „, |,w"'n....v 
 ,K.rl.-.l .!»• ...k- "•«' ""• f"'"""i ,"„,,,! vl.^ a. ........... ...<■ 
 
 name, as though to 
 remind the Whigs that 
 they had lost their iden- 
 tity as well as their dis- 
 tinctive organization. 
 
 After the adoption 
 of the platform, the 
 Convention, still fol- 
 lowing out its Demo- 
 eratic methods, called 
 upon the electors from 
 the several Senatorial 
 Districts to appoint a 
 Nominating Committee 
 of three members from 
 each District. In three 
 of the districts a less 
 number was appointed, 
 but the Committee as 
 it was, consisted of 
 eighty-eight members, a 
 
 „„„ ,a,n.i.a.ed ...is work ^/, '°™"' '.^^^^ «..- nH*d in .-ef- 
 nominated, bnt ,t wa. '''"JJ- ' '''^^-«'™ ,,„t „ere on .l,«t tUket. In 
 ervnre to dropping some ot .!.« """«" < °^ ,;„„, Rins- 
 
 ,.»ard to the """"-'"'V:: .^ ."e fo™" "Lt, w.« »» ab.e and 
 ley 8. Bingham, wbo had headwl tne i ^, 
 
 popniar man. and UU n^.e^ -b ««»■ , ;^-«,;* ,„,„„^ i,i„ to 
 S^X™ 'w:,rr,:rti;e"Fr L„.o,.rat., and bi, re.,.n..on o,. .b. 
 
 JACOB M. HOWARD. 
 
 ..AM 
 
 
i 
 
 li 
 
 It niHTORY OP TIIK KEPUIILICAN PARTY. 
 
 ticket wnH niianiinniiiily atiftpntod to. (JoorKe A. Ooo, Whig, took 
 IIm' plare of Nntlinn IMorce, f(»r LleiitonantCrovernor, and John 
 McKlnney, that of Iwtvoll Moore, for Heen'tary of Htate; HilaH M. 
 Holmes for Htute TreaHurer, and B«»,yniour H. Treadwell for 
 (.<onniiiMMion<>r of the Ktate Land OWee, were retaineil and Whitney 
 tfones took the place of IMiilotuB llayden, for Auditor Oeneral. The 
 nomination for Attorney (teneral whh a Hurprise. It had iMH^n gener- 
 ally ex|M'4ted that Ifovey K. Clarke ,who was on the old ticket, would 
 he retained, hut W. W. Murphy, of .loneHville, without giving any 
 previouH intiniatitm of hin purpose, in an adroit and earnest 8iM>ech, 
 proponed "Honest Jake Howard" for tlie place, and Mr. Howard was, 
 agaiuKt his own jirotest, placed on the ticket. This wim completed 
 >>y naming Ira Mayhew for Su]M>rintendent of Public Instruction, and 
 «F<)lin It. Kellogg and Hiram L. Miller, for Men).bers of the Htate Hoard 
 of Education. The Convention recognized the ticket pro])osed as a 
 strong and representative one, and besides had confidence in its large 
 Committee, whose action it ratified with unanimity and enthusiasm. 
 Mr. Itingham was "rapturously called for," according to the ofllcial 
 report, and "addn'ssed the convention in a most happy manner. He 
 was evidently affected by the distinguished favor which plaecMl his 
 name, unsolicited by him, in the paramount position it occupies as 
 first on the ticket." With Mr. Itingham's 8i)eech the proceedings 
 closed. 
 
 The actual business of the ('onvention called out but little discus- 
 sion, as it was transacted mainly by the committees, and accepted by 
 the larger body. Hut while waiting for the comraittws there were 
 numerous Bi)eecheB on the general character of the Anti-Slavery 
 movement. While the Committee on Permanent Organization was 
 out several si)eeches were made, among them one by Prof. Haven, 
 afterwards President of Michigan University. During the long 
 absence of the Committee on Kesolutions there was a flow of oratory. 
 Rev. Arthur St. Clair was called out, and Kinsley H. Hingham, always 
 a favorite, made a stirring address, which was loudly applauded. 
 
 Among the Whigs who were reluctant to give up the old organi- 
 zation and name, was Zachariah Chandler, who had been a hard 
 worker in the party, and In earlier times its candidate for Mayor of 
 Detroit and Governor of the State. He was strong in his personal 
 and party attachments, and it was not until after the Kalamazoo mas') 
 meeting that he fell in with the new movement. But having on.je 
 decided, he went into it witli characteristic zeal. He was at the Co: • 
 vention, and followed Mr. Bingham in a spee4;h. He <..ave a brief 
 
 m 
 
TIIK FIKHT UKIMJULirAN CONVKNTION. 
 
 4r> 
 
 ig, took 
 lid John 
 HilitH M. 
 
 Iwell for 
 WhitiH'y 
 
 (al. Tli«« 
 
 I'll ReiHT- 
 
 A't, would 
 viiiK any 
 
 t HlMHM'h, 
 
 ard wan, 
 
 'oinploted 
 
 *tion, and 
 
 ate Hoard 
 
 oHcd an a 
 
 1 its lai'K» 
 
 ithuHiasni. 
 
 Ik* oflicial 
 
 ner. He 
 
 blaced his 
 
 bcupies as 
 
 rocei'dingH 
 
 II 
 
 tie discuB- 
 (H'epted by 
 :here were 
 iti-8lavery 
 lation was 
 >f. Haven, 
 
 the long 
 )f oratory, 
 m, alwaj'8 
 uded. 
 
 •Id organi- 
 n a hard 
 
 Mayor of 
 I persona? 
 azoo mas') 
 viug on.je 
 t the Co: 
 I'e a brief 
 
 
 niToiiiit of action on th(> Wilniot TroviHo, h'> far hh Michigan whm 
 ('onr(M'ii«><l, ((iioted tlie Anti-Hhivery rrHoliitioiiM paHHt-d b,v l)«'iiio>Tatic 
 Ktate Convention of 1K4!), and (lie liegiHliifivc rfHolntioim of iiiHtruc- 
 tionH (o the Hi'iiatorH and HeprcHcntativeM in CongrcHM on tli«> t^iuiie 
 Hiibject, and tlicn exclaimed: "Not one of onr Uepr«>H«>ntiitiveH waM 
 ever luMieHt enough to carry them out except KiiiHlev S, Itinghain." 
 He was here interrupted by three roiiHiiig ch(><>rh foi' Mr. Ilingham, 
 and other demonHtrationM, which Hhowed clearly encnigh that he was 
 the choic*' of the ('onvention. 
 
 Anothe-' interesting epiHode of the Convention wuh a short 
 •{H'i'ch by I « v.ls Clar':e, then, and for many years afterwards living on 
 a ff .m ni ,'r SV'i;; Jsor, Ontario, and the original ot (George Harris, in 
 M'^M. .Umve's ''<rjcle Tom's Cabin." His piaiii, simple recital of 
 Wvniu in f.l) ■ liiti of a slave and fugitive, deeply moved the asHi'inbly. 
 Oihi'.r liMev^'hes. at thi'i stage of the pro<-eedings, were by William T. 
 Hut^rli, R'.. Charles <'. I'oote, I'hilotus Hayden, Itev. Jesse McHrid*! 
 iM\d Rpv. 'At. F'.'ste^ 
 
 I'.jrli'x the «h«^nic/' ul tVe r'on-.mittee on Uesolutions, further 
 Hdd'Tti»t.'«5 \v' le n.ude by AitKt'i; Jllair, Hovey K. Clarke, Isaac I*. 
 ( hrisrinny r.;ii} «»rU'Th, Xo <;»;• it'V4'niiig the crowd tilled four public 
 halle »• -<il ;!ire>,' i(')iijn''!ef, wi'/j eiiihu"/ istic ratification me<>tings, and 
 lH'i»id».j ihi;,, fl'jM.'vnw iiiu^,\uvi\ r/Uln^sed a large gathering in the 
 op.'H li «>n tht' pufv.ic souvi".-. 
 
 In (Lid acc-^vnt o' jnoaedfiiwv, ibi- .vader will notice the names 
 ViS" Fv'.v«i-ul ,;<ent;enH'n who a'ifrwarai attained National distinction. 
 Mnuy IT ivre of the stin e class. %<.h » aid not sjieak at the Convention, 
 ■wer.' citly'j'r prcstnt or hsii). I« -n i.-tively engaged in the preliminary 
 wojv.. 'Ji\)i8 roll 0.' h{)»:er i:it hided six men who were afterwards 
 Governors of ^ht Btale, %<v wh<; became XJnited States Senators, one 
 Supreme Couif /fvil'ce, cr>i I'abinet Oftlcer, a number connected with 
 'h" 1 Mplomf'.tic Sen ice, e'ther as Ministers or Consuls, about twenty 
 Mbr.aht'% of Cong/fi.i* rtjd many more who rendered the State and 
 Nation ;roo'i service n the Army, in the I^egislature, on the Circuit 
 C'Mrt J.V>nch in the United States xJourts, and in a host of other 
 ui'Violnrivc positions. No single Michigan gathering, before or since, 
 has ever brought together so many able and patriotic citizens. 
 "v The enthusiasm which the action of the Convention roused in the 
 members theniflelves, was echoed by almost all the pajjers in the State 
 that had Anti-Slavery leanings. The l>etroit Tribune heartily 
 endorsed every action of the Convention, and enthusiastically sup- 
 ported the ticket. The Detroit Free Democrat said, editorially, the 
 
 win 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 '■i' y^:'.': 
 
 mm 
 
 mm 
 
 ana 
 
■WlBili 
 
 HISTORY OP THF. REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 m 
 
 mm 
 
 46 
 
 next day : '''We never saw in any deliberative body so strong a desire 
 for harmony manifested. Every member of the Convention seemed 
 to liave eome there resolved on conciliation and tranquil action. 
 There was scarcely a dissenting voice from the action resolved upon. 
 The harmony of the (Convention was especially apparent in some of 
 the most critical periods of its deliberations." The paper praised, 
 the platform as specific, bold and uncompromising, went over the t 
 ticket in detail, and added: "With such a ticket, emanating from i 
 such a Convention, we cannot be unsuccessful. It will inspire the 
 confidence of freemen in the State, not by its intrinsic merit only, 
 but by the purely republican manner in which it was selected. We 
 are confident that the people who selected it will see that it is 
 triumphantly elected." 
 
 The Jackson Citizen commented with great satisfaction upon the 
 manner in which the Convention received Mr. Chandler's reference to 
 Mr. Bingham, praised the ticket as a whole, and added: "The plat- 
 form was drawn by the Hon. Jacob M. Howard, and unanimously 
 adopted, and we are willing to add our testlTiony that it not only does 
 credit to its author, but challenges comparison with any political 
 paper of the day." 
 
 The trio of papers in Pontiac, Grand Rapids and Kalamazoo, 
 which had already contributed so largely to the movement, found in 
 the result the fruition of their long cherished hopes, and zealously 
 supported the ticket, and all the Free Soil and almost all the Whig 
 papers in the State came promptly into line. 
 
 But there was one note of discord. The Detroit Advertiser was 
 then owned by E. A. Wales, and edited by A. S. Williams. It had 
 described the Kalamazoo Convention as a stormy gathering, and had 
 assailed several of the speakers at that meeting for "disparaging the 
 character of that great and gifted American statesman and patriot, 
 Henry Clay." It now, jn a bitter and denunciatory editorial, rejected 
 the nominations, introducing its comments with the following: 
 "Previous to its meeting we called upon the Whigs to attend the 
 Convention. We looked to their influence as the only means to pro- 
 mote the interests of the people. The indications were that a 
 sufiicient number of Whigs would be present to exert a beneficial 
 influence. All those signs were false. The Convention was con- 
 trolled by Free Soilers and those who desired to break up the Whig 
 party. Everything the Free Democrats desired they obtained. They 
 went into the meeting with a ticket in the field. They procured the 
 
 ti" 
 
 '"'-^"^mmmsmm^mS:'---, ■«« 
 
 r-% : "W- ^''■)-' 
 
■|r|W| 
 
 a desire 
 
 seemed 
 
 tl action. 
 
 I^ed upon. 
 
 some of 
 
 praised . 
 
 lover the 
 
 ting from 
 
 jspire the 
 
 lerit only, 
 
 Jed. We 
 
 bat it is 
 
 upon the 
 
 ference to 
 
 'The plat- 
 
 animously 
 
 only does 
 
 political 
 
 [alamazoo, 
 
 ;, found in 
 
 zealously 
 
 the Whig 
 
 jrtiser was 
 i. It had 
 g, and had 
 raging the 
 ad patriot, 
 il, rejected 
 following: 
 attend the 
 ins to pro- 
 re that a 
 
 beneficial 
 1 was cou- 
 
 the Whig 
 lied. They 
 ocured the 
 
 'm 
 
 THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 47 
 
 adoption of just such planks as they desired. They liuew the renom- 
 ination of Kinsley S. Bingham was a foregone conclusion, and then 
 their Committee withdrew their nominees." 
 
 These, and similar utterances following, induced many Whigs to 
 hold aloof from the new movement and caused great uneasiness to 
 the leaders of the new Republican party. A month later a circular 
 was issued, addressed to the Whig Btate Central Committee, and 
 saying: "The undersigned, more than ever impressed with the 
 responsibility resting upon the men of the Whig party, and entertain- 
 ing a high sense of their obligations to take such action as is 
 necessary to advance the principles, maintain and strengthen the 
 organization and preserve the integrity of that party, respectfully 
 request that you will issue a call for a Whig State Convention, to be 
 held at an early day, for the purpose of securing these important 
 objects, and of presenting a Whig State ticket, to be supported by the 
 people of Michigan, at the election in November next." 
 
 This was circulated in nearly all the counties of the State, and 
 received signatures in sufficient number to demand action by the Com- 
 mittee, who accordingly, called a convention, to be held at the Court 
 House, in Marshall, October 4, for the purpose of nominating cauui- 
 dates for all the State offices. 
 
 This action, culminating in a Convention to be held only about a 
 month before election, and threatening to put a new ticket in the field, 
 with the anticipated result of dividing the Anti-Slavery vote, was very 
 disquieting, and led to forebodings of grave disaster. But the Con- 
 vention itself, did not merit apprehension on the one hand, nor come 
 up to expectation on the other. Only about 200 delegates were 
 present, though these represented nearly every County in the State. 
 Those that did attend were almost all in favor of the new movenient. 
 They chose as President of the ('onvention, Rufus Hosmer, who had 
 left the Advertiser because he did not agree with its course, and who 
 was then editing the Detroit Enquirer, in the interest of the Repub- 
 lican ticket. With him were chosen as Vice-Presidents, Nathan 
 Pierce, of Wayne; Chester Yost, of Washtenaw; D. C. Buckland, of 
 Oakland, and Edward D. Cane, of Hillsdale, all supporters of the 
 Republican ticket. ' 
 
 A Committee appointed to nominate a State Central Committee, 
 selected as the Detroit members Joseph Warren and Frederick Mor- 
 ley, both strongly in favor of the Republican ticket, and the latter 
 associated with Mr. Hosmer in the management of the Detroit 
 
 
 '"1 
 
 II 
 
 ■hMii 
 
 .-',■*,- 
 
 ■.'V 
 
■■ 
 
 filJ! 
 
 
 48 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Enquirer. Mr. Warren was especially distasteful to the Advertiser 
 clique, and a motion was made to substitute for his name that of E. N. 
 Willcox. Upon this m.otion the issue was drawn, and a long discus- 
 sion followed, in which three or four speeches were made, bitterly 
 denouncing Mr. Warren for his activity in promoting Republican con- 
 ventions throughout the State. When it came to the test, however, 
 there were only four votes in favor of the substitute motion, all of 
 those coming from Detroit, and two of them from the Advertiser 
 office. A motion was afterwards made by Gen. A. S. Williams that 
 Mr. Warren be expelled from the Convention on the ground that he 
 had ceased to be a Whig, but this only received the same four votes. 
 The four then withdrew, after Mr. Wales had filed a formal protest 
 against the sins which the Convention had committed, as well as those 
 it was about to commit, or as he phrased it, against its action "in 
 choosing for its presiding officer a man who was the avowed Chairman 
 of the Republican State Central Committee," and "for other action, 
 had or to be taken, which is not strictly in accordance with Whig 
 precedents. Whig principles and Whig organization. 
 
 This withdrawal left a Convention which was not only har- 
 monious, but unanimous. It made no nominations, but framed a 
 stirring address, referring to the glorious history and principles of the 
 Whig party, and to the need of concerted and united action in opposi- 
 tion to the spread of slavery. It concluded as follows: 
 
 "We are convinced that the path of duty is plain before us. We 
 are called upon not to abandon the Whig party, not to forsake a single 
 Whig principle, but to make a deep sacrifice for our country's sake. 
 We propose merely to abstain from making distinct nominations at 
 this time, so that all the friends in the cause of liberty, feeling alike 
 on the absorbing issue now jiending, may together strike and achieve 
 a glorious triumph. 
 
 "We therefore respectfully but earnestly appeal to the Whigs of 
 Michigan to take that course in the coming contest, which will best 
 unite, combine, develop and evidence the free and true spirit of the 
 North. 
 
 "Let us throw all distraction to the winds, forget all minor differ- 
 ences, and exhibit the glorious spectacle of a patriotic band of 
 freemen, arousing at the trumi)et call of liberty, with a free soil 
 beneath our feet, and freedom's banner over us, marching forward 
 in solid, united and invincible columns to battle and to victory." 
 
m 
 
 i;i!- 
 
 dvertiser 
 
 |at of E. N. 
 
 ing dr'scoB- 
 
 le, bitterly 
 
 Iblican con- 
 
 :, however, 
 
 ion, all of 
 
 Advertiser 
 
 [lliams that 
 
 nd that he 
 
 four votes. 
 
 nal protest 
 
 ell as those 
 
 ion "in 
 
 i Chairman 
 
 ther action, 
 
 with Whig 
 
 t only har- 
 it framed a 
 ciples of the 
 »n in opposi- 
 
 ore us. We 
 take a single 
 intry's sake, 
 ninations at 
 Feeling alike 
 and achieve 
 
 lie Whigs of 
 ch will best 
 spirit of the 
 
 minor differ- 
 tic band of 
 a free soil 
 ing forward 
 to victory." 
 
 THE FIRST UKl'l HLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 4!) 
 
 This was the last of the State Convention appeals made to 
 Michigan voters in this memorable campaign. The result was 
 not, of course, satisfactory to the Advertiser. After reviewing the 
 action of the Convention, and pointing out what might have been 
 done, it said: "As it is there is cause for dissatisfaction which will 
 produce its elTects. No one regrets this more than we do. We yet 
 hope that a little time may heal the discords of our party — that those 
 who have given allegiance to another organization may return to 
 their old love. This we hope, but whether our wishes shall be 
 realized or not, our own course is plain. We shair pursue the even 
 tenor of our way, exerting whatever influence we may have to forward 
 Whig principles, and Whig measures, and preserve the integrity of 
 the Whig party." 
 
 But the Whig party had held its last Convention of any conse- 
 quence in Michigtvn. Joseph Warren was elected Chairman of the 
 new State Central Committee, and a resolution was adopted, leaving 
 it with him to convene. the Committee or to call a Convention, whenever 
 he deemed it expedient. And Mr. Warren carried the Whig party of 
 Michigan in his ]iocket from that time till the day of his death; for 
 no organization, except a State Convention had power to depose him 
 from the Chairmanship, and he never found it expedient to call 
 another ('onvention. The name Whig never appeared again upon a 
 Michigan State ticket. • 
 
 But there was still another element which, for a time, added to 
 the uncertainty of this campaign. Four years earlier than this the 
 Constitution, under which the State has ever since conducted its 
 affairs, was adopted, and with it a clause prohibiting the manufacture 
 and sale of intoxicating litjuors. A law, but not a very effective one. 
 had been passed to carry out this Constitutional prohibition. Temper- 
 ance sentiment was then strong in the old parties, and since the 
 State was organized there had been no separate temperance ticket in 
 the field. The Free Democratic Convention at Jackson February 22. 
 resolved in its platform that it was in favor of the re-enactment of 
 the law for the suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, 
 with such amendments as should remove all Constitutional doubts 
 and secure the highest degree of efficiency. 
 
 At the Kalamazoo Convention Rev. Arthur St. Clair moved that 
 the report of the Committee on Resolutions be re-committed, with 
 instructions te incorporate the Prohii'itory Law in tl»e platform; but 
 while no opposition was voiced in the Convention to the law itself, 
 
 |1 
 
 i 
 I 
 
 m 
 i 
 
 '■Mi 
 
.v;;f- 
 
 50 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPIBLICAN PARTY 
 
 it M'as Anally tbonght advisable to leave the question oi)eu to the maHH 
 convention, already called, to meet at Jaokaon, July 6. V; 
 
 Five days later, on the 26th of June, a State Temperance Con- 
 vention was held at Jackson. Without nominating a ticket, it 
 adopted a platform of which the most significant plank declared: 
 ''We intend not only that our votes shall express onr sentiments, but 
 they shall give efllciency to our principles, and therefore, we will 
 not vote, at the next November election, for any man for the office 
 of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, member of either House of the 
 Legislature of Michigan, or Prosecuting Attorney, who is not known 
 from his past history to be, from, principle, in favor of prohibiting by 
 law the manufacture of all intoxicating liquors as a beverage." 
 
 This was the last formal action taken on the subject in this cam- 
 paign. The Jackson Convention of July 6, as has already been 
 noted, confined its attention mainly to National aflfairs, and did not 
 touch upon this question. P^xcept as related to individual candidates, 
 the men who afterwards organized the Temperance party, were not 
 a well-deflned factor in the campaign which followed, though a 
 majority of them, then and for some years afterwards, undoubtedly 
 voted for tlie Republicans. They did not put a separate ticket in 
 the field till 1870. 
 
 Although the varied and <>omplicated movements which resulted 
 in the concentration of Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Republican 
 organization were so long in operation, and were accompanied by 
 such strong expressions of feeling, and by such large gatherings of 
 the people, the Democrats were very slow in learning their real 
 significance or their formidable character. The party papers 
 sneered at the movement up to the time of the Jackson Convention, 
 though some of them were bitter enough against it afterwards. The 
 Detroit Free Press, then the leading Democratic paper in Michigan, 
 was edited by WilbuJ* F. Storey, who had been about ten years in the 
 State, and a year and a half in Detroit. It took great interest in the 
 Kansas-Nebraska controversy, and on May 25, 1854, announced the 
 passage of the Nebraska bill in a big head-line, "Glorious News From 
 Washington," followed by a rooster liolding a streamer with "Democ- 
 racy Triumphant" printed on it. Over the telegraphic report of 
 (Congressional proceedings, it had a cannon and flag, and an editorial 
 announced the passage of the act "with unbounded satisfaction." 
 
 Mr. Storey evidently really believed that the course of the 
 Republicans and Free Soilers was calculated to disrupt and ruin the 
 
«N\ 
 
 TriE FIKHT KEI'lTRlilCAN CONVENTION. 
 
 51 
 
 |to the luasB 
 
 ranee Con- 
 
 ticket, it 
 
 |k declared: 
 
 iments, but 
 
 re, we will 
 
 r the office 
 
 onse of the 
 
 not known 
 
 ohibiting by 
 
 verage." 
 
 in this cam- 
 
 il ready been 
 
 and did not 
 
 1 candidates, 
 
 ty, were not 
 
 d. though a 
 
 undoubtedly 
 
 ate ticket in 
 
 hich resulted 
 a Republican 
 ompanied by 
 gatherings of 
 ig their real 
 )arty papers 
 1 Convention, 
 wards. The 
 in Michigan, 
 I years in the 
 aterest in the 
 mounced the 
 3 News From 
 (vith "Democ- 
 lic report of 
 1 an editorial 
 'action." 
 )urBe of the 
 and ruiu the 
 
 country, and this belief was shared by other Democratic editors. But 
 they failed to apprehend the fact that others might have convictions, 
 equally sincere and more profound, upon the other side, and it was 
 this failure that led them to underrate the strength of the new party. 
 They continued to deride the movement after it had really gained 
 great momentum. 
 
 Two days before the (Convention tl:e Free Press commenced an 
 editorial with: '*We are really curious to see the platform of the 
 'fusion' Convention at Jackson," but it never printed that platform 
 in its columns. Its news report of the pro«;eeding8 of a body which 
 siibseqnently overturned the politics of the State and Nation, occupied 
 only 56 lines, ^iviny neither the committees, the platform nor the 
 siieeches. Editorially it denounced the ('onvention as "a body of 
 unmitigated Abolitionists and Disunionists," and either ridiculed or 
 abused the candidates on the ticket, Jacob M. Howard coming in for 
 an especially large share of its attacks. As late as July 9, it 
 commenced an editorial with the announcement that: "The coalition 
 is a dead failure," and ended it with: "Altogether the coalition is in 
 a horrible bad way and in horrible bad odor. It emits a stench 
 already." On thtf 12th it said: "In this State, when three months 
 shall have passed the number of people in favor of repealing the 
 Nebraska bill can be soon counted." The next day it spoke of Jacob 
 M. Howari as "the midwife and priest at the birth and christening 
 of the llepublicau party," and Zachariah Chandler as "its traveling 
 agent." In the same editorial it said : "There is abundant reason to 
 believe that this new Republican party, this bastard issue of illicit 
 intercourse, this fruit of unnatural amalgamation, will die young 
 and have an early burial. It is, indeed, already struck with death." 
 The same editorial referred to a number of Whig papers in the 
 country that disapprovett the action of their party associates in this 
 State, and closed as follows: "We predict that if the Whigs of 
 Michigan bring out a straight ticket of their own it will lead the 
 coalition ticket by thousands." It was evidently in this hope that it 
 commenced, with great glee, upon the Advertiser's criticism of the 
 Convention. Other papers followed its lead in alternately denounc- 
 ing the new party and belittling its prospects, some of them also 
 becoming curiously mixed as to the composition of the party and 
 the standing of the press in relai .on to it. One of them, in the 
 western part of the State, as late as August 17, characterized the 
 
 '■\ff 
 
 •"f. 
 
 li'fi! 
 
 ii el 
 
 I ! F 
 
§ 
 
 !;*; 
 
 li 
 
 02 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 Advei'tiser as ''the or^uti of Uuukor Whiggery," the Tribune "of 
 Woolly Whiggery," and the Democrat as a fair representative of "tlie 
 one-legged party of our State/' 
 
 But even whistling did not keep their courage up for long. The 
 signs began to be ominous and there were indications of a tremendous 
 upheaval. A few days after the Convention the Ionia Observer, an 
 old Democratic paper, came out for the ticket, and contained the 
 names of 4U0 Democrats who had done the same, and from all parts 
 of the State there were many similar accessions. 
 
 It was under these circumstances that on the 26th of July, the 
 call for a Democratic State Convention was issued. It was signed 
 by Alfred Williams, Cornelius O'Flynn, D. Munger, A, T. McReynolds, 
 T. E. Wing, A. L. Porter, Jacob Beeson, Frederick Hall and H. Carter. 
 It contained no reference to the principles of the party, nor to current 
 issues. 
 
 The Convention met in the City Hall. Detroit, September 14, with 
 Anthony TenEyck in the chair. It numbered less than 150 delegates 
 and was a very subdued assembly. The boastful spirit of two 
 months earlier had disappt^ared. The defections from the old Demo- 
 cratic party had bt^en numerous, and their loss had not been made 
 good by accessions from the ranks of the Conservative Whigs. John 
 S. Barry, who was Governor in 1850 and 1851. received the nomination 
 again, having 120 votes, against 11 for Michael Shoemaker, and 10 
 for Andrew l*arsons. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor, William. A. Richmond; Secretary of State, William 
 L. Bancroft; State Treasurer, Derastus Hinman; Commissioner of the 
 State Land Office, Allen Goodrich; Auditor General, John Swegles; 
 Attorney General, B. F. H. Witherell; Superintendent of Public 
 Instruction, Francis W. Shearman; Members of the State Board of 
 Education, Channvey Joslyn and Elijah H. Pilcher. 
 
 The list of delegates did not include many prominent names. 
 Those who were afterwards best known were the following: Ex- 
 Oovernor Epaphroditas Ransom, George W. Peck, of Ingham, elected 
 Member of Congress in November following; George B. Cooper, of 
 Jackson, returned to Congress in 1859, but unseated on a contest; 
 Augustus C. Baldwin, of Pontiac, elected to Congress in 1862, and 
 afterwards Circuit Judge; Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw, elected 
 to Congress in 1870; John Logan Chipman, of Detroit, afterwards 
 Judge of the Superior Court, and Member of Congress; M. E. Crofoot, 
 of Pontiac; Wm. M. Penton, of Fenton, Lieutenant-Governor 1848-52; 
 
 t^- 
 
 ■^v 
 
 ifcSS.- 
 
i 
 
 ribune "of 
 ivp of "tlie 
 
 )ng. The 
 IremendouB 
 
 )Berver, an 
 
 gained the 
 
 all parts 
 
 If July, the 
 (was Bigned 
 [cReynoldB, 
 
 H. Carter. 
 
 to current 
 
 |ber 14, with 
 delegates 
 irit of two 
 le old Demo- 
 : been made 
 '^higs. John 
 ^ nomination 
 iker, and 10 
 Hows: Lieu- 
 ate, William 
 sioner of the 
 >bn Swegles; 
 it of Public 
 ite Board of 
 
 nent names. 
 »wing: Ex- 
 ;ham, elected 
 t. Cooper, of 
 n a contest; 
 in 1862, and 
 naw, elected 
 , afterwards 
 [. E. Crofoot, 
 rnor 1848-52; 
 
 THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 53 
 
 Oen. A. T. McReynolds, then of Detroit; (.'hauncey Joslyn, of NN'ushte- 
 naw, and A. Smith Bagg, of Detroit. (Icn. Cass was not a delegate, 
 but was present by invitation and made a speech. 
 
 The platform adopted was short. The first two planks approved 
 Governor Harry's former administration, and commended him to the 
 voters for re-election; the third favored a general railroad law, and 
 the fourth resolved, "That Ihe delegated Democra<'y of the Htate of 
 Michigan here aflirm their continued support of the principles 
 embraced in the resolutions adopted by the Democratic National (^<m- 
 vention. which assembled in Baltimore in June, 1852, and that the 
 doctrine of Congressional non-intervention in the domestic legislation 
 of the states and territories, therein embodied, harmonizes with the 
 true spirit of our institutions, and is the only platform upon which 
 the Democratic party of the Inion can maintain its nationality and 
 its ascendancy, and preserve the Union." 
 
 The short campaign that followed was a warm one. The Detroit 
 papers then had three editors who were all masters of a corrosive 
 style of literature, if that phrase may be allowed as descriptive of 
 their vitriolic writings. Mr. Storey was an unsocial person, a bitter 
 partisan, a vindictive hater, and an abusive writer. In a salutatory, 
 written when he took charge of the Free Press, he had said: "With 
 his conteniporarieft of the press the undersigned will seek to cultivate 
 relations of the utmost courtesy. Though editors of political papers 
 may occupy attitudes of opposition to each other, there is yet nothing 
 in their position that should allow them for a moment to forget that 
 they are, or at least, ought to be, gentlemen." In the heat of this 
 campaign these amiable sentiments were forgotten, and not without 
 provocation. His contemporary and rival, Joseph Warren, of the 
 Tribune, is described by one who was afterwards associated with him 
 in editorial work, as "a sedate, gentle, kind-hearted man personally, 
 but one who wrote with a pen dipped in gall. When engaged in 
 controversy nothing was too bitter for him to say." As genial and 
 kindly in his family relations as any man in the City, he was in 
 politics, bitter and intolerant. To him every Northern man who 
 favort^d the Fugitive Slave Law and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, was a 
 "doughface," just as during the war every Democrat was a "copper- 
 head." He was now in his prime, at a time when fighting qualities 
 were in demand, a fit contemporary of Wilbur F. Storey and of Rufus 
 Hosmer. The latter was the most famous newspaper wit of the 
 time, a genial and social companion, but a hard hitter in a political 
 
 i 
 
 :y/~ 
 
 
 maRqpBfsmpwBn 
 
 mi 
 
 ■.K-- 
 
I 
 
 B4 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 fight. He was said to be the only man who ever made "old Store.v 
 Rqiieal," in a eonteit of perHonalitiea. 
 
 1 1 may be asBumed that in this war of personalities the candidates 
 did not escape, so that between the mixed condition of political 
 parties, and the character of its newspaper literature the campaign 
 was a unique one. It was especially warm in the First and Fourth 
 Congressional Districts. In the First District William A. Howard 
 was nominated for Congress by a Whig delegate Convention at Ann 
 Arbor, September 20, and by a Republican mass Convention the sanije 
 day. David Stuart, the Democratic nominee, was a veteran and 
 able campaigner, and immediately issued a challenge to Howard to 
 meet him in joint debate. Howard had business engagements East, 
 and was not able, for some time, to respond. This delay was charged 
 to unwillingness on his part to discuss the issues of the campaign, 
 and the challenge, which was published daily in the Free Press, was 
 read with glee by the Democrats, and with some discomflture by the 
 Republicans. On Mr. Howard's return, however, he accepted the 
 challenge and joint debates were had at Detroit, Ann Arbor, Jackson 
 and Howell. Although the meetings were long they w^re attended 
 by thousands, and were memorable oratorical contests. Mr. Howard 
 was afterwards spoken of as the "only man in the First District who 
 could mieet Dave Stuart on the stump," and laid in this campaign the 
 durable foundations of his reputation as one of the most effective 
 (.'ampaign speakers of the Northwest. 
 
 In the other Congressional districts the nominations were as 
 follows: Second, Whig and Republican, Henry Waldron; Demo- 
 cratic, David A. Noble; Third, Whig and Republican, David S. Wal- 
 bridge; Democratic, Samuel Clark; Fourth, Whig and Republican, 
 Moses Wisner; Democratic, George W. Peck. The successful candi- 
 dates, with their majorities, were: Howard, 1,144; Waldron, 2,942; 
 Walbridge, 2,687, and Peck, 1,370. 
 
 For their State ticket the Democrats made a vigorous effort. 
 General Cass, the most conspicuous Democrat in the Northwest, felt 
 that his own political fortunes were at stake, and addressed several 
 targe meetings in strong and able speeches, and he was backed by a 
 number of the old leaders. All through the cam.paign the Democrats 
 claimed that they would win, and some of them put their majority 
 as high as 8,000 or 10,000. Rut the current was stronger than they 
 supposed, and swept them to utter and irretrievable defeat. 
 
 The vote for Governor was: Bingham, 43,6.^2; Barry, 38,675, a 
 Republican majority of 4,977. In the First District, particularly in 
 
"^ ■••1 
 
 M Store.v 
 
 ndidates 
 
 political 
 
 campaign 
 
 (1 Fourth 
 
 . Howard 
 
 n at Ann 
 
 the 8ani« 
 
 eran and 
 
 oward to 
 
 entfl East, 
 
 18 charged 
 
 campaign, 
 
 Press, was 
 
 ure by the 
 
 cepted the 
 
 >r, Jackson 
 
 attended 
 
 r. Howard 
 
 istrict who 
 
 tnpaign the 
 
 at effective 
 
 IS were as 
 pon; Demo- 
 vid 8. Wal- 
 Etepnblican, 
 ssful candi- 
 Iron, 2,942; 
 
 roas effort, 
 thwest, felt 
 sed several 
 •acked by a 
 Democrats 
 ir majority 
 r than they 
 t. 
 
 7, 38,675, a 
 ticularly in 
 
 THE FIRST UEPtTMUCAN CONVENTION. 
 
 5B 
 
 Detroit, the work of the Advertiser and the re<'ali'ltrnnt old line 
 Whigs, told against liingham, and liis vote fell conslderui .> below 
 thbt of Howard. This defection was not wholly made up in other 
 districts, for the net Republican majority on (Congressman was 5,403, 
 or 420 more than for (Governor. In the Ijegislature the party affilia- 
 tions of members could not be exactly deflned, but there was an 
 overwhelming majority against the Democrats. 
 
 Tlie triumph was all tlie more striking by contrast with the result 
 two years earlier. Then their candidate for Governor had 8,138 
 plurality and 2,288 clear majority. They had elected all four candi- 
 dates for Congress, with 25 out of 32 Members of the Ktate Senate, 
 and 51 out of 72 in the House. The Democrats even now were not 
 willing to admit that their attitude on the slavery question was tlie 
 main cause of their disastrous defeat. At least many of them, and 
 their principal organ, with the rest, charged it to the secret machina- 
 tions of the Know Nothing order. It was, however, hailed throughout 
 the country, as a straight Republican triumph. And it was an 
 enduring one. For the next 28 years in Michigan the Democrats did 
 not choose a single State ofKcer, either at the fall or spring elections. 
 They did not have a majority in either House of any I^egislature, and 
 so, of course, could not elect a United States Senator, and out of 02 
 Congressmen, they'chose only 6. So sweeping and lasting a political 
 revolution has rarely taken place in this country. 
 
 .■"''•'■Kitl 
 
 '?f*i8 
 
 taAM»{i^i>:^;'Aft.Wi''-r,.-jjia-'.!MB ! 
 
 mmm 
 
■I 
 
 > 
 
 SOLIDIFYING THE I'AKTY. . 
 
 Clninm to rriorily In ()rKanl.ation-Mix.d Condition and VarlouH , 
 Nanu-H of Tartien in 1«54-Tl.e (Conduct of Affairs in Kan«a« 
 araduullv Hrin«« all Anti-Hlavery Element- Together-A Land 
 Trick m the Interest of the Mi«BOurian«-Free State Emigrant 
 Aid 8orietie«-M«rder« and Depredations by the MissourianB-- 
 Eleetions Carried by Force and Fraud-Heroic R*'«;«t^n;« *>y 
 Free State Men and Subsequent Gain in Influence-Their Final 
 Success-Kansas at Last Adn.itted as a Free State, with Republi- 
 can Officers and Legislature. 
 \« there was some difference of opinion on the question of indi- 
 
 flftn anniveiBttij (Convention was the first one of its 
 
 was set ^^l^^^l^Z^X::'^ same time for Vermont, 
 name. 8 mi ar ^ '«'"'«^Y j -^ ^^^ ^^de that "The Repub- 
 
 Ohio and Indiana. 8t II !^f;. *f ,7'"",, ^^^ ^.^titled to the honor. 
 
 '"'"m Mi^igan State Convention, who^ inception »"<« ;-'«•;- 
 
 ::rrh.a"tn .e,a >n ■^^'^^^i^i^ :ix^zx\zi;:^ 
 
 l„„ed July 9, for a ma,» ™"^™«'»° °'J^'„^™ °?The Slave Tower," 
 C:rrJ Z^Z:^ r-r^e ... .a^atea .. an. 
 
KOLiniFYFNO TITK 1»ARTY. 
 
 r»7 
 
 id VariouM 
 in Kaimas 
 ?r — A Land 
 e Emigrant 
 88011 riang — 
 Biitance by 
 Their Final 
 ith Republi- 
 
 ition of indi- 
 for the new 
 by different 
 I the twenty- 
 8, the claim 
 ■8t one of itB 
 for Vermont, 
 "The Repub- 
 
 the honor, 
 tion was not 
 in State Con- 
 the otherB i8 
 B matters of 
 
 1 results are 
 record, was 
 
 ti-Nebraska" 
 , a call was 
 to the repeal 
 ave Power." 
 ated for any 
 
 new party that niiKht ^row out of it, althoiiKh .\. H. Itovay. one of the 
 movers in the matter, had already stilted to Horace Oreeley that he 
 intended to propose the name Uepublican. The Convention was lifld at 
 Madison, July V.\, lNu4, and anions; the reHoliitions adopted was one 
 "that we accept the issue forced upon uh by the Slave I'ower, and in 
 defense of freedom will co-o|K?rate and be known as UepiiblicanH." 
 
 In Massa<-husettH a (convention, of Hiiiiilar spoiitaneouH origin, 
 was held at Worcester, July 111, 1Kr)4, at which the name Uepublican 
 was adoptiHl by the resolution "that in co-o|MM'ation with the fi-iends 
 of freedom in sister states, we Iwreby form the U(>piiblican party of 
 Massachusetts." Rut the Anti-Sliiv(>ry people in that State were in 
 such very decided preponderan<'e that they did not feel under tlie 
 same necessity for concentration hh their associates in other states. 
 The bulk of the Anti-Slavery vote went to the Know Nothing ticket, 
 though th re were also Whig and Free Soil tickets in the tl.'Id. 
 
 In Vermont, July 13, 1854, a mass (convention was held of persons 
 "in favor of resisting, by all (Constitutional means, the usurpations of 
 the propagandists of slavery,'' and among the resolutions adopted was 
 one closing as follows: "We propose and respectfully recommend 
 to the friends of freedom in other states to co-o|)erate and be known as 
 Republicans.'* A State ticket was nominated under this name, but 
 the State committees of various parties were authorized "to fill 
 vacancies" on their tickets. Under this power, and by amicable 
 agreements, a Fusion ticket was afterwards made up and elected 
 under that name. ,: ; 
 
 On the same day a Convention was held at Columbus, Ohio, of 
 those in favor of "breaking the chains now forging to bind the Nation 
 to the car of American slavery." The party which there nominated 
 a ticket was generally known, throughout the campaign, as Repub- 
 lican. 
 
 This seems to have been a good date for State Conventions, for 
 on the same day one was held in Indiana, at which speeches were 
 made by Henry S. Lane, Henry L. Ellsworth and Schuyler Colfax, a 
 ticket was nominated, and the name Republican was adopted. In 
 both these states the campaign and its results were similar to those in 
 Michigan. 
 
 The movement in Michigan had a great effect in promoting and 
 directing that in Ohio and Indiana, which border upon it. Its influ- 
 ence was Ies8 marked in Massachusetts and Vermont, and it is not 
 quite certain that in the latter state the name Republican was wit- 
 tingly borrowed from the Western example. The adoption of the 
 
 *i 
 
 •"1 
 
I I 
 
 I 
 
 58 HIHTOBY t)P THE RKITBLK'AN PAUTY. 
 
 nn.no thorrlav have b.^.,. h .oin.KhM.,.. ln«t..Hd of an appn.pHatlon^ 
 "ut tlH Lt rnnalnn that Mlrhlgan lle„ubll.an« were the flr«t to 
 
 the An i-Hhfvery n.oven.ent tc»ok varlouB forms, and w.uked under 
 ffm" Zuel ThiH rannot. ,KMha,»«, be better «hown than by 
 tak n« the denlgnatK.n. of partlen in the different states as contained 
 iroreeley's Whi« Almanae, in Klving the returns after election. 
 They were as follows: 
 
 Maim— Kepublican, Rum, Whig, Demmrat. 
 New Hampshlr.-Whlg, Demoeratn, Free S<,.1. 
 Vermont— Fusion, l>emoeratU', *ree won. „.>„ w..^^ rti.ll 
 
 RlasSiust'tts-Whlg. Know Nothing, Demoeratie, Free Holl. 
 uSe Island-VVhig and Maine Law, l^emoeratus 
 
 5r^S^:S,'^lSr" N^fi^^S^^ I— atlc, Boft 
 
 DtMiioeratic. xT„K«uuUn 
 
 New Jersey-Whig, Temperance, Nebraska, 
 reunsyhania— Whig, Democratic. 
 I )elaware — American, Democrat ic. 
 Ohio— Republican, Nebraska. 
 Indiana— Republican, Nebraska. 
 Michigan— Republican, Democratic 
 Illinois— Republican, Nebraska. 
 Iowa— Republican, Nebraska. 
 Wisconsin— Republican, Democratic. 
 
 crats. 
 
 The Republican party, under that name, was «*"> ^ !«-;^;^«^^^^^^ 
 tion. But less than two years later it became National, with a 
 Presidential ticket in the field. 
 
 The history of the organization of this party would not be quite 
 com Jlete Xut a brief reference to the American, or Know Nothing 
 TaTtv through which many of the old Whigs found their way into its 
 ra2' The plrty was based on the apprehension that the Bo«ia» 
 rntholic rhunh had designs upon the government, and that its 
 knlwn and avowed hostility to the American public school system 
 bod^d disaster to the country. Coupled with this was the belief 
 Jhat the iilence of foreign-born voters was becoming dangerously 
 grl It propoBition to amend the suffrage laws so as to require a 
 resid;nce of 14 or even 21 years, before an immigrant should be 
 
 'SSSB2i~ 
 
 RMd 
 
•oprUitlon, 
 w flrHt to 
 
 em states 
 k«'d under 
 n than by 
 I contained 
 r election. 
 
 ree Hoil. 
 ratic, Soft 
 
 erick Demo- 
 
 cal organiza- 
 )nal, with a 
 
 not be quite 
 now Nothing 
 
 way into its 
 t the Roman 
 ind that itB 
 chool system 
 as the belief 
 
 dangerously 
 s to require a 
 nt should be 
 
 WIUDIFYINO TUK I'AUTY. 
 
 m 
 
 .,,„,., t. VOLS .a« d,.nu.d by nuu.y not ';-'--';;;;; jj;;;..:: :;;;i 
 
 (Jatlu,H.*,ltw«si.n..r«ry totlioH it n ^^^ ^^^^^^ 
 
 those n^Hons, and aiso »>7;-V ;;•",:,,;'' Irilliant. were not 
 
 lasting. Its exiHtence, however, f u. "in » d « i.ro-Slaver.v 
 
 WhigH who could not join the ' >*;'";"' ";;;;; V ;;,, Hu. Ue„ubii.an 
 ,u.tion, but who were not yH ready t go (ht 1. n g t hH 1 ^^^^^^^^ 
 
 1-ty in opposition ^o fhat^ i- ^;^;- ^^,,^ ^l^^ 
 
 HUch\VhlgsasJohnBe!l,ofTenn sm w Missouri Com 
 
 in the Senate who voted again th e k .1 « ^^^^^^ ^^^^^.^ 
 
 pr<,».ise; Hun.phrey Marshall ^^ "^ '^y' !; .^ jj^ not ,.btaln 
 
 of Maryland, and Horace Maynard. "' [^^ nm ss ^^^^,^ 
 
 «reat foothold in the West ^-^^^ ^^^^:t:::^ U, -Us those 
 States, it was very strong / *^;j\f;;„^.„,.,. i„ t,,. ,ou«try, many 
 who were genuinely fearful "[^'''^^^XllZy to divert attention 
 WhigH who were in hopes, *';;--f » ^/'^^s^', voters who were 
 from the slavery ^l^^f^^^^.^^^^^^^ in their own 
 
 r<ady to join any parly whuh K^ve tiu , democrats. 
 
 locality, of conducting a ««««««« "^^^"^"XZ by this party, as 
 The Northern men who were elected ^o -»«^; ^^.^^ ^^^ ^,„ti. 
 
 ^Z:ZJ:::rJ::^^ Xl t^' a mV when congress 
 
 met. ^ ^ .. . .. Pro-Slavery Deniojrats alone made 
 
 The strange fatuity of the ^r««'^';^'^^^ nossible. Thirteen 
 
 «ueh a consolidation of t^-^^^^-t^^"^^^^ *^"^ "''" 
 
 months intervened between the «»f ^^s ;« 1«5*. ^, ^^^ 
 
 the congress t^-^^Xn"^^ ^^^^^^^K, 
 
 Pro-Slavery men in reference w f^" ' ..,^^8 to determine the 
 
 They did not intend to l>«""'*/«";/,^^ '^"^invaders from the 
 question of slavery, but depended "P^" on the ^e^itory- Nearly 
 Missouri border counties ^<>;>"!J««^J>^^;^'^;,",*ferS Uianreser- 
 alltheaccessible portionof t^^-J«>«-^«: Ts ,oSe«^«* ^"'^'^ ^ 
 vations o. which settlement ^^ J^f ^.^^^^^^^^ bill. 
 
 Bhort i>eriod preceding the Pass^ge o ^^ ^^^^^^^ 
 
 treaties were quietly "^^^e at Washington wmi a ^^^ ^^ 
 
 tribes, under -^ch most of the s^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 III 
 
Hi STORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 secret societies to take possession of Kansas in the interest of slavery. 
 Within a few days after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraslia Act, 
 hnndrods of Missourians selected parcels of land, held a few meetings 
 and then returned to Missouri. At one of these meetings the follow- 
 ing resolutions were adopted: "That we will afford protection to no 
 Abolitionist as a settler of this Teri'itory." "That we recognize the 
 institution of slavery as already existing in this Territory and we 
 advise slave-holders to introduce their property as early as possible." 
 
 Meantime, largely through the energy and influence of Eli Thayer, 
 of Worcester, Mass., a movement for free State immigration into 
 Kansas from New England, was inaugurated. Mr. Thayer was a New 
 England man, a graduate from Brown University, a Member of 
 Congress from Massachusetts, a forceful speaker and a fine organizer. 
 Within a month after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he bad 
 organized the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society, designed to make 
 Kansas a free State by actual settlement. He succeeded, at the very 
 outset, in obtaining substantial financial backing for his plan. 
 Boston merchants made very liberal contributions to the cause. 
 Charles Francis Adams subscribed f25,000, and J. S. N. Williams 
 110,000, and other large sums were contributed. 
 
 Two colonies were speedily sent out and founded the City of 
 Lawrence, but the Mipso^urians determined to check this movement. 
 At one of their meetings, held at Westport, Mo., early in July, 1854, 
 they adopted the following: 
 
 "RESOLVED, That this Association will, whenever called upon 
 by any of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness 
 together to assist and remove any and all immigrants who go there 
 under the auspices of the Northern Emigrant Aid Societies. 
 
 "RESOLVED, That we recommend to the citizens of other 
 counties, particularly those bordering on Kansas Territory, to adopt 
 regulations similar to those of this Association, and to indicate their 
 readiness to co-operate in the objects of the resolution." 
 
 These oi)en threats and some actual deeds of violence,, led the 
 Free State immigrants to prepare to defend themselve?). Meetings 
 were held in many of the churches and public halls in New England 
 and New York City, for the purpose of purchasing rifles for the emi- 
 grants. Neither this movement nor the organization of Emigrant 
 Aid Societies met with much encouragement from the newspapers 
 
 v-;^ 
 
 ^^i. 
 
•St*"'.---- 
 
 »f alavery. 
 ska Act, 
 meetings 
 [he follow- 
 Ition to no 
 gnize the 
 •y and we 
 possible." 
 li Thayer, 
 lation into 
 as a New 
 ember of 
 organizer. 
 )ill, he bad 
 ed to make 
 at the very 
 his plan.- 
 the cause. 
 Williams 
 
 he City of 
 movement. 
 July, 1854, 
 
 called upon 
 n readiness 
 bo go there 
 
 (S. 
 
 s of other 
 •y, to adopt 
 iicate their 
 
 ice,, led the 
 Meetings 
 w England 
 or the emi- 
 r Emigrant 
 lewspapers 
 
 .-JW^ft-'-.iijfiaMii 
 
 80LIDIFYIN0 THE PARTY. 
 
 01 
 
 that were afterward Republican, and botii were denounced by the 
 extreme xibolitionists. But Mr. Thayer was determined in his 
 purpose, and was a man of untiring energy. In preaching his crusade 
 and in inciting the people of the North to action, he traveled 60,000 
 miles, and made hundreds of speeches. The movement continued to 
 gather in momentum, and the Anti-Slavery people soon had a majority 
 of the actual settlers. 
 
 The Territory was formally established by the appointment, by 
 President Pierce, of Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, as Governor, 
 and Daniel Woodson, of Arkansas, Secretary of the Territory. The 
 Territorial Government was organized in the Autumn of 1854, and in 
 November an election for Delegate in Congress was held. John W. 
 Whitfield, an Indian Agent, the Missouri candidate, was returned as 
 elected. He received 2,871 votes, of which 1,729 were cast by resi- 
 dents of Missouri. These facts were fully shown in a report to 
 Congress, but Mr. Whitfield was seated, and was allowed to retain 
 his seat throughout that Congress. Early in 1855, Governor Reeder 
 ordered an election for the first Territorial Legislature, to be held on 
 the ItSth of March. The Border Missourians were on hand in force for 
 this election. They came In wagons and on horseback, and were 
 armed with revolvers, pistols and bowie knives. They had tents, 
 flags and music. Nearly a thousand of them encamped in a ravine 
 near the new town of Lawrence, which they menaced with two pieces 
 of cannon loaded with musk€>t balls. Finding that they had more 
 men than they needed to carry the Lawrence district, they sent detach- 
 ments to carry two others. The result of this invasion was that the 
 Missourians elected all the Members of the Legislature with the excep- 
 tion of two, who were chosen from a remote inland district which the 
 invaders overlooked. Only -831 legal electors voted, though there 
 were no less than G,320 votes polled. It was the greatest farce of an 
 election held in this country up to that time. 
 
 The Missouri newspapers boldly admitted the invasion and 
 exulted in the crime. ''It is a safe calculation that two thousand 
 squatters have passed over into the proniised land from this part of 
 the State within four days." said the Western Reiwrter the day before 
 election. "It is to be admitted that the Missourians have conquered 
 Kansas," the PJatte Argus declared when the result was known. 
 When th« Missouri Brunswicker learned that Governor Reeder had 
 refused to give certificates to certain of the men who claimed election, 
 it said: "This infernal scoundrel will have to be hemped." ..- 
 
 ■ V * 8.'*, 
 
 ■M 
 
 ■.■"SI 
 
 iiiiiii i »iii»iw i M ) r <wwiww w w,wiii: « ft i. 
 
HIHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 1>. R. Atchison, Tnited States Senator from Missouri, a few weeks 
 before one of these elections, said: "When you reside within one 
 day's journey of the Territory, and where your peace, quiet, and your 
 property depend upon your action, you can without any exertion, send 
 500 of your young men who will vote in favor of your institutions." 
 The Legislature was called to meet at Pawnee City, on the Kansas 
 River, a hundred miles west of the border. It was immediately 
 adjourned, over the Governor's veto, to Shawnee Mission. Among 
 the Acts which it passed, was one extending over the Territory the 
 
 laws of Missouri with 
 - others, establishing and 
 fortifying the slave 
 system. The Acts of 
 this fraudulent Legis- 
 lature wei'e systemati- 
 cally vetoed by Gov. 
 Reeder, but they were 
 passed over his head. 
 The Southerners 
 feared, when Reeder 
 was appointed, that he 
 would not be sufficient- 
 ly pliable for their 
 purposes. The Presi- 
 dent was now memori- 
 alized for his removal, 
 which was effected, and 
 Wilson Shannon, of 
 Ohio, was appointed in 
 his stead. Shannon 
 NATHANIEL V. BANKH, JR. announced, on his way 
 
 to the Territory, that he was for slavery in Kansas, and recognized the 
 fraudulent Legislature as a legal assembly. 
 
 The actual settlers of Kansas held a mass convention at Big 
 Springs on the 5th of September, in which they repudiated the laws 
 and officers imposed on the Territory by tb^ border ruffian election 
 and Legislature. They further resolved not to vote at the election 
 for Delegate to Congress, which the bogus liegislature had appointed 
 to be lield on the Ist of October. They appointed another election for 
 delegate and nominated Governor Reeder for the position. Then on 
 
'ew weeks 
 ithin one 
 and your 
 tion, send 
 ititutions." 
 he KansaB 
 mediately 
 Among 
 ritory the 
 souri with 
 lishing and 
 he slave 
 le Acts of 
 lent Legis- 
 systemati- 
 by Gov. 
 they were 
 his head, 
 h e f n e r 8 
 en Reeder 
 ted, that he 
 >e Buffldent- 
 for their 
 The Presi- 
 ow memori- 
 lis removal, 
 ffected, and 
 Shannon, of 
 ippointed in 
 Shannon 
 on his way 
 'ogclzed the 
 
 tion at Big 
 ed the laws 
 Ian election 
 the election 
 il appointed 
 election for 
 Then on 
 
 ■,"v!.\v ■•:!. ..«■■".; 
 
 SOLIDIFYING THE I'AKTY. 
 
 63 
 
 the 23d of October a Constitutional Convention, chosen by the Free 
 State settlers, assembled at Topeka, and formed a Free State Consti- 
 tution, under which they asked admission into the Union as a State. 
 
 In the Thirty-fourth Congress no party had a majority in the 
 House and for several weeks that body remained unorganized. It 
 was finally decided that a plurality should be sufBcient to elect after 
 three more ballots. Under this rule Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr., from 
 Massachusetts, received 103 votes to 100 for William Aiken, of South 
 Carolina. 
 
 William A. Howard, of Michigan, was a member of the House 
 that elected Banks Speaker. In a speech at the State Convention at 
 Grand Rapids, May 10th, 1876, he gave interesting reminiscences of 
 that occasion. The contest had bf»en carried on for weeks, and the 
 Republican members were discouraged. The night before the election 
 was brought about a Republican caucus was held, and many members 
 were in favor of giving up their randidate, and accepting " com- 
 prjuiise. In fact this came to be the general feeling of the caucus. 
 About midnight Mr. Howard took the floor and protester] against any 
 taltering. He told the caucus that he was the first man nominated 
 t<> Congress on a Republiian ticket. His con<iticuent»4 had entrusted 
 him with the Republican Banner, and he would stand by the Flag 
 even if alone, until he fell with it, or until he could carry it home to 
 thoBe who entrusted him with it. When he commenced speaking he 
 stood alone in the middle of the floor, but before he finished 85 men 
 had gathered around him, and the idea of compromise was abandoned. 
 The next day Banks was elected Speaker, and the disintegration of the 
 party was prevented. 
 
 Under a vote of the same House Mr. Howard, with John Sherman, 
 of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver, of Missouri, were appointed a committee 
 to proceed to Kansas and report on the condition of affairs there. 
 This report, written mainly by Mr. Howard, gave him a high standing 
 among Republican Statesmen. This able document, which weut 
 thoroughly into the history of events in the Territory, arrived at eight 
 conclusions, the only one that is pertinent to the subsequent history 
 of the Territory being as follows: "In the present condition of the 
 Territory a fair election cannot be held without a new census, a 
 stringent and well guar<le»i election law, the election of impartial 
 Judges, and the presence ni United States troops at every place of 
 election.'' 
 
 The bill adnitting Kansa.;), under her free Constitution, passed 
 the House by 09 yeas to 1)7 nays. The Senate, which was strongly 
 
'^c •■< v.n-Mijy^'' 
 
 
 64 
 
 ■^^ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 \\i. 
 
 Pro-Slavery, defented it. The legislature chosen under theFree State 
 Constitution, was summoned to meet at Topeka on the 4th of July, 
 1856, but the members were dispersed by a force of regulars under 
 order of President I'ierce. For the next three years the Territory 
 had a double government, neither side recognizing the government set 
 up by the other. Thfcre were frequeut disturbances brought on 
 mainly by the Missourians. They captured and sacked part of the 
 Cities of Lawrence and Tioaven worth, and committed many murders 
 
 and depredations. Put 
 the Free State men had 
 better staying quali- 
 ties than the roving 
 bands of border ruf- 
 fians who ,yere not 
 making improvements, 
 and were not attached 
 to the soil. The Free 
 State element in the 
 end became the pre- 
 ponderating ore, and 
 another Constitutional 
 Convention assembled 
 at Wyandot in Maii-h 
 185J). It adopted a 
 FreeStateConstit ution, 
 which was afterwards 
 ratified at an election 
 in October. A bill for 
 the admission of the 
 JOHN SHBKMAN. f^jate, under that Con- 
 
 stitution, passed the House of Congress, April 11th 1800. Tht- 
 Senate, however, refused to take it up, being still Democratic. At 
 the nei '. session the application was renewed, and it was pabjci ou 
 the same day that the resignation of a number of the Southern Sena- 
 tors, by abandoning their seats, made that body Republican. 
 
 Thus the Territory, whose organization called the Republican 
 party into existence, and whose history constautly stimulated Repub- 
 licans to close union, became a Fi-ee State on the very day on whivh 
 that party came into a clear majority in both Houses of Congress. 
 And for a scwre of .vears thereafter it was one of the strongest Re- 
 licau States in the Union. 
 
i'ree State 
 li of July, x 
 ars under V' 
 Territory J 
 nmont set 
 rought on 
 art of the . 
 y murders 
 ions. But 
 :e men had 
 ng quali- 
 he roving 
 order ruf- 
 were not 
 rovements, 
 »t attached 
 
 The Free 
 mt in the 
 <: the pre- 
 
 ore, and 
 Qstitutional 
 
 assembled 
 : in Maii'h 
 adopted a 
 onstit ition, 
 afterwards 
 an election 
 A bill for 
 lion of the 
 »r that Con- 
 18G0. The 
 K'tatic. At 
 IS tjabiC'i ou 
 uthern Hena- 
 icau. 
 
 » Republican 
 ilated Repub- 
 lay on which 
 of Congress, 
 strongest Be- 
 
 TONVKNTION AND CAMPAIGN OF ISSfi. 
 
 First Republican National (V>nvention-Nonunati«n of Fremont and 
 Dayton with a Strong Phitform-A Spirited Campaign With 
 Ardent Iloj^es of Success-The 0<tober Elections Have a Depres- 
 sing Ettect-In November Kuchanan is Elected by Narrow 
 Margins in the Middle States-The Election Considered a Moral 
 Triumph for the Republicann, and a Sure Indication of Future 
 Success-An Exciting and Vigorously (Conducted Campaign in 
 Michigan-The Result a Decisive and Enduring Triumph-The 
 Old S<.hool Demo<ra.y of the Veniusnlar State In Its Death 
 Throes. ?^ 
 
 Ry 185.5 the Anti-Slav.uy men <.f the North had enough in common 
 to briig them together in National Convention. 0"Jf --^^ j^^^J 
 Mmt vear the first National Republican meeting was held at 1 ittsburg, 
 tt thJugli it did not assume all the functions of a «:««v«f '^^'f^J. "" 
 nlina'tions were made. Subsequently a call was issued Jn- the Con^ 
 vention that met in Philadelphia on the 17th of June. This shaied 
 lomewhat in the spontaneousness of the Michigan gathering two years 
 Tuer. NO settled rule had been adopted for ^^-^^f^XtiZl 
 and there was no fixed ratio of representation. All the Free States 
 ;te ;;rese„ted. together with the bordei- states of Delaware 
 Marvland and Kentucky. The delegates met as members of a new 
 p^;; and representcHi'all former shad., of Anti-Slavery opinion, 
 Abolitionists, Free Soilers, Free Demo.rats and Wh.gs^ 
 
 William H Seward was the most conspicuous man of the party 
 and n-lbTy mig1.t have been nominated for ^f^^^^^^ 
 to have bis name presented, preferring to take his chance latei. 
 Salmon r Chase, who was th^n Governor of Ohio, was a.so a fav- 
 or te of the part;, but did not apparently, see much hope of success^ 
 T that time the Whig element of the Convention was favorable to 
 
 ii! 
 
 
 i,Tf,i3iaKa«K: 
 
 -;. gH !i w*-* 'i » l1 ' ^'***W^**IWWI>WWW»> ' 
 
Ui 
 
 
 i: 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 J 
 the nomination of Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court, but the 
 
 young men were cauglit with the dash, and Hpirit, and fame of John C. 
 Fremont, of California, who on the llrst ballot received 359 votes to 
 196 for John Mcl^ean, of Ohio. 
 
 An informal ballot was taken for a candidate for Vice-President, 
 in which William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, received 259 votes, Abra- 
 ham Lincoln, of Illinois, 110; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, 40; 
 David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, 48, ar>d a large number of others 
 scattered among (*harles 8umner, of Massachusetts; Jacob Collamer, 
 
 of Vermont ; Preston 
 I King, of New York; S. 
 
 C. Pomeroy, of Kansas ; 
 Henry Wilson, of Mass- 
 achusetts ; Cassius M. 
 Clay, of Kentucky; 
 Joshua R. Qiddings, of 
 Ohio; Wm. F. John 
 ston, of Pennsylvania, 
 and William Penning- 
 ton, of New Jersey. 
 
 It was an illustrious 
 array of men to be 
 counted as candidates 
 for the second place on 
 a ticket. Judge Day- 
 ton, Sumner, Collamer 
 and King, hadall 
 served with distinction 
 in the United States 
 Senate, besides having 
 held other public posi- 
 tions. Lincoln had a high standing -^ the Western bar, and was 
 already known as one of the most vigorous and effective speakers 
 against slavery aggression. Banks liad been Speaker of the House; 
 W'ilmot, who was famous because of the P 'oviso that bore bis name, 
 was President Judfe, of a Pennsylvania Judicial District; (May was 
 well known ae a Kentucky Free Soiler, who stoutly maintained and 
 advocated principles that were generally unpopular in the State; 
 Oiddipgs was the fantous Ohio Abolitionist, and Pomeroy was one of 
 the men who went from Massachusetts to Kansas to aid in the work 
 
 JOHN C. FRBMONT. 
 
 I! 
 
but the 
 John ('. 
 votes to 
 
 resident, 
 es, Abra- 
 setts, 40; 
 
 of others 
 
 Collamer, 
 
 Preston 
 
 York; 8. 
 
 >f Kansas ; 
 , of Mass- 
 
 assius M. 
 
 n t u c k y ; 
 
 iddings, of 
 
 F. John 
 iiiHvlvania, 
 Penning- 
 
 Jersey. 
 
 illustrious 
 len to be 
 
 candidates 
 nd place on 
 fudge Day- 
 r, Col lamer 
 ;, h a d a 1 1 
 
 distinction 
 ited States 
 ides having 
 public posi- 
 .r, and was 
 i'e speakers 
 the House; 
 e bis name, 
 :; Clay was 
 itained and 
 the State; 
 
 was one of 
 in the work 
 
 ."A 
 
 M- 
 
 CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OP lHo«. 
 
 67 
 
 of the Emigrant Aid Society. Mr. Dayton had such a preponder- 
 ance of votes that the choice fell upon him without a formal ballot. 
 
 The Convention was in session three days, with Henry S. Ijane 
 as President. It was made up largely of aggressive young men, who 
 knew that they were laying the foundation for the future upbuilding 
 of a great and successful party. " * * .;\ -t/ '* '^ ' « •: 
 
 There was a flavor of Westcrnism about the man selected as 
 Permanent Chairman of this body. llenry H. Lane, of Crawfords- 
 ville, Indiana, a gallant officer during the Mexican War, at one time 
 one of the leadi ig ,?^v >^ ' vi " 
 
 Whigs in the West, 
 and after that one of 
 the founders of the Re- 
 publican party, was at 
 this time the most pop- 
 ular man in his State, 
 but his was not a figure 
 that would adorn an 
 Eastern drawing room. 
 As he came forward to 
 take the platform he 
 was the victim of some 
 noticeable ridicule. His 
 hair and whiskers were 
 not of the latest cut, 
 and he wore jeans cloth- 
 ing not very new, and 
 with a lien tail coat. 
 The following picture 
 of him was given by a 
 newspaper correspond- 
 ent at the time. 
 
 "He stood forth on the platform, a man abour six h^t high, mar- 
 velously lean, his front teelh out, his complexion bt; .vch i, si suublister 
 and the yellow fever, and his small eyes glittering like those of a 
 wildcat. The New Yorkers, near whose delegation I sat, were first 
 amused and then delighted. He 'went in' and made the most 
 astounding Bpe<>ch ever heard in these parts. He smacked his fist 
 horribly at the close of every emphatic period, 'bringing down the 
 house' with every lick, in a tremendous outburst of screams, huzzas 
 
 WILLIAM L. DATTON. 
 
 w 
 
68 
 
 HISTORY OV THE KKITBLKAN PARTY. 
 
 m 
 
 and 8tuinpiiiK — '\N't'Ht«M-n all over.' But he Htirred the multitude a» 
 with a thouHaud Hharp HtickH. From a ridiculed 'thin|{' he became an 
 idol. When the himvcIi was j-oncluded and he asMumed charge of the 
 Convention, he continued IiIh 'WesterniHrn*,' as the New Yorkers 
 called them, bv iillinf; IiIh mouth with tobacco. i)lacinK one leg over 
 ihe table behind which he Hat. He put the vote and made his 
 deciHiouH in the nioHt otT-hand wa.v imaginable, wl'.Voi. rising, and 
 infuHing into everything a spirit of peculiar humor that was irre- 
 sistible." 
 
 Mr. Lane, on taking the chair, assured the Convention, as "friends 
 of freedou) and friends of free men," that the time, the place and the 
 occasion — tlie anniversary of Itunker Hill — and the vicinity of Inde- 
 pendence Hall, all consi)ired to make the liour memoT-iible. He went 
 on: "It is now a struggle for free men, free i bought and free labor, 
 and 1 hope it will meet with hearty response. This day inaugurates 
 a new era in American politics. It inaugurates the sovereignty of 
 the people, the rule of man, the resurrection of the North. There is, 
 to my mind, a great signifli-ance in these mighty upheavals of the 
 masses. A sense of common danger luis brought together men 
 hitherto divid(*d politically, because they owed no responsibility 
 equal to that they owed to freedom. 1 followed the lead of the 
 glorious Clay, of Kentucky; but since the Nebraska bill has passed, 
 my alliance to old party ties slept in the grave of the patriot Clay. . . 
 We look for the day that the sun shall shine on no slave — North or 
 South. WV look for the speedy admission of Kansas as a Free State. 
 There is nothing revolutionary in that. There is authority for it, 
 and necessity for it. Two short years ago i>eace reigned throughout 
 the land. The Compromise Measures were quietly submitted by the 
 cold and v-ruel calculation of heartless demagogues. The ambition of 
 Stephen A. Do .glas o{)ened up afresh the agitation. It was brought 
 on by no acti' n of ours, but I trust God that we will mjeet it as men. 
 
 "Scenes .ave been enacted in Kansas that have bad no parallel 
 since the days when the Goths and Vandals overran Italy. Whether 
 that administration was more fool or knave let the muse of history 
 determine. . They were made felons by the Draconian laws 
 
 there. They recollect<fd the history of Barber, wl o for daring to 
 proclaim the equality of all men, was struck down in cold blood, and 
 whose widow now roams a raving maniac around her prairie home. 
 Such c> >ellion as tlieirH was sanclioned by God and man. The 
 laws (.■. .i^unsas were vitiated by force and fraud, and had no binding 
 
iltitudc UM 
 I becanio an 
 irge of the 
 Yorkers 
 ln' leg over 
 |l made his 
 IriBitug, and 
 It was irre- 
 
 as "friends 
 
 ace and the 
 
 ity of Inde- 
 
 He went 
 
 i free labor, 
 
 inaugurates 
 
 vereignty of 
 
 There is, 
 
 avals of the 
 
 [>gether men 
 
 esponsibility 
 
 lead of the 
 
 has passed, 
 
 iot Clay. . . 
 
 ire — North or 
 
 a Free State. 
 
 hority for it, 
 
 i throughout 
 
 nitted by the 
 
 e ambition of 
 
 was brought 
 
 eet it as men. 
 
 d no parallel 
 
 ly. Whether 
 
 se of history 
 
 aconian laws 
 
 or daring to 
 
 Id blood, and 
 
 jrairie home. 
 
 man. The 
 
 d no binding 
 
 1 •M>i<iM»i 
 
 CONVENTION AND CAMI'AION OK \Hm. 
 
 60 
 
 effect on any man. The Hible of triilli was even ostracised by the 
 Kansas l^egislature, for so Umg as we believed in the iuiiiiortality of 
 the soul, we must believe thai glorious revelation was an Anti-Klavery 
 document. 
 
 **VVhy does the Democratic party disturb the Missouri Com- 
 promise? I know not, and yet with unparalleled effrontery they 
 proceeded to \m»» resolutions at Cincinnati to discontinue the further 
 agitation of slavery. Their promise was 'like Dead Hea fruits — tempt 
 the eye, but turn to ashes <m the lips.' " 
 
 The Michigan Delegation to this tJrst National (.Nmveution were: 
 At har^v — E. J. rennimaii, Fernando C. Keanuin, Noyes L. Avery, 
 Tlion><is J. Drake, Zachariah Chandler, Oeorge Jerome. Hv Districts 
 — First, Kinsley H. Kingham, 1). Mclntyre, M. A. McNaughton; 
 Hecond, Oeorge A. Coe, Isaac P. Christiancy. ^N'itter J. Baxter; Third, 
 Uezekiah O. Wells, John B. Kellogg, Uandolph Htrickland; Fourth. 
 Whitney Jones, A. P. Davis and H. It. Hhunk. 
 
 While giving prominence to the paramount issue of slavery in the 
 territories, the Convention at once gave the new organization standing 
 as a party of progress, by taking up new issues. The platform, as 
 finally adopted, was in full as follows: *' ^ 
 
 This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call 
 audressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past 
 political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the 
 Missouri ('ompromise, to the policy of the present Administration, to 
 the extension of slavery into free territory; in favor of admitting 
 Kansas as a Free State; of restoring the action of the Federal Oovern- 
 ment to the principles of Washington, and who puriiose to unite in 
 presenting candidates for the office of President and Vice-President, 
 do resolve as follows: 
 
 RESOLVED, That the maiutenance of the principles promul- 
 gated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal 
 Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican insti- 
 tutio:.d, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the states, 
 and the Union of the states, shall be preserved. 
 
 RESOLVED, That with our Republican fathers, we hold ;t to be 
 a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable 
 rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the 
 primary object and ulterior design of our Federal (lovernment we»*;' 
 to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; 
 that us our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all 
 our National territory, ordained that no i)erson should be deprived 
 of life, liberty, or prqi)erty, without due process of law, it becomes our 
 duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all 
 attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any 
 
 n 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 
■t' 
 
 .6^ 
 
 HIHTOUV OF TlIK UKl'UULICAN PARTY. 
 
 i 
 
 in 
 
 Territory of (tic l-nilcd KtiitcH, by poBitive leglHlutioii, pnthibiting itit 
 rxiHlence or ('Vlt'iiMion theri-in. Tliat we deny the authority of 
 CoiigreHH, of u Terfititriul LegiHlulure, <if any iiidividiiul or aHHoeiatioii 
 of individiialM, to jrive legal exiHieiice to slavery in any Territory of 
 the United HtattH, while the preHent CoUBtitutlon hIuiII be maintained. 
 
 RESOLVED, That th»' (.'onfttitution confers upon (.'ongresH 
 Hovereign power over the Territories of the United Ktates for their 
 government, and that in the exerciHe of this power it iH Itoth the right 
 and the imperative duty of CongreHH to prohibit in the tcti'ltories those 
 twin relies of barbarism, polygamy and slavery. 
 
 RESOLVED, That while the Constitution of the United States 
 was ordained and established, in order to form a luore perfect union, 
 establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common 
 defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
 liberty; and contains aniple provisitm for the proiection of the life, 
 liberty and property of every citi/.en, the dearest Constitutional rights 
 of the people of Kansas have be<>u fraudulently and violently taken 
 from them; their Territory has been invaded by an armed force; 
 spurious and pretended legislative. Judicial, and Executive officers 
 have been set over them, by whose usuri>ed authority, sustained by 
 the military {lower of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional 
 laws have been enacted ai.il enforced; the rights of the people to keep 
 and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary 
 and entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercising 
 the right of suffrage and holding oflice; the right of an accused person 
 to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied; the 
 right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and 
 elTects against unreasonable searclies and seizures, has been violated; 
 they have been deprived of life, liberty and property without due 
 process of law; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been 
 abridged; the right to choose their representatives has been made of 
 no effect; murders, robberies and arsons have been instigated or 
 encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; 
 that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction and 
 procurement of the present National Administration, and that for this 
 high crime against the Constitution, the Union and humanity, we 
 arraign the I'resident, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists and 
 accessories, either before or after the facts, before the country and 
 before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual 
 perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a 
 sure and condign punishment hereafter. 
 
 RESOLVED, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as 
 a State of the Union with her present free Constitution, as at once 
 the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the 
 rights and jirivileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil 
 strife nj)w raging in her Territory. 
 
CJiStaif 
 
 lihitiiiK itM 
 |tliurit>' of 
 iHMociation 
 J'ri'ltory of 
 liuintainod. 
 
 (^'ongrcHH 
 
 for their 
 
 III the right 
 
 loi'ieH thOHe 
 
 ited BtateH 
 
 feet uuioii, 
 
 he cumiuou 
 
 leHHingB of 
 
 of the life, 
 
 ouul right 8 
 
 *ntly taken 
 
 med force; 
 
 ive ofHccrs 
 
 iiMtained b}' 
 
 UHtitutioiml 
 
 i»|)le to keep 
 
 tniordinary 
 
 if exerelBing 
 
 used person 
 
 I denied ; the 
 
 papers and 
 
 'en violated; 
 
 (vithout due 
 
 ^88 has been 
 
 een made of 
 
 istigated or 
 
 unpunished; 
 
 lanction and 
 
 that for this 
 
 imanity, we 
 
 ologists and 
 
 country and 
 
 g the actual 
 
 upltces, to a 
 
 admitted as 
 , as at once 
 rment of the 
 ing the civil 
 
 , NX 
 
 COW KNTION AND CAMPAIUN OK IHm. 
 
 71 
 
 KKHOliVKI^ Tliiit the higliwa.viimirM plea that "might make» 
 right," embodied in tli(> OMtciid circular, waHin ever.v rcHpert unworli ' 
 of American diploiiiii<-,v, uiul would bring Hhame and dlHlionor i;()<m 
 any government <»r pcoph- 11 ii gave it their Hanction. 
 
 UKHOLVKI), That u railroad to the I'acitic Ocean, by the most 
 «-enlral and prarticable route, iH imperatively deuuinded by the inter- 
 ests of the whole country, and tluil I he Federal (Sovernment ought to 
 
 efllcient aid in ilH couHtruction, and, uh an 
 immediate conHlru<-tion of an emigrant rout4> on 
 
 render imnuHliat 
 auxiliary thereto, 
 the line of the railroad 
 
 KKSOIiVKh, That appropriationK ui ( 'ongr(>HH for the improve- 
 ment of rivers and liarborH of a Naitional rhanKter, re«|uired for the 
 accommodation and security of our 4'xiHting commerce, are author- 
 ized by the Constitution and justihed by tin* obligation of (hivernment 
 to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 
 
 KKKOLVEl), That we invite the afllliation and co-operation of 
 the men of all parties, however dilTering from us in other respects, in 
 support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the 
 si»irit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, 
 guarantees liberty of conscience and ecpiality of rights among citizens, 
 we oppose all proscriptive legislation alTecting their security. , 
 
 An American, or Know Nothing, Convention, held in Philadel- 
 phia, February 2'2d to L'oth, 183(), had nominated for President, 
 Millard Fillmore, of New York, and for V'i<'e-l>resident, Andrew 
 Jackson Donnelson, of Tennessee, on a platform which gave emphasis 
 to its jieculiar views in reference to naturalization and citizenship, 
 and gave a sweeping criticism to the existing Administratinu. A 
 Whig Convention, held at Baltimore, Heptember 17th and IMtli liiti te.! 
 the nominations of Fillmore and Donnelson, on a rather non-com- 
 mittal platform, in favor of the Constitution and the Unitm. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati on the 2d of June, 
 John E. Ward, of Georgia, presiding. On the first ballot its votes 
 for Presidential candidates were: James Buchanan, i:{5; Franklin 
 Pierce, 122; Stephen A. Douglas, 33; I^wis (^ass, 5. Buchanan and 
 Douglas gained quite steadily, while Pierce lost, and on the sixteenth 
 ballot Buchanan had 1G8 votes and Douglas 121. This gave Buchanan 
 such a decided lead that on the next ballot he was nominated with 
 practical unanimity. He had been in the field for the Presidential 
 nomination ever sin<e 1844, and his time had now come. Being 
 absent from the country as Minister to England, during most of 
 IMerce's Administration, he had nothing to do with the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise, and this added to his availability as a candi- 
 date. ■■>|..'^--^''M ■""V'--.r 
 
:n 
 
 tf-t.l 
 
 f« 
 
 72 
 
 IIIHTOUY OFTIIK HKIMTIILK'AN PARTY 
 
 On th(> tti'Ht ballot f<»r ViccPrcHidciit, John A. (jnitinnn, of MIm- 
 HiHHi|»])i, rocHviHl the liiPKCHt vol*', th«' i'«'Hf '»''ln>j wltl'ly HrHtt«M'«Hl. 
 On llu^ H<>cond, hlH naiix' wuh withdrawn, and ;ohn ('. HrcckinridKc. 
 of K)>ntu«-k.v, waft nnuniniouMly nominated. Tnc platform waH inor- 
 dinately lonK, j'overinjjt a k'"**"^ variety of MnbJeetH, The iitteranreH 
 moHt Mif'^.i^cant on the Hiavery ipieHtion were an i'oHowm: "That 
 ConKreHM 'i.um no iM)wer, under the (VinHtitution, to i)>: -fere with or 
 eontrol the donieMtie inntitiitionH of the tieveral HtateH, »)<l rha( <reh 
 viiateH are tlie Hole and proper Jad^eH of everything upj««'iliinliij; to 
 
 their own aH'i)'-ki, not 
 1 ' pndiibited by tlie ('om- 
 
 Htitution; that all 
 effortH of the Aboil- 
 'li.aiHtH or otherH, made 
 to induce ('o:i}{reHH to 
 intJ'c/'v've with the queg- 
 tiong o* slavery, or to 
 f.ike inriiient Htepg in 
 relation thereto, are 
 calculated to lead to 
 the most alarming and 
 danger o u a c o n h e- 
 quences; and that all 
 8uch elTortB have an 
 inevitable tendeni-y to 
 diminish the happineMg 
 of the people, and en- 
 danger the Btability of 
 the Union, and ought 
 not to be countenanced 
 by any friend of our 
 political inHtitutions. 
 "That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to 
 embrace, the whole subject of Hiavery agitation in Congress, and 
 therefore the Democratic party of the Tnion, standing on this 
 National platform, will abide by and adhere to the faithful execution 
 of the Acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the 
 (.''ongress of 1850; the Act for reclaiming fugitives from service or 
 labor included, which Act, being designed to carry out an expressed 
 provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed 
 or so changed as to impair its efllciency." 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
, of MiH 
 
 kinri(l^<^ 
 viiH inor- 
 tt»*ram«'H 
 "That 
 • with or 
 hn( iM'h 
 rjilii}; to 
 '».h-«, Jiot, 
 fh«' <'on- 
 that all 
 u' Aboll- 
 it'i-H, made 
 
 inj^lTHH to 
 I tlH' qu«'B- 
 prv, or to 
 t gte])8 in 
 veto, avo 
 ^ h'ad to 
 i-miiig and 
 
 g e o n B e- 
 
 1 that all 
 
 have an 
 
 nden<y to 
 
 happineBB 
 e, and en- 
 itability of 
 and ought 
 intenanced 
 nd of our 
 titntiouB. 
 atended to 
 [igreBB, and 
 ag on this 
 il execution 
 led by the 
 1 service or 
 n expressed 
 
 be repealed 
 
 ^■^ 
 
 
 4i •*^ -' «"! 
 
 ,r 
 
 
 PI 
 
I,' 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Cn.d..n .n..,.u.. ..r H..,.r.c., M.c,.r.pr.-«c..o„. / .n...u. c.„.d..n d. ™icro«pr.duc«.n. h.....,u„ 
 
CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OP 185G. 
 
 78 
 
 Those views of the slavery question are reiterated in various 
 forms in tlie platform. The <-amiiaign that followed was a very a<*tive 
 and spirited one. Fremont was the ideal candidate for a younjj and 
 vigorous party. His career had been adventurous and of great 
 service to the country. As early as his 27th year he had explored 
 the South Pass to the Rocky Mountains, and the great Salt Lakes. 
 Still later he explored the Alta California, Sierra Nevada, and the 
 valleys of the San Joaquin, and had earned the title of the "Pathfinder,'' 
 by doing more than any one else to open a means of communication 
 between the Mississippi Valley and the Pacific Coast. At tlie age of 
 thirty-six he had come back to Washington as the first Senator from 
 Ihe new State of California. 
 
 His life had also a touch of romance. When a young Lieutenant 
 In the Army he had eloped with Jessie Benton, the charming daughter 
 of the Senator from Missouri, and in some phases of the <-ampaign, 
 the name of Jessie Benton was received with almost as great popu- 
 larity as that of Fremont himself. 
 
 The campaign medal took a greater part in this canvass than it 
 had ever done before. One of the medals was a head and bust of 
 Fremont, with his • name above, and "Jessie's Choice" beneath. 
 Another represented a party surveying a mountain, on the top of 
 which was the White House, and underneath, "Honor to whom Honor 
 is Due!" Another had a fine portrait of Fremont on the obverse and 
 on the reverse a wreath enclosing these inscriptions: "The Rocky 
 Mountains Echo Back Fremont;" "The I'eople's Choice for 1856;" 
 "Constitutional Freedom." Beneath the wreath was a scroll with 
 "Free" in the middle, and "Men" and "Soil" at either end. 
 
 The Buchanan medals were few in number, but one of them was 
 especially handsome, showing on the obverse a buck leaping over a 
 cannon, with the words, "and Breckinridge," underneath. The Know 
 Nothings had three medals, one containing a portrait of Millard 
 Fillmore, one an American Flag with three rents, and the inscription : 
 "Our Flag Trampled ITpon," and one with the motto, "Beware of 
 Foreign Influence." 
 
 The torch-light parade and out-door mass meetings figured largely 
 in this campaign, but much of bitterness also entered into it. Just 
 before the Republican Convention at Philadelphia, Senator Sumner 
 was stricken down in his seat in the Senate by Preston S. Brooks, a 
 Representative from South Carolina. Sumner had been speaking for 
 two days against the designs of the South in behalf of slavery, a 
 
 i;,;si 
 
 
 H B Bf? i n » i ipi ) "i w wwww— «wwpw 
 
 ■ M.*T^ 
 
15. 
 
 
 l» 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 firf 
 
 If; 
 
 :'vi>; 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 Biieech that was widely circulated during the campaign, with the 
 title of "The Crime Against Kansas." He had been especially bitter 
 against the State of Sonth Carolina, and Arthnr P. Bntler, one of its 
 Senators. Preston S. Brooks, a member from South Carolina, and a 
 nephew of Butler's, went over from the House the next day to avenge 
 his uncle and his State, The Senate had adjourned, but Sumner was 
 at his desk absorbed in letter writing. "1 have read your speech twice 
 over carefully," said Brooks, coming up behind Sumner. "It is a 
 libel on Sonth Carolina, and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of mine!" 
 
 With that he began 
 . beating Mr. Sumner's 
 head and shoulders 
 with a bludgeon. Sum- 
 ner was beaten to the 
 floor, and it was many 
 months before he re- 
 covered from the effects 
 of the blows. The Sen- 
 ate made a complaint 
 to the House, and in 
 anticipation of expul- 
 sion, Brooks resigned. 
 He was not only re- 
 elected, but was treated 
 as a hero in South (Car- 
 olina. Some of his 
 admirers presented him 
 with a cane, inscribed: 
 "Use knock-down argu- 
 ments" and others gave 
 CHARLES stjMNER. him a caue bearing the 
 
 inscription: "Hit him again." 
 
 In the North this act added to the deep indignation which was felt 
 at the violent and murderous methods of the slave-holders. Anson 
 Burlingame, then a member of the House, from Massachusetts, 
 denounced the assault in the House and was challenged by Brooks. 
 He accepted the challenge, named rifles as the weapons, and the Clifton 
 House, (Canada, as the place of meeting. But as the Massachusetts 
 Representative was a dead shot with the rifle, Brooks objected to the 
 meeting place, and the duel never came off. Representative Potter, a 
 
1, with the 
 •ially bitter 
 r, one of its 
 lina, and a 
 y to avenge 
 Sumner was 
 peech twice 
 "It is a 
 e of mine I" 
 
 he began 
 . Sumner's 
 
 shoulders 
 ;eon. Sum- 
 aten to the 
 : was many 
 fore he re- 
 n the effects 
 J. The 8en- 
 L complaint 
 ise, and in 
 
 of expul- 
 :8 resigned. 
 >t only re- 
 was treated 
 South (^ar- 
 ne of his 
 esented him 
 (, inscribed: 
 -down argu- 
 others gave 
 bearing the 
 
 lich was felt 
 rs. Anson 
 Bsachusetts, 
 by Brooks. 
 1 the Clifton 
 issachusetts 
 ected to the 
 ive Potter, a 
 
 CONVENTION AND CAMrAION OF 185fi. 
 
 75 
 
 stalwart six-footer from Wisconsin, also received a challenge from 
 Lawrence M. Keitt, who was accessory to lirooks' assault on Sumner. 
 Potter accepted jind named boM'ie knives as the weapons, and two 
 paces the distance. But Keitt objected to the weapons as barbar- 
 ous, and this duel never took place. The willingness, however, of 
 these Northern men to fight from the front, and with weapons that 
 were elfective, had the effect of checking the insolence of Southern 
 Members of Congress. 
 
 This outrage upon Sumner and the incidents following afforde<l 
 such clear demonstration of the Southern temper as to add many 
 votes to the Republican ticket. The various incidents in connection 
 with the settlement of Kansas also added to the feeling on the part of 
 the North, while on the other side, Fremont was denounced as a sec- 
 tional candidate, and the Southerners resorti'd to the old threat to 
 dissolve the Union if he was elected by Northern votes on an Anti- 
 Slavery platform. 
 
 One noticeable thing in the campaign was the extent to which 
 joung men were brought into the Republican service. The older 
 Anti-Slavery men, Seward, Chase and Hale, were not especially active 
 in the canvass, but the following, who were comparatively new to 
 public life, were often mentioned as speakers in the great meetings 
 held in the cities and at the county mass meetings: N. P. Banks and 
 John Sherman, who were then in their second terms in Congress; Eli 
 Thayer, who originated the Emigrant Aid Societies; Roscoe Conkling, 
 Thaddeus Stevens, .lohn A. Jtingham, (ialusha A. Orow, James G. 
 Blaine, Andrew G. Curtin, Austin Jilair, Schuyler Colfax and Oliver 
 P. Morton. y 
 
 Up to the time of the October elections, which came then in Ohio, 
 Pennsylvania, Indiana and Iowa, the Republicans were confident of 
 success. In the October election in Pennsylvania, the State was 
 counted for the Democrats by about 2,000 plurality, although it was . 
 subsequently proved beyond doubt that more than this number of 
 Democratic votes were obtained on fraudulent naturalization papers. 
 But the loss of Pennsylvania and Indiana discouraged the Republi- 
 cans, and the current began to set against them. In the November 
 election the Republicans carried all the Free States except five, but 
 these five were on narrow margins. The Democrats had only 925 
 plurality in Pennsylvania, and 1,809 in Indiana, while New Jersey and 
 California were lost to the Republicans in consequence of the Ameri- 
 can vote. The popular vote was l,8a8,169 for Buchanan, 1,341,264 for 
 
 ' I 
 
 :l ' 
 
 iiiiii 
 
 Hi 
 
 If 
 
 ; if 
 
 .' u 
 
( i ni'fl WM i WiM i l i W l ' i W l WIM I .I. ; , 
 
 76 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Fremont, and 874,534 for Fillmore. The electoral vote was 174 for 
 Huchanan and Breckinridge, 114 for Fremont and Dayton, and 8 for 
 Fillmore and Oonnelson. During the Adminstration, thus chosen, 
 the political complexion of Congress was as follows: 
 
 Thirty-flfth Congress. 
 Senate— Democrats, 39; Republicans, 20; Ameri<'ans, 5, 
 House— Democrats, 131; Republicans, !)U; Americans, 14. 
 
 Thirty-sixth Congress. 
 Senate— Democrats, 38; Republicans, 26; Americans, 2. 
 House— Democrats, 101; Republicans, 103; Independents, 13. 
 
 The moral etfect of the election made it almost a Republi<'an 
 victory, for if a new party could at its first general election, carry 
 New York by 80,000 plurality, and all of New England and the North- 
 west by large majorities, while the Democrats carried Indiana and 
 Pennsylvania by such narrow margins, it was easy to see that the 
 battle for "Free Soil, Free Speech and Free Men," would speedily be 
 won. 
 
 In Michigan the campaign rivaled that of 1840 in excitement. 
 General Cass recognized the fact that his political future was at stake, 
 and made desperate efforts to regain the State to the Democracy. 
 He made many speeches himself and brought into the State some of 
 the most noted Democratic orators in the country. Immense mass 
 meetings were held at Kalamazoo, Battle Creek, Centerville and other 
 places. John Van Buren, of New Y'ork, was then counted a prince 
 among campaign orators, and he and General Cass together stumped 
 Southern Michigan. The following distinguished speakers also took 
 part in the campaign: Jesse D. Bright, of Indiana, then President of 
 the Senate; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New Y'ork; John C. Breckinridge 
 and Colonel Preston, of Kentucky; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, 
 'with G. V. N. Lothrop, Charles E. Stuart, Robert McClelland, John 
 Van Arman and Flavins J. Littlejohn, of Michigan. 
 
 The Republicans rivaled the Democrats in the number and magni- 
 tude of their meetings. Abraham Lincoln was one of their speakers, 
 although they depended mainly upon the brilliant array of home 
 talent which the party in Michigan offered. As the campaign neared 
 its end it became evident that the Michigan Democracy was in its 
 death throes. The vote of the State was as follows: Fremont, 
 71,762; Buchanan, 52,139, and Fillmore, 1,660. The Republicans 
 elected all four Congressmen, as follows: William A. Howard, Dewitt 
 
■■ if«u,; . tti lli mfm» li mm~«. ^ .. 
 
 as 174 for 
 
 and 8 for 
 
 ii8 choHen, 
 
 14. 
 
 »> 
 >nt8, 13. 
 
 {epnblican 
 ion, carry 
 the North- 
 diana and 
 e that the 
 peedily be 
 
 xeitement. 
 H at stake, 
 ►emocracy. 
 te some of 
 ense mass 
 and other 
 d a prince 
 r stumped 
 ) also took 
 resident of 
 eckinridge 
 of Illinois, 
 land, John 
 
 ind magni- 
 r speakers, 
 ■ of home 
 ign neared 
 was in its 
 Fremont, 
 epublioans 
 ird, Dewitt 
 
 tSimimii^ 
 
 CONVENTION AND CAMPAKJN OP 1856. 
 
 77 
 
 V. I^each, David 8. \> albridgi' and Henry \\ aldron. Tlu' Presidential 
 electors were Fernando ( ■. Beanuui, Oliver Johnson, Harmon (Jham- 
 berlin, W. H. Withey, Chauncey H. Millen and Thomas J. Drake. 
 Hut its most important achievement in this election was the ch:»ice of 
 a Legislature which elected Zachariuh Chandler to succeed Lewis 
 Cass in the t'nited States Senate. Mr. Chandler was for more than 
 twenty years thereafter the most conspicuous figure in Michigan 
 history and politics. It was during the next four years also that 
 Michigan Republicans commenced the election of those four illus- 
 trious Jurists, Campbell, Christiancy, Cooley and Graves, who, for 
 many years, gave wide fame to the Michigan Supreme Court. At 
 this election Kinsley S. Kinghnm was reelected Governor, by a vote 
 of 71,402, against 54,085 for Alpheus Felch, Democrat. 
 
 :\>-"' ■ . . .< 
 
 w- 
 
 m 
 
 '1 'IlS 
 
 
 « 'i 
 
 ,• Id 
 
*k 
 
 A 
 
 PRESIDENT HUCliANAN'R ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 A PieBh Shock to the North— The Died Scott Decision— Its Elfect 
 '' Was to Nationalize Slavery — The Decision Known to the Presi- 
 dent in Advan<'e — The Colored People Not Citizens Nor Possessed 
 of Rights Which the White Men Were Bound to Respect — The 
 Black Men Not Thought of Except us Property — The John Brown 
 Raid and Its Effect Upon the South — Character and Career of/ 
 Brown — The Great Debates Between Lincoln and Douglas — Last ; 
 Successful Opposition to Internal Improvements — A Prophetic 
 Utterance. 
 
 The Administration of President Buchanan did not do anything 
 to allay the excitement in th«' North. His influence in Kansas affairs 
 was steadily exerted in favor of the Pro-Slavery claims, and of fraudu- 
 lent elections and disorders. 
 
 At the very opening of his administration the North received a 
 still greater shock in a Supreme (vourt decision, the intent of. which 
 was to carry slavery into all the territories. Dred Scott, a negro, was, 
 in 18.'}4, held as a slave in Missouri by Dr. Emerson, an army surgeon. 
 In that year Dr. Emerson was transferred to Rock Island, 111., which 
 was a Free State, and took his slave with him. Two years later he 
 was sent to Fort Snelling, in what is now Minn<'Sota, which was also 
 free territory. He there bought a black woman, who was afterwards 
 married to Dred Scott. Two children were born to this slave couple, 
 Eliza, on a Mississippi steamboat. North of the Missouri line, and 
 Lizzie, at Jefferson Barracks, in Missouri. The entire family was 
 afterwards Bold to John A. H. Sanford, of the City of New York. 
 
 Dred Scott brought suit for his freedom on the claim that his 
 master, by taking him into a Free State, had lost the right to his 
 services. The Circuit Court of St. Louis County rendered judgment 
 in his favor. This was reversed by the Missouri Supreme Court, 
 and the case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 '-•\. 
 
■■Ml 
 
 Its Effect 
 the Presi- 
 PossesBed 
 pect — The 
 hn Brown 
 Career of 
 flas — Last 
 Prophetic 
 
 I anythinj; 
 sus affairs 
 of f raudu- 
 
 [•eceived a 
 : of. which 
 egro, was, 
 y surgeon. 
 111., which 
 '8 later he 
 1 was also 
 fterwards 
 ive couple, 
 line, and 
 imily was 
 fork. 
 i that his 
 ?ht to his 
 judgment 
 me Court, 
 :ed States. 
 
 PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTIIATION. 
 
 71) 
 
 It was heard in May, 1854. It was understood that a decision would 
 be rendered early in 185«, but on account of the pending Presidential 
 election, judgment was deferred until the next session of the Cotirt. 
 It is now o.uite generally believed that if the decision had been 
 rendered before the Presidential election, it would have reversed the 
 result of that contest, and that the political wisdom of a partisan 
 court dictated the withholding of the decision. 
 
 The opinions in the case had not been made public when Mr. 
 Buchanan was inaugurated. But a paragraph in his inaugural 
 address indicates that he had been privately informed of their scope. 
 In that address he said: "What a happy concejition was it for 
 Congress to apply the simple rule that the will of the majority shall 
 govern in the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the 
 territories. Congress is neither to legislate slavery into any Terri 
 tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people 
 thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions 
 in their own way, subject only to the (Constitution of the United 
 States. As a natural consequence Congress has already prescribed 
 that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it 
 shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their 
 Constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. A differ- 
 ence of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time when the 
 people of a Territory will decide this question for themselves. This 
 is happily a matter of but little practical importance. Besides it is 
 a judicial question which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court 
 of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is 
 understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision in 
 common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit." 
 
 The decision came a few days later, rendered by Chief Justice 
 Roger B. Taney, six of the other Judges concurring in the main 
 opinion, though dissenting en some other points. Judge Taney com- 
 menced by denying to Dr> '• Ticott, or to any person whose ancestors 
 were imported into this cot try, any right to sue in a Court of the 
 United States. He said: "'The question before us is whether the 
 class of persons, described in the plea in abatement, compose a portion 
 of this people and are constituent members of this sovereignty. We 
 think they are not included, and were not intended to be included, 
 under the word citizens-in the Constitution, and can therefore claim 
 none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for 
 and secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary they 
 
 
 ' I 
 
 ( 1 
 
 
 Ei ' 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 i.'^ 
 
 ! 
 
 'smimmmam^ 
 
 VYtfuSAMMMWi 
 
r 
 
 _^^^0atA 
 
 80 
 
 HISTORY Op^ TIIK KKITMLirAN PAKTY. 
 
 were, at Unit time, coiiHiih'i'tMl att a Hiiboi-dinate and inferior rIaHM of 
 bein^'H, wlio liud been MiibjiiKated, and whetlier einaneipated or not, 
 .vet remained Hubjeet to tlieir autliority, and had nu ri^litH or privi- 
 le^eH but Hueh aH thoHe wlio held the power and the government 
 might eliooHi' to grant them." He then went on to Hay, not only 
 that no perHonH, who hail be<'n or whose ant-eMtorH had been HiaveH, 
 wer<' regarded aH citizens ])reviouHly to or at the time of adopting tlie 
 Federal ConHtitiition. bat thait no State ban or can have any right to 
 confer < itizeuship on such personu. 
 
 • ^^,.& '^''i" ^'^^ " HUlHcient- 
 
 ly Htr<mg denial of 
 rightH to the col- 
 ored people, but the 
 following paragraph 
 touched Northern sen- 
 t i m e n t much more 
 strongly: "It is diffl- 
 cult, at this day, to 
 realize the state of pub- 
 lic opinion in relation 
 to that unfortunate 
 race, which prevailed 
 in the civilized and 
 enlightened portions of 
 the world at the time 
 of the Declaration of 
 Independ ence, and 
 when the Constitution 
 of the United States 
 was framed and adopt- 
 ed, but the public 
 history «»f every European nation displays it in a manner too plain 
 to be mistaken. They had, for more than a century before, been 
 regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to asso- 
 ciate with the white race, and so far inferior that they had no rights 
 which a white man was bound to respect, and that the negroes might 
 justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit." 
 
 In still another paragraph he made an argument agiainst any 
 application, to the negro slave, of the language of the preamble to the 
 Declaration of Independence, wherein life, liberty and the pursuit of 
 
 ROGER B. TANEY. 
 
 i itftmm 
 
ior clUHM of 
 iti'd or not, 
 itH or privi- 
 IjoverniiK'nt 
 y, not only 
 won Hluvt'H, 
 dopting the 
 my rifjlit to 
 
 a HulHfient- 
 
 dcnial of 
 
 the col- 
 
 [*, but the 
 
 paragraph 
 rthern sen- 
 nuch more 
 
 "It iH dlffl- 
 iIh day, to 
 itate of pub- 
 
 in relation 
 unfortunate 
 1 prevailed 
 
 ilixed and 
 
 portions of 
 it the time 
 laration of 
 d ence, and 
 Constitution 
 ited States 
 
 and adopt- 
 the public 
 n- too plain 
 ►efore, been 
 nflt to asso- 
 id no rights 
 groes might 
 
 Eigiainst any 
 imble to the 
 e pursuit of 
 
 I'UKHFDKNT lUiniAXANH ADMINIHTKATION. 
 
 HI 
 
 liappinrHH arc pronounced the inalienable rights of all men. In the 
 course of this argument he said: "The unhappy black race were sep- 
 arated from the white by indelibl(> marks ami laws, long before 
 established, and were never thought of, except iis property, and when 
 the claims of the owner or the profit of the trader were supposed to 
 need protection. This state of ]>ublic opinion had undergon(> no 
 change when the Constitution wan adopted, as is ecjually evident from 
 its provisions and language." 
 
 Justice Taney further argued, at <'onsiderable length, that Dred 
 Hcott, being a negro, and descended from slaves, had no standing in 
 the Court, and that the Court had no authority in the premises, yet 
 he immediately proce<>ded to take jurisdiction. He (pioted that clause 
 of the Constitution which says: "('ongress shall have power to 
 dispose of and uwike all rules and regulations respecting the territory 
 or other ju'operty of the Cnited States." He asserted that this 
 applied only to such territ<u*y as belonged to the United States at the 
 tinu* the Constitution was framed, and that the territory covered by 
 the Missouri Restriction, having all been acquired since that time, 
 was not subject to this provision. 
 
 He ftirther atllriued that by the mere fact of our acquiring terri- 
 tory, the (lovernnient and the citissen both enter it under authority of 
 the (constitution; that is to say that the Constitution takes etTect upon 
 any territory the Government nuiy acquire, in such way that any 
 slave-holder may at once take his slaves thither and hold them as 
 projK'rty. He denied the power of Congress to negative this right, 
 and nullified the Aiissouri Restriction in the following announcement: 
 "Upon these conditions, it is the opinion of the ( 'ourt that the Act of 
 Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding property of this 
 kind in the Territory of the United States, North of the line therein 
 mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and it is therefore 
 void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family, were 
 made free by being carried into territory, even, if they had been 
 carried there by the owner, with the intention of becoming a perma- 
 nent resident." , ,, 
 
 Dred Scott's freedom had been further claimed on the gronnd 
 that he had been taken, by his master, into the Free State of Hlinois, 
 and there kept for two or three years; but the Chief Justice disposed 
 of this by saying that it was a matter to be adjudged by the Court of 
 Missouri alone. It was not properly before the Supreme Court. 
 Having thus played rather fast and loose with the whole question of 
 
 ,141 
 
 s( ij 
 
 I. I 
 
 * 'i 
 
 •Mmm 
 
 ^^ 11 . > 
 
r 
 
 at HIKTOKY OF TIIK UKIMIIMCAN I»AKTY. 
 
 jiiiiM<ll«li«m, ln' ««HHlml«'d liin «l«MiHiuii hh follown: "Ipoii Hio wli(»l«'. 
 tlMTrfore, it Ih the JmlKinciit ot tliiH Couil, tliat il iippciHH b.v tin- 
 ivcord iM'forc iih, tliiit tin* iiliiiiititT in ornn- iH not a fitiz^'n of MiHMoiiii, 
 in tlu' HOHH*' in wliitli that won! in uwd in tlic ConMtitution, and tliat 
 tiM' CliMult Court of tlH' I'nitiMl HtatoH, for tliat mmon. Inid no juiin 
 dirtlon in the chw, and rouid nWc no jn<lKnn'nt in it. Hh judKuimt 
 for tlu' d<'f«'ndant niuHt, <onH«M|ii«'ntlv. Im> i«'v»'iM«'d, and a nuindatr 
 iHHiH'd, din'ctinn thr Huit to Im- diHmiHHcd for want of Jurindirtion." 
 
 Tlic jud^nirnl of th«' riiicf .InHtirt- waH ((unnin'd in, in nioHt of 
 itM conciuHionM, b.v Hix of tln' AKHociatf .lndK»'B, tin* oni.v on«'H diHwnt- 
 InK iM'in).' .hiHtiirn McLean, of Oliio, and CnrtiHH, of MaHHaclium'ttH. 
 Tlii'w of tin* AHHociate .hiHticcH, Wavne, of (JeoiKia; l>ani«'i, of Vir 
 jfinia, and Campbell, of Alabama, ((Muuried with the Chief .luHtin' in 
 all hJH concluHionH. JuHtice Cati-cm, of TenneHHee, iook the cuiiouH 
 Ki'ound that Conj,'i'e8M had the power to govern the territorieH, but at 
 the same time that Hlave-holdern had the rijfht, without reference to 
 ActH <»f CtmnreHH, to take their slaveH into the territorieH. The ((Hi- 
 eluHionH ()f JuHtiee Nelnon. of New York, and drier, of Pennnvlvania, 
 involved the abnurdity that Conp-eHH miKht le^jiHlnte slavery into the 
 territories, but could not prohibit it. 
 
 .lustice Daniel, of Virginia, took this extreme ground: "Now the 
 f<»llowinjj are truths which a knowh-dne of the history of the world, 
 and i)articularly that of our own c«Mintry, compels us to know, that 
 the African negro race have never been acknowledged as belonging to 
 the family of nations; that, as amongst them, there never has been 
 known or recognized by the inhabitants of other countries anything 
 partaking of the character of nationality, or civil or political polity; 
 that this race has been, by all the nations of tJurope, regarded as 
 subjects of capture or purchase, as subjects of <ommerce or tralfl«'; 
 and that the introduction of that race into every section of this 
 country was not as members of civil or politi<'al society, but as slaves, 
 as property, in the strictest sense of the term." 
 
 The logical result of the various opinions, filed by the majority of 
 the Justices, was that any slave-owner might take his property into 
 a Free Htate and hold it there, and it fairly justified the boast of 
 Robert Toombs that he would yet call the roll of his slaves under the 
 shadow of Bunker Hill Monument. 
 
 The Northern indignation at these utterances of the Sui)reme 
 Court Justices was not at all mitigated by a consideration of the 
 composition of the Court itself. A majority of the members were 
 
f'^ 
 
 tlu> wlioli', 
 HTM b.v tlio 
 f MiHMoiii-i, 
 [1, aiul tliat 
 (1 no JiiriM- 
 
 t JllllKIIH'Ilt 
 
 a iiiaiidatc 
 di«ti(»n." 
 
 ill IIIOHt of 
 ICH (liHHCIlt- 
 HacllllHOttH. 
 
 i«'l, of Vir- 
 r tIuMti(<> in 
 Ww <Mii-iouM 
 I'icH, hut at 
 
 I'fclHMUH' to 
 
 The <(Ui- 
 iniMvivania, 
 'ry into the 
 
 "Now the 
 the world, 
 Ivnow, that 
 t>Ionp;ing to 
 T ha8 been 
 's anything 
 ical polity; 
 egarded as 
 i or tralflr; 
 ion of thiH 
 it SL» »\a.vv», 
 
 majority of 
 ■operty into 
 lie boast of 
 8 under the 
 
 le Sujireme 
 tion of the 
 tnberB were 
 
 PKKHIhKNT nrCIIANAN'H ADMINIHTKATION. 
 
 83 
 
 from the Houtli, and they, iih well iih their aHHociateH from the North, 
 liad K<'»('i'nlly hevn appoiiiled for poliiiral reuHoiiH, and not on arcoiiiil 
 t»f any Hpe*-ial (inalitlralioiiH for a jiidit-ial pimitloii. 
 
 Itiit if the N'(»rllieriierH were aroiiHed lo indignation at thiH judi- 
 tial HiiltverMion of tlie <'onHtitulion, tlie Houtli wuh put into a <-oiidilioii 
 of alarm and wrath, by the 'lohn Itrowii attack up<»n the iirHenal at 
 llarper'H Ferry, Virginia, in IH'ti). TIiIh remarkable man, who with 
 Heventeeii wliite and five negro aHHoriatcH, Htartled and aHtouiid(>d the 
 whole coiintry. had already had a very Htirring career in KaimaH. Of 
 liiM charact<'r, IiIh follower and biographer, .Iiim. Kedpath, Hiiid: "It Iiiih 
 be<>ii aHHcrted thai he wiih a nuMiiber of tlie Uepublican party. It Ih 
 falMc. lie deH|iiH(d the Uepublican party. It Ih true that, like every 
 .VbolitionlHt, he wuh opponed to the exteiiHion of Hiavery; and like the 
 majority of Anti-Wlavery men, in favor, al8o, of organized political 
 action ngaiiiHt it. Itut he wuh too earncHt a man, and too devout a 
 ChriHtian, to rent HJitinfied with the only actionagaiiist slavery coiiHiHt- 
 ent with oiie'H duty as a citizen ac»ording to the UHual Uepublican 
 interiu-etation <»f the Federal <'oiiHtitiilion. It teachen that we muMt 
 content ourHelvew witli rcHiKting the exteuHion of Hiavery. Where the 
 UepublicauH naid 'lltilt,' .l()hii Mrown nhouted 'Forward, to the reHcm-!' 
 He waH an AbolitioniHt of the Uuiiker Hill hcIiooI. He followed 
 neither (JarriHon nor Heward, (Jerrit Hiiiith nor Wendell riiillipH; but 
 the Oolden Uule and the Declaration of hub'pendence, in tln' Hpirit 
 of the Hebr<*w warriors, and in the (}od-a]>]ilauded mode that they 
 adopted." Uedjiath visitJ'd one of John Urown's camps in Kansas, 
 and gives this account of what he learned there: "In this camp, no 
 manner of jirofane language was permitted; no man of immornl char- 
 acter was allowed to stay, except as a prisoner of war. He made 
 prayers, in which all the company united, every morning and evening, 
 and no food was ever tasted by his men until the Divine blessing had 
 been asked on it. After every im'al, thanks were returned to the 
 Bountiful (liver. 
 
 "Often, 1 was told, the old man would retire to the densest soli- 
 tudes and wrestle with his (lod in secret prayer. One of his company 
 subsequently informed me that, after these retirings, he would say 
 that the I^rd had directed him, in visions, what to do; that, for 
 himself, he did not love warfar<% but peace, only acting in obedience to 
 the will of the Lord, and fighting Ood's battles for his children's sake. 
 It was at this time that the old man said to me: 'I w(Mild rather 
 have the small-pox, jellow-fever and cholera all tiigether in my camp, 
 
 ^!i 
 
 1 IF 
 
 :;ii 
 
 ''!' 
 
 ; 
 
 ''^ 
 
 iii 
 
 !-; 
 
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 1 
 
 ill 
 
 i. 
 
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 i*Fj;-;*iss«w»s*'«**"''***'" ' ■" " 
 
r^i 
 
 s>. 
 
 84 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KErUBLK AN PARITY. 
 
 than a man without principles. It's a mistake, sir,' he continued, 
 'that our people make, when they think that bullies are the best 
 fighters, or that they are the men fit to oppose these Southerners. 
 Give me men of good princijiles, God-fearing men, and men who 
 respect themselves, and, with a dozen of them, I will oppose any 
 hundred such men as the Buford rufHans.' I remained in the camp 
 about an hour. Never before had I met such a band of men. They 
 were not earnest, but earnestness incarnate. Six of them were John 
 Brown's sons." 
 
 Brown's entrance into Kansas affairs came about in this way. 
 His four oldest sons migrated from Ohio to that Territory and settled 
 in Lykens County, in the Southern part of the State, and not far from 
 the Mipsoiiri border. They were here so harrassed, insulted and 
 plundered that they found they could not live without arms, and wrote 
 to their father to that effect. He procured a supply and went with 
 them. He at once organized small bands of men to resist the aggres- 
 sions of the Missourians. His first exploit was in a skirmish at 
 Bla(k Jak, of which the records are scant. His second was the 
 battle ol Osawatomie, which gave him the name Osawatomie Brown, 
 Here, with thirty men skillfully posted under cover, he met a force of 
 500 Missourians, killed 32 and wounded 50 more, and held them at 
 bay until his ammunition was exhausted, when he made a safe retreat, 
 having lost only five men. There were enough other exploits of this 
 kind to make his name a terror to the Missourians and to partly 
 account for the consternation which his later and larger venture 
 . caused. 
 
 When Brown finally left Kansas he picked up twelve slaves in 
 going through Missouri, brought them to Detroit, whence they were 
 passed over to Canada. He vhen went :>st to prepare for his scheme 
 of freeing the slaves in the South, to which he thought visions from 
 the Lord had directed him. The first movement in this scheme, the 
 occupation of Harper's Ferry, was arranged with great ability and 
 with equally great boldness. Brown's force consisted of seventeen 
 white men and five negroes. This handful of men, on the night of 
 the 15th of October, quietly entered Harper's Ferry, and took pos- 
 session of the armory buildings, which were guarded by only three 
 watchmen, who were seized and placed in the guard-house. Then 
 the watchmen at the Potomac bridge were captured and secured. At 
 a quarter past one the Western train, on the Baltimore & Ohio 
 Railroad arrived, and found the bridge guarded by armed men. 
 
continued, 
 ( the best 
 utherners. 
 men who 
 ppose any 
 1 the camp 
 en. They 
 were John 
 
 this way. 
 ind settled 
 )t far from 
 suited and 
 and wrote 
 went with 
 the aggres- 
 kirmish at 
 d was the 
 oie Brown, 
 I a force of 
 Id them at 
 afe retreat, 
 oits of this 
 I to partly 
 ;er venture 
 
 e slaves in 
 they were 
 his scheme 
 isions from 
 icheme, the 
 ability and 
 F seventeen 
 lie night of 
 1 took po8- 
 only three 
 ise. Then 
 (cured. At 
 )re & Ohio 
 irmed men. 
 
 PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 85 
 
 Almost simultaneously with the delciition of the train, the house of 
 (.'olonei Lewis W. Washington was visited by Brown's men, under 
 Captain Stevens, who seized his arms and horses, and liberated his 
 slaves. Every male citizen who ventured into the street during the 
 rest of the night, was captured nnd confined in the armory, until the 
 number of prisoners was between 40 and 50. One of the workmen 
 asked by what authority the arsenal had been seized, and was told: 
 "By the authority of Almighty Ood." Every workman who 
 approached the armory, as day dawned, was seized and imprisoned. 
 By 8 o'clock the number of prisoners exceeded ♦>(). Soon after 
 daybreak the fight began, and a grocer, named Boerly, was killed by 
 the return Are from the army of occupation. Soon afterward one of 
 Brown's sons, Walter, was mortally wounded by a shot fired by some 
 Virginians, who had obtained possession of a room overlooking the 
 armory gates. The alarm was spread over the surrounding country, 
 and at noon a militia force, consisting of 1(M> men, arrived from 
 f -harlestown, the County Seat, and were so disposed as to command 
 every available exit from the armory. The attacking force was 
 rapidly augmented and the fight was continued, another of Brown's 
 sons, Oliver, meeting the fate of his brother earlier in the day. The 
 assailants being in overwhelming force, Brown retreated to the 
 engine house, where he succeeded in repulsing them, with a loss to 
 the Virginians of two killed and six wounded. Night found in 
 Brown's force only three unWounded whites besides himself. Eight 
 of his men were already dead, another was dying, two were captives, 
 mortally wounded, and one was a prisoner unhurt. A party, sent 
 out to capture slave-holders and liberate slaves early in the day, was 
 absent. They fled during the night through Maryland, into Pennsyl- 
 vania, but most of them were ultimately taken. It was not till the 
 next morning that the engine house was captured by a force of United 
 States Marines, two of the Marines being wounded. Brown was 
 struck in the face by a saber, and knocked down. After he fell the 
 old man received two bayonet thrusts at the hands of an infuriated 
 soldier. Brown and the rest of his little band, who fell into the hands 
 of the Virginians, were tried and executed at the Town of Charles- 
 town, all of them dying with calm and unflinching courage. The 
 invasion was a nmd scheme, with a tragic ending, but it has been im- 
 mortalized in song and story, in every land where the spirit of liberty 
 is cherished. 
 
 « 
 
 The event took on some politi<'al importance on account of 
 attempts in both Houses of Congress to fasten the responsibility 
 
 ill M 
 
yMwMMNM 
 
 imm 
 
 m 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 upon the Republican party, and to make out that it was one of many 
 such movements planned. But the charge was so manifestly absurd, 
 that it made little impression either on Congress or the people. 
 
 During this Administration a more peaceful event, but one of 
 the greatest political importance, occurred. This was the series of 
 joint debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. 
 The ability and fame of the speakers, their eloquence in oratory, and 
 their skill in argument, made the debates subjects of interest in 
 advance, and they were fully reported. The joint debates were seven 
 
 in number, all at towns 
 in the interior of Illi- 
 nois, though the men 
 had previously been 
 matched against each 
 other a number of times 
 in Chicago. They 
 served to clear up the 
 issues as between the 
 parties. They also had 
 wide-reaching personal 
 effects, for they showed 
 that Douglas was not 
 extreme enough to suit 
 the South, placed Lin- 
 coln side by side with 
 William H. Seward as 
 an exponent of ad- 
 vanced Anti - Slavery 
 sentiment, and made 
 him at once an availa- 
 STBPHEN A. DOUGLAS. ble Presidential candi- 
 
 date. In one of his noted speeches, Seward spoke of the 
 slavery question as an "irrepressible conflict,'' an expression which 
 was widely quoted. In his llrst speech during the campaign, Lincoln 
 had already given broader expression to the same idea, in the follow- 
 ing phrases, which became familiar the country over: "1 believe 
 this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. 
 T do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to 
 fall, but I do expect that it will cease to be divided. It will become 
 all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will 
 
 I.: 
 
 j|iiati«i«iii'*«inii>ii'iwrii'in 
 
 ■i-|liriM'ii[iiHwtfiiii'1i'i>'ili 
 
 :':<■ ' >?■■ 
 
J iH^&jttk 
 
 tM. 
 
 PRESIDENT BIT'HANANS ADMINISTRATION. 87 
 
 e of many 
 ly absurd, 
 >ple. 
 
 ►ut one of 
 ? series of 
 , Douglas, 
 atory, and 
 nterest in 
 vere seven 
 1 at towns 
 or of Illi- 
 the men 
 isly been 
 linst each 
 er of times 
 ; o. They 
 'ar up the 
 tween the 
 y also had 
 ; personal 
 ley showed 
 s was not 
 igh to suit 
 )la('ed Lin- 
 side with 
 Seward as 
 t of ad- 
 ti - Slavery 
 iind made 
 an availa- 
 itial candi- 
 ie of the 
 sion which 
 ^n, Lincoln 
 the follow- 
 "I believe 
 4 half free, 
 le house to 
 vill become 
 lavery will 
 
 arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind 
 shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, 
 or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful 
 in all the states, old as well as new, North as well as South." 
 
 In the election which followed the Republicans carried the State 
 on the general ticket, but owing to the manner in which it had been 
 districted the Democrats had a majority in the Legislature and 
 Douglas was re-elected to the Senate. When the result was known, 
 one of the Republican leaders in Illinois remarked: "We have lost 
 a Senator, but we have made a President." Plans to bring Mr. 
 Lincoln forward as a candidate for the Presidency began to develop 
 very soon afterwards. 
 
 There was one contest in the Congresses of Mr. Buchanan's 
 Administration which possessed more significance than has ordinarily 
 been given it, and which was of special interest to Michigan. This 
 was the contest, extending through three sessions, over an appropria- 
 tion for deepening the artificial channel at St. Clair Plars. The 
 existing channel was 150 feet wide and 9 feet deep, and was entirely 
 inadequate to the needs of navigation. Senator Chandler introduced 
 a bill for an appropriation of 155,000, to enlarge and deepen the canal, 
 and fought for it with great persistency. It passed once, but was 
 vetoed by President Buchanan, and was defeated, in one House or the 
 other, several times. In closing his remarks on one of these occasions 
 Mr. Chandler demanded the yeas and nays and added: "I want to 
 see who is friendly to the great Northwest, and who is not, for we are 
 about making our last prayer here. The time is not far distant 
 when, instead of coming here and begging for our rights, we shall 
 extend our hands and take the blessing. After 1860 we shall not be 
 here as beggars." This proved to be prophetic, for when the Senate 
 was reorganized in 1861, Mr. Chandler was made Chairman of the 
 Committee on Commerce, and one of the first bills he reported called 
 for an appropri^ition for this improvement. Under this the first 
 work was done for enlarging that magnificent water-way, which 
 carries a larger tonnage than that entering the port either of Liver- 
 pool or New York. The real significance of the contest over this 
 measure is that it was the last attempt of the Democrats to maintain 
 their traditional doctrine of hostility to internal improA'ements. 
 They could no longer resist the spirit of modern progress; and from 
 that day to this, river and harbor appropriation bills have been a 
 feature of nearly every Congress. 
 
 LJ 
 
 I I I 
 
 ■,l. ! 
 
 L 
 
 i 
 
 ii "'V?,, ^ 
 
iiPffW 
 
 mm 
 
 88 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The Hoiise at the opening of the XXXVIth CongresB, witnessed 
 a contest, petty in itself, but signiflcant as showing the sensitiveness 
 of the Sontherners on the slavery question. Hinton Rowan Helper 
 had written a book on "The Impending Crisis. How to Meet It." 
 The book was largely statistical, and was intended to show that 
 slavery was detrimental to the best interests of the South itself, but 
 It gave great offence to that section. Oalusha A. Grow and John 
 Sherman had endorsed the book, the latter without reading it. Both 
 were candidates for the Speakership, and on the first day of the 
 session John B. Clark, of Missouri, introduced a preamble and resolu- 
 tion, declaring that the book was "insurrectionary and hostile to the 
 domestic peace and tranquillity of the country; and that no Member of 
 the House, who has endorsed and recommended it, or the compend 
 from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House." By obtaining the floor 
 and talking and reading documents in support of his resolution, Mr. 
 Clark managed to defer the second ballot for Siieaker till the third 
 day of the session. This sort of trifling over the John Brown raid 
 and Helper's book continued for eight weeks, with occasional ballot- 
 ings for Speaker. Sherman, on all the latest ballots came within 
 three or four votes of an election, but at last peremptorily withdrew, 
 and Mr. Pennington, a new member, was elected. The result of this 
 eight weeks of boys' play was the gratuitous advertisement of a book 
 which the Southerners detested, and the election of a poor Speaker. 
 
 The Michigan election that occurred during the Buchanan Admin- 
 istration did not furnish as large Republican majorities as in 1850, 
 but were still satisfactory. At the election in 1858, Moses Wisner 
 was chosen Governor by a vote of 65,202, against 56,067 for Stuart, 
 Democrat. The Congressmen elected were: William A. Howard. 
 Francis W. Kellogg, Pewitt C. Leach and Henry Waldron, all Repub- 
 licans. The Legislature chosen at this election elected Kinsley 8. 
 Bingham United States Senator, thus making the Michigan delegation 
 in both Houses unanimously Republican for the first time. 
 
 'immmmiiim 
 
 ■«IMnMf««nMwwat<Mi 
 
mmi 
 
 ~T<\^ 
 
 witnessed 
 isitiveness 
 an Helper 
 
 Meet It." 
 8how that 
 itself, but 
 and John 
 it. Both 
 ay of the 
 ind resolu- 
 tile to the 
 Member of 
 i compend 
 g the floor 
 lution, Mr. 
 
 the third 
 irown raid 
 nal ballot- 
 me within 
 withdrew, 
 inlt of this 
 : of a book 
 r Speaker, 
 an Admin- 
 is in 1850, 
 es Wisner 
 for Stuart, 
 . Howard, 
 ail Repult- 
 Kinsley 8. 
 delegation 
 
 VII. 
 
 THE KECOND NATIONAL (CONVENTION. 
 
 The I)oujy:las Democrats and the Seceders Prom the Charleston Con- 
 vention — The Republicans Meet at Chicago in High Hopes — 
 Immense Gathering at the Wigwam — All the Free States and Six 
 Slave States Represented — Some of the Distinguished Men 
 Present — Joshua R. Oiddings and the Dec laration of Independ- 
 ence — A Ringing Platform Adopted — Seward First (Choice of a 
 Majority of the Delegates — Influences that Operated Against 
 Him — Necessity of Carrying the Middle States — Dramatic S<*ene 
 When Lincoln Was Nominated — Disappointment of Michigan 
 Republicans — Strong Nomination for Vice-I'resident. 
 
 It became evident early in 1800 that Stephen A. Douglas was the 
 choice for President of a majority of the Democrats, but that the men 
 of extreme Southern views were prepared to resist his nomination by 
 every means in their power. The Convention met in Charleston, 
 8. C, April 23, 1860, and had a stormy session of ten days. Heated 
 discussions were had over the platform, during which the delegates, 
 either in whole or in part, from several of the Southern states retired 
 from the Convention. Fifty-seven ballots were had for President, 
 in all of which Mr. Douglas had a majority, but in none of which did 
 he have the requisite two-thirds. The Convention then adjourned 
 to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June. Meantime the seceders 
 had held a four days' session, adopted a platform, and adjourned to 
 meet at Richmond, Va., June 11. 
 
 It was under these circumstances that the Republican Convention 
 met at Chicago, May 16. The party was full of high hopes, was 
 stronger than ever before in the Northern states, and there was every 
 prospect that the Democrats would continue to be divided, both 
 North and South. The Republicans in the ele<tion of 1856, had 
 
 • is S it^ ts ^A -m - u-i l ^J ■,AJa ! LL Wg!g^ 
 
f^ 
 
 -L^ttikdS*^ 
 
 I ^ 
 
 90 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPT'BLICAN PARTY. 
 
 barely lost Pennsylvania and Indiana, and had lost Illinuis by a 
 larger majority. They had since then gained all three of those 
 states. They had carried them, all in the elections of 1859, together 
 with every other Northern State except California, Oregon, New York 
 and Rhode Island. In Oregon the vote was very close, and New 
 York and Rhode Island had only been carried against them by a 
 fusion of all the opposition forces. Within the year the party had 
 gained in strength and courage, and since there was in 1S60 no 
 prospect of complete fusion of all the opposition, its leaders were 
 hopeful of carrying every Northern State. 
 
 There was then no permanent building in (Chicago large enough 
 to accommodate a Convention of the magnitude of this, with a reason- 
 able number of outsiders, and a temporary structure, <>alled the 
 Republican Wigwam, was erected for the purpose. It was said to 
 be capable of seating 10,000 persons, but notwithstanding its large 
 dimensions had such excellent acoustic properties that an ordinary 
 speaker could be heard throughout the whole vast spa<e. There was 
 nothing to obstruct the vision, so that a i>er8on sitting in any part of 
 the auditorium could see every other part of it, and there were separ- 
 ate doors for the ingress and egress of spectators and delegates, thus 
 avoiding confusion. It was crowded with enthusiastic followers of 
 the different candidates, and grave questions were discussed with 
 earnestness, but it was as orderly as any large Convention ever held 
 in the country. 
 
 All the Free States were fully represented in the Convention, with 
 delegates from six slave states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ken- 
 tucky, Missouri and Texas. Like the first Republican Convention at 
 Jackson, it brought out, in addition to old party managers, a great 
 many young men, who afterwards became conspicuous in public 
 affaire. Mr. Blaine says that not less than sixty of them, till then 
 unknown outside theib districts, were afterwards sent to Congress, 
 while many of them became governors of states, and many others 
 were distinguished as soldiers in the war that followed. Like the 
 Jackson Cqnvention, also, it contained men of formerly very diverse 
 sentiments. Abolitionists, Anti-Slavery Whigs, Conservative Whigs, 
 Free Democrats and a few who, not many years before, were straight- 
 out Democrats. The temporary Chairman was David Wilmot, of 
 Proviso fame, formerly an Anti-Slavery Democrat, and the perma- 
 nent Chairman was George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, a Daniel 
 Webster ^Vhig. Both selections were received with great enthus- 
 
 »iBW)iii:*)narrTiiimiii' 
 
 B i " 3.w e 'e ' j "' .fe ■ 
 
 iiiiiiiiiriliiinilriiii mm^MttmitSlttKlSm'*^ 
 
 If;;'.' 
 
•m. 
 
 iSSi 
 
 oig by a 
 of those 
 , together 
 iJew York 
 and New 
 em by a 
 iarty had 
 1800 no 
 ler» were 
 
 re enough 
 a reason - 
 ailed the 
 IB said to 
 its large 
 ordinary 
 [•here was 
 ly part of 
 ere separ- 
 ates, thus 
 lowers of 
 ssed with 
 ever held 
 
 tion, with 
 inia, Ken- 
 rention at 
 8, a gi*eat 
 in public 
 , till then 
 Congress, 
 ny others 
 
 Like the 
 py diverse 
 ve Whigs, 
 » straight- 
 ^ilmot, of 
 lie perma- 
 
 a Daniel 
 it enthus- 
 
 THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 01 
 
 iasni. Among the most distinguished delegates present were John 
 A. Andrew and George 8. Moutwell, of Massachusetts; William M. 
 Evarts and Preston King, of New York; Thaddeus Htevens and 
 Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Thomas Corwin and Joshua R. 
 (Mddings, of Ohio; Norman B. Jndd and David Davis, of Illinois; 
 Francis P. Hlair, of Missouri, and Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin. 
 
 The Michigan delegates were as follows: At Large — Austin 
 Hlair, Jackson; Walton W. Murphy, Jonesville; Thomas White Ferry, 
 (Jrand Haven; J. J. St. Clair, Marquette. By Districts— First, J. G. 
 Peterson, Detroit, Alex. I). Crane, Dexter; Se<ond, Jesse G. Benson, 
 Dowaglac, William L. Stoughton, Sturgis; Third, Francis Quinn, 
 Niles, Erastus Hussy, Battle Creek; Fourth, D. C. Buckland, Pontiac, 
 Michael T. C. Plessner, Saginaw City. 
 
 The Michigan appointments in the Conventi(»n were: Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Thomas W. Ferry; Secretary, William L. Stoughton; Commit- 
 tee on Permanent Organization, W. W. Murphy; Credentials, Francis 
 Quinn; Resolutions, Austin Blair. Of these the first afterwards 
 became Member of Congress and United States Senator; the se<ond. 
 Member of Congress; the third, a Foreign Minister, and the last, G(»v- 
 ernor and Member of Congress. 
 
 The first day's session was occupied with routine business, with 
 stirring speeches by the temporary and permanent Chairman. The 
 forenoon of the second day was taken up with consideration of the 
 report of the Committee on Credentials, mainly in reference to the del- 
 egations from Maryland, Kentucky, Virginia and Texas. 
 
 On the second afternoon the report of the (Committee on Resolu- 
 tions was presented. There was but little discussion upon the report 
 which was generally acceptable, but an amendment offered by Joshua 
 R. Giddings, caused an excited discussion, and an animated scene. 
 Having obtained the floor with great difficulty, Mr. Giddings proposed 
 to add the following after the first resolution: "That we solemnly 
 reassert the self-evident truths that all men are endowed by their 
 ( -reator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness; that governments are instituted among 
 men to secure the enjoyment of such rights." "I offer this," said the 
 old man, in concluding a speech on his amendment, "because our party 
 was formed upon it. It grew upon it. It has existed upon it, and 
 when you leave out this truth you leave out the party." Notwith- 
 standing this, his amendment was voted down. At the announcement 
 of the vote bv which it was lost, Giddings rose and slowly made his 
 
 ! *« 
 
 :^ 
 
 mimiMmmim' 
 
^■r^mm 
 
 MMMfnPlpM^ 
 
 ii 
 
 1)2 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REIMJBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 way toward ^he door The ronvention had voted down the Declara- 
 tion of lndependen< e; the doctrine of the fathers had been repudiated; 
 and he seceded. Hut the <-au8e he had left behind him was taken up 
 and <hanipioned by (Jeorjce William Curtis, of New York, who suc- 
 ceeded after a little in getting the floor and offering as an amendment 
 the words that finally stood as Section 2 of the resolutions. In 
 supporting this amendment, Mr. ('urtis said: "I have to ask this 
 Convention whether they are prepared to go upon the record and 
 before the <'onntry as voting down the words of the Declaration of 
 
 Independence? I have, 
 sir, in the amendment 
 which I have intro- 
 duced, quoted simply 
 and only from the Dec- 
 laration of Independ- 
 ence. Bear in mind 
 that in Philadelphia, in 
 185(), the (Convention of 
 this same great party 
 were not afraid to an- 
 nounce those prin<!iples 
 by which alone the Re- 
 publican party lives, 
 and upon which alone 
 the future of this coun- 
 try in the hands of the 
 Republican party is 
 passing. Now, sir, I 
 ask gentlemen gravely 
 to consider that in the 
 josHTTA R. GiDDiNGS. amendment which I 
 
 have proposed, I have done nothing that the soundest and safest man 
 in all the land might not do; and I rise simply — for I am now sitting 
 down — I rise simply to ask gentlemen to think well before, upon the 
 tree prairies of the West, in the Bummer of 18C0, they dare 
 to wince and quail before the men who, in 1776, in Philadel- 
 phia, in the Arch-Keystone State, so amply, so nobly represented 
 upon this platform today, before they dare to shrink from repeating 
 the words that these great men enunciated." Mr. Curtis' plea 
 
 '« !ir;«h«» 
 
 mHMmmmmMmmmtmmmmmmirmi 
 
 ■liaHHMMMMM 
 
 i 
 
o Declara- 
 ^pudiated ; 
 ) taken up 
 
 who snc- 
 inendment 
 ions. In 
 ) aMk this 
 ecord and 
 aration of 
 ? I have, 
 inendment 
 ,ve intro- 
 d simply 
 a the Dec- 
 Independ- 
 
 in mind 
 leiphia, in 
 vention of 
 eat party 
 aid to an- 
 prin<!iple8 
 ae the Re- 
 ?ty lives, 
 tich alone 
 this conn- 
 nds of the 
 party is 
 ow, sir, I 
 ■n gravely 
 bat in the 
 which I 
 lafest man 
 ow sitting 
 , upon the 
 they dare 
 
 Philadel- 
 •presented 
 
 repeating 
 irtis' plea 
 
 THE HECONI* NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 m 
 
 carried the day, and his amendment was adopted. The platform in 
 full was as follows: 
 
 REHOLVEh, That we, the delegated representatives of the 
 Republican electors of the United Htates, in <%)nvention assembled, in 
 discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, 
 unite in the following dedaratijms: 
 
 1. That the history of the naticm, during the last four years, has 
 fullv established the propriety and necessity of the organization and 
 perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causeH which 
 called it into exiftence are permanent in their nature, and now, more 
 than ever before, demand its ]>eaceful and f'onstitutional triumph. 
 
 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the 
 Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal (.'onstitti- 
 tion, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their 
 (Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights gov- 
 ernments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our 
 republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights 
 of the States and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 
 
 3. That to the union of the states this Nation owes its unprece- 
 dented increase in population, its surprising development of material 
 resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and 
 its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, 
 come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the 
 countrv that no Republican Member of Congress has uttered or coun- 
 tenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic 
 members, without rebuke and with applause from their political asso- 
 ciates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular 
 overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a 
 free government, and as an avowal of contenii)lated treason, which it 
 is the imperative duty of an indignant people to rebuke and forever 
 silence. 
 
 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and 
 especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic 
 institutions according to ita own Judgment ex<lu8ively, is essential to 
 that balance of power on whi<h the perfection and endurance of our 
 political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by 
 armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
 what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded 
 our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exac- 
 tions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate 
 exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the pro- 
 testing people of Kansas; in construing the personal relations between 
 master and servant to Involve an unqualified property in persons; in 
 its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the 
 
 i 
 
!»4 
 
 IIIWTOUY OF TIIK HKIMIILK'AN I'AUTY 
 
 liitiTvcnticui of ronjtiH'gH and of tlio Fodorul CourtH, of thi' «'xtn'iii« 
 protviiMioDH of a purely local ititeroHt, and in Um koiktuI aud iinvary- 
 liiK altii8(> of the |Ki\v(>r ciilniMfcd to it b.v a ronfidiiiK people. 
 
 (5. That tli(! people juHtly view with alarm the recklens extrava- 
 gance which jiervadeM every department of the Federal (lovernnu*nt; 
 that a return to ritjid economy and accountability Ih indiMpenmibUi to 
 arrest the Hytttematic plunder of the public treasury by favored parti- 
 Hans; while the recent HtartliuK developments of frauds and 
 corruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of 
 administration is imperatively demanded. 
 
 7. That the new do^ma, that the ('«mstltution, of its own force, 
 carries slavery into any or all of the United Mtates, is a dangerous 
 political lieresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instru- 
 ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with LeRislative 
 and Judicial precedent — Is revolutionary in its tendency, and subver- 
 sive of the i>euce and harmony of the country. 
 
 H. That the normal condition of all the territory of the TTnited 
 States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they 
 had aliolished slavery in our National territory, ordained that "no 
 person shall be deprived of life, liberty or proi)erty withotit due 
 process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such 
 legislation is necessary, to maintain this i>rovision of the Constitution 
 against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of 
 Congress, of a Territorial Lefjislature, or of any individuals, to give 
 legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the I'nited States. 
 
 U. That we brand the recent reopening of the African sliive 
 trade, under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of 
 judicial power, as a crime against hunuinity and a burning shame to 
 our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and 
 i'fflcient measures for the total and final suppression of that execra- 
 ble traffic. 
 
 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the 
 Acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery 
 in those Territories, we find a practi<'al illustration of the boasted 
 Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, 
 embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the 
 deception and fraud involved therein. 
 
 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a 
 State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her 
 people and accepted by the House of Representatives. 
 
 12. That while providing for the support of the general govern- 
 ment by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an 
 adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the 
 industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy 
 of National exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, 
 to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers 
 an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the 
 Nation commercial prosperity and independence. 
 
 ■HMMi 
 
 4 ' -%: 
 
d unvury- 
 
 i oxti'Hva- 
 rcrniiu'iit; 
 'iiHubIb to 
 ired purti- 
 iiuIh and 
 cha.'iK*' of 
 
 »wn f<)r<'<', 
 IniiKcrouH 
 int iiifttru- 
 leRJslntive 
 id subver- 
 
 he TTnlted 
 vhen tliey 
 I tlmt "no 
 hont diH' 
 ever bhcU 
 nstitution 
 liority of 
 Is, to give 
 tea. 
 
 can Kliivc 
 iM'Hions of 
 shame to 
 'onipt and 
 at exeera- 
 
 >rg, of the 
 iR slavery 
 e boasted 
 vereignty, 
 on of the 
 
 litted as a 
 »d by her 
 
 ftl Rovern- 
 sueh an 
 ent of the 
 hat policy 
 pal wages, 
 ifaeturers 
 ind to the 
 
 THE HECONn NATIONAL ('t)NVENTI(>N. 
 
 1)0 
 
 l:\. That we protest against any sale or alienation (o others of 
 the publie li»«ids held by aetnal settlers, and against any >'ew of (he 
 homestead policy whit h regards the settlers as paupers or su;>pli(anls 
 for public lM)unty; and we demand the passage by (Congress of tlie 
 complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already 
 passed the House. 
 
 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our 
 naturalization laws, or any Htate legislation by which the rights of 
 citiKenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall 
 be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving full and <'fti<ient pro 
 tection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or nat- 
 uralized, both at home and abroad. 
 
 15. That appropriations by ('ongress for river and harbor 
 improvements of a National character, reijuired for the accommoda- 
 tion and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the 
 < Constitution and justified by the obligations of government to protect 
 the lives and property of its citizens. 
 
 10. That a railioad to the racitlc Ocean is imperatively 
 demanded by the interest of the whole country: that the Federal Gov- 
 ernment ought to render immediate and efflcii*nt aid in its 
 consirticiioii; and (hat as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail 
 should be promptly established. 
 
 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and 
 views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however dilTering 
 on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance 
 and support. 
 
 Nominations were the order of business for the third day, and 
 were awaited with intense interest, not only in Chicago, where peo])le 
 had been wrought uj) to a high pitch of excitement by the Tonvention 
 and its surroundings, but throughout the country. William H. 
 Seward was generally regarded as the strongest man. He had been 
 among the first to take the advanced position on the slavery question 
 to which the party had now attained. He was an attractive speaker 
 and had been on the stump, at different times, in many of the state» 
 and his position in the United Rtates Senate had made him conspicu- 
 ous. He was a good politician, as well as a statesman, and he had 
 been for years in close alliance with Thnrlow Weed, one of the most 
 astute politicians in the country. Probably two-thirds of the dele- 
 gates were in favor of Seward when they were chosen, and much 
 more than half of them were of the same way of thinking at the end 
 of the first day's work in the Convention. 
 
 The only other candidate who was regarded as at all formidable 
 was Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as a possibility for 
 
 #f 
 
 iiiliiiriiiii^w 
 
mm 
 
 mmm 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 )Mt 
 
 IIISTOUV OKTIIK UKIM lUJCAN PAHTV. 
 
 tlir ri«'Hl«h'ntial ndiiiiiialioii fioiii the linn* of tl»' «'U't»l<ni follnwiiiK 
 liiH dH»at«'M wiJli l^^m^laH in IHBH. HIh ('oo|m«i' liiHtltutr himmmIi Iu 
 Nt'W York in IHW>, waM nnul<> in fnrtlH'ianc*' of hiicIi caniliilac.v, and it 
 t'i'itainl.v tn'alod a favuraltlf H«'ntinn'nt for him in tlic Kaitt, l»ut it 
 waH Kt'ix'iall.v llioiiKlit tliat liiM time Inul not yet coini'. 
 
 Hilt llu'rc w'Vf M('V«'ral niovniM'nJn, Bonn* of tln-ni «'ntin'ly iin»'X 
 |M'<t«'<l, that woikcd againHt Mr. H«'ward. Fivo of tin' •^intvm had put 
 forward favorite HonH. TIh'mi* w»'r«' IN'iinM.vivaniu, with HInion 
 i.'unMMon; Ohio, witii Salmon V. Vhwc; MiHMonri, witli Kdwurd Haten; 
 
 '; N«'W .ItTHey, with Wni. 
 
 li. Dayton, and Ver- 
 m o n t w i t li Jacob 
 <'ollani('r. TheB** r«*p- 
 i-«>H(>nt4Ml an uncertain 
 quantity of 140 votes. 
 It waH not exjM'cted 
 that any of them would 
 be of any use, In the 
 end, to their own 
 c a n d I d a t e, but no 
 one could tell where 
 they would go when 
 it i-anie to the determin- 
 ing ballot. 
 
 VVni. H. Heward, 
 Thiirlow Weed and 
 iloraee Oreeley domin- 
 ated the Whig party in 
 New York in its latest 
 days and the Republi- 
 can party in the same 
 Htate in its earliest days. But, about this time Grwley became dis- 
 watisfled with the combination, announced in the Tribune the 
 dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed and Greeley, and 
 used the Tribune, as well as his personal influence, in opposition to 
 Howard's nomination. The rule did not then prevail in Republican 
 conventions that a delegate must be a resident of the State, and Dis- 
 tric't, which he represented, and Mr. Greeley, who could not get 
 appointed on the New York delegation, apiieared in the Convention as 
 a delegate from Oregon. His candidate was Edward Bates, of Mis- 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
 
 iHllHilt 
 
 
■MM 
 
 r 
 
 TIIK Kl-:<'<»\l> NAnONAh CONVKNTIOX. 
 
 »7 
 
 f(»llowillK 
 H|M>(M-|| ill 
 
 (■,v, iiikI it 
 Mt, but It 
 
 •«'I,V IIIH'X 
 
 H iiiid put 
 :h Hiiiion 
 rd Itateit; 
 fvitb Wm. 
 iind Ver- 
 li •liu-ob 
 bt'Bo rep- 
 iiiKvrtuin 
 40 voii>». 
 «'X|»ect»Ml 
 iMii would 
 le, in the 
 eir own 
 but no 
 ell wher*' 
 Ko when 
 deterniln- 
 
 Heward, 
 eed and 
 ey doniin- 
 K party in 
 
 its latest 
 > Republi- 
 
 the game 
 »<'anie dis- 
 bune the 
 eeley, and 
 •ogitioh to 
 Republican 
 ', and Dis- 
 I not get 
 vention as 
 ;8, of Mis- 
 
 Mouri, but III' wuM ready for uny other nindidalf (lint roiild beat 
 H«*wai'd. 
 
 (iMt I here whh another Het of inlliieiircH (hat o|M'riited nnirh niorr 
 nfronyiy (i/aii st Hvward, nitiiin^; frmii two of the cIohi* Mtalen. In 
 IN>n»M\ Ivaiiia Alidrew (i. <'iirliii had brfii iioiiiiiialnl for Oovernor 
 by a I'eof/le'M Convi'iition, the party not even aHHiniiiuK the name 
 Kipiibliran. Tlic parly Me«>iiiH t(» hav<* IohI the virility that marked 
 it III I'^.'d. It now (OiifiMni'd a powfrfiil "Anifriean" element, and 
 Aineritan orKani/.alioiiH Htill exiHted in I'hiladelphia and Home other 
 r o u n 1 1 e H. rurtin 
 i|UeHtioned whether thJH 
 element would follow 
 Heward, but thought it 
 iiilght follow any of the 
 other <■ a n d i d a t e H 
 named. HIm own fate, 
 of eourH(>, would be 
 decided by the drift of 
 Hentiment on the I'n'Hl- 
 dential ticket. He and 
 A. K. McClure, who 
 wu8 to manage hiii 
 campaign, were at Thi- 
 cago, and strenuouHly 
 insiBted to every dele- 
 gation to which they 
 could get access, that 
 Heward could not carry 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 A somewhat similar 
 state of alTairs existed bimon cameron. 
 
 in Indiana. Henry H. Lane had been nominated for (}overnor, and 
 Oliver P. Morton for Ijieutenant-dovernor, with the understanding 
 that, if the ticket was successful, the former would be sent to the 
 United States Senate, and the latter would then become Governor. 
 Uoth were profoundly interested in the success of the ticket. There 
 was a considerable American element in the State, and Seward was 
 not strong with that element. Both these candidates thought that 
 Seward's nomination meant their own defeat. They, with John J). 
 Defrees, Chairman of the State Central Committee, joined their 
 
 ' -■ W:'' > 'tJ- 
 
 
 E i 
 
 >l 
 
 5 !« 
 
 i 
 
MM»WWW Ii rWCT»im i l |j )ti p W J>iW»BW>i «W^ fn. iii ir i wri. i i OK i rvfn i i>» . .« »>. 
 
 '%, "W" 
 
 iWW.II,.,. 
 
 ill 
 
 98 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLK^AN PARTY. 
 
 I 
 
 
 remonstrances to those of the I'ennsylvania men against the nomina- 
 tion of Sewi. '1. These remonstrances had great weight with the 
 Convention, nioic especially as both States were lost to Fremont in 
 1856 by very small majorities, while if he had carried them he would 
 have been elected. 
 
 The New York delegation and their friends made the most stren- 
 uous efforts to offset these intluences. There never was a candidate, 
 unless it was Henry Clay, who had a more devoted band of supporters. 
 The whole delegation were enthusiastic and demonstrative, and the 
 
 two leaders were par- 
 t i e u 1 a r 1 y effective. 
 Thurlow Weed was one 
 of the most persuasive 
 of men, and Evarts' 
 e 1 o q u e nee attracted 
 crowds wherever he 
 spoke. 
 
 There were practi- 
 cally no nominating 
 speeches at the Con- 
 vention. Mr. Seward's 
 name was presented 
 by \Vm. M. Evarts, Mr. 
 Lincoln's by Norman B. 
 Judd, Gen. Cameron's 
 by A. H. Reeder, S. 
 1». (Mmse's by I). K. 
 Cartter, Edward Bates' 
 by Francis P. Blair, 
 and Wm. L. Dayton's 
 by Mr. Dudley. But if 
 
 THURLOW WEED. 
 
 there was no stirring oratory on the part of the speakers, there was 
 plenty of enthusiasm on the part of the delegates and spectators. 
 When Seward's name was first mentioned, a roar of applause went up 
 that filled the vast auditorium, and this was repeated when Lincoln 
 was placed in nomination. The names of the other candidates were 
 cheered, but the cheers were as a gentle brt«ze to a whirlwind, when 
 compared to the r'oar that greeted Lincoln an»i Seward. Opportunity 
 was given for a repetition of these demonstrations when Indiana 
 seconded the nomination of Lincoln, and Michigan that of Seward. 
 
 i fjii i iw ii' -nwwm-in w 
 
e nomina- 
 with the 
 
 I'emont in 
 he would 
 
 lost Btreu- 
 candidate, 
 iipportei's. 
 ?, and the 
 were par- 
 effective, 
 d was one 
 jersuasive 
 i Evarts' 
 attracted 
 ■rever he 
 
 •e practi- 
 
 oniinating 
 
 the Con- 
 
 Seward's 
 
 presented 
 
 Ivarts, Mr. 
 
 JJorman B. 
 
 Cameron's 
 
 Jeeder, S. 
 
 by I). K. 
 
 ard Bates' 
 
 P. Blair, 
 
 Dayton's 
 
 y. But if 
 
 there was 
 
 spet'tators. 
 
 se went up 
 
 en Lincoln 
 
 dates were 
 
 vind, when 
 
 pportunity 
 
 'n Indiana 
 
 [)f Seward. 
 
cy/t.^'^^^^^ 
 
xx^ 
 
 -I ' r 'W' l t r^ 
 
 'jl^lfeiiP^I' ' ,'f 'j'-'^wwHy ■ ■«■ » W il HjiSiffM 
 
 THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 99 
 
 "I thought the Seward yell could not be surpassed," said one of the 
 spectators, "but the Lincoln boys were clearly ahead, and feeling their 
 victory, as there was a lull in the storm, they took deep breaths all 
 round, and gave a concentrated shriek that was positively awful, and 
 accompanied it with stamping that made every plank and pillar in the 
 building quiver." As the storm subsided, the balloting began, the 
 three ballots taken resulting as follows: 
 
 First. Second. Third. 
 
 Whole number of votes 465 465 465 
 
 Neceeisarv to a choice 233 233 233 
 
 Wm. H. Seward, of New York ITSVa 1841/2 180 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 102 181 2311/2 
 
 Simon Cameron, of Pennsvlvania 50V^ 2 
 
 Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio 49 421/^ 241/2 
 
 Edward Bates, of Missouri 48 35 22 
 
 Wm. L. Dayton, of New Jersey 14 8 5 
 
 Jacob Col lamer, of Vermont 10 
 
 Scattering 6 2 1 
 
 This brought Lincoln within one and a half votes of the nomina- 
 tion. The dramatic scene accompanying and following this ballot was 
 thus described by Murat Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commercial : 
 
 "While this ballot was taken amid excitement that tested the 
 nerves, the fatal defection from Seward in New England still further 
 appeared — four votes going over from Seward to Lincoln in Massa- 
 chusetts. The latter received four additional votes from Pennsylvania 
 and fifteen additional votes from Ohio. It was whispered about: 
 Lincoln's the coming man — will be nominated this ballot.' When 
 the roll of the states and territories had been called, I had ceastMl to 
 give attention to any votes but those of Lincoln, and had his vote 
 added up as it was given. The number of votes necessary to a choi<;e 
 was 233, and I saw under my pencil, as the Lincoln column was 
 completed, the figures 23II/2— one vote and a half to give him the 
 nomination. In a moment the fact wac whispered about. A hundred 
 pencils had told the same story. The news went over the house 
 wonderfully, and there was a pause. There are always men anxious 
 to distinguish themselves on such occasions. There is nothing that 
 IM)liticians like better than a crisis. 1 looked up to see who would 
 be the man to give the decisive vote. In about ten ticks of a watch 
 Cartter, of Ohio, was up, I had imagined that Ohio would be slippery 
 enough for the crisis, and sure enough! Every eye was on Cartter, 
 
 j ; 
 
 ^f»r't(-' 
 
ItSlHi 
 
 ■Ka." 
 
 ''-■ " '*^ 
 
 100 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLK^AN PARTY. 
 
 and everylxMj.v uiuUTBtood tlie iiiattor, ag all knew what he was atuut 
 tu do. He in a large man, with rather striking features, a shock of 
 briBtling black hair, large and Hhining eyes, and is terribly marked 
 with Binall-pox. He has also an iniiiedinient in his speech, which 
 amounts to a stutter, and his selection as Chairman of the Ohio dele- 
 gation was, considering its condition, altogether appropriate. He 
 had been quite noisy during the sessions of the convention, but had 
 never commanded, when mounting his chair, such attention as now. 
 He said: 'I rise (eh), Mr. Chairman (eh), to announce the change of 
 
 four votes from Ohio 
 from Mr. Chase to Mr. 
 Lin<oln.' The deed was 
 done. There was a 
 moment's silence. The 
 nerves of the thousands 
 w h i «• h, through the 
 hours of sus])ense, had 
 been subjected to .terri- 
 ble tension, relaxed, 
 and, as deep breaths of 
 relief were taken, there 
 ' was a noise in the wig- 
 wam like the rush of a 
 great wind in the van 
 of a <4torm, and in an- 
 othev breath the wind 
 was there. There were 
 thousands cheering 
 with the energy of in- 
 sanity. 
 
 ANDREW a. cuRTiN. "A man who had 
 
 been on the roof, and wa» engaged in communicating the ballotings to 
 the mighty mass of outsiders, now demanded by gestures at the sky- 
 light over the stage, to know what had happened. One of the 
 secretaries, with a tally-sheet in his hands, shouted: 'Fire the salute! 
 Abe Lincoln is nominated!' As the cheering in the wigwam subsided 
 we could hear that outside, where the news of the nomination had 
 just been announced. And the roar, like the breaking up of the 
 fountains of the deep, that was heard, gave a new impnlse to the 
 enthusiasm inside. Then the thunder of the salute rose above the 
 

 THE SECOND NATIONAL CON 'KNTION. 
 
 101 
 
 KIM atuut 
 t shock, of 
 y marked 
 ch, which 
 Ohio dele- 
 ate. He 
 I, but had 
 n as now. 
 change of 
 rem Ohio 
 ise to Ml*. 
 ' deed was 
 ^ was a 
 'nee. The 
 Miousands 
 BUgh the 
 >ense, had 
 d to .terri- 
 relaxed, 
 breaths of 
 ken, there 
 n the wig- 
 rush of a 
 n the van 
 ind in an- 
 the wind 
 'here were 
 i cheering 
 rgy of in- 
 
 who had 
 llotings to 
 it the sky- 
 ine of the 
 the salute! 
 a subsided 
 lation had 
 up of the 
 ilse to the 
 above the 
 
 din, and the slionting was rijieMie.^ with such tremendous fury that 
 some discharges of tlie cannon were absolutely not heard by fliose on 
 the stage. Puffs of smoke, drifting by tlie open doors, and the smell 
 of gunpowder told what was going on. 
 
 "The moment that half a Jozen men who were on their chairs 
 making motions at the President, could be heard, they changed the 
 votes of their states to Mr. Lincoln. This was a mere formality, and 
 was a cheap way for men to distinguish themselv(>s. The profwr and 
 orderly proceeding would have bnn to announce the vote, and then 
 for a motion to have 
 
 come from New York \ „ ► 
 
 to make the nomination 
 ananimous. New York 
 was prepared to make 
 this motion, but not out 
 of order. Missouri, 
 Iowa, Kentucky, Minne- 
 sota, Virginia, Califor- 
 nia, Texas, District of 
 Columbia, Kansas, Ne- 
 braska, and Oregon 
 insisted upon casting 
 their unanimous votes 
 for old Abe Lincoln be- 
 fore the vote was read. 
 *'While the votes 
 were being given the 
 applause continued, and 
 a photograph of Abe 
 Lincoln, which hung in 
 
 one of the side rooms, hannibal hamlin. 
 
 was brought in and held up before the surging and screaming masses. 
 The places of the various delegations were indicated by staffs, to 
 which were attache<l the names of the states, printed in large black 
 letters on pasteboard. As the Lincoln enthusiasm increased dele- 
 gates tore these standards of the states from their places and swung 
 them above their heads. A rush was nmde to get the New York 
 standard and swing it with the rest, bu< the New Yorkers would not 
 allow it to be moved, and were wrathy at the suggestion." 
 
i! 
 
 m 
 
 .'<(^ 
 
 102 
 
 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 After nil chunges had been made, the (^hah-mnn announced the 
 <orret'ted votes to be: Whole number of votes «ast, 406; necessary 
 lo a choice, 234; for Abraham Lincoln, 864. 
 
 On this announcement, Mr. Evarts, in behalf of New York, and 
 in a graceful speech, moved to make the nomination unanimous. 
 This was supported by a number of states, among them Michigan. 
 Mr. Seward was very popular in Michigan, where he had become 
 known partly through his connection with the great railroad con- 
 spiracy cases, and partly through the political addresses that he had 
 made here. There was no delegation in the Convention that whh 
 more disappointed than that from Michigan. But its members 
 accepted the situation, and Austin Blair fairly rei)re8ented them when 
 in supporting the nomination, he said: "Michigan from first to last 
 has cast her vote for the great statesman from New York. She has 
 nothing to take back. She has not sent me forward to worship the 
 rising sun, but she has put me forward to say that at your behests 
 here today she lays down her first best-loved candidate to 
 take up yours, with some beating of heart, with some quiv- 
 ering of veins, but she does not fear that the fame of Seward will 
 suffer, for she knows that his fame is a portion of the American Union; 
 it will be written and read and beloved long after the temporary 
 excitement of this day has passed away, and when Presidents them- 
 selves are forgotten in the oblivion which comes over all temporal 
 things. We stand by him still. We have followed him with an eye 
 . single and with unwavering faith in times past. We marshal now 
 behind him in the grand column which shall go out to battle for 
 Lincoln. Mark you, what has obtained today will obtain in Novem- 
 ber next. Lincoln vsill be elected by the people. We say of our 
 candidate, God bless his magnanimous soul. I promise you that in 
 the State of Michigan, which I have the honor to represent, where the 
 Republican party from the days of its organization to this hour, never 
 suffered a single defeat, we will give you for the gallant son of Illinois, 
 and glorioue standard-bearer of the West, a round twenty-five 
 thousand majority." 
 
 The nomination for Vice-President took but two ballots, and was 
 carried on with but iittle CAcitement. There were nine candidates 
 voted for on the firsi Oallot, of whom four received less than 10 votes 
 each. The others were Cassiuu M. Clay, of Kentucky, 1011/2; N. P. 
 Banks, of MassGchusetts, 38%; A. H. Reeder, of Penns , Ivania, 51; 
 
 1: 
 
 ..^:.r..,.:z^^j'\sJS.T'''~'TT"r''''.~7''^'^.'^lWfFl3MD$i 
 
I ^. .-■'?■;■■., -r 
 
 THE SECONl) NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 103 
 
 anced the 
 neceBsary 
 
 York, and 
 nanimouH. 
 Michigan, 
 d become 
 Iroad con- 
 lat he had 
 that WHH 
 menibei'H 
 l^heni when 
 rst to last 
 . She haH 
 orship tlu' 
 ur behesta 
 ididate to 
 8oine (juiv- 
 eward will 
 can Union ; 
 temporary 
 ents them- 
 1 tem.poral 
 irith an eye 
 irsbal now 
 battle for 
 in Novem- 
 »ay of our 
 ^ou that in 
 , where the 
 lour, never 
 of Illinois, 
 twenty-five 
 
 John Ili.kman, of Pennsylvania, 38, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, 
 1«>4. The swond ballot jrnve Hamlin :ir>7, Clay H<». and Hirkman V\. 
 
 Mr. Hamlin's noi lination gave great satisfa«tion, and undoubt- 
 edly addwl strength to the ticket. He was a num of sound judgment, 
 of iinquestioned integrity, and of strong common sense. He had 
 been in public life long enough to be well-known to the public. 
 Originally a moderate Democrat, he had come over to the Republi- 
 can party on account of the drifting *)f the Democracy toward the 
 Houthern ideas on the slavery question. He was in the Maine Legis- 
 lature five years, served two terms in the Lower House of Congress, 
 was once elected Governor of his State, and at the time of the Chicago 
 Convention, was serving his third term in the United States Senate. 
 
 The nomination for \'ice-Presiden1 was followed by the adoption 
 of a resolution ottered by Mr. Oiddings, of Ohio: -That we deeply sym 
 pathize with those men who have been driven, some from their native 
 states, and others from the states of their adoi>tion, and are now 
 exiled from their homes on ac<ount of their opinions; and we hold 
 the Democratic party responsible for this gross violation of that 
 clause of the Constitution, which declares that the citizens of each 
 State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens 
 in the several states." 
 
 The further proceedings consisted in the appointment of a 
 National Committee, of which Austin Blair was the Michigan member, 
 and of a snmll amount of other routine business. The Convention 
 adjourned (juietly, but as the members journeyed lumieward they 
 could see in bon-ttres, processions and public meetings a reflection of 
 the enthusiasm that had inspired their me<*ting. 
 
 JS'. 
 
 ts, and was 
 candidates 
 an 10 votes 
 
 011/2 ; N. P. 
 ivania, 51; 
 
 
p im i Wi^ i i ni iii T^ ii m i - 
 
 ggiJlri|l|l1 |8|i»« 
 
 vmtifmim 
 
 A 
 
 1' 
 
 VIII. 
 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Rognlar Democratic and Seceders' ConventionB— Nominations of 
 Doiijrlas, Breclvinridsc and Rel I— Certainty of a Division of the 
 Democratic Vote — Combinations of Democrats and Constitutional 
 Union Men— Seward and His Friends Disapi>ointed, But He Does 
 Good Work in the Campaij^n— Conservative Appeals to Business 
 Men— Seward's Reply— A Torch Light and Parade Campaign- 
 Origin of the Wide Awakes— Douglas on the Stnmi) — Fusion in 
 New York State— The Republicans Win and Have Both Houses 
 of Congress. 
 
 The promise of success which the outcome of the Chicago Con- 
 vention gave was rendered almost a certainty by the action of the 
 Conventions of the two Democratic factions which separated from 
 each other at Charleston. The regular Convention met in Baltimore, 
 June IS, and continued in session six days. It nominated Stephen A. 
 Douglas for President, by 181 M- votes, to 7I/2 for John C\ Breckin 
 ridge, and 51/2 for James Guthrie. Benjamin Fitzpatrick was 
 nominated for Vice-President, receiving every vote in the Convention 
 but one, but two days later he declined, and Herschel V. Johnson, of 
 (feorgia, was substituted in his place by the National Committee. 
 The Seceders' Convention met at Richmond on the 11th of June and 
 adjourned to Baltimore, where John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, 
 was nominated for President and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice- 
 President, both by unanimous vote. 
 
 Both Conventions declared in favor of a railroad to the Pacific 
 and the acquisition of Cuba, and both declared, "That the enactments 
 of State T^egislatures to defeat the faithful enforcement of the Fugi- 
 tive Slave liEW are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution 
 and revolutionary in their effect.'* On the subject of slavery in the 
 territories, the Douglas convention resolved: "That it is in accord 
 ance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati j»latform that, 
 
 RWP^ 
 
 X V 
 
iii i ^fi^ji^i-^iii i! ^guiftaA,n$0 i mmji 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAMIN. 
 
 ion 
 
 >.'.-- ..-i-^^'™ 
 
 during the pxiBtence of the territorial governments the ineaBure of 
 reatrit'tion, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal (Constitution 
 on the power of tlie Territorial Legislature over th«' subje«( 
 of the domestic relations as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, 
 finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should 
 be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and 
 fidelity by every branch of the general government." 
 
 The Breckinridge Convention resolved: "That the government 
 of a Territory, organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and 
 temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States 
 have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, 
 without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or 
 impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation." 
 
 The Constitutional Union Convention nominated for President, 
 John Bell, of Tennessee, and for Vice-President, Edward Everett, of 
 Massachusetts, and adopted a platform consisting of a single plank, 
 as follows: "That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to 
 recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the 
 Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws; 
 and that as representatives of the Constitutional I^nion men of the 
 country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge our- 
 selves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these 
 great principles of public liberty and National safety against all 
 enemies at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace nmy once 
 more be restored to the country; the rights of the people and of the 
 states re-established, and the Governntent again placed in that con- 
 dition of justice, fraternity and equality, which under the example and 
 Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the 
 United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice, 
 insure domestic tranquillity, provide for common defense, promote 
 the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
 and our posterity." 
 
 It was not expected that this party would cut much of a figure 
 in the campaign, and it did not carry many electoral votes for its own 
 ticket, but it did give opportunity for combinations, in which it was 
 adroitly used by the Breckinridge Democrats to take electoral votes 
 away from Douglas. From the alacrity with which s(une of its 
 leaders, including Bell himself, went into the secession movement, 
 there is reason to suppose that it was organized for precisely that 
 purpose. 
 
««' imip I 
 
 t-^-..,.^-„mr'r^HWlgpt 
 
 lOA 
 
 HIPTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 4M 
 
 On tb(> Bcpublicnn hUU' the cninimiKii wiih o|N>n<'d with khmU 
 vigor. The initial step wuh the holding of uiaHii uieetings in the lurgH 
 I'ities, these to be followed by (*ounty numn nieetingii in the country, 
 iind by Village und Hrhool himtrict meetingM. The nerviceg of the 
 ablest men in the party were Heeured, to an extent hardly equaled in 
 any (*an)|>aiKn since then. The leader among these was William H. 
 Hi'ward, one of the best campaign orators in the country, and still the 
 most popular man in the Republican party, even though he was 
 defeatetl for the Presidential nomination. 
 
 Mr. Seward was bitterly disap|iointed at his failurt* to receive 
 the nomination, and was very chilly toward Curtin, of Pennsylvania, 
 and Ijnne, of Indiana, who had been mainly instrumental in bringing 
 it about. He was never on good terms with them afterwards. 
 Home of his most prominent supporters were still more distant. 
 Edwin I). Morgan remained Chairman of the National (Committee, but 
 showed little interest in the October election in Pennsylvania and 
 Indiana. Wo far as he was concerned, Ourtin and Lane were allowed 
 to run their own campaigns, ('urtin wrote ^n August: "I called 
 upon Morgan the night after the nomination wan made. He treated 
 me civilly, but with marked coolness. I then called on Weed, who 
 was very rude, indeed." Part of Weed's rutdeness oousisted in the 
 remark : "You have defeated the man who, of all others, was most 
 revered by the p«M>ple ^nd wanted as l»resident. You and Lane want 
 to be elected, and to elect Lincoln you must elect yourselves." 
 
 But Mr. Seward's resentment and that of his friends stopped with 
 these two men and their politu^al aspirations. Heward entered 
 heartily into the general cami.Ti.gn- He not only made many 
 speeches in his own 8tate, but made a (iolitical tour of the Northwest, 
 where he was everywhere enthusiastically received, and where his 
 addresses were not only of the highest order from an oratorical point 
 of view, but were convincing in argument. In lasting effect upon the 
 voters his work was more effective than that of any other campaigner. 
 
 Toward the close of the campaign strong appeals were made 
 against the Republican party on the ground that its success would 
 injure business and endanger the Union. Ujion the latter subject 
 Mr. Seward said in his closing address of the campaign, at his home 
 in Auburn : "You may go with me into the streets to-night and follow 
 the 'Little Giants' who go with their torchlights and their flaunting 
 banners of 'Popular Sovereignty'; or you may go with the more select 
 and modest band who go for Breckinridge and slavery; or you may 
 
 ■■'' ■-■.'■-iWhaa iiiBiiaMiiBwiw 
 
 MMMiMtliilliMi 
 
 iHiiiiiMiM 
 
 MtiH 
 
ith KHMlt 
 
 the large 
 ( rouiitry, 
 VH of the 
 qiiuled in 
 illiain H. 
 1 Htill the 
 I he was 
 
 (> receive 
 iH.vlvanIa, 
 
 brinKlDK 
 terwardg. 
 ^ dlHtant. 
 ilttee, but 
 iinia and 
 e allowed 
 
 "I called 
 e treated 
 'eed, who 
 ed in the 
 was most 
 Aue want 
 
 )ped with 
 entered 
 de many 
 orthwest, 
 (There hia 
 leal point 
 upon the 
 np&igner. 
 ere made 
 «s would 
 r subject 
 his home 
 nd follow 
 flaunting 
 »re select 
 you may 
 
 TIIK LINCOLN . Nl> riAM V « AMTAHiN. H' 
 
 follow the music of the dunging bcllH, uuA strai, 'o say. ^ wiH 
 bring you into one chamber. Wlien you get the*^ you wil' mMV only 
 this emotion of the Inimnn hnut iipi)ealed to — I if— fear mt if yon 
 elect a President of the Tnited Htutes, accordifiK (" the (Vmstitution 
 and the laws to-morrow, you will wake up the next day niwl And that 
 you hove no country for him to preside over! Is not that a strange 
 motive for an American patriot to appeal to? And, in that same luill, 
 amidst the jargon of three discordant members of the 'Fusion' party 
 you will hear one argument, and that argument is, that so sure as you 
 are so pi'rverse as to cast yt>ur vote, singly, lawfully, honestly, as you 
 ought to do, for one candidate for the I'residency, instead of s<atter- 
 ing it among three candidates, so that no l*resident may be elected, 
 this Union shall come down over your heads, involving you and us 
 in a common ruin!" 
 
 The Chairman of the Heward delegation from New York at 
 Chicago, Wm. M. Evarts, one of the most polished orators in th«' 
 country, was also conspicuous on the stump. Halmon P. ('Iiuse, of 
 Ohio, one of the pioneers in the Anti-Hlavery cause, and a candidate 
 for the nomination at Chicago, was also very active. John A. Andrew, 
 of Massachusetts; George William Curtis, of New York; Oalusha A. 
 Grow and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; John Hherman, of Ohio, 
 and Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois, were among the other distinguished 
 men who took part in the campaij^n. In Michigan one of the most 
 effective speakers was Austin Blair, wi*c had headed the delegation 
 to Chicago, and who afterwards gained distinction as War Governor 
 of the Btate. Mr. Lincoln, himself, remained quietly at his home in 
 Bpringfleld, receiving no political delegations, holding no political 
 conferences, making no political siieeches, and writing no political 
 letters, a reserve which has since ceased to be expected of Presidential 
 candidates. 
 
 One characteristic of the campaign was the great extension of 
 the brass band and torch-light method of stirring up enthusiasm. 
 The Republicans were especially conspicuous in this. They had their 
 "Republican Invincibles," "Rail-Hplitters," "Lincoln Defenders" and 
 "Wide Awakes," but the others were tlnally or nearly all merged in 
 the latter. The W'ide Awakes originated rather by accident than 
 by design. The Connecticut State elections were then held in the 
 Spring, and the canvass opened early. February 26, 1860, the first 
 meeting of the campaign was held at Hartford, with Cassius M. Clay, 
 of Kentucky, as the principal speaker, and it was arranged that, after 
 
 mtim 
 
jjUggHmmg^ji^ 
 
 aoB 
 
 
 a I 
 
 HFSTOKY OF TIIK KKIM HMC'AN PAKTV. 
 
 the ni«*«'tln(»:"h«> iihuald hv (>M<ort(><l to IiIh hol««l by a torch-light procoii- 
 Hion. Two of the .voiiuk iih'Ii who were to carry torches, in order to 
 protect their clothing from oil thiit niight drop from the torchen, 
 prepared cambric capeH, which they wore in connection with their 
 glased capH. The nmrMhal of the proceHHion noticed thin outfit, and 
 piac(>d the two young men at the front of the (inx-eHsion, where they 
 attracted much attention, the utility of the outttt being no leHH notice- 
 able than its novtity. Out of thin incident came the organisation of 
 a Itand of fifty torch-bearerH, wearing glazed capii and <'ap4'8 made ot 
 oil <lolh. instead of cambric. Their flrHt ap|M>arance in parade wan 
 when acting an part of an cHcort to Abraham IJncoln, from the hall 
 where he had been upeaking, to hit) hotel, on tlie fifth of March, 1860, 
 juBt one year before he wan inaugurated as IVeuident. The honor 
 of giving a name to the club belongs to William P. Puller, for many 
 years since that time connected with Detroit newspa|)(>rs, and Htill in 
 business in that city. In IHOO, Mr. Fuller was city editor of the 
 Hartford Courant, and in referring to the proposed organization of 
 torch-bearers, spoke of them and of the Young Men's Hepuhlicau 
 Union, to which they were to be auxiliary, us "Wide Awakes." The 
 name took, but the torch-bearers soon decided to appropriate it to 
 themselves, instead of sharing it witli «»ther organizations. The idea, 
 as well as the name spread, and it was not many days before there 
 was a uniformed "Wide Awake" company in every town of any size in 
 ('onnecticut. After the Presidential campaign o^M^ned the idea was 
 taken up in every Northern city, and wherever a torch-light proces- 
 sion was formed, there could be seen the glazed laps and black or red 
 «'ape of the Wide Awake. Many of the companies were drilled, not 
 only to keep step in marching, but to perform military evolutions. 
 Their organization served not only to put vim and enthusiasm into the 
 campaign, but to cement the ties of party loyalty and friendship 
 among the young men themselves. Some of the Houthern papers 
 denounced the Wide Awake organization as a device for giving the 
 young men military drill, without exciting suspicion, and found in it a 
 purpose, on the part of the Republicans, to ex<'ite a war, betweei^ the 
 North and the Bouth. This was a rather brazen assumption on the 
 part of men who were already, under the guise of official position, 
 stealing ammunition and supplies from the Government arsenals at 
 the North, and sending them Houth. Nothing conld have been further 
 than this from the thought of the men who organized the Wide 
 Awakes. But the organization may have helped some In the end, 
 
 ...JI.W.J I ..I.. I J.1J. 
 
 BMH 
 
 •'•^ . . j, JUHJU. ss'. | wa<PJ f BB«,i;A, jfttjWJ i jI! 
 
 a?a5WB55Sffl«»KSsesB®ft>r«^3ai^feiii*ft'-*'««' 
 
m -1^ 
 
 I 111 mi II f II mm 
 
 ^Ba 
 
 TIIK IJNroLN ANh IIAMIJN rAMPAHJN. 
 
 KM) 
 
 Hht procPB- 
 in order t<» 
 u* torrht'H, 
 with their 
 outfit, ami 
 vhere they 
 eHM iiolire- 
 nisation of 
 '8 made of 
 larade waH 
 III tlie hall 
 arch, 1860. 
 The honor 
 , for many 
 ind Htill in 
 tor of the 
 fiization of 
 iepiihlifau 
 CB." The 
 riate it to 
 
 The idea, 
 if ore there 
 any size in 
 i idea was 
 ;ht proeeH- 
 ack or red 
 Irilled, not 
 >volutionH. 
 m into the 
 friendship 
 rn papers 
 l^iving the 
 and in it a 
 (tweei^ the 
 ion on the 
 
 poBition, 
 rsenala at 
 en further 
 the Wide 
 1 the end, 
 
 •"J 
 
 i 
 
 after all. Tlie bovH wlio afterwardH went ii<lo the Army had at U 
 learned to Ntand and marrh, Hho\ilder to Mhoiilder. 
 
 NotwithHtandinK the blaze of ton-ii-li^ht and enMiiiHiuHni that 
 Rwept over the North, the nituation was not altogether Hei-iire. For 
 the flrnt time in the caHe of a I'reHidential candidate, Mr. DouKlaH look 
 the Htiinip in his own helialf. He upoke in nearly all the Free Staten 
 and in Home of the HIave HtateH. He attracted lar^^e aiidienreH. and 
 Hpoke with all his former eUxpience and Hre, hut he had loMt IiIh liold 
 an a political leader. Wliile he had been HtandiuK Htill on the H(|ualter 
 Rov«M*einnty doctrine, tlie Nortli had been moving away from it in one 
 direction, and the Houth in anotlier, and he wan left alone in the 
 middle. I'erhapH the underlying; principlen of the campaign aH 
 reprenented by the platforuiH and Hpeechen of the candidatcH com- 
 bined, were never more cN-arly <h*tlned than in tlie following from 
 •M}r«H'ley'8 .\nierican rontlii t." With thene in mind the different p<»li- 
 cieH of the campai)tn and hu1ii-<'«)ii -nt «'ventH can be better underntood' 
 
 1. Lincoln — Slavery can <iiily exint by virtue of municipal law; 
 and there Ih no law for it in the territoricH and no power to enact one. 
 <'onjji'<*HB can entablinh or lej^alize nlavery nowhere, but in bound to 
 prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every Federal Territory, 
 whenever and wherever there Hhall be necesHity for such exclusion or 
 prohibition. 
 
 2. DoukIhs — HIavery or no slavery in any Territory is entirely 
 the affair of the white inhabitants (»f such Territory. If they choose 
 to have it, it is their right; if they choose not to have it, they have a 
 right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither f'ongress nor the people of 
 the Tnion, or any part of it, outside of said Territory, has any right 
 to nieddle with or trouble theniseh'es about the nmtter. 
 
 '.i. TlreckinridB^^— The <itizen of any Htate has a right to emi- 
 grate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is property 
 by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy and be protected in, the 
 use of such property in said Territory. And Congress is bound to 
 render such protection whenever necessary, whether with or without 
 the co-operation of the Territorial Legislature. 
 
 The South had a<'cepted the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in 
 1854, had made all it could out of the doctrine, had thrown it aside, 
 and had taken positive ground in favor of unrestricted slavery in the 
 territories. The North had taken precisely opposite ground. The 
 "Irrepressible Conflict" was on, and the day of compromises was 
 paBt. Douglas realized, long before the end of the campaign, that 
 his case was hopeless. 
 
 i 
 
 fl^^*^" 
 
m 
 
 110 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 The adroit plans of the Breckinridge campaign managers were 
 much more dangerous. Tlie Bell and Everett ticket was encouraged 
 in the South, with the certaint.v that by dividing the opposition it 
 would give to Breckinridge part of the electoral vote that would natur- 
 ally go to Douglas. But the Breckinridge party would go into no 
 Fision movement in the South. In the North the Bell-Everett ticket 
 was expected to draw enough conservative votes uway from Lincoln 
 to give some states to Douglas. In other states Fusion tickets were 
 expected to divide the electoral votes. It was certain that neither 
 Bell nor Douglas could be elected. The sole purpose of the different 
 combinations was to defeat Lincoln. In that case, if Breckinridge 
 did not get the requisite number of votes in the Electoral College, the 
 choice would have gone to the House of Representatives, where the 
 Democrats had a majority of the delegations from seventeen states, 
 the Republicans from flifteen, and the Americans from one. 
 
 The last desperate assault of the enemy was made on New York 
 State in two ways. An electoral ticket was formed that represented 
 a Pusi<m of all three opposition parties, and it made a formidable 
 combination. The next part of the assault was an appeal to the fears 
 and the cupidity of the commercial classes. This was an ancient trick 
 of the Southerners. Threat of the "loss of the Southern trade" had 
 made many a New York jobber very conservative in politics. It is 
 told that in 1854, when the Kansas Rifle and Emigrant Aid Society 
 movement was in progress, Henry C. Bowen, of the then great dry 
 goods house of Bowen, McNamee & Co., of New York, was very active 
 in the movement. He received a number of remonstrances from 
 Southern customers, and finally a letter from one of them, threatening 
 that the house should lose-its entire Southern trade, if he did not cease 
 his active connection with the Anti-Slavery fanatics. Mr. Bowen 
 acknowledged the receipt of the letter and added: "Our goods are for 
 sale, but not our principles." The merchants of 1860 were not many 
 of them made of this heroic mould. They were afraid of the loss of 
 their Southern trade, and with the timidity ihat is apt to accompany 
 concentrated capital, they were frightened at the prospect of any dis- 
 turbance. In New York and Philadelphia particularly, not only the 
 wholesale merchants, but the commercial classes generally, were 
 opposed to the Republicans. The Chairman of the Republican State 
 Central Committee in Pennsylvania, said, after election: "I cannot 
 recall five commercial houses of prominence in the City of Philadel- 
 phia where I could haA'e gone for a subscription .to the Lincoln 
 
gers were 
 ncouraged 
 tosition it 
 uld natur- 
 fo into no 
 pett ticket 
 m Lincoln 
 ikets were 
 at neither 
 s different 
 jckinridge 
 ollege, the 
 where the 
 len states. 
 
 New York 
 ^presented 
 ormidable 
 ) the fears 
 cient trick 
 rade" had 
 cs. It is 
 id Society 
 
 great dr.v 
 'ery active 
 nces from 
 ireatening 
 I not cease 
 Ir. Bo wen 
 ►ds are for 
 
 not many 
 the loss of 
 iccompany 
 of any dis- 
 ►t only the 
 •ally, were 
 lean State 
 
 "I cannot 
 f Philadel- 
 e Lincoln 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 HI 
 
 campaign, with a reasonable expectation that it would not be resented, 
 and of all onr financial men I can re<all only Anthony J. l>rexel, who 
 actually sympathized with the Republican cause." In New York 
 the merchants contributed liberally to the support of the Fusion 
 ticket, but very little for the Republican. The "commercial classes" 
 of the East learned to think differently of the Republican party, when 
 the Greenback and Free Silver coinage waves swept the country. 
 
 The last extreme efforts of the Fuslonists to carry New York 
 failed. The tide of Republican sentiment that swept over the rest of 
 the State on election day reached Harlem River with so high a crest, 
 that neither Fusion nor the efforts of the commercial classes could 
 overtop it. 
 
 The elections in 1859 had not been as favorable to the Republi- 
 cans as those of some previous years, and those of the Spring of 1860 
 were e<iually disapiiointing. In the latter, Connecticut elected its 
 Governor by a greatly reduced majority, and Rhode Island was 
 carried by the Fusionists. The results of the early fall elections 
 were awaited with great anxiety, for they came after the issue had 
 been joined, and the campaign opened. The results exceeded the 
 highest expectations of the Reijublicans. Vermont, in August, gave 
 a majority of 22.370, this majority being larger than the whole Demo- 
 cratic vote, and Maine, in September, gave the Republican Governor 
 over 18,000 majority, the largest ever given up to that time to smiy 
 candidate. The song of victory over these results lost nothing of its 
 volume, when in October, in spite of the indifference of the National 
 Committee, Lane carried Indiana by 9,757 majority, and Curtin carried 
 Pennsylvania by 32,164. From that time till the general election in 
 November, the Republican procession was a march of triumph. The 
 final result showed that Douglas had been completely out-maneuvered 
 in the Fusion schemes, for while his popular vote exceeded that of 
 Breckinridge by 526,600, his electoral vote was only 12. The full 
 figures were as follows: 
 
 Popular Vote. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 1,865,913 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois 1,374,664 
 
 John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky 848,404 
 
 John Bell, of Tennessee 591,500 
 
 Electoral Vote. 
 
 Lincoln and Hamlin 180 
 
 Breckinridge and Lane 72 
 
 Bell and Everett 39 
 
 Douglas and Johnson 12 
 
 li 
 
 wnim. 
 
■nuith. ..^ 
 
 ■ r 
 
 112 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLICAN PARTY 
 
 On accouut of the absence of representation from Honthern states 
 which were in rebellion, (Nin^resH was strongly Republican through- 
 out the next four years. The figures were as follows : 
 
 Thirty-seventh Congress. 
 
 Senate — Republicans, H\; Democrats, 1(); Americans, 7. 
 House — Republicans, 1(M>; Democrats, 42; Americans, 28. 
 
 Thirty -eighth Congress. 
 
 Senate — Republi<ans, 39; Democrats, 12. 
 House — Republicans, 103; Democrats, 80, 
 
 Michigan did not quite come up to Austin Rlair's promise of 
 25,000 majority for Lincoln, but he was not so far out of 
 the way, as the actual plurality was 23,423. The vote 
 stood: Lincoln, 88,480; Douglas, 05,057; Breckinridge, 805; Bell, 
 405. The Presidential electors were llezekiah O. ^Yells, Rufus 
 Hosmer, George W. l..ee, Edward Dorsch, Philotus Haydon and Augus- 
 tus Coburn. The vote for Governor was: Austin Blair, Republican, 
 87,806; John S. Barry, Democrat, 67,221. The Congressmen elected 
 were again all Itepublican, being Fernando C. Beaman, Bradley F. 
 Granger, Francis VV. Kellogg and Rowland E. Trowbridge. 
 
itherii HtatcH 
 ■an through- 
 
 18, 7. 
 118, 28. 
 
 pi'oniise of 
 far out of 
 The vote 
 p, 805; Bell, 
 rells, Kufu8 
 1 and AugUH- 
 
 Bepublic-an, 
 jmen elected 
 
 Bradley F. 
 ge. 
 
 . ■, \ ' - * ' '' -f' 
 
 * THE INTEKREONl'M. 
 
 A Country Without a Ooveriiiuent— IMots for the Disruptiou of the 
 Union— rians for Hetession Had Long Been in Preparation— 
 Utteranees in the Seeession Conventions— Plotters in the Depart- 
 ments at Washington— Arms Sent From the North to Southern 
 Arsenals— Vessels of the Navy Widely Scattered— Preparations 
 for Seizing Southern Forts— Vacillation of the President over His 
 Message — He Finally Concludes That the Government Has No 
 Power to Prevent Secession —The South Carolina "Embassy"- 
 Secession of the Southern States and Withdrawal of Members of 
 Congress— Union Meetings in the North— The Crittenden Com- 
 promise — The Peace Conference. 
 
 From the time of Mr. Lincoln's election till the time of his inau- 
 guration the country might be said to have been without a 
 government, for souue of its most important offices were centers of 
 plots for its dismemberment, while the Executive looked supinely 
 on without moving a hand to stay the work of the plotters. The 
 election of Lincoln was made the pretext for secession but, as a matter 
 of fact, preparations had been going on for that movement for a long 
 time. This was shown by the debates in the first Secession ('onven 
 tion held, that in South Carolina. In the course of those debates R. 
 Barnwell Rhett declared: "The secession of South Carolina is not the 
 event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election 
 nor by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is a matter 
 which has been gathering head for thirty years." Lawrence M. Keitt, 
 who had been in Congress several terms, and who was Brooks' abettor 
 in the assault on Sumner, said: "I have been engaged in this 
 movement ever since I engaged in public life.'' Mr. Parker said 
 "This movement is no spasmodic effort ; it has been gradually culmin- 
 ating for a long series of years." Mr. Inglis said : "Most of us have 
 had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years." 
 
114 
 
 HIHTORY OP THE HEPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 In OetobeB, 1856, a Convention of Southern OovernorB was held at 
 Raleigh, N. C, which was kept secret at the time. Governor Wise, 
 of Virginia, at whose instance the meeting was called, afterwards 
 said that if Fremont had been elected, he would have marched with 
 20,000 men to Washington, and taken the Capitol, preventing by force 
 the inauguration of Fremont at that place. 
 
 But it was in Washington itself, and in the Cavernment service, 
 that the chief plotters were at their work. A number of the Southern 
 Senators were at the Capitol more for the purpose of promoting seces- 
 sion than for the purpose of legislating for the general good of the 
 country. They were aided by three conspirators in the Cabinet: 
 Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of 
 Virginia, Secretary of War, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Sec- 
 retary of the Interior. These three men were doing more toward 
 shaping the policy of the Government than President Buchanan him- 
 self, and they commenced their preparations early. On the 30th of 
 December, 1850, the Secretary of War ordered that one hundred and 
 fifteen thousand muskets be removed from the Northern armories and 
 distributed among Southern arsenals, and the order was speedily 
 carried out. Similar removals were afterwards made, the Southern- 
 ers stealing the arms belonging to the country which they sought to 
 overthrow. On the 29th of October, 1860, General Scott sent to the 
 President and Secretary oi War a letter, expressing apprehensions 
 lest the Southern people should seize some of the Federal forts in 
 the Southern states, and adA'ising that they should be immediately 
 garrisoned by way of precaution. According to the subsequent 
 statement of one of Mr. Floyd's eulogists this, if carried out, would 
 have defeated the conspiracy, and prevented the formation of the 
 Southern Confederacy. Accordingly the Secretary "thwarted, ob- 
 jected, resisted, and forbade," and the imbecile President weakly 
 yielded. » 
 
 Another of the cotaspirators in the public service was Wm. H. 
 Trescott, of South Carolina, Assistant Secretary of State, who acted 
 as a sort of go-between for the conspirators in the South, and the 
 conspirators in the Cabinet. Five days before the election he wrote 
 to R. Barnwell Rhett, on authority of Secretary Howell Cobb, that 
 **upon the election of Lincoln Georgia ought to secede from the Union, 
 and she will do so. But he desires me to impress upon you his con- 
 viction that any attempt to precipitate the actual issue upon this 
 administration will be most mischievous, calculated to produce differ- 
 
 mmmmiiviu. ' - ' :' 'tmmm 
 

 THK INTKHKEOXI'M. 
 
 11.1 
 
 WU8 lll'ld Ht 
 
 ernor Wise, 
 
 afterwards 
 
 arched with 
 
 ing by fort-e 
 
 lent servico, 
 he Southern 
 loting seees- 
 good of the 
 he Cabinet: 
 B. Floyd, of 
 lissippi, Sec- 
 aore toward 
 chanan him- 
 
 the 30th of 
 lundred and 
 rmories aad 
 vei» speedily 
 le Southern- 
 ■iy sought io 
 t sent to the 
 tprehensions 
 »ral forts in 
 immediately 
 
 subsequent 
 I out, would 
 fttion of the 
 iwarted, ob- 
 dent weakly 
 
 yas Wm. H. 
 e, who acted 
 iith, and the 
 ion he wrote 
 1 Cobb, that 
 m the Union, 
 you hig con- 
 le upon this 
 'oduce differ- 
 
 ences of opinion and destroy unanimity." Het-retary Floyd had also 
 expressed himself opposed to any rash movement, because he thought 
 that Lincoln's administration would fail, and be regardinl as impotent 
 for good or evil within four months of his inauguration. From Floyd's 
 standpoint this was certainly a rational point of view, for he was then 
 selling to the Houthern states muskets, altered from Hint-lock to per- 
 cussion by the United States Ordnance Departnjent. Whether he 
 was putting the money thus received into the I'niled States treasury 
 or into his own p<»cket, or reserving it for the Confederate treasury is 
 not a nmtter of record. Mr. Floyd also knew that Isaac Toucey, 
 Secretary of the Navy, although he was not counted among the con- 
 spirators, was gradually placing the Navy beyond the reach of the 
 incoming administration, in anticipation of secession. From every 
 point of view. Secretary Cobb's advice against precipitate action was 
 g«»od, and great complaint was afterwards made by Confederates 
 against the South Carolina Convention for precipitating the issues as 
 soon as it did. But the South Carolinians were too hot-headed to wait, 
 as were also many of the Southern Senators and Representatives who 
 abandoned their seats in Congress in January following. 
 
 President Buchanan had an outline of his message prepared soon 
 after election, and showed it to the Cabinet on the 10th of November. 
 Secretary Floyd had told him a day or two before that he thought 
 •disunion inevitable and under the present cirt-umstances, most desir- 
 able." Secretary Toucey was non-committal as to the fcuiii of the 
 message, but had already given his opinion that '"retaliatory measures 
 would prove most availing in bringing Northern fanatics to their 
 senses.'' Secretary Thonipson objected to the proposed message 
 because "he misses entirely the true States Bights doctrine on the 
 subject of secession." 
 
 Amid these and other conflicting opinions the President was not 
 able to make up his own mind, and asked the Attorney General, Jere- 
 miah 8. Black, for advice. Mr. Black was not among the conspirators. 
 He hated New England, and disliked the North generally. He loved 
 the South, but did >ot believe in secession. At the same time he did 
 not think the Government had power to prevent such a movement. 
 He was, in fact, the author of the contradictory doctrines that while 
 a State has no right to secede, the Government has no power to 
 prevent secession. On the 20th of November, in reply to the inquiries 
 of the President, he gave the official opinion that "Congress had no 
 right to carry on war against any State, either to prevent a threatened 
 
 ,-.%i__ 
 
iiiMiii 
 
 ■H 
 
 iH 
 
 ^i»; 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 violation of tlie Constitution, nor to enforce an acknowledgment that 
 
 the Government of the TTnited Htates is supreme." The reflection of 
 
 this advice appeared a few days afterwards in the President's 
 
 message, which was materially moditied from the flrst draft. This 
 
 extraordinary document was referred to by the London Times as "a 
 
 greater blow to the American iieople than all the rants of the Georgian 
 
 Governor or the ordinances of the (Charleston Convention. The 
 
 President has dissipated the idea that the states which elected him 
 
 constitute one people." In the message Mr. Buchanan first spoke of 
 
 the discontent which extensively prevailed and charged it to the 
 
 '•long-tiontinued and intemperate interference of the Northern people 
 
 with the question of slavery in the Southern states," and said that on 
 
 this account the time had arrived, bo much dreaded by the Father of 
 
 his Country when hostile geographical parties had been 
 
 formed. He continued: "I have long foreseen, and often 
 
 forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. 
 
 This does not proceed solely from the claims on the part 
 
 of Congress or the Territorial Legislatures to exclude slavery 
 
 from the territories, nor from the efforts of different states to defeat 
 
 the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils 
 
 might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union, 
 
 as others have been, in the hope that time and reflection might apply 
 
 the remedy. The immediate peril arises, not so much from these 
 
 causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of 
 
 the slavery question, throughout the North for the last quarter of a 
 
 century, has, at length, produced its malign influence on the slaves, 
 
 and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence, a sense of 
 
 security no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of 
 
 pi'ace at home Iws given place to apprehensions «»f servile insurrection. 
 
 Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what 
 
 may befall herself and her children before the morning. Should this 
 
 apprehension of dom^jstic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend 
 
 and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern 
 
 I>eople, then disunion will become inevitable." 
 
 Mr. Buchanan's long argument is fairly summed up in the fol- 
 lowing paragraph, though a similar conclusion is reached in various 
 forms: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution dele- 
 gated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a State which 
 is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the (Con- 
 federacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle, 
 that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to 
 
 mm 
 
THE INTERREGNUM. 
 
 117 
 
 ledgmeut tbut 
 B reflection of 
 President's 
 draft. This 
 Times as 
 the Georgian 
 ention. The 
 b elected him 
 first spoke of 
 ged it to the 
 rthern people 
 d said that on 
 the Father of 
 I had been 
 and often 
 ling danger, 
 on the part 
 I'lude slavery 
 ates to defeat 
 of these evils 
 to the Union, 
 n might apply 
 'h from these 
 it agitation of 
 t quarter of a 
 on the slaves, 
 ace, a sense of 
 'his feeling of 
 e insurrection, 
 dread of what 
 Should this 
 ginary, extend 
 f the Southern 
 
 up in the tol- 
 bed in various 
 istitution dele- 
 a State which 
 from the ('on- 
 1 the principle, 
 declare and to 
 
 make war against a State. After much sericjus reflection, I have 
 arrived at the conclusion that no such power has be<'n delegated to 
 Congress, or to any other department of the Federal Government. It 
 is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not 
 among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and 
 it is equally apparent that its exenise is not nej-essary and proper for 
 carrying into execution any one of these powers." 
 
 The result of this message was not what the conspirators hoped. 
 Its first elTect was to bring about the resignalion of Ij«*wIs Cass, Secre- 
 tary of State. General Cass was a patriotic man, of large public 
 experience. Rut he was well advan<ed in years, had no knowledge 
 of the secret movements of the conspirators, and if be luid understood 
 them would not have been able to cope with them. He felt that be 
 was placed in a false position by the new drift of the Administration, 
 as disclosed in the message, and when it became known that the 
 (iovernment would not insist upon the <ol lection of the revenue in 
 South Carolina, nor strengthen the forts in Charleston harbor, he 
 resigned, and Attorney General Rlaek was appointed to succeed him. 
 
 Judge Black was of a rugged, positive character, a warm friend 
 of President Buchanan, but subservient to no one. He was appointed 
 the day when the Disunion ('onvention met in Charleston. Three 
 days later the Ordinance of Secession was passed, and Governor 
 Pickens proclaimed South Carolina a separate, free and sovereign 
 State. This independent and sovereign State sent an "embassy" to 
 Washington to arrange a treaty with the United States, and to nego- 
 tiate for the peaceful surrender of the armed fortresses of the United 
 States within the limits of the new sovereignty. The "embassy" took 
 a house in Washington from which it floated the flag of the legation, 
 and was actually received by the President, who was undecided what 
 to do, when Judge Black came upon the scene. The impudence of 
 the demand amazed and angered him. He had questioned the right 
 of the Government to coerce a State, but to his mind it did not follow 
 that the Government did not have the right to defend its own 
 property. He persuaded Buchanan to <'ease his temporizing policy, 
 and the "embassy" was dismissed. The conspirators in the Cabinet 
 soon perceived that a new force had entered into the Government 
 councils, and that their usefulness in Washington had ended, and 
 speedily resigned. Edwin M. Stanton was appointed Attorney Gen- 
 eral; Horatio King, of Maine, was appointed Postmaster General, and 
 John A. Dix, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 -.■"vt'T-i^mt^sz, 
 
 jw.»....^..|-iii« ' wm-j tu.-m,»MmiiiM - '" 
 
B ' 
 
 I' 
 
 118 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 
 
 Meairfime the Becession movement was going on, and continued 
 nntil after the Republican party lanie into power. The dates a\ 
 which the various states went out were as follows: South Carolina, 
 December 20, 1860; Mississippi, January 0, 18(51 ; Florida, January 10; 
 Alabaum, January 11; Georgia, January 10; Louisiana, January 20; , 
 Texas, February 1 ; Virginia, April 17; Arkansas, May 6; North Caro 
 Una, May 26; Tennessee, June 8. The Senators and Representatives 
 in Congress withdrew as their states went out. 
 
 While the Southerners were thus becoming more and more 
 aggressive the old spirit of conciliation, compromise and submission 
 seized the North. Many of those who had voted for Lincoln, who 
 in the campaign had applauded the most extreme Anti-Slavery senti- 
 ments, and some of the siieakers who had uttered such senti- 
 ments, before election, were ready to mob the nuen who uttered the 
 same sentiments after election. Even after the states had begun to 
 secede Union meetings were held in many places, and the South was 
 implored to come back, with offers of concessions that were absolutely 
 servile. This sudden reaction doubtless had much to do with the 
 Southerners' opinion that the Northerners were cowards, and that 
 "one Southerner could lick ten Yankees." These conciliatory and 
 taint-hearted men were not roused from their dream of peace until 
 Ihey heard of the shots fired on Fort Sumter in April following. 
 
 One of the largest of the T'nion meetings was held at Philadel 
 phia at the call of the Mayor, on request of the City Councils. This 
 was on the 10th of December, before any State had actually seceded. 
 The Mayor, Alexander Henry, had this to say in his speech: "The 
 misplaced teachings of the pulpit, the unwise rhapsodies of the 
 lecture room, the exciting appeals of the press, on the subject of 
 slavery, must be frowned down. Thus and thus only may you hope 
 to avoid the sectional discord, agitation and animosity, which, at fre- 
 quently recurring periods, have shaken your political fabric to the 
 center, and, at last, have undermined its very foundation." This was 
 the burden of many speeches at the Union meetings. The South was 
 sensitive, and its favorite institution must not even be talked about. 
 
 Charles E. Ijex, who had voted for Lincoln, also admonished his 
 hearers to "discountenance any denunciation of slavery, or of those 
 who maintain that institution, as intemperate and wrong, whether 
 they are promulgated in the lecture room, at the political gathering, 
 or from the sacred desk." He also advocated the elimination of the 
 Personal Liberty I^aws from the statute hooks, and the execution of 
 
 I (.. 
 
 H \ \ 
 
. I"" 
 
 THE INTERHEONTM. 
 
 110 
 
 lid coutiuued 
 \!\ie dates at 
 ith Carolina, 
 
 January 10; 
 
 January 26; 
 
 North Caro 
 [jresentativeH 
 
 re and more 
 il HubuiiBBion 
 Lincoln, who 
 ilavery senti- 
 1 such aenti- 
 :» uttered the 
 had begun tu 
 le South was 
 Te absolutely 
 do with the 
 rds, and that 
 ciliatory and 
 if peace until 
 llowini;. 
 1 i^t Philadel 
 iincils. This 
 iially seceded. 
 )eech : "The 
 todies of the 
 he subject of 
 may you hope 
 which, at fre- 
 fabric to the 
 I." This was 
 'he South was 
 liked about. 
 Imonished his 
 y, or of those 
 •ong, whether 
 cat gathering, 
 lination of the 
 e execution of 
 
 the Fugitive Slave Law in its full extent and spirit. Rev. Theodore 
 Tuyler went further yet, for in addition to an aiipeal for the execu- 
 tion of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the repeal of the IVrsonal Liberty 
 Laws, he added: "Let us re<'eive our bn»ther of the South if he will 
 come among lis, for a little time, attended by his servant, and permit 
 him thus to come." 
 
 A long series of resolutions adopted by the meeting, pledged the 
 people of Philadelphia to the carrying out of all the most extreme con- 
 cessions mad*' In these si)eeches. A tttting cllnmx to this cowardly 
 mtetlug was this; George William Curtis had been engaged by the 
 People's Literary Bureau to lecture on the evening after the great 
 meeting, and had announced as his subject, "The Policy of Honesty," 
 a subject which was not apparently calculated to grate upon the 
 nerves of our sensitive Southern brethren. But the Mayor addressed 
 a note to the proprietor of the hall in which the lecture was to be 
 given, in which he said: "The appearance of George W. Curtis, Esq., 
 as a lecturer before the People's Literary Institute, on Thursday 
 evening next, will be extremely unwise. If I possessed the lawful 
 power I would not permit his presence on that occasion." To this 
 the humble reply was made: "I have been officially informed that 
 in the event of G. W. Curtis' lecturing in this hall, on Thursday even- 
 ing next, a riot is anticipated, Under these circumstances, I cannot 
 permit the hall to be used on that occasion." 
 
 Some of the newspapers which had been influential in building 
 up the Republican party, either anticipated or followed these meetings, 
 In advising concessions. The second day after Mr. Lincoln's election 
 Horace Greeley, who wa^ the author of the phrase, "Erring sisters go 
 In peace," had a long editorial in the Tribune, under the headline, 
 "Going to Go." In this he said : "If the Cotton States shall decide that 
 they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting 
 them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, 
 but it exists nevertheless, anjl we do not see how one party has a 
 right to do what another party has a right to prevent. We must ever 
 resist the assorted right of any State to remain in the Union and 
 nullify or defy the laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is 
 quite another matter. And whenever a ionsiderable section of our 
 Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive 
 measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a Republic 
 whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets." 
 
 Several other papers took substantially the same ground as the 
 Tribune, while Thurlow Weed, in the Albany Evening Journal, 
 
 f 
 
 mm 
 
 rW^y 
 
 • .jsy-'.i^ 'i/x^: I s^'yi;" 's; ■ ■ 
 
 \r^»C-;f.^i\'im^ii-: " i'a 
 
i 
 
 'f~ 
 
 \ 
 
 120 
 
 HIHTOIIY OP THE KElMinLICAN PARTY 
 
 
 .i . 
 
 ill 
 
 declare<l thai thore was iniiiiincnt <lanK(*f nf a diitHolution of tb«' 
 Tnion, and that the dan|{or oriKinated in the ambition and cupidity of 
 men who desire a Honthern deHitotiHUi, and in tlie fanatical zeal of 
 Northern AbolitioniHtH who BiH»k the emancipation of Hlaves, regard 
 leRB of consequences. He proposed as a remedy a ('onvention of the 
 lieople, with delegates apiHiinted by the states, to discuss the subject 
 in an amicable manner. 
 
 With this change of sentiment among the people, and in the 
 Republican press, it is not surprising that the Republicans in CongreHs 
 
 were also willing to 
 make some concessitms. 
 The movement in tlie 
 Senate took the form of 
 a committee of thir- 
 teen, c o n 8 i s t i n g of 
 seven DenmcratB, tlve 
 Republicans and one 
 Iude|H'udent, John A. 
 Crittenden. The latter 
 introduced what was 
 afterwards known as 
 the Crittenden Com- 
 promise, proposing a 
 series of amendments 
 to the Constitution, in 
 substance as follows: 
 
 1. Prohibiting slav- 
 ery in all the territory 
 of the United States 
 North of 86 degrees 30 
 JOHN J. CRrsTENDEN. minutes, and protect- 
 
 ing it as property in all territory Houth of that line; and, admitting 
 into the fTnion, with or without slavery, as its Constitution might 
 provide, any Htate that might be forme<l out of such territory, when- 
 ever its iiopulatiou should be sufficient to entitle it to a Member of 
 (vongress. 
 
 2. Prohibiting C'ongress from abolishing slavery in places under 
 its exclusive jurisdiction within Slave States. 
 
 3. Prohibiting Congress from abolishing slavery within the 
 District of Columbia, so long as slavery should exist in Virginia or 
 
 if 
 
 waumm 
 
 
 :-A. :;'i:'~\ 
 
 •1 , % 
 
tion of tbf 
 cupidity of 
 icul Keal of 
 veB, reijard- 
 ntioii of tlie 
 the subject 
 
 and in the 
 in CongresH 
 willing to 
 conceRHionn. 
 lent in the 
 the form of 
 w of thir- 
 I i 8 1 i n g of 
 loerats, tive 
 H and one 
 t, John J. 
 The latter 
 what watt 
 known an 
 nden Com- 
 »ropo8ing a 
 imendmentH 
 Btitution, in 
 18 follows: 
 >iting Slav- 
 he territory 
 lited State8 
 3 degrees 30 
 ind protect- 
 3, admitting 
 ution might 
 itory, when- 
 L Member of 
 
 places under 
 
 within the 
 Virginia or 
 
 THE INTP:RRE(!\rM. 
 
 121 
 
 Maryland; or without tlie conMcnt of (lie inlinl»i(antH, or without jum( 
 eonii»enHation to tlie ownerH. 
 
 4. I'rohibiting <'ungre88 from hindering the tranHi)ortati<m of 
 slaves from one State to anotlier, or to a Territory in whit'h slavery iw 
 allowed. 
 
 5. Providing that where a fugitive Blave is lost to his owner 
 by violent resistance to tlie execution of the jiroceHs of the law for 
 his recovery, tlie United States shall pay to said owner his full value, 
 and may recover the same from the County in which such rescue 
 occurred. 
 
 (». These provisions are declared to be unchangeable by any 
 future amendment of the ('onstitution, us are also the existing articles 
 relating <o the representation of slaves and the surrender of fugitives. 
 
 Tln.»se were referred to the Committee of Thirteen, who reported, 
 on the ulst of December, that they "had not been able to agree upon 
 any general plan of adjustment.'' They continued, however, to be 
 the basis of discuHsion through the session, but wer(> defeated on the 
 last day by a vote of V.t to 20. On account of the withdrawal of 
 Southern Senators, the Senate had then become strongly Bepublicnn. 
 
 In the IJouse, on the lirst day of the session, a committee of 
 thirty-three was appointed to consider such portions of the President's 
 message as related to the perilous condition of the country. This 
 committee, after a few days' consideration, reported a series of resolu- 
 tions in substance as follows: 
 
 1. All attempts on the part of the Legislature of any State to 
 obstruct the recovery of fugitives from labor are in derogation of the 
 Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with comity and good 
 neighborhood between the states, and dangerous to the peace of the 
 Union. 
 
 2. That the several states be requested to cause their statutes 
 to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are in conflict 
 with the Laws for the return of Fugitive Slaves, and if so to repeal 
 such laws. 
 
 3. That we recognize slavery as now existing in fifteen of the 
 States, and recognize no outhority outside of any of these States to 
 interfere with such slaves or slavery. 
 
 4. Discountenances all mobs or hindrances to the execution of 
 the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 
 5. A faithful observance, on the part of all the states, of all 
 their Constitutional obligations to each other, and to the Federal 
 Government, is essential to the peace of the country. 
 
 
If 
 
 |00 
 
 HISTORY OP THE RRI»TTHLirAN PARTY. 
 
 ril;i!i 
 
 (t. If in tln' duty of tlu' P<'«l«»riil fJov»»rnnn«nt to ♦•iifonH' tln' 
 FHloral Ihw», |»rot«'rt tin* FVcIituI |»rop«'rt.v, aiMi |H'«'h«m'v«* th*' (Jiiioii 
 of the Htnt<>H. 
 
 KtM'tioiiH t*(>v<>n iind ciKiit nMpicHt tli<> HtiitcH to onart lawH for the 
 protection of travclcrit from one State to another, ami to prevent or 
 puniHh any attempt to net i»n foot the hiwIeHH invaHion of any other 
 State or Terril(»ry. 
 
 These reHolutionH, whieh mi^ht have calmed the apprehenHionH of 
 the HouthernerH, if they had not lH>en lient on MeeeMHion in any event, 
 paHMed llie f louHe by u vote of \'Mi to R'A. Tliai body alMO, by a vote of 
 !.'{.'{ to <t5, proposed a Constitutional amendment providing that, "No 
 amendment shall be made to the (Constitution wliich will aiithori/.e, or 
 Kiv(> to ConvresM the power to abolish, or interfere, within any Htate, 
 with tlie domestir institutions thereof, inrludinf; that of (tersons held 
 to labor or service by the laws of said Ktate.*' This was the tm\y 
 measure on the whole subject that passed both houses, and this never 
 became o|>erative. The House also passed, at tliis session, acts pro- 
 viding Territorial governments for New Mexico, ('olorado and Dakota, 
 without any provision as to slavery. 
 
 The last effort at compromise was nmde through the agency of a 
 I'eace (Conference which met in Washington February 4, and consisted 
 of i:{;t delegates from 21 states, none of the seceded states being rep- 
 resented. It was in session a fortnight and adopted resolutions (1) 
 Uestoriug the old Missouri ('ompromise line, with its former limita- 
 tions as to slavery in the territories; (2) I'roviding that no territory 
 should be acquired by the United Htates except by discovery, without 
 a concurren<-e of a majority of all the Senators from the Hlave 
 States, as well as a majority of all the Senators from the Free States. 
 (3) Declaring that CongresB shall not have the power to interfere with 
 slavery In any State; or in the District of Columbia, without the 
 consent of tlie State of Maryland, and without the consent of the 
 owners, or mailing compensation to the owners who do not consent; 
 nor to prevent persons from other states from taking their slaves into 
 the District of Columbia; nor to abolish slavery in places under the 
 jurisdiction of the United States in any State or Territory where it 
 already existed; nor to prohibit the transportation of slaves from one 
 State or Territory to another. (4) The third paragraph of the second 
 section of the fourth article of the Constitution, shall not be con- 
 strued to prevent any State from enforcing the return of fugitive 
 slaves; (5) Prohibits tlie foreign slave trade; (0) The first, third and 
 
 .III 
 
 '^^t^M 
 
 •*^" 
 
THE INTKHRKUM M. 
 
 taa 
 
 t«nfon'«» tli« 
 th«' ITuion 
 
 MWH for the 
 
 pr«'v«Mit or 
 
 f anv oflHT 
 
 'henHiniiH of 
 
 I an.v »'V«'iit, 
 by u vo(»* of 
 K that, "No 
 uthoriKc, or 
 
 II uii>' Htate, 
 tersoiiH lit'ld 
 ■a» the onl.v 
 
 d thiH never ;f 
 )n, actM pro- 
 und Dakota, 
 
 agency of a 
 nd oonHitited 
 'B being rep- 
 Holiitionf* (1) 
 rnier liuiita- 
 no territory 
 ery, without 
 n the Slave 
 Free States, 
 iterfere with 
 without the 
 isent of the 
 not consent; 
 r slaves into 
 PS under the 
 ory where it 
 ves from one 
 >f the second 
 not be con- 
 i of fugitive 
 st, third and 
 
 tifth Mectiouft of tlieHe aiiiendnientM hIiiiII not he iiltoliMhed without the 
 conHent of nil the MtateM-, (7) I'rovideH that the I'liited HtateH hIuiII pny 
 full value for any fugitive whoHe return to slavery is prevented by vio 
 lenee or intimidation. 
 
 These reMolutionH were n'ceived by the Senate on the lid <»f 
 March. For the next two days that body playe<l battle<lore and hIiuI 
 tie cock with theui, an<l the Crittenden ConipiMniiiHe rcHolutionn. It 
 Anally, by a vote of a to '.U refused to HuliHtitute the former for the 
 latter, and then defeated the latter by a vote of 1» to L'O. 
 
 These were tilniost the last votes tak«'n in the Senate of the 
 Thirty-Hixth Congress, for the end of the Hiichanan AdniiiiiHt ration 
 was at hand. A President, feeble and vacillating, and a CongresH 
 controlled first by rebels, and after they had left, controlled by its 
 fears, were about to give place to a strong n>an in the Kxecutive and 
 a strong party In control of C«>ngress. The interregnum was about 
 to end. 
 
 There was just one redeeming act near the clos»'. There was a 
 deficiency in the (lovernment revenues and the first Morrill TaritT Act, 
 intended to increase the n'venues |({5,()0().(MM) was passed to meet the 
 eni*»rgeacy. It. was based on the Ilei»ublican idea of protection and 
 was passed by Kepublican votes; but the money was needi-d. and (m 
 tl»e lid of March the President reluctantly signed it. 
 
i 
 
 :,- ;--|;.vi.^':-;-r''" 
 
 
 
 X. 
 
 PREBIDENT LINCOLN'^ ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Lincoln's Journey to the Capitol— His Purpose as Regards Slavery— 
 Fonmition <»f the Ciabinet and Discordant Elements There — 
 Prominent Men in Congress— Divided Opinions About the 
 Southern Forts— Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Con- 
 siderations'—The South Carolina Embassy— The Bombardment 
 of Fort Sumter— The First Call for Volunteers— Prompt 
 Response by (Congress to the President's Requests— Important 
 Acts of (ieneral Legislation— The Question of Returning Fugi- 
 tives—The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery t^uestion 
 —Events Leading T-p to the Emancipation Proclamatici— Vary- 
 ing Fortunes of the War. 
 
 The President-elect left his home in Springfield on the 11th of 
 February, accompanied to the depot by a large number of his friends 
 and neighbors, to whom he addressed this brief farewell : "My 
 Friends- Xo one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel 
 at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am- Here I have 
 lived more than a quarter of a century; here my children were born, 
 and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see 
 you again. A duty devolves upon me, which is, perhaps, greater than 
 that which has devohed upon any man since the days of Washington. 
 He never would have sticceeded except for the aid of Divine Provi- 
 dence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed 
 without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and on the same 
 Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my 
 friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, with- 
 out whi«h I cannot succeed, but with which success is cti'tain. Again 
 I bid you all an affectionate farewell." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's journey to Washington occupied twelve days, from 
 February 11 to 2.3. He was greeted everywhere along the line with 
 enthusiastic crowds, and made many short speeches from the platforms 
 
 ilillillHlMHi 
 
iii UWWi l |Mil' i g.<i; im i| ii Wil JWM i UHl^U^ i g- *' 
 
 r\vrf-M^i^\^^ 
 
 PRESIDENT LIN(X)LN'« ADMINIHTRATION. 
 
 12.-. 
 
 S'averj' — 
 » There — 
 Vbout the 
 lent's Con- 
 nbardment 
 8 — Prompt 
 -Important 
 ■ning Fugi- 
 y Question 
 ic'i — Vary- 
 
 the 11th of 
 his friends 
 ireii : "My 
 iness I feel 
 lere I have 
 were born, 
 I shall see 
 ;reater than 
 ^'^ashington. 
 ivine Provi- 
 not succeed 
 m the same 
 )pe you, my 
 tance, with- 
 ain. Again 
 
 ! days, from 
 he line with 
 le platforms 
 
 of his cur ut the smaller stations. Ue made stops, of from a few 
 hours to a day or more, at Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleve- 
 land, Buffalo, Albany, Troy, New York, Trenton, IMiiladelphia and 
 Harrisburg. He left the latter city by an earlier train than that 
 first scheduled, and reached Washington twelve hours sooner than 
 was expected. This change of plan was caused by apprehensions of 
 his friends, and of the police, that his life would be in danger in Bal- 
 timore. An attempt had been made on the Toh'do & Wabash road to 
 throw from the track the train on which he was traveling, and as 
 he was leaving Cincinnati a hand grenade was found on the car. 
 This led to an organized investigation, by skilled detectives, who dis- 
 covered that a gang of assassins had arranged to take his life whi'e 
 passing through Baltimore. It was deemed the part of prudence to 
 avoid them by taking an earlier train. In Washington Lincoln made 
 only two addresses previous to his inauguration, one in response to 
 a welcome tendered him. by the Mayor and Common Council, and one 
 on the occasion of a serenade given him by the Republican Associa- 
 tion. 
 
 President Lincoln's inaugural address was calm and moderate. 
 Near the opening he quoted from one of his speeches these words, 
 which he now reafllrmed: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, 
 to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. 
 I believe I have no right to do so and I have no inclination to do so." 
 Upon the matter of the rendition of fugitive slaves, he said: "There 
 is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service 
 or labor. The clause I read is as plainly written in the Constitution 
 as any other: 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under 
 the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any 
 law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
 but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service 
 or labor may be due.' It is scarcely questioned that this provision 
 was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we 
 call fugitive slaves, and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All 
 Members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, 
 to this provision, as much as any other. To the proposition, then, 
 that slaves, whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shr.U 
 be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would 
 make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly ecjual 
 unaniminity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good 
 that unanimous oath?" 
 
Wtaaimliimmmmm^iSiMBm 
 
 i i 
 
 126 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 II 
 
 #1 
 
 It 
 
 ni 
 
 ss-i*Fi- •■f^ 
 
 :iS;i 
 
 ll'iri 
 
 A Im'gii part of the meBsage was devoted to an argument against 
 the right of secession, and in favor of the perpetuity of the Union, 
 in res!)e(,'t to which the President was very much in earnest. The 
 message closed as follows: "The mystic chord of memory, stretching 
 from, every battle field and patriot grave to every livini; heart and 
 hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the 
 Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better 
 angels of our nature." The message gave general satisfaction 
 throughout the North and the border states. There was nothing in 
 it that could offend reasonable men in the South, but the extreme 
 Southerners were already beyond reason. 
 
 Four members of the President's Cabinet, as announced soon 
 after the inaugural and confirmed by the Senate, had been rival aspir- 
 ants for the Presidential nomination. These were William H. 
 Seward, of New York, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 
 Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secre- 
 tary of War, and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General. The 
 «»ther three members were Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of 
 the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior, and 
 Montgomery Blair, of Maryland. Postmaster General. None of these 
 attained great distinction in their respective positions, except C'hase, 
 who took rank with the greatest of American financiers, and Seward, 
 who conducted the affairs of state with great ability, after he had 
 ascertained that he was not the Government, and could not control 
 the President, but had best confine himself mainly to his own depart- 
 ment. The Cabinet, as a whole, did not strike people favorably at 
 the time. Thaddens Stevenii described it as an assortment of rivals 
 for the Presidency, one stamp speaker from Indiana, and two repre- 
 sentatives of the Blair family, the second representative of this 
 family being Attorney General Bates, who was supposed to owe his 
 appointment to the influence of Francis P. Blair, Jr. Gideon Welles, 
 of Connecticut, the "Ancient Mariner," as he was called, was said to 
 have owed his appointment to Vice-President Hamlin. He Was old, 
 and slow, and knew nothing about naval affairs. But he had one 
 recommendation. He never made any disturbance in the Cabinet. 
 It is said that he always agreed with the last man that spoke, but 
 always ende*;! up by f^uppofting the President's views. Simon Cam- 
 eron was a good politician, but not a strong Secretary of War, and 
 the war had not been long in progress before the President felt 
 obliged to ask for his resignation. 
 
 I 
 
 amm 
 
 ^Mhsm- 
 
 wmmim^^^^mm^mmm 
 
iiii. i rtil i i / «i i i »i'>/ » tiw't''i '' iVj'! ' '*^" ' '''' ' '"i i f ifii j ' iif * i >'ft << '"' 'i ' < "'":i' ' i» i "r »> ii^ i iy'-i< j i»' » i i, »« i 
 
 nt against • 
 he Union, 
 est. The 
 Btret<;hing 
 heart and 
 •rus of the 
 the better 
 ulisfaction 
 nothing in 
 le extreme 
 
 need soon 
 rival aspir- 
 rilliam H. 
 le, of Ohio, 
 inia, Secre- 
 teral. The 
 ecretary of 
 iterior, and 
 me of these 
 L-ept C'hase, 
 nd Seward, 
 fter he had 
 not control 
 )wn depart- 
 avorably at 
 nt of rivals 
 1 two repre- 
 ive of this 
 . to owe his 
 [eon Welles, 
 was said to 
 He was old, 
 he had one 
 the Cabinet. 
 t spoke, but 
 Simon Cam- 
 of War, and 
 resident felt 
 
 "K^Si 
 
 
 
 
 m^M'-^ 
 
 'm 
 
 '?.^*: ■■■ 
 
r'lr" 
 
 1 i 
 
 t\ 
 
 ^ r 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 Wi^M 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMIXIKTUATION. 
 
 127 
 
 But if the Cabiiiet was not a tower of strength, the trying tilings 
 were prodiu-tive of great men, and the high character of the prinii- 
 ph-8 advocated by the Republican party, brought most of them into 
 the Republican rankH. The Senate in<luded Zacbariah Chandler, who 
 held the confidence of President Lincoln and of President Grant aifter 
 him, and who was about the onl.y man in the Senate w'.'o could not be 
 repelled by Stanton, when he sought information or wanted to give 
 advice; John Sherman, of Ohio, who in the course v»f his life-time 
 was a conspicuous figure in the House, in the Senate, ii' the ('abinet, 
 and as a Presidential candidate; \Vm, Pitt Fessenden, o Maine, emi- 
 nent as a financier, both on the Senate Finance Committee, and later 
 as Secretary of the Treasury; Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island, 
 just beginning a long and useful service; Jacob M. Howard, of Michi- 
 gan, who had recently succeetied Kinsley S. Bingham, deceased, and 
 who speedily took rank as a great Constitutional lawyer; Benjamin 
 F. Wade, of Ohio, one of the sturdiest defenders of Lincoln; John P. 
 Bale, of New Hampshire, one of the first of the Free Soilers, and their 
 candidate for the Pveisidency in 1852: Charles Sumner, of Massachu- 
 setts, who first entered the Senate on the strength of a small balance 
 of power which the Free Soilers held between the Whigs and Demo- 
 crats in the ^Tasriachusetts Legislature, but who became one of the 
 most conspicuous of Republicans; Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, 
 ''The Natic Cobbler" who rose, through various positions, from the 
 shoemaker's bench to the Vice-President's chair; Henry S. Lane, of 
 Indiana, one of the two candidates for Governor, who so successfully 
 pushed Lincoln's fortunes in the Chicago Convention; Ira S. Harris, 
 of New York, who succeeded Seward when the latter went into the 
 Cabinet: David Wilmot, rtf Proviso fame, who succeeded Simon Cam- 
 eron when the latter became Secretary of War; the veterans Solomon 
 Foote and Jacob Collamer, of Vermont; and Lyman Trnmbull, of 
 Illinois, James Harlan, of Iowa, and Preston King, of New York, all 
 of whom became prominent in other positions as well as in the Senate. 
 
 The House of the Thirty-seventh Congress contained among its 
 leading members: E. B. Washbarne, Isaac N. Arnold and Owen 
 Lovejoy, of Illinois; George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter and Schuyler 
 Colfax, of Indiana; James F. Wilson, of Iowa; Samuel C. Fessenden 
 and Anson P. Morrill, of Maine; Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts; 
 William Windom, of Minnesota; William A. Wheeli^r, Roscoe Conk- 
 ling and Elbridge G. Spaulding, of New York; James M. Ashley and 
 John A. Bingham, of Ohio; William D. Kelley and Galusha A. Grow, 
 

 k i 
 
 12S 
 
 IIISTOin' OF TH?: REI'UBUOAN PAKTY. 
 
 of rennsylvunia. Anioiifj; tlH'se will be recoKnized two who aftor- 
 waidH Immjmim* Vue riesident, several wlio entered the 8enate, one 
 Speaker of the House, and three who were in the dinlomatic service. 
 In tliis House, also, were Francis 1». Blair, Jr., leader of the Anti- 
 Slavery nrovenient in Missonri, and then a Republican, but afterwards 
 Ih'niocratic candidate for Vice-President, and Horace Maynard, who 
 was elected as an American, but who was now heading rapidly toward 
 the Republican party, and who, in reconstruction times was the most 
 pnnninent man in East Tennessee. 
 
 The times also found strong men in the Executive offices of a 
 number of the states, and several of the War Governors were as con- 
 spicuous for their services In upholding the President's hands as 
 were any of the Senators. The most prominent of these were Andrew 
 (}. Curtin, of Pennsylvania; Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana; John A. 
 Andrew, of Mas8a(hu8etts, and Austin Blair, of Michigan. 
 
 The war occupied so much of public attention at the time, and has 
 occupied so much of the space in histori<al writings since then, that 
 the legislation enacted on other subjects does not occupy large space 
 in the public mind. But the fact is, that aside from the conduct of 
 the war, there was more useful legislation carried to a conclusion 
 during the first four years of Republican administration, than had 
 been passed by the Whig, Democratic or mixed administrations in th^ 
 previous thirty years. The party very speedily vindicated the wisdom 
 of the voters in putting power in its hands. When it came into 
 power it found the public credit impaired and the revenues insufficient 
 for the support of the Government. In the last year of Buchanan's 
 aidministration. Government seven per cent, bonds, put on the market 
 to help pay current expenses, sold at twelve per cent, discount. 
 Under the new Administration Government six per cents sold at a 
 l>remium. The business of the country had been greatly hampered 
 by the illogical and ill arranged tariffs of 1846 and 1857. The emer- 
 gency tariff, which was passed late in the last session of the Thirty- 
 sixth Congress, now gave way to the 8e<'ond Morrill tariff, in which 
 the rates were high enough to furnish a war revenue. Although the 
 rates were reduced, from time to time, as the diminishing needs of the 
 Government permitted, its protective principle remained the basis of 
 safe mercantile operations for a quarter of a century. Under the 
 administrations of Pier»e and Buchanan, the commercial demand for 
 the iii.prove)»ient of the great waterways of the country had been 
 effectually checked. Appropriations for such improvements were 
 
PREHIDENT UNCOLN'H ADMINIHTKATION. 121> 
 
 o who after- 
 8enntf, one 
 latic servi<'e. 
 of the Anti- 
 it afterwards 
 aynard, who 
 pidly toward 
 was the most 
 
 e offices of a 
 
 were as cen- 
 t's hands as 
 were Andrew 
 na; John A. 
 m. 
 
 time, and has 
 ice then, that 
 y large space 
 lie conduct of 
 
 a conclusion 
 on, than had 
 rations in th',^ 
 d the wisdom 
 
 it came into 
 es insufficient 
 )f Buchanan's 
 m the market 
 i*nt. discount, 
 nts sold at a 
 tly hampered 
 The emer- 
 of the Thirty- 
 irifl, in which 
 
 \lthough the 
 g needs of the 
 d the basis of 
 Under the 
 ftl demand for 
 try had been 
 vements were 
 
 now established as a rule, which became permanent. The constriic- 
 tion of the flrst Taciflc' railroad was begun, with (Jovernment aid, 
 under this administration. Previous to this time there was nothing 
 that could be called a banking system for the country, and the notes 
 of banks in one State were all the way from par to 40 or 50 per «ent. 
 discount in another State. A man might know how much money he 
 had in his pocket in Indianapolis, but he couldn't guess what it would 
 be worth when he reached New York. The new (Congress enacted a 
 uniform banking system, under which any National bank note was 
 then, and has been ever since, worth its face value at any point in the 
 country, from liangor to San Francisco. The Thirty-sixth Congress 
 passed a very fair Homestead Act. Buchanan vetoed it. The Thirty- 
 seventh Congress passed a better Act, and Lincoln signed it. 
 
 It took 8<»me time for the new Cabinet to adjust itself to the 
 unusual conditions that existed and to ascertain its relations to the 
 President. Secretary Seward had not forgotten that he was one of 
 the founders of the Republican party and for a long time its recognized 
 leader. He was well aware of the facts that up to the time of the 
 Chicago Cdnvention he was the popular favorite, and that, during the 
 campaign, his work upon the stump had been more eflfettive than that 
 of any other speaker. He had been waiting the time, when, to use 
 the words of Charles Francis Adams, after his death, he would 
 dismiss ''the noblest dreams of an ambition he had the clearest right 
 to indulge, in exchange for a more solid power to direct affairs for the 
 benefit of the nation, in the name of another." Mr. Seward, at flrst, 
 sought to strengthen himself with the President by declining the 
 appointment offered him, intimating that certain changes in the pro- 
 posed Cabinet might make the position more acceptable to him. This 
 was on the 2d of March. Mr. Lincoln waited until the 5th before he 
 answered, and then declined to make the suggested changes. Whether 
 Seward stayed out or stayed in, he was not to be allowed to dictate 
 the Cabinet at that late hour. Seward concluded to stay in, but at 
 the outset he acted in some matters independently of the President. 
 The full extent of his intermeddling with the affairs of other depart- 
 ments was not known until after his death. An authority having 
 access to all the papers bearing on the case, made, in a recent publi- 
 cation, the following statement of his maneuvers: 
 
 "Seward was for publicly proclaiming the surrender of Fort 
 Sumter, and secretly preparing for war at Pensacola and in Texas. 
 He felt himself fully able to direct operations by land and sea — to 
 
 im 
 
'• \w 
 
 
 180 
 
 niSTOUY OF TIIK RErniLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ril 
 
 iM^coaic, iiH it w<>r<>, the <}i*u('i'al of tin* Army and tli<* Admiral uf tliu 
 Heet. On The 21ttli of Marrli, witli the (incHtion wliether 8uuiter 
 tiliould Ih* ftroviHioncd or evuciiat«'d Htill nndecidod, the Preaideiit 
 ordered an expedition to be made ready at New Yorli, to sail on the 
 0th of April. Although the HtM-retary of War and the Hecretary of 
 the Navy were directed to «*o-o])erttte in preparing tlie exiM'dition, 
 neither waH informed of its object or destination. Tlie Hecretary of 
 Htate, liowever, was determined that it shonld be his ex)>edition. 
 While IJncoln was made to seem to act, H«»ward acted. On the same 
 djiy that the order for the secret exi)edition was made he ttiolc Captain 
 Al. ('. Meis^H, an engint'er officer in charge tut tlie new winf^s of the Cap- 
 itol to the White Honse. On the way he explained his wish that 
 Mnniter should be eva«'iiated, and Pickens defended. His object was 
 to secure the appointment of Mei};s as military commander of the 
 expedition. The President asked Captain Mei^s if Fort Pickens 
 could be held. 'Certainly, if the Navy would do its duty,' was the 
 answer. Lincoln then asked Meif;s if he would k<> down there and 
 take conimand. but Meiers ]»ointed out that there was a number of 
 majors already there, and he was only a captain. 'I understand how 
 that is,' said Weward de<isively, '<'aptain Mei^s must be jH'omoted.' 
 As this was underst<»od to be impracticable, Colonel Keyes, General 
 Hcott's Military Secretary, was associated with Heward's plans. On 
 Hunday, March 31, the Secretary accompanied the two officers in a 
 call upon General S<'ott, in pursuance of the aroat scheme of military 
 and naval adventure. 'General Scott,' said Seward, 'you have formal- 
 ly reported to the President yoMv advice to evacuate Fort Pickens. I 
 now come to bring you his order, as Comnmnder-in-Chief of the Army 
 and Navy, to re-enfon-e, and hold it to the last extremity.' 'Sir,' 
 replied the General, 'the great Frederick used to say "when the King 
 commands all things are ))08sible.'' ' " 
 
 As a naval expert Lieutenant Uavid 1). Porter was ordered to 
 join Keyes and Meigs in preparing and executing the Seward scheme. 
 The expedition originally ordered by the President was intended for 
 the relief of Sumter. As neither the Secretary of War, nor. the Sec- 
 retary of the Navy was taken into the confidence of the Secretary of 
 State, the two expeditions naturally came into conflict. One 
 morning the Commandant of the Brooklyn Navy Yard received two 
 orders to fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible 
 moment. The two orders seemed identical, although one was signed 
 by the President and the other by Secretary Welles. In fact the 
 
 m 
 
 ■v;'^ 
 
1»KKSII»KNT LINCOLN'S ADMINIKTUATION. 
 
 i:ii 
 
 liniral of the 
 Hier Sumter 
 lu' PresidiMit 
 o Huil on the 
 Hecretary of 
 • exp<»ditlon, 
 
 Hecretary <»f 
 i exiMidition. ''::,,_ 
 On the same 
 took Captain 
 i?B of the Cap- 
 liiH wish that f i 
 lis object was 
 Hinder of the 
 Fort PickenH 
 nty,' was the 
 iwn there and 
 a nnniber of 
 iderstand how 
 be promoted.' 
 >ye8, General 
 's plans. On 
 officers in a 
 me of military 
 u have foruial- 
 »rt Pickens. I 
 'f of the Army 
 emity.' 'Sir,' 
 when the Kinj? 
 
 va» ordered to 
 eward scheme. 
 IB intended for i 
 ir, nor the Sec- 
 le Secretary of 
 conflict. One 
 d received two 
 arliest possible 
 one was signed 
 In fact the 
 
 President intended the Powhatan for the Pickens expedition, and the 
 Navy Department intended her for the relief of Sumter. 
 
 Hut this was not tiie full extent of Seward's intermeddling. On 
 the same djiy that Mr. Lincoln signed the order for the Powhatan, he 
 signed other orders, at Mr. Seward's re(iue.«t, that were still nuue 
 renuukablf. One of theuj detached Caulain Stringham for service 
 at Pensacola, and the <>ther contemplated the sending of Captain Pren- 
 dergrast to N'cra Cruz «»n account of •Mmp(Mtant iompllcations in our 
 foreign relations." The President signed these, without reading or 
 understanding them, and upon Se<retary Welles' indignant remon- 
 strance, he r«'called them, but without giving the Secretary his conti- 
 dence in regard to their aigniflcance. Mr. Seward also submitted to 
 Mr. Lincoln "Some Thoughts for the I'resident's Consideration." In 
 this remarkable paper he proposed to change the issue from the im- 
 l»ending domentii- war to an unnecessary foreign war, ar.J virtually 
 invited the President to abdicate in his favor. To his suggestion that 
 either the President must direct the preposterous policy "himself, and 
 be all the time active in it, or devolve It upon some member of his 
 Cabinet," Lincoln answered: "If this roust be done T must do it." 
 
 While Seward was indulging in these visi<ins he was coquetting 
 with the "embassy" from South Carolina. He would not receive them 
 officially, nor informally, but negotiated through Justice Campbell. 
 He gave them to understand that Sumter was to be evacuated, when 
 Lincoln had no such purpose. He also had some negotiations with a 
 member of the Virginia Convent itm. in which he gave assurances 
 which the President had noi authorized, and in which he was over- 
 ruled. It finally dawned tipon him, however, that in the end the 
 President decided nmtters according to his own judgment, and that 
 his attempts to "direct affairs f(jr the benefit of the nation in the name* 
 <»f another" were more mischievous than fruitful. He ceased to 
 attempt to run the Army and Navy and in time, by confining his atten- 
 tion to his own department became one of Lincoln's most trusted 
 advisers, and made a reputation as one of the ablest of diplomatists. 
 This episode was a curious freak in the mental o|)erations of a really 
 great man, and it caused great embarrassment to the President. 
 
 Secretary Chase was also a discordant element in the Cabinet, 
 He had been a member of the Peace Conference where he voted 
 against the proposed concessions to slavery, but in the Cabinet councils 
 he believed in disunion as preferable to war, and urged a virtual sur- 
 render to the Confederacy, although unless that was decided upon, 
 he was with those members of the Cabinet who advised the provis- 
 
imm 
 
 HIHTORYOFTIIK UKITBhlCAN PAKTY. 
 
 n 
 
 i ! 
 
 iotiing and n*IU*f of Fort Hiiiiit«*r. lit' raiiktHl anions tin* ablc8t <»f our 
 fliiancierH. and waH of great H««rvl<t' to tin* country in ovolvlnj? and 
 forniiilatinK tliow finanria] plann, wliich K. (1. HpaiildinK, "the father 
 of (he (JrwHlmrk," iutrodueed in the HouMe, but he was never friendly 
 to Lincoln, whom lie hoiied to nucceed in the Presidency, was never 
 Hatisfled with his iMittition, and tendered his reHignation bo often that 
 he wan surprised when it was at last acieoted. 
 
 Montffoniery Blair, a conservative from a Hlave Htate, was the 
 tlrst to oppose the jM'ace jMilicy of these tw«) old radical Anti-Hlavery 
 
 H e n a t o r s from Free 
 Ktates. He evidently 
 understood the Bouth 
 better than they. 
 
 With a Cabinet thus 
 divided and discordant, 
 with the party which 
 had elected him and the 
 paj>ers which liad sup- 
 ported him weakening; 
 in the North, it looked 
 as if Lincoln's Adminis- 
 tration would go to 
 pieces at the very out- 
 set. 
 
 The bombardment of 
 Fort Sumter on the 
 morning of the 12th of 
 April, and its surren- 
 der after thirty - three 
 hours of heroic defense, 
 changed all that. It 
 unifltH) the Cabinet. It woke the North from Its dream of peace, 
 roused its latent patriotism and heroism, and led to a prompt response 
 to the President's proclamation, which came three days later, calling 
 for 75,0(M) volunteers. The same proclamation called a special 
 session of Congress to meet July 4. Congress, thus convened, the 
 President sent a long message, reciting the events that led to oi)en 
 hostilities, repeating some of the arguments against the right of a 
 Btate to secede, and recommending the placing at the control of the 
 Government of at least 400,000 men, and |400,000,000 as a "means for 
 making the contest a short and decisive one." 
 
 SALMON P CHASE. 
 
 
«^. 
 
 ttblt'Bt ()f onr 
 'VolviuK Hnd 
 {, "the futlu'i- 
 K'ver friendly 
 y, was never 
 BO often that 
 
 tate, was the 
 Anti-Hlavery 
 r 8 from Free 
 He evidently 
 d the South | 
 in they. 
 Cabinet thus 
 nd discordant, 
 party whii-h 
 >d him and the 
 hicli had sup- 
 im weakening 
 >rth, it looked 
 oln's Adminis- 
 would Ko to 
 ; the very out- 
 
 >ni.bardinent of 
 initer on the 
 of the 12th of 
 nd its surren- 
 r thirty -three 
 heroif defense, 
 
 all that. It 
 •earn of peace, 
 rompt response 
 ys later, calling 
 ailed a special 
 J convened, the 
 iiat led to open 
 
 the right of a 
 i control of the 
 as a "means for 
 
 i 
 
 rUKHIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINIHTHATION. I'M 
 
 The response ()f Congress was prompt and liberal. It was over- 
 whelmingly Republican, but most of the Democrats also favored 
 measures for the prtmipt supiueHsion of the rebellion and with the 
 exception of C. L. Vallandigham. of Oliio, those that did not attempted 
 no obstructive tn<tics. The session lasted thirty-three days, and in 
 that time transacted business that, in extent and importance, was 
 never approa< hed by any other Congress in an «'qual duration of time. 
 It passed sixty-one public bills and tlve joint resolutions. It exceeded 
 the Tresident's request in regard to the number of men aillowed, since 
 it authorized the enlistment of r)(IO,(HM> men for three years. Among 
 other iujportant measures were those authorizing a l«»an of fliRO,- 
 n(K),(MM); greatly increasing, for the purpose of war revenue, the duties 
 levied under the Morrill tariff of March 2, ISCJl; levying an internal 
 revenue and income tax; dire«ting a blockade of the Southern ports; 
 levying a direct tax of |2(),(M)(>,(MH> on the states and t<'rritories; detln- 
 ing and punishing conspiracy; legalizing the supension of the writ of 
 habeas corpuh, which had bwn nmde by the President, tUiongh the 
 Commanding General; and confiscating property, including slaves, 
 used against the (lovernment. The House also passed a resolution, 
 "That this House hereby pledges itself to vote for any amount of 
 money, and any n\imber of men which may be necessary to insure a 
 speedy and effectual suppression of the liebellion, and the pernmnent 
 restoraticm of the Federal authority everywhere within the limits and 
 jurisdiction of the United States." 
 
 On motion of Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, the House also resolved, 
 "That in the judgment of this House, it is no part of the duty of the 
 soldiers of the X^nited States to <apture and return fugitive slaves." 
 On this the yeas were 92, all Republicans. The nays included six 
 Republicans, and all the Democrats and border State conservatives. 
 
 The slavery question had already begun to trouble the President, 
 He had announced that the paramount purpose of his actions was to 
 preserve the Inion, with slavery if necessary or without slavery, but 
 in any event to preserve the I'nion. He was between two tires, the 
 wishes of the Anti-Slavery men of the North on one side, and his own 
 desire to keep Maryland and Missouri, and especially Kentucky in the 
 Union, on the other. General Benjamin F. lluiler had found a solu- 
 tion of the subject that satisfied him so far as fugitives were con- 
 cerned. He called them "contraband of war," and set them to work. 
 In this he was supported by Secretary (Cameron, who was in advance 
 of the President and of Congress in dealing with slavery, and who 
 
 
 MM 
 
 mss. 
 
 ^^kA',»ivm ia um < jc*,dmj'i9i!&Wh%*iii^!stn: 
 
ISi 
 
 UIHTOKY OV THK HKrUHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 inHtnu-tiMl (iciicral Itiider not to Hiirr(>ii«l«'i- to tlieir iiiuHtci-H Hlav«>H 
 lliiit ciuiic witliiii liiH liiH'H, hut to "(•iiiploy tlu'iii it) the HcrviccM to 
 which th(>.v iiiii.v !<(• hcHt lulaptt'd." The rrcMiih'iit tiu-itl.y HaiH-tion«><l 
 thin, and )irt<*r tlic imgHaKt' of th(> CondHralion Act, he wrott* to (}(>n- 
 oral Itutit'i' at len(;th t'xplainini; tli(> vit'WM of tli<' I'rcHidont and the 
 Administration on the Hiibjert. Ail cxiMtint; ri){htH in all tin* HtatoH 
 Wi'ro to b«' fully niuintnincd. TawH ot fii^itivi-H from m'rvici' in 
 HtateB and tcrritoricH that Mtill remained in the I'nion were to be din- 
 |HiHed of by civil proceHH, under existinf; lawM. Fu^itiveH from the 
 H('«-edcd statcH were to be Kept within the liiieH, a record made of them, 
 and the (leneral'H action with r*>t;ard to them, reported to the War 
 Mepartment ar leant twice a month. The letter ended with the injunc- 
 tion: "You will, however, neither authorise n<»r permit any 
 interference, by the troopH under your comnuind, with 'he Mervants of 
 peac(>ful citiisenH, in houHe or field, nor will you, in any way encourat;e 
 8n<*h Hervants to leave the lawful Hervice of their masterH; nor will 
 you, exc«>pt in caHcs where the public safety may neem to require it, 
 prevent the voluntary return of any fujjilive to the service from which 
 he may have escaped." 
 
 ' Aside from the aHual work of |)roHe('ntint; the war the subject 
 of slavery continued to occupy public attention more than any other. 
 August .^l, IhtJl, thnH" weeks after the Conflscation Act was passed, 
 tJeneral Fremont, in command of the Western Department, issued a 
 )(roclam:ition, freeing all the slave» '. MisHourl, belonging to men in 
 the Confederate service and declaring that tlie projierty of all Bu<'h 
 Iiersons was contlscated to the public use. The President told Fre- 
 mont that this transcended the Act of Congress, that it would ruin 
 the Union cause in Kentucky and asked him to modify the order so as 
 to make it corresjmnd to that \vt. Fremont, not desiring to take the 
 responsibility of changing hip own action, desired an explicit order on 
 the subject, which the President gave. This action on the part of 
 the President, produced a bitter feeling throughout the North. 
 Republicans, both in Congress and in private life had generally 
 applauded the proclamation, and even the conservative Democratic 
 press had approved it, aiid its revocation was a terrible disappoint- 
 ment, Men "could not see why loyal slaveholders in Kentucky should 
 beoffended becausethe slavesof rebels in Missouri were declared free." 
 May 0, 18fi2, General David Hunter, who was in command of a depart- 
 ment, including South Carolina, issued a proclanmtion abolishing 
 slavery in his department. This also was disavowed, and the disa- 
 
 :^T«iiaiiajii«iriii^^ 
 
I»F{I:HII)KNT I.INTOLNX AHMINIKTHATION. 
 
 i:tr> 
 
 HttTH MlaV(>H 
 
 wrvict'H iu 
 y HiilirtioiUMl 
 rot<' to (l»»ii- 
 lout iiiid the 
 ill tlic HtUtOH 
 
 III KITVict' ill 
 
 'w to bv (IIh- 
 
 «'H from tlu' 
 
 liuh* of tlic'in. 
 
 to the Will" 
 
 III tli(> iiijiiiii-- 
 
 lii'i-iiilt aii.v 
 
 ic Hct-vaiitH of 
 
 a.v ('ii*-ouraK(> 
 
 tiTH; nor will 
 
 to require It, 
 
 e from which 
 
 ir the Hubjeet 
 lun any oth<>r. 
 
 t wnH pUHHed, 
 uent, isHued a 
 ting to men in 
 'iy of all sneh 
 dent told Fre- 
 
 it would ruin 
 the order so as 
 ng to take the 
 plieit order on 
 i)n the part of 
 lit the North, 
 had generally 
 ve Demoeratie 
 :)le ditiappoint- 
 ■ntucky ghouUl 
 declared free." 
 ad of a depart- 
 ion aboliFuhing 
 , and the disa- 
 
 vowal add«Ml to (he ft^'liiig agaiiiHt lli<> I'reKident, which was not much 
 iiiitigate<l, •iiitil the KiiiancipMtioii I'l-oclaination wait iHMiied a year 
 after I he Frenioiit alTair. 
 
 Home of the HharpcHt of (he ci-iticiHiiiH were Humme<l up in a letter 
 addreHricd tiy Horace Oreeley ti» the I'reHident, and piililiHhed in the 
 New York Trihiiiie, .\ugiiHt 10. IHtlii. In tliiH case Mr. Lincoln 
 d(>parted from IiIh uhuuI cuhIoiu, and auHwei-ed the attack by a per- 
 M«)nal reply. In IIiIh reply he clearly detliied IiIm poHitioii in the 
 following Icrxe paragrapliH: 
 
 "If tlu're be tlione who would not Have the Tnlon nnlcMH they 
 could at the Hame time Have Hiavei-y, I do not agree with them. 
 
 "If there be thone who would not nave the I'liion unleHH they 
 could at the name time deHtr(>«- nlavery. I do not agree with them. 
 
 '*My p>> amount < bj««ct is ■> gr»" the rnion and not either to nave 
 or destroy nlavi . y. 
 
 "If I couh" H. ve I'".- t nitn nii'.iout freeing any nlave I would do 
 it — if I could Hiiv'it^. CrcciniJi ul) the nlaven I would <lo it — and if I 
 could do it by ir"( ar, hovi" o' tl'e glavch an<l leaving othern ahme, I 
 would aiHO dv) (bat 
 
 "What 1 d*. 4<i;4>"J s'<i',er;, and lite -oioptd ra'i», ] Wo becauni* I 
 think it he)};*, to •<»•', titis '')'.i>'»4, lati what I ^'M'^)eal^ I forbear 
 because I 1;» not rnHeve i< w> jid he?|« U. '..»''/ tS**- I'vkhi. 
 
 "1 HhaT nio lesrt whe.". .er I Rhr'l b»'iie vhui I ai" doing hurls 
 the ('ause, and I shall -m i^m../ wiie/itvi ;• t '.'lie\e ;JoJng more will 
 help tin* cause." 
 
 This CO r rt • spoil lie u,e '^^rrii'ird ahon* idr.-c ivihI • m^i.'C Lincoln 
 had shown the lirst draf of the T.nnuw i(<.ii!.>n I'ro.ltMP >tion to the 
 Cabinet, provir.'j clearly that the in(OiiM}rc' that ,tiii i ^iMiation resulted 
 from his own ccmvictio'ii)-., >*i)d nol fr(»m HKipui.u' lamor. 
 
 The work ot t :nii>v»» "r n gai'd tu nLi.-en cnuio later than the 
 two events narrtifed aloo*''*. .Vp.il I'*, rs'52, M abolished slavery in 
 The District of (V)lunibia; June nt, tVe suaa yc.sr, a bill became law, 
 ]>rohibiting slavery in all the teiriicrii », aurt June 28, 1S04, the Fugi- 
 tive Hlave Law w:h '.'(((ealed. Tlies' trn • .iie.i-,ures covered all, and 
 somewhat •no;-'.' Ihtin the .Uej»rMican piriform of 1S56 had asked. 
 
 Later «■••'*<?• '(i/?v>'ute showed tliat IM'esident Lincoln had not 
 abated anyihn^ tA lu! old Iio.illlity to slavery, but he was opposed to 
 prenmt'i"' u'lon. March 0, 1862, he framed a special message 
 rec'jai .'.endiiur to rong/ess the passage of a joint resolution looking 
 *•'» I <.voj)er.»tioii with states consenting to abolish slavery, with com- 
 
 '.-' *i 
 
!. I 
 
 1 i 
 
 ; i 
 
 ft, 
 
 1 
 
 f" 
 
 •U '• 
 
 w' '^ 
 
 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 penaation to the owners. At this time he would have been willing to 
 pay 1400,000,000, if it would have suflBced to purchase peace and 
 remove this disturbing cause which had brought on the war. No 
 response was made by the South to this overture, and he soon became 
 convinced that compulsory emancipation was the only thing that 
 would render complete restoration of the Union possible. August 1, 
 1862, he submitted to the Cabinet the draft of an Emancipation Proc- 
 lamation, which Seward induced him to postpone, on the ground that 
 if issued then, while the North was depressed, and the South elated 
 over Union defeats, it would be considered a despairing appeal. The 
 Union victories at South Mountain, September 14, and at Antietam on 
 the 17th, changed this aspect of alTairs. Lincoln called the Cabinet 
 together, and witli great solemnity informed them, that his mind was 
 fully made up that the time had come for proclaiming emancipation. 
 That question was settled, but he was willing to receive suggestions 
 as to the phraseology of the proclamation. But few changes were 
 made from his first draft of the paper, and it was issued September 
 22. This was warning that unless the states in insurrection returned 
 to their allegiance by January 1, 1803, the slaves in them would be 
 declared free, and their freedom would be maintained by the military 
 and naval forces of the United States. As the Southern states took 
 no action in response to this, the proclamation proper followed in Jan- 
 uary. It quoted the substance of the former proclamation, and 
 declared that the slaves in all the states in insurrection, except the 
 forty-eight counties in Virginia, subsequently formed into the State 
 of West Virginia, and in the districts in the other part of Virginia and 
 in Louisiana withiu the Union lines, were free, and that the Executive 
 Government of the United States, including the military and naval 
 authorities thereof, would recognize and maintain the freedom of such 
 persons, ^'ongress subsequently gave legal sanction to this procla- 
 mation. That was the last of completed legislation on the subject of 
 slavery under Lincoln's first Administration. The Thirteenth amend- 
 ment was introduced in the Thirty -eighth Congress, elected in 1862, 
 but did not pass until January, 1865, and did not become operative 
 till December 18, 1865. 
 
 The elections of 1862 were very discouraging to the Administration, 
 as various forms of dissatisfaction among the people found expression 
 at the polls. There was a strong peace party among the Republi- 
 cans and a much stronger one among the Democrats. One set 
 denounced the war as an abolition war. Another denounced the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 i:{7 
 
 1 willing to 
 peace and 
 war. No 
 jon became 
 thing that 
 August 1, 
 ation Proc- 
 [round that 
 Buth elated 
 peal. The 
 Lutietam on 
 the Cabinet 
 B mind was ' 
 lancipation. 
 suggestiona 
 anges were 
 September ' 
 on returned 
 n would be 
 rhe military 
 states took 
 wed in Jan- 
 nation, and 
 except the 
 o the State 
 Virginia and 
 e Executive 
 ir and naval 
 dom of such 
 this procla- 
 le subject of 
 enth amend- 
 ted in 1862, 
 le operative 
 
 ainistration, 
 i expression 
 the Republi- 
 1. One set 
 nounced the 
 
 President for sacrificing the slaves out of deference to the wishes of 
 people in the border states. Many of the loyal people at the North 
 were disheartened at the military reverses and slow jjrogress of the 
 Union armies, and were losing confidence in the ability of the Admin- 
 istration to successfully carry on the war. Maine, which in l«fiO had 
 given Lincoln 26,694 majority over all others, now gave a Republican 
 plurality of only about 4,000. In Ohio the popular majority against 
 the Administration was about 7,0(10, and the Democrats elected 14 out 
 of 19 Congressmen. In Indiana they elected 8 of the 11. In Penn- 
 sylvania they had a majority of 4,000, half the Congressmen and a 
 majority in the Legislature, which afterwards chose Charles R. Buck- 
 alew to the Senate. In November New York changed its 50,000 clear 
 majority for Lincoln in 1860, to a majority of 10,000 for Horatio Sey- 
 mour, Democrat, for Governor. 'few Jersey chose Joel Parker, a 
 Democrat, for Governor, and the Republicans elected only one ('on- 
 gressman. Lincoln's own State chose a Democratic Legislature, 
 which elected William A. Richardson to the Senate. In Michigan 
 Governor Blair's majority of 20,585 in 1860, was reduced to 6,614 in 
 1862, and for the first time since the Republican party was organized 
 the Democrats elected a Congressman in this State, the delegation 
 consisting of Augustus C. Baldwin, Democrat, and the following Re- 
 publicans: Fernando C. Beaman, John F. Driggs, Francis W. 
 Kellogg, John W. Longyear and Chas Upson. Massachusetts did 
 better, and Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, California and Oregon sent 
 unanimous Republican delegations to Congress. But it was the 
 border states of Delaware, Missouri, Maryland, West Virginia and 
 Kentucky, that saved the House to the Republican party and gave 
 reason to believe that Mr. Lincoln's deference to their opinions, and 
 solicitude for their wellfare, had not been such a mistake in judgment 
 
 after all. 
 
 Although this Congress had a much smaller Republican majority 
 than its immediate predecessor, its relations with the President were 
 much more cordial. It was not as industrious as the Thirty-seventh 
 Congress, but the two together, outrank in important legislation any 
 other four years of Congressional history. They built a new navy, 
 and they provided means for raising, equipping and sustaining vast 
 armies, the cost of these added to the regular expenses of the Gov- 
 ernment sometimes amounting to f3,000,000 a day. Besides this, in 
 addition to the more important acts of legislation already specifically 
 mentioned, the following measures were adopted: Enabling acts 
 
 MM 
 
 t-JiM 
 
Ki i-..^^ I ssusamammmmmmmt 
 ^ ^ I .ii-.i— « . ■ ■ . ■. nffTT!!m 
 
 I ■'• ■ • 
 
 S ;lv. • ♦ 
 
 138 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPT^BLICAN PARTY. 
 
 If 
 
 l^il 
 
 H 
 
 i? 
 
 a'- 
 
 \ 
 
 looking toward the admiBsion of Nevada, California and Nebraska to 
 Htateliood; conflBoating property used for insurreetionary puriM)8e8; 
 providing for the puniHliment of treason; granting lands for tlie estab- 
 lishment of Agri<;ultural Colleges, and establishing the Department 
 of Agriculture at Washingt<m; punishing |M>lygam.v; providing for 
 the return of dead letters except where the contents are clearly 
 worthless; authorizing the I'resident to take charge of railroads and 
 telegraph lines, when public safety requires it; prohibiting the Coolie 
 trade in American vessels; carrying into effect the treaty of (Ireat 
 Britain for suppressing tlie Hiave trad^^; admitting West Virginia as 
 a State; organizing the Territories of Idaho, Montana and Arizona; 
 revising the postoflice laws and reducing the rates of postage; author- 
 izing the I'resident to suspend the i)rivilege of the writ of habeas 
 corpus whenever he shall deem it necessary; granting lands for a 
 number of railroads running through Kansas, and other Western 
 states and territories ; prohibiting the sale or gift of spirituous liquors 
 to Indians; inaugurating the postal money order system; providing 
 for a National currency, and establishing a separate bureau to execute 
 all laws relating to it; encouragin.;? immigration; enlarging the scope 
 of the pension laws; providing for revenue cutters on the lakes; pro- 
 viding for mail steamship service between the United States and 
 Japan; levying direct taxes on the insurrectionary states and estab- 
 lishing a bureau for the care of freedmen refugees and abandoned 
 lands. 
 
 The only serious danger of complications with any foreign power 
 was in lS(n, when Commodore Wili^es detained the British steamer 
 Trent on the high seas, and took from her the Rebel Commissioners 
 Mason and Slidell. To the British protest against this a prompt 
 response was made, disavowing the act and returning the prisoners 
 to British jurisdiction. In making the surrender, Secretary Seward 
 wrote a very polite note, in which he fully concurred in the advanced 
 position which the British (Government had now taken, and stating 
 that it was the position which this Government had always main- 
 tained. He thus adroitly not only satisfied the demand made by the 
 British Government, but put that Government in the wrong, in the 
 claim whi<h it had maintained for sixty years, of the right of search 
 and seizure on the high seas, a claim, whi<'h more than any other 
 single thing had led to the War of 1812. 
 
 n 
 
Nebraska to 
 y piU'lM)8e8; 
 i>r the estab- 
 Departnient 
 roviding fop 
 are clearly 
 fill roads and 
 ig the Coolie 
 ity of (}reat 
 Virginia as 
 nd Arizona; 
 tage; anthor- 
 it of habeas 
 lands for a 
 her Western 
 tuous liquors 
 m; providing 
 ftu to execute 
 ing the scope 
 le lakes; pro- 
 States and 
 ss and estab- 
 ,d abandoned 
 
 'oreign power 
 itish steamer 
 ommissioners 
 his a prompt 
 the prisoners 
 etary Seward 
 the advanced 
 I, and stating 
 always main- 
 i made by the 
 wrong, in the 
 ight of search 
 an any other 
 
 .,■' "■ XI. 
 
 ' PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 
 
 flis Own Attitude Toward the Question— Elements of Hostility to 
 Him— The Pomeroy Circular and the (^hase Movement— The 
 Union Republican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont- A 
 Feeler Put Out for General Grant— The Baltimore Convention- 
 Lincoln Renominated by Acclamation on a Strong Platform- 
 He Secures the Nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-Pres- 
 ident. ' 
 
 In the minds of "the plain people" Mr. Lincoln occupied a far 
 different position in 1864 from that which he held when they expressed 
 their want of confidence in his Administration at the elections in 18(»2. 
 In that year the- Union armies had suffered almost continuous defeat. 
 In 1864 they bad gained many notable victories, and although the full 
 significance of Grant's strategy was not understood at the time, there 
 was a quite general confidence that our armies were on the road to 
 ultimate if not speedy success. In 1862 there was great dissatisfac- 
 tion at what was considered lancoln's dilatory and uncertain treat- 
 ment of the slavery question. Now it was seen that his course had 
 been eminently sagaciaus and prudent. He had secured ultimate 
 emancipation, without driving off the border states. 
 
 The diplomatic affairs of the country, in two or three cases of a 
 very delicate nature, had been admirably handled, and not only foreign 
 intervention, but foreign recognition of the Confederacy had been 
 avoided, and the belief in Mr. Lincoln's sagacity, patriotism, and sin- 
 cere and unselfish devotion to the Union had become almost universal. 
 
 Of his own attitude toward a renomiuation, an interesting glimpse 
 is given in an article written by J. M. Winchell for the Galaxy four or 
 five years after the war. Mr. Winchell had, on previous occasions, 
 had two long interviews with Mr. Lincoln on public affairs, and in the 
 spring of 1864 went to see him about a personal matter, connected 
 with the coming campaign. He wrote in his account of the inter 
 view: 
 
 !i«tll 
 
B^ in 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Mr. Lirn'oln received me, as ever, kindly and courteously; but his 
 manner was quite changi'd. It was not now the country about which 
 his anxiety prevailed, but himself. There was an embarrassment 
 about him which he could not quite conceal. I thought it proper to 
 state in the outset that I wished simply to know whatever he was free 
 to tell me in regard to his own willingness or unwillingness to accept 
 a renominntion, and also as to the extent to which a Senator who had 
 referred me to him, was aufliorized to speak for him. The reply was 
 a monologue of an hour's duration, and one that wholly absorbed me, 
 as it seemed to absorb himself. There was very little for me to say, 
 and I was only too willing to listen. 
 
 He remained seated nearly all the time. He was restless, often 
 changing position, and occasionally, in some intense moment, wheel- 
 ing his body around in his chair, and throwing a leg over the arm. 
 This was the only r^otesque thing I recollect about him; his voice and 
 manner were very earnest, and he uttered no jokes, and told no anec- 
 dotes. 
 
 He began by saying that, as yet, he was not a candidate for renom- 
 inntion. He distinctly denied that he was a party to any effort to 
 that end, notwithstanding I knew that there were movements in his 
 favor in all parts of the Northern states. These movements were, of 
 course, without his prompting, as he positively assured me that, with 
 one or two exceptions, he had scarcely conversed on the subject with 
 his most intimate friends. He was not quite sure whether he desired 
 a renomination. Such had been the responsibility of the oflBcc — so 
 oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its perplexities — that he 
 felt as though fhe moment when he could relinquish the burden and 
 retire to private life would be the sweetest he could possibly experi- 
 ence. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-election would also 
 have its gratification to his feelings. He did not seek it, nor would 
 he do so; he did not desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose; but, 
 after the crisis the country was passing through under his presidency, 
 and the efforts he had made conscientiously to discharge the duties 
 imposed upon him, it would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to 
 know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citizens, and 
 earned the highest testimonial of confidence they could bestow. 
 
 This was the gist of the hour's monologue; and I believe he spoke 
 sincerely. His voice, his manner, armed his modest and sensible 
 words with a power of conviction. He seldom looked me in the face 
 while ho was talking; he seemed almost to be gazing into the future. 
 I am sure it was not a pleasant thing for him to seem to be speaking 
 in his own interest. 
 
 But whatever Mr. Lincoln's mental attitude was at that time, he 
 was, before the Convention met, an avowed candidate for the Presi- 
 dency, and it became known to many of his intimate friends that he 
 desired also to name the candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 
 
 f P-- pi 
 
 ■HM 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 
 
 141 
 
 ily; but his \ 
 bout which 
 irrassment 
 t proper to 
 de was free 
 IB to accept 
 or who had 
 ? reply was 
 sorbed me, 
 me to say, 
 
 tless, often 
 lent, wheel- 
 >r the arm. 
 is voice and 
 (Id no anec- 
 
 J for renora- 
 oy effort to 
 lents in his 
 ats were, of 
 B that, with 
 ubject with 
 r he desired 
 le office — so 
 ies — that he 
 burden and 
 libly experi- 
 
 would also 
 , nor would 
 urpose; but, 
 
 presidency, 
 i the duties 
 1 to him to 
 'itizens, and 
 jstow. 
 
 jve he spoke 
 ind sensible 
 s in the face 
 ) the future, 
 be speaking 
 
 hat time, he 
 )r the Presi- 
 ?nds that he 
 
 icy. 
 
 While the people were generally for him, many of the politicians, 
 either through personal ambition, or on account of fancied personal 
 slights, or from a belief that a change would be better for the country, 
 were oppostid to him. Horace Greeley, who had been, alternately, 
 an impertinent adviser and a captious critic, was working as hard 
 against Lincoln now as he was against Seward in 1860, but his utter- 
 ances, p.nd those of his paper, had ceased to have great weight. An 
 exhibition of hostility that at first appeared more formidable, was the 
 "Pomeroy Circular," which was issued in February in the interest of 
 Secretary Chase, who . >, . 
 
 had, ever since 1860, .. 
 cherished the ambition 
 of being Mr. Lincoln's 
 
 successor. The circu- 
 lar is said to have been 
 written by J. M. Win- 
 
 chell, who sought the 
 
 interview with Lincoln, 
 
 from which an extract 
 
 is given above, but it 
 
 was signed by Senator 
 
 Samuel C. Pomeroy, of 
 
 Kansas, as Secretary of 
 
 a secretly organized 
 
 committee of Mr. 
 
 Chase's friends. The 
 
 circular accused the 
 
 friends of President 
 
 Lincoln of using party 
 
 and the machinery of 
 
 official influence t o 
 
 ^^^^.. 
 
 '.ip^P^ 
 
 QAMUEI^ C. POMEROY. 
 
 secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, and it was 
 asserted that "those who conscientiously bt.'ieve that the interests 
 of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor and 
 purity and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the 
 people, before it is too late to secure a fair discussion of principles." 
 It called for "counteractior on the part of those un<onditional friends 
 of the rnion who differ from the policy of the Administration, and 
 ended with five conclusions, of which the first four were as follows: 
 
 I 
 
 fA 
 
 ilM 
 
'?-f*».-Vf •■ ■ tw>r- 
 
 -f^^ttri,^^^ 
 
 
 *«-t«>uaiL. y«.«» lAL..'.- --rfi-if' 
 
 FA s; 
 
 
 142 
 
 IlISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 .^ 
 
 1. Even wi'i'o tin* n'-elt*ftion of Mr. Lincoln desiruble, it \» pnu'- 
 tically iinpoHsible aguinst tlie union of forceg that will oppose him. 
 
 2. Shonid he be re-elected, hiu nianifeHt tendency toward coni- 
 pronuHOH and temporary expedients of policy, will become 8tronn<'r 
 dnriuf; a pecond term than it has been in the first, and the cause of 
 human liberty, and the dignity of the Nation will suffer proportion- 
 ately, while the war may continue to languish during his whole 
 Adniinistrallon, till the public d<'bt shall become a burden too great 
 to be borne. 
 
 3. The patronage of the Oovernment, through the necessities of 
 the war, has been so rapidly increased, and to such an enormous 
 extent, and so loosely placed, as to render the application of the <me- 
 term i>rinciple absolutely essential to the certain safety of our Re- 
 publican institutions. 
 
 4. We And in the Hon. Halmon P. Chase more of the qualities 
 needed in a President, during the next four years, than are combined 
 iu any other available candidate. His record is clear and unim- 
 peachable, showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, and an 
 administrator of the highest order, while his private character fur- 
 nishes the surest available guarantee of economy and purity in the 
 management of pqblie affairs. 
 
 The fifth conclusion declares that "the discussion of the Presi- 
 dential (]uestions, already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln, 
 has developed a popuJarity and strength in Mr. Chase, unexpected 
 even to his warmest admirers, and while its strength is at present 
 unorganized, and in no condition to manifest its real magnitude, it 
 only needs a systematic and faithful effort to develop it to an extent 
 sufficient to overcome all opiMsing obstacles." It was further stated 
 that a central organization had been perfected, and persons in sym- 
 pathy with the movement were invited to correspond with the com- 
 mittee wiih a view to forming State organizations. 
 
 Mr. Chase was shamed and mortified at the publication of this 
 circular. He had been in active correspondence in promoting his own 
 candidacy, and had expressed some of the sentiments contained in 
 the circular, but the expression had been in choicer language. 
 This coarse and brutal assault upon the Administration in behalf of 
 one of its members was not what he at all approved. In a letter to 
 (lovernor Sprague, of Rhode Island, he had expressed doubts as to the 
 expediency of electing any one to the I'residency a second time, and 
 had intimated his willingness to be a candidate, but had also said 
 
 mm 
 
 a;. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 
 
 14:5 
 
 it Ih prac- 
 use him. 
 wurd coiii- 
 e stronger 
 ic <*uuHe uf 
 [iroportioii- 
 his whole 
 too great 
 
 eHHitieg of 
 1 enoriiioufl 
 of the one- 
 of onr Re- 
 
 le qualities 
 e combined 
 and unim- 
 ity, and an 
 aracter fur- 
 iirity in the 
 
 f the IM-esi- 
 Mr. Lincoln, 
 unex])ected 
 » at present 
 agnitude, it 
 to an extent 
 rther stated 
 ions in sym- 
 th the com- 
 
 tion of this 
 ting his own 
 •ontained in 
 r language, 
 in behalf of 
 a a letter to 
 bts as to the 
 id time, and 
 id also said 
 
 that ln' would not permit himself to be driven 'nto an.v hostile or 
 unfriendly ])osition as to Mr. Lincoln. This circular )>laced him in 
 the attitude which he hud sought to avoid; a»'.tl he at once wrote to 
 the President disavowing the document «!»d adding: "For yourself 
 I cherish sincere respect and esteem, and, permit me to add, affection. 
 Differences of opinion as to Administravive action have not changed 
 these sentiments; nor have they been changed by assaults ui)on me by 
 persons who profess themselves the sjjec'al representatives of yoiir 
 vi<'ws and policy. You are not respcmsibJe for acts not your (»v/n; 
 nor will you hold me responsible, excei>t for what I do or say myself." 
 Mr. Chase had hoped to have the endorsement of liis own State as the 
 initial movement of his active campaign, but February 25, lS(i4. the 
 Ijegislature of Ohio adopted resolutions favoring L:n(;olu's renoniiua- 
 tion, and Mr. Chase withdrew as a candidate. . ' > 
 
 What at first appeared to be a more formidable movement was 
 made by the "F''^nion Republican I'arty," which, under calls from three 
 separate organizations, met at Cleveland, May 31, with abcmt 15(1 dele- 
 gates, representing fifteen states and the District of Columbia. 
 (Jeneral J<ihn Cochrane, of New York, presided over the Convention 
 which adopted a platform of thirteen brief planks, among which were 
 the following: Declaring that the Rebellion must be put down by 
 force of arms and without compromise; that the rights of free speoch, 
 free press and habeas corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where 
 martial law has been proclaimed; that the Rebellion has destroyed 
 slavery, and that the Constitution should be so amended as to pro- 
 hibit its re-establishment; that the right of asylum, except for crime 
 and subject to the law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; 
 that the Monroe doctrine must be nmintained; that the one-term 
 policy for the Presidency should be nmintained by Constitutional 
 amendment; that the President and Vice-President should be elected 
 by a direct vote of the people; that the reconstruction of the rebellious 
 states belongs to Congress, and not to the Executive; and that the 
 confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among 
 the soldiers and settlers, is a measure of justice. 
 
 The Convention nominated General John C. Fremont for Preni- 
 dent by acclamation and General John (^ochrane for Vice-President, 
 and named the new organization the Radical Democracy. General 
 Fremont's letter of acceptance made a bitter attack upon Mr. Lincoln 
 for unfaithfulness to the principles which he was elected to defend, 
 upon his Administration foF incapacity and selfishness, and for ''its 
 
 m 
 
 ■T W u » m » !B W i . lil M i i i J i 
 
I 
 
 m 
 
 i '\ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REITHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 diHrcjinrrr of ConMtitntional ri^litfi, its violation of pergonal liborty 
 and tlu> lil>(>rt,v of tlie presM, and, aei a crowning glianus i(8 abandon- 
 ment of tlie rij^lit of asylum, dear to all free nations abroad." He 
 approved the platform, with the exception of the conflBeation plank. 
 He intimated that if the Re]Hibli('an (Convention nominated anyone 
 except liiiK'oln, he would not stand in the way of a union of all upon 
 that nominee, but added: "If Mr. Lincoln be renominated, as I 
 believe it would be fatal to the country to indorse a policy and renew 
 a power whi<'h has cost us the lives of thousands of men, and netnl- 
 
 lessly put the country 
 on the road to bank- 
 ruptcy, there will pe- 
 nmin no alternative but 
 to organize against him 
 every element of con- 
 scientious opposition, 
 with the view to pre- 
 vent the misfortune of 
 his re-election." The 
 Radical Democracy 
 made no headway at all 
 in the East, and but lit- 
 tle in the West. The 
 magic of Fremont's 
 name was gone. After 
 the Democratic Con- 
 vention had been held, 
 and McClellan had been 
 nominated on a peace 
 p 1 a t f o rm. Fremont's 
 QEN. u. 8. GRANT. patriotism and Repub- 
 
 licanism induced him to withdraw from the contest, and urge his sup- 
 porters to vote for Lincoln. 
 
 Later on a meeting was called in New York, ostensibly to express 
 the gratitude of the nation to General Grant and the soldiers under 
 his command for their labors and successes. The real purpose of the 
 meeting was to take the initial step toward bringing him forward as 
 a Presidential candidate. Mr. Lincoln was invited to attend, and in 
 his reply, stating that it would be impossible for him to do so, he said : 
 "I approve, nevertheless, of whatever may tend to strengthen and 
 
 Wk iK. 
 
 ^, 
 
 warn 
 
 V 
 
 • "^ 
 
 m 
 
im 
 
 PRKHIDKNT LI\rOL\'H HKNOMIXATION. 
 
 un 
 
 nnal liboi-ly 
 is nbunclon- 
 roud." He 
 ation plank, 
 ited anyone 
 of all upon 
 nated, as I 
 y and renew 
 n, and netnl- 
 the country 
 id to bank- 
 K*re will re- 
 ernative but 
 against him 
 ent of con- 
 opposition, 
 I'iew to pre- 
 lisfortune of 
 ;tion." The 
 Democracy 
 ad way at all 
 i, and but lit- 
 West. The 
 Fremont's 
 gone. After 
 jcratic Con- 
 id been held, 
 I Ian had been 
 1 on a peace 
 m. Fremont's 
 1 and Bepub- 
 urge his sup- 
 
 ily to express 
 )ldiers under 
 urpose of the 
 n forward as 
 ttend, and in 
 [) so, he said: 
 ■engthen and 
 
 HiiHtain (lener.'il (irant, and the noble nrniicH now under IiIh direction. 
 My previous liigli cHliniale of Ueneral (ii-aiit lian be(>n inaintiiined and 
 heightened bv what Iuih occurred in the remarkable campaign lu' is 
 now conducting, while the magnitude and ditticuity of the tuHk before 
 him does not prove less than I exp(><-ted. lie and his brave soldiers 
 are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust that, at your 
 meeting, you will so shape your good w<»rdH that they may turn to 
 men and guiiH. moving to his and their support." Subsei|uently <}en 
 erul (h'ant, in a letter to a personal friend, |)eremptorily refused to 
 allow himself to be .; r ,, . 
 
 considered as a candi- -*^. .j, 
 
 date, and reiterated, in 
 1«. effect, the rresident's 
 appeal for aid and sup- 
 port. The etfect of the 
 two letters was to take 
 Grant entirely out of 
 the field as a candi- 
 date, and stimulate ef- 
 forts to fill up the 
 ranks of the Army. 
 
 The way was entirely 
 <'lear for Lincoln, when 
 the Union and Republi- 
 can Convention met at 
 Baltimore on the 7th of 
 June. It was strong 
 in its personnel. There 
 were no less than 
 eleven who, either be- 
 fore or after that time, henry j. Raymond. 
 were governors of their states, including John A. Andrew 
 and Alexander H. ItuUock, of Massachusetts; Lot M. Morrill, 
 of Maine; Horace Fairbanks, of Vermont; Joseph R. Haw- 
 ley, of Connecticut; William A. Newell and Marcus L. Ward, of New 
 Jersey; William Dennison and David Tod, of Ohio; Austin Blair, of 
 Michigan, and A. W. Randall, of Wis(>onsin. Of those who were then 
 or afterwards noted in the Cabinet, Henate or House there were Solo- 
 mon Foote, of Vermont; Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut; Preston 
 King and l<>llis H. Roberts, of New York; Himon Cameron, Thaddeiis 
 
 ~ 
 
 mr-^ 
 
 i 
 
 J^ 
 
 >!'4j?-.j)!*' 
 

 
 vrnm 
 
 14G 
 
 HIHTOKY OFTHK UKlMHMrAN I'AKTV 
 
 Htevens, Andn'w II. U«'«'(1»m- and (iahiMliu A. Orow, of l'i>iiiiM,vlvaiiiH; 
 John A. .). CrcHwcll, of Maryland; rolnnihiiH l)«>lano, David KilKore 
 and William H. I'lmon, of Ohio; <}. W. McCi-ary, of Iowa; JanicH II. 
 Lane, of Kanxati; An^uK Cann'ron, John F. Potter and Philetiis 
 Haw.vcr, of WiHconHin. The Michigan delegation t-onHiMted of AuHtin 
 Blair, Marnh (}iddinK«, Neil (>ra,v and Charlen W. riiMbee, at lar^e, 
 with the following from the Heveral diHtrictM: (1) Herman Kiefer, 
 William K. NoyeB; (2) L. V. Alexander, J. H. KeUey; (li) CharleH T. 
 Oorhanr, Kdwin Lawrence; (4j OHniund Tower, VV. I. ('amwell; (B) 
 diaries Draper, Oniur D. Conner; («) J. H. Walker, 11, Sheldon. 
 
 Robert J. Breckinridge, the "Old War Horse of Kentu<-ky," was 
 temjiorar^' Chainaan, and Oovernor William Dennison, of Ohio, was 
 permanent Chairman, The Mitiiigan memherM of the various coni- 
 niittees were* Credentials, Marsh Oiddin^H; Permanent Organiza- 
 tion, Edwin Lawrence; ResolutioiiH, Omar D. Conger; Vice-President, 
 Charles T. Oorham; Kecretar.v, William H. Noyes; Chairman of the 
 Delegation, Austin Blair. 
 
 The first day and a half were almost entirely occupied with the 
 routine proceedings of organization, and the settling of contested 
 seats from the border states. These being disposed of, the Commit- , 
 tee on R(>8olutlon8 reported a platform, which it is understood was 
 written by Henry J, Raymond, Chairman of the Committee, The 
 first signs of enthusiasm or even of great interest in the Convention, 
 appeared during the reading of these resolutions, every one of which 
 was received with applause, in some cases vociferous and long-con- 
 tinned. The writer of the platform was given the unusual compli- 
 ment of having liis production adopted by acclamation, without 
 amendment and without a word of discussion. The declaration was, 
 in full, as follows: 
 
 RESOLVED, That it is the highest duty of every American 
 citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the 
 Union and the paramount authority of the (constitution and Laws of 
 the United States, and that laying aside all dilTerences and political 
 opinions we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common 
 sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our 
 power to aid the government in quelling, by force of arms, the 
 rebellion now raging against its untliority, and in bringing to the 
 punishment due to their crimes the reliels and traitors arrayed 
 against it. 
 
 RESOLVEIJ, That we approve the determination of the Govern- 
 ment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer 
 any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an uncondi- 
 
mum 
 
 I'UEHIDKM LINCOLNH UKXOMINATION. 
 
 147 
 
 iiuM.vlvuiiia; 
 vid Kil^ore 
 t; JiiiueM H. ' 
 id miilutiifl 
 d of AiiMtin 
 '«', ut larK«s 
 man KloftT, 
 I CharU'H T. 
 ininwell; (5) 
 Idoii. 
 
 tiuky," wa8 
 >f Ohio, waH 
 rarioim coni- 
 it Organixa- 
 •e-Presidt'iit, 
 riiian of tin* 
 
 led with th»' 
 )f t'oiitested 
 the Coiuinit 
 lerstood was 
 littee. Tlie 
 ■ Oonvention, 
 one of whifh 
 nd iong-con - 
 isual compli- 
 tion, without 
 laration was, 
 
 ■ry American 
 »grity of the 
 and Laws of 
 and political 
 by a common 
 *'thing in our 
 of arms, the 
 inging to the 
 itors arrayed 
 
 ►f the Govern- 
 Is, or to offer 
 a an uncondi- 
 
 tional surrender of their hostility, and return to tlieir first allegiance 
 to the Constitution and Laws of the I'nited Htates, and that we call 
 upon the (lovernnient to uuiintain this p<»sitU)n, and to prosecute the 
 war with the utmost possible vigor to the <'omplete su}>preHsion of the 
 rebellh)n. In full relian<e upon the selfsacritices, the patriotism, heroic 
 valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the country 
 and its free instituthms. 
 
 HKHOLVKP, That as slavery was the cause and now «<mstltute8 
 the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and every- 
 where, hostile to the priuiiple of ••epublican gove nment, justice and 
 the Natiimal safety denmnd its utter and loniplete extirpation from 
 the soil of the Kepublic; and that we uphold and nuiintain the acts 
 and proclamations by which the Government, in Its own defense, has 
 aimed a death blow'at the gigantic evil. We are In favor further- 
 more of such amendment to the Constitution to be nmde by the iieople, 
 in conformity with Its luovisions. as shall terminate and forever pro- 
 hibit the existence of siavery within the limits or jurisdiction of the 
 United states. 
 
 RESOLVED, That the t'.anks of the American people are due to 
 the soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy who have periled their 
 lives in defense of their country and in vlndi<ation of the 
 honor of the flag; that the nation owes to them some ikm'- 
 manent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and 
 ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors 
 who liave recently received disabling and honorable wounds in the 
 service of the country, and that the memory of those who had fallen 
 in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance. 
 
 RESOLVED, That we approve and applaud the practical 
 wisdom, the unseltlsh patriotism, and unswerving lldelity to the Con- 
 stitution and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham 
 Lincoln has discharged, under circumstancesof unparalleled difficulty, 
 the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that we 
 approve and endorse as demanded by the emergency, and essential 
 to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the Constitution, the 
 measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the Nation against 
 its open and secret foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation 
 of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men here- 
 tofore held in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his deter- 
 mination to carry tliese and all other Constitutional measures, essen- 
 tial to the salvation of the country-, into full and complete effect. 
 
 RESOLVED, That we deem it essential to the general welfare 
 that harmony should prevail in the National councils, and we regard 
 as worthy of public confidence and official trust, those only who cor- 
 dially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and 
 which should characterize the administration of the Government, 
 
 RESOLVED, That the Government owes to all men employed 
 in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protec- 
 
 mmm 
 
^ ' 
 
 ■ . • * 
 
 14S 
 
 IlIHTOUV or THK UKIM'MI.K AN I'AHTV 
 
 tion of the lawM of war, and tliat any violntiitii of tlit-Hc lawH, or of tlic 
 iiHap:<'H of civilixi'd nalioiix in tli4> Uni<' of war hy tli«' r«'lH*lH now in 
 arniH, Hliould Ix* nia<l«> lli«- huI)J<m-I of full and prompt n>dr<'HH. 
 
 KF^SOliVKI). TInit tli«' for«'i({n rniiKi-ation, wliii-li in tlic pant 
 luiri add<'d ho niurli to I lit* wi'aitli and dfv«>lopni<'nt of rcHoun-oH and 
 inrrcaHc of power to tiiin Nation — tlic aHvliiui of I la* oppn-HHcd «)f all 
 nafionH — Htiould la* foHtercd and )>nroiMap><l liy a wiH(> and JuHt poliry. 
 
 UKKOrA'EI*. Tlnit we ar«' in favor of tin* Mpt'ody ronMtruction of 
 the railroad to the I'arillc. 
 
 KKHOLVKn, That the Nati(»nal faith pIcd^^Ml for rcdenipticMi of 
 thi> National dcitt niUHt Ih' kept inviolate, and that for tliiH pnrpoHe we 
 rtM-ounnend ceononi.v and r'm'u\ i'es|ionHil>ility in the publie expendi- 
 ture, and a vif;orouH and juHt HVHleni of taxatiin; and that it Ih the 
 dut.v of every loyal State lo HUHtain tla- credit and promote the urn* of 
 the National nirn'ney. 
 
 UKKOliN'KI), Tliat we approve (lie ponition taken liy the (iov- 
 ernnient, that the people (»f the I'nit) •! StateH can nev(>r regard with 
 indifference the attempt of any Knrop^'an power to overthrow by 
 force, or to HUpplant by fraud, the inHtitntion of tiny republican gov- 
 «'rnuient on the WeHlern Continent, and tiiat w<* view with jjreait 
 jealouHy uh menacing to the ]»eace and independence of thiH, our 
 country, the etTortH ef any hucIi ])ower to «ditain new foothoIdH for 
 nionarchial (rovernnientH, HUHtained by a forei);n military forces in 
 near proximity to the I'nited Staten. 
 
 The nomination for I'r«'Hident waw attended with but little excite- 
 ment, an it waH n for(>}rone concluHion. A motion of Himon Cameron's 
 that Abralutm Lincoln be renominated for I'reHident, and Hannilail 
 tlumlin for Vice-1'reKident. by acclauuilion, waH ipiietly tabled. A 
 motion that Mr. Lincoln be renominated by acclamation was objected 
 to, on the )rround that it had too much the ap](earance of ruHhin^; the 
 nomination through, without Kiving opportunity for individual <-hoice, 
 and it was therefore ordered that the roll of Htaten be called. This 
 was done without <'xcitenient, and with but very few remarks in 
 announcing the votes of the states. The rewult was 4^4 votes for 
 Abraham Lincoln and 22 for Tlysses H. Grant, the latter being the 
 instrueted vote of the Missouri delegation. Mr. Hume, of Missouri, 
 then announced that the delegation from «hat state changed their 
 vote to Lincoln. The Secretaries announced that the vote was unani- 
 mous, 506 votes for Abraham Lincoln, and the Convention received 
 the announcement with vociferous a]>plaHse, as the band struck up 
 "Yankee Doodle" and "Hail Columbia." 
 
 The nomination for Vice-l'resident was attended with much more 
 interest. Vice-President Hamlin had not been counted among Mr. 
 Lincoln's earnest supporters, and the relations between them were 
 
 '■ ,..'.»' 
 
 
 % '■■ 
 
■ jtjWl| i Wll lM<r<<iW''yy'!%| ; 
 
 WH, or of the 
 Im'Ih now ill 
 
 IM'HH. 
 
 in tli(> piiHl 
 >Hoiir(-<>H ninl 
 fcHHcd of all 
 1 jllHt |»olifV. 
 iHlriM-tioii of 
 
 'dcinittioii of 
 n |nir|iom' we 
 l)lir oxjH'iHli 
 hat it in the 
 itc th»' iiHt' of 
 
 bv tlie (Jov 
 ivpini with 
 »v<'i'thr(>w b.v 
 iniblitaii >i;ov- 
 V with jciH'at 
 of lliiH, (Mil- 
 foot holds for 
 ary foicc. in 
 
 t little excite- 
 on Caiiieron'H 
 uid Hannibal 
 y tabled. A 
 
 was objected 
 )f iiiHhiiiK the 
 ividnal choice, 
 called. ThiH 
 w remarks in 
 
 484 votes for 
 tter beinR the 
 e, of Missouri, 
 changed their 
 ote was unani- 
 ntion received 
 and struck up 
 
 ith much more 
 ted among Mr. 
 Jen them were 
 
 rUKHlPKNT MN< OIA'H UKNOMIN ATIUN. 
 
 \W 
 
 „..,„„., i„u,„ate. nor especialb .ndly. l^Kiden that. Mr. Liu ;. 
 
 , be..o, onvinced that it would b. good policy to nonnnate a U ar 
 
 ' „ ,,„ n,, the second ,.lacc o„ .he ti-Uet His first cln.ice w«- 
 
 •a lienjainin V. HutU... of MaHsachnnetts. but '»«'«'""• /"f ^.f 
 
 ...fused to be a .andidal. Me then began M^i-av to exert his inHu- 
 
 nc in favor of Andre. -M.hnson. ..f Tennessee. As things appeared 
 ., „hnson hadn.uH to reco.nn.end hi.n. and he had not yet 
 
 'xhibited those traits .hbh afterwards renden d him obnoxious to 
 the people of the North. Ho was of humble origin, and was indebted 
 
 to his wife f«»r the Hrst 
 
 rudiments of his boou 
 
 education, ^"t by the i^ 
 
 force and <">t«gy of bis 
 
 rhara<t<'r u. had risj'ii. 
 
 through vari<»ns posi 
 
 tlons. to that of I'nited 
 
 H t a t e s Henator, in 
 
 wlii<li posit i(ui he had 
 
 stood manfully for the 
 
 rni«m. though living in 
 
 a Htate that had seced- 
 ed. As Trovisi >nal 
 
 (lovernor of Tennessee. 
 
 he had shown boldness 
 
 and vigor. His assess- 
 ment of rich secession- 
 ists to support the des 
 
 titute families of ('on-« 
 
 federate soldiers, 
 
 though an arbitrary 
 
 act had a irrim justice . . 
 
 :;out it that J. approved by the people, whi^ his ^^^^ ^^^^ 
 
 „,ent of rebel svmpathizers in 18t}2:i, his ready acceptame of the 
 
 emancipation policy-these all tended to inspire Lincoln and the 
 
 Northern people generally with ccmtidence in liini. 
 
 With all these things in his favor, however, Lincoln well under- 
 stood that it would not answer for him to work openly against 
 Hamlin, nor to favor too strongly any candidate. He was a good 
 deal of a politician befor.- lie went to Washington, and associations 
 and antagonisms with such trained politi.ians as Seward, ( base and 
 
 ANDREW J UINSON. 
 
 •yi 
 
 .t 
 
 ■ W i W f MI 
 

 ■ 111 rri rm — ^ — 'I- •> It 
 
 IBO HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Cameron, had not dulled his polit'cal wits. He took his most inti- 
 mate political friends into his confidence, one at a time, without 
 telling one what he had said to another, but in each case urging the 
 advisability of Johnson's nomination. There was no organization 
 in Johnson's favor, no general conference in promotion of his candi 
 dacy, yet when the Convention met it liad come, somehow, to be well 
 understood that the President desired Johnson as his associate on 
 the ticket and it was this understanding that gave him the nomina- 
 tion. The ballot for a candidate for Vice-President, as first footed 
 mt, stood as follows: 
 
 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee 200 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine 150 
 
 Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York 108 
 
 Uenjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts 28 
 
 Lovel H. Rousseau, of Kentucky 21 
 
 Scattering among five candidates 12 
 
 Belore there was opportunity to announce the result different 
 states rapidly changed to Johnson, until his vote counted 494, to 17 
 for Dickinson, 9 for Haro'in, and 1 for David Tod, of Ohio. The 
 nomination was then made unanimous, a National Committee was 
 appointed, of which Marsh Giddings was the Michigan member, a 
 little routine business was transacted and the Convention adjourned. 
 Hamlin did not learn till quarter of a century afterwards that Lincoln 
 had secretly opposed his renomination. "I was really sorry to be 
 disabused." he said in 1889. 
 
 *■ l- 
 
 ii I 
 
 
 Hi 
 
'^ 
 
 m.08t inti- 
 le, without 
 urging the 
 cganization 
 P his candi- • 
 , to be well 
 ssodate on 
 he nomina- ; 
 first footed 
 
 200 
 
 150 
 
 108 
 
 28 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 lit different 
 i 494, to 17 
 jhio. The 
 imittee was 
 member, a 
 I adjourned, 
 that Lincoln 
 sorry to be 
 
 .• , XII. 
 
 ' THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAKIN. 
 
 •Changing Trospects of the Campaign-The Denuxrats Cxive the Re- 
 publicans Valuable Aid-They Put a War General on a Peace 
 Platform— The War-is-a-Failure Utterance Reacts Against Them 
 -Union Victories Help the Republican Cause-McClellan Virtu- 
 allv Repudiates the Platform, and This (^auses Great 
 Dissatisfaction-Vallandigham, and His <^,rievances-Peace 
 Negotiations-The September and October Elections Favorable— 
 A Sweeping Republican Triumph. 
 
 The prospect of Republican success fluctuated with the varying 
 fortunes of war. Grant had lost the battle of Cold Harbor a short 
 time before the Baltimore Convention was held, but the full effects 
 of that disaster were not yet felt, and the prospei.ts were considered 
 good. But the heavv losses in that battle, .8 they were afterwards 
 reported; the prospect that it would lake many months of hard flght^ 
 ing before Lee's army could be fontd to surrender; the failure of 
 Sheridan to unite with Hunter in I^e's rear; Hunter's failure to 
 capture Lvnchburg and hisdisastrous retreat; Early's bolddash across 
 the Potomac; the burning of (^hambersburg; the mine explosion at 
 Petersburg, and demonstrations near Washington and Baltimore— 
 these, following each other in quick succession, served to demoralize 
 the Republicans, and to produce a feeling of deep despondency. 
 
 The Democrats, however, gave them great encouragement by 
 their action at the National Convention held in Chicago, August 29. 
 The make-up of the Convention was such as to lepel any Peace Repub 
 licans who might be inclined to bolt the Lincoln ticket. It contained, 
 among others, William W. Eaton, of Conne.jticut, who said in 1881: 
 "If the Massachusetts troops attempt to cross the sacred scil of Con- 
 necticut, to coerce our Southern brethren, they will go over my dead 
 bodv " but his body wasn't there when the Massachusetts regiments 
 passed through Hartford. It included Governor Horatio Seymour 
 who during the draft riots in New York (^ity in Vm, had addressed 
 the rioters as "mv friends," and who, instead of using his authority 
 
 ..,**i) 
 
 .J 
 
 %■ 
 
f ■ 
 
 I-' 
 
 %m. 
 
 If-; .11 il! 
 
 ■ II 
 
 152 
 
 HIHTOKY OF THE REl'l BLICAN PARTY. 
 
 to (luell tlH' riots, wliicli raged with destruftive force for four days, 
 promised the rioters that he would endeavor to have the draft sus- 
 pended. It int-luded William Wallace, of Pennsylvania, whose con- 
 nection with the cofl'ee-stained and fraudulent naturalization papers, 
 which gave the State to the Democrats in October, 1856, had earned 
 him the name of "Coffee-jiot Wallace." It contained Clement L. 
 Vallandigham, of Ohio, who had been tried for treasonable utter- 
 ances, and sent within the rebel lines; and it included Joseph E. 
 McDonald, of Indiana, who was likely to profit by the work of the 
 secret and disloyal order of ''Knights of the Golden (Mrcle," even if 
 he had no connection with this treasonable set. 
 
 Horatio Seymour, the i)ermanent President of the Convention, 
 put the whole resjionsibiiity of the war upon the North, ignoring the 
 acts of aggression on the part of the South. "Four years ago," he 
 said, "a Convention met in this City when our country was peaceful, 
 jirosperous and united. Its delegates did not mean to destroy our 
 (lovernment, to overwhelm us witli debt, nor to drench our land with 
 blood; but they were aniuuited by intolerance and fanaticism, and 
 blinded by an ignorance of the spirit of our institutions, the character 
 of ()ur people, and the condition of our land. They thought they 
 might safely indulge their passions, and they concluded to do so. 
 Their passions have wrought ojit their natural results. . . The 
 Administration will not let the shedding of blood cease, even for a 
 little time, to see if Christian charity, and the wisdom of statesman- 
 ship may not work out a method to save our country. Nay, more, 
 they will not listen to a pi-oposal of peace which does not offer that 
 which this (Jovernment has no right to ask." He closed with the 
 covert threat: "'Put for us. we are resolved that the party which has 
 made the history of our country since its advent to power seem like 
 some unnatural and terrible dream shall be overthrown. We htive 
 forborne much, because those who are now charged with the conduct 
 of public affairs know but little about the principles of our Govern- 
 ment." 
 
 Tlie platform adopted declared the devotion of the party to the 
 t'nion; arraigned the Administration for military interference with 
 the recent elections in Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, 
 "for the subversion of civil by military rule, in states n(>t in insurrec- 
 tion; for the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial and 
 sentence of American citizens in states where the civil law is in ''ull 
 force; the suppression of fn*edom of speech and the press; the denial 
 
 ■ .*r'»-\^; ".=:-.';: ■jr--''.- •*•■(:■. --■'■^7^-- .- ■ 
 
 I I 
 
 T'la.'-j* 
 
: .>,«. .«Mrw*llUiiE».n> 
 
 four days, 
 f draft 8U8- 
 whose con- 
 ion papers, 
 had earned 
 (Menient L. 
 lable utter- 
 Joseph E. 
 vork of the 
 le," even if 
 
 Convention, 
 fjnorin}? the 
 irs ago," he 
 as peaceful, 
 destroy our 
 ir land with 
 iticism, and 
 le character 
 liought they 
 d to do so. 
 . . The 
 , even for a 
 f statesman- 
 Nay, more, 
 [)t offer that 
 led with the 
 y which has 
 er seem like 
 We have 
 the conduct 
 our Govorn- 
 
 party to the 
 ference with 
 nd Missouri, 
 t in insurrec- 
 t, trial and 
 aw is in h\\\ 
 s; the denial 
 
 THE LINt'OLN AND JOHNSON CAMrAIGN. 153 
 
 of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State rights; 
 the employment of unusual test oaths, and the interference ith, and 
 denial of, the right of the people to bear arms in their defense. It 
 declared that all these were calculated "'to prevent a restoration of 
 the I'nion, and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just 
 powers from the (onsent of the governed." But the plank upon 
 which the campaign most largely turned, was the following: 
 
 RESOLVED, That this f'onvention does explicitly declare as 
 the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to 
 restore the T'nion by the experiment of war, during which, under the 
 pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Con- 
 stitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, 
 and public liberty and private right alik*' trodden down, and the 
 niaterial prosperity of the country essentially impaired; Jusiice, 
 Humanity, Liberty and the publi<' welfare demand that immediate 
 efforts be nuide for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to the ulti- 
 mate Convention of the states, or other pea<able means, to the end 
 that a* th" earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored »)n the 
 basis of the Federal Vnion of the States. 
 
 fJeorge B. McCleMan, of New Jersey, was nominated for Presi 
 dent, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The 
 nomination of (ieneral McClellan was unsatisfactory to a consider- 
 able minority in this Convention of peace-makers. He had arrested 
 the Maryland Legislature, when it was (m the point of passing an 
 ordinance of secession. A iiaryland delegate stood up in fhe Con- 
 vention, proclaimed McClellan a tyrant, and added: "All the charges 
 of usurpation and tyranny that can be brought against Lincoln and 
 Butler, can be made and substantiated against McClellan. He is the 
 assassin of stales rights, the usurper of liberty, and if nominated will 
 be beaten everywhere as he was at Antietam." 
 
 In view of McClellan's military career there was something of 
 grim satire in the declaration that the war was a failure, for although, 
 at one time he was the idol of the Army of the Potomac, and his mili- 
 tary failures had been condoned by the Democrats and many of the 
 Republicans, the fact had, by this time, been quite generally recog- 
 nized tliat he, more than anyone else, was responsible for the early 
 disasters to our armies in Virginia. With 200,000 of the best equipped, 
 and best drilled volunteei- soldiers ever put in the field, he had hesi- 
 tated, through all the i)leasant fall weather ()f 18«1, to attack an army, 
 never exceeding (50,00(», at his front. He had lone this in spite of 
 great urgency on the i>art of the President to advance. His men were 
 enthusiastic, and eager to tight, but his long delay had a depressing 
 
 ti u mmi- > ' i' "" - ^ 
 
 ijni«M.km.M ii ' n ',m i ,i'i l f. « » g 
 
■•'y-- 
 
 ■:',. 's^'^^^Z: 
 
 ■' •■' I . ''V 
 
 eil^t 
 
 154 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PABTY. 
 
 effect tipdn the troops. He finally sent them into winter quarters in 
 tents, on ihe plea that if they were allowed to build huts, it would 
 disclose to the enemy that they did not expect to < ommence operations 
 till spring. During the time that he was disregarding the President's 
 appeals to advance, he was sending to Washington impertinent letters 
 of advice in regard to political matters and the operations of the 
 armies in other parts of the country. 
 
 Still there were many who charged upon the Administration at 
 AVashington the resijonsibility of McClellan's defeats before Rich- 
 mond. The drawn bat- 
 tle of Antietam was 
 magnified into a great 
 victoi'y by his friends 
 and admirers, but dur- 
 ing the campaign the 
 fact jecame generally 
 known that after the 
 battle the President 
 visited McClellan in the 
 camp on the I'otomac, 
 and vainly urged him 
 to cross the river and 
 give the enemy battle, 
 leaving his tent early 
 in the morning with a 
 friend, Lincoln went to 
 an eminence that over- 
 looked the vast en- 
 campment. "Do you 
 know what that is?" he 
 asked, pointing to the 
 host that was encamped below them. "It is the Army of the Poto- 
 mac," was the answer. -'That is a mistake," Lincoln said. "It is 
 only MeClellan's body guard" While McClellan lay there Stuart, 
 with his cavalry, swept completely round the army, sacking toXvns and 
 villages on his march, without losing a man. 
 
 While the l»resident was chafing at McClellan's delay, McClellan 
 himself occupied a portion of his time in writing h'tters criticising the 
 Administratiim. In one of these he said: "The President's late 
 proclamation, and the continuation of Stanton and Halleck in office, 
 
 GEORGB B. McCLELLAN. 
 
 I i 
 
'■■" «iiii.iitrti35l|!":|'P- 
 
 THE LINC OLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAK'rN. 
 
 155 
 
 (juartei'8 in 
 t8, it would 
 e operations 
 > President's 
 inent letters 
 tions of the 
 
 iiistration at 
 before Rieh- 
 e drawn bat- 
 itietam was 
 into a great 
 his friends 
 ers, but dur- 
 impaign the 
 lie generally 
 at after the 
 e President 
 Clellan in the 
 the Potomac, 
 y urged him 
 :he river and 
 Miemy battle, 
 lis tent early 
 irning with a 
 Qooln went to 
 lee that over- 
 he vast en- 
 t. "Do you 
 t that is?" he 
 tinting to the 
 V of the Poto- 
 said. "It is 
 there Stuart, 
 ing towns and 
 
 lay, McClellan 
 critit'ising the 
 t-esideut's late 
 Llleck in office, 
 
 render it almost impossible for me to retain my commission and self- 
 respect at the same time." But he neither resigned nor attacked the 
 enemy, and the President removed him. He afterward took credit 
 to himself for not heading a mutiny of his troops, because of his 
 removal. "Many were In favor of my refusing to obey the order," 
 he wrote, "and of marching upon Washington to take possession of 
 the Government." He seeujs to have heard these counsels without 
 reouke, though he had not the courage to heed them. Although all 
 these facts were brougi.; out during the campaign they were not fully 
 known at the time of his removal, which had caused a storm of indig- 
 nation in the Peace Party. "This dismissal," Lord Lyons wrote to 
 his Government, "caused an irritation not unmixed with consterna- 
 tion and despondency. The General had been regarded as the 
 representative of conservative principles in the Army. Support of 
 him has been made one of the articles of the conservative electoral 
 platform." 
 
 "With reverses in the field, the cause is doubtful at the polls." 
 said President Lincoln. "With victory In the field the election will 
 take care of itself," and the tide began to turn at the very time the 
 Peace Convention was In session. Before it adjourned news of the 
 capture of Fort Morgan came. Shortly afterwards Intelligenc** was 
 received of Sherman's victory In the battle of Atlanta and his occupa- 
 tion of that City. 
 
 "Sherman and Farragut," Seward said In a speech at Auburn, 
 "have knocked the planks out of the Chicago platform." A few days 
 afterwards Sheridan commenced his brilliant dash through the Shen- 
 andoah Valley and thrilled the North with the victories at 
 Winchestc!- and Fisher's Hill. 
 
 With Farragut in control of Mobile Bay, with Sherman's plan of 
 nmrching from Atlanta through Georgia already known; with Sheri- 
 dan in full control of the "granary of Lee's army," and with Grant 
 constantly on the aggressive against Lee, McClellan set about the task 
 of writing his letter of acceptance. He < ould not well place himself 
 upon the platforin of the party that nominated him. He made a 
 cautious and guarded dissent from portions of that platform and in 
 opposition to lae most important part of it, declared himself in favor 
 of preserving the T'nion by a vigorous prosecution of the war, If 
 all the "resources of statesmanship," which should be first employed, 
 should prove inadequate. This declaration anger d the men who liad 
 given tone to the Chicago Convention, and who expLJted to control 
 
, i 
 
 lli 
 
 "*?! 
 
 \ 
 
 ■'"ilPl. 
 
 15(5 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ihe I'reBidtMit if j'lected. Mr. Yallaiidif{liuiu fairly representwl thi» 
 element when lie said: "The Chicajjo Convention enuneiated its 
 platform and principles by authority, and it is binding on every 
 Democrat, and by it the Democratic Administration must and should 
 be governed. It was Ihe only authorized exposition of the Democratic 
 creed, and all others shtMild be repudiated" 
 
 Neither did the declaration attract those conservative Republi- 
 cans whom it was hoped to draw t<» the support of the ticket, for they 
 recognized the fact tliat, with his riexible character, McClellan, if 
 
 elected, would certain- 
 i ly be dominated by the 
 
 , stronger men who con- 
 
 trolled the Convention. 
 McClellan was practi- 
 cally held to the plat- 
 form throughout the 
 i.!!iifli^^M^H^B^^^^^^^^Bi. campaign. 
 
 Vallandigham him- 
 self had as much rea- 
 son as anyone to as- 
 sent to that clauHe in 
 v'i a^^^^^^^^^^na^^^^^^^^B' the platform whicii de- 
 nounced what were 
 called "arbitrary ar- 
 rests." He was a 
 member of the Thirty- 
 seventh Congress from 
 Ohio. When secession 
 came he opposed coer- 
 cion, and was ceaseless 
 
 CLISMENT l. VALLANDIGHAM. Jq hlS CUdeaVOrS "tO 
 
 restore the Union through peace." He was violent in his language, 
 in (\)ngres8 and out of it. For "publicly expressed sympathy for 
 those in arms against the government of the United States, and 
 declared disloyal sentimental and opinions with the ouject and 
 purpose of weakening the power of the (.overnment in its efforts to 
 sui>press an unlawful rebellion," uttered in a speech at Mount 
 Verufm, Ohio. Vallandigham was arret.. -vl by order of Oenera. Uurn- 
 slde, in May, 18(53, tried by a military c;;mmis8ion, and sentenced to 
 confinement in Fort Warren, in lioston Harbor. President Lincoln 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 I ( 
 
 -,u . 
 
Beiited tliiH 
 noiated its 
 on every 
 and should 
 I )euunTatic 
 
 ve Kepubli- 
 let, for they 
 [oClellan, if 
 uld certain- 
 mted by the 
 en who con- 
 Convention, 
 was praoti- 
 to the plat- 
 ughout the 
 
 ghani hini- 
 8 much rea- 
 lyone to as- 
 lat clan8(' in 
 'n» whiiJi de- 
 what were 
 rbitrary ar- 
 He was a 
 f the Thirty- 
 ongress from 
 len secession 
 •pposed coer- 
 ivas ceaseless 
 ndeavors "to 
 bis language, 
 iympathy for 
 States, and 
 ouject and 
 its efforts to 
 h at Mount 
 lenera. Burn- 
 sentenced to 
 ident Lincoln 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAinX. 
 
 157 
 
 modified this sentence, and directed that he should be sent through 
 the military lines to the enemy. This action caused great excitement 
 and indignation among the Democrats, and at a meeting of that party 
 at Albany, over which Erastus Corning presided, this and other acts 
 of the Administration were denounced, iti the st'verest terms. To 
 these denunciations the President rci)lied in detail, the following 
 beinir part of his reply: ''One of the resolutions expresses the 
 opinion of the meeting that arbitrary airrests will have the effect to 
 divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the 
 rebellion; and I am 
 specifically called on to 
 discharge Mr. Vallan- 
 digham. T regard this 
 as at least, a fair appeal 
 to me on the expedi- 
 ency of exercising, a 
 Constitutional power 
 which, I think exists. 
 In response to such ap- 
 peal I have to ^ay it 
 gave me pain when T 
 learned that Mr. Val 
 landigham had been 
 arrested — that is I was 
 pained that there 
 should have seemed to 
 be a necessity for ar- 
 resting him — and that 
 it will afford me great 
 pleasure to discharge 
 him so soon as I can, 
 by any ntearis, believe the public safety will not suffer by it." 
 
 That same fall the Ohio Democracy nonunated the exile for Oov- 
 ernor. but he was beaten at the polls by more than 1(M),(M>0 nmjority. 
 Mr. Lincoln apparently judged that this repudiation of Vallandighani 
 by the people of his own state, had deprived him of his jmwer to 
 itiiperil the public safety, and released him. This case, and a number 
 of otliers, were much discussed by Democratic orators during the cam- 
 paign, but without great effect; for the jH-ople understood well enough 
 that war cannot be conducted without meiisures that would not be 
 admissible in time of peace. , 
 
 DAVID O. PARRAGUT. 
 
 '^iiwiiifrriffiiitr^ 
 
 ItiMMlHkMMMMHWNiii^^ 
 
158 
 
 HISTOKY OF THK KEPIJBLK'AN PARTY. 
 
 .. % 
 
 ' All interHHtinji cpiHodc of tliii* jxTiod, romiiii; lu*tw<'(Mi the War 
 TonvtMition at Tlaltiinoro and the Peace ronveiitioii at Chicago, whh 
 (h'eeU'.v's famous peace negotiatioiiH with eiuiHMarieH of the Rebel 
 (Jovernnienl. There were three of these tlien at Niagara Fallfi, 
 ('h>iu"T»t (\ Cla.v, <»f Ahibaina; I'rofesHor Hol<-oiiibe, of Virginia, and 
 (leorge N. SanderH. Their agent waH W. Cornell Jewett, an irreHjKMi- 
 sible and half craz.v adventurer. Th«'y did not attempt to communi- 
 cate directly with the (Jovernment, but opened negotiatiimH with Mr. 
 (Jreeley. The latter had, alinoHt from the beginning of the war, been 
 an offlciouH internieddler in war and (Jovernmental atfairn. His asso- 
 ciation witli Jewett liad some elements of the humorons and the 
 ridiculous, and could hardly have been expected to provoke any 
 serious results. Yet it led to a long correspondence and to consider- 
 able anxiety among the Republicans as to the immediate ])olitical 
 future. It opened with a letter from Jewett to Greeley, in which the 
 former said: "I am. authorized t<> state to you, .for our use only, not 
 for the public, that two ambassadors of Davis & <'o. are now in 
 Canada, witli full and complete powers for a peace, and Mr. Kanders 
 requests that you come on immediately to me at the Cataract House 
 to have a private interview. Or, if you will send the President's pro- 
 tection for him and two friends, they will c(»me on and meet you. He 
 says the whole matter could be consummated by me, you, them and 
 President Lincoln." 
 
 Mr. Greeley enclosed this letter to the President, together with a 
 long letter of his own, deploring the tvils of war, and suggesting 
 the following plan of adjustment: 
 
 1. The I'nion is restored and declared perpetual. - <•,• i^ 
 
 , , 2. Klavery is utterly and forever abolished throughout the same. 
 
 .*{. A complete amnesty for all political offenses, with a restora- 
 tion of all the inhabitants of each Htate to all the privileges of citizens 
 of the United States. 
 
 4. The Union to pay f4()(),000,000 in five per cent. United States 
 bonds to the late Slave States, loyal and secession alike, to be appor- 
 tioned, pro rata, according to their slave population respectively by 
 the census of 1860, in compensatio for the losses of their loyal citi- 
 zens by the aboliticm of slavery; each State to be entitled to its quota 
 upon the ratification, by its l^egislature, of this adjustment; the bonds 
 to beat the absolute disposal of the Legislature aforesaid. 
 
 5. The said Slave States to be entitled henceforth to representa- 
 tion in the House <m the basis of their total, instead of their Federal 
 population, the whole now being free. 
 
 I > 
 
 «.■ 
 
 'U- 
 
THE LIN(^OLN AND JOHNSON rAMl'AIGN. 
 
 159 
 
 Ml tlie War 
 
 iicago, WHH 
 
 the Reb«'l 
 
 jam PallH, 
 
 r^inia, and 
 
 ui iri'(*H|M»ii- 
 
 <) roiiiniiiiii- 
 
 iH witli Mr. 
 
 e war, been 
 
 FliH aHMo- 
 
 UH and the 
 
 >n»voke anv 
 
 to conwider- 
 
 ite political 
 
 n whi<'h the 
 
 He only, not 
 
 are now in 
 
 Mr. SanderK 
 
 aract HouBe 
 
 Hident'H i)ro- 
 
 'et yon. He 
 
 u, them and 
 
 ether with a 
 1 suggesting 
 
 ut the same. 
 \i\ a restorn- 
 's of citizens 
 
 nited States 
 to be appor- 
 pectively by 
 ii* loyal citi- 
 to its quota 
 it; the bonds 
 
 ) repT-eseuta- 
 heir Federal 
 
 6. A National Convention, to be assembled, as soon as may be, 
 to ratify this adjustment, and make sn<-h chanfjeH in the Constituticm 
 as may be deemed advisable. 
 
 To this the President replied as follows: "If you can find any 
 person anywliere professing to have any pro]K»sition of Jefferson 
 Davis, in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the I'liion 
 and abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him 
 he may come to me with you, and that if he really brings such propo- 
 sition he shall, at the least, have safe conduct with the paper, and 
 without publicity if he chooses, to the point where you shall have met 
 him, the same if there be two or more persons." 
 
 The correspondenj-e thus commenced la^^ted from. July 5 to July 
 21. It Anally transpired that the rebel emissaries had no authority 
 to make terms, and thr.t Mr. (Ireeley concealed from them the only 
 terms upon which the Tresident would consent to negotiate. The 
 latter, on the ISth of July, made these terms public in the following 
 statement, addressed "to whom it nmy concern" and delivered by his 
 private secretary directly to the rebel agents: "Any proposition 
 which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole 
 Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes, by and with 
 any authority, that can <-ontrol the arnues, now at war against the 
 United States, will be received and considered by the ExecutiA'e Gov- 
 ernment of the Unit»'i States, and will be met by liberal terms on sub- 
 stantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall 
 have safe conduct both ways." 
 
 ;« This was in entire agreement with Mr. Lincoln's first communica- 
 tion to Mr. Greeley. The latter, however, had not communicated its 
 contents to the agents, but had held out prospects of negotiations on 
 quite different terms. This was the first they had ever heard of any 
 conditions, and as they had been informed by Mr. Greeley that he had 
 , been instructed by the I'resident to tender to them safe conduct to 
 .^Washington, without any mention of conditions, they were taken 
 A'entirely by surprise. They thought they had been deceived by the 
 President, and closed the incident with an angry letter, in which they 
 praj'tically made that chaise. This letter was sent to Mr. Greeley, 
 and not to the President. This accusation of ill faith against Mr. 
 /Lincoln was made use of during the early stages of the campaign in 
 the North, and in the rebel states it was used as fresh proof of the 
 faithless character of the Federal Government, and of theimpossibility 
 of making iwaoe except by sucj-essful war. 
 
IFW"-"'' 
 
 
 
 IftO 
 
 HIHTOUYOFTHK KKIM MIJCAN I'AKTV. 
 
 Tli<» l*r<'Hid«'iit felt d«*«»i>ly the injuHllct' doiic to hiiiiHolf, hikI tlie 
 injury doiu* the coiintr.v b.v Mr. <}r«M»l(\v'H HUpprcHMion of <>HM«'iitial facln 
 in liiH intcrcoiirHc with tlic <-oiiiiiiiHHi(>iH>rH. lit- lhcr<>ror(> aHltcd Mr. 
 (h-ccic.v for ptM'iiiiHHioii to piibiiHh tlic whole corrcHpoiidoiu-e, oinittiriK 
 only eertain paHHa^eH not neeeHMarv (o a full underHtandinK of the 
 Hiibject. The nioHt inii>ortant of Inene waH the following, in Mr. 
 <h'<'eley'H letterof .InlyT, whieh the I'r* «i(lent thought would injure the 
 Union cauHe on account of the deHpondenc.v which it nhowed <-oncern- 
 in^ the ]>roHpectH of the country: "I venture to remind yon that our 
 bleedii.4, bankrupt, alni<iMt dyin){ country, longH fur (teuce, ahudderK 
 at the proHpeiit of fre8h couHcriptionH, of further wholeHale devasta- 
 tiouH and of new rivern of human blood. A wideHpread conviction 
 that the Government and itH |)rominent MU]>porterH are not anxiouH for 
 l»eace, and do not improve proffered o]>)iortunitieH, \h doinj; jjreat harm 
 now, and \» morally (ertaiu, uuR-hh removed, tu do far greater in the 
 approaching elei'tion." ; V' ^ ' ' ^ ■ ■•. . : 
 
 ' Mr. Greeley declined to give his couHent to the publication of the 
 corrcHpondence unleH8 these phraHes Hhould also be ]iubliHhed. The 
 President, accordingly, submitted in silence to the injustice which iiad 
 IxHMi done him, and the full facts were not known until the correspcmd- 
 ence was publishiU, a year later, in Henry «I. Raymond's "liife, Public 
 Service's and State Tapers of Abraham Lincoln." 
 
 This period was marked by 8<nne turmoil in the Cabinet. During 
 the discussion in regard to the correspondence, the President invited 
 Mr. (Jreeley to Washington, but (Jreeley declined to go on the ground 
 that Mr. Lincoln was surrounded by his "bitterest {lersonal enemies." 
 "I will gladly go,'' he said, "whenever I feel a hope that their influence 
 has waned." This evidently meant that Greeley wanted a promise 
 from the I'resident that Secretary Seward slionid be dismissed from 
 the Cabinet. But instead of being dismissed, Mr. Seward was, at 
 that time, probably, the most influential member of that body. The 
 tirst change that actually was made in the Cabinet was t)«e acceptance 
 of Mr. ('base's resignation as Secretary of the Treasury, tendered 
 because he insisted on nominating a candidate of his own as Assistant 
 Treasurer in New Vork. The other change in the Cabinet was the 
 removal of Postmaster General lilair, in <-ompliance with the demand 
 of tlie Haltimore platform and the pressure of prominent Republicans. 
 Mr. RIair was loyal to President Lincoln, and his support of the Eman- 
 cipation Proclamation was une<]uivocal; but he was an acrimonious 
 
 I I 
 
 ■sT! 
 
 31 I! 
 
TriK LINCOLN AND .lOIINHON ("AMTAKiN. 
 
 Ifil 
 
 cir, iiiid tlie 
 
 M'litiul factti 
 
 ' >iHk<>d Mr. 
 
 re, omitting 
 
 (linn "' ^''•' 
 
 iiiK. in Mr. 
 
 (1 iiijiin* th»* 
 
 V«'(l conctM'ii- 
 
 vou that our 
 
 e, abuddcrH 
 
 ale dovasta- 
 
 d ronvirtion 
 
 t anxioiiH foi 
 
 { (Treat harm 
 
 eater in the 
 
 cation of the 
 liHlied. The 
 ce wliicli liad 
 i» correBpcmd- 
 'Life, I'nblic; 
 
 net. Durinj? 
 udent invited 
 in the (rronnd 
 nal enemies." 
 heir influence 
 ed u promise 
 smissed from 
 ward was, at 
 t body. The 
 he acceptance 
 ur.v, tendered 
 t as Assistant 
 jinet was tlie 
 h the demand 
 
 Republicans. 
 
 of the Enian- 
 I acrimonious 
 
 irillc iind liad a great fat-iihv for iiitikin)i> enemieM. Tlie I'rcsident 
 was rehictant to remove him, iind n( (Hh- time said: "I propoHe t-on- 
 linninp; to be nivseir tlie Jiidp- iih I" when ti member of the Tiibinet 
 HJiall b<> dJHmiHHed;" Init iilong in Se|ileiiilM-r liie letterH iiHkini; tlie 
 dlHUiisHal came liive an avuianciie. Anion;: otherH, llenr.v Wilson 
 wrote: "Kveryone liates Ithiir. TenH of tlioiisnnilMof men will ite lost 
 to ,vou or will);ivea reliiciant vole on iic( oiinl of i lie IthiirH." At last 
 liin<-olii >-ielde<l. Illair accepted his dlHiiiisHiil ;r|.j|,«.f hHv, hikI pive 
 Mr. Lincoln his m(»st earnest support in the campai);n. 
 
 Tin* September and 
 October elections set- 
 tled beyond (| nest ion, 
 the result of the Presi- 
 d e n t i a 1 contest. In 
 September Maine and 
 Vermont ptve larp'ly 
 increased Republican 
 majorities. In October 
 Pennsylvania char.;;ed 
 her representati<»n in 
 Congress from tw<'lve 
 to twelve in the Thirty- 
 eighth to fifteen Re- 
 publicans and n i n e 
 Democrats in the Thir 
 ty-ninth. Indiana 
 passed through one of 
 the most exciting cam- 
 paigns in its history, in 
 which Oovernor Mor- 
 ton made a nnigniflc<>nt 
 canvass, aided by ]>rominent Republicans from nil parts of the 
 country. He was r«»-elected by over .'{(I.OIM) majority. Ohio, which 
 haul sent fourteen Democrats and five Republicans to Congress in 
 IS02, now chose seventeen Republicans to two Democrats, and the 
 I'nion ticket had a majority of 54,754. Maryland gave gr<*at satis- 
 faction to the entire North by adopting a new Constitution abolish- 
 ing slavery. • ' 
 
 The tide from this until the November election was resistless. 
 In that election McClellan carried the three States <if New Jersey, 
 
 OI-IVER P. MORTON. 
 
'I i' 
 
 V 
 
 \ 
 
 162 
 
 HIHTOKYOFTIIK 1 PUUUrAN PARTY. 
 
 Ih'lawart' iiimI Ki'iitiuk.v, with Iwt'iit.voin' ('l<><-t(iral v<)t«*H, while 
 Lincoln nMcivfd tiM* vitU'H of all tin* New Kn^land HtateH, of New 
 York and I'ennH.vlvania, vVeHt \'ii-Kiniu. Maryland, TennenHee, Louisi- 
 ana and Ai'knnHnH, and of the new Htate of Nevada, which wan, on 
 the .'Hut of ()<'toher admitted to tlie Union. Their electoral ^ ote, aH 
 tinally counted, wuH 212. The popular vote was: 
 
 f -incoln and JoluiMon 2,216,0«7 
 
 Mc(Mellan and Tendlet < n 1,808,725 
 
 Republican nuijority . 407,342 
 
 The claim Kiul been otcaHionall.v made that the DeniocrutH con- 
 tributed more H,)l'Uerii to the Union arm!eH than the RepiiMii-ans. If 
 thiB had been .«' the vote of the HoldierH in the field ougiii io have be«'n 
 larger for McOiellan, the "idol of the HoldierH" than that for Lincoln. 
 The result was very different from that. Fourteen of the »);ir«i» had 
 authorised their soldie"* to vote in the field. th<me of Nev-' !> ork 
 sending home their b;'i ■ .^s sealed to be cast by their next friends. 
 The vote of the Minnesttf;: soldiers did not reach her Btatf^ canvaswer ' 
 in time to be counted, and were i)robably destroyed unopened. Po 
 with itsn-l of the Vermont soldiers' vote. Of the states u lnose f«ldierK 
 voted '• tha* their ballots can be distinguished, the nrnjy vote was 
 
 returned as follows, and Lincoln's majority was 85,4(3.''.: 
 
 ' .*;■ 
 
 etottiiu, Lincoln. 1 ' McClellan. 
 
 ••.iaiLe 4,174 ^ T41 
 
 'Is^v Hampshire 2,066 ' «ifr- v 
 
 • ' ?rmont 245 49 , - 
 
 lennsylvania.... 26,-712 12,459 '' 
 
 Maryland 1,800 ' 321 '^ 
 
 Kentucky... 1,194 2,823 V? 
 
 Ohio 41,146 9,767 ■ 
 
 Michigan 9,402 > 2,059 v 
 
 Iowa 15,170 1,364 
 
 Wisconsin 11,372 > 2,458 
 
 Kansas 2,867 v. 643 
 
 California 2,600 237 , 
 
 Total 1 19,754 » c • ^ 34,291 
 
 One of the most gratifying results of the election was the defeat 
 for re-election ab Governor of New York, of Horatio Seymour, who, 
 
 I r 
 
 -.v 
 
 M 
 
vot«'H, while 
 
 itl'H, «f N«'W 
 
 ?ii8ee, LouIbI- 
 hlcli wai», on 
 oral ^ <»t«', aH 
 
 2,U16,0«7 
 
 1,808,72R 
 
 407,342 
 
 MuocrntB con- 
 jubHiaiiB. If 
 I to have be<*n 
 ,t for liinooln. 
 he plit^<•^« had 
 if N<v' vork 
 next friends, 
 it*^ canvuBitier« 
 nopened. Pn 
 ilkOBe HoldlerK 
 rniv vote was 
 
 Mi^Clellan. 
 
 741 
 
 690 
 
 40 
 
 12,459 
 
 321 
 
 2,823 
 
 0,757 
 
 2,059 
 
 1,364 
 
 2,458 
 
 643 
 
 237 
 
 34,291 
 
 was the defeat 
 Seymour, who, 
 
 i 
 
 
 ,>? 
 
 '".- ... > 
 
 ( rf ■ 
 
 ib 
 
 '# 
 
 t 
 
 mmmm mmmeHwtlnMliliBllWmr:' 
 
 
 -'^ g*-%MS:f-" - ' ' ^ '^ 
 

 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 us Kii i2.2 
 
 ;^ ufi 12.0 
 
 ■it 
 
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THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN. 163 
 
 88 President of the Chicago Convent iou, had been the most bitter 
 in his assaults on Lincoln. 
 
 During the following period, Congress was divided politically as 
 
 follows: 
 
 Thirty-ninth Congress. 
 Senate— Republicans, 42; Democrats, 10. 
 House — Republicans, 145; Democrats, 46. 
 
 Fortieth Congress. 
 Senate — Republij-ans, 42; Democrats, 11. 
 House — Republicans, 143; Democrats, 49. 
 
 The vote of Michigan, ns cast for President was: Lincoln, 91,251; 
 McClellan, 74,604, a majority of 16,647. The Presidential electors 
 were as follows: At Large— Robert R. Beecher, Thomas D. Gilbert. 
 By Districts— (1) Frederick Waldorf; (2) Marsh Giddings; (3) Chris- 
 tian E. Berbach; (4) Perry Hannah; (5) Omar D. Conger; (6) George 
 W. Pack. 
 
 The vote for Governor, as oflficially returned, was: Henry H. 
 Crapo, 81,744; William M. Fenton, 71,301; Republican majority, 
 10,443. In this, however, the vote of Alpena and Marquette Counties 
 was omitted because it was returned too late for the official count, 
 and the soldiers' vote was thrown out under a Supreme Court decision. 
 The vote as cast was Crapo, 91,356; Fenton, 74,293; Crapo's plurality, 
 17,063. The Congressional delegation was again solidly Republican 
 and consisted of the following members: Fernando C. Beaman, John 
 F. Driggs, Thomas W. Ferry, John W. Longyear, Rowland E. Trow- 
 bridge, Charles Upson. The Legislature chosen at this time elected 
 Jacob M. Howard United States Senator for the full term. 
 
 To Mr. Lincoln the election was significant and gratifying in 
 many ways. On the evening of November 10 the various Lincoln and 
 Johnson clubs of the District serenaded the President, and in his 
 acknowledgment of the compliment he said: 
 
 "It has long been a grave question whether our Government, not 
 too strong for the liberties of the people, can be strong enough to 
 maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the 
 present rebellion brought our Government to a severe test, and a 
 presidential election, occurring in a regular course during the rebel- 
 lion, added not a little to the strain. 
 
 "If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their 
 strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and par- 
 tially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But the 
 
H.* ]{Ol' \ii» l \ m ' ti >\»'a 
 
 164 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 election was a neceBsity. We rannot have free >r„verniiient without 
 elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a 
 National election it might fairly claim to have already conquered 
 and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature, prac- 
 tically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this 
 case " must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not 
 change. In any future great National trial, compared with the men 
 of this we will have men as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, 
 as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this 
 as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be 
 avenged. < _ _ _ _ 
 
 •'But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, 
 has done good, too. It has demonstrated that a peoples Government 
 can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war. 
 Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possi- 
 bility It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It 
 shows that even among the candidates of the same party, he who is 
 most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, «an receive 
 most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet known, 
 that we have more men now than we had when the war began. (Jold 
 is good in its place; but living, bravt; and patriotic men are better 
 
 than gold." 
 
 Of the various letters of congratulation which Mr. Lincoln 
 received none touched him more than those which came from the 
 Christian churches. His own religious feeling, his sense of reliance 
 upon Providence, had been intensifying for some time, and his 
 responses to these church congratulations give full expression to it. 
 
 % 
 
 -'■ s^v-'"'" 't ra«*?'*^ ''^. 
 
 
XIII. 
 THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT. 
 
 Important Events Attending the Close of President Lincoln's Admin- 
 istration— Prominent Members in the House of the Thirty-eighth 
 Congress— The Thirteenth Amendment Introduced by an Old 
 Demoorat--Its Easy Passage in the Senate— Prolonged Contest 
 Over the Measure in the House— Being Defeated Its Parlia- 
 mentary Standing Was Preserved by James M. Ashley— The 
 Leading Speakers for and Against It— The President and Se<re- 
 tary Seward Use Their Influence In Its Favor— Pinal Adoption 
 of the Amendment. t, - « . 
 
 The period from Lincoln's second election to his assassination 
 was fraught witUmore events of great importance than any other five 
 months in the history of the country. It witnessed the final extinc- 
 tion of slavery bv the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to the 
 Constitution, the final defeat of the rebel armies, the complete collapse 
 of the rebt llion, and the first steps toward reconstruction. 
 
 In the House of the Thirty-eighth Congress, which occupied a 
 large amount of time in the discussion of the Thirteenth Amndment, 
 a few of the most distinguished members of former Congresses had 
 disappeared, among them E. G. Spaulding and Roscoe Conkling, of 
 New York, and Speaker Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. To take 
 their places there appeared an unusually large number of new 
 members who afterwards attained National distinction, including 
 James G. Blaine, of Maine; George S. Boutwell, Samuel Hooper and 
 William B. Washburn, of Massachusetts; Thomas A. Jencks, of Rhode 
 Island; Charles O'Neil and Glenni W. Schofield, of Pennsylvanm; 
 John A. J. Creswell and Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland; Robert 
 V. Schenck, of Ohio; William B. Allison, John A. Kasson and James 
 P. Wilson, of Iowa. Mr. Grow's retirement gave opportunity for the 
 election to the Speakership of Schuyler (^olfax, who for many years 
 after this was among the most conspicuous figures in National poli- 
 tics. A number of the new members made their first Congressional 
 
 tl 
 
r 
 
 
 1U6 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 speeches of any importance during the pendency of the Thirteenth 
 Amendment, which in form was as follows: 
 
 Be it Resolved, etc., That the following Article be proposed to 
 the Legislatures of the several states as an Amendment to the Consti- 
 tution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of 
 said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part 
 of said Constitution, namely: 
 
 Article XIII. 
 
 Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as 
 a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
 victed, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to 
 their jurisdiction. 
 
 Sec. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by 
 appropriate legislation. 
 
 It is a striking comment on the changes which the war had 
 brought in individual and party politics, that this Amendment should 
 be introduced in the Senate, not by one of the old Abolition or Free 
 Soil Senators, but by an old Douglas Democrat from a Slave State. 
 Gen. John B. Henderson had been appointed a Senator from Missouri 
 in January, 1862, after Trusten Polk was expelled for joining in the 
 Secession movement. He was a Douglas Democrat up to the close 
 of the campaign of 1860, but when the Secession movement began to 
 take form, he became one of the most active Unionists in the State, 
 and was of great service in frustrating the schemes of the Secession- 
 ists. In the Senate he acted with the Republicans, except on what 
 lie considered as extreme measures. The Confiscation Act of 1862, 
 for instance, he opposed, because it would "cement the Southern mind 
 against us, and drive new armies of excited and deluded men from 
 the border states to espouse the cause of the rebellion," but he earn- 
 estly supported Mr. Lincoln's Compensated Emancipation policy, and 
 labored strenuously to secure the passage of the Missouri Compensa- 
 tion Bill. With the failure of half way measures his Anti-Slavery 
 sentiments grew, and he finally became a fit leader in the Senate of 
 the movement for securing the complete abolition of slavery. 
 
 The Amendment had an easy road in that body. After its intro- 
 duction it took the usual course of reference to the Judiciary Commit- 
 tee, which reported it favorably, and it passed by a vote of 38 to 6, 
 as follows : 
 
 ITeas — Fessenden and Morrill, of Maine; Clark and Hale, of New 
 Hampshire; Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts; Anthony and 
 Sprague, of Rhode Island; Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Colla- 
 mer and Foot, of Vermont; Harris and Morgan, of New York; Ten 
 
 -.'/ 
 
THE THIRTEENTH AMENHMENT. 
 
 Uil 
 
 Thirteenth 
 
 i Article by 
 
 E.Vi'k, of New JerHe.v; Cowan, of PennHylvania; Kev<M'(l.v Johnson, of 
 Maryhind; Van Winlile and Willey, of West Vii-Kinia; Hhernian and 
 Wade, of Ohio; Lane, of Indiana; TrunibntI, of IllinoiH; Brown and 
 Henderson, of Misgouri; Cliandler and Howard, of Michij^an; GrinieH 
 and Harlan, of Iowa; Doolittle and Howe, of WiMconHin; KaniHey and 
 Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Lane and Ponieroy, of Kansas; Harding and 
 Nesniith, of Oregon; Conners, of California — US. 
 
 Nays — Riddle and Ranlsbnry, of Delaware; l>avis and Powell, of 
 Kentucky; Hendricks, of Indiana; McDougall, of California — 6. 
 
 Not Voting — Bucka- 
 lew, of Pennsylvania; - 
 
 Wright, of New Jer- 
 sey; Hicks, of Mary- 
 land; Bawden and Car- 
 lisle, of Kentucky ; 
 Richardson, of Illinois. 
 
 The nays and those 
 not voting were all 
 Democrats. The yeas 
 were all Republicans 
 except Reverdy' John- 
 son, of Maryland, and 
 Nesmith, of Oregon. 
 
 In looking over the 
 list of yeas one cannot 
 help being struck with 
 the very large number 
 of names of men of ~ 
 prominence. The war 
 and the legislation at- 
 tending it, furnished a 
 
 school for great men. There is hardly one in the list who was not 
 known, the country over, at the time, and many of them achieved 
 enduring fame. It was so certain that the Amendment would pass 
 the Senate, that it was not considered necessary to spend much time 
 in debating the measure, and there was less oratory over it than is 
 sometimes indulged in over a very trifling measure. 
 
 Of the nays, Riddle and Saulsbury, of Delaware, simply repre- 
 sented intense conservatism. Their State was still nominally a 
 Slave State, and they clung tenaciously to the institution, and thought 
 
 OALUSHA A. GROW. 
 
 :. -•«.*?^.^--4.Yi-^rtlfl_ .' :>*^" 
 
KiS 
 
 IIIHTOUY OF tup: UKIMIU.ICAN I'AKTV. 
 
 fc 
 
 the Tiiion could not be prewrvi'd without it. When tlie vote on the 
 Anu'ndnirnt whb announred, Hautsbun said: "I bid farewell to all 
 hoi>e of reconwt ruction of the Tnion." Hendrickn, of Indiana, o)>poHed 
 the Amendment and objected to an.v interference with slavery, becauMe 
 tin* eleven wtateH in rebellion were not represented in CongregH. 
 McDougall succeeded in the Senate, William M. (rwin, tht> rabid HeceK- 
 Hion leader of California, lie entered the Henate an a War Democrat, 
 but soon fell ba<k into the rankH of the regular (•<»n»ervative Denioc- 
 ra<'.v. The only really rampant Southern H.vmpathi/.er anions the six 
 i. • t nays was (Jarrett 
 
 Davis, an old Ken- 
 tucky Whif?. When the 
 bill abolishing slavery 
 in the District of 
 Columbia was before 
 Congress in 1802, he 
 wanted it amended so 
 as to provide for coloni- 
 zation beyond the lim- 
 its of the Ignited States, 
 on the ground that the 
 residence of liberated 
 slaves among the 
 whites would result in 
 a war of races. When 
 Gen. Henderson's reso- 
 lution was introduced 
 he moved an irrelevant 
 amendment, excluding 
 a 1 1 descendants of 
 negroes, on the mater- 
 nal side, from all places of office and trust under the Ciovernment of 
 the United States. His hostility to the strongest Anti-Slavery 
 section of the country was so great that he proposed a consolidation 
 of the six New England States into two States, to be called East New 
 England and West New England. He was one of the extremest, 
 as he was one of tlie last, of the irreconcilables. 
 
 The amendment did not fare so well in tlie House. It was intro 
 duced here, December 14, 1803, by James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who 
 afterwards became famous as the prime mover in the effort to 
 
 JAMES M. ASULEY. 
 
TIIK THIRTKKNTII AMENPMENT. 
 
 10» 
 
 vote on tile 
 ewell to nil 
 nil, oppoHi'd 
 
 T.V, bocHUHC 
 
 1 CoiigresH. 
 
 abid Hect'rt- 
 
 Deiiiocrat, 
 
 tive Deiuo<*- 
 
 long the six 
 
 H (lurrett 
 
 old Ken- 
 
 :. \Vlu*n the 
 
 liiij; Hlavery 
 
 District of 
 
 was before 
 
 n 18(52, he 
 
 amended so 
 
 le for coloni- 
 
 )nd the lim- 
 
 nited States, 
 
 II nd that the 
 
 of liberated 
 
 among the 
 
 iild result in 
 
 Lces. When 
 
 erson's reso- 
 
 i introduced 
 
 m irrelevant 
 
 t, excluding 
 
 endants of 
 
 n the mater- 
 
 overnmeht o* 
 
 Anti-Slavery 
 
 :'onsolidation 
 
 ed East New 
 
 le extremest, 
 
 It was Intro 
 )f Ohio, who 
 he effort to 
 
 impeach President Johnson. Ashley was iis ardent an Anti-Hlavery 
 man as that other ramons Ohioaii, Joshua H. (iiddings had been 
 before him. He was a forcible spealier, supported his iH'solulion 
 with tfvvat earnestness, and was persistent in its advocacy, although 
 it was evident that the House was not favcu-able to its adoption. It 
 was referred to the Judiciary Commit (ee and there remained in 
 re|M)se. A second resolution of like ]>urport was introduced by 
 Isaac N. Arnold, of Illinois. Mr. Holnian, of Indiana, who had 
 already earned the title of the great objector, had objected to the 
 second reading of 31 r. Ashley's resolution, but was overruled. He 
 now took another form of obstruction, and moved to lay Mr. Arnold's* 
 resolution on the table. This was negatived by a vote of 7!) to 5S. 
 Ab it requires a two-thirds vote to adopt a Constitutional Amend- 
 ment, this vote was not encouraging, and the resolution was not 
 further pressed. 
 
 When the Senate resolution reached the House its reception was 
 even more discouraging. Mr. Holnian objected to its second reading, 
 but was overruled, and the measure remained before the House for 
 consideration. The first test vote showed 7(» members in favor of the 
 measure, while it would take 110 to pass it. In the discussion which 
 followed the prhicipal speakers in the opposition were Fernando 
 Wood, Samuel J. Randall, (Jeorge H. IVndleton and Robert Mallory. 
 The latter, a Kentucky Whig, not only opjiosed this measure, but 
 insisted that the Emancipation I'roclamation did not represent Presi- 
 dent Lincoln's best judgment, but was for<*ed upon him by the War 
 < Governors who had met in Altoona in 1862. Fernand«> Wood was 
 naturally hostile to this measure. He represented the New York 
 City Democracy, and cultivated the favor of the mob, who had been 
 educated into hostility to nearly everything that was favored by the 
 I'nion side, during the war. Randall, who afterwards became one 
 of the voat broad-minded of the Democrats in the House, entertained 
 the fe. ;>' that possessed many of the young men at that time, that the 
 abolition of slavery was the forerunner of all sorts of usurpations. 
 Pendleton took the ground that, as then constituted, the Union had 
 no power to abolish slavery. 
 
 The principal speakers in favor of the amendment were Daniel 
 Morris, of New York; E. ih Ingersoll, of Illinois, and George S. Uout- 
 well, of Massachusetts. It seems extraordinary that the older 
 members of the House should have left the consideration of this 
 important measure entirely to new men. The hopelessness of the 
 
 1 
 
 :~:^r^- 
 
170 
 
 HIHTOUY OF THE KKITHLU'AN TAKTY. 
 
 ■ :V;-. 
 
 ciiMC may have bi>en one reuBun. A4 an.v rate the 8liiKKiHl>>>*'M>* <>' 
 the debate, on thiH ot-caHion, was in marked contraHt to itH earneitt- 
 neMH, when the Hnbject again came up in the Hame IIoiiHe, a year 
 later. 
 
 The vote, when taken, gave *Xi yvan to (»4 na.vH, 100 votes being 
 ., required to [mmm it. Mr. AHhle.v, who kept careful watch of the 
 meaHure at every Htape, and who had voted no for that puriMnw', 
 moved to reconHider and thuf) preHerved the parliamentary HtatUH of 
 the meaHure. He also announced that when CongreflH met again, 
 in I>e(>ember, 1H(>4, he Hhould presH the reHolutiou, and exp«>ctcd that 
 it would be adopted. ^ ^ " *•• • ^*^' 
 
 President Lincoln earnently desired the ado]>tion of tills Amend- 
 ment. He thought it essential to the safe reconstruction and jierpe- 
 tnity of the I'niou, and he found in jt also a vindication of his 
 judgment in issuing the Eniancipati<m Proclamation. He person- 
 ally urged his views upon Members of Congress who were friendly to 
 him, and in liis annual message to Congi-ess, De'-ember 0, 1864, be 
 '/ said: 
 
 r^.' "At the last session of Congress, a projjosed Amendment of the 
 C%)nstitution, abolishing slavery thrtmghout the T^nited States, 
 passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vot«> 
 in the House of Representatives. Although the present is the same 
 Congress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the 
 wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I 
 venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of 
 the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract 
 question is not changed, but au intervening election shows 
 almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure, if 
 this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when 
 the proposed Amendment will go to the states for their action, and 
 as it is to go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the 
 better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on 
 members to change their views or their votes any further than as an 
 additional element to be considered. Their judgment may be affected 
 by it. It is the voice of the people, now, for the tlrst time, heard 
 on the question. In a great National crisis, like ours, unanimity of 
 action among those seeking a common end is very desirable, almost 
 indispensable; and yet no ap)>roach to such unanimity is attainable 
 unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority. 
 In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and 
 
kIhIiiichm of 
 
 tH earneHt- 
 
 II He, a yeai* 
 
 iitvh of tin* 
 at piii'iMttM', 
 y HtatiiH of 
 iiK't aKaiii, 
 pectc'd that 
 
 \\i'\H Aiiieud- 
 I and perp* - 
 ition of hi« 
 
 He pei'Boii- 
 » friendly to 
 
 n, 1864, he 
 
 Iment of the 
 ited Btates. 
 [)-thii'dH vote 
 
 id the same 
 
 stioning the 
 pposition, 1 
 
 passage of 
 he abutract 
 ?tioD shows 
 
 measure, if 
 
 > us to when 
 * action, and 
 e sooner the 
 ^d a duty on 
 r than as an 
 y be affected 
 
 time, heard 
 unanimity of 
 'able, almost 
 is attainable 
 be majority. 
 
 > Union, and 
 
 TIIK TmUTKKNTII AMENDMENT. 
 
 171 
 
 anioitg the nieiiiiH lo Henire that end, hik-Ii will, tliroiigh the ele< tion. 
 is moHt clearly declared in favor of hiicIi ConHtitulional Amend- 
 ment." 
 
 Mr. Keward had added his intliience to that of th(> PreHident in 
 behalf of a meawnre which he conHidered "worth an army." 
 
 With this new support for the resolution Mr. Ashley called it up 
 on tli«> (Uh <»f .lanuary, IHti.*). He opened the del>ate with a forcible 
 Kpeech, but after that conHned his etrorts mostly to perH(»nal work 
 among the members, laboring chiefly with th(> Democrats. When 
 this (\mgress was llrst elected it consisted of 10:< Republicans and 8<'l 
 Democrats, and but few changes had lieen nuide after that, so that 
 the Republicans alone could not carry any measure requiring a tw(» 
 thirds vote. The task of securing the necessary number of Demo- 
 crats, by any amount of persuasion, would have been hopeless a year 
 earlier, but circumstances had changed greatly in twelve months. 
 The end of the rebellion was apparently near, for one thing, and 
 there were a few Northern Demoj-rats in the House who had always 
 been in favor of jiutting down the rebellion, who did not agree with 
 the Republicans on the slavery question, but who did now recognize 
 the fact that the passage of this Amendment would strike the dead- 
 liest blow to the" Southern cause. The utterances of the nu)st vio- 
 lent Houthern leaders aided in )>romoting this view. JetTerson Davis 
 wrote to (lovernor Vance, of North Carolina, a few months before: 
 "We are not fighting for slavery, we are lighting for independence; 
 and that, or extermination, we will have." The natural inference . 
 was that if the South was not fighting for slavery there was no reason 
 why the North should continue it in order to pacify the South. The 
 whole attitude of the Secession leaders was such as to finally con- 
 vince observing Nortliern men that further compromises and 
 concessions on the slavery question were useless. That was no 
 longer the main question in issue. The first Democrats to speak in 
 favor of the Amendment were Odell, of New York, and Yeaman, of '; 
 Kentucky. In order to rally the Democrats against it, Mr. Pendle- j 
 ton, the leader of the minority, spoke, three days later. He put the % 
 issue squarely, not on the wisdom or expediency of the Amendment. ' 
 but on the power to amend, which he denied. He held that the 
 power to amend was limited in two ways: (1) by the letter; (2) by ',^ 
 the spirit, sc'oih' and intent of the Constitution. It was a Question . 
 of compact. One State, the smallest, Rhode Island, could of right 
 resist such an Amendment by force. 
 
 
 
 ■;.wa 
 
 
 Bl^.-.-wr*"'- 
 
17-' 
 
 INHToltV OFTMK KKIM IMilCAN TAKTY. 
 
 This ('XtrtMiH' groiiiHl railed out a iiiiiiiImt of Ioiik hikI hoiiu'- 
 tiiiicM tcdioiiH arKiiiiii'iitH fnMii .vonii^ U«>piihli<>aiiH wlio wim'c inakiiiK 
 tli<>ir tii-Ht Htaiul for a reputation, liut tlie tcdiouHueHH of tlio debatt' 
 wan relii'Vfd h.v the diverMiouH of H. H. Cox, of Oliio. Mr. <'ox wuh 
 reall.v a due ('oiiHtitutioiial law.ver, hut he often rhoHe to take the 
 role of the uixi-tt.v, and he had a |>arti«-ular fane,v for HtinKin){ men 
 who aHHUined leaderHhip. One <if hiit ftrHt utterancen on tliiH 
 ipieHtion wuh: "The part,v to which I belong Iov(>h the I'nion mh 
 dearlv aH the Houth l<»veH nlaver.v. If they can let Hiaver.v k«> '"•' 
 independence, the Democracy can let it ^^o for the Hake of the 
 I'nion." Mr. Cox'h logical action after mucIi an utterance would 
 have been to vote for tlie Amendment, tliout;h he did not. HIh j 
 adroit wu.v of Mtatini; the caHe at iHHue, and at the Hame time of 
 enlivening the debate, and of Htirring up hiH oppoikentH wuh illuH- 
 trated by thiH patiHage in one of hiM Hpeeches: "It wan with Home 
 aniUHement tluit I lintened to my two rolleaKHCM iMeHHrH. Pendleton 
 and AHhIey) yenterday. How adroitly the Democratic member 
 HouKlit to catch the Republican. How he plied him to admit the 
 power to 4>HtabliHh nlavery! How nhrewdly my colleague on the 
 other Hide evaded I On the other hand, memberH on the other Hide 
 Hciupht to entangle my colleague (Mr. Tendlc'tcml with nome of hin 
 former voteH! How both evaded the innueH prenented in their 
 former poHitiouK! While the humbler member, who now addreHBes 
 you, sat complacently conniHtent amid the melodramatic- perform- 
 ance, ready to admit the power to change the fundamental law in 
 , unlimited, under the guardn and moden preHcribed, even to the entab- 
 • linhnient of Blavery or a monarchy, of entiit» freedom or entire 
 democracy. Both of my friends deny this an extreme and heterodox; 
 the one becauHe he would have nothing but limited republicaninni 
 UH the form of Government — that iH my Democratic colleague; the 
 other becaune he would have nothing but Hweeping democracy aH 
 the basin of our ConstltHtion— that in my Re]>ublican colleague, who •' 
 in HO democratic. The wiHhen of each color their present urgunientH 
 an to the power. When slavery in to be guaranteed, my colleague frcmi i« 
 Cincinnati believes, with me, in the power to amend, and my colleague 
 from Toledo denies it. When it ih to be abolished, my colleague 
 from Toledo believes, with me, in the power to amend, and my 
 colleague from Cincinnati deni<>H it. Both deny the power when 
 slavery is to be affected, and both admit it when slavery is not to be 
 atfected. I have them both on either side, and each on both sides, i 
 and both with me." , 
 
'i^-Jz*^ 
 
 TIIK THIItTKKNTII AMKNhMKNT. 
 
 17:» 
 
 II nd Hoiiic- 
 (•!'<• iiiakiiiK 
 till' (leha(«> 
 r. Cox wiiM 
 to takt' till? 
 iiittiiiK men 
 K on tlllH 
 ' riiioii iiM 
 
 VIM'.V ffO fof 
 
 Mike of the 
 
 an<-e would 
 
 not. HiH 
 
 aiiie time of 
 
 H waH illUH- 
 
 H with Home 
 
 H. Pendleton 
 
 itii- member 
 
 o admit the 
 
 ague on the 
 
 le other Hid** 
 
 Home of IiIh 
 
 ted in their 
 
 »w addresseH 
 
 itic perform- 
 
 lental law ih 
 
 to the estab- 
 
 ini Of entire 
 
 id heterodox; 
 
 eiMibUeaniHiii 
 
 [)1 league; the 
 
 leniocrae.v an 
 
 dieague, who 
 
 it argunientM 
 
 d league from 
 
 m.v colleague 
 
 ny colleague 
 
 end, and my 
 
 power when 
 
 r IB not to be 
 
 D both Bides, 
 
 The power to nmeiid wiih the t|iieHlioii upon which the roiiMlitu- 
 tioiuil part of the debate tliially liinied, and IIiIh had Ikm'Ii tlrnt 
 brought ill iHHiie, in the broadcHt teriiiH, bv Mr. Cox, two da,VH before 
 Mr. Pendleton made liin argument. Mr. Cox had then Hiii«l: ''I 
 curr.Y the Democratic doctrine to hiicIi an extent thai 1 iiiiiintain, 
 that the people Hpeiiking through three fourtliH of the HtatcH, in piir- 
 Hiiance of the mode prencribed by the CotiHlilution, have the rigiit 
 to amend it in ever.v particular, except the two Hpecitled in that 
 iiiHtrumeiit; that thin indiideH the right to erect a monarchy; to make, 
 if you pleiiHe, the King of DahtMiiey our King." lie |)ointed out that 
 thiH power over the CoiiHtitution wiih conceded by MadiHon and by 
 Calhoun, and that it waH the power invoked by the Peace Confer- 
 I'Uce of 1S(»I, and by the Crittenden CompromiHe. 
 
 Mr. Houlwell argued that the pow(<r to amend waH limited <»nly 
 by the preamble, while Mr. Thayer, of IVniiHylvania, aiul Mr. Duwi^h, 
 of MaHHachiiHettH, agreed that there were almolutely no limitatioiiH; 
 that threefoiirtliH of the KtatcH could alter the preamble, an well as 
 any other part of the iiiHlrunient. 
 
 When the debate wan over, there was very little left of the 
 theory advanced by Mr. Pendleton. The only (|ueHtion remaining 
 waH whether there were enough Democrats who would follow their 
 real convictionn to give the neceHHary two-thirdn. The time of 
 voting was flxed at 4 p. ni. January '.11, and in anticipation of the 
 event, there waH great excitement on the floor, and in the galleries, 
 which were tilled. Mont of the membern kept tally on the vote, 
 which had a few disappointmentn. Eight Democrats were absent, and 
 act they were all unpaired, the inference was that they were unwilling 
 to vote against the amendment, and not quite ready to vote for it. 
 Mr. Cox gave the House a surprine and the friends of the measure a 
 disappointment. He had a speech prepared explaining his vote in 
 favor of the measure, and then voted against it. The explanation, 
 afterward « given, was that he learned, after he reached the floor of 
 the House, that the Peace Commissioners were on their way to 
 Washington, and he thought that the Amendment would prove an 
 obstacle to |)eace and union. The following Democrats, fourteen in 
 number, voted for it: James E. English, of Connecticut; Anson 
 Herrick, William Radford, Homer A. Nelson, John B. Steele and 
 John Ganson, of New York; Joseph Bailey, A. H. Caffroth and Archi- 
 bald McAllister, of Pennsylvania; Wells A. Hutchins, of Ohio; 
 Augustus C. Baldwin, of Michigan; J. S. Itollins and King, of Mis 
 Houri, and Wheeler, of Wisconsin. : 
 
i ■'■'; 
 
 tw 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 
 
 The Ainendment was adopted, 119 yeas to 56 nays, seven more 
 than the necessary two-thirds. There was great applause in the 
 galleries, and many tongratulations on the floor. When order was 
 restored Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, said: "Mr. Speaker, in honor of 
 this immortal and sublime event, I move that the House do now 
 adjourn." So far as Congress was concerned, the final act for 
 obliterating the institution which had been the cause of contention 
 for four score years, was consummated. 
 
 Other measures at this session of Congress may be briefly men- 
 tioned. Early in the session E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, intro- 
 duced a bill to revive the rank of Lieutenant General. Mr. 
 Washburne was a resident of the same town as General Grant, was 
 instrumental in securing his first appointment in the army, and it 
 was considered certain that the passage of this bill meant the 
 appointment of General Grant to the position. It was strongly 
 opposed by Generals Scljenck and Garfield, but was adopted. 
 
 The bill establishing the Preedmen's Bureau was one of the 
 measures that belong to the latter part of this session. The House 
 also passed a bill repealing so much of the Confiscation Act, passed 
 July 17, 1862, as prohibited the forfeiture of the real estate of rebels 
 beyond their natural lives. The Senate failed to take similar 
 action, and the law remained unchanged. It ceased to be a matter 
 of any importance before the next Congress met. 
 
 A further reminder of the changes that a few years had wrought 
 came in the death of Chief Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, and 
 the appointment in his place, of Salmon P. Chase, ex-Secretary of the 
 Treasury. One of the most extreme upholders of the right of slave- 
 holding had given place to one of the earliest Anti-Slavery leaders. 
 
 iMfflii^--'' — ■ 
 
 »tf>'i;;riMiiiiiiiiiiiiitii">iiiiiiir-- 
 
seven more 
 luse in the 
 I order was 
 in honor of 
 186 do now 
 aal act for 
 ' contention 
 
 briefly men- 
 inois, intro- 
 aeral. Mr. 
 
 Grant, was 
 rmy, and it 
 
 meant the 
 ras strongly 
 pted. 
 
 one of the 
 
 The House 
 
 Act, passed 
 
 ate of rebels 
 
 ake similar 
 
 be a matter 
 
 bad wrought 
 e Court, and 
 retary of the 
 ght of slave- 
 ry leaders. 
 
 ■Il^l 
 
 XIV. 
 THE END OF THE WAR. 
 Futile Attempts at Negotiation— President Lincoln's Ultimatum- - 
 Southerners Still Seek Recognition of the Confederacy— Mis- 
 sion of Francis P. Blair-Jefferson Davis Appoints Peace 
 Commissioners— President Lincoln Visits Fortress Monroe— 
 The Overtures Rejected— War Meeting at Richmond— Report of 
 Conspiracy Among Democratic Generals— Successes of Sherman. 
 Sheridan and Grant— The Evacuation of Richmond— Lincoln's 
 Visit to that City— His Greeting by the Colored People— Sur- 
 render of Lee— Assassination of the President— Sherman's 
 Terms with Johnston— Disbandment of the Armies. 
 While Congress was making an end of slavery, which was the 
 cause of the war" the war itself was rapidly nearing its close. But 
 before the end came by force of arms, there were futile attempts at 
 negotiation. In his last message to Congress the President had said: 
 "In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the 
 national authority, on the part of the insurgents, as the only indis- 
 pensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, 
 I retract nothing I have heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the 
 declaration made a year ago, that 'while I remain in my present posi- 
 tion I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation 
 Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free 
 by the terms of that Proclamation, or by the Acts of Congress. If 
 the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive 
 duty to re-enslave such persons, another and not I must be their 
 instrument to perform it. In stating a condition of peace, I 
 mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Govern- 
 ment, whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who 
 
 began it." 
 
 Notwithstanding this, and other expressions of the President h 
 purposes in the matter, members of the Rebel Government still 
 deluded themselves with the belief, that in some way, peace might 
 
r 
 
 r^.-r.s 
 
 176 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUIILICAN PARTY. 
 
 f 
 
 be had with a recognition of the Confederney. In negotiations and 
 t'orrespondence wlii<-h followed, there whh constant fencing on this 
 points Thus, in January, Francis I'. Rlair went to Richmond to 
 induce Jefferson Ha vis to send, or ret-eive, commissioners to treat for 
 jieace. He returned to Washington January Ifi, bringing with him a 
 written assurance, addressed to himself, from Jefferson Davis, of his 
 willingness to enter into negotiations for peace, to rei-eive a' commis- 
 sioner whenever one should be sent, and of his readiness to appoint 
 such a commissioner, minister, or other agent, and thus ''render the 
 effort to enter into a conferen<e, with a view to secure peace between 
 the two countries." Mr. Blair presented this letter to President 
 Lincoln, who at once authorized him to return to Richmond, carrying 
 with him his written assurance that he had constantly been, was 
 then, and should continue to be, "ready to receive any agent whom 
 Mr. Davis, or any other person now resisting the national authority, 
 may inforniall}' send me, with a view of se<'uring jwrnce to the people 
 of our common Country." 
 
 Notwithstanding this emphasized difference on the essential 
 point, Mr. Davis appointed as pea<*e commissioners Alexander H. 
 Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and J. A. Campbell, who proceeded to 
 Fortress Monroe, where Secretary Seward met them, under instruc- 
 tions to insist u]K)n three things as indispensable (1) The restoration 
 of the national authority throughout all the states, (2) No receding, 
 from the position of the National Executive on the subject of slavery, 
 (3) No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the dis- 
 banding of the forces hostile to the Government. Cpon this basis 
 Mr. Seward was to hear what the Commissioners had to say, and 
 report to the President, but he was to consummate nothing. With 
 this as a starting point, negotiations continued for several days, the 
 I'resident himself visiting Fortress Monroe at one time to take part 
 in them. They were of no use, except as showing to the people of 
 the North that President Lincoln, while ready for peace, was not 
 ready to yield any of the principles for which the North had eontendetl 
 and to show them also that the Southern leaders were still bitter and 
 implacable. After the < Commissioners returned to Richmond a great 
 meeting was held in that City, which was addressed by Oovernor 
 Smith of Virginia and by Jefferson Davis, who said: "In my corre- 
 spondence with Mr. Lincoln, that functionary has always siioken of 
 the United States and the Confedei'at-y as 'our afflicted Country,' but 
 in my replies I have never failed to refer to them as separate and dis- 
 
 y 
 
 ■ ■^j'^ 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 
 
 177 
 
 tiation8 an«l 
 •ing on this 
 [ichinond to 
 to treat for 
 ; with him a 
 lavis, of his 
 'e a' rominis- 
 8 to appoint 
 "render the 
 ate between 
 o President 
 md, carrying 
 y been, was 
 agent whom 
 al authority, 
 [o the people 
 
 he essential 
 Jexander H. 
 proceeded to 
 nder instruc- 
 e restoration 
 
 No receding. 
 L't of slavery, 
 • and the dis- 
 )n this basis 
 [ to say, and 
 hing. With 
 ral days, the 
 
 to take part 
 the people of 
 ace, was not 
 ad contended 
 rill bitter and 
 mond a great 
 
 by (Governor 
 'In my corre- 
 lys spoken of 
 Country,' but 
 arate and dis 
 
 tinct Governments; and sooner than we should ever be united again, 
 I would be willing to yield up everything I have on earth, and, if it 
 were possible, would sacrific e my life a thousand times before I would 
 succumb." He concluded by exhorting those at home, who were able 
 to bear arms "to unite with those already in the army in repelling 
 the foe; believing that thereby we would ( ompel the Yankees, in less 
 than twelve months, to petition for pem v up<»n our own terms." 
 
 This meeting unanimously resolved "that we, the citizens here 
 assembled do spurn, with the indignation due to so gross an insult, 
 the terms on which the President of the United Htates has offered 
 peace to the people of the Confederate States," and " That the circum 
 stances, under which that proffer was made, add to the outrage, and 
 stamp it as a designed and premeditated indignity to our people." 
 
 A "War Meeting" was held in Richmond, three days afterwards, 
 at which several addresses were made, and resolutions were adopted, 
 among them one "that the events which have occurred during the 
 progress of the war have but confirmed our original determination 
 to strike for our independence; and that, with the blessing of God, 
 we will never lay down our arms until it shall have been won;" and 
 this was received with wild and long continued cheering. The people 
 were as infatuated as their leaders were bitter. The story of these 
 negotiations may, very appropriately, be followed by the closing 
 words of President Lincoln's second inaugural, which came three 
 weeks later, and which are in such striking contrast to the bitterness 
 of the Rebel leaders: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us 
 strive to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, 
 to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow 
 and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a 
 lasting i)eace among ourselves and with all nations." 
 
 From 8om«' developments that have since been made, it is 
 believed that the ( onfldent tone which the Rebelsassumed, during and 
 after the negotiations mentioned, was based upon the existence of a 
 conspiracy among the Democratic generals of the Union Army to sup- 
 plant the civil by the military power. That such a conspiracy existed 
 has often been asserted, and it has even been said that the conspira- 
 tors made overtures to General Grant with a view to making him 
 Dictator. If such overtures were made the "Silent Captain" never 
 told of them, and he certainly never showed signs of anything except 
 unwavering loyalty to the Country and the Commander-in-Chief. That 
 
 S*i' 
 
.jesa-ii:;. 
 
 il 
 
 
 \i 
 
 ii 
 
 I? 
 
 I? 
 
 IfS 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLIOAN PARTY. 
 
 such a coriBpirac.v ever existed, except in the brains of a few vision- 
 ariea, is not at all probable. That some of the Rebel leaders believed 
 it to exist is quite certain. 
 
 Upon whatever basis (he Rebels placed their illusive hoiMJS and 
 defiant language in February, they were rapidly undeceived after the 
 middle of March. On the nineteenth of that month Sherman, who 
 had marched from Georgia into North Carolina, effected a union with 
 General Terry's forces, thus presenting a front to General Johnston, 
 which not onlv prevented that officer from reinforcing Lee, but whuh 
 
 put his entire com- 
 umnd in peril. On the 
 twenty-flfth General 
 Leo took Fort Sted- 
 man by surprise, but 
 a few hours afterwards 
 was driven out with 
 great loss. On the first 
 of April General Sher- 
 idan routed the enemy 
 at Five Forks with a 
 loss to them of nearly 
 uix thousand prisoners, 
 besides the killed and 
 wounded. On the sec- 
 ond of April our forces 
 pushed the enemy with 
 success, almost all 
 along the line, and that 
 night I^ee abandoned 
 both Petersburg and 
 PHiMP H. SHERIDAN. Richmond, which were 
 
 occupied by our troops the next daj-. A week later, April 9, I^ sur- 
 rendered. 
 
 The President had been either with or near the Army during the 
 first part of these stirring events. He entered Richmond the day 
 after it was evacuated by the Rebels, being rowed from a man-of-war 
 to a landing about a mile below the City and thence, accompanied by 
 his young son and Admiral Porter, went to the City in a boat. The 
 party then walked up the street toward General Weitzel's headquar- 
 ters accompanied only by the sailors who had rowed him up. His 
 
 ..\ V- 
 
fWtr'^^Tii-"''-^ ■'■ 
 
 THE END OF THE WAR. 
 
 17!> 
 
 few vision- 
 rs believed 
 
 holies and 
 d after the 
 ■rinaii, who 
 union with 
 1 Johnston, 
 , but which 
 ntire com- 
 ril. On the 
 General 
 Fort Sted- 
 irprise, but 
 
 afterwards 
 I out with 
 On the first 
 ?neral Sher- 
 
 I the enemy 
 »rk8 with a 
 m of nearly 
 d prisoners, 
 i killed and 
 
 On the sec- 
 
 II our forces 
 enemy with 
 t m o s t all 
 
 ine, and that 
 
 abandoned 
 
 Tsburg and 
 
 which were 
 
 il 9, Jjee sur- 
 
 y during the 
 lond the day 
 a man-of-war 
 ;?ompanied by 
 a boat. The 
 ^I's headquar- 
 lim up. His 
 
 coming was unannounced, but news of his arrival spread rapidly, and 
 from all sides the colored people came running together. A maga- 
 zine writer of the time thus described the scene : 
 
 "They gathered around the l»resident, ran ahead, gathered upon 
 the flanks of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the 
 rear. Men came from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste, 
 shouting and hallooing and dan«lng with delight. The men threw 
 up their hats, the women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs, 
 clapped their hands, and sang, (ilory to God! Glory! Glory!' render- 
 ing all the praise to 
 God who had heard 
 their wailings in the 
 past, their moanings 
 for wives, husbands, 
 children and friends 
 sold out of their sight; 
 had given them free- 
 dom, and after long 
 years of waiting, had 
 permitted them, thus 
 unexpectedly, to behold 
 the face of their great 
 benefactor. 'I thank 
 you, dear Jesus, that I 
 behold President Lin- 
 kum,' was the exclama- 
 tion of a woman who 
 stood upon the thresh- 
 o 1 d of her humble 
 home, and with stream- 
 ing eyes and clasped 
 hands gave thanks aloud to the Savior of Men. 
 
 "Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and 
 striking her hands with all her might, crying, 'Bless de Lord; Bless 
 de Lord! Bless de Lord!' as if there could be no end to her thanks- 
 giving. The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The 
 streets became almost impassable on account of the increasing multi- 
 tude, till soldiers were summoned to clear the way. 
 
 "The walk was long and the President halted a moment to rest. 
 'May de good Lord bless you, President Linkum,' said an old negro, 
 
 WILLIAM T. SHEBMAN. 
 
 "■•'^^-swsswssw-* 
 
 ^ "^feytfj P'. >'? >-' ■•- . ±??^^il^:^. 
 
 '•.t?;r,i!S^,m^t, wi 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^. e.--'.-"'*?^-'q&^ 
 
r 
 
 ( ■ 
 
 tm 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN I'ARTY. 
 
 removinji; his hat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his 
 cheeks. The President removed his own hat and bowed in silence; 
 but it was a bow which upset the fornix, laws, customs and cere- 
 monies of centuries. It was a death shock to chivalry, and a mortal 
 wound to <'a8te.-' 
 
 The I'resident returned to Washington on the 9th and for the next 
 four days was occupied with measures of relief from the burdens of 
 the war, rendered possible by its rapidly approaching end. The days 
 from tlie 24th of March till the 14th of April, were probably the 
 happiest of his life. He had passed through days and months of 
 anxiety and depression, when the Union armies were suffering defeat, 
 when the political skies at the North were dark, and when he was 
 himself misunderslood and traduced. Now the Union armies were 
 on the high tide of victory, the political atmosphere was clear, and he 
 had frequent evidence that he himself stood higher in popular favor 
 than ever before. The great task of his life had been accomplished, 
 and he was olready planning for the government and restoration to 
 prosperity of that portion of the country which was about to be 
 restored to peace; plans with the carrying out of which he was to 
 have nothing to do. ;. 
 
 The story of his assassination at Ford's Theater on the evening 
 of April 14; of the universal expression of sorrow and grief through- 
 out the North; of the long journey made by the funeral train; of the 
 demonstrations of respect and sorrow in every Town and City along 
 the route; and of the impressive ceremonies and the interment at his 
 old home in Springfield, which he had not visited since he left it, four 
 years earlier — the story of all these is too long and too familiar to 
 the public to warrant repetition here. 
 
 The surrender of Lee had not quite finished the war, for General 
 Johnston was still at the head of a large and well equipped army in 
 North Carolina, which might be reinforced from other parts of the 
 Confederacy. Johnston, however, evidently knew that it was merely 
 a question of time when he must surrender, and he opened corre- 
 spondence with General Sherman with a view to a suspension of hos- 
 tilities. General Sherman replied that he was fully empowered to 
 negotiate, on the same terms as those under which Lee surrendered 
 to Grant. This was not satisfactory to Johnston, and subsequently 
 he had two interviews with Sherman, in which he overpersuaded the 
 latter to sign the following remarkable "Memorandum or Basis of 
 
 «*.. 
 
 w it W Mu B jm i m i .n 
 
 it^r^:-;;-' 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. ~ 
 
 161 
 
 ng down his 
 d in silence; 
 tns and cere- 
 and a mortal 
 
 i for the next 
 10 burdens of 
 d. The days 
 
 probably the 
 nd months of . 
 
 ering defeat, 
 when he was , 
 
 armies were 
 
 clear, and he 
 popular favor 
 accomplished, 
 restoration to 
 I about to be 
 ich he was to 
 
 »n the evening 
 grief through- 
 tl train; of the 
 ind City along 
 terment at his" 
 he left it, four 
 oo familiar to 
 
 ir, for General 
 lipped army in 
 T parts of the 
 t it was merely 
 opened corre- 
 [)ension of hos- 
 empowered to 
 ee surrendered 
 d subsequently 
 rpersuaded the 
 im or Basis of 
 
 Agreement," which Sherman afterwards acknowledged he had no 
 power to guarantee: 
 
 1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain the status 
 quo, until notice is given by the Comnuniding (Jeneral of any one to 
 his opponent, and reasonable time, say forty-eight hours, allowed. 
 
 2. The Confederate armies, now in existence, to be disbanded 
 and conducted to their several Htaite Capitals, there to deposit their 
 arms and public property in the State Arsenal; and each officer and 
 man to execute and tile an agreement to cease from acts of war, and 
 to abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The 
 number of arms and of munitions of war to be reported to the Chief 
 of Ordnance, at Washington <Mty, subject to the future action of the 
 Congress of the United States; and in the meantime to be used solely 
 to maintain peace and order within the borders of the states respec- 
 tively. 
 
 3. The recognition, by the Executive of the United States, of the 
 several State Governments, on their officers and Legislatures taking 
 the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States; and 
 where conflicting State Governments have resulted from the war, 
 the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the 
 United States. 
 
 4. The re-establishment of all Federal Courts in the several 
 states, with powers as defined by the Constitution and the Laws of 
 Congress. 
 
 5. The people and inhabitants of all states to be guaranteed, so 
 far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as well 
 as their rights of person and property, as defined by the Constitution 
 of the United States, and of the states representatively. 
 
 6. The Executive authority or Government of the United States 
 not to disturb any of the people, by reason of the late war, so long as 
 they live in peace and quiet, and abstain from acts of armed hostility, 
 and obey the laws in existence at the place of their residence. 
 
 7. In general terms, it is announced that the war is to cease; 
 a general amnesty, so far as the Executive of the I'nited States can 
 command, on condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies, 
 the distribution of arms and the resumption of peaceful pursuits by 
 oflBcers and men hitherto composing said armies. Not being fully 
 empowered by our respective principals to fulfill these terms, we indi- 
 vidually and officially pledge ourselves to promptly obtain authority, 
 and will endeavor to carry out the above programme. 
 
 In making these terms General Sherman utterly misapprehended 
 the sentiment of people at the North. They had thought the terms 
 granted to Lee too generous, and those were granted before the assas- 
 sination of President Lincoln. The suggestion of these much m.ort? 
 liberal terms, coming after that atrocious crime, was intolerable. In 
 
 •■'PT^ ^uy y . i M g i » 1 » wyBjj» #i i fr w-a -^ W^ 
 
 * 
 
182 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UElM'ItLICAN I'AUTY. 
 
 un-oi'dHDce with tliiH Ht'iitiiiient tlie new I'leHidiMit and <'abinet, with 
 th« liearty «'onciirrfn('f of (leueral Oruut, repudiated the agreeiiieut 
 for the following roasunB: 
 
 1. It wa8 an ex<'r<*i8e of authority not vested in (leneral Hher- 
 man, and, on itH face. nhowH that both lie and Johnston linew that 
 (leneral Hhernian had no authority to enter into any 8u<'h arrange-- 
 ments. 
 
 2. It was a practical acknowledgment of the Rebel (lovernment. 
 
 3. It undertook to re-establish Rebel Htate Governments that 
 had been overthrown at the sacrifice of nmny thousand loyal lives 
 and immense treanure, and placed arms and munitions of war in the 
 hands of Rebels at their respective capitals, which might be used so 
 soon as the armies of the United States were disbanded, and used to 
 conquer and subdue loyal states. 
 
 4. By the restoration of Rebel authority in their re8i>ectiVe 
 states, they would be enabled to re-establish slavery. 
 
 5. It might furnish a ground of responsibility on the part of the 
 Federal CJovernnient to pay the Rebel debt, and certainly subjects ' 
 loyal citizens of Rebel States to debts contracted by Rebels in the 
 name of the State. 
 
 6. It puts in dispute the existence of loyal State Governments, 
 and the new State of West Virginia, which had been recognized by 
 every Department of the United States Government. 
 
 7. It practically abolished confiscation laws, and relieved the 
 Rebels of every degree, who had slaughtered our people, from all 
 pains and penalties for their crimes. 
 
 8. It gave terms that had been deliberately, repeatedly and sol- 
 emnly, rejected by President Lincoln, and better terms than the 
 Rebels had ever asked in their most prosi>erous condition. 
 
 9. It formed no basis of true and lasting peace, but relieved 
 Rebels from the presence of our victorious armies, and left them in a 
 condition to renew their efforts to overthrow the United States Gov- 
 ernment and subdue the loyal states, whenever their strength was 
 recruited and any opportunity should offer. 
 
 General Grant was sent immediately to Raleigh to announce 
 the rejection of the Sherman-Johnston arrangement and to direct the 
 immediate and general resumption of hostilities. Subordinate gen- 
 erals were ordered to be ready to resume hostilities at noon on the 
 26th. But Johnston, finding himself now in firm hands, surrendered 
 on the same terms as Lee did to Grant, the terms being as follows: 
 "Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate; one copy 
 to be given to an officer designated by each of the Commanding 
 Generals; the officers to give their individual paroles not to take up 
 arms against the Government of the United States until properly 
 
 ^"^MWMi 
 
 ■le- 
 
 -'i'- 
 
 'W 
 
THK END OP THK WAR. 
 
 18a 
 
 aliinet, with 
 «* agreeiiu'iit 
 
 'neral HIum*- 
 ti knew that 
 lurh arraiige- 
 
 lovornmpnt. 
 
 nments that 
 loyal lives 
 >f war in the 
 It be UBed bo 
 , and oBed to 
 
 r respeetite 
 
 le part of the 
 inly BubjectB 
 KebelB in the 
 
 GJovemmentB, 
 recognized by 
 
 relieved the 
 )ple, from all 
 
 tedly and sol- 
 i-niB than the 
 on. 
 
 , but relieved 
 
 left them in a 
 
 ?d States Oov- 
 
 Btrength was 
 
 1 to announce 
 1 to direct the 
 )ordinate gen- 
 t noon on the' 
 s, surrendered 
 ng as follows: 
 jate; one copy 
 Commanding 
 lot to take up 
 intil properly 
 
 exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to Hign a 
 like parole for the men of their commands; the arms, artillery, and 
 public property to be pa<-ked and Hta«'ked, and turned over to United 
 States oflBcers. This will not embrace the side arms of offlcers, nor 
 their private horses or baggage. This done, each olticcr and man 
 will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by United 
 States authority so long as they <»bserve their paroles, and the laws 
 in force where they may reside." 
 
 There were, after this, a few battles and skirmishes in the remote 
 Southwest, but these were unimportant. As a general thing the 
 small bands of Kebels, still in the field, mustered themselves out, 
 grabbed what property they could lay hands on, and started for 
 home. The surrender of Lee made the colla]iHe of the ('onfe*lerucy 
 inevitable. The surrender of Johnston made it complete. 
 
 It remained to disband the Union armies. Tln're were in the 
 field according to the muster rolls on the 1st of March, 9fi5,51)l men, 
 of whom 602,593 were present for duty, and 132,538 on detached 
 service. These men bad been accustomed, in the Army, to short 
 periods of fierce action, alternating with long periods of comparative 
 idleness. They had lost the habit of steady, (|iiiet, labor, and many 
 people were apprehensive that the "turning loose" of so many of 
 them at once, would be destructive of good order, good morals and 
 good government. These apprehensions proved groundless. The 
 Union armies were made up, almost entirely, of patriotic citizens, 
 and not of bummers, dead beats or scalawags. The Western armies 
 were mustered out as fast as the condition of the districts in which 
 they were located would warrant. The Eastern armies were, as far 
 as practicable, concentrated at Washington for the Grand Review, 
 which has become historic as the most inspiring parade of volunteer 
 citizen soldiery ever seen, and then they, too, were sent to their 
 homes. There was neither disturbance, nor rioting, nor any increase 
 of offenses against person or property. The vast host faded away 
 into the farms, the workshops and the offices of the country, without 
 a sign of disorder, creating for itself only two reminders of its 
 former existence, the Grand Army of the Republic for the living, 
 Memorial Day for the dead. 
 
 mtmmm* 
 
^ 
 
 I -• 
 
 4 -, 
 
 XV. 
 ANDREW .TOIINHON AXH HIW I'Ol.irY. 
 
 Forebodings of tlie NortluTin'rH in H«')>;ar<l ((» -lolniHon — HIb Cnni- 
 paign HjiftM'lM'H Made An I'nfavoralih* liiiprcHHion — His TlircatH 
 Toward the Houth — Talk About Making TreaHon OdiouH — 
 Sudden Change of Attitude — I'roclanuition of AnincHty and 
 Pardon — Poor Seh'cHonM of I'roviHional (SovernorH for tin* 
 Wouthern Htates — Mischievous KeMultH of the PreHident'i* Plan — 
 Houthern States Re-enact Slav«'rv in Anotlier Form — They 
 Accept the Thirteentli i\niendnM'nt and Then Proc«'ed to Nullify 
 It — IHscriniinationK Against Colored People in the Punishment 
 of Offenses — The President's Message — Committee on Recon- 
 struction — Interesting Debates on the Southern (Question — 
 
 .. Passage of the First Reconstruction A<'t Uiid Pro<'eedings Ti^nder 
 It — The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 
 
 In casting about for some consolation for President Lincoln's 
 untimely taking off, many of the religious people of the class that 
 always understand in advan<-e, the purposes of the Almighty, dis- 
 covered in this tragic event a design of vengeance upon the 
 transgressing South. Lincoln's gentle and forgiving nature, they 
 said, was not adapted to dealing with suflb-ient severity with the 
 erring brethren. Providence had ordained that the heavy hand of 
 Johnson should i-est upon them, instead of the soft Iiand of Lincoln. 
 It did not take many months to convince them of their error, for the 
 new President, though truculent and threatening at first, soon inau- 
 gurated a policy, that if carried out, would have put the Secession 
 leaders in the saddle again, reduced the negroes to practical slavery, 
 and have nullifled half the eHects of the war. As it was, he kept 
 the country in a turmoil during his whole four years' term of office, 
 set back the work of orderly and durable reconstruction and hindered 
 progressive legislation in almost every direction. He was one of 
 the worst mischief-makers in the whole history of American politics. 
 
 HMmPiP 
 
ANDUEVV .lOIINHON AND IlIH I'OKU'Y. 
 
 18n 
 
 11 iH Cani- 
 iH TliriMitH 
 
 OdioiiH — 
 iiioHt.v nn(] 
 H for th»' 
 nt'H Plan — 
 Oriii — They 
 \o NuUif.v 
 'uniHiiinenf 
 on Reron- 
 (iuestion — 
 iiiRH T'luU'f 
 
 it Lincoln's 
 s clasB that 
 rnighty, dis- 
 ' upon the 
 mture, t\wy 
 ty with the 
 fivy hand of 
 I of Lincoln, 
 •ror, for the 
 , soon inan- 
 le Secession 
 ical slavery, 
 vas, he kept 
 rm of office. 
 ,nd hindered 
 was one of 
 can politics. 
 
 The election canipaiKi) liad no( |iroKreHHed far when the Uepiib- 
 licaiiH who heard him speak became convlnc(>d that the nomination 
 of .Johnson was a mistake. Nearly or (|iiile the first H«>t speech lie 
 made after his nomination was in the wiKwam. at Indianapolis, dnrInK 
 the Htate canvass in Indiana. It was nearly two litMirs Un\f(, was 
 ranihlinK nnd disconnected in f(»rm, and was full of eulogistic and 
 ccmceited alhisi(»ns to himself and his career. The contrast between 
 that and the elo(|uenl, forcible and convincing; arguments which the 
 people of that se<'tion had been accustomed to hear from tlu> lips of 
 Governor Morton, was painful. His whole stumping lour tliroup;h 
 the west ^ave the impression of a narrow, self-sat isHed man, v\'h(» 
 had done ^ood service to the country when he was obstinate in the 
 riKht, but who was equally likely to do great harm, if he should ever 
 become obstinate in the wronj;. The hope remained that tin- rec<»),'- 
 nition of the War l>emocra<'y on the ticket would bring to it many 
 votes, and that Johnson, on the Vice Presidential shelf would, at least, 
 do no harm. As it turned out the votes were not needed, .Fohnson 
 did not remain on the Vice-Presidential shelf, and he did an inflnile 
 amount of mischief. 
 
 While the new President was distrusted at the North his ante- 
 cedents, as well as his temper, were such as to peculiarly unfit him 
 for dealing with the influential men in the Houlh. lie was not only a 
 "poor white," a class which the Houtheru aristocracy, who were the 
 real leaders, despised, but he was a leader (»f that class. He con- 
 stantly boasted of his humble origin, and he had first climbed inio 
 political prominence on the votes of men of similar origin. He had 
 posed as the workingman's friend, the champion of the poor against 
 the ricli. He was the champion of white labor in the Tennessee 
 Legislature and in Tongress, his arguments tending to antagonize 
 slave labor, although he never announced himself as an Anti- 
 Slavery nmn. He advo<'ated the Homestead policy, which was espec- 
 ially obnoxious 1o the Southern leaders, as tending to break up the 
 territories and the unsettled portions of the states into small land 
 holdings, with independent settlers, instead of putting it into large 
 plantations with slaves. In his course in ('ongress he was undoubt- 
 edly sincere, and he was certainly courageous. He was a Union 
 man, when to be such incurred the hatred of his own section. At 
 the time of Secession, he was the only Senator froiu a seceded State 
 that remained loyal to the Tnion. His firm and courageous discharge 
 
 mmKmmm 
 
1M 
 
 HIHTOHVOFTIIK KKITHLKAN TAUTV 
 
 of liiN diit.v, MM Mltitiiry Oovi'mor of T«*nn<>i<M(>«', liad fnrtli«'r intriiMl- 
 lli'il tli(> liati-i'd iiKaiiiMt liiiii in the Hoiitli. 
 
 The HoiitlKM'ti IciKlcrM iiiiKlit |M'rliii|»N liiivc <-oo|M*i'iit('<l with mik-Ii ii 
 Hoiitlicni Ucpiiblicuii iim Hfiir.v Winter huviH or iloraco Ma.vtianI, or 
 KraiK-iH I*. Itlair, in tlio ctTort to fornnilat«> a rcnHonabIc and Maf(> plan 
 of r«M-onHtrii<-tion, but not with Andrew .lolinHon. lie might, 
 |H>rha|>H, when barked bv the power of hiH new poHition, have over- 
 come thiH diHadvantage, if he liad poMHeHHed an ev(>n temper, tact and 
 KO(hI judgment. He poHHeKHed neither. He might have avoided 
 ntoHt of liiH nnmeroUH miHtakeH, if he had taken the courMe that 
 would have iiuggeHted itMelf to un.v prudent man, railed t'ongreHH 
 together in extra HeHMion, conferred with itH leaderH, and let that 
 bod.v take the initiative. He wao too ronceited for that. 
 
 There had been nothing in hiH rerent utteraneeH that could lead 
 the HouthernerH to expect clemency at bin handn. He proteHted to 
 I'reHident liincoln agaiuHt what he called the too eaH.v terniM of sur- 
 render accorded b.v <Jrant to Lee. Hefore Mr. Lincoln's renuiiuH hud 
 l(>ft the White HouHe, he announced that hiM policy whh not to be one 
 of mercy. In a Hpei'ch to a delegation of diBtinguiHhed citixens of 
 Ulinoig, on the IMth of April, he announced that Lincoln'ti policy 
 would be hiK policy, but afterwards struck out that portion of his 
 HiMH**'!! from, the stenographer's notes. It did not agree with the 
 sentiments in other parts of the address, nor with what he, at the 
 time, felt. In another part of his address to these Illinois visitors 
 he said: "When the question of exercising men-y comes before me 
 it will be considered calmly, judicially, remembering that I am the 
 Executive of the Nation. I know men love to have their names 
 spoken in connection with acts of mercy, and how easy it Is to yield 
 to that impulse. But we must n«>ver forget that what may be mercy 
 to the individual is cruelty to the State." 
 
 His first public speech after he became President showed a sin- 
 gular want of tact. He gave no expression of grief or praise for the 
 dead I'resident, beyond the declaration that he was "almost over- ' 
 whelmed by the announcement of the sad event which has so- recently 
 occurred." But he had much to say about himself, and his career. 
 This was always a ready and tempting topic to him. "Toil, and an 
 honest advocacy of the great principles of Free Government have 
 been my lot," he said. "The duties have been mine, the consequences 
 God's." And this led Senator John P. Hale to remark: "Johnson 
 
 MM 
 
 v\ 
 
 
ANhUKW .MHINHON AND IMS IMH.irY. 
 
 1«7 
 
 tliiT intciiHi 
 
 Willi Miicli a 
 Ma.vnanl, or 
 mi Maf(* plan 
 lie iiiiglil, 
 have «>v«'r- 
 MT, ta<;t uiul 
 iav«' avoided 
 coiii'He that 
 ed <'oii){reMH 
 and let dial 
 t. 
 
 at could lead 
 
 protested to 
 
 tei-iiiH of 8ur- 
 
 reiiiaing hud 
 
 not to be one 
 
 ed citizens of 
 
 icoln'H policy 
 
 lortion of his 
 
 cree with the 
 
 ]at he, at the 
 
 inoiH vmitorci 
 
 168 before me 
 
 hat I am the 
 
 their nam^s 
 
 it is to yield 
 
 nay be mercy 
 
 showed a siii- 
 praise for tlie 
 "almost over- 
 US sorecoutly 
 id his career. 
 "Toil, and an 
 ^rnment have 
 consequences 
 k: "Johnson 
 
 Mecnied willing lo Hliare I lie ^'lory of IiIm acliieveiiieiilH willi Ills Oe- 
 ator, hut utterly forgot thai Mr. liiiicoin had any share of ciiMiil for 
 the HUppresNion of the Kehellion." .loliiiHon's remark, and Hale's 
 comment on It, were enoiiKli lo make the new I'reHideiil an object of 
 ridlcuh' at the start. In this same Hpe<>cli he had some further 
 remarks about himself, his humble ori^'in, etc., but very little to say 
 ilbout the country, aii'l notliiuK that was at all <-onclusive on the 
 subject that was uppermost in men's minds, the re<-onst ruction of the 
 Beteded Htates. 
 
 For the next few days his utterances. Ihou^h savuRe enough to 
 buit ili4< most implacable Uebel-hal(>r, tnw- iiiMliint; detlnite as to his 
 plan of reconstruction. He had mu<-h to say at*(/Mt iiiukinK "treason 
 odious,'' but nothing about how to make llf(> in the Kouthern Htates 
 safe, nor about re-establishing; loyal (Sovernmeiits in states that were 
 still under the control of their old l{ebel Iie){islatures, or uiid«>r no 
 control at all. Members of the Christian ('ommission called upon 
 him in the Capitol, while the dead President's remains still !'(>posed 
 in that structure, and in behalf of Hie Conimission the Kev. Dr. 
 Borden, of Albany, expressed the hope that justice minht lie tempered 
 with merj'V. Johnson replied tliat he proposed "erecting u standard 
 by which ev<»rybody sliould be tauf^ht to believe that treason is the 
 highest crime known to the laws, and that the perpetrator should be 
 visited with the punishment which he deserves.'' "I have become 
 satisfled that mercy without justi<'e, is a crime, and that when mercy 
 and ('leniency are exercised by the Executive, it should always be 
 done in view of justice," he said to a delegation of loyal Houtherners. 
 a day or two later. 
 
 To a delegation of I'ennsylvanians, headed by Himon (-ameron, 
 he exclaimed: "But I say treason is a crime, the very liighest crime 
 known to the law, and there are men who ought to siitTer the penalty 
 of their treason. To the unconscious, the deceived, the conscripted, 
 in short, to the great mass of the misled, I would say, mercy, clem- 
 ency, reconciliation, and the restoration of their Government. But 
 to those who have deceived, to the conscious, intelligent, influential 
 traitor, who attempted to destroy the life of a Nation, I would say, 
 on you be inflicted the severest penalties of your crime." 
 
 This idea of the "severest penalties" clung to him for some 
 weeks. Senator Ben Wade, of Ohio, was one of the old Anti-Slavery 
 guard, was a rough rider in the Senate, was a good hater, and was 
 never accused of being especially tender-hearted on any subject. But 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPTJBUCAN PARTY. 
 
 ft-,* * 
 
 Johnson r*«farded Wade as beinia: too merciful for his own blood- 
 lliirst.v nati. <*. After Henator Wade had advised him not to be too 
 severe, Johnson said: "Well, Mr. Wade, what would you do if yon 
 were in my place, and charfjed with my responsibilities?" "I think," 
 was the answer. "I should either force into exile or hang about ten 
 or twelve of the worst of those fellows, i>erhaps by way of full 
 measure 1 should make it thirteen, a baker's dozen." "But how," 
 said Johnson, "are you going to pick out so small a number, and show 
 them to be guiltier than the rest?" 
 
 In all this ferocious talk there was no hint at any plan of restora- 
 tion, but on the 25>th of May he announced the first of his reconstruc- 
 tion measures. It was not a call for the "severest punishment," of 
 the "ccmscious, intelligent influential traitors," nor for the hanging 
 of any of those "guiltier than the rest." On the contrary it was a 
 general "Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon," with, however, 
 thirteen exceptional classes as follows: (1) All diplomatic officers 
 and foreign agents of the Confederate (Government. (2) All who left 
 Judicial stations under the United States to aid the Rebellion. ^3) 
 All military and naval oflfh-ers of the Confederacy above the rank of 
 Colonel in the Army, and Lieutenant in the Navy. (4) All who left 
 seats in Congress to join the Rebellion. (5) All who resigned, or 
 ofTered io resign from the Array or Navy to evade duty in resisting 
 the Rebellion. (6) All who were engaged in treating, otherwise than 
 as lawful prisoners of war, persons found in the United States 
 service as officers, soldiers or seamen. (7) All persons who were, or 
 had be<rn absentees, from the United States for the purpose of aiding 
 the Rebellion. (8) All graduates of the Military or Naval Academy. 
 (9) OlBcorg of the states in insurrection. (!(►) All who passed beyond 
 the Fedi'ral military lines, for the purpose of aiding the Rebellion. 
 (11) All persons aiding in the destruction of the commerce of the 
 United States on the high seas, lakes and rivers. (12) All persons 
 held in military, naval or civil confinement. (18) All persons engaged 
 in tlie Rebellion, the estimated value of whose property was over 
 ^20,000. 
 
 In the last clause the President showed his old inclination to 
 play the poor against the rich. Nothing could possibly have been 
 more unpopular than to [mt under the ban the well-to-do people and 
 men of means, who, if they chose, could be vastly more in the work 
 of reconstruction than the poorer classes, who were largely unedu- 
 cated and uninfluential. 
 
 I < 
 
 
 - f:; 
 
ANlHtEW JOHNHON AM) HIR POLICY. 
 
 189 
 
 wu blood- 
 to be too 
 do if yoM 
 "I think," 
 about ten 
 ay of full 
 hit how," 
 and show 
 
 of restora- 
 
 econstruc- 
 
 hnient," of 
 
 le hanging 
 
 '.V it was a 
 
 however, 
 
 tic offlcertl 
 
 11 who left 
 
 !llion. (H) 
 
 he rank of 
 
 II who left 
 
 esigned, or 
 
 n resisting 
 
 ^rwise than 
 
 ited States 
 
 ho were, or 
 
 !.e of aiding 
 
 1 Academy. 
 
 ised beyond 
 
 ^ Rebellion. 
 
 erce of the 
 
 Vll persons 
 
 ins engaged 
 
 y Was over 
 
 'lination to 
 have been 
 people and 
 n the work 
 a;ely unedu- 
 
 I I 
 
 This, and the subseciuent steps in the President's plan of restora- 
 tion, are credited to the efforts of Secretary Seward, who, it is said, 
 speedily acquired great influence over the President, and who, again 
 desired to "direct affairs for the benefit of the nation in the name of 
 another." If that is so, the Secretary was never proud enough of 
 the work to boast of it as his, and Johnson was too proud to acknowl- 
 edge that he got his ideas from anyone but himself. Whatever the 
 cause, the President abandoned his belligerent attitude, and from 
 this time on a pacific plan was adopted. Whether Seward originated 
 it or not, he fully <'oincided with it, and the deplorable results that 
 followed caused him the deepest disappointment and humiliation. 
 After the failure of the plan was definitely established, he expressed 
 to his friends great surprise and chagrin that the South should 
 respond with sudi shameless ingratitude to the magnanimous 
 lenders of symjtathy and friendship from the National Administra- 
 tion. 
 
 The Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon was followed, the 
 Bame day, by the appointment of William W. Holden as Provisional 
 Governor of North Carolina, with authority to restore civil govern- 
 ment in the State. It was nuide the duty of Governor Holden "at 
 the earliest practicable period, to prescribe such rules and regula- 
 tions as may be necessary and proper for assembling a Convention 
 of delegates who are loyal to the United States, and no others, for 
 the purpose of altering or amending the Constitution thereof, and 
 with authority to exercise, within the limits of the State, all the 
 powers necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of the State 
 of North Carolina to restore said State to its Constitutional relations 
 to the Federal Governnient, so as to entitle the State to the guaranty 
 of the I'nited States therefor, and to guard its people against Inva- 
 sion, insurre«'tions, and domestic violence." This was giving wide 
 latitude to a single individual, with no law of Congress for his guid 
 ance, and with no very definite instructions from the President. 
 
 Governor Holden was not a good choice of an official for the deli- 
 cate and responsible duties of a position of this character. He was 
 a shifty politician, who always aimed to be on the winning side. 
 Before the war he was a Democratic editor at Raleiigfh, and was an 
 original Secessionist. He was ahead of his State in that matter, 
 for, as early as 1850, he advocated disunion in cjiSe of Fremont's 
 election. In 1.S60-1, finding that the sentiment of the State was strong 
 against secession, iie opposed it. He was a member of the North Car- 
 olina convention, and when he saw that the outside pressure was cer- 
 
 
 
 BOMB! 
 
iiJ'<U^IHH!Pi i |i, 
 
 100 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 P 
 
 f 
 
 tain to cnrry the seccHgion ordinance tbrouKh, he shifted again, and 
 voted for it. He declared that he woald keep the i)en with which he 
 signed the Ordinance of BeceBsion as an heirloom for his posterity, 
 and for a time was one of the most rampant ''last ditch" Rebels. 
 After a time he began to express doubts as to the wisdom of the 
 whole movement, and criticised the Confederate Oovernment at Rich- 
 mond so savagely tlmt he came to be regarded as an open enemy of 
 the Confederate cause, and he was subjected to persecution and 
 annoyance for that reason. This soured him still more on the move- 
 ment, and he expressed great satisfaction, which was doubtless genu- 
 ine, at the downfall of the Confederacy. Like Johnson, he sprung 
 from the poor white class, and if he had done his best, he could never 
 have been a favorite with the aristocracy. He did not, however, do 
 his best. He did little toward restoring prosjierity and orderly gov- 
 ernment to the State, but much toward building up a political party 
 for President Johnson and himself. One of his methods for accom- 
 plishing this purpose was what Thaddeus Stevens called "peddling 
 amnesty," bringing discredit »pon the administration, as well as 
 himself. His arts did not prevail, and at the first election under the 
 new Constitution, he was defeated in the contest for Governor by 
 over six thousand votes. 
 
 Less mischief was done in North Carolina by President John- 
 son's loose method of reconstruction, than in the cotton states. North 
 Carolina was almost the last of the seceding states to go out, and then 
 irs ordinance was passed through trickery and outside pressure. Its 
 people were ready to accept any well-meant endeavors for the rehabil- 
 itation of the South, and reorganized without much help from 
 Holden. Tlaey accepted the President's plan, but repudiated its 
 agent. 
 
 In Alabama the outcome was very different. Lewis E. Parsons 
 was appointed Governor and tried to convince the people that the 
 abolition of slavery was a finality. "There is no longer a slave in 
 Alabama," he said. "It is thus made manifest to the world that the 
 right of secession for the purpose of establishing a separate confed- 
 eratity, based on the idea of African slavery, has been fully and 
 effectually tried, and is a failure." But in the convention which whi 
 called by the Provisional Governor, quite a different spirit prevailed. 
 It was argued in the debates that the State had committed no crime 
 in seceding; that only individuals could be punished; that secession 
 worked no forfeiture of the right of slave owners in their slave prop- 
 
 
 
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 
 
 191 
 
 kI again, and 
 fith which lie 
 his posterity, 
 itch" Rebels, 
 isdom of the 
 ment at Rich- 
 pen enemy of 
 •secution and 
 on the move- 
 )ubtle8s genu 
 m, he sprung 
 le could never 
 , however, do 
 i orderly gov 
 political party 
 ids for accom- 
 lled "peddling 
 D, as well as 
 tion under the 
 Governor by 
 
 resident John- 
 states. North 
 ) out, and then 
 pressure. Its 
 'or the rehabil- 
 ch help from 
 repudiated its 
 
 vis E. Parsons 
 cople that the 
 ger a slave in 
 world that the 
 'parate confed- 
 teen fully and 
 ion which wa5 
 pirit prevailed, 
 litted no crime 
 that secession 
 leir slave prop- 
 
 erty, and that there was no power in the United States Government, 
 by proclamation or otherwise, to destroy slavery. For the sake of 
 securing standing with the Government and representation in Con- 
 gress, the Convention repealed the Ordinance of Secession, and 
 adopted the Thirteenth Amendment, and then proceeded, as far as 
 possible to nullify the latter. It adopted a Constitution without sub- 
 mitting it to the people, and the Governor and Legislature elected 
 under it, went as far as they could toward re-establishing slavery, and 
 promised to go farther in the future. The Governor in his address, ; 
 on assuming oflBce, desired it to be understood, while commending 
 the policy of the President, that socially and politically the affairs of 
 the State should be controlled by the superior intelligence of the 
 white men. A few inconveniences incident to the situation were to 
 be endured until they could be changed, but in due season Alabaum 
 was to control the negro, much as it did before the war. 
 
 One of the first acts of the Legislature provided that freedmen, 
 free negr<ies, and mulattoes, wh(Mi contracting to labor for a longer 
 time than one month, should enter into a written agreement, wit- 
 nessed by two white persons, and failure to perform the contract was 
 made a misdemeanor. The penalty was loss of wages and sentence 
 for vagrancy, which meant sale to the highest bidder, and virtual 
 slavery. By subsequent enactment a sale for vagrancy was limited 
 to six months, but "stubborn or refractory servants" and "servants 
 who loiter away their time," were added to the class of vagrants. 
 Mobile was given a charter which made the n).unicipal corporation the 
 direct agent in enslaving men. The Mayor, Aldermen and Common 
 Council were empowered "to cause all vagrants, all such as have no 
 visible means of support, all who can show no reasonable cause of 
 employment or business in the city, all who have no fixed residence 
 or cannot give a good account of themselves, or are loitering about 
 tippling houses, to give security for their good behavior for a reason- 
 able time, and to indemnify the city for any reasonable charge for 
 their support, and in case of their inability or refusal to give security, 
 to cause them to be confined to labor for a limited time, not exceeding 
 six months, said labor to be for the benefit of the city." Under the 
 various provisions mentioned, with the testimony of white witnesses 
 only received, it would be easy to secure six months' slavery for 
 almost any colored man. 
 
 The other Provisional Governors were William L. Sharkey, of 
 Mississippi, James Johnson of Georgia, Andrew J. Hamilton of 
 
 ii 
 
 '.?'t 
 
1J»2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEITBLICAN PAKTY. 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 Texas, B««njaniin F. Perry of South Carolina and \Yiniam Marvin of 
 Florida. (Governors Johnson and Hamilton worked zealously, and 
 with fair success, in ifivinjj their resiMH-tive states a start in the right 
 direttion. but in the other three states mentioned the situation was 
 worse than in Alabama. 
 
 Oovernor Sharkey of Mississippi was a man of probity, and a 
 good jurist, but without exeeutive qualifleations. He was helpless 
 when it nime to contact with the flreeaters in that hot-headed State. 
 The I^egislature chosen in accordance with the Johnson policy 
 reje«ted the Thirteenth Amendment, and went so far, in direct enai-t- 
 ments of an objectionable character, as to lead to the impression that 
 it would adopt slavery as a State institution. In fact the old slave 
 code was re-enacted, as far as possible, under another name. 
 
 In the South Carolina I^^gislature a motion to repeal the Ordin 
 ance of Secession was introduced by the same man who introduced 
 the Ordinance itself in 1860. The Thirteenth Amendment was 
 accepted only after long delay, and then only at the personal solicita- 
 ti(»n of President Johnson and Secretary Seward. One of the acts 
 passed made felonies of crimes committed by jiersons of color, which 
 were only misdemeanors if committed by white persons. Many other 
 acts were passed which were unjust and tyrannical, and other special 
 laws were enacted of such an extreme character that General Sickles 
 finally interfered, and virtually suppressed the legislature. 
 
 In Florida the Thirteenth Amendment was not ratified until it 
 had already been proclaimed as part of the organic law of the land. 
 Laws relating to vagrancy, similar to those in Alabama, were passed 
 and among other cruel enactments was one that any negro intruding 
 himself 'into any religious or other public assembly of white jiersons, 
 or into any railroad <ar, or other vehicle set apart for white persons, 
 must stand in the pillory for one hour, and then be whipped with 
 thirty-nine lashes on the bare ba<k." 
 
 This was the situation when Congress met in December, 1863. 
 The South had been reconstructed without its knowledge or consent. 
 Schuyler Colfax was elected Siieaker by a vote of 139 votes to 
 36 for James Brooks of New York. On assuming the chair, Mr. 
 Colfax reflected the tenii)er of the House by departing from the usual 
 perfunctory expression of thanks. He made some positive declara- 
 tions as to' the work before the body, and the declarations were not 
 in the line of President Johnson's policy, either. Even before the 
 President's messagi' had been received. Thaddeus Stevens made a 
 motion for a joint committee on reconstruction and his motion was 
 
 ■WMSiI 
 
 v\- 
 
"-^V'" 
 
 TY. 
 
 Iliam Marvin of 
 I zealously, and 
 fart in the right 
 le situation wuh 
 
 ' probity, and a 
 le was helpless 
 otheaded Wtate, 
 .)ohns(m policy 
 , in direct ena<'t- 
 inipression that 
 ict the old slave 
 »r name, 
 epeal the Ordin- 
 
 who introduced 
 nnendnient was 
 [>ersonal soliciia- 
 One of the acts 
 B of color, which 
 ms. Many other 
 ind other special 
 t General Sickles 
 ilature. 
 
 ratified until it 
 law of the land, 
 luia, were passed 
 ' negro intruding 
 of white iiersons, 
 [>r white persons, 
 be whipited with 
 
 December, 1863. 
 ledge or consent. 
 
 of 139 votes to 
 ig the chair, Mr. 
 ig from the usual 
 
 |w>8itive declara- 
 irations were not 
 
 Even before the 
 
 Stevens made n 
 [1 his motion was 
 
 ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 
 
 193 
 
 immediately adopted under suspension of the rules. The message 
 itself was unexpectedly moderate in tone, and indicated no purposi; 
 to break with the nmjority in the two houses, but it received scant 
 attention. Its words were not in accord with the President's deeds. 
 In the Senate Mr. Sumner outlined a radical policy of reconstruction, 
 without reference to what the President might or might not do or 
 say. Thus in both houses, within the first two days there was every 
 indication that the President's policy would be promptly repudiated. 
 
 The joint committee on recimstruction, provided for by Mr. 
 Stevens' resolution, 
 was appointed on the 
 thirteenth of Decem- 
 ber, and consisted of 
 William Pitt Fessen- 
 den, of Maine; James 
 W. (} rimes, of Iowa; 
 Ira Harris, of New 
 York; Jacob M. How- 
 ard, of Michigan; Rev- 
 erdy Johnson, of Mary- 
 land; and George H. 
 Williams of Oregon, 
 on the part of the Sen- 
 ate ; and Thaddeus 
 Stevens, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Elihu B. Wash- 
 burne. of Illinois; Jus- 
 tin S. Morrill, of Ver- 
 mont; Henry Grider of 
 Kentucky; John A. 
 Bingham, of Ohio; 
 Roscoe Conkling, of New York; George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; 
 Henry T. Blow, of Missouri; and Andrew J. Rogers, of New Jersey. 
 
 Before this committee reported, the general policy of reconstruc- 
 tion was discussed in the two houses in a somewhat rambling way, 
 as there was great divergence of opinion as to the best methods. 
 Upon one point the Republicans were very generally agreed: That 
 they wanted no more of Johnson's policy. This feeling was not at all 
 diminished by the character of the men who came to Washington to 
 represent the reconstructed states. Four of Johnson's Provisional 
 
 SCHUYLER COLFAX. 
 
mm 
 
 WW 
 
 m 
 
 104 
 
 IlIHTOUY OF THE UEPUIJLK'AN PAKTV. 
 
 Goveiiiiu-H npiieart'd with (tTtiflcates for seats in the Senate, and the.v 
 were the four whose states had prmtiially beKuu to re-establisli 
 slavery. They were l.ewis E. I'arsons, of Alabama; William Marvin 
 of Florida; William L. Sharkey, of Mississipi)!; and Benjamin F. 
 Perry, of South Carolina, while Georgia sent as Senators the Vice 
 President of the Confederacy, Alexander H. Stephens, and one of the 
 most <.onspicutHis Rebels. Herschell V. Johnson. The House was 
 reminded that there had been a war, by the advent of the foilowiuK 
 Rebel niilitarv officers: (Jeneral Cullen A. Battle, of Alabama; (}en- 
 
 eral Philip Cook and 
 General Wofford, of 
 Georgia; General 
 Samuel McGowan and 
 <\)lonel John 1>. Ken- 
 nedy, of South Caro- 
 lina; Colonel Arthur E. 
 Reynolds and Colonel 
 Richard Pinson, of Mis- 
 sissippi; Colonel Josiah 
 E. Turner, Jr., of North 
 Carolina, together with 
 a large number of men 
 who had been civil lead- 
 ers in the Rebellion. 
 
 Thaddeus Stevens 
 was the leader of the 
 House forces on the 
 Reconstruction q u e s- 
 tion. He maintained 
 that the states that se- 
 ceded from the TTnion 
 must come back as new states, or come back as conquei-ed provinces. 
 "The separate action of the President, or Senator, or House," he said, 
 "amounts to nothing, either in admitting new states or guaranteeing 
 republican form of Government to lapsed or outlawed states. 
 \» hence springs the preposterous idea that any one of these, acting 
 separatelv, can determine the right of states to send senators or rep- 
 resentatives to tlie Congress of the Union?" Mr. Stevens had not, 
 at that time, got so far as to ad -cate suffrage for the blacks by 
 Federal action, but '.„ i. iptnl, by excluding the entire population from 
 
 THADDHJUS STEVENS. 
 
 W 
 
'Y. 
 
 ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 
 
 195 
 
 i«nnlt', nnd tho.v 
 to re-eBtablish 
 Viltiain Marvin 
 J Benjamin F. 
 atoi-B the Vice 
 and one of the 
 rhe House was 
 f the following; 
 Alabama; Oen- 
 lilip Cook and 
 NVofford, of 
 ;ia; General 
 McGowan and 
 John D. Ken- 
 f South Caro- 
 •lonel Arthur E. 
 |g and Colonel 
 I rinson, of MIb- 
 ; Colonel Josiali 
 ler, Jr., of North 
 a, together with 
 number of men 
 i been civil lead- 
 he Rebellion, 
 dens Stevens 
 le leader of the 
 forces on the 
 truction q u e s- 
 He maintained 
 le states that se- 
 frora the TTnion 
 |uei*ed provinces. 
 House," he said, 
 or guaranteeing 
 )utlawed states. 
 ( of these, acting 
 1 senators or rep- 
 Stevens had not, 
 r the blacks by 
 population from 
 
 the hmh of representation in Congress, to compel the States, in 
 their own interest, to extend the suffrage. He gave notice, more- 
 over, that the blacks were not to go unprotected. He said: "We 
 have turned, or are about to turn loose, four million slaves, without 
 a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The diabolical 
 laws of slavery have prevented them from obtaining an education, 
 understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the 
 ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to look after them 
 until they can take care of themselves. If Ave do not hedge them, 
 around with protective laws, if we leave them to the legislation of 
 their old masters, we had better have left them to bondage. Their 
 condition will be worse than that of our prisoners at Andersonville. 
 If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall 
 deserve to receive the execration of history and of all future ages." 
 He denounced, with great bitterness, the cry that this is a white 
 man's Government, saying: "Sir, the doctrine of a white man's Gov- 
 ernment is as atrocious as the sentiment that damned the late Chief 
 Justice to everlasting fame, and I fear, to everlasting flre." 
 
 The difficult task of answering Stevens was assigned to Henry 
 J. Raymond, of the New York Times. The vagaries of Mr. Greeley, 
 of the Tribune, during the war had deprived that jmper of its former 
 prestige, and Mr. Raymond had succeeded in bringing the Times to 
 the front as the leading Republican paper. It had now sided with 
 Seward and Johnson, and Mr. Raymond himself was the ablest of the 
 very few Republicans in Congress who were formed in those ranks. 
 He evidently felt that he was in a somewhat anomalous position, in 
 being separated so thoroughly from the great majority of his party 
 associates, but made the best that he could of the situation. "I 
 have no party feeling," said he in opening his speech, "that would 
 prevent me from rejoicing in the indications apparent in the Demo- 
 cratic side of the House, of a purpose to concur with the loyal Admin- 
 istration of the Government and with the loyal majorities in both 
 Houses of Congress in restoring^ peace and order to our common 
 country. I cannot, however, help wishing, that these indications of 
 an interest in the preservation of our Government had come some- 
 what sooner. I cannot help feeling that such expressions cannot 
 now be of as much use to the country as they might once have been. 
 If we could have had from that side of the House such indications of 
 an interest in the preservation of the Union, such heart-felt sympathy 
 of the friends of the Government for the preser'. ation of that Union, 
 
 Ml. II 1 1 r 
 
 w 
 
1!MS 
 
 HISTORY OF TMK REPUBFilCAN PARTY. 
 
 fliioh lienrt.v denuiK-iations for all those who were seeking its destruc- 
 tion while the war was raging, I am sure we might have been spared 
 some .years of war, some millions of money and rivers of blood and 
 tears." 
 
 In seeking to j'ontrovert Htevens' theory of dead states, he said: 
 "The gentleman from Pennsylvania believes that what we have to do 
 is to create new states out of this <'(mquered territory, at the prop<M' 
 time many years distant, retaining them meantime in a territorial 
 condition, and subjecting them to |ire<-iscly such a state of discipline 
 
 and tutelage as Con- 
 gress and the Govern- 
 ment of the United 
 States may see fit to 
 prescribe. If I be- 
 lieved in the premises 
 he assumes, possibly, 
 though I do not think 
 probably, I might agree; 
 with the conclusion he 
 has reached. But, sir, 
 I <-annot believe that 
 these states have ever 
 been out of the Union, 
 or that they are now 
 out of the Union. If 
 they were, sir, how and 
 when did they become 
 BO? By what specific 
 act, at what precise 
 time, did any one of 
 those states take itself 
 out of the American Union?" 
 
 After the recess Mr. Shellabarger answered Mr. Raymond pn 
 this point with a caustic summary, that is in itself the history and 
 the substance of the debate. "I answer him," said the earnest 
 member from Ohio, "in the words of the Supreme Court: 'The 
 causeless waging against their own Government of a war which all 
 the world acknowledges to have been the greatest civil war known in 
 the history of the human race.' The war was waged by these people 
 by states, and it went through long, dreary years. In it they threw 
 
 SAMUEL. SHELLABARGER. 
 
 ,:!vJfr; 
 
 
 '^'-W% 
 
CY. 
 
 ingits destruc- 
 ive been spared 
 rt) of blood aud 
 
 Htateg, he said: 
 t we have to do 
 y, at the proper 
 in a territorial 
 ate of discipline 
 itelage as Con- 
 nd the Govern- 
 [>f the United 
 
 may see fit to 
 be. If I be- 
 in the premises 
 limes, possibl}', 
 
 I do not think 
 ly, I might agree 
 \ie conclusion he 
 iched. But, sir, 
 lot believe that 
 states have ever 
 ut of the Union, 
 it they are now 
 
 the Union. If 
 ■ere, sir, how and 
 did they become 
 By what specific 
 It what precise 
 did any one of 
 states take itself 
 
 Mr. Raymond pn 
 f the history and 
 said the earnest 
 me Court: 'The 
 f a war which all 
 Ivil war known in 
 (d by these people 
 In it they threw 
 
 ANDREW JOHNHON AND HIS POLICY 
 
 off and defied the authority of your Constitution, and your Govern- 
 ment. They obliterated from their Ktate ('(mstitutions and Laws 
 every vestige of recognition of your Government. They discarded 
 all their official oaths, and took In their places (witlis to support your 
 enemies' government. They seissed, in their own states, all the 
 Nation's property. Their Senators and Representatives In your 
 ('ongress insulted, bantered, defied, and then left you. They expelled 
 from their land, or Jissasslnated, every inhabitant of known loyalty. 
 They betrayed and surrendered your arms. They passed se^juestra- 
 tion and other acts, in Hagitious violation of the laws of nations, 
 nmking every citizen of the United States an alien enemy, and placing 
 in the treasury of their Rebellion all money and property due such 
 • itizens. They franted iniquity and universal murder into laws. 
 For years they besieged your capital and sent your bleeding armies in 
 rout back here, upon five very sanctuaries of your National power. 
 Their pirates burned your unarmed commerce upon every sea. They 
 carved the bones of your unburied heroes ihto ornaments, and drank 
 from goblets made out of their skulls. They poisoned your fountains, 
 put mines under your soldiers' i)risons, organized bands whose 
 leaders were concealed in your homes, and whose commissions 
 ordered the torch to be carried to your cities, and the yellow fever to 
 your wives and children. They planned one universal bonfire of the 
 North, from Lake Ontario to the Missouri. They murdered, by 
 systems of starvation and exposure, sixty thousand of your sons, as 
 brave and heroic as ever martyrs were. They destroyed, in the four 
 years of horrid war, another array so large that it would reach almost 
 around the globe in marching columns. And then to give to the 
 infernal drama a fitting close, and to concentrate into one crime all 
 that is criminal in crime, and all that is detestable in barbarism, they 
 murdered the President of the United States. I allude to these 
 hcrrid events, not to revive frightful memories, nor to bring back the 
 impulses toward the peri)etual severance of this people which they 
 provoke. I allude to them to remind us how utter was the over- 
 throw and the obliteration of all government, Divine and human; 
 how total was the wreck of all constitutions and laws, political, civil 
 and international. I allude to them to condense their monstrous 
 enormities of guilt into one crime, and to point the gentleman from 
 New York to it, and to tell him that that was the specific act/' 
 
 Raymond made a rejoinder to Shellabarger before the debate 
 chfsed, but without effect. His speech was ingenious and it was 
 
 ■HP 
 
 >mmmm 
 
lUH 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 I pi 
 
 pnilHwtfor ltn cleveriioHn, but it niPt with no praeticiil (lyinpathy, and 
 wlu'ii the tcHt vote wan taken only one Republican in the House voted 
 with Mr. Raymond — hit) colleague and friend, William A. Darling. 
 While he lived Mr. Raymond believed he <-ould have made a serious 
 diverHion among the Republicans in fouKress if he could have had 
 the benefit of the hostility of President Johnson's Democratic friends. 
 He was especially indignant at Mr. N'oorhees, whose ill-timed resolu- 
 tion, that "the President is entitled to the thanks of Congress and the 
 country for his faithful, wise, and successful effort to restore civil gov- 
 einment, law, and order to the states lately in rebellion," was the 
 cause of the break with the President, and the disaster that made 
 Raymond the approved ally of the discredited Democracy. 
 
 In the Senate Mr. Huuiner led in the debates, which covered essen- 
 tially the same ground as those in the House. While there was an 
 almost universal agreement, among I{epubli(;ans, that some act should 
 be passed tliat should take the Reconstruction matters entirely out 
 of the hands of the Pi'.'jident and his Provisional <}overnors, there 
 was great difficulty hi r'omJng to an agreement as to the proper 
 method. There was a strong feeling among many against supplant- 
 ing civil by military government, and still, without this, no method 
 of securing a sufficiently strong Government presented itself. The 
 differences among Republicans were not adjusted and the bill passed 
 until near the close of the second session of the Thirty- 
 ninth Congress. The President returned the bill with hit 
 veto, ati an argument against military rule. He delayed 
 the veto >iiitil the last moment allowed by the Constitution, and it 
 did not reach the House until Saturday, while Congress was to 
 adjourn Monday. Dilatory tactics, including talking against time, 
 were attempted by the minority, but the majority was strong enough 
 to overcome, by suspensions of the rules, this opposition, and the 
 bill passed over the veto by a vote of 135 to 48 in the House, and 38 
 to U) in the Senate. 
 
 The text of this much-discussed measure was as follows: 
 
 WHEREAS, No legal State Government, or adequate protect 
 tion for life or property now exist in the Rebel States of Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, 
 Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkansas; and whereas, it is neces- 
 sary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States 
 until loyal and republican State Governments can be legally estab- 
 lished; Therefore, 
 
 Be it enacted, etc.. That said Rebel States shall be divided into 
 military districts and 'made subject to the military authority of the 
 
 ■> \ 
 
 ■■$'-'; 
 
'Y. 
 
 ANDKFA rOHNHOX AND TUt*l '^^'Y. 
 
 IM 
 
 Hyinpathy, and 
 ic House voted 
 ni A. l>arlint(. 
 iiade a Berious 
 till Id have had 
 o<TaM<* friendii. 
 Iltinied reBolii- 
 ngresB and the 
 'Store civil gov- 
 lion," waH the 
 8ter that made 
 racy. 
 
 1 covered essen- 
 !(> there was an 
 »oine act should 
 tfrs entirely out 
 overnors, there 
 to the proper 
 jainst supplant- 
 this, no method 
 ed itself. The 
 the bill passed 
 at the Thirty- 
 bill with hii 
 He delayed 
 stitution, and it 
 longress was to 
 ig against time, 
 8 strong enough 
 osition, and the 
 e House, and 38 
 
 follows: 
 
 idequate protect 
 :e8 of Virginia, 
 jippi, Alabama, 
 eas, it is neces- 
 1 in said States 
 )e legally estab- 
 
 be divided into 
 authority of the 
 
 I'nited KtateH. an lH'n'iiinfl««r i i IImhI. I fw li f piifpoHe Vir- 
 );inia Mhall couHtiliite (lie tin iMirici; ..<rth ('iiruliiiii iiiid South 
 raroliiiH the Mccond district ; (' Kin. A hi uua, nixl Florida the third 
 district; MisHiMsippi and Arkin "< tli(> fomth diHirict, and houiHiana 
 and Texas the Hfth district. 
 
 Hec. 2. That it shall be the duty of (lie I'l-eHident to assign to 
 the command of each of said diHtrictM an olticer of the Army, not 
 below the rank of Itrigadier Oeneral, and to detail a HutTlcii'nt mili- 
 tary force to enabl(> such officer to perform his duties and enforce 
 his authority within the district to which he is asHigned. 
 
 Hec. .*>. That it shall lie the duty of each officer assigned as 
 aforesaid to protect all persons in their rights of person and property, 
 to suppress insurrection, disorder, and violence, and to punish, or 
 cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace and criminals, 
 and to this end he may allow local «-ivii tribunals to take jurisdiction 
 of and to try offenders, or, when in his judgment it nuiy be necessary 
 for the trial of offenders, he shall have power lo organize mili- 
 tary conmiissions (»r tribunals for that purpose; and all interferenr(>, 
 under c<»lor of State authority, with the exen ise of military authority 
 under this Act shall be null and void. 
 
 Se<'. 4. That all persons put under military arrest by virtue of 
 this Act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, and no cruel or 
 unusual punishment shall be inflicted; and no sentence of any mili- 
 tary commission or tribunal, hereby authorised, affecting the life or 
 liberty of any person shall be exe<*uted until it is approved by the 
 officer in command of the district, and the I^aws and Kegulations for 
 the (Jovernment of the Army shall not be affected by this Act, except 
 in so far as they conflict with its provisions: 
 
 PKOVIDEI), That no sentence of death under the provisions of 
 this Act shall be carried into effect without the approval of the 
 I'resident. 
 
 See. 5. That when the {leople of any one of said Rebel States 
 shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with 
 the Constitution of the United States in all respects, framed by a 
 convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State, 
 twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous 
 condition, who have been resident in said State for one yeav previous 
 to the day of sndi election, except such as may be disfranchised f(n- 
 parti<*ipation in the Rebellion, or for felony at common law, 
 and when such Constitution shall provide that the elective 
 franchise shall be enjoyed by all such ]>ersons as have the 
 qualification herein stated for ele<'tors <»f delegates, and when 
 such Constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the persons 
 voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors 
 for delegates, and when such Constitution shall have been submitted 
 to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have 
 approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its Legislature 
 elected under such Constitution, shall have adooted the .\mendment 
 
 r«i 
 
 
IIIHTOUV OKTIIK UKriHI.K^AN PARTY. 
 
 to tli(> CniiHlitiition of tlH' rtiilcti KtatcH, propoMcd h\ lli«> Tliirt,v ninth 
 CoiiKn'HH, iiiid known iih Arliric F(Mii-t<'«'n. inul wImmi Hiiid Article 
 hIihII liavc li<>(<inM' u ]iiii't of tlir ('(UiHtitntion of the I'nitcd HratcM, 
 Hiiid Htat4> Hliall Im> 4hM'lai'<>(l rntillcd to i-t'|in'H<'ntatioii in ronf;r(>MH, 
 and Kcnatoi'H and U<'pr<>H(>ntativch hIuiII lie admitted tlict-cfroui on 
 taking; tho oatlitt prcHcriiiod by law, and tlirn and tli<>i-<>aft«M' tli<> 
 pnM-cdinK HcrtionH of tliiH act Hliall lir inopiM'ativc in Maid Stiiti 
 
 I'KOVIDKh, That no |M>rf«on cxchidcd from tlir privi l•^^^' (»f 
 holding ofTlcc b,v Haid ]>i'opoH('d AnicndnuMit to the ConHtitntion of tli(> 
 Tnitod HtatoN Hliall hv i'li|;il>lt> to election an a nicnihtM' of the Con- 
 vention to frame a f'onHtitiition Un- an,v of Haid Rebel Staten, nor 
 Hhall any Hneh jiernon vote for iiiemberH of hiicIi fonvontion. 
 
 Hec. 0. That until the |H'ople <if Haid Reb<>l HtateH Hhall be by 
 law admitted to reprenentation in the ConmreHM of the T'nited Htaten. 
 any civil governnientH which may exint therein nliall be de«>nied pro- 
 vidional only, and in uiS veH|K'ctH Hubject to the ]Hiramonnt authority 
 of the United Htaten at any time to aboliHh, modify, control, or Huper- 
 <'ede the name; and in all electionn to any olflce under Hiich I'roviH- 
 ional OovernmentH all jierHona nhall be entitled to vote, and none 
 otherH, who are entitled to vote under the provinioUH of the Fifth 
 Section of this Act; and no perBon Rhnll be eli|;ible to any office under 
 any such ProviHional (iovernmentn who would be disqualified from 
 holding office under the provinions of the Third Article of said Con- 
 Htitutional Amendment. 
 
 The Military Governors appointed under thin Act were Major 
 General Schofleld, for the DiHtrict of Virginia; Major General Sickles, 
 for the District of North and South Carolina; Major General Pope, 
 for Georgia, Alabama and Florida; Major General Ord, for Missis- 
 sippi and Arkansas; Major General Sheridan, for Louisiana and 
 Texas. The President was hostile to I'ope, Sickles and Sheridan, and 
 they were replaced by Meade. Canby and Hancock respectively. 
 Under these Military Governors the real work of Reconstrn<'tion com- 
 menced, but it was not until 1808, that any of the states were 
 readmitted to representation. Arkansas was the llrst, and that was 
 followed in their order by North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, 
 Georgia and Florida. The bills for their readniission were all vetoed 
 by the President, and promptly passed over his veto. Virginia, Mis-, 
 sissippi and Texas did not comply with the terms requisite for re-ad- 
 mission till 1870. 
 
 The Joint Committee on Reconstruction also reported an Amend- 
 ment to the Constitution, to stand as the Fourteenth Amendment, as 
 follows: 
 
 Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the I'nited States 
 and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
 
 aX 
 
.J:ix■::'mtae'■'r^^:l^'\.^'A^r«s. 
 
 "I'l 
 
 AXnUKW .MHINKON ASM IIIH I'OLFCY. 
 
 201 
 
 Thirty uiiilli 
 Hiii<l A r|irl(> 
 
 llit<>«l KTUtt'H, 
 
 ill CongrcHM, 
 llicri'froni on 
 i('r«'Hff«M* flio 
 <i Htiit< 
 
 \>V\\ i i-ffV (»f 
 
 itiitlon of fli<> 
 r of llio Coil- 
 I KtatoH, nor 
 (ion. 
 
 H hIuiII hv by 
 I'nitod Stat«*H, 
 «' (l«M*iiH'd jiro- 
 Mint nuthority 
 trol, or Hiipor- 
 I- Hiicli ProviH- 
 ot<'. nnd non«» 
 4 of the Fifth 
 riy offlcp under 
 quiiliflcd from 
 «* of snid Ton- 
 
 t w«'rp Major 
 <*neral Hickles, 
 Clenoral Pope, 
 rd, for MJBiiiB- 
 Tionigiana and 
 
 Sheridan, and 
 i respectively, 
 istrnetion t'oni- 
 e stated were 
 , and that was 
 ina, Louisiana, 
 svere all vetoed 
 
 Virginia, Mis-, 
 lisite for re-ad- 
 ted an Amend- 
 Amendment, as 
 
 T'nited States 
 of the United 
 
 States and of the Stat*' wlier«'in ihey reside. No State shall make 
 or enforce any law which shall ahridKc the privileges or immunities 
 of citizens of the I'liittMl States; nor shall any State deprive any 
 IN'i'son of life, liberty or pi'op<>rty, without due process of law; nor 
 deny to any person within its jurisdiction the eipial protection of the 
 laws. 
 
 Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 
 states acconling to th<*ir reH|K'ctive numbers, counting the whole 
 number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. Itut 
 when the right to vote at any election for the choic«' of Electors for 
 President and Vice-President of the llnl(e<l States, Uepresentatives 
 in Congress, the Kxecutive and .ludicial ofticers of u State, or the 
 Members of tlie Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male 
 inliabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citixens 
 of the I'liited States, or in any way abridged, except for participation 
 in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of represiMitation therein shall 
 be reduced in the proportion which tlie number of such male citixens 
 shall bear to the whole numb«'r of male cilixens twenty -one years of 
 age in such Si ate. 
 
 Sec. ;{. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
 Congress, or Klector of President and Vice-President, or hold any 
 office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, 
 who, having previously taken an oath, as a Member of Congress, or 
 an officer of the United States, or as a Member of any State Legisla- 
 ture, or as an Exet-utive or Judicial olH<er of any State, to support the 
 Constitution of the Inited States, shall have engaged in insurrection 
 or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof. Hut Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, 
 remove such disability. 
 
 Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, 
 authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions 
 and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, 
 shall not be questicmed. Rut neither the T'nlte<l States nor any 
 Slate shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of 
 insurrection or rebellion against the T^nited States, or any claim for 
 the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, 
 or claims shall be held illegal and void. 
 
 Section 2 of this Amendment was a carrying out of Thaddeus 
 Stevens' idea of securing negro suffrage through State, instead of 
 Federal action, and section one was aimed at the laws which some of 
 Johnson's reconstructed states had enacted , discriminating against 
 the blacks. The various propositions embodied in this Amendment 
 occasioned prolonged discussions which would be of little interest 
 at the present time. The Amendment first passed the House, May 
 10, 1866, yeas 128, all Republicans; nays .'17, of whom 82 were Deim>- 
 
 iMMMMi 
 
WUBW^W"^ 
 
 202 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 crats and 5 niembors who were eleoted as RepublicanB, but classed as 
 Unionists at the time. The Henate amended it and passed it as 
 an ended, June 8, by 33 yeas, all Republicans; nays 11, of whom 7 
 were Democrats, the other four being the Unionists Cowan, Doolit- 
 tle, Norton and Van Winkle. As amended it again passed the House 
 by a vote of 138 yean, all Republicans, to 36 nays, all Democrats. It 
 was finally submitt* d to the States, June 16, 1866. The first states 
 to ratify it were. Connecticut, June 30, and New HampsLire, July 7. 
 Tennessee followed, July 19, whereupon i^ongress promptly restored 
 that State 1o the Union, and her Senators and Representatives were 
 seated July 28. It was nearly two years before any other of the 
 seceded states accepted the Amendment, though it was ratified by 
 most of the Northern States as soon as their Legislatures met. 
 
 The other great measures of this Congress were the Tenure of 
 Office Act, passed at the second session, and intended to prevent 
 President Johnson from making wholesale removals from office in 
 order to make places for his friends, the Act Establishing the Freed- 
 men'B Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act. The latter was designed 
 to confer upon the bla«ks all the civil rights enjoyed by the white 
 men except that of suffrage, to give them equality in all things 
 before the law, and to nullify every State law. North or South, that 
 was in conflict with the Federal statutes. The bill passed the Senate 
 mth onlv two Republican votes against it, Senators Doolittle and 
 Norton. When it came to the question of passing it over the veto 
 it had a narrow escape in the Senate, for Senators liane and Van- 
 Winkle joined the Johnson forces, and the vote stood 33 to 15. 
 Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, who would have voted with the Presi- 
 dent, was absent on account (<f illness, and Senator Stockton, of New 
 Jersey, who would have voted the same way, had very recently been 
 expelled. Their presence would have reversed the decision. That 
 was as near as the I'resident came to getting any satisfaction out of 
 the Thirty-ninth Congress. 
 
 Other Acts passed at the second session of the Thirty-ninth 
 Congress were as follows: Giving colored men the right to vote in 
 the District of Columbia and in the territories; repealing the author- 
 ity of the President to proclaim amnesty and pardon conferred by 
 Section 13 of the Act of July 17, 1862; providing i>enalties for forging 
 public securities; amending the course of procedure in habeas 
 corpus proceedings and establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy. 
 
{. 
 
 but classed as 
 1 passed it as 
 1, of whom 7 
 !owan, Doolit- 
 sed the House 
 democrats. It 
 he first states 
 >sLire, July 7. 
 aptly restored 
 jntatives were 
 ►' other of the 
 as ratified by 
 res met. 
 the Tenure of 
 ed to prevent 
 from oflBce in 
 ing the Preed- 
 
 was designed 
 1 by the white 
 
 in all things 
 or South, that 
 ised the Senate 
 
 Doolittle and 
 : over the veto 
 lane and Van- 
 rood 33 to 15. 
 with the Presi- 
 ockton, of New 
 f recently been 
 iecision. That 
 isfaction out of 
 
 e Thirty-ninth 
 'ight to vote in' 
 ing the author- 
 n conferred by 
 ties for forging 
 lure in habeas 
 of bankruptcy. 
 
 XVI. ;':://' 
 
 THE IMPEACHING CONGRESS. 
 
 The Elections of J8fi6— The Arm-in-Arm Convention in Philadelphia 
 —A Serious Movement Turned to Ridicule— Conventions of 
 Southern Loyalists and Northern Republicans— A Powerful 
 Address to the Country by the Former— The President's "Swing 
 Around the Circle*'— Administration and Anti-Administration 
 Soldiers' and Sailors' Conventions— Large Republican Majority 
 in the New Congress— Johnson's Numerous Vetoes— Charges 
 and Articles of Impeachment— Attempt to Force Secretary 
 Stanton Out of Office— Impeachment Renewed— Trial of the 
 Case and Benefits Therefrom— The Fifteenth Amendment. 
 
 For an off vear the campaign of 1860 was exciting and in some 
 resiwcts it was* unique. The Johnson and the Congressional plans 
 of Reconstruction were squarely before the people, and they presented 
 the sole issue in the Congressional elections. It was hoped, before 
 the campaign opened, that a combination might be made between the 
 Johnson Republicans and the Democrats that would control the 
 Fortieth Congress. President Johnson had been doing his best, 
 though not very successfully, through that powerful instrument, the 
 Federal patronage, to build up^ a party, and he was in hopes that if 
 the combination succeeded in 1866 it might open the way for his 
 re-election in 1868. It is not likely that the Democrats had any idea 
 of playing into Johnson's hands, but if tliey could divide the Republi- 
 can party they could themselves reap the benefit in the next election. 
 
 Tlie first inove looking towai-d such a combination was the famous 
 •'Arm-in-Arm" Convention in Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. It was 
 intended to bring together, in fraternal union, leading Johnson Re- 
 publicans and Democrats, North and South, and to effect a complete 
 fusion. With the Republicans it was an assertion of the Johnson- 
 Seward plans against the Sumner-Stevens-Wade leadership. With 
 the Democrats, it was the search for an ally. For the use of the 
 
 wm 
 
 wssm 
 
204 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ronreiiH6n a wigwam, calculated to accoiniiiodate ten thousand 
 I)ei'8ong, was erected on flirard avenue, near Twentieth street. The 
 white man's troubles began with the construction of the wigwam. A 
 bitter campaign was on for the election of Governor and other State 
 officers, and tla- feeling was running high, particularly in Philadel- 
 phia. Besides that, the old war feeling had been aroused by John- 
 son's furious speeches. A lot of the young fighting Republicans, 
 including, espe<*ially, the boys in the V^olunteer Fire Department, who 
 were always ready either for a fight or a Are, resented this "Rebel 
 invasion of Philadelphia," this "contamination of the pupils of Girard 
 College." They threatened that the wigwam should never be com- 
 pleted, or if completed, that it should be burned down before it was 
 occupied. These threats were so frequent, that, though no attempt 
 to burn the wigwam was made, the Mayor still feare<l a riot. On 
 tlie opening day of the Convention, as a precautionary measure, he 
 had in readiness for service, in addition to the police, a large force 
 of Militia. The feeling of the young Republicans was directed esiKM*- 
 ially against Clement L. Vallandigham, whom they regarded as th^ 
 incarnation of Northern treason, Fernando Wood, and Isaiah 
 Rynders, of New York City. These men Anally submitted to the 
 demand that they should not be seen at the wigwam, and that par- 
 ticular cause of disturbance was removed. The threats gradually 
 diminished, and there was no disturbance of any kind. 
 
 The opening of the Convention was planned with a view to dra- 
 matic effect.. The delegates went in, arm-in-arm, and the aim was to 
 bring those who had formerly been of different politics together, Ten 
 years before James L. Orr, of South (Carolina, had been conspicuous 
 as the Speaker of the House at Washington ; he had been swept into 
 the Secession movement and he had been eminent in the Confederate 
 civil service. On the other hand, Darius N. Couch, of Massachus- 
 etts, had served throughout the four years of the war with signal 
 gallantry as a I'nioh officer, and had risen to the rank of a Major 
 General of Volunteers. These two men were chosen to lead the 
 march of the delegates; the one representing the Bay State, the other 
 the Palmetto State, as symbolic of bringing together the extremes 
 cf the lately shattered Union, and they advanced up the aisle to the 
 alternate music of "Dixie" and "Yankee Doodle." Other similar 
 pairs of extremes were efTe<'ted, and in the procession there were men 
 of every shade and variety of political belief and association, inso- 
 much that the Republicans compared the grand entry to the Biblical 
 
THE IMPEArHINC. CON(UlEHS. 
 
 en thousand 
 street. The 
 wigwam. A 
 d other State 
 r in Philadel- 
 ised by John- 
 Republicans, 
 >artnient, wlu» 
 il tliis "Rebel 
 pils of Qirard 
 jever be <'oui- 
 before it was 
 fh no attempt 
 I a riot. On 
 ,' measure, lie 
 a large forco 
 lireited e8i>ec- 
 E;arded us th^ 
 , and Isaiah 
 mitted to the 
 and that par- 
 tats gradually 
 
 a view to dra- 
 he aim was to 
 together. Ten 
 n conspicuous 
 »en swept into 
 le Confederate 
 of Massachus- 
 ir with signal 
 nk of a Major 
 en to lead the 
 itate, the other 
 ■ the extremes 
 he aisle to the 
 Other similar 
 here were men 
 Mtciation, inso- 
 to the Biblical 
 
 des<ription of the advent into the Ark of "clean beasts and of beasts 
 that are not clean, and of fowls and of everything that creepeth upon 
 the earth." ■■ >.-■"■ :^;,--''. .■.•■ *:-; - '■;, ;'-V.v,,-- 
 
 General Dix. of "shoot-him-on-the-spot" fame, an old Democrat, 
 was the temporary Chairman, and Senator James R. Doolittle, one 
 of the pioneer Republicans, was permanent (niairman. Of the grand 
 aggregation of attractions, one of the City pajiers, in a review of it 
 at a recent date, said: "The Arm-in-Arm (Convention contained 
 many statesmen who were either then or afterward eminent in the 
 Democratic party. In the Oirard avenue wigwam during the three 
 days' sessions sat, for example, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana; 
 Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania; Joel Parker, of New Jersey; James E. 
 English, of Connecticut; Sanford E. Church, of New York; Reverdy 
 Johnson, of Maryland, and James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, each of 
 whom was afterward presented to one or more National Conventions 
 as a candidate for tlie Democratic nomination for the Presidency, 
 while Samuel J. Tilden was there with no thought that in a few years 
 the first great Democratic reaction after the Civil War would place 
 him in the forefront of the party. The similitude of the animals that 
 went into the ark was. indeed, justified in the strangely varying politi 
 cal character and past record of the delegates, not a few of whom, 
 however, were men of marked ability— Robert (\ Winthrop, the once- 
 illustrious Whig, and Judge Josiah G. Abbott, of Massachusetts; the 
 late Edward J. Phelps, of Vermont, Cleveland's first Minister to 
 Kugland; James Brooks, of the New York Express; John P. Stock 
 ton, Ashbel Green and Abraham Browning, of New Jersey; the 
 veteran Thurlow Weed, of New York, with Seward's Republican 
 friends, like Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times; Montgom- 
 ery Blair, Lincoln's first Postmaster General; Garrett Davis, of Ken- 
 tucky; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, who was a candidate 
 for Vice-President in 1852, on the Whig ticket; Senator James W. 
 McDougall. of California; James A. Broadhead, of Missouri, and 
 William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, who afterwards was conspicuous as 
 one of Johnson's defenders in the impeachment trial. There, too. 
 were such characters as Henry Clay Dean, the eccentric Copperhead, 
 and E. O. Perrin, whose vast voice until his death gave him distinc- 
 tion as the only Democrat in the country who could fill the place of 
 Reading Clerk in Presidential Conventions. Edgar Cowan, who at 
 that time was Charles R. Buckalew's colleague in the United States 
 Senate from Pennsylvania, and who had gone out of the Republican 
 
 
fc;f 
 
 
 206 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLK^AN PARTY. 
 
 party into the Johuson ranks, was one of the leading spirits of the 
 
 v! ; Convention, and with him were such noted Penns.vivanians of the day 
 
 I'v as William Bigler, Fran«'i8 W. Hughes, David R, l»orter, George W. 
 
 Woodward, Heister Clymer, James Campbell and Thomas B. 
 
 ;' • Florence." 
 
 The Convention was in session three days, and accomplished 
 : v' nothing. It was as great a fiasco as any in American politics. On 
 >> account of the name of its (Chairman, the Republicans dubbed it the 
 "Didlittle Convention." 
 
 A fortnight later two other Conventions were held in Philadel- 
 phia, which were much more signiflcaut. One was composed entirely 
 : - of Kouthern Loyalists, and the other of prominent Northern Republi- 
 
 cans. They met separately, though they were in entire accord iu 
 sentiment and action. In the Northern Convention were most of the 
 prominent Henators and Repii'sentatives, a number of Governors, 
 many active Republicans in private life, and a good sprinkling of 
 newspaper editors, including John W. Forney, of the Philadelphia 
 Press, Carl Schurz, of the Detroit Post, and Horace Greeley, of the 
 New York Tribune. Greeley rather lost caste with the party by his 
 vagaries during the war, and the New York Times cametc be regarded 
 as the leading Republican paper in the country. Now, by its adher- 
 ence to the Johnson -He ward party, the Times had lost prestige, and 
 the Tribune was restored to its supremacy. In addition to the classes 
 ?neutioned the Northern Convention contained a number of delega- 
 tion*; ot business men who never took active part in politics, unless 
 in some important crisis. John Jacob Astor headed such a delega- 
 tion from New York, and E. W. Fox from 8t. Louis. Governor 
 Curtin, of Pennsylvania, presided and the speeches and resolutions 
 breathed a spirit of determined resistance to Johnson and his policy. 
 The Convention was followed by the most imposing mass meetings 
 ever, up to that tinia, held in the City. 
 
 The Southern Convention carried greater weight even than the 
 Northern, because it represented men who had been loyal in sections 
 where loyalty was maintained at personal sacriflc<>, and because it 
 represented those portions of the country which were most directly 
 interested in the Reconstruction problem. "Parson" Brownlow, of 
 Tennessee, one of the most courageous and active of Southern Union- 
 ists, John Minor Botts, of Virginia, and Andrew J. Hamilton, of 
 ^^ Texas, the only one of Johnson's Provisional Governors who accom- 
 
 plished much toward the rehabilitation of his Htate, were among 
 
 iM 
 
 /■\ 
 
jjC. ,; 
 
 THE IMPEACHINCl CONGRESS. 
 
 207 
 
 pirits of th(> 
 18 of the day 
 
 , George W. 
 
 Thomas B. 
 
 icfompliBhed 
 olities. On 
 ubbed it the 
 
 in Philadel 
 oHed entirely 
 lern Republl- 
 ire a<x*oi'd in 
 e most of th(> 
 f Governoi'8, 
 »pritilcling of 
 
 Philadelphia 
 •eeley, of the 
 
 party by his 
 c be regarded 
 by its adher- 
 prestige, and 
 to the classes 
 >er of delega- 
 DlitifS, unless 
 nch a delega- 
 I. Governor 
 d resolutions 
 nd his policy, 
 lass meetings 
 
 veil than the 
 al in sections 
 nd because it 
 most directly 
 Brownlow, of 
 ithern Union- 
 Hamilton, of 
 B who accom- 
 were among 
 
 those present. There were also the following, among others, who 
 had aided in keeping the border states from going into the Secession 
 movement: Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; Senator 
 J. A. J. Creswell, and Governor Francis Thomas, of Maryland; Gov- 
 ernor Boreman and Nathan Goff, of West Virginia, and Governor 
 Fletcher, of Missouri. v ■''/"'•i^' ' . " 
 
 James Speed, of Kentucky, who had retired from Johnsou - old 
 r'abinet when it went to pieces, two or three weeks earlier, presided, 
 and in his oi)ening address struck the keynote of the (.'onvention. 
 Referring to the Arm-in-Arm gathering, he said: "Why was that 
 Convention here? It was here, in part, because the great cry came 
 up from the white man of the South: 'My Constitutional and my 
 natural rights are denied me!' and then the cry came up from the 
 black man of the South: 'My Constitutional and natural rights are 
 denied me.' These complaiutH are utterly antagonistic, the one to 
 the other; and this Convention is called to say which is right. Upon 
 that question, if upon none other, as Southern men, you may speak 
 out your mind. Speak the truth as you feel it; speak the truth as 
 you know it; speak the truth as you love permanent peace, as you 
 may hope to establish the instit;itions of this Government so that 
 our children and our <-hildren's children, shall enjoy a peace that we 
 have not known. The Convention to which I have referred, as I 
 read its history, came here to simply record its abject submission to 
 the commands of one man. Tlmt Convention did hi^ commands. 
 The loyal Congress of the United States had refused to do his 
 commands; and whenever you have a Congress that does not abso- 
 lutely and tlrmly refuse, as the present Congress has done, to merely 
 act as Recording Secretary of the tyrant at the White House, Ameri- 
 can liberty is gone forever." 
 
 The address issued by the Southern Convention was a powerful 
 arraignment of the President, and the whole Administration scheme 
 of Reconstruction. It was issued as a campaign document, and was 
 the most effective agency in the canvass save one. That one the 
 President himself furnished in 'his tour through the Middle and 
 Western State ', from Washington, by way of Philadelphia, New 
 York, Albany, Rochester, Buffalo, Cleveland and Chicago to St. Louis. 
 He left Washington, August 28th, accompanied by Secretaries 
 Welles and Randall, Admiral Farragut and General Grant. At New 
 York the party was joini>d by Secretary Seward. Of this party Sec- 
 retary Randall, who was rather a blatant supporter of the 
 
 # 
 
 BBBMMKii 
 
 fi-^mmw!^'-- 
 
 1 fli^lllH,!) Il.....,(t l_ ll^l 11 
 
 
nHU* 
 
 
 208 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Adininistrntion, and Reoretary Seward, who was joint author, with 
 the President, of the Provisional Governor scheme, were witling par- 
 ticipants in tlie journey, though the gentlemanly instincts of the 
 latter must have been shocked at some of the antics of the President, 
 as his polished oratory must have blushed at some of the utterances 
 of the same functionary. Offlcial etiquette required the presence 
 of (Jrant and Farragut, but neither oneof these looked as if he enjoyed 
 the trip, which soon came to be known as Johnson's "swing around 
 the circle." 
 
 In this tour the coarser side of Johnson's character, and that' 
 was very poarse, found full expression. He commenced with 
 denoun«ing the Senate and House in unmeasured terms, and added 
 to this iiersonal abuse of individuals who did not agree with him. 
 As he advanced on his journey and found increasing evidences of 
 popular disfavor, he became furious. Some of the meetings were 
 more like a bear-baiting than a political disj-ussion. Crowds would 
 demand a speech, and then bandy words with the President, until 
 in his rage, his replies were more like a series of growls than like 
 rational spt^ech. The most humiliating exhibition was at Cleveland, 
 where the President was chaffed without mercy by the crowd, and he 
 rei»lied to the taunts and jeers, with <oarse wit and repartee, such as 
 would not add dignity nor grace to a ward meeting in municipal poli- 
 tics. The most enterprising Republican papers took pains to publish 
 the President's speeches in full, and they made excellent campaign 
 material for the Anti-Administration tickets. 
 
 Still another feature entered into this remarkable Congressional 
 campaign. A Soldiers' Convention in behalf of the Administration 
 was held in Cleveland on the 17th of September. General Wood, a 
 veteran of the War of 1812, presided, and among the other officers 
 I esent were Generals Granger and Custer, of the Regular Army, 
 and the following from the Volunteer service: Generals Jolin A. 
 McClernand, of Illinois; J. W. Denver, of California; Willis A. 
 Gorman, of Minnesota; John B. Steedman and Thomas Ewing, of 
 Ohio. The principal speech of the occasion was made by General 
 Ewing, who was the only Republican of prominence who was present. 
 Whatever effect this demonstration might have had was neutralized 
 by an interchange of messages between this Convention and a Confed- 
 erate Convention, in session at the same time, in Memphis, which sent 
 a despatch of sympathy to the Cleveland gathering. This was 
 answered with thanks for the ''magnanimity and kindness" of the 
 message. 
 
 nm 
 
 V \ 
 
MgESSS^aiEii^S 
 
 TY. 
 
 lit author, witb 
 ere willing par- 
 nstinctB of the 
 f the Presidonr, 
 f the utteranced 
 EHi the presence 
 as if he enjojed 
 "swing around 
 
 aoter, and that 
 onimenoed with 
 >rm8, and added 
 agree with him. 
 ng evidences of 
 i meetings were 
 Crowds would 
 
 President, until 
 [growls than like 
 kras at Cleveland, 
 lie crowd, and he 
 repartee, such as 
 n municipal poll- 
 : pains to publish 
 cellent campaign 
 
 )le Congressional 
 i Administration 
 (General Wood, a 
 he other officers 
 ^ Regular Army, 
 renerals John A. 
 jrnia; Willis A. 
 lomas Ewing, of 
 nade by General 
 tvho was present, 
 was neutralized 
 on and a Confed- 
 iplis, which sent 
 ing. This was 
 kindness" of the 
 
 THE IMPEAClIIXii CONORESW. 
 
 L'(M> 
 
 
 J^-' 
 
 The time liad not yet come when a majority of the rnioii Hoidiers 
 were willing to mingle the blue with the gray on terms of equality, 
 much less to Hpeak of the ''magnanimity and kiiidncHs" of the (\)u- 
 federates, and this incident undoubtedly added mncli to the 
 attendance and spirit of the Holdiers' and Hailors' Convention which 
 hud already been called to meet at Pittsburg, September 2(5. This 
 was a reunion of the field and statf officers, the rank and file, of till 
 the I^nlon armies. Every State except Oregon was reijresented, and 
 it is said that in an hour the Conventi(m could have been turned Into 
 an army of 25,(MH» veterans. A private soldier, L. Edwin Dudley, was 
 temporary Chairman, and General Jacob I). Cox was permanent' 
 Chairman. The address adopted declared that the President's 
 "attempt to fasten his scheme of Reconstruction upon the country is 
 us dangerous as it is unwise; that his a<-ts in sustnining it have 
 retarded the restoration of peace and unity; that they have converted 
 <*onquered Rebels into impudent claimants to rights which they have 
 forfeited, and to places whi<-h they have desecrated. If the Presi- 
 dent's scheme be consummated it would rendpr the sacrifice of the 
 Nation useless, the less of our buried comrades vain, and the war in 
 which we have so gloriously triumphed a failure, as it was declared 
 to be by President Johnson's present associates, in the Democratic 
 National Convention of 1864." 
 
 With a camjmign such as that here outlined there could be no 
 question as to the result. With the combined efforts of the Demo- 
 crats and the Johnson Rejiublicuns there was a Democratic gain of 
 only three, as compared with the previous Congress. The new 
 House, after, the filling of a single vacancy, had 144 Republicans to 49 
 Deiiio<-rat8, almost a three-fourths majority, while only two-thirds 
 was required to fight the President. The Senate had 42 Republicans 
 and 11 Democrats. Michigan again sent a solid delegation to the 
 House, consisting of Fernando C. Heaman, Austin Blair, John F. 
 Driggs, Thomas W. Ferry, Rowland E. Trowbridge and Charles 
 Cpson. The vote on Governor was: H. H. Crapo, Republican, 96,74G; 
 A. 8, Williams, Democrat, (iljm; Republican majority, 29,038. This 
 was a larger vote and a larser Republican majoi \iy than in any previ- 
 ous election. 
 
 With a view of keeping a check ui)on the President the Thirty- 
 ninth C<ingres8 had provided that the Fortieth should meet immedi- 
 ately upon Its own adjournment. The new Congress was therefore 
 immediately convened and organized, Mr. Colfax again being elected 
 
 I 
 
y^T>»iS"i -? ■ 
 
 ^ililiPPiiPii 
 
 Twn-*; r^i^^r^ 
 
 Ifi 
 
 21U 
 
 '»t^- 
 
 UlHTDliV OF TllK KKIMMLK'AN PARTY. 
 
 S]M>akei*i The flrst wurk undt'i'tukeu WU8 tlu> piiMMugc of an amenda 
 tory Rei-ouHtruction Art. The Ai-t paused by the Thirty-ninth Con- 
 Ki'eHM wa8 intended to Hecure impartial HiilTrage. It declared the 
 principle plainly enough, bnt did not provide the machinery for 
 carrying it out. Tlie supplementary Act provided the necesBary 
 detailH for conducting the prescribed elections, administering the 
 oaths of ofltce, making returns and paying expenses. It also declared 
 that if in any Ktate "the Constitution shall be ratified by a majority 
 of the votes of the registered electors qualifl(>d to vote, at least one- 
 half of all the registered voters voting upon the question, a copy of 
 the same, duly certified, shall be transmitted to the President of the 
 I'nited Htates, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress, 
 and if it shall ap}>ear to Congress that the election was one at which 
 all the registered and qualified electors in the Htate had an opiMtr 
 tunlty to vote, freely and without restraint, fear, or influence of 
 fraud, and if (\>ngress shall be satisfied that such (Constitution niet'ts 
 the approval of a nmjority of all the qualified electors in the State, 
 and if the said Constitution shall be declared by Ccmgress to be in 
 conformity with the provisions of the Act to which this is supple 
 mentary, and the other provisions of said Act shall have been 
 complied with, and the said Constitution shall have been approv<Hl 
 by Congress, the Htate shall be declared entitled to repn'sentation, 
 and Henators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom as 
 themn provided." 
 
 This Act was, of course, vetoed by the President, and, equally 
 a matter of course, was passed over the veto. On the 30tb of March 
 Congress took a recess till the M of July. Meantime Attorney Gen- 
 eral Htanbery gave two opinions tending to neutralixe the effects of 
 both the Reconstruction Acts. Congress, therefore, passed a second 
 Huppleuteutary Act intended to remedy the defects thus pointed our. 
 It also added two sections, emphasizing the military, as against the 
 i'ivil rule. One of these gave the commanders of districts the {tower, 
 subject to the approval of the General of the Army, to suspend or 
 remove from office, or from the performance of official duties and the 
 exercise of official powers, any officer holding or exercising any civil 
 or military office or duty, under any power, election, appointment, or 
 authority derived from any Ktate or Municipal Government, and to 
 provide for the temporary filling of the vacancy thus occasioned. 
 The other section mentioned, invested the General of the Army with 
 the same power in all the districts. This also was vetoed, and 
 promptly passed over the veto. 
 
Y. 
 
 TlIK IMrKA('IIIX<l CONOUKSH, 
 
 211 
 
 of an tinieudu 
 iriy-ninth Con- 
 t derlared th«» 
 machinery for 
 the necessary 
 linisteriuK the 
 t also declared 
 by a majority 
 e, at least one- 
 it ion, a copy of • 
 resident of the 
 le to Conufress, 
 IS one at which 
 had an oppor 
 or influence of 
 Htitution niet^tH 
 PS in the State, 
 ngress to he in 
 this is supple 
 all have been 
 been approv<»d 
 representation, 
 i therefrom aa 
 
 it, and, equally 
 e 30th of March 
 i Attorney Gen- 
 ie the eflfects of 
 passed a second 
 lus pointed our. 
 , as against the 
 ricts the power, 
 , to suspend or 
 1 duties and the 
 rcising any civil 
 appointment, or 
 ^rnment, and to 
 hus oc<>a8ioned. 
 ' the Army with 
 K'as vetoed, and 
 
 The history of the Fortieth ('onKresH was one of constant 
 clashint; with the I'refident. He vetoed all bills of a political 
 nature, and some of a neneral character, but they were in most caseH 
 passed over his head by much more than the necesHjiry two-thirdt* 
 vote. The relations between the two were ho strained, and the Pr«'»i 
 dent was so inclined to aRRressive acts, that it is not surprising the 
 impeachment which had previously been often talked of should at 
 last come. The head of the Impeachment movement was the impetu 
 ous James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who had before that been, the leader 
 in pushing the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. On the 
 17th of December, 186«, he introduced a resolution for the appoint 
 ment of a select committw* to inquire whether any acts had bet-n done 
 by any officer of the Government of the Tnited Htates, which, in the 
 contemplation of the Constitution, are high «rimes and misdemean- 
 ors. The resolution, rnjuiring a two-thirds majority for its adoption, 
 was not agreed to. On the 7th of January, 1807, Representative 
 B. P. Loan, of Missouri, and John R. Kelso, of the same State, offered 
 resolutions aiming at impeachment, and late in the same day, Mr. 
 Ashley made formal charges against President Johnson. In the 
 course of his charges, he said: "I charge him with an usurpation of 
 power in violation of law; in that he has corruptly used the apiM)inl- 
 ing power; in that he has corruptly used the pardoning iKiwer; in 
 that he has corruptly used the veto jiower; in that he has corruptly 
 disposed of the property of the I'nited States; in that he has cor 
 ruptly interfered in elections, and committed acts, which in contem- 
 plation of the Constitution are high crimes and misdemeanors." 
 
 It would have been very difficult to maintain in court those 
 sweeping charges, and in any ordinary condition of the public mind 
 the whole nwitter would have been promptly tabled. But the House 
 was angered at the abusive speeches which the IMesident had made 
 i u his swing around the circle, and was ready for at least an investi- 
 gation. Accordingly the resolutions of Messrs. Loan and Kelso, and 
 the charges of Mr. Ashley were referred to the Judiciary Committee, 
 who, on the 28th of February, reported that they had taken testimony 
 of a character sufficient to justify further investigation, but had been 
 unable to dispose definitely of the important matters submitted to 
 their investigation, and the whole matter was bequeathed to the 
 Fortieth Congress. On the 8th of March, in the new Congress, Mr. 
 Ashley, repeated his charges. They were referred to the Judiciary 
 Committee, who continued taking testimony at intervals during the 
 
I" 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 212 
 
 IIISTOUY OF THE KKITHLUUN I'AKTY. 
 
 J 
 
 MuninuT and fall. In the meantime there were a number of ukIv 
 rumors about the PresidentV IntenMonH. One of these was the 
 report that lie had a project for brinuhiK in the Houthern Beuatorn 
 and RepreHentativen, and with them and the DemorratB, forming a 
 new (VrngreKH, iKnorinj? the Kepublican majority, and that lie had 
 tailed on (Irant to support him with the Army, (leneral fh-ant was 
 examined by the committee and his testimony showed that the most 
 serious of the actual <harKes made were without foundation. Not- 
 withstanding this a majority of the committee reported, on the 25th 
 
 of November, a resolu- 
 tion that: "Andrew 
 Johnson, President of 
 the United Htates, be 
 i m p e a c h e d of high 
 crimes and misdemean- 
 ors." The resolution, 
 after a spirited discus- 
 sion, was deft'uted by a 
 vote of 109 to 56. Two 
 members of the Judi- 
 <'iary Committee, Rep- 
 resentatives W o o d- 
 bridge, of 'Vermont, 
 and James F. Wilson, 
 of Iowa, voted against 
 the resolution in com- 
 mittee, Jind the follow- 
 ing pnuninent Repub- 
 licans were among 
 those who voted 
 against it on the floor 
 of the House: Allison, Banks, Hingham, Blaine, Davis, Oarfleld, 
 Harper, Peters, Robertson, the three Washburns, and E. B. Wash- 
 
 burne. 
 
 This would have been the last of the impeachment if it had not 
 been for the President's attempt to force Edwin M. Stanton out of 
 his position as Secretary of War. A Cabinet which could work with 
 even a moderate degree of harmony under Lincoln, could hardly be 
 expected to hold together under Johnson. As early as July I, 186(», 
 Postmaster General Dennlson resigned because he could not accept 
 
 BDWIN M. STANTON. 
 
 MMHJIH 
 
 . , \ ,: • 
 
-^.a.:' -*., 
 
 THK IMPKACIIINO COXORRKH. 
 
 21.1 
 
 iinibtT of ii^lv 
 tlu>8e WUH tli<> 
 tlii'i'ii HeuuforH 
 utH, forming ti 
 id that he had 
 cral Ornnt wuh 
 that the iiioHt 
 iiudutioii. Not- 
 ed, on the 25tli 
 inbei', a reciolii- 
 ha t: "Andrew 
 , PreHJdent of 
 ited Htates, be 
 (■ h e d of high 
 ind niiHdeniean- 
 The regoliitioii, 
 Hpirited diseuH- 
 H defeated bv a 
 101) to 5«. Two 
 •s of the Jiidi- 
 'oniniittee, Rep- 
 Hves Wo<»d- 
 of 'Vermont, 
 mes F. WilMoa. 
 ), voted aj^ainHt 
 oliition in eom- 
 and the folio w- 
 )iiiinent Repub- 
 were amonj; 
 who voted 
 it on the floor 
 Davis, Oarfleld. 
 nd E. B. Wash 
 
 >nt if it had not 
 Stanton out of 
 I'ould work with 
 could hardly be 
 as July I. 1860, 
 lould not acecpt 
 
 •lohuHon'M plan of Re<-onHtrurtion, and was Hun-eeded by Alexand<>r 
 \V. Randall, of WiHronHin. A week later .lameH Speed reHJKned aH 
 Attorney Oeneral, becauHe lie thought the AdminiHtration was 
 drifting rapidly toward the Demoeratie party, and Henry Htanbery, 
 of Ohio, accepted the place for the Name reaHon. Then JameH Harlan, 
 Secretary of the Interior, resigned and wan Huccecded by Orvllle H. 
 Itrowning. This left of the Lincoln Cabinet. Seward, who agreed 
 with JohnHoit'.. ,,lan of RecouHtnu-tion, whether he wan the author 
 of it or not; "(Jrandfather" WelleH, who could ngn*** with everything 
 JohnHon said, as readily nn he <-ould with everything Lin<-«)ln said: 
 McCulloch, who wuh a financier, and not a politician, and Stanton, 
 whom JohnHon hated, but who would not rcHign. Stanton was not 
 a man who would h<»ld an office for th(> Hake of th(> ofTtce, but there 
 was grave apprehension tluit if Jtdmson had a Secretary of War who 
 was subservient to him, he might plan serious mischief; certainly his 
 opportunities for mischief would lie greatly enhanced. Stanton, 
 tlierefore, retained the oflllce on account of the urgency of leading 
 Republicans, and from a sense of duty to the country. August T). 
 1867, Johnson asktnl Stanton to resign, but the Secretary refused. 
 He was then sus(H>nded under the Tenure of Oflllce Act, General 
 <}rant being di'signated to administer the Department until the 
 Senate <ould vote upon the matter. January 18, IHtJS, the Senate 
 refused to concur in the susfH'nsion. Oeneral Grant immediately 
 va<'ated, and Stanton went back to his olflce. 
 
 The President, however, was obstinate and ugly, and on the 21st 
 of February, sent to Secretary Stanton an order, saying: "By virtue 
 of power and authority vested in me, as President, liy the Constitu- 
 tion and Laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from 
 ofHce as Se<-retary of the Department of War, and your functions as 
 such will terminate upon receipt of this communication.. Yon will 
 turn over to Brevet Major (ieneral Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant (}«;n 
 eral of the Army, who has this day been authorized and empowered 
 to act as Secretary of War, ad interim, all records, papers, and 
 other public projierty now in your custody and charge." 
 
 Secretary Stanton transmitted a <opy of this to the Speaker of 
 the House, and another copy soon reached the Senate. In both 
 Houses the action upon it was prompt. In the Senate, the same 
 day after long consultation in executive session, a resolution was 
 adopted that the I'resident had no right to remove the Secretary of 
 War, nor to designate any other ofllicer to perform the duties of that 
 

 fl4 
 
 IIIHTOUY OKTIIK KKITHLKAN I'AUTY 
 
 offlro art Intoiliii. Th«' IIouHf nt once n«f»'i'nMl flu* nctlon of tin- 
 Pn-Hldt'iU to till' lliToiiHt ruction r(Mniiiitt«M'. Tin* fri«MidH of tin- 
 I'n'HuU'iit tln'ii trh'd to Hcnir*' an adjournnwnt till Monday, an tin? 
 noxt day. waH WnHliinnton'M birthday. Tin' Kepuhlirann voted tliiH 
 down, and later in tJio Hnnio day. Keprewntative .lolin ('ov<Kh', of 
 IVnnBylvanIa, introduced a foriual resolution for inipeaclinient. 
 which waH alHo referretl to the KeconHtructi<»n <'oniniitlee. 
 
 When thin defiance of ConnreHH, by the President, became known 
 throughout the country, it created the wildest excitement. The 
 
 UepublicauH k<^'I><^'I'aII.v 
 favored immediate Im- 
 peachment, while Dem- 
 ocratH arK'ied that the 
 PreHldent'H course was 
 Justified by the Consti- 
 tntiou. Some of th«' 
 extreme 1 )emocrats, 
 generally of the class 
 who stayed at home 
 during the war and 
 urged others to go to 
 the front, now urged 
 the [•resident to stand 
 firm, even to the verge 
 of actual conflict, and 
 made him offers of men 
 and arms. Many alarm 
 ists predicted civil war. 
 Rut there was little 
 danger of that. The 
 BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. c o u n t r y had had 
 
 enough of war. Meantime Secretary Stanton, under the impulse 
 of his own sturdy character, and with the advice of leading Republi 
 cans held his position. He ate and slept in his olflce, and for a few- 
 days was virtuallv in a state of siege. It was on this occasion that 
 Sumner sent the shortest message of his lifetime. It was addressed 
 to Stanton, and consisted of the single word "Stick." 
 
 On the 22d of February, the lay after Johnson's letter to Stanton 
 was received, Mr. Stevens, for the Keconstruction Committee, 
 reported that in addition to the papers refi-rred to the committee they 
 
■iBUiir-. 
 
 TIIK IMI'K.\<'FIIN(} COX^IKKHH. 
 
 215 
 
 ID-lion of flif 
 i«>ndM of tilt* 
 iihIii.v, HM til*' 
 
 MM VOttMl tlliH 
 
 II ('ov<h1(>, of 
 illl|M>iirliiii«>ilf. 
 v^'. 
 
 >ecii!iu> known 
 cnicnt. TIk» 
 iiH K<Mu>raIlr 
 ninicflinte ini- 
 It, while I)<Mii- 
 Kiicd that th«' 
 
 I'h COIirHC WilH 
 
 b.v the ConBti- 
 Home of the 
 he DeinocrutH, 
 of the clntiH 
 yed nt home 
 the war and 
 hers to );o to 
 it, now urged 
 )4ident to stand 
 •n to the vei'H** 
 
 I eonflict, and 
 
 II offers of men 
 i. Many alarni- 
 icted civil war. 
 re was little 
 of that. The 
 !■ y had had 
 ?r the impulse 
 ading Republi- 
 , and for a few 
 8 occasion that 
 was addressed 
 
 tter to Stanton 
 )n Committee, 
 committee thev 
 
 ■V'. ■>.-, 
 
 4 ■■' 
 
 had found that the IVewideiit liiid "niKtied and ordered ii coiiiniiHMion 
 or letter of authority to one l.orenxo TIioiiuim," diitMtiiig him to act 
 as Ke<'retary of War ad iiit«'riiii. The roiiiiiiille<> traiiHiiiitted a copy 
 of this letti'r, and added that upon llie evidence collected they were 
 of opinion that the rrcsideiit oiiglil to lie ini|H>aclied and reported a 
 brief resolution: "That Andrew JoIiiihoii, I'resident of the United 
 Htates, be ini|M'ached of high criiiicH and iniHdeiiieaiiorH." A lively 
 ten-hour debate followed, when the r«'Moliitloii wiih a(lo|)ted by a vote 
 of V2i\ to 47. A committee of two waH appoiiite<l to notify the Heiuile 
 of the action Just taken, and the following coiuiiiittee of Heven wax 
 appointed to prepare .Xrticles of IiiipcMcliincnt : Itoiitwell, of .MaHHa- 
 chiiM(>ttH; HteveiiH, of I'ennsylvania; Kingluiiii, of Ohio; WilHoii, of 
 Iowa; Logan, of Illinois; tliilian, of Indiana, and Ward, of New York. 
 
 The Articles of Iinpeachment, as presented by this committee, 
 were nine in number, eight of which referred to different pliiiseH of 
 the President's action in regard to the War Hecretaryship, and one 
 to his advising an ofHcer of the Army that a <'ertain Act of CongresH 
 was unconstitutional and should be disregarded by said officer, 
 although the Act in question had never been adjudicated in th«> 
 courts. On motion of (l(>neral Hutler the House added a Tenth 
 Article, covering certain speeches made by the President in his West- • 
 ern tour. On motion of John A. liingham, of Ohio, an Kleventh 
 Article was added. This was considered the strongest Article of 
 the eleven, and was the only one voted upon at the end of the trial. It 
 was as follows: 
 
 "The said Andrew Johnson, President of the I'liited Htates, 
 unmindful of the high duties of his ofTice and his oath of olfl<-e, and 
 in disregard of the Constitution and Laws of the Cnited States, did 
 on the 18th day of August, 1H6(5, at the City of Washington, and in 
 the District of Columbia, by public speech declare and afflrm, in 
 substance, that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the Cnited States was 
 not a Congress of the I'nited States, authorized by the Constitution 
 to exercise legislative power under the same, but on the contrary 
 was a Congress of only part of the states, thereby denying, and 
 intending to deny, that the legislation of said Congress was valid or 
 obligatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson; except in-so-far as he 
 saw tit to approve the same, and also thereby denying the power of 
 the said Thirty-ninth Congress to propose Amendments to the Con- 
 stitution of the United States; and in pursuance of said declarations 
 the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did, on the 
 
 ■ ii 
 
 
 f ■ ' ■■;>. 
 
 wmm 
 

 210 
 
 HISTORY OB^ THE REPUBLICAN TARTY 
 
 2l8t day of February, 1868, at the City of \Va8hiiiKton, unlawfully, 
 and in disregard of the requirements of the (Constitution, that he 
 should take care that the laws be faithfully executed, attempt to 
 prevent the execution of an Act entitled 'An Act regulating the 
 tenure of certain civil offices,' passed March 2, 1867, by unlawfully 
 devising and contriving, and attempting to devise and contrive, ^ 
 means by which he should prevent Edwin M. Htanton from forthwith 
 resuming the functions of the olfice of Secretary for the Department 
 of War, notwithstanding the refusal of the Senate to concur in the 
 
 suspension, theretofore 
 made by the said An- 
 drew Johnson of said 
 Edwin M, Stanton, 
 from said office of Sec- 
 retary for the Depart- 
 ment of War; and also 
 by further unlawfully 
 devising and contriv- 
 ing, and attempting 
 to devise and contrive, 
 means then and there, 
 to prevent the execu- 
 tion of an Act entitled 
 'An Act making appro- 
 priations for the sup- 
 port of the Army, for 
 the tiscaJ year ending 
 June 30th, 1868, and 
 for other purposes,' ap- 
 proved March 20, 1867; 
 WILLIAM M. EVART8. and also to prevent the 
 
 execution of an Act entitled: 'An Act to provide for the more efficient 
 government of the Rebel States,' passed Mar<h 2, 1867, whereby the 
 said Andrew Johnson, President of the United State*., did then on the 
 2l8t of February, 1868, at the City of Washington, commit, and was 
 guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.' 
 
 The House appointed seven managers to conduct the case before 
 the Court of Impeachment, which consisted of the whole Senate, with 
 Chief Justice Chase as the presiding officer. The managers were 
 John A. Bingham, deorge S. Boutwell, James F. Wilson, Benjanun 
 
THE IMPE ACHING TONORESS. 
 
 217 
 
 I, unlawfully, 
 tion, that hi.' 
 I, attempt to 
 egnlating the 
 ty unlawfully 
 and contrive, 
 om forthwith 
 B Department 
 conour in th(? 
 n, theretofore 
 
 the said An- 
 inson of said 
 M, Ktanton, 
 I office of Sec- 
 r the Deparl- 
 Yar; and also 
 ?r unlawfully 
 
 and contriv- 
 l attempting 
 
 and contrive, 
 len and there, 
 Qt the execu- 
 a Act entitled 
 making appro- 
 
 for the sup- 
 :he Army, for 
 1 year ending 
 th, 1868, and 
 
 purposes,' ap- 
 [arch 20, 1867; 
 
 to prevent the 
 i more efficient 
 r, whereby the 
 lid then on the 
 nmit, and was 
 
 he case before 
 le Senate, with 
 managers were 
 son, Benjanun 
 
 F. Butler, Thomas Williams, John A. Logan and Thaddens Stevenn. 
 They were all lawyers of high standing in their own states, and 
 Butler and Stevens had National reputations, and they all believed 
 in the justice of their cause. The President's counsel were Henry 
 Htanbery, who resigned from the office of Attorney General in order 
 to undertake this case; Benjamin R. Curtis, William M. Evarts, 
 William S. Groesbeck, and T. A. Nelson. Of these, the most dis- 
 tinguished were William M. Evarts, who was at the head of the bar 
 in New York State, and Mr. Curtis, who was six years on the 
 Supreme Court bench, but who resigned in 1857, and had a wide 
 practice throughout the East. Mr. Nelson was the President's 
 personal choice, and Mr. Groesbeck was selected at the suggestion 
 of Mr. Stanbery. 
 
 The defense was allowed ten days in which to file an answer 
 to the charges, and the case was formally opened on the 30th of 
 March by a very long argument by Benjamin F. Butler. Mr. Butler 
 went over every legal phase of the subject, but was especially strong 
 in its presentation of the point upon which the House depended for 
 conviction, the intentional violation of the Tenure of Office Act, and 
 of the Constitution, in the removal of Secretary Stanton. 
 
 Judge Curtis opened the case for the defense in a masterly 
 argument from the judicial standpoint, and after the evidence was 
 all in, all the other managers and counsel made arguments, most of 
 them of considerable length. It was such a surfeit of oratory as 
 even Washington does not often have. Besides all this twenty-nine 
 Senators filed opinions in the case. 
 
 The trial lasted until May 16, when a vote was taken on Article 
 Eleven, resulting in 35 votes of "guilty" and 19 "not guilty." The 
 change of a single vote would have resulted in the conviction of the 
 President. Of the nineteen "not guilty'' votes, nine were cast by 
 Senators who were elected as Republicans: Dixon, of Connecticut; 
 Doolittle, of Wisconsin; Pessenden, of Maine; Fowler and Patterson, 
 of Tennessee; Grimes, of Iowa; Henderson, of Missouri; Ross, of 
 Kansas, and Van Wrinkle, of We»t Virginia. Of these. Fowler was 
 son-in-law to the President, and Fessenden had been a member of 
 his Cabinet, resigning only after he was elected Senator. Dixon 
 was a natural conservative, as also was Doolittle, who had presided 
 over the Arm-in- Arm Convention, and who soon afterwards left the 
 party. Henderson's politics had been variable, although he was a 
 man of great ability and force of character, and Grimes and Van 
 
 '''''^issmmm 
 
 PWMHIII 
 
 i 
 
HISTORY OF THE REPrKLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Winkle had fallen outside the party breastworkB on several previous 
 otoasions. Patterson and Ross had not been suffloiently prominent 
 in the Senate to be well placed as respects their temperamerr or 
 political convictions. The opinion of the people, who had watched 
 the trial with a great deal of interest, was sufficiently shown by the 
 fact that not one of the nine was ever again sent to the Senate. 
 
 The vote on the Eleventh Article showed that the President 
 (ould not be convicted on any of the others, and the trial abruptly 
 ended the same day. Secretary Stanton imnuMiiately resigned, Gen- 
 eral John M. Schofleld was nominated in his place, and the nomina- 
 tion was confirmed by the Senate. 
 
 In view of its failure, the Impeachment proceeding has been 
 often criticised as a mistake. But the criticism is hardly just. Not 
 onlv was there a limit to the patience of (.'ongress, which limit the 
 President had passed, but there was an absolute necessity, for the 
 pea«e of the country, that a check should be placed upon his reckless 
 designs. If he had been allowed to override the laws of <'ongres8 
 in this case, it is difficult to see what limit could have been placed 
 upon his revolutionary schemes. The Impeachment trial did not 
 improve his temper, but it sobered him. He was g^ " obstructive, but 
 he ceased to be violent. 
 
 Although the Fortieth Congress occupied i.< ' of its time 
 with the Impeachment matter, it accomplisheu a, great deal of 
 important legislation. Aside from the Supplementary Reconstruc 
 tion Acts, it passed the following Acts of general interest: Estab- 
 lishing the eight-hour law for laborers and mechanics in the Gov- 
 ernment employ; prescribing an oath of office for persons whose disa 
 bilities have been removed; providing for filling vacancies in the 
 Executive Departments; providing for the discontinuance of the 
 Freedmen's Bureau on the 1st of January, 1869; providing for the 
 establishment of an American line of mail and emigrant steamers 
 between New York and one or more European ports; making import 
 ant changes in the pension laws; prohibiting the loaning of money 
 on National Bank notes; giving permission to construct a bridge 
 between New York and Brooklyn. 
 
 Toward the latter part of Johnson's administration. Secretary 
 Seward rendered to the country his most valuable service, save one, 
 that in which, by his treatment of the Trent affair, he saved us from 
 a war with England. This service was the purchase from Russia 
 of the immense territory known us Alaska. The treaty was made 
 
THE IMPEACHING TONORESS. 
 
 219 
 
 jveral previoiw 
 ntly pr<nniiM'nt 
 jinperamer r or f 
 
 had watched 
 ' Rhnwn by the 
 ie Henate. 
 
 the rresident 
 
 trial abruptly 
 
 resigned, Oen- 
 
 nd the iioinina- 
 
 'ding has been! 
 irdly just. Not 
 (vhich limit the 
 cesaity, for the 
 H>n his reckless 
 WB of <'ongres8 
 ive been placed 
 it trial did not 
 ob-itructive, but 
 
 <•, of its time 
 
 1 great deal of 
 ary Reeonstrue 
 terest: Estab- 
 ics in the Gov- 
 lons whose disa- 
 acancies in the 
 inuanee of the 
 •oviding for the 
 igrant steamers 
 
 making import- 
 waning of money 
 struct a bridge 
 
 ation, Secretary 
 ervice, save one, 
 le saved us front 
 ase from Russia 
 reaty was made 
 
 March 30, 1867, and was confirmed with comparatively little opposl- ^ 
 tion in the Senate. It could not be completed, however, until the 
 House appropriated the purchase money, f7,2(M),(M)(». This only 
 occurred July 27, 1868, and that after serious opposition. It was 
 stated in the debates that there were indications of gold in Alaska, 
 but those who favored the purchase advocated it chiefly on the 
 ground that the control of the seal fisheries would be of -eat value 
 to us, and that our ownership of Alaska would prevent any hostile 
 power from ever getting control of that long stretch of Pacific ('oast, 
 so near our own border. There were, for several years, sneers at 
 the purchase, which was called ''Seward's iceberg." After a time 
 the value of the seal fisheries began to be appreciated. Within the 
 season of 18!)», the value of the gold taken out of the Cape Nome 
 district alone, in a single month, exceeded the purchase price of the 
 whole vast territory. 
 
 One of the most important Acts of the Fortieth Congress was 
 the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which 
 <ame quite the last part of the second session. On the 30th of Jan- 
 uary, by vote of 150 to 42, it passed the House in the following form: 
 "The right of any citizen of the United States to vote shall not bi? 
 denied or abridged by the United States or any State, by reason of 
 race, color, or previous <'ondition of slavery of any citizen, or class 
 of citizens, of the United States." The Senate passed a joint resolu- 
 tion for an Amendment to the Constitution, intendwl to accomplish 
 the game purpose, but it was long, involved in its grammatical con- 
 struction, and had additional clauses, containing some extraneous 
 matter. This was not acceptable to the House, and the whole 
 subject went to a Committee of Conference, which reported the 
 Amendment in the following concise form: "The right of citizens of 
 the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 
 United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous 
 condition of servitude." 
 
 This report of the Committee of Conference was agreed to in 
 the House, February 25, 1860, by a vote of 144 to 44, and in the 
 Senate, the next day, by a vote of 39 to 13. In a little over a year 
 the Amendment was ratified by a sufficient number of states, and on 
 the 30th of Mar<h, 1870, Secretary Fish proclaimed its adoption as 
 part of the Constitution. 
 
 This action has often been criticised as being premature, but the 
 need of it appeared to be very great. Between the November elec- 
 
 MlMi 
 
; ■ i ' 
 
 ll ! 
 
 220 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REIM'BLirAN PARTY. 
 
 tions aind the time rongreHS adjourned, authenticated reportx 
 reached Wa8hin)i:ton of numerous outrageg upon white RepublicanH. 
 Intimidation and violence and even murder w<>re resorted to. In 
 Uiuisiana, when* the condition of afTairs was the worst, it was said 
 that 2,000 persons were killed or seriously injured within a few 
 weeks previous to ele<'tlon. It was partly to (five the white Repub- 
 licans efficient allies, and partly to furnish the blacks with the means 
 of self defense, that the Amendment was adopte<l. Of its necessity 
 <}eneral Grant said in his memoirs: "I do not believe that the 
 majority of the Northern people, at the time, were in favor of negro 
 suffrage. They sup])osed that it would naturally follow the fi*e«»dom 
 of the negro, but that there would be a time of probation, in which 
 the ex-slaves could prepare themselves for the privileges of citissen- 
 ship, before the full right would be conferred; but Mr. Johnson, after 
 a complete revolution of sentiment, seemed to regard the South not 
 only as an oppressed people but as the people best entitled to consid- 
 eration of any of our citizens. This was more than the )ieopl(> who 
 had secured to us the perpetuation of the Union were prepared for, 
 and they became more radical in their views. The Southerners had 
 the most power in the executive brunch, Mr. Johnson having gone to 
 their side, and with a compact South, and such sympathy and support 
 as they could get from the North, they felt that they would be able to 
 control the nation at once, and already many of them acted as if they 
 thought they were entitled to do so. 
 
 "Thus Mr. Johnson, fighting Congress on the one hand, and 
 receiving the support of the South on the other, drove Congress, 
 which was overwhelmingly Republican, to the passing of first one 
 measure and then another, to restrict his power. There being a solid 
 South on one side, that was in accord with the political party in the 
 North which had sympathized with the Rebellion, it finally, in the 
 judgment of Congress and of the majority of the Legislatures of the 
 states, became necessary to enfranchise the negro in all his ignor- 
 ance. In this work I shall not discuss the question of how far the 
 policy of Congress in this particular proved a wise one. It became an 
 absolute necessity, however, because of the foolhardiness of the Pres- 
 idi^nt, and the blindness of the Southern people to their own interest. 
 As to myself, while ptrongly favoring the course that would be the 
 least humiliating to the people who had been in rebellion, I had grad- 
 ually worked up to the point where, with the majority of the people, 
 I favored immediate enfranchisement." 
 
 mm. 
 
 "st. 
 
 :,S :v 
 
 .V^fe'i^' 
 
.gii.itiK'i 
 
 cated report >» 
 i Repiiblicantt. 
 orted to. In 
 Ht, it wad said 
 
 within a few 
 ( white Repub- 
 irith the nieantt 
 If its necoBsitv 
 lieve that the 
 favor of negro 
 iw the fre<»doin 
 ition, in which 
 •ges of citizen- 
 Johnson, after 
 
 the South not 
 itled to consid- 
 he people who 
 s prepared for, 
 jutherners had 
 having gone to 
 hy and support 
 ould be able to 
 acted as if they 
 
 one hand, and 
 Irove Congress, 
 ng of first one 
 re being a solid 
 [•al party in the 
 t finally, in the 
 islatures of the 
 n all his ignor- 
 of how far the 
 f. It became an 
 less of the Pres- 
 ;ir own interest, 
 it would be the 
 lion, 1 had grad- 
 -y of the people. 
 
 - . ■ - - ■ .V XVII. . -* .-r.-- ' _ 
 
 THE FOURTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 The Party at Sea With Regard to a Candidate— A Oradual Turning 
 Toward Grant— His Discretion During Johnsons Career— Meet- 
 ing of the Chicago Convention— Delegates From the Soldiers' 
 and Sailors' Convention— A Ringing, Patriotic and National 
 Platform Adopted— Oeneral Logan's Hrief and Appropriate Pre 
 sentation of Grant's Name— The General I'nanimously Nomin- 
 ated—Six Ballots for Vice-President— Speaker Colfax Finally 
 Wins— A Michigan Incident in Connection With the Contest- 
 Brief and Timely Jitters of Acceptance— Grant's Deference to 
 the Popular Wishes. 
 
 The campaign of 1868 was ai)proached under peculiar condi- 
 tions. Although the Republican party had been solidified, rather 
 than divided, by its contest with President Johnson, it was a gortd 
 deal at sea with reference to a candidate. Some of its old idols had 
 been shattered. Seward, who, in 1860, was the most popular man 
 in the party, had impaired confidence in his judgment by his course 
 during the first part of the Lincoln Administration, and had made 
 nnal wreck of his political fortunes by attaching himself so closely 
 to President Johnson's abortive schemes. Chase, although Chief 
 Justice of the Supreme Court, still had political ambitions, but he 
 was already showing signs of restiveness in his Republicanism. 
 William M. Evarts, who was more lawyer than politiclai., but wjio 
 had sometimes been talked of as a possible candidate, had gone, along 
 with Weed and Raymond into the Arm-in-arm Movement. The 
 influence of that section of the party in New York which was of W' hig 
 origin, and which was once all powerful, had ceased to be a factor 
 of any consequence at all in Republican politics. The political firm 
 
222 
 
 HISTORY OF THK KEPl'BLICAN PAKTY 
 
 i ! I 
 
 of Seward, Weed and Ra.vniond, suctesBorB to the old firm of S«?ward. 
 Weed and (Greeley, was bankrupt. 
 
 The eyes of the iieople naturally turned to Orant. The Oeneral, 
 dnrinj? the war, had attended to hiti flKhtinj? and had taken no part in 
 politlcB, either by act or speech. Before the war he had not takeii 
 any interest in politics, and did not always take the trouble to vote. 
 When he did vote it was the Democratic ticket that he took to the 
 polls. Leading Democrats at one time canvassed the plan of making 
 him the Democratic candidate for President in 18(58, but the Repub 
 licans did not finally give them a chance. 
 
 Probably no man in the country, except the President, had been 
 as closely watched as Grant. He had been placed in a very deli- 
 rate position. As the head of the Army it was his duty to cooi)er- 
 ate in carrying out any plan for the Reconstruction of the South 
 that f Vmgress and the President agreed upon. But they agreed upon 
 nothing. The fact that, in his position between the two, he gave 
 serious offense to neither, furnished evidence of rare discretion. Th.' 
 President had used various devices to chain (Jrant to his chariot 
 wheels alongside of Seward, but without success. In 1865, when 
 the General was about to start on a tour of inspection through the 
 South, the President asked him "to learn as far as possible, during 
 his tour, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of the Southern 
 States, toward the National Government." He replied in a report in 
 which he expressed the belief that "the mass of thinking men of the 
 South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith, but four 
 years of war have left the people possibly in a condition not ready to 
 yield that obedience to civil authority which the American people 
 have been in the habit of yielding, thus rendering the small garrisons 
 throughout those states necessary, until such time as labor returns 
 to its proper channels, and civil authority is fully established." The 
 friends of the Administration professed to find in this, aud a few 
 hopeful expressions, a justification of tlie President's Reconstruction 
 plan. They used it to show that Grant was a supporter of that 
 plan, a statement which was very far from the truth. He was 
 simply seeking light, and closer inquiry did not confirm his first 
 mildly favorable impressions. The enactment into law of the Con- 
 gressional Reconstruction plan made his duty clear, and he heartily 
 co-operated in carrying out that law. He was obliged, through 
 official (ourtesy, to accompany Johnson on his Western tour, and he 
 bore himself with a prudence and discretion that were in marked 
 
 ■t 
 
 % . 
 
THK FOIKTH UKIM^HMCAN CONVKXTION. 
 
 2'*.'{ 
 
 rm of H«?WHr«l, 
 
 The (JenernI, 
 ken n(> purt in 
 had not taken 
 rouble to vote, 
 he took to the 
 )lan of making; 
 )ut the Repub- 
 
 dent, had been 
 
 in a very deli- 
 
 Inty to co-oi)er- 
 
 of the Boutli 
 
 e.v agreed upon 
 
 two, he gave 
 
 isrretion. Tin* 
 
 to hig chariot 
 
 In 1865, when 
 
 on through the 
 
 M)88ible, during 
 
 >f the Southern 
 
 >d in a report in 
 
 dng men of tlie 
 
 faith, but four 
 
 on not ready to 
 
 lueriean people 
 
 sraaU garrisons 
 
 8 labor returns 
 
 ablished." The 
 
 this, aud a few 
 
 Reconstrnetion 
 
 pporter of that 
 
 'uth. . He was 
 
 onflrm his first 
 
 law of the Con- 
 
 and he heartily 
 
 bliged, through 
 
 Tn tour, and he 
 
 vere in marked 
 
 contrast to the antics of his official and military superior. He pro- 
 tested against the suspension of Ktanton, accepted charge of the War 
 Department with reluctance, and reliiiojuished it as soon as the Sen- 
 ate annulled the suspension. He had been in contact with Johnson's 
 administration for three years, without lieing contaminated. He had 
 shown himself as prudent in counsel, as he was brave and capable 
 in war, and, long before the Republican National Convention usscm 
 bled, public opinion had fixed upon him as the sure nominee for Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 That f'onvenficm met in Chicago May 20, \SHH, and was thor- 
 oughly representative of the best and ables. element of the jjurty. 
 The Michigan delegation was as follows: At L<irge — Wm. A. Howard, 
 Hampton Rich, Marsh (biddings, Randolph Strickland. Uy districts — 
 (1) R. R. Beecher, Henry Waldron; (2) William B. Williams, E. .J. 
 Bonine; (3) S. M. Cutcheon, J. W. Longyear; (4) Morgan Bates, (leorge 
 (f. Briggs; (5) S. IX Bingham, John Divine; ((>) John H. Richardson, 
 Joseph W. Edwards. Carl Schurss was temporary chairman and 
 made a rattling speech on the duty of the party in the existing emer- 
 gency. He was peculiarly fitted for this, for the reason that he had 
 been sent by the President to investigate the condition of the South. 
 His report was so unsatisfactory to the Administration that an 
 effort was nvade to suppress it. This was prevented by the Senate, 
 which made good use of it in formulating a plan of reconstruction. 
 The permanent chairman was General Joseph R. Hawley, of Connec- 
 ticut, who made a short and incisive address. 
 
 An interesting feature of the early proceedings was the admis- 
 sion to the platform of a delegation from a large Soldiers' and 
 Sailors' Convention, who presented a resolution adopted by that con- 
 vention: "That we, the soldiers and sailors, steadfast now as ever to 
 the Union and the flag, fully recognize the claims of General Ul.\ sses 
 S. Grant to the confidence of the American people, and believing that 
 the victories won under his guidance in war will be illustrated by 
 him in peace, by such measures as will secure the fruits of our 
 exertions and restore the Union upon the loyal basis, we declare it 
 as our deliberate conviction that he is the choice of the soldiers and 
 sailors of the I'nion for the office of President of the United States 
 of America." The communication was received with the warmest 
 interest and three cheers were given for the soldiers and sailors. A 
 series of resolutions adopted by the I'nion Leagne of America, favor- 
 
 mm 
 
 . 
 
 1<> 
 ■A 
 
 4i»ii 
 
m 
 
 224 
 
 HIHTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY . 
 
 ing Qruiit for PreBidrnt, were alBO received and ordered printed hh 
 part of the pnM-eediiigB of the Convention. 
 
 On the second da.v the eoniniittei* on resolutionH re]M>rted a phil- 
 forni which, after Hligiit amendment, wa«i adopted aH fotlowH: 
 
 The National Republican part.v of tlie United KtateH aHHenibled 
 in Nati<inal Convention in the City of Chicago on the 20th day of May, 
 18G8, malte the following declaration of principles : 
 
 I. We congratulate the country on the nsHured Buccess of the 
 ReconBtrnction policy of Congress as evinced by the adoption in the 
 majority of the states lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing 
 equal rights to all, and it Ib the duty of the government to sustain 
 these institutions and to prevent the people of Bucb states from being 
 remitted to a condition of anarchy. 
 
 II. The guarantee by Congress of eijual suffrage to all men at 
 the Houth was demanded by considerations of public safety, of grat- 
 itude and of justice, and must be maintained, while the question of 
 Huflfrage in all the loyal states proi»erly belongs to the i>eople of those 
 states. 
 
 III. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime, 
 and the national honor denuuids the payment of the public indebted- 
 ness, in the utmost good faith, to all creditors at home and abroad, 
 not only according to the letter but in the spirit in which it waa con- 
 tracted. 
 
 IV. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be 
 equaliz(>d and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. 
 
 V. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva- 
 ti<in of the I^nion for all time to come, should be extended over a fair 
 period for redemption, and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the 
 rate of intei /st thereon, whenever it can reasonably be done. 
 
 VI. The best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so 
 imj)rove our credit, that capitalists will loan us money at lower rates 
 of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as 
 repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or sus- 
 pected. 
 
 VII. The Government of the United Rtates should be ndminis- 
 tered with the strictest economy, and the corruptions which have 
 been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call 
 loudly for radical reform. 
 
 VIII. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of 
 Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency of 
 Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who 
 elected him and the cause he was pledged to support; who has 
 usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to 
 execute the laws; who has used his high office to induce other officers 
 to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive 
 powers to render insecure the proTwrty, peace, liberty and life of the 
 citizen; who has abused the pardoning power; who has denounced 
 
 ■iic,;^!:^! 
 
1 
 
 '^. 
 
 THE ForUTII HKIMUMCAN CONVKXTIOX. 
 
 •2-2') 
 
 ered printed um 
 
 M»IM)rt«"d u plat- 
 oIIowh: 
 
 UiU'H HHHeiiiblcd 
 !()th day of Muv, 
 
 BtlCCCgB of tlU' 
 
 adoption in the 
 iitions securing 
 nient to snatain 
 ates from bein^ 
 
 (e to all men at 
 safety, of grat- 
 the question of 
 
 ? I>eople of tliose 
 
 national cnnie, 
 publie indebted- 
 ime and abroad, 
 /liich it was eon- 
 
 xation should be 
 th will permit, 
 for the preserva- 
 L'nded over a fair 
 'SB to reduce the 
 be done. 
 
 of debt is to so 
 py at lower rates 
 ) pay, so long as 
 reatened or sus- 
 
 onld be adminis- 
 ions which hav(> 
 f>w Johnson call 
 
 1 tragic death of 
 e Presidency of 
 the people who 
 [>port ; who has 
 o has refused to 
 lice other officers 
 red his executive 
 ■y and life of the 
 a has denounced 
 
 the National liegislature an iinconHtitutifUial; who liaH pci-HiHientl.v 
 and corruptly rei^iHted, l>y ev«'ry uieaHure in IiIh power, evjM-y pro|KM' 
 attempt at the re(<»nHtriicti(m of the stateH lately in rebellion; wln» 
 has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wh(^leHale cor- 
 rupti«>n, and who lias justly been impeached for high crimes and mis- 
 d(>meanors, and proiM'rly pronounced guilty thereof \ y the vote of 
 thirtytive senators. 
 
 IX. The do<-trine of tireat Itritain and other Kuropean powers 
 that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must b^ resisted 
 at every hazard by the I'nited States as a relli- of feudal times, not 
 authori/.ed by the law of nations and at war with our national honor 
 and independenc«'. Xaturalized citizens are entitled to be protected 
 in all their rights to citizenship as though they were native born, and 
 no citizen of the rnit«Hl States, native or otherwise, must be liable 
 to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or 
 words spoken in this country; and if arrested and imprisoned it is 
 the duty of the government to interfere in his behalf. 
 
 X. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late wair, tln'rc 
 were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers a»nd 
 seamen, who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise and 
 iaiperilled their lives in the servi<'e of the country; the btninties and 
 pensions provided by law for these bra^e defenders of the Nation are 
 obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the 
 gallant dead ari' the wards of the people, a sacred legacy beipieathed 
 to the Nation's protective care. 
 
 XI. Foreign emigration, whi<-li in the past has added so much 
 to the wealth, development and resources and increase of power to 
 this Nation — tin asylum of the oppressed of all nations — should be 
 fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 
 
 XII. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all the 
 o]>pressed people who are struggling for their rights. 
 
 Some members of the convention had lM»en so impatient to nom- 
 inate (irant for President that two of them, had made motions to that 
 effect before the order of business was reported or a jiernmnent 
 organization was effected, and another had done the same thing, while 
 the convention was awaiting the report of the <*ommittee on creden- 
 tials. The time had now come when this eager desire could be car- 
 ried out and General John A. Logan had been chosen to place the 
 name of Grant before the convention. 
 
 'ihe selection of General Logan for this service was a very appro- 
 priate one. Before the war he represented the darkest district in 
 Egypt, as Southern Illinois was called. His district was populated 
 mostly by emigrants from the slave states, and its people were about 
 as strong for Secession and slavery as their neighbors across the 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 |(j|BBRr't^''^war^w^^T3S!?CTrw?TraBwnTTT^^ 
 
!!■ 
 
 HISTOUY OF TIIK KKITHI.K'AN VARTY. 
 
 Ohio and MiMHiijulppi Kiv« mh in Keutinky und AikHiiMUB. He wu«j a 
 DoHjflaH IN'iiMMiHt. v«'t the DiHtrict lined to Heiid him to ("oiiKresB by 
 l(MMM> or ll,()tM» niHJorit.v. After the war broke out, when he went 
 home to raise u reKiment for the Inion Army \\\» < onstltnentu resented 
 the aet. Tliey would luive preferred a regiment for the Confederate 
 8ervi<e. His ehxiuenre and persuasive powers carried the day and 
 he got his regiment. After "the Hla«'k EagU« of Illinois" returned 
 from the Army his District sent him back to Washington as a Repub- 
 lican, by about the same n>ajority tliat it had given him before as a 
 
 Democrat. It is told of 
 him that when he was 
 home on leave of ab- 
 sence, during the war, 
 und was making a cam- 
 paign speech, one ot his 
 h e a r e r s interrupted 
 him with renmrks that 
 had a flavor of Copper- 
 headism, and were iu- 
 iMilting to the speaker 
 himself. Logan seized 
 the water pitcher, 
 jumped down from the 
 )>latform, chased the in- 
 truder out of the hall, 
 then returned and re- 
 sumed his speech amid 
 great applause. Egypt 
 u[»preeiated that kind 
 of argument. 
 Logan's first battle 
 
 JOHN A. LOGAN. 
 
 with his regiment brought a recommendation from Grant that he be 
 made a Rrigadier General, and he returned home a Major General. 
 He was now in position to return (3 rant's favor by nominating him 
 for I'resident. Re<ognizing the impatience of the (.'onvention to 
 come to a vote, he restrained the natural desire which induces many 
 to n:ake a display of oratory on such occasions, and confined his 
 speech to a single sentence. Reing informed by the Chair that 
 nominations were in order he said: "Then, sir, in the name of the 
 loyal citizens, soldiers and sailors, of this great Republic of the 
 
 MRI 
 
f. 
 
 TiiK Fonrrii hkitiilkan convkntion. 227 
 
 i. lie wuM a 
 } ('oiiKi'eBB by 
 when he went 
 lentu resented 
 e Confederate 
 il the da.v and 
 lois" returned 
 »n HH a Uepiib- 
 \i\ before a8 u 
 t. It 18 told of 
 
 when he was 
 
 leave of ab- 
 irinjx the war, 
 making a chui- 
 'ech, one of hln 
 • H Interrupted 
 I renmrkH that 
 vor of Copper- 
 
 and were iu- 
 o the speaker 
 
 Loftan seiised 
 iter pitcher, 
 tlown from the 
 , chased the in- 
 ut of the hall, 
 urned and re- 
 is speech amid 
 iplause. Egypt 
 ted that kind 
 lent. 
 
 's first battle 
 rant that he be 
 Major General, 
 tominating him 
 
 (convention to 
 !) induces many 
 id confined his 
 the Chair that 
 he name of the 
 Republic of the 
 
 rnitv'd StaJcH of .\nierica; in the name of loyiilty.of liberty, of human- 
 ity, of justice; in the name of the National I'nion Republican party, I 
 nominate, u.' candidate for the Chief Majjisfniry of this Nation, 
 riysses H. Jlrant." If he had talked half an ln»ur he could n<>t have 
 aroused more enthusiasni than he did by iIiIh ninnle senten«e. .\t 
 the mention of (Srant's name, there was prolonged applause, and a 
 great waving of handkerchiefs, and then the mass of people, delegates 
 and spectators, rose and gave three rous'ng rhecrH for llu* nominee, 
 while the band struck up "Uuil to the Chief." 
 
 The r»)ll of states and 
 territories was theji 
 called and the Chair- 
 nmn announced: "(len- 
 tlemen of the <'onven- 
 t i o n, y o u have six 
 h u n d r e d and fifty 
 v(»te8; you Imve given 
 six h u n d r e d and 
 fifty votes for Clys 
 Hes K. (Irant. NMne 
 rousing cheers fol- 
 lowed the announce- 
 ment, the band played 
 "The Hattle Cry of 
 F reed o m," and the 
 whole (Convention 
 joined in the rhorus. 
 Enthusiasm was still 
 further aroused by a 
 song written for the 
 ot-casion by George V. 
 
 Root, entitled "We'll Fight it Out Here on the Old Union Line, 
 and sung by Chaplain Lozier, Chaplain McCabe and Major H. O. 
 
 Lombard. 
 
 The contest for the nomination for Vice-rresident was very 
 spirited. The nominating speeches were numerous, most of them 
 brief, and generally of a very high order. Virginia nominated 
 Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, and his home State and South 
 Carolina seconded the nomination. Indiana nominated Schuyler 
 Colfax, and New Jersey and Michigan seconded the nomination. 
 
 BENJAMIN F. WADE. 
 
 Mm 
 
'2'2H INHTOUY <»K TlIK KKIM HLHAN I'AItTY. 
 
 Tli«' Mlcliinan (IcIcKiition had Imm'Ii iiiHtnirl«Ml foi- Tolfax. Ohio 
 iioiiiiiiat«Ml H«'iijaiiiiii F. \Va«h' ami wan miip|m»iM«'(1 by .Minmrni-I ami 
 NoHli Carolina. N<'W Vorl< noiiiinatiMl Kx novi'inor U«'II»mm» K. 
 F«'iitoi). and l.i>uiHiana Hiip|»<»il«'d tlu' iHMiiiiiatidii. K»'iitu<k.v iuuiumI 
 .laiiM'H H\H'vi\; Mai-.vland noiiiiiiatt'd .lohii A. .1. Cn'Hwell, but Mr. 
 Ch'mwoII. who wan u di'li-galc. imnirdiati'ly withilrow hln iiaiiu' in a 
 HiiriinK bimmm h favoring "Ki<>"><»"« "'<^ '*'•' ^Vad^^ of Ohio." I'onn 
 H.vlvania nominated Kx-Oov»M-nor A. (S. i'atlin, Iowa namt'd Jann'H 
 Harlan, Maino pi«'H«'n1t'd llannil»al Hamlin, and Kannan Knbmlttt'd 
 K r. PonHMoy. Tin* followInK tabli' mIiowh tht' couiho of tlu' bal 
 lotinif: 
 
 l8t. 2d. :M. 4th. nth. «th. 
 
 n«-njamin F. Wade, of Ohio 14» 170 17« 204 10« 4J 
 
 .-((•huvler Colfax, of Indiana ^MM 140 1«4 l«« 224 522 
 
 K.ubVn K. Fenton, of New York i:t2 140 IHO 144 i:»7 75 
 
 •lann'H HiMfd. of Kentuiky 22 
 
 .1. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland 14 
 
 A. U. Cnrtin, of Pennsylvania 52 45 40 
 
 James Harlan, of Iowa 10 
 
 William I). Kelley, of IVnnHylvania. . 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine «0 -W 25 25 10 ... 
 
 Henry Wilson, of MasHachuuettH.... 110 li:» 101 S7 01 11 
 
 (Joverm»r Curtin hud InnilHlied the Pennnylvania delegation with 
 a patriotic letter, ttHthorizinj!; them to withdraw his name, whenever, 
 in their jndKment, suth action would "promote unity and harmon.^ 
 in the Republican party, and its ultimate triumph, which is ho eHgeu 
 tial to the perpetuity of the (Jovernment, and the prosperity and 
 happineBB of the Ameri«nu people." It will be noticed that Wade 
 Htarted in the lead, and maintained that jioBitlon through four ballotH. 
 His nomination was expected and probably would have been brought 
 about, had it not been for the chronic habit of Ohio delegates to 
 break away from their own candidates at a <'rltical time, a habit of. 
 whi<h Senator Hherman, and half a dozen others, have had reason 
 to (omplain. Four of the Ohio delegation broke from Wade to 
 Colfax on the second ballot, and the number increased to six on the 
 fourth ballot. Colfax's nomination, however, was entirely satis 
 factory to the <ountry. He was one of the most popular Republi- 
 cans and one of the best parliamentarians of the time. 
 
 There was an incident connected with the Michigan delegati »u 
 at this Convention which has nevtjr before been in print. The Ren- 
 
v. 
 
 rolfax. Ohio 
 V .MiHHoiiri and 
 lor Ui'IiImmi K. 
 cntiicky naiiiiMl 
 Hwell, hut Mr. 
 
 liJH iiaiiu* ill a 
 Oliio." I'onii 
 
 iiaiiH'd .laiiu'H 
 iiHaM Hiihiiiitti'd 
 I'Mi' (»f tht* bul- 
 
 4tii. 
 
 Tith. 
 
 ntii. 
 
 LM)4 
 
 m\ 
 
 42 
 
 1N(( 
 
 224 
 
 r>22 
 
 144 
 
 l.»7 
 
 75 
 
 S7 
 
 
 II 
 
 del('};ation with 
 imiiie, wht'uever, 
 ty and harinun.^ 
 hii'h Ih ho eHseu 
 
 pi'()Hperit,v and 
 Heed that Wade 
 HKh four ballotH. 
 ve been brought 
 hit) deieKates to 
 
 time, a habit of. 
 tiave had reason 
 i» from Wade to 
 led to six on the 
 B entirely satis 
 [)0]iular Republi- 
 
 lii);an delegation 
 jrlnt. The Sen 
 
 TIIK Fonrni HKIM llMrAX roWKNTMJN. 
 
 221) 
 
 atorial intliiniie from >\iiHhinKlon wan ver.v HtroM);ly in favor of 
 Itenjainin F. NNiide for Virel'reHidcnl. H«'iiHr«»r < 'handler, of Mifhi- 
 ^an, WUM eHperially altat-hed lo Mr. Wade. Thev had be«'n coniradeH 
 in the Heiiate when the HepubliranM were in a hopelesH niinorilv 
 there. In view of the asManlt made upon Hiimner and of the lhr<>ats 
 and bluHter of Honthern HeiiatorH after that time, tli<>.v had been 
 parties, with Senator <'ameron, to a written conipaft, to resiHt force 
 with force, in rase of any assault upon theniHelves, or upon anv of 
 their fellow senators in their prest'uce, and had practiced with the 
 revolver until they were aeeounte«l anions the l)est shots in Wash- 
 in^tton. They had sto(ul together in favor of Lincoln and (Irant, 
 and of all eiiicient wh:- nien:'<ures, and after that against the aggres- 
 sl<»no of IM'er.iiei' .Nthnson. In his earnest desire for Mr. Wade's 
 Mon»*;iMt|f>u Air ■. '>«:(dler wrote to the manager of the !>etroit I'ost. 
 '.*' whft-ti le ^i:X', c'mIi the largest stockholder, and which was devoted 
 t > f;;* inifrc'i'js, asking that it <'ome out in support <»f Mr. Wade. 
 Til' vi»pr,'.<^er uplied tha. Michigan had already instructed its dele- 
 '.'(» ion to n«i»port CoMax, »;nd it would not be well for the pajM'r, nor 
 Vieil f,)>- iui". < hamlhr. f > ;it> fniwU'V h» the expressed wish of the 
 I«' P'.''.!ie«',is fT ii;r t.ak, Mv. i'*! .'idler, who often led, but n<>ver 
 Htvf»iifp "d *o drivt, t'jK Ec;pulW/;-.u«» of Michigan, saw the force of 
 it)l«, ami ;,; »de ;u> fu.'tner \'.o,tm ,ti x\yf direction. 
 
 Of <r»U 'Iran 'k U-V^'c ;)♦. nccf pt'i ue was characteristic. It eon- 
 t'??ne'l nw.y 2il wojtj*, and (>,»ii'ii< ' *'rf introductory acknowledg 
 ine.its, wu/j i.f. iVv'lowH: 
 
 t ' '"'I emiurho tb<.> n Koiutio is. If »'le< .ed to the office of President 
 of fhv Uai^vd Htfites 'i iv il be mv emi.'i'.vor to administer all the law.s 
 in fr,my) fmih. witii ('conom.^ i.nni %>ih the view of giving peace, quiet 
 un<t proic '.<» everywhoJO. 
 
 "In tiinea 'iVf- fhe jiresen* i' is iuipossible, or at least eminently 
 improper, to !n> i'ovn a )'''.-\ to be adhered to, right or wrong, 
 thronnh an Atlminis'.rjtioii of four years. New political issues, not 
 t'.>,.*e6.ei'ik, vt" constaV/' . ii-ising; the views of the public on old ones 
 iwe constrtjttly changiBjj;, and a purely Administrative officer should 
 ^^^/'':l■)^ hv left '"ee to execute the will of the iieople. I always have 
 
 . ri'HtKitrd tiia: will and always shall. 
 
 "< ">Vi;ce and universal prosperity, its sequence, with economy of 
 Administration, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it con 
 stantly reduces the National debt. Let us have peace.'' > 
 
 
 
 I |tu..jiaj ug8re? ti.^i^a^^.u-A..j.. ' 
 
>m 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REIMHLK'AX PARTY. 
 
 i 
 
 'i 
 
 Tlie deference here shown to the will of the people, and the dis 
 claimer of any inflexible plan of meeting the exigencies of the time, 
 were in striking and pleasing contrast to the self-assertion and obsti 
 nacy which had characterized the occupant of the White House for 
 the previous three years. 
 
 Mr. Colfax's letter of acceptance, addressed to General Hawley, 
 opened with this graceful expression of thanks: "The platform 
 adopted by the patriotic Convention over which you presided, and 
 the resolutions which so happily supplement it, so entirely agree 
 with my views as to a just National policy, that my thanks are due 
 to the delegates, as much for this clear and auspicious declaration 
 of principles; as for the nomination with which I have been honored, 
 and which I gratefully a(!cept." Mr. (^olfax followed with a brief 
 reference to the issues of the day, and to what the Republican party 
 had already accomplished. 
 
 The harmonious character of the Convention, the hearty accept- 
 ance of the platform by the candidates, and the popularity of the 
 candidates themselves, most favorably affected the party, and it 
 entered upon the campaign with confidence and zeal. 
 
''Ks; 
 
 
 le, and the dis 
 es of the time, 
 ption and obsti- 
 hite House for 
 
 eneral Hawley, 
 "The platform 
 1 presided, and 
 entirely agree 
 thanks are due 
 ous declaration 
 e been honored, 
 ed with a brief 
 epublican party 
 
 e hearty accept- 
 >pularity of the 
 } party, and it 
 
 % 
 
 ii 
 
 ;.;--Vi■i^;v■...f■;.■■vA;. .y,,,,-;:/ XVIII.' .•' - . 
 
 THE GRANT AND COLFAX CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Democratic Tammany Hall Convention-"Your Candidate 1 
 Cannot Be"— The Nomination of Seymour and Blair— A Very 
 (^ritical and Fault-Finding Platform-Blair's Pi-evious Record- 
 \ Weak I>oint in the Ticket-The Southern Fire-Eaters Too Out- 
 spoken-An Active and Bitter Contest-A Flood of Campaign 
 Poetry-Grant's Speeches— Seymour's Electioneering Tour— A 
 Great Triumph for the Republicans— A Large Majority of the 
 Popular Vote, the Vote in the Electoral College and in Congress. 
 
 The Democrats, in 1868, were more at sea and at sea much 
 longer, than the Republicans. Their course as a party during the 
 war had thoroughly discredited them. Their war-is-a-fa.Iure cam- 
 T.aign in 1864 had ended in complete discomfiture, and their 
 investment in Andrew Johnson had not netted any dividends. They 
 were out of principles, and their stock of available candidates had 
 run low. They were in as great need of rehabilitation as the South 
 
 nrofi 
 
 The National Convention met in Tammany Hall, New York, July 
 4 and remained in session eleven days. The framing of a platform 
 was no easy matter. All the material in the old platform was 
 rotten or worm-eaten, and it was necessary to cut fresh material and 
 build anew. The declarations of the Convention, as finally adopted, 
 contained an enumeration of wrongs, and of outrages upon Liberty, 
 and of violations of the Constitution, and of abuses in taxation, and 
 of usurpations of power, that might fairly have made Vallandigham 
 and men of his class weep. They did not know before that they had 
 been so cruelly abused. As the first pronouncement of the modern 
 Democracy, the declaration is worth giving in full. Here it is: 
 
 The Democratic party, in National (Convention assembled, repos- 
 ing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice 
 of the people, standing upon the (Constitution as the foundation and 
 
 amm 
 
 . i L i j i 4 i JB I l iil f l WjM ' JHIl l .! li 
 
 'W^^ 
 
HISTORY OF THK REinRLinAN PARTY. 
 
 limitatitin of the powers of the Government, and the j>narantee of 
 the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of Slavery 
 and Secession as having been settled for all time to come by the war ; 
 or the voluntary action of the Southern States in Constitutional Con- : 
 ventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do, with 
 the return of peace, demand : 
 
 1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in th»! 
 Union, under the Constitution, and of Civil Government to the Amer- 
 ican people. 
 
 2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of 
 the elective franchise in the states by their citizens. 
 
 3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as 
 practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except 
 so much as is requisite for the necessities of the (iovernment, econom 
 ically administered, being honestly applied to such payment, and 
 where the obligations of the Government do not exi)re88ly state upon 
 their face, or the Law under which they were issued does not jirovid'- 
 that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, 
 to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. 
 
 4. Equal taxation of every species of projierty according to its 
 real value, including Government bonds and other public securities. 
 
 5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer 
 and the office-holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and 
 the bondholder. 
 
 6. Economy in the Administration of the (Jovernment; the 
 reduction of thfe standing Army and Navy; the abolition of the Preert- 
 man's Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure 
 negro supremacy: simplification of the system, and discontinuance 
 of inquisitorial nivtdes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, 
 so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened; the 
 (redit of the Government and the currency made good; the repeal of 
 all enactments for enrolling the State Militia into National forces in 
 time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and 
 such equal taxation under the Internal Revenue Laws as will afford 
 incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without 
 impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best pro- 
 mote and encourJage the great industrial interests of the country. 
 
 7. Reform of abuses in the Administration, the expulsion of 
 corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restora- 
 tion of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the Executive 
 and Judicial Departments of the Government, the subordination of 
 the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of 
 (.^ongress and despotism of the sword may cease. 
 
 8. Equal rights and protection, for naturalized and native-born 
 citizens, at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality 
 which shall command the respect of foreign powers and furnish an 
 example and encouragement to people struggling for National integ- 
 litv, Constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the mainte- 
 
 'W 
 
THE GRANT AND COLFAX CAMPAirrN. 
 
 233 
 
 Kiiarantee ot 
 \n» of Slavery 
 lie by the war 
 Jitntional Con- 
 jated, do, willi 
 
 rights ill the 
 to the /liner- 
 regulation (»f 
 
 as rapidly as 
 xation, except 
 nient, econoiii 
 payment, and 
 sly state npon 
 CH not provid';" 
 ind in justice. 
 
 'cording to its 
 
 )lic securities. 
 
 le, the laborer 
 
 producer and 
 
 vernment; the 
 a of the Preed- 
 ?ned to secure 
 discontinuance 
 ernal revenue, 
 I lessened; the 
 ; the repeal of 
 ional forces in 
 I imports, and 
 
 as will afford 
 s will, without 
 
 and best pro- 
 he country. 
 ? expulsion of 
 ?s, the restora- 
 
 the Executive' 
 bordination of 
 usurpations of 
 
 nd native-born 
 ■an nationality 
 ind furnish an 
 National integ- 
 id the mainte- 
 
 nance of the rights of naturalised citizens against the absolute doc- 
 trine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to 
 punish them for alleged crime c(niimitted beyond their jurisdiction. 
 
 In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Rad- 
 ical party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression 
 and tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn 
 and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the 
 war exclusively for the maintenance of the (Jovernment and the pres- 
 ervation of the I'Uion under the Constitution, it has repeatedly vio- 
 lated that most sacred pledge, under which alone was rallied that 
 noble Volunteer Army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of 
 restoring the I'nion, it has, so far as is in its power, dissolved it, and 
 subjected ten states, in time of profound peace, to military despotism 
 and negro supremacy. It has uuUifled there the right of trial by 
 jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of 
 liberty; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and the press; it 
 has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials 
 and secret star-chamber inquisitions for the Constitutional tribunals; 
 it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free 
 from searches and seizures; it has entered the post and telegraph 
 offices, and even the privat*' rooms of individuals, and seized their 
 private papers and letters without any specitii* charge or n<>Hce of 
 affidavit, as required by the organic law; it has converted the Amer- 
 can Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and 
 official espionage, to which no Constitutional Monarchy of Europe 
 would now dare to resort; it has abolished the right of appeal on 
 important Constitutional questions to the Wupreme Judicial tribunal, 
 and threatens to control or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is 
 irrevocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned ('liief 
 Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely 
 because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the 
 false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its 
 corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in 
 history, and, by its frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the 
 burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the Presi- 
 dent of his (Constitutional power of appointment, even of his own 
 Cabinet. Tender its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government 
 are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next 
 and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and con- 
 quered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 And we do declare and resolve, that ever since the people of the 
 United States threw off subjection to the British crown, the privi- 
 lege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several states, and 
 have been granted, regulated and controlled exclusively by the politi- 
 cal power of each State resi)ectively, and that any attempt by 
 Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, 
 or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power. 
 
 
 3*',- 
 
234 
 
 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN PARTY. 
 
 which (-an find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned by 
 the people, will subvert our form of (lovernment, and can only end in 
 a single, centralized and consolidated Government, in which the sep- 
 arate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqual- 
 ified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of coequal 
 
 And that we regard the Construction Acts (so-called) of Con- 
 gress, as such, as usdrpations and unconstitutional, revolutionary 
 and void. That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our 
 country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must 
 ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their 
 favor must be faithfully carried into execution. 
 
 That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possi- 
 ble among the people, and should be disposed of either under tin- 
 pre-emption of homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and 
 to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by 
 the Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed, 
 necessary for the encouragement of imp(»rtant public improvements, 
 the i)roceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, 
 should be so applied. 
 
 That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in 
 exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of 
 Congress upon the Constitutional rights of the states and the people, 
 is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American jieople, and in 
 behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for bis 
 patriotic efforts in that regard. 
 
 Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every 
 patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desire to 
 support the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past 
 differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle 
 for the liberties of the ])eople; and that to ail such, to whatever 
 party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand 
 of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and 
 brethren. 
 
 RESOLVED, That this Convention sympathize cordially with 
 the workingme^i of the United States in their efforts to protect the 
 rights and interest^ of the laboring classes of the country. 
 
 RESOLVED, That the thanks of the Convention are tendered 
 to i^hief Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity and impar 
 tiality with which he presided over the Court of Impeachment on tht' 
 trial of President Andrew Johnson. 
 
 When the Convention reached the order of nomination for Presi- 
 dent everything was involved in doubt. The nomination of George 
 H. Pendleton would have been the natural outcom^i, inasmuch as the 
 most important planks of the platform were framed to meet his 
 views. But the New York and same other Eastern Democrats were 
 
(«iiM 
 
 't; 
 
 '•':■ t ''i.i''" . 
 
 T. 
 
 THE ORANT AND COLFAX rAMPAION. 
 
 235 
 
 sanctioned bj' 
 can only end in 
 
 which the sep- 
 and an unquul- 
 lion of co-eqnal 
 
 called) of Con- 
 revolutionary 
 
 the tlag of our 
 lined foe, must 
 
 given in their, 
 
 (widely as postii- 
 ther under the 
 quantities, and 
 
 eHtablished by 
 nay be allowed, 
 
 improvemeuls, 
 ndg theinaelveH, 
 
 ew JoliUBon, in 
 ' aggregsions of 
 and the people, 
 }teople, and in 
 thanks for hiri 
 
 )peal to every 
 1 who desire to 
 getting all past 
 t great struggle 
 ?h, to whatever 
 the right hand 
 i as friends and 
 
 ( cordially with 
 
 3 to protect the 
 
 untry. 
 
 >n are tendered 
 
 nity and impar 
 
 lacbment on th^ 
 
 lation for Presi- 
 ation of George 
 nasmuch as the 
 ed to meet his 
 Democrats were 
 
 strongly opposed to him, and put Thomas A. Hendricks in the field 
 to divide the Western vote. Up to nearly the time of the Conven- 
 tion President Johnson cherished hopes that he might, by receiving 
 the Democratic nomination, reap the reward of his adoption of 
 Democratic practices. His plan of framing a new party, with himself 
 at the head of it, had long since been abandoned, and the Conven- 
 tion had not been long in session before that infatuated individual 
 relinquished the hallucination that he could receive the Democratic 
 nomination. His highest vote in the (Convention was sixty-five, on 
 the first ballot, and it dwindled from that to five on the twenty-first. 
 The name of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase was on the lips of 
 members throughout the balloting, and there was hardly a tini;e 
 when a break to him was not among the possibilities, even among the 
 probabilities. It was the plan of some of tlie leaders to spring his 
 name, if the opportunity offered, but if the opportunity ever cam<' 
 they failed to take advantage of it. Mr. (Miase only received half u 
 vote on the twelfth, thirteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nine- 
 teenth ballots, and four on the twenty-first. Sanford E. Church was 
 given thirty-three votes on the first seven ballots, and then dropped. 
 The only object in presenting his name at all was to hold the votes 
 of New York State in reserve, until it was decided how best to use 
 them. It was apparently for the same reason that Asa Packer, of 
 Pennsylvania, was given twenty-six votes on the first fourteen 
 ballots. The following table shows the first ballot, the eighth when 
 Pendleton raached his highest, the eighteenth when Hancock reached 
 his highest, and the twenty-first which was the last before the break 
 to Seymour: 
 
 Ist. 8th. 18th. 2l8t. 
 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio 105 
 
 Winfleld 8. Hancock, of New York 33Vo 
 
 8th. 
 1561/. 
 
 28 
 75 
 
 28 
 
 18th. 
 501/2 
 
 1441/2 
 87 
 10 
 
 1351/, 
 
 132 " 
 
 5 
 
 ThoB. A. Hendricks, of Indiana 2V2 
 
 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee 66 
 
 Sanford E. Church, of New York 33 
 
 Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania 26 26, 
 
 Joel Parker, of New Jersey. 13 7 iiV» 
 
 James E. English, of Connecticut 16 6 19 
 
 James B. Doolittle, of Wisconsin 13 12 12 12 
 
 Largest number of voles 317 
 
 Necessary to a choice 212 
 
 Scattered votes were also cast on the different ballots for the 
 following candidates: Reverdy Jv.hnson, Francis P. Blair, Jr., 
 
 f 
 
 ! 
 
 m>''- 
 
 h\ 
 
 m/tltMf:: wutPwnuManemaKnMHwMawupM 
 
 ' ■ yim— — ii i i jL w 
 
 l,;''/iyf-'m?'^'-'Z^-' 
 
<r l «I IL ' ri 
 
 230 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIfAN PARTY. 
 
 Tliomnn Kwinj?, Jolm Quimy Adams, OeorRe H. Mcriellan, Franklin 
 Pierce, John T. Hoffman, Htephen .1. Field and Thomas H. He.vmour. 
 It appeared to the leaders that the time had nearly come when 
 Chief JuBti<'e Chase might he bronght forward, and after a short 
 ( onsnltation, it was decided that after the next ballot the Conven- 
 tion should adjourn till the next morning, and that then the Chair- 
 man of the Convention should take the floor, and formally present 
 Mr. Chase's name. But the Convention got away from them. After 
 a few states had been called, votes began to apijear for Horatio 
 
 Heymour, President of 
 
 the <'onvention, who, 
 
 ' at the first juention of 
 
 his name arose, pro- 
 tested and declined to 
 be a candidate. When 
 Ohio was reached the 
 delegation surprised 
 the Convention by giv- 
 ing its entire vote for 
 Horatio Seymour. This 
 was another instance 
 of the chronic tendency 
 of Ohio delegations to 
 break away from can- 
 didates from their own 
 State, at just the time 
 when success was 
 within their reacli. 
 The delegation were 
 feeling ugly because 
 they were obliged to 
 abandon Pendleton, and therefore would have none of Chase. Upon 
 their announcement of their vote for Seymour, that gentleman arose 
 and protested; declared his devotion to the party and his willingness 
 to serve it in any other way, and then, with his hand thrust, forward, 
 palm outward, as though to put away the proffered honor, said: "But 
 gentlemen, your candidate 1 cannot be." Tlie tide, however, had 
 turned that way, and nothing could check it. State after State 
 changed its vote, and when the result was announced it was unani- 
 mous, 317 votes for Seymour. His reluctance to take the nomination 
 was doubtless genuine, but he was virtually forced to accept it/ 
 
 HORATIO BBYMOUR. 
 
 jSglH 
 
mtmm 
 
 nimmm 
 
 r. 
 
 THE OKANT AND TOLFAX CAMPAIOX. 
 
 237 
 
 Ian, Franklin 
 H. Ke.vnioui'. 
 y come when 
 after a short 
 the Conven- 
 en the ('hair- 
 nali.v present 
 them. After 
 for Horatio • 
 President of ', 
 rention, who, 
 st mention of / 
 e arose, pro- 
 id declined to 
 lidate. When 
 i reached the 
 n surprised 
 ention by giv- 
 ntire vote for 
 k'ynjour. This 
 ther instance 
 ronic tendency 
 delegations to 
 vay from can- 
 rom their own 
 just the time 
 access was 
 I their reacli. 
 egation were 
 ugly because 
 re obliged to 
 ' Chase. Upon 
 ntleman arose 
 lis willingness ' 
 hruBt. forward, 
 or, said: "But 
 however, had 
 te after State 
 it was unani- 
 he nomination 
 iccept it/ 
 
 Francis P. Blair, Jr., was nominated for Vice-President withoiil 
 opposition. Mr. Blair was a man, both of strong c(mvictions and 
 equally strong prejudli-es. He was one of the first men in Missouri 
 to denounce slavery and advocate gradual emancipation. This 
 ground he took on economic rather than on moral grounds. He 
 insisted that slavery was a drawback to the develoj)ment and pros- 
 perity of the State, and that it was especially detrimental to the 
 commercial and industrial interests of Ht. Louin. He and B. Gratz 
 Hrown were largely instrumental in organizing the Republican party 
 in that city. He was elected to ('ongress as a Uepublican, and as 
 late as February, 1WJ5, was entrusted by President Lincoln with an 
 important mission in connection with peace overtures. After that he 
 first "Johnponized" and then went over to the extreme wing of th«> 
 Democratic party. Before the Convention he had written a letter in 
 which he said: "There is but one way to restore the (Government and 
 the Constitution, and that is for the President to declare these Acts 
 null and void, rcmipel the Army to undo its usurpations in the South, 
 dispossess the carpet-hag State Governments, allow the white people 
 to reorganize their own Governments, and elect Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives." This made him a very suitable candidate on a plat- 
 form, containing this clause which was proposed by Wade Hampton: 
 "That we regard the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, as usurpa- 
 tions, unconstitutional, revolutionary and void." 
 
 Robert Toombs, in a speech at Atlanta, declared that "these so- 
 called Governments and Ijegislatures which have been established in 
 our midst, shall at once be made to va<-ate. The Convention at New 
 York appointed Frank P. Blair especially to oust them.'' From 
 being trusted by Lincoln, to being praised by Toombs, was certainly 
 a great descent. His own extreme utterances and the praise of thi' 
 Southerners, it was thought, were calculated to injure the ticket. 
 After the October elections the New York World demanded that he 
 be withdrawn, but he concluded to "stick" and the canvass went on. 
 In the course of the campaign Mr. Blair brought ridicule, as well as 
 hostility, to the ticket. When uTeking a speech at Allyn Hall, Hart- 
 ford, Conn., he was so much "under the influence" that he found 
 difHculty in steadying himself, and his remarks were so rambling 
 and incoherent as to cause great chagrin and mortification to his 
 Democratic hearers, and great glee to the Republican press. 
 
 The campaign was active and bitter. In the East it lacked the 
 accessories of drilled marching (ompanies and torch-light proces 
 
 ! 
 
 • -Sfe 
 
 , 
 
 ■MM 
 
HIHTOKY OF THE REPl'HLK'AN PARTY. 
 
 Hiong wliich had marked the campaiKiis of 1S<50 and 1864, but in the 
 West these were maintained. In Detroit there was great rivalry 
 between the two parties over this feature and there were some of 
 the largest processions ever seen in the city. The expense was so 
 great, however, that after the j-ampaign was over, the party commit- 
 te<'8 agreed for the future to abandon this costly method of rousing 
 enthusiasm. This plan was carried out, under the agreeuM?nt, until 
 it became a matter of habit, and the torchlight procession has never 
 been resunied in Detroit as a main feature of the general campaign. 
 The printed document, the lithograph and the local meeting have 
 largely supplanted the torch, the transparency and general mass 
 meeting in the effort to reach and convince the voter. 
 
 One feature of the canvass was the immense amount of campaign 
 poetry that was poured into it. On the Democrat side this was bitter 
 in the extreme, and some of it indecent. There was frequently used 
 one verse of four lines, in praise of the assassination of Lincoln, 
 which was absolutely hideous in its brutality. There was another, 
 not quite as good as the best and not quite as bad as the worst, 
 which praised the "pure soul" of the "martyred and blest," Mrs. 8ur- 
 ratt, and added a ribald characterization of some of the Republican 
 leaders. 
 
 The Republican campaign verses were on a much higher plane. 
 They were always decent, and some of them models in verse and 
 song, John O. Whittier's four stanzas on the Democratic platform, 
 for instance. They were generally in praise of their own ticket, 
 r,ather than in denunciation of their opponents. But here are three 
 stanzas addressed "To General F. V. lllair," which are sufficiently 
 keen in their personal thrusts: 
 
 You have falsified your record 
 
 For the fitful hope of place; 
 The Sword you drew in honor 
 
 Y'ou have sheathed now in disgrace; 
 The hand that bore our standard 
 
 Has palsied — lost its clasp, 
 And takes the hand of traitors 
 
 In its dishonored grasp. 
 
THE (lllANT AND COLFAX CAM PA KIN. 
 
 2au 
 
 64, but in tlio . 
 great rivalry 
 were some of 
 pense was so 
 party commit- 
 lod of rouBiD}{ 
 reeuient, until 
 lion has never 
 >ral campaign, 
 meeting have 
 general maso 
 
 it of campaign 
 this was bitter 
 •equentl.v used 
 on of Lincoln. 
 > was another, 
 as the worst, 
 est," Mrs. 8ur- 
 lie Republican 
 
 I higher plane. 
 J in verse and 
 patic platform, 
 'ir own ticket, 
 here are three 
 are sufficiently 
 
 Affiliate with traitors, 
 
 >Vho with revengeful breath. 
 Are living unrepentant 
 
 And plot the Nation's death. 
 
 You are standing, hand in hand, with them, ' 
 ' f ;^ > You at Atlanta faced; 
 
 '.^ . And they who stood beside you then 
 
 Feel by your act disgraced. 
 Oh! m your midnight musings *; ; « 
 
 YoVr thoughts must bitter be, ..g ; , , 
 
 To recollect that once you marched 
 
 With Sherman to the sea. ' ,• 
 
 IJuring the campaign Grant's reticence was commented on unfa- 
 vorably by some of the 1 Jenunratic stump speakers, who said that he 
 could not make u speech, and that the ability to talk was essential 
 in a nmn in that exalted imsition. Before they were tlirough they 
 wished they had not mentioned the subject, for Republican stump 
 orators began to quote some of Orant's terse utterances during the 
 war, as speeches that were at least easily comprehended. Grant's 
 si>eech to General Buckner at Fort Donelson was very short, but 
 when he was through talking Buckner understood that Uncondi- 
 tional surrender" represented the only terms he could obtain. In 
 view of the initials of his name, "Vnconditionnl Surrender" Grant 
 was the name sometimes applied to the General. "I propose to move 
 immediately upon your works," was another of Grant's speeches 
 which the Rebel General Commanding was able to comprehend. When 
 (Grant's plan of attack on Tree's army and approach to Richmond was 
 criticised, and pressure was brought to bear upon him to change it, 
 he did not make a long speech in reply, but his remark: "I propose to 
 tight it out on this line if it takes all summer," conveyed a very clear 
 idea of his purpose. "Let us have peace" expressed a wish which the 
 people understood, and in which they heartily concurred, it was 
 related that after one of the battles of the Wilderness, when the sol- 
 diers had fought all day with an tnemy that they could not see, on 
 account of the woods and brush. General Grant was asked to step 
 backward and reorganize, and that he replied: "We have done very 
 well, gentlemen. At half past three o'clock in the morning we move 
 forward." These and other similar concise expressionp of Grant's 
 when quoted to a mass meeting were always effective in rousing 
 enthusiasm. The quotation was often followed by the suggestion 
 
 ; I 
 
 I 
 
 ■i 
 
 1. 
 
m 
 
 240 
 
 IMHTOKV OFTIIK UKIM IHJCAX I'AKTV. 
 
 \^' 
 
 tliat ill the Hood of oratoi-v that H<»iii(*tiiiioH hw4>(>|»h over a polifiral 
 aHHciiiltlaKc, tlHM-e wci'c people who talked too iiincli. If tlu\v would 
 talk IcHH tliev would have a eliaiue to think more, a reftM-eiiee whicii 
 the aiidieiii-e would readily appl.v to Ki-aueiH I'. Itlaif'H lo(|ua<-it.v. 
 
 Tlu' Ottober election went Uepuhlican, hut li,v niajoritieH ho huuiII 
 UK to leave the Democrats Home chanee. Tlu' elonent Htate waH Indi- 
 ana, whicli pive Conrad Haker !)<»! luajority over ThonuiH A. lien- 
 drickH, a V(>r.v meaner tip;ure eompared with Morton'H HtMNM) at the 
 election held during tlie I'reHidential canvuHH four .vearn earlier. 
 
 In tlu* hope of reverHinjj thiH reHult in wune of theHe HtuteM, (lov- 
 ernor Seymour nutde au eiectioneerini; tour throu^h them. Hin 
 Htron^ perMonalit.v and hiH |>erHuaHive eUuiuence mi)(lit have had the 
 dcHired elTect, but here a new element entered in. HuHineHH men were 
 arouMed at the threat of partial repudiation propoHed in the I'endle- 
 t<m plankH in the platform, and the t1nan<-ial diHturbance it would 
 create. An upriHin^ follow(>d, Himilar in character, though not ho 
 wide in extent an that which marked tlie revolt a}<;ainHt the 1(> to 1 
 hereny in lh!M». So in the end it wan IV'udleton'n tinancial planks, 
 rather than lilair'n Copper headinm that turned the Hcale. 
 
 The reHult was a triumph for the HejuiblicanH Huch an the mont 
 Hanguine men in the party would not luiv(> dared to predi<-t nix weekH 
 t'arlier. (Irant carried 2t! ntates, with 214 electoral voten. Seymoui' 
 had 80 electoral votes, of whicli about half were from his own State 
 and the rest were from New Jersey (which usually follows the lead 
 of New York), Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, (leorgia, LouiHiana 
 and Oregon. It was afterwards proven that the result in Louisiana 
 was obtained by frauds of the most sweeping character. The popular 
 vote was: '• v,:_^ ' ^■r:p^^::z.:-^.^:j:^-: '';-i^^ ■ 
 
 Grant and Colfax :{,0ir),071 
 
 Seymour and Hlair 2,700,613 
 
 During this period ('ongress was divided iiolitically as follows- 
 
 Forty first Congress. , 
 
 Senate — Republicans, 01 ; Democrats, 11. 
 House — Republicans, 170; Democrats, 73. 
 
 Forty-second Congress. 
 Senate — Republicans, 57; Democrats, 17. 
 House — Republicans. 130; Democrats, 104. 
 
 One of the interesting features of this campaign in Michigan 
 was a series of county mass meetings in the southern part of the 
 
 It: 
 
 #■ 
 
THE (HtANT AND COLFAX TAMPA KJX. 
 
 241 
 
 vcr a iiolitical 
 
 If tln'.v would 
 
 <*f«'i*<'iir<' wlilcli 
 
 o(|iia(-it,v. 
 
 oriticH MO Hinall 
 
 Htat«' waH liuli- 
 
 loiiiaM A. II<>ii- 
 
 H :tO,(>0() at tii«> 
 
 VH carlii'i*. 
 
 H«' HtatcM, (}ov- 
 
 ;;h tliciii. HIh 
 
 It have liad the 
 
 tiiU'HH men were 
 
 I in the Pendh* 
 
 bance it would 
 
 thonifli not ho 
 
 inHt the Ifi to 1 
 
 Inanciitl jdanks, 
 
 •aile. 
 
 ii«-h as the nioBt 
 edit't six weeks 
 voteH. Hevnioui" 
 in hiH own Htate 
 followH the lead 
 Di'^iii, Louitiiana 
 ult in Louisiana 
 er. The impular 
 
 State, addreHHed by Senator < 'handler, Henry I*. Italdwin, candidale 
 for (hivernor. and otherH. The State waH thoron^hly arouMed, and 
 the vote wtiH much larger than any caMt previouH lo that time. 43raut 
 had li:S,22n and S4>ynionr S2,.'Ut4; majority for (irant, :\(),mn. There 
 were alMo L'02 voteH caHt for David DariH, on a Workin^man'M nomina- 
 tion, whicli cut no ftf^ure duriuK the campaign, and which had elec- 
 toral ticketH in only a few of the Htaten. The I'reHidential Klectorw 
 were: At Lar^e — CharleH M. (' oHwell, .lohn Hurt. Uy DiHtrictB — 
 (]) \Villiam Doeltz; (2) CharleH W. i'lisbee; Ci) Charles T. (lorham; 
 (4) Bynm M. Cutcheon; (")| (Jilen Hubbard; Hi) Michael C. T. IMesHner. 
 The vote for (Jovernor wan: Henry I*. Italdwin, of Detroit, 
 l2S,0ril; John Moore, of Satrinaw, 1J7.1.MH); Haldwin'8 majority, :t(),7(»l. 
 The Con^reHHJonal dele>j;ati<»n waH R<'iMibIi<-an and conniHted of Per- 
 nniidu C. Iteaman, Austin HIair, Oniiir I). Con)?t*r, ThonuiH W. Perry, 
 NN'illiam 1j. Stoughton and Uandolph Strickland. 
 
 . . 8,015,071 
 . . 2,700,613 
 
 ■allv as follows' 
 
 f<:n in Michigan 
 lern part of the 
 
 ,1 }.' . 
 
 'iiMMiiMi 
 
 ^:'j*:,,;a^Si- 
 
 ^-^^^fWrfi'llTiiiv 
 
 uitHtttm 
 
>. 
 
 V 
 
 '■ - .?■■',,. xi\. 
 
 rUKHlDKXT (JKANT'S FIUHT TKUM. 
 
 I'ariiKnipliH fi-oiii tlii' I'n'Midcnt'H Inaugural Mi-HHa^*' — A rabiiu't 
 that Hid Nol liOii^ il<»ld ToKctiifi' — AttciuptH to Solvv the Uccoii- 
 Htriictioii I'l'obU'ni — Ht'ttliuj; Old W('(»ri'» with (Ireat liHtaiu — 
 FiiiaiK-ial Ihhuch ('ouio to the Front— How to DiHcliar^c thi> lMil> 
 Ik* <)bli){atioiiH and U«'t Hacl< to H|M«cie I'a.vnientH — Tln' Act to 
 Wtnoi^then the Tahlic < 'ledit— Thr K«'fundinj,' Art— The ("oin- 
 a>f(' Act DtMnom'tizinjj; Hilvcr — The Sjilarv (lral> — Tlie Treaty of 
 WaMhington — The I'ropoHed Han Domingo I'lircluiHe Defeated. 
 
 J'reHident (iraut's inau){in-al nieHHa^t' was brief and character- 
 JHtic. It waH addreHHed to tlie citi/.enM of the I'nited WtateH and the 
 first three sectionH w«'re as follows : 
 
 "Your 8UtrraK<'K havinj? elected nie to tlie olllce of President of the 
 Tnited States, I have, in conformity to the ronstitution of our coun- 
 tr\, taken the oath of ofllce prescribed therein. I have taken this 
 oath without mental reservation, and with the determination to do, to 
 the best of my ability, all that it requires of uie. The responsibilities 
 of the position 1 feel, but accept them witluuit fear. The office has 
 come to me unsought; I commence; its duties untrammeled, I bring to 
 it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my 
 ability, to the satisfaction of the people. 
 
 "On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always 
 express my views to Congress, and urge them according to my judg- 
 ment; and, when I think it advisable, will exercise the (vonstltutlonuS 
 privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose, 
 Uut all laws will be faithfully exe«*uted, whether they meet my ap- 
 proval or not. 
 
 "I shall, on all subjects, have u policy to recommend, but none to 
 enforce against the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike, 
 those opposed, as well as those who favor them. I know no method 
 to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their 
 stringent execution." 
 
 '-^.X^'4*'-\ 
 

 >j^tsmjg^ 
 
 — A Ciibinrr 
 vv the K«M"«ni- 
 (')it Itrituiu — 
 iiirnc llu* IMib- I 
 A—Tho Act to 
 <t— TIh' Coin- 
 Tin- Tij'jit.v of 
 Hc Defeated. 
 
 uud chanu'ter- 
 HtatcH and thu 
 
 renident of th« 
 in of our couu- 
 ave taken this 
 nation to do, to 
 reHponsibilities 
 
 The offlee huH 
 eled, I brinj? to 
 the best of my 
 
 d I will always ' 
 ug to my judg- 
 ('onstitutioDul 
 'hich I oppose, ; 
 y meet my ap- 
 
 ad, but none to 
 nvern all alike, 
 [low no method 
 ective as their 
 
 1' SinKNT (JHANTH FIKHT TKUM. 
 
 J4.'l 
 
 The I'n'MidenlH ('abiiiel .mm llrHl announced was not considered 
 fortunate in IIh sehction. It was as follows: 
 
 Kecre^<u-y of Htate — Kllhii It. WaHlibnrne, of lllinuis. 
 
 Keen lary of the Treasury -Alexander T. Hiewarl. of New York. 
 
 Hecreuiry of War — .lohn .\. KawlinH. of Illinois. 
 
 SfMi'etary of the Navy — Adolph K. Horie. of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Tostnuister <ieneral — John A. >f. Creswell, of .Maryland. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior— .lacob D. <'i>x. of Ohi(». 
 
 Attorney General — K. KocUwell Hoar, of .MaHsaclniHetts. 
 
 The Cabinet did not long hold t(»getlii'i'. Mi-. Washburne was 
 confirmed March fi and resigned March H\, to take the position of 
 Afinister to Fnince, in accordance, it was undei-Htood, with a previ<turt 
 understanding. Me was succeeded by lianiilton Fish, of New York, 
 an ap|)ointnient which created surprise at th" time, but wlii«-h proved 
 to be a most excellent one. .Mr. Ktewart was found t(» be ineligible 
 under an act passed September 2, 17S!>, which provided that the Secre- 
 tary of )li«' Treasury should not be "directly, or indirectly, c(Uicerned 
 or interested in carrying on the business of trade or comnu»rce, or be 
 owner, in whole or in part, of any sea vessel or purchase, by himself 
 uv aiother in trust for him, any public lauds or other public property, 
 or be cfuuerned in th(> |>ur<-hase or disposal of any publi<- s«>curitieH 
 of any State or of the Cnited States, <>r take or ajiply to his own use 
 any emolument or gain f<u- negotiating or transacting any business in 
 the said Department, other than what shall be allowed by law." 
 
 This a«'t is so swee|>ing in its exclusion of business nu'U as io 
 nmke it a nuitter of surju-ise that the (lovernmeut has been able to 
 secure nniny capable nu-n for that important po^"■'^ion. The 
 President was anxious to have Mr. Stewart in the Cabinet and 
 Mr. Stewart was anxious to be there. It was proposed, at one tinu-. 
 that he should assign all his business interests to his partner, .ludgt' 
 Hilton, but this was regairded as a mere evasion of the law, as he 
 would still have an indirect interest in them. Then it was sought to 
 renu)ve his disabilities by a sjiecial Act of Congress, but that body 
 would not establish the precedent of breaking down a law that had 
 been in force for eighty years, in order to meet the exigencies of a 
 particular ease, and Mr. Stewart was reluctantly dropped. The Pres- 
 ident then turned to Captain E. B. Ward, of Detroit, but he was found 
 also to be ineligible, and George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, was 
 appointed. 
 
 John A. Rawliys, Secretary of ^Yar, gave way, after a few 
 months, to ^YiIliam W. Belknap, of Iowa. But Borie was a puzzler 
 
 ■ KiX,'. 
 
 !..,.<,. . ■. i:s^-,^ -.»i; 
 
 ^ 
 
ft* 
 
 mm 
 
 ^m 
 
 ■:"%■ 
 
 244 
 
 HISTORY OF TUE REPUBLK^AN PARTY. 
 
 .V 
 
 m 
 
 to the people, hr he was almost unknown in publir affairs. The West- 
 ern Associated Press, in transmitting the Cabinet list, got a "v" in 
 his name instead of an "r.'' An editor of one of the Detroit dailies, 
 was writing biographies of the members of the Cabinet, and when 
 he came to the Secretary of the Navy he commenced: "The Hon. 
 
 Adolph E. Bovie, Secretary of the Nuvy, is — is — well, who in is 
 
 Bovie, anyway?" Mr. Borie was succeeded, June 25, 1869, by Gecge 
 M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 
 Orant's Administration was confronted with three grave 
 problems, all inherited from the war. These were an amicable 
 adjustment of the relations between the whites and the blacks in the 
 South, a pruuiem that is even yet not entirely solved; the settlement 
 of our old scores with Great Britain, and the financial problem. 
 
 The latter subject was the one first taken in hand by Congress, 
 and the question was how to get back to a sound sjwcie basis, after 
 doing business for sixteen yeai's with paper that was more or less 
 depreciated. It became evident early in the war, that the Govern- 
 ment could not command the gold necessary for payment of the vast 
 expenses incurred in that struggle. We were not only exi>ending 
 immense sums for war material and supplies at home, but we were 
 importing much more than we were exporting, and the balances due 
 abroad had to be paid in gold or in gold bonds. As the war proceeded 
 the disparity between the exports and imports increased, for cotton 
 shipments were almost entirely cut off, and our surplus of breadstuffs 
 and provisions was less than in former years, on account of the large 
 consumption by the Armj-. Some form of paper obligation early 
 became necessary, and the necessity increased as the war continued. 
 
 The first experiment with paper money was the issue of |50,000,- 
 000 in non-interest bearing Treasury notes. They were payable on 
 denmnd, were a^ good a? gold then, and continued it par during the 
 entire jieriod of gold fluctttations. But they vere a new thing, 
 people were rot accsutomed to Nsues of Government paper, and were 
 suspicious v,f them, and even thai amount, siTiall as it was in vopx- 
 parison with the paper issues subsequently issued, could not be 
 floated. In this same period it was diilicult for the Government to 
 borrow money on bonds, for its credit had b(>en greatly impaired by 
 the events of Buchanan's Administration. When the Secretary of 
 the Treasurv secured the first loan made during the war, the Tendon 
 Times said he had "coerced 150,000,000 from the New York banks, 
 but h? would not fare so well on the liondon Exchange," and for a 
 
 
 .%•:■ 
 
j y ..y ■ ii. ■J.H l i— M Uf ^ f^rt h 
 
 'Y. 
 
 11-8. 
 
 It, got a "v" 
 
 The VVest- 
 in 
 
 Detroit dailit^s, 
 inet, and when 
 i: "The Hon. 
 
 who in is 
 
 1869, by Geo'-go 
 
 throe grave 
 an amicable 
 le blacks in the 
 ; the settlement 
 problem, 
 id by Congress, 
 pcie basis, after 
 Eis more or less 
 hat the Oovern- 
 lent of the vas^ 
 only exi)ending 
 le, but we were 
 he balances due 
 le war proceeded 
 >ased, for cotton 
 us of breadstuffs 
 mnt of the large 
 obligation early 
 » war continued, 
 issue of 150,000,- 
 were payable on 
 t par during the 
 •e a new thiug, 
 paper, and were 
 I it was in coinx- 
 i, could not be 
 J Government to 
 itly impaired by 
 the Secretary of 
 war, the Tendon 
 ew York banks, 
 mge," and for a 
 
 M^ 
 
 PRESIDENT GRANT'S FIRST TERM. 
 
 245 
 
 timje Confederate bonds sold better in Europe than United States 
 G-overnment obligations. Borrowing on Government gold-bearing 
 bonds afterwards became easier, both in this country and in Europe, 
 but the need of currencj' for use in business transactions, became 
 more and more pressing. =S I/:^ i 
 
 Out of this need came the creation of the greenback, and, later 
 on, the National Bank Law. The Legal Tender Bill, which estab- 
 lished the greenback, was introduced by E. G. S]iau]ding, of the 
 Buffalo, N. Y., District in Conp ss, December 30, 1861, and was 
 reported from the Ways and Means Committee, January 22, 1862. It 
 was urged mainly as a matter of temporary necessity, and not as a 
 judicious permanent system. In fact the expectation was held out 
 ;• that the greenbacks would be permanently retired almost as soon as 
 the war ended. The bill was explained and ably supported by Mr. 
 Spaulding, and other members of the Ways and Means Committee, 
 but was opposed on the ground of expediency or constitutionality, 
 or both, by a few Republicans, and by nearly all the Democrats. 
 Among the latter Clement L. Vallandigham and George H. Pendle- 
 ton took the lead. 
 
 In view of Mr. Pendleton'n. declaration in 1868, in favor of paying 
 the Government bondc. in greenbacks, his attitude toward them In 
 1862 is interesting. lu the course of his remarks he said: "The 
 feature of the bill that first strikes every thinking man, even in these 
 days of novelties, is the proposition that these notes shall be made a 
 legal tender in discharge of all pecuniary obligations, as well those 
 which have accrued in virtue of contracts already made, as those 
 which shall hereafter be made. Do gentlemen appreciate the full 
 import and meaning of that clause? Do they realize the full extent 
 to which it will carry them? Every contract for the payment of 
 gold and silver coin, every promissory note, every bill of exchange, 
 every lease reserving rent, every loan of money reserving interest, 
 every bond issued by this Government, is a contrm-t to which the faith 
 of the obligor is pledged, that the amount whether rent, interest or 
 principal shall be paid in the gold and silver coin of the country." 
 
 Among the Republicans opposing this bill were Justin S. Morrill, 
 Roscoe and Frederick A. Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy. But it was 
 vigorously pushed, and passed February 6, by 93 yeas, of whom 3 
 were Democrats, to 59 nays, of whom 29 were Democrats, 17 Repub- 
 licans and 13 Unionists. In the Senate the principal contest was 
 over the legal tender clause, but a motion to striki' that out was lost 
 
 I i 
 
 V 
 
 4 1 
 
 amm 
 
246 
 
 HISTORY OF THE RB]PUBLIOAN PARTY. 
 
 bv l< yeas, of whom 9 were Republicans and S Democrats, to 22 nays, 
 of whom 18 were Republicans and 4 Democrats. Senators Colla- 
 mer, Cowan and Fessenden spoke against the legal tender clause, 
 and Senators Zachariah Chandler, Sherman, Sumner, ^Vade and 
 Wilson were among the Republicans who defended it. The bill 
 passed the Senate by a vote of .'{0 to 7, and was signed by the I'resi- 
 dent, February 2r., 1862. This Bill authorized tlie issue of |150,t)00, 
 000 in legal tenders, of which $50,000,000 was to be in lieu of the 
 demand notes authorized in 1861. Two subsequent issues of 
 11150,000,000 each were authorized, but only $384,000,000 in all were 
 issued. 
 
 The greenbacks were a God-send to the soldiers in the field, som*' 
 of whom had not been paid for three or four months; and by furnish 
 ing a medium of exchange, in abundant (juantity, they stimulated 
 business in every direction. Still the measure was one of inflation, 
 and they could not be kept at par with gold. During the darkest 
 days of the war, in 1864, gold was at 280, as compared with the legal 
 tenders. At the time Grant was inaugurated the process of contrac- 
 tion, and the increase of our exports had brought it down to 143. 
 The problem before Congress, and the President, was to bring the 
 greenbacks up to par with gold, without violent shock or derange- 
 uwut to business. 
 
 The President had said, in his inaugural message: "A great 
 debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity the 
 Cnion. The payment of this, princ-ipal and interest, as well as the 
 return to a specie basis, as soon as it can be accomplished without 
 material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, 
 must be provided for. To protect the National honor every dollar 
 of Government indebtedness should be paid ir gold, unless otherwise 
 expressly stipulated in th.e contract. Let i*. be understood that no 
 repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in 
 public place, rnd it will go far towards strengthening a credit whicli 
 ought to be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to 
 replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay." 
 
 In view of the uneasiness caused by the discussions of this 
 subject in the last campaign, and esjiecially of the exprewsions in the 
 Democratic platform. Congress did not wait -o elaborate a system, but 
 at once announced the principle by which it would be guided. This 
 was done in a brief "Act to Strengthen the Public <Vedit," which 
 speedily passed both Houses, the final vote in the Senate being .31 ut 
 
■■ ■ t'^ 
 
 ,iilllllill!Wl 
 
 'Y. 
 
 PREWDENT GRANT'S FIRST TERM. 
 
 247 
 
 ntH, to 22 na.vs, 
 "Senators Colla- 
 
 tcnder clause, 
 cr, Wade and 
 
 t. The bill 
 d by the TreHi- 
 11 e of |;i50,(mo. 
 
 in lieu of the 
 iient issues of 
 
 000 in all were 
 
 1 the field, 8oni<' 
 and by furnish 
 they stimulated 
 one of inflation, 
 ing the darkesi 
 d with the legal 
 )ce8S of eontrac- 
 it down to 143. 
 as to bring the 
 'ook or derange- 
 
 age: 
 
 'A great 
 
 iir posterity the 
 \, as well as the 
 iplished without 
 nuntry at large, 
 nor every dollar 
 unless otherwise 
 lerstood that no 
 11 be trusted in 
 g a credit which 
 ely enable us to 
 in we now pay." 
 Missions of this 
 cprefeisions in the 
 ate a system, but 
 »e guided. This 
 c Credit," which 
 »nate being .11 lo 
 
 24, and in the House 117 to 50. It was signed by the President, 
 March 18, 18(59, and was the first bill signed by him. It was as 
 follows: "In order to remove any doubl as to the purpose of the 
 (rovernment to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, 
 and to settle conflicting questions and interpretations of the laws by 
 whi<-h such obligations have been contracted, it is hereby provided 
 and declared that the faith of the I'nited States is solemnly pledged 
 lo the payment in coin, or its equivalent, of all the obligations of the 
 I'nited States not bearing interest, known as United States notes, and 
 of all the interest-bearing obligations of the United States except in 
 cases where the law authorizing the issue of any such obligation had 
 expressly provided that the sp.me may be paid in lawful money, or 
 other currency than gold and silver. Rut none of said interest-bear- 
 ing obligations, not already due, shall be redeemed or paid before 
 maturity, unless at such time United States notes shall be convertible 
 into coin at the option of the holder, or unlt^ss at such time I^ ited 
 States bonds, bearing a lower rate of interest than the bonds to be 
 redeemed, can be sold at par in coin. And the United states also 
 solemnly pledges its faith to make provision, at the earliest practica- 
 ble period, for the redentjition of the United StJderi notes in coin." 
 <%:'] That was all of importance that was done at the first session of 
 the Forty-first Congress, but at the second session of that Congress 
 an Act was passed materially reducing the internal revenue taxes, 
 thus diminishing the direct burdens of taxation upon the people. 
 Still further reductions were made in both these elapses of taxes by 
 Ihe Forty -second Congress. Tariff rates were also reduced on a 
 large number of articles. Rut the most important financial Act of 
 the session was the Refunding Act. On March 31, 18fi5, the total 
 debt of the United States was f2,846,000,fl00, of which 12,381,000,000 
 bore interest, |830,000,000 of it at seven and three-tenths per cent., 
 |il,282,0(10,()()0 at 6 per cent, and |269,000,000 at 5 per cent. The 
 annual interest charge was |151,000,000. The Refunding Act of this 
 Congress contemplated a large reduction in the rate of interest. 
 Omitting details, the main jiurpose of the Act is expressed in the 
 following sentences: "The Secretary of the Treasury is authorized 
 to issue f 200.000,000 coupon or registered bonds, redeemable in coin 
 at its current value at the pleasure of the Government, after ten 
 years from the date oi issue; interest five per cent., payable semi- 
 annually in coin: als»* in like nmnner and on like terms |300,000,000 
 at 4'/2 per cent., luumng Jifteeu years; also 11,000,000,000 at 4 per 
 
 
 ••-" iii ii iii m i faB Hi ii ^- 
 
248 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 cent., rnnning 30 years, all these bonds being exenii)t fi-om taxation 
 by any autliority. The Secretary may dispose of these bonds at nor 
 less than their par value for coin, and apply the proceeds to the 
 redemption of the outstanding flve-twenties at par, or exchange par 
 for par, but the bonds hereby issued shall be used for no other 
 purpose.'' As the flve-twenties were already redeemable at the 
 option of the Government, this gave a sure method of reducing inter- 
 est, as fast as the bonds could be sold. 
 
 But the Monetary Act of the Forty-second Congress which has 
 since created the most stir in the country, was the revising and co:i- 
 Holidating all the Coinage Laws of the country. It is variously called 
 the ('oinage Act, the Demonetizing Act and ''the Crime of 1873." It ] 
 was approved February 12, 1873, and consisted of sixty-seven 
 sections, going into the wh«)le detail of the purch;ir,;' and 
 deposit of bullion and the minting of all Government coins. 
 But the sting of it was contained in four sections, of which 
 ihe most important was Section 15, which provided that 
 the silver coins of the Ignited States should be a tr* de dollar 
 of 420 grains, a half dollar or fifty -cent piece, a quarter dollar, or 
 twenty-flve-cent jiece, and a dime. These coins were made a legal ■ 
 tender, at their nominal value, for any amount not exc't?eding five ,^ 
 dollars in any one payment. Section 17 provided that no coins . 
 other than those Sjiecifled should be issued from the mint. Section . 
 20 provid«'d that any owner of gold might deposit the same at any 
 mint to be fornunl into coin or bars, and Section 21 allowed owners of 
 silver bullion to deposit it at any mint to be formed into bars or trad.: ' 
 dollars, but not into any other coin. 
 
 It has been claimed since that the omission of the standard silver 
 dollar from the coins authorized was done surreptitiously ii! com- 
 mittee, and that very few members of the House knew of it. 
 Probably many were ignorant of the full scope of the measure. But 
 the fat't that the Act uiscontinued the coinage of the stanuard silver . 
 dollar was discussed and defended in the House as ihe reported,: 
 debates show. At that time sih-er was at a premium as compate<1 
 with gold, there was no demand* for its coinage, and that which hat} 
 been coined was rapidly disappearing. It was only when the product 
 of silver incre»Hed e" '"apidly as to put it at a discount compared with 
 gold, and after its demonetization in some European countries had 
 added to its deprei-iation. that the clamor for Its recolnage and fn*<' 
 coinage commenced. I'nder tlu- operation of the Bland and Sliernuui 
 
PRESIDENT (IRANT'S FIRST TERM. 
 
 249 
 
 oin taxation 
 bonds at nor 
 ceeds to the 
 xchange par 
 for no other 
 lable at the 
 ducing inter- 
 IB which haR 
 ing and coii- 
 iously called 
 of 1873." It 
 sixty-seven 
 irch;ir:;' and 
 inient coins. 
 iS, of which 
 ovided that 
 tr de dollar 
 er dollar, or 
 made a legal 
 xceeding Ave 
 mt no coins 
 int. Section 
 same at any 
 k'ed owners of 
 bars or trad. 
 
 andard silver 
 >U8ly ii» eoni- 
 
 knew of it. 
 lensiire. But 
 unuard silver 
 ihe reported 
 
 as <'onipnrei1 
 lat which ha*' 
 n the pr'wluct 
 ompared with 
 i-oiintries had 
 nage and fu««' 
 and Sherman 
 
 Acts the (rovernment has coined, on its own account, five times us 
 many of the "dollars of our fathers" as the people are willing to 
 handle, though they have furnished a basis for circulation in the form 
 of silver certificates. The free coinage on individual account has 
 never, at any period, been restored since the Act of 1873. The trade 
 dollar, whose continued coinage was authorized by the Act, was 
 coined originally with a view to the convenience of trade with Mexico 
 ana the South American countries. Hut it was never popular, and 
 soon drop|)ed out of use by its own weight. Its coinage ceased in 
 l«7fi. 
 
 There was but little legislation in reference to the situation In 
 the South during this Administration, though one stringent Act to 
 punish frauds in elections, aimed particularly at that section, was 
 adopted. The main efforts of the Administratiim were devoted to 
 bringing order and obedience to law, under existing statutes, to that 
 turbulent and riotous section, but without great suci-ess, ns will 
 appear later in this record. 
 
 The Act which created the most stir at the time was the "back 
 pay" or "salary grab" Act. This was passed near the close of the 
 second session of the Forty-second ('<mgress. It in<-reased the pay of 
 Senators and Representatives from |6,U()4) to I|7,5(I0 a year, and that 
 of the officers and clerks of both Houses by nearly a corresponding 
 per centage. The offensive feature of the Act was that it was made 
 retroactive, dating the pay ba«'k to the beginning of the Forty-second 
 Congress. There was a great public clamor against it. Some of 
 the members who had voted against the bill refused to take the back 
 pay, and after public opinion began to assert itself other members 
 turned their share of the plunder bat-k into the treasury. Rut it 
 cost many of the members the seats to whi<'h they aspired in the next 
 Congress, and had considerable effect on the general results in 1874. 
 
 In addition to the Acts of special importance, already mentioned, 
 (^ongress, during PreBident Grant's first term, passed the following 
 measures of general interest: Striking out the word "white" in nil 
 !nw8 relating to the District of Columbia, and from all ordinances of 
 th.» City of Washington, thus giving the blacks complete civil rights; 
 .providing for an additional Juirtii-e of the 8uj»veme Court, and reor- 
 ganizing the Judicial sjtstem; giving married women in the District 
 of Columbia absolute control over their own property; putting into 
 legal enactment the principle of the Fifteenth Am(>ndment to the 
 Constitution; establishing a De]>artHient of .TnstiiiH'; punishing frauds 
 
 
 il 
 
 ■3: 
 
 > "-i 
 
 -^. -wgraian as&iiiasaaiSifeit^i^irgVtf^^t;^^^ 'twfeii^aiam.- tiif'tf '^'?fiMa>atiW<r^t'i^ 
 
f 
 
 ■ ■ ■ 1 
 
 250 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REI»T;BLirAN PARTY 
 
 III eleV'tionH, and extending the Naturaliziition Laws to personB of 
 African nativit.v or de^oent; penHioning all survivors of the War of 
 1812; providinjj lor T'nited Ktatos Supervisors of Election in town^ 
 of 2(MKH) or more inhabitants, at elections where Members of Congress 
 are to be chosen; eniorcing the various clauses of the Fourteenth 
 Amendment; providing homesteads for soldiers and sailors; making 
 appropriation for the Centennial Exhibition in I'hiladelphia; carry- 
 ing into effect the provisions of the Treaty of Washington, and 
 promoting the growth of timber on the Western prairies. 
 
 One of the triumphs of (irant's first term, was the happy settle- 
 nvent of our numerous difficulties with <lreat Britain, some of whi<'h 
 had been of long standing. The sentiment of the English middle 
 classes was, on the whole, friendly to the United States during our 
 contest with the Houth, but the aristocracy and ruling classes were 
 strongly against us. The Oovernment was very hasty in recognizing 
 the belligerency of the Confederacy. It subsequently went as near 
 to the line of what International Law allows, in showing its sympathy 
 with the Kouth, as it dared, and in the case of the Alabama over- 
 stepped that line. Under the Johnson Administration overtures 
 were twice made to the British Foreign Seci-etary for a friendly arbi- 
 tration of the Alabama claims, but they were refused with scant 
 courtesy. A third attempt resulted In the Clarendon-Johnson treaty. 
 ; which was so far from meeting our demands, that the Senate rejected 
 It with very little delay. In his second annual message to Congress 
 in December, 1870, President Orant referred to the unwillingness of 
 Her Majesty's Government to acknowledge that it had done us any 
 wrong, asserted that our firm and unalterable convictions were exact- 
 ly the reverse, and asked Congress to "authorize the appointment of a 
 commission to take proof of the amounts and ownership of these 
 several claims, on notice to the representative of Her Majesty at 
 Washington, and that authority be given for the settlement of these 
 claims by the T'nited States, so that the Government shall have the 
 ownership of the private claims, as w^U as the responsible control 
 of nil the demands against Great Britain." 
 
 This suggestion of making It entirely a (iovernment matter, came 
 at a time when the European skies were threatening, and a storm 
 <enter was actually ;'»cated in the territory occupied by the French 
 and Prussian armies. In view of the possibilities of trouble with 
 Its Continental neighbors, Her Majesty's Government was ready to 
 have a settlement with the people on this side the water. The Treaty 
 
 
PRESIDENT ORANT'S FIRST TERM. 
 
 251 
 
 to persoDH of 
 of the War of 
 ution in towns 
 rs of CongresH 
 le Fourteenth 
 ailors; making; 
 delphia; carr>- 
 fishingtoD, and 
 
 B happy HettU'- 
 
 Home of which 
 
 i^nglish middle 
 
 tc8 dnring our 
 
 g classes were 
 
 ' in recognizing 
 
 went as near 
 
 ig its s.viupath.v 
 
 Alabaniti over- 
 
 ition overtures 
 
 a friendly arbi- 
 
 sed with scant 
 
 Johnson treaty. 
 
 Senate rejected 
 
 ige to Congress 
 
 tnwillingness of 
 
 ad done us any 
 
 ions were exact- 
 
 ppointnient of a 
 
 ership of these 
 
 Her Majesty at 
 
 lenient of these 
 
 sliall have the 
 
 tonsible control 
 
 nt matter, came 
 ig, and a storm 
 I by the Fren(rh 
 of trouble with 
 It was ready to 
 ter. Th(» Treaty 
 
 of Washington was the result. It covered the Alabama claims which 
 were to be settled by arbitration at (leneva, Hwitzerland; the claims 
 for compensation for fishing ])rivilegeH, which were to be settled by a 
 commission at Halifax, Nova Kcotia; the question of the use, by Amer- 
 ican vessels of the St. Lawrence River and canals; and the claims 
 of Amerii-an citizens for damages sustained between IHtJl and 18fi.^, 
 other than the Alabama claims. The tJeneva arbitrators awarded 
 ^I15,50(»,()00 for the claims which came before them. This was after- 
 wards shown to be exi-essive, but this was j)artially evened up at a 
 later jieriod by the Halifax award of about f5,()0(),000 against th»» 
 United States, which was also excessive. Rut the treaty led to some 
 conclusion on all disputed points, and did more to establish arbitra- 
 tion as a method of settling international difficulties than any event 
 that had before occurred. 
 
 With the San Domingo treaty the President was less fortunate. 
 He was very desirous of annexing this territory to the Fnited States, 
 deeming it especially important that we )<hould have a safe port in 
 the West Indies, in case of war with any foreign naval jmwer, a con- 
 sideration that was better api»reciated when the Sijanish-Americain 
 War broke out. in 1898 than it was by the men of 1870. A treaty 
 of annexation was framed, but it was defeated in the Senate by a tie 
 vote. The President renewed the subject in his second annual 
 message, and asked that '"by joint resolution of the two Houses of 
 Congress, the Executive be authorized to appoint a commission to 
 negotiate a treaty with the authorities of Han Domingo for the acjpii- 
 sition of that island, and that an appropriation be made to defray the 
 expenses of such i'ommission." Congi-ess fell short of that, but a 
 commission consisting of Renjamin F. Wade, of Ohio; Andrew D. 
 White, of New York, and Samuel G. Howe, of Massachusetts, was 
 appointed to make inquiries into the political condition of the island, 
 and its agricultural and commercial value. They reported in favor 
 of the President's policy, but that was the end of it. Grant was, for 
 once, beaten, and he knew it. i^ 5 
 
 It was when this treaty was before the Senate fhut ^Tr. Susnner 
 made a speech severely criticising the treaty, and ahiising the Presi- 
 dent and the agents concerned in making it. When the Senate 
 <'ommittee8 were next nmde up, INIr. Sumner was dropped from the 
 Chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee and Senator Cam- 
 eron was substituted. He charged this to the influence of Grant, 
 but there is nothing to show that the President had anything to do 
 
 \m 
 
 :1 
 
 
 
TTfff' 
 
 imi 
 
 252 
 
 HIBTOEY OF TRE RErnU.K'AN PAllTY. 
 
 with it. In fnrt a nrnnber of radictil Senators said at the time that 
 he did not. Tlie Senate electB its own connuitteeH, and Senator 
 Kdnuinds declared that in Mr. Sumner's case it was merely a question 
 "whether the Senate of the United States and tlie Republican party 
 are quite ready to sacrifice their sense of duty to the whims of one 
 single man, whether he conies from New KuKland, or from Illinois, 
 or from anywhere else." 
 
 Of Mr. Sumner's removal Ex-Secretary Houtwell }',".v. -'ae follow- 
 injj account in a reminiscent article in McClure's Magazine for Febru- 
 ary. lf)(M>- "Mr. Sumner's removal was due to the fact that a tim<» 
 came when he did not recognize the President, and when he declined 
 to have any intercourse with the Secretary of State outside of official 
 business. Such a condition of affairs Is always a hindrance in the 
 way of good government, and it umy be<-ome an obstacle to success, 
 (lood government can be secured only through conferences with those 
 who are responsible, by conciliation, and not infre<niently by con- 
 cessions to those who are of adverse opinions. The time <'an»e when 
 such a condition was no longer i>ossible between Mr. Sumner and the 
 Secretary of State. The President and his Cabinet were in accord 
 in regard to the controversy with (Jreat Britain as to the .Vlabama 
 claims. Mr. Sumner advocated a more exacting policy. Mr. Motley 
 appeared to be following Mr. Sumner's lead, and the opposition to 
 Mr. Sumner extended to Mr. Motley. . \>'hen we consider the 
 
 natures and the training of the two men, it is not easy to imagine 
 agreeable co-operation in public alTairs by Mr. Sumner and General 
 Orant. Mr. Sumner never believed in (Jeneral (irant's fitness for 
 the office of President, and General Grant did not ret'ognize in Mr. 
 Sumner a wise and safe leader in the business of Government. Gen- 
 eral Grant's notion of Mr. Sumner, on one side of his character, may 
 be inferred from his answer when, being asked if he had heard Mr. 
 Sumner converse, he said: 'No, but I have heard him lecture.' " 
 
 i ' 
 
 U. 
 
 ;t',',.T^V 
 
iie time that 
 ind Wfnutor 
 y a quj'stiou 
 blican party 
 hiniH of oiu* 
 I'oin Illinoia. 
 
 ^ "ii»> foUow- 
 u> for Ffbrn- 
 
 that a tmi<» 
 1 he (leclinert 
 ide of official 
 ranee in the 
 e to BiKrcess. 
 >8 with tho«e 
 ntly by con- 
 e came wlien 
 nncr and th(? 
 're in accord 
 the Alabama 
 Mr. Motley 
 opposition to 
 consider the 
 y to inia};ine 
 
 and General 
 's fitness for 
 )gn\7.e in Mr. 
 anient. Oen- 
 laracter, may 
 ad heard Mr. 
 •tare.' " 
 
 XX. 
 
 THE FIFTH UEIMHLK'AN CONVENTION. 
 
 The Nomination for Pn'sident Determined Beforehand— A Lar«e 
 Amount of HpcechmakinK of a High Order-President Grant 
 Ununiniously Kenon.inated-A Hcene of the Wildest Knthnsiasm 
 — Nnmerous Candidates for Vice-President— Henrv Wilson 
 Receives the Nomination on the First Ballot-The Work of 
 Newspai)er Correspondents— A Long Platform Covering a 
 Variety of Subjects- Wtronj? Commendation of the Candidates 
 —Modest Letters of Acceptance. 
 
 In accordance with their practice of makinj? nominations early 
 in the season, the liepublicans opened their fifth National Conven- 
 tion in the Academy of Music in Philadelphia, June 5, 1872, Morton 
 ^: Michael, of that (ity, being temporary Chairman. As in 186S 
 the nomination for President was decided beforehand, and the Con- 
 vention lacked the interest that centers about a close contest for that 
 position. It contained in its membership a large number of the 
 most prominent men in the party. 
 
 The following was the Michigan delegation: At Largt--Eber 
 Jl Ward, George Willard, William A. Howard, Perry Hannah. By 
 Districts-d) Newell Avery, John (Jreusel; (2) Nathan N. Kendall, 
 Rice A. Heal; (3) Harvey Bush, J. C. Fitzgerald; (4) George S. Clapp, 
 James H. Stone; (5) Benjamin D. Pritchard, H. A. Norton; ((5) Josiah 
 L. Begole, Daniel L. Crossman; (7) Ezra Hasten, Benjamin W. Huston; 
 (8) Charles S. Draper, James Birney; («) B. P. Rogers, J. F. Brown. 
 
 Although there was no contest over the nomination for Presh 
 dent there was a greater display of enthusiasm than in 1868, and 
 there was a great deal of speechmaking and of an unusually high 
 order In the interval between the appointment of committees and 
 the first report, rattling speeches were made by (ieneral Logan, who 
 was then in the United States Senate; (Jerritt Smith, of New York,one 
 of the original Abolitionists; Senator Morton, of Indiana, who was 
 
 i 
 
 •' ' 1 
 
 ■i 
 
wr 
 
 254 
 
 IIIHTUUV OF THE KEPrHLKJAN I'AKTY. 
 
 (f 
 
 nlwavH 4'l(M|U('iit and alwavH w«'lc<nii«'; (iov»*riHn- .laiiicH \j. Ovr, (»f 
 Hoiitli (,'ai-oliiia; (iovcrnoi- (>^l«'Hh,v, of llliiioiH; William H. Hvvy, of 
 ArkaiiHaH; <'oii)ri'('HHinan K. It. Elliott, a colored delegate from Hoatli 
 ('ni'oliiia, and JameM ii. Ilun-iH, a coloi-cd dcle^^ate from Nortli Caro- 
 lina. After the ]h>rnianent orpmi/ation the fdllowin^ uImo 
 reHponded to eallH f.a* remarkM: (ieneral (Jeor^e \V. <'arter, who 
 eontmanded a Southern bri)<:ade daring the Uebellion; i'aiil Htrobaeh, 
 a (German delegate from. Alabama; Emory A. Htorrs, (m«> of the moBt 
 elo(]uent orators in lllinoiH; Ex-Senator Henderson, of MiHHouri; "the 
 
 eloquent colored Secre- 
 
 t) i B H i |) |) i, JanieB K. 
 Lynch." (lovernor E. F. 
 XoyoH, of Ohio. 
 
 Ah in iHiiH the Con- 
 vention was in a hurry 
 to nominate Orant, 
 and contrary to the 
 UHual cuHtom nominu- 
 tions were placed in th«» 
 order of buHincHH be- 
 fore the report of the 
 Committee on. KeHolu- 
 tions. Shelby M. Cnl- 
 lom, of IllinoiH, made 
 the brief nominating 
 speech as follows: "On 
 behalf of the great Re- 
 publican party of Illi- 
 nois, and that of the 
 heMrx WILSON. Cnion, in the name of 
 
 liberty, of loyalty, of justiie and of law — in the interest of economy, 
 of good government, of peace, and of the equal rights of all — remem- 
 bering with profound gratitude his glorious achievements in the lield 
 and bis noble statesnmnship as Chief Magistrate of this great Nation 
 -I nominate as President of the I'nite^ States, for a second term, 
 Ulysses S. Grant." 
 
 The official report of the Convention thus describes the recep- 
 tion of the nomination: "A scene of the wildest excitement followed 
 this speech. The spacious Academy was crowded with thousands 
 
TflK FIFTH KEIMJHLICAN CONVKNTION. 
 
 266 
 
 L. Uir, of 
 
 H. (hey, of 
 
 from Hoiitii 
 
 >r(»rth ('an»- 
 
 twiii^ uIho 
 
 'urtcr, who 
 
 1 1 Htrobtu-li, 
 
 of the muMt 
 
 sHoui-i; "the 
 
 ored Secre- 
 
 f from Mis- 
 
 JumcH H. 
 
 veriior E. F. 
 
 hio. 
 
 WH the Coil- 
 iH in a hiirrv 
 ate (h'aiit, 
 ary to the 
 oiii iiomina- 
 placed ill th«' 
 l)iiHiiieH8 be- 
 eport of the 
 ) on. KeHolu- 
 elby M. Cnl- 
 llinois, made 
 noniinatiii}; 
 oIIowh: "On 
 the Kreat Re- 
 )arty of Illi- 
 that of th<« 
 the name of 
 of eeonoiuy, 
 ' all — remem- 
 \» in the Held 
 Ureat Nation 
 second teriu, 
 
 es the reeep- 
 (lent followed 
 th thouHands 
 
 of MpeetatofH in evei-y part, and on the Htage, in the par<pi(>t, and in 
 tier upon tier of );;ilierieH, nrtme deafening, prolonged, tniiniltiiouH 
 cheerH, HwellinK from pit to dome. A perfect wil<l«'rneHH of liatr,, 
 capH and handkerchiefH waved to and fro in a KiirKinK imiKH, an thn *> 
 timeH three reverberated fromi ilie thoiiHandM «»f voi^-en. The band 
 apjieared to catch the iMN'vaiiiii); enthuHiaHin, and waved their intitrii- 
 mentH aH (hou)j;li tliey liad been II;ikh. Amid crieH of 'MuHic!' 
 'MuHicI' they wtriKk up 'Hail to the Chief.' .\h the majeHtic Htrainn 
 of rhiM nniHic came tloatiii^ down from the balcony, a life hIkc ecpieM- 
 trian portrait of (rrant came down »» if by ina^ic, tilling the entire 
 Hpace of the back Hceiie, and the enthiiHiaHUi knew no bonmlH.'' 
 
 (Jeiieral Stewart L. Woodford, of N»'W York, and M. I). Horuck, 
 of California, Heconded the nomination, the roll waH called and 
 announcement made that I'lyHHeH H. (irant had received the entire 
 vote of the Convention, 7rc' voteH. TumultuouH cheerinj; again burst 
 from the immenHe audience. The band, at this ainutunceinent, 
 played the air of a "(fiant Campaign Himg," the tenor of which was 
 sung by a gentleman standing among the inHtruments, and the chorus 
 by a large choir of gentlemen. The Hrst verse and chorus were as 
 follows: 
 
 irally round our leaders, men. 
 
 We're arming for the tight. 
 We'll raise our glorious standard 
 
 And battle for the right; 
 To swell our gallant army. 
 
 Come from hill and plain, , 
 
 Grant shall win the victory 
 
 For President again. 
 
 Chorus — Let the drum and bugle sound. 
 
 We'll march to meet the foe; 
 Let our joyous shouts resound 
 
 That all the land may know. 
 The sons of freedom in their might, 
 
 Have come from hill and plain, 
 To make the brave Flysses 
 
 Our I'resident again. 
 
 When this was concluded, a vry went from the multitude "John 
 Hrown." The band struck up the familiar, elet-trifying strains, and 
 the whole concourse rose as one mass. From the par«piet to th«' 
 npjier tier, the vast multitude stood up and rolled out the old hymn 
 of freedom. There was scarcely a dry eye in the great assemblage 
 
 If ..:, j»i\Yis^ >'■ 'ili^si^A^-.,%i'^. 
 
 .i^.i£*i 
 
2n(( 
 
 IkriTOKV OF TUK HKI'IIIILICAN I'AUTY. 
 
 ■m 
 
 Hiid Mmm-c wiih not ii licai-t that wait not tlii-illcd with thi' Hnhlimity of 
 tli(> nioniont. Wlicn thiit Mon^ wan at hiHt tluUhcd, the cry rnuw for 
 "Uull.v Uoiind the Fhi^." and th<' air of that liattl<* Hon^ waM ^ivcn 
 by the band, the wiiole audience Hin^inR the word^ witli tlie mime 
 fervor with whicli tlu' hymn had bi-en rei lered. This concluded, 
 the bund mivv "Yanl<ee l>4»odle," in the niidnt of luniultuoun clieerH. 
 Henry VVilMon, of MuHHachuHettH, wati placed in nomination for 
 Vice fMcHident by Morton M<-Michael, of PeiuiHylvanir. who WiIh 
 HU|>]toi ,cd by Dr. 0<>or);e II. LoriuK, of MaHHachuH OHKiiiii Hay, of 
 New lianipHhire; (Jerritt Hinitli, of New Y<»rlt; - l'\ Qi, rlen, ol 
 flejM'Kia; (Sovernor E. F. NoyeH, of Ohio, and (Joverrjir JSnvoil (May- 
 ton, of ArlvJinsaH. The name of H( huvler Colfax wan jtrMeuUnl by 
 Uichai-d W. Thom)>Mon, of Indiai:.;, and HU]iported by Williaim A. 
 Howard, of MichiKan; James U. Lynch, of MiMiii«(t,i)>|>i. and <V>rtlundt 
 Parker, of New JerHey. Viijjinia, thi"*);;!! JameH H. Bener, pre- 
 Bent^'d the name of John P. Lewis; W:;!:fi1( r Flannagan, of Tezait, 
 pn^'civ^ited the name of Governor E. J. Daviu, of the anme Btate, and 
 Davi'1 A. Nunn, of TennesBee, nominated Hoiusu^ i'llvynard. At the 
 conduBion of the roll call, the tlrttt ballot stood a:<: ft'.lowB: 
 
 Whole number of delegates . . . . .%•» . . i fV'.^^'i ....... 752 
 
 Necessary to a choice 377 
 
 Henry Wilson, of MassaohuHetts 364V2 
 
 Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana 321V;. 
 
 Horace Maynard, of Tennessee 2(t 
 
 John F. I^wis, of Vir}?inia 22 
 
 Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 16 
 
 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut 1 
 
 Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio 1 
 
 Before the result was announced twenty of the twenty-two Vir- 
 Rinia delegates changed from Colfax to Wilson. The Georgia dele- 
 gation had voted sixteen for Wilson and six for Colfax. The latter 
 now ehanged to Wilson. Nine of the ten votes from West Virginia 
 did the same, making Wilson's vote 300V1>, a majority of all, and 
 Colfax 3O614. Others of the scattering votes went to Wilson and 
 finally his nomination was, on motion of Henry S. Lane, speaking in 
 behalf of the entire Indiana delegation, made unanimous. 
 
 Mr. Colfax did not know, at the time, exactly what it was that 
 defeated him. One reason of his turning down was that early in 
 the year he had written a letter, announcing that he should not be a 
 candidate for renomination, but had afterwards changed his mind, 
 
 .,;^^ 
 
rV. ;v, •,■.•>.. ,:^.V 
 
 flu* Htiblliiiity ttt 
 h«> <T,v cHiiu* for 
 
 HOIIK WilM Kivcii 
 
 with th(> HiUiK^ 
 TIiIh coiirliidi'd, 
 lultnoiiH «'he»'rH. 
 
 nomination for 
 mniti. who w.jh 
 
 OnKiHit Uay, of 
 
 I-'. Qr, rU'B, ot 
 I'jr Powoil VA&y- 
 an jt.fMeut^Hl b.v 
 
 b.v WilliaiM A. 
 1, and <'ortlandt 
 I B. Sener, pre- 
 la^an, of Texan, 
 Hnuie Htate, and 
 ynard. At th»? 
 
 lows: 
 
 752 
 
 377 
 
 304Vo 
 
 321 Vl> 
 
 2« 
 
 22 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 twenty-two Vir- 
 ^he Georgia dele- 
 fax. The latter 
 m West Virginia 
 ority of all, and 
 It to Wilson and 
 [jane, speaking in 
 mous. 
 
 what it was that 
 vas that early in 
 e should not be a 
 hanged his mind, 
 
 ?Hi 
 
r 
 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
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 Sciences 
 
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 23 WIST MAIN STMIT 
 
 ¥VIBSTIR,N.Y. USSO 
 
 (716)t72-4S03 
 
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CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductlons / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 

 ''■^ 
 
 s^ 
 

 THE FIFTH KEIMBLICAN ro>r\^ENTION. 
 
 257 
 
 and re-enter<'d (lie field. This course always operates uKtiinst a 
 candidate. In this case it had brought Mr. Wilson into the Held and 
 he secured many states that would naturally have gone to Colfaii. 
 But a more potent factor in the defeat of the Vice-President, was the 
 hostility of the new8j)ai)er correspondents in Washin^ttm. These 
 constitute a strong and influential body when they can be induced 
 to work together, which is not often. The leading papers of the 
 country pick from their best men for service at the Capital and 
 except so far as the general polii-y of the pajjer imposes limitations, 
 leave the correspondents very much to their own judgment. George 
 O. Seilhamer, Washington correspondent of the New York Herald, 
 who helped engineer the campaign against Colfax, gives this story 
 of it in a recent publication: 
 
 The selection of Judge Settle, of North Carolina, for permanent 
 President was due entirely to the hostility of the Washington corre- 
 s])ondents to the renomination of Vice President (^olfax. No public 
 man ever received more favors from this band of intelligent news- 
 gatherers than Mr. (\)lfax. After his election as Vice President, in 
 1868, he alienated them by a change of manner that they regarded 
 as unpardonable. They determined to oppose him when he became 
 a candidate the" second time, and his defeat was mainly due to their 
 activity and r.eal against him. The crusade against him was led by 
 J. B. McCullach, then the editor of the St. Louis Democrat, but the 
 preliminary skirmish for the selection of Settle as Chairman of the 
 Convention was directed by G. O. Seilhamer, the Washington corre- 
 spondent of the New York Herald, who was aided by a volunteer staiT 
 of young journalists, hotly opposed to Colfax. The trend of sentiment 
 at the outset was in favor of the selection of Judge Orr, of South 
 Carolina, but Judge Settle's fitness and strength were depicted with 
 such confidence and earnestncHs in the news columns of the Herald 
 that the honor went to North Carolina, in the belief that it was in 
 response to a popular movement. The episode, from first to last, was 
 one of the most curious in the history of American politics, and it was 
 the first and last time that a baud of aucgressive newspaper men, 
 unknown to the general public, controlled the action of a National 
 Convention. 
 
 For the Vice Presidency there was only one ballot, and Henry 
 Wilson appears on the final record as the only candidate opposed to 
 Mr. Colfax. Asa matter of fact, Virginia had cast its twenty-two 
 votes for Governor Lewis, Tennessee its twenty-four votes for Horace 
 Maynard, and Texas its sixteen votes for Governor Davis. Neither 
 WMlson nor Colfax had a majority. Before the announcement of the 
 result the Chairman of the Virginia and Tennessee delegations were 
 asking recognition from the Chair. If Virginia was first recognized 
 
 ■*' 
 
 4 
 
!W^ 
 
 ?j".;i.»iiii"" "?"",i 
 
 nilliritf-lilit'^.'ii 
 
 258 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPI BLK'AN PARTY. 
 
 Wilson^'s nomination was asHui-ed; if the fourtes.v Hliould be extendtnl 
 to Tennessee Colfax would be renominated. The Chair was in doubt, 
 and Judge Settle waited to be prompted by the correspondent to 
 whom he was indebted for his position. A page was hastily dis- 
 patched to the stage with the legend, "Recognize Virginia," and then 
 came the recognition of ''Mr. Popham, of Virginia." The nomination 
 was made. 
 
 The platform was unanimously adopted, just as it came from the 
 committee, and without discussion. It was as follows: 
 
 The Republican party of the T'nited States, assembled in National 
 Convention in the City of Philadelphia on the 5tli and 0th days of 
 June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history ami 
 announces its position upon the questions before the country. 
 
 1. During eleven years of supremat-y it has accepted with grand 
 courage the solemn duties of the times; it suppressed a gigantic rebel 
 lion, emancipated 4,(MM>,0()t) slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, 
 and established universal suffrage, exhibiting unparalleled magnan- 
 imity, criminally punished no man for political offences, and warmly 
 welcomed all who proved their loyalty by obeying the laws, and 
 dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with 
 a firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a 
 wise and humane policy towards the Indians; a Pacific railroad and 
 similar vast enterprises have been generously aided and successfully 
 conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, inunigra- 
 tion protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the 
 naturalized citizens' rights secured from European powers; a uniform 
 National currency has been provided, repudiation frowned down, the 
 National credit sustained under most extraordinary burdens, and new- 
 bonds negotiated at lower rates; revenues have been carefully col- 
 lected and honestly applied. Despite annual reductions of the .ates 
 of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during General Grant's 
 Presidency at the rate of |100,000,000 a year, great financial crises 
 have been avoided and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land ; 
 menacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably 
 composed, and the honor and power of the Nation kept in high respect 
 throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's 
 best pledge for the future. We believe the people witl not entrust 
 the Government to any party or combination of men composed chiefly 
 of those wb'j resisted every step of their beneficial progress. 
 
 2. Co:nplete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all 
 civil, political and public rights should be established and effectually 
 maintained throughout the Union, by efficient and appropriate State 
 and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration 
 should admit of any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of 
 race, creed, color or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 "•"■liiJllR!!!"*'' 
 
 X\ • 
 
 "■.'.:t- 
 
Y. 
 
 THE FIJTH KEIMBLKAN rONVEXTION. 
 
 251) 
 
 Id be oxteud»nl 
 WU8 in doubt, 
 respondent to 
 H8 hastily dis- 
 iuia," and then 
 ^he nomination 
 
 came from the 
 
 ed In National 
 Tid 0th days of 
 tH history and 
 I'ountry. 
 
 )ted with grand 
 I gigantic rebel 
 tizenship of all, 
 illeled magnau- 
 es, and warmly 
 the laws, and 
 decreased with 
 and initiated a 
 fie railroad and 
 ind successfully 
 ttlers, immigra- 
 edgment of the 
 wers ; a uniform 
 wned down, the 
 ardens, and new 
 m carefully col- 
 ons of the .ates 
 General Grant's 
 financial crises 
 ighout the land ; 
 and honorably 
 t in high respect 
 ist is the party's 
 will not entrust 
 'omposed chietiy 
 rogress. 
 
 >njoyment of all 
 1 and effectual ly 
 jpropriate State 
 administration 
 ens by reason of 
 
 n'^': 
 
 .'{. The recent Amendments to the National ('onstitution should 
 be cordially sustained, because they are right, not merely because 
 they are law; and should be carried out according to the spirit, by 
 appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can be safely 
 entrusted only to the party that secured these Amendments. 
 
 4. The National Government should seek to nmintain honorable 
 peace with all nations, protecting its i-itizens everywhere and symim- 
 thizing with peoples everywhere who strive for greater liberty. 
 
 5. Any system of the civil service, under which the subordinate 
 ]>osition8 of the Government are considered rewards for mere party 
 zeal, is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the 
 system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make 
 honesty, efflj-iency and fidelity the essential qualifications for public 
 positions, without practically creating a life tenure of office. 
 
 6. We are opposed to further grants of tlie public lands to cor- 
 porations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be 
 set apart for free homes for the people. 
 
 7. The annual revenue, after paying the current debts, should 
 furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and 
 the revenue except so much as may be derived from the tax on 
 tobacco and liouors should be raised by duties upon importations, the 
 duties of which should be so adjusted as to aid and setMire remuner- 
 ative wages to labor and promote the growth, industries and prosj)er- 
 ity of the whole country. 
 
 8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose 
 valor saved the Union; their pensions are a sacred debt of the Nution 
 and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are 
 entitled to the care of such additional legislation as will extend the 
 bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were 
 Iionornbly discharged and who in the line of duty became disabled, 
 without regard to length of service or the cause of such discharge. 
 
 !). The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers 
 concerning allegiance, "on<'e a subject always a subject," having at 
 last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, 
 and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance 
 having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our gov- 
 ernment to guard with jealous care the rights of ado|)ted citizens 
 against the assumptions of unauthorized claims by their former gov- 
 ernments, and we urge continual careful encouragement and 
 protection of voluntary immigration. 
 
 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished and the way 
 prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 
 
 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that 
 which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican 
 party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full 
 protection and the amplest freedom for capital; and for labor, the 
 creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the 
 mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. 
 
 .i***<ft, 'k:;^ 
 
 * ;t 
 
2(50 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UElTHLirAN PAKTV 
 
 
 
 12. We hold that Connrfss and the I'reHideiit have onl.v fulfilled 
 an imperative duty in their nieaBures for the 8ii|»])re88ion of violent 
 and treasonable ori^anizations in eertain lately febellions re^ionR, 
 and for the protertion of the ballot box, and therefore they are en- 
 titled to the thanlvH of the Nation. 
 
 t.'{. We denounce the repudiation of the publie debt, in any form 
 or diH^uiite, as a National crime; we witnesn with pride the reduction 
 of the principal of the debt and of the rates of interest upon the 
 balance, and confidently expect that our excellent National currency 
 will be perfei'ted by a 8])eedy resum])tion of specie payment. 
 
 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to th<? 
 loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the <-au8e of 
 freedom; their admission to the wider fields of usefulness is viewed 
 with satisfaction, and the honest denmnds of any class of citizens for 
 additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 
 
 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending 
 amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of 
 peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 
 
 Ifi. The Republican party propose to respect the rights reserved 
 by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by 
 them to the State and to the Federal (Jovernment; it disapproves of 
 the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils 
 by interfering with rights not surrendered by the people to either 
 the State or National Government. 
 
 17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such 
 measures as will tend to encourage American commerce and ship- 
 building. 
 
 18. We believe that the modest patriotism^ the earnest purpose, 
 the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity 
 and the illustrious services of IMysses 8. Grant have commended him 
 to the heart of the American people, and with him at our head we 
 start to-day upon a new march to victory. 
 
 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Pres?dency, known 
 to the whole land from the early days of the jrreat struggle for 
 liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorrupti- 
 ble legislator, and a representative man of American institutions, is 
 worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which 
 we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them. 
 
 The conditions, at the time, were not such as to call for the emu) 
 elation of new principles, and the platform, though long, has less of 
 originality alcut it than any previous pronouncement of the party. 
 With the exception of our strained relations with Great Britain, 
 which had been satisfactorily adjusted, the same problems, only half 
 settled, fact»d the Administration as those which required attention 
 when Grant was first inaugurated. These, with the ordinary current 
 of Government business, promised to furnish sufticient occupation for 
 
 ^.V^ -'sS^' 
 
 \^ 
 
 ■ : , i'^. •• ; ^: 
 
rii 
 
 v. 
 
 ■e onl.v fulfllU'd 
 
 ision of violent 
 
 llious re^ionH, 
 
 re they are en- 
 
 bt, in any form 
 e the r«*du('tion 
 erest u|)on the 
 lional currency 
 yinent. 
 
 iKUtionft to the 
 
 o Ihe cause of 
 
 neH8 is viewed 
 
 B of citizens for 
 
 nnsideration. 
 
 Hs in extending 
 
 the growth of 
 
 ri|;hts reserved 
 
 rs delegated by 
 
 disapproves of 
 
 f removing evils 
 
 people to either 
 
 to adopt such 
 merce and ship- 
 earnest purpose, 
 uptible integrity 
 commended him 
 at our head we 
 
 es'dency, known 
 eat struggle for 
 s, an incorrupti- 
 D institutions, is 
 he honors which 
 
 -•all for the enun 
 long, has less of 
 ;nt of the party. 
 1 Great Britain, 
 )blems, only half 
 'quired attention 
 ordinary current 
 at occupation for 
 
 THE FIFTH REIMBUrAN CONVKXTION. 
 
 201 
 
 one Congress at least. In the absence of new issues the Republican 
 party in this platform began to "point with pride" to its past achieve- 
 ments, the first paragraph giving a very good resume of the eleven 
 years of its suprenuicy. 
 
 (}<'neral (Jrant's second letter of ac«'eptance was shorter even 
 than the first. Following are the principal parts of It: 
 
 "If elected in November, and protected by a kind Providence In 
 health and strength, to perform the duties of the high trust con- 
 ferred, I promise the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole 
 ]H>ople for the future of my oHiclal life as shown In the past. 
 
 "Past exjierience nmy guide me in avoiding mistakes inevitable! 
 with novices in all professions and In all occupations. 
 
 "When relieved from the responsibilities of my present trust 
 by the election of a successor, whether it be at the end of this term 
 or the next, I hope to leave to hhu, as Executive, a country at peace 
 within its own borders, at pea<*e with outside nations, with a credit 
 at home and abroad, and without embarrassing questions to threaten 
 Its future prosperity." 
 
 The President also expressed a desire to see a speedy healing of 
 all bitterness of feeling between sections, parties, or races of citizens, 
 and the time when the title of citizen carries with it all the protec- 
 tion and privileges to the humblest that it does to the most exalted. 
 
 Mr. Wilson's letter of acceptance brielly reviewed the past 
 achievements of the party, spoke of its present attitude on a number 
 of the questions of the day, and closed with the following personal 
 reference: "Having accepted for thirty-six years of my life the dis- 
 tinguishing doctrines of the Republican party of to-day; having 
 during thirty-six jears of that period, for their advancement subor- 
 dinated all other issues, acting in and co-operating with political 
 organizations with whose leading doctrines I sometimes bad neither 
 sympathy nor belief; having labored incessantly for many years to 
 found and build up the Republican party, and having, during its 
 existence, taken an humble part in the grand work, I gratefully 
 accept the nomination thus tendered, and shall endeavor, if it be 
 ratitled by the people, faithfully to perform the duties it imposes." 
 
 
 •^■T--";jp>^-"^^''^--"^v^Ar;^v-^r''^ 
 
 '^!^-:-:i^ffiHr^i^-^rw^'yr.''--<^f^x^^^f»<^fP^ .' 
 
 V^vS--^-":^rc^ -.^ 
 
 r: m 
 
 •Mf 
 
 ■■m . 
 
I'U'rt , 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 XXI. 
 THE LIBERAL KEPrHLICAN CAMPAION. 
 
 An Element of Great Tncei'tainty — The Liberal Republican Conven- 
 tion at iMncinnati — The Framing of a IMatforni a Difflcnlt 
 Problem — Attempt to Catch Roth Democrats and Liberal Repub- 
 licanB — Non-Committal on the Tariff Question — (Ireeley Nomin- 
 ated on the Sixth Rallot — B. Oratz Brown for Vice-President — 
 An Incongruous Ticket — The Nominations a Disappointment to 
 the Democrats, But Accepted by Them — Consternation in Two 
 '., , Detroit Newspaper Offices — A Campaign of Ridicule — Straight 
 Democratic Ticket — Unpre(H»dented Republican Triumph. 
 
 In the early part of the year and even after the campaign 
 opened, the strength of the Liberal Republican party was an element 
 of great uncertainty in the canvass. The party taking this name 
 was composed largely of two classes. The first, Republicans of con- 
 servative tendencies, who had been gradually breaking away from 
 the party to which they Imd formerly belonged, because they thought 
 it was going too fast in its Reconstruction and other measures relat- 
 ing to the South. This included nearly all those who had voted in 
 Congress against any of the Reconr.truction Acts, or either of the 
 three Constitutional Ani.endments, together with those in private 
 life who agreed with them on these measures. The second class 
 comprised a host of disappointed office-seekers who thought they 
 hadn't "been treated right by the party," and those, who, in local 
 factional fights, had the worst of it. This was the personal griev- 
 ance wing of the party, and when it came to the last analysis, it was 
 found to contain an astonishingly large proportion of the prominent 
 members. It also included some old Republicans who belonged to 
 neither of these classes, but whose convictions had gradually led 
 tltem away from the party of their earlier choice, such as General 
 John Cochrane, of New York; John Hickman, of Pennsylvania; 
 Judge R. P. Spalding, of Ohio; George W. Julian, of Indiana, one of 
 the old Anti-Slavery guard, and Free Soil candidate for Vice-Presi- 
 
TIIK LIBERAL UKPTRLirAN CAMl»AIflN. 
 
 20.T 
 
 IGN. 
 
 ublicnn Conven- 
 iriii a DitTlciilt 
 Liberal Ri'pub- 
 -dreeley Noniiii- 
 Vice-President — 
 ^appointment to 
 rnation in Two 
 dieule — Straiglit 
 Trinmph. 
 
 the campaign 
 was an element 
 aking this namn 
 publicans of con 
 iking away from 
 use they thought 
 !• measures relat- 
 vho had voted in 
 or either of the 
 those in private 
 rhe second class 
 ho thought they 
 se, who, in local 
 e personal griev- 
 t analysis, it was 
 of the prominent 
 who belonged to 
 id gradually led 
 such as General 
 if Pennsylvania ; 
 f Indiana, one of 
 :e for Vice-Presi- 
 
 dent in 1852; "Long John" VVentworth and l^eonnrd Hwett, of Illi- 
 nois, both admirers and friends of President IJncoln. It included 
 also men of restless disposition and variable politics like Carl Schur/, 
 who had mixed in the public alTairs of three states, and had not been 
 satisfied with the territory or polilics of either, and David A. Wells, 
 of Connecticut, who never quite liked the |mrty he happen<>d to be in 
 at the time. 
 
 The first and only Liberal I{epubli<'an National (^invention was 
 held at Cincinnati May 1, 187'i. It found the task of framing a satis 
 fa<'tory i>latform a diffli'ult one, as it desired to retain «'onservative 
 Republicans and to draw Democrats to its ranks. Ho far as Repub- 
 licans were con<'erned it succeeded fairly well. Rut a good part of 
 it sounded like strange doctrine to the Democrats. It contained one 
 very adroit piece of non-committalism in the tariff plank, which 
 expressed no opinion, but relegated the whole question to the people 
 in the Congressional districts. It was, in full, as follows: 
 
 i ■.. We, the Liberal Republicans of the X'nited Htates, in National 
 Convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following princi 
 pies as essential (o just government: 
 
 1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and 
 hold that it is the duty of Government, in its dealings with the people, 
 to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, 
 color, or persuasion, religious or political. 
 
 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the Cnion of these States, 
 emancipation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening 
 of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
 Amendments to the Constitution. 
 
 3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disa- 
 bilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally 
 subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will 
 result in complete pacification in all sections of the country. 
 
 4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard 
 the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. 
 Ti!«i public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the mili- 
 '.«»y authority and freedom of persons under the protection of the 
 hi.>eas corpus. W'e demand for the individual the largest liberty 
 consistent with public order; for the State self-government, and for 
 the Nation a return to the methods of peace and the Constitutional 
 limitations of power. 
 
 5. The civil service of the Government has become a mere 
 instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object 
 of selfish greed. It is a scandal and a reproach upon free institu- 
 tions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of 
 republican Government. We therefore regard a thorough reform of 
 
 ■': f. •;■'• 
 
 ■ail. 
 
 m 
 
 'IH^'Si m i l um'fi i i i i ij i ii fai ] 
 
 -.^..- ,..^,^,^,,^i^^_ , 
 
 /'"V '■^'.'^■■- ?*'■ 
 
ar^'ilfit'ii.rj . 
 
 ;( 
 
 >;■ 
 
 1 • 
 
 Ir 
 
 264 
 
 IIIHTOKY OFTHK HKITHLK'AN I'AKTY. 
 
 tli(> cirll 8<>i'vir(> iiH one of the moint preHHiitK iiercMHitieM of the lionr; 
 tliat hoiH'Ht.v, ctipiicity and tldelit.v conMtitnte the onl.v valid chiini 
 to public (Muplo.vnient; that the oftlceH of the Uovernnient ceuHe to be 
 a matter of arbitrary favoritiHui and putronaKe, and that public 
 station becttnie aKain a poHt of honor. To thiti end it is iniperativelv 
 required that no I'renident hIihII be a candidate for re-election. 
 
 (i. We demand a Hystem of Federal taxation, which Hliall not 
 iinneceHsarily interfere with the induHtrieM of the {H'ople, and which 
 hIiuII provide the means ne«'eBHary to pay the exiMMiseH of the Gov- 
 ernment, economi<-ally adniiniHtered, the penHiontt, the intercHt on 
 the public debt, and a moderate redu<-tion, annually, of the principal 
 thereof; and recoKnixiuK that there are in our midst honest but irre- 
 concilable ditferences of opinion with regard to the resjiective systems 
 of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subje<"l 
 to the people in their Congressional districts; and to the decision of 
 the Congress thereon, wholly free from Kxecutive interference or 
 dictation. 
 
 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we 
 denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 
 
 8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the 
 highest considerations of commercial morality and honest govern- 
 ment. 
 
 9. We remember with gratitude tlie heroism and sacrifices of 
 the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever 
 detract from their justly earned fame for the full reward of their 
 patriotism. 
 
 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads 
 or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to 
 actual settlers. 
 
 11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its inter- 
 course with foreign nations to cultivate the friendships of peace, by 
 treating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonor- 
 able either to demand what is not right or to submit to what is 
 wrong. 
 
 12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and 
 the support of the candidates nominated by this Convention, we invite 
 and cordially welertrae the co-operation of all patriotic citizens, 
 without regard to previous political affiliations. 
 
 Hix ballots were taken for the Presidential nomination, with the 
 following result: 
 
 Ist. 2d. ad. 4th, 5th. fith. 
 Charles Francis Adams, of Mass. . ; . 202 24a 264 279 258 324 
 
 Horace Greeley, of New York 147 245 258 251 309 332 
 
 Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois 110 148 15« 141 81 19 
 
 B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri 95 2 2 2 2 .. 
 
 David DaviSj of Illinois 921/1.75 41 51 30 
 
 Andrew G. Curtin, of PennsyU'ania. .62 
 
 Halmon P. Chase, of Ohio 21/2 1 .. 24 32 
 
 ' "" I ■ mi i iMirtinipinM 
 
"V"-i;<^''fr-'iiiar""^v'^-'it 
 
 * of the hour; 
 .V valid claim 
 nt r(>UH(> to be 
 il that iMihlic 
 
 iinperativcl.v 
 ection. 
 
 ich Hhull not 
 
 le, and which 
 
 'H of tli«* Oov- 
 
 e intcrt'Ht on 
 
 the principal 
 nu*»t but irrc- 
 Hctive Hytitenitt 
 of the Hubjoct 
 he decision of 
 iterference or 
 
 ined, and we 
 
 d alike hy the 
 loneHt j?overn- 
 
 d sacriflceB of 
 )ur8 Hhall ever 
 'ward of their 
 
 Is to railrondti 
 held sacred to 
 
 nt in its inter 
 ;m of peace, by 
 alike dishonor- 
 init to what is 
 
 principles and 
 ition, we invite 
 riotic citizens, 
 
 ation, with the 
 
 4th, 5th. fith. 
 
 279 258 324 
 
 251 309 332 
 
 141 81 19 
 
 2 2 
 
 51 30 d 
 
 .'. 24 32 
 
 "-)' 
 
 TFIK LIBERAL KKIMnLK'AX TAMI'AHiX. 
 
 205 
 
 ('haniteH of votes w(>re tlien made until the result was annonuceJ 
 — Ureeley, 4M2; Adams, 187. On the Hrst ballot for Vice I'resijh'nf 
 H. (IratK lirown, of .Missouri, had 237; L.vnian Trumbull, of IllinoiH, 
 158; (]eor|;e W. .lulian, of Indiana, 134VL>; »<> others, UW/^. On 
 the second ballot Trumbull dropped out, and the count shttwed 4:t.~) 
 for Itrown, 175 for Julian, and 88 for all others. Itotli noniinatiotiM 
 were nuide unanimous. 
 
 The nomination of ()r<>ele,v was a surprise and disappointment 
 to the Democrats who were expected to co-oiMTate in the attempt lo 
 elect the Liberal Re- 
 publican nominee. Tf 
 (*harles Francis Adams 
 had received the nomin- 
 ation, as it was ex- 
 pected would be the 
 case, he would have 
 drawn fully as 
 many Republicans as 
 Greeley could, and he 
 would have been more 
 acceptable to the Demo- 
 crats. The same mip:ht 
 be said of Senator 
 Trumbull, of Illinois, or 
 David DaviR; of the 
 same State, but the 
 first instinct of the 
 Democrats was to re- 
 volt against Greeley. 
 In the first place he was 
 one of the strongest chari.es prancis adams. 
 
 and ablest Protectionists in the country. He was a natural statisti- 
 cian, had an accurate memory for tigures, knew where to find them 
 and how to use them. He was keen in argument and of great indus- 
 try. It was not long after he started the Tribune before he had 
 established for it such a rei)Utation for accuracy of statement that, 
 however much his opponents might attempt to refute his arguments, 
 they rarely questioned the correctness of his figures. During the 
 V\ay campaign he kept the tariff constantly before his readers, and 
 for many years afterwards he kept hammering away at the same 
 
 ---jj;,- 
 
 ■ - L « 4iw ' -a ta^t i 'i ii '' j j « 7«i i '""':WiI ' ' ' 
 
 
 tfta^a«fe.-v:;r 
 
im 
 
 HISTORY OF TIIK IlKIMHIJCAN I'AKTY. 
 
 
 1', 
 
 Miibjcrt. lie (lid iiiKi-c tliiin niiyonc «>Ih(', cxrcpt ('lay liiiiiM'If. to iiial«> 
 the Aiiicrlcan doctrine of I'i'otcctioii tlic cHtabliHlicd policy of the 
 W'liiK pui'ty ill itH Inter yeai'N, and he did more than any other Min^^le 
 individual to make the Hame doctrine a part of the Hepiiblican p<dicy 
 in ilM earlier yearH. It. Oralx Hrown, on the other hand, wuh a 
 larilT-for-revenue-only man, and the platform. waM non-committal. On 
 tliiH fiuhject it waH a reKnlar Dolly Varden <-ombinatlon. It pre- 
 Hented the Hpecfach> of a Htrim^ protective laritT man for Preitldent. 
 a revenue tarilT nuin for Vice-l'reHident, on a Htraddle platform, 
 
 aHkiuK a Htronj; Free 
 I : „ Trade party for en- 
 
 dornement and voteH. 
 
 There were two other 
 thiuKH that made 
 Oreeley a partit'ularly 
 unacceptable man 
 for Northern Demo- 
 1 eratB. He wan one of 
 
 the foremoHt men in 
 the country in aidinft to 
 brin^ about a congoli- 
 dation of the old Anti- 
 Hlnvery elements Into 
 the Kepublican party, 
 and, whether ag Whi^ 
 or Uepublican, he had 
 alwayH been exceeding- 
 ly abuHivc of the Derao- 
 ■^ crats. 
 
 That wag the Greeley 
 ag the older men of 
 both parties remembered him. Hut there wag another Greeley of 
 more re«-ent times, who had worried President Lincoln by jfivinn 
 alternately imiM^rtinent advice and unjust criticism; who had made 
 mischief by his sui>erserviceable and bungling attempts at peace 
 negotiations, in whi<h he did not act in good faith with either of the 
 parties for whom he was trying to act as a go-between; who had 
 offered to go on Jeff Davis' bond when that traitor was under trial 
 for his treason; and who had finally been one of the most constant 
 critics of the Republican Reconstruction policy. It was the acts 
 
 HORACE GREELEY. 
 
 ■,-? ■'•nf;- 
 
.USO. 
 
 f^2?Z2ii..^r: 
 
 ' r'i<'i'fci I »iii-'iifc 
 
 IIIH«>lf, to lllllkt' 
 
 polir.v of ||ii> 
 li.v otluT Mingle 
 Mihlican policy 
 hund, wuM ii 
 ((iniiiittiil. On 
 tioii. It pre 
 fop I'l-HHidcnt, 
 <ll<> pltitf(»rin, 
 Htroii)^ Fret' 
 party for on 
 nt und votcH. { 
 w«'r«' two othei' 
 t h II t niudc 
 a partuMilarly 
 (> p t a b I o man 
 »rtluM*n IhMuo- 
 lie waH one of 
 cnioHt nu>n in 
 itr.v in aiding; to 
 t»oiit a consoli 
 itt the old Anti- 
 elements into 
 fMibli<an party, 
 tietlier ug \Vhi|{ 
 iiblican, he had 
 been exceeding- 
 ive of the Demo- 
 wag the Greeley 
 older men of 
 ther Oreeley of 
 icoln by ^ivin^ 
 who had made 
 ^mpts at peacii 
 th either of the 
 ween; who had 
 wag under trial 
 ^ mogt constant 
 t wag the acts 
 
 THE UHERAL KKIM'MLirAN TAMPA HJN. 
 
 HUT 
 
 of (liiH later (ireeley that made liiiii acceptable to many of the lU^uio- 
 (tcratH, and eHpecial'iy to Honthern hemo«TatH. The latter care<l 
 little for the platform. They ex|H'<'ted to find in Oreeley a pliable 
 hiHt rumen t for their purpogeH. 
 
 Home of the Democratic pa|M>ri( denoun<-ed the nitminatioii at 
 flrHt and adviged a gtrai^ht Democratic ticket. Hut between May 
 1, when the Liberal Kepublicang met at (Mncinmiti, and .lii!,\ i*, when 
 the Democratg met at Haltimore, there wag plenty of time !o think it 
 over, and in the end, nearly all of them fell into line. 
 
 The tirgt Htate in which the Democratic <'onvention ingtructed 
 itg delegateg to Haltimore to support the Cincinnati platform and 
 candidateg, wag one of the old geceded gfates. Tenneggee, and the 
 next wag New York. Starting thus with one of the mogt populous 
 Houthern .Htates, and (pilte the most populouH Northern Htate, the 
 combination had a leaid which was sure t(» briu); others to its follow- 
 ing. Hefore the close of •Ium>, ei^^hteen states had ingtructed for 
 Oreeley, and when the one-day Convention met at Haltimore, .July 0, 
 it was nearly unanimous that way. When it came to balloting for 
 President. Oreeley had «H<{ votes, Jeremiah H. Hlack had 21 vot«'H 
 from Pennsylvania, James A. Hayard 1(» from New Jergey and Dela 
 ware, and William H. Oroegbeck 2. For Vice-l»regident H. (h-at/. 
 Hrown had 713 votes; John W. Htevengon, of Kentucky, <>, and IH 
 were blank. The Cincinnati platform was endorttt^d, although it left 
 a bad taste in the mouths of many Democrats who had been accus- 
 tomed to declarations that were (juite different from these. 
 
 The nomination of Oreeley created «'ongternation in two Detniit 
 newgpaper offlces, and to many otherg throughout the Htate. The 
 Advertiser and Tribune had decided leanings toward the Liberal 
 Republican policy, and would undoubtedly have supported either 
 Charles F. Adams or Henator Trumbull. But the managing editor 
 recognized at once the weakness of Greeley's nomination, and with 
 the remark that "there was a most promising movement gone to 
 — -," prepared an editorial deploring the nomination. The busi- 
 ness manager then rushed into the composing room to urge the 
 support of the ticket. A wrangle ensued between them, such as is 
 not often witnessed in a news room in these days of well-defined 
 authority in the different departments of a paper. But while the 
 argument was going on the paper was being made up and it went to 
 press with a sorrowful disapproval of the action taken at Cincinnati. 
 The Advertiser and Tribune never supportetl Oreeley. On the other 
 hand its support of Grant was very lukewarm and perfunctory. 
 
 iS^ 
 
"nrf^T"^^^ 
 
 •> ■:,,.'. -'.iy'-r 
 
 rr^fM<- ■ 
 
 268 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN TARTY 
 
 In the Free PreBS office tbe distress came later, but was much 
 more acute. The Michigan Democracy as a whole, were very much 
 torn up by the nomination of Oreeley, but the opposition to him was 
 overwhelmed at the State Convention which was held at Tensing, 
 July 2. The test vote came on the first Delegate-at Large, William \. , 
 Moore, who favored the endorsement of (Ireeley, having 130 votes, 
 and William W. Wheaton, who was one of the most vigorous oppon- 
 ents of indorsement, having 52. The other I >elegate8-at-Large were: 
 Edwin H. Lothrop, of St. Joseph; Fidus Livermore, of Jackson, and 
 Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw. The resolutions endorsed the 
 principles embodied in the Cincinnati platform, and instructed th<^ 
 delegates to vote as a unit. Mr. Wheaton had been Chairman of 
 the State Central Committee, but that was reorganised, with Foster 
 Pratt as Chairman, and Don M. Dickinson and Charles M. Garrison 
 Members from the First Congressional District. 
 
 The day after the Baltimore Convention the Free Press bolted, 
 in an editorial, of which the following is a portion: "The only hopo 
 we have for the future of the country lies in Greeley's defeat, and to 
 that end we shall, in the true interests of the country and the Democ- 
 racy, labor. We repudiate such utter want of principle and honesty. 
 We urge upon every honest Democrat in the country to do the same. 
 Be they few or many in each locality, they will, when this crazy 
 movement is defeated in November, form the nucleus to which every- 
 thing pretending to be Democratic must gravitate; and it will be 
 their and our proud satisfaction to know that what is saved of 
 1 )emocracy, and of a (Jovernraent by the people, instead of by adven- 
 turers, will be saved through our elTorts." 
 
 This, to the new Democracy, was heresy of the rankest kind. 
 The Michigan Demot*racy and the National Democracy had both 
 endorsed the platform and the candidates, and by all that is sacred 
 in Democratic traditions it was the duty of the paper to go with the 
 party. The expressions of dissatisfaction were so loud, aad the loss 
 of subscribers so great, that a change of policy became imperative. 
 The principal owners of the paper, Henry N. Walker and Freeman 
 Norvell, were unwilling, themselves, to make the change. They, 
 therefore, sold their stock, and the new owners hoisted the Greeley 
 flag. They were a bit awkward, however, in adapting themselves to 
 the new condition of things, and in an editorial, printed July 21, 
 made this curious break: "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be 
 complete which did not mention his life-long devotion to truth." 
 

 ;/*" 
 
 Hit was much 
 re very mucl) 
 m to him wnn 
 3 at LanBin^;, 
 fe, William \. 
 ng 130 votes. 
 gorouB oppon- 
 it-Large were: 
 
 Jackson, and 
 endorsed the 
 nstrncted the 
 
 (-hairman of 
 I, with Foster 
 s M. Garrison 
 
 Press bolted, 
 The onl.v hopo 
 defeat, and to 
 nd the Democ- 
 e and honesty. 
 ) do the same, 
 len this crazy 
 9 which every- 
 md it will be 
 it is saved of 
 d of by adven- 
 
 rankest kind, 
 acy had both 
 that is sacred 
 to go with the 
 d, and the loss 
 ne imperative. 
 
 and Freeman 
 lange. They, 
 id th«' Greeley 
 
 themselves to 
 inted July 21, 
 «ley would be 
 tion to truth." 
 
 THE LIBERAL REPUHLtCAN CAMPAIGN. iW) 
 
 This tribute, coming from a paper which had been opposed to Mr. 
 Greeley in almost everything he ever did or said, was a confession 
 of devious wanderings on its own part, for which iieople were not 
 prepared. But it served to enliven the campaign. L. J. Bates, of 
 the Detroit Post, arrang<'d a series of (Jreeley's kind regards to the 
 Democracy of former years, and added to each one the comment of 
 the iJetroit paper, making a string of pilaris about as follows: 
 
 ^'Everyone who chooses to live by pugilism, or gambling or har- 
 lotry, with nearly every keeper of a tippling house, is politically a 
 Democrat."— Horace Greeley. .• i ^-^ „^* 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 
 21, 1872. 
 
 "Point wherever vou please to an election district which you 
 will pronounce morallV rotten, given up in great part to debauchery 
 and vice, whose voters subsist mainly by keeping policy offices, gam- 
 bling houses, grog shops and darker dens of infamy and that district 
 will be found, at nearly or quite every election, giving a majority 
 for that which stvles itself the 'Democratic' party."-Horace Greeley 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greelev would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 21, 
 1872 
 
 "Take all the haunts of debauchery in the land, and you will find 
 nine-tenths of their master spirits active partisans of that same 
 Democracy."— Horace Greeley. u- u j-^ .. 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 
 21 1872. 
 
 "The essential articles of the Democratic creed are 'love rum and 
 hate the niggers.' The less one learns and knows the more certain he 
 is to vote the whole ticket from A to l7.zard."-Horace «reeley. 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 
 
 21, 1872. . , .. 
 
 "If there was not a newspaper nor a common school in t»»^«o""; 
 try the Democratic party would be far stronger than it is.' —Horace 
 
 ^"^^"No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his Ufe-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 
 21, 1872. .... 
 
 "Not every Democrat is a horse thief, but every horse thief is a 
 Democrat."— Horace Greeley. 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."-Detroit Free Press, July 
 21, 1872. 
 
m^gmftfiim* 
 
 IH III J I I II I I T 
 
 ismau 
 
 \ 
 
 270 
 
 HIKTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 "All -do know that there are several hundred thousand mulattos ; 
 in this tountrv; and we presume no one has any serious doubt that 
 the fathers of nine-tenths of them are white Democrats."— Horace 
 (Jreeley. 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be <'onij)lete which did aot 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 
 21, 1872. 
 
 "General Grant never has been beaten and he never will be."— 
 Horace Greeley. 
 
 "No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not 
 mention his life-long devotion to truth."— Detroit Free Press, July 
 21, 1872. 
 
 This may not appear very funny as you read it, and it did not I 
 appear so to the editor who wrote the comment, but when Zach 
 Chandler took it up and elaborated it for use on the stump, it became 
 a very taking feature of his speeches. In fact it took so well that it 
 went beyond the borders of the State, and it was not long before the 
 voters in many towns of the Northwest had heard Greeley's estimate 
 of the Democracy, and the Free Press certificate of its truthfulness. 
 
 This was only one of the humors of the campaign. Nast fur- 
 nished others in Harper's Weekly. When the nominations were 
 made that paper didn't chance to have in stock any photograph or 
 cut of B. Gratz Brown. In lieu of anything better, Nast tacked to 
 the lower border of Greeley's old white overcoat a card wich the 
 inscription "Grata Brown." It was received so well that he used it 
 throughout the campaign. Brown never appearing in any of Nast's 
 cartoons as other than the tail of Greeley's overcoat. Nast never had 
 better material for cartoons of a humorous nature than in the Greeley 
 campaign. But the situation furnished material also for pictures 
 with a serious purpose. His adapted illustrations of "The Pirates," 
 and "The Wooden Horse," and his pictorial comment on Greeley's 
 phrase "Let us cla^p hands across the bloody chasm," were very 
 effective as campaign arguments. 
 
 A number of Democratic weeklies in Michigan, and of dailies 
 in other states held off from the ticket, even after the Baltimore Con- 
 vention had ratified it, but eventually nearly all of them accepted 
 the situation. The thought uppermost in their minds was "Anything 
 to beat Grant," and, under the circumstances, this furnished the only 
 possible chance of doing it. A few of the Democrats who held out 
 against the combination held a Convention at Louisville, Kentucky, 
 Heptember 3. It adopted a short platform, which enunciated a few 
 
Wiiipmpi 
 
 mm 
 
 iind inulattoH 
 18 donbt that 
 U8." — Horace 
 
 t'hich did dot 
 Press, July 
 
 er will be." — 
 
 iiieh did not 
 Press, July 
 
 nd it did not I 
 
 t when Zaeh 
 
 mp, it becamo 
 
 o well that it 
 
 ng before the 
 
 ley's estimate 
 
 truthfulness. 
 
 :n. Nast fur- 
 
 inations were 
 
 >hotograph or 
 
 fast tacked to 
 
 card with the 
 
 hat he used it 
 
 any of Nast's 
 
 last never had 
 
 in the Greeley 
 
 ) for pictures 
 
 'The Pirates," 
 
 on Greeley's 
 
 1," were very 
 
 mcl of dailies , 
 taltim'ore Con- 
 hem accepted 
 'as "Anything 
 ished the only 
 who held out 
 lie, Kentucky, 
 nciated a few 
 
 THE LIBERAL REPITBLICAN OAWPAKJN. 
 
 271 
 
 general principles, repudiated the ''false creed and false leadership" 
 under which it had been betrayed at Baltimore, and then put on the 
 crown of martyrdom with the following declaration: "The Demo- 
 <'ratic party is held together by the cohesion of time-honored prin- 
 ciples, which they will never surrender in exchange for all the oflBces 
 which Presidents can confer. The pangs of minorities are doubtless 
 excruciating; but we welcome an eternal minority, under the banner 
 inscribed with our principles, rather than an almighty and ever- 
 lasting majority purchased by their abandonment." The Convention 
 nominated Charles O'Connor, of New York, fo?* President, and John 
 Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice President. Both declined, 
 but votes were cast for them in several states. 
 
 There was also a Labor Reform ticket placed in the field by a 
 Convention held in Columbus, Ohio, February 21 and 22. consisting 
 of David Davis, of Illinois, for President, and Joel Parker, of New 
 Jersey, for Vice-President. But the party seems to have stopped short 
 at that, for no votes were returned for electors to lit this ticket. 
 
 The Prohibition party also appeared this year as a National 
 political organization. At a Convention held in Columbus, February 
 22, it adopted a platform covering nearly every subject under the sun, 
 and nominated James Black, of Pennsylvania, for IM-esident and Rev. 
 John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice President. 
 
 The speaking campaign o])ened with vigor. The Republicans 
 put in the field the best of their campaign orators and Greeley liiui 
 self stumped Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, in the hope, not only of 
 making votes for himself, but of affecting the result in the October 
 elections. Under the excitement of this unusual campaign, and the 
 stimulus of hope, he wAs seen, in this tour, at his best. His addresses 
 were earnest, able and logical, and he was greeted by immense 
 crowds wherever he went. These demonstrations at first gave the 
 RepublicaiiH much alarm., especially as so nmny of their own parly 
 attended the meetings. The fall elections were therefore awaited 
 with much interest. North Carolina was the first to vote, on the 
 first of AugUHt, and it went Republican by a fair majority, while 
 Maine and Vermont in September exceeded their usual Republican 
 vote. This still left the October states, in which the net result of 
 Mr. Greeley's active canvass was still a matter of speculation. 
 Indiana elected Thomas A. Hendricks, Governor, by a majority of 
 only 1,148. Mr. Hendricks was the ablest and most popular Demo* 
 crat in the State, and the fact that his umjority was so slender, gave 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 ■■^S: :-. 
 
»■« - 
 
 272 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE REPTTHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 i 
 
 the RepiiblicauH (■(iiiHdeuce tlmt the.v could carv.v Indiana in Novem- 
 ber. Ohio, with only minor Htate officers in the field, gave abotit 
 14,(MM) Republican nmjorit.v. In Tennsylvania, General John F. 
 Hartranft, Republican candidate for (rovernor, was bitterly opposed 
 by the Philadelphia I'ress, the best-kupwn Republican paper in the 
 Htate, and some apprehensions were felt on account of this raid upon 
 him. But his majority was over 35,(100, and this gave assurance of a 
 much larger majority for Grant in November. From this time on 
 it was a landslide, and in many of the states the Republican major- 
 ities were the largest ever given to any party. 
 
 An analysis of the vote shows that Greeley did not win a great 
 many Republicans, and that he could not hold the Democrats. The 
 total vote was: 
 
 Grant and Wilson .3,597,070 
 
 Greeley and Brown 2,834,079 
 
 OTonnor and Adams. 29,489 
 
 Black and Russell 5,608 
 
 As compared with 18G8 this shows a Republican gain of 582,000 
 votes, wliile the vote given Greeley by the Liberal Refinblicans and 
 Democrats combined was only 124,400 in excess of that given for 
 Seymour by the Democrats alone four years earlier. As far as pop- 
 ular majority went, it was the most sweeping victory in the history 
 of the country. The largest Republican majority in any State was 
 Pennsylvania with 137,538, arid the following all gave more than 
 50,000: Massachusetts, 74,212; Iowa, 60,370; Michigan, 59,179; Illi- 
 nois, 57,006; New York, 5<'i,445. Greeley carried only the six Southern 
 states of Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and 
 Texas, with 66 electoral votes; while Grant had 286 electoral votes. 
 
 Greeley did not long survive. The last days of the canvass he 
 occupied in nursing his dying wife. After election, it is said, he 
 wrote, over his own initials, some comment on the canvass, and left 
 it with the acting editor of the Tribune, but it did not appear, as the 
 editor did not think it prudent to publish it. Worn out with the 
 fatigues of the canvass and the sick room,' subjected to an unexpected 
 and most humiliating defeat, stricken with grief at the loss of his 
 wife, and denied free access to the paper which he had himself 
 founded, Mr. Greeley died on the 29th of November, a broken-hearted 
 man. On account of his death the electoral vote belonging to him 
 was scattered as appears in the fallowing statement: 
 
 li 
 
 ■WWP" 
 
 .■^,- 
 
 ■'Hft.'.'''M"' ■■ ■.?■• 
 
 
*'" 
 
 Y. 
 
 ana in Noveiu- : 
 Id, gave about \, 
 leral John F. 
 itterly opposed 
 n papt^r in tho 
 ' tliis raid upon 
 assurance of a 
 m this time on 
 )ublii-an major- 
 
 lot win a great 
 emoerats. Thei 
 
 . 3,597,070 
 
 . 2,834,079 
 
 29,489 
 
 5,608 
 
 gain of 582,000 
 tepnblicans and 
 
 that given for 
 
 As far as pop- 
 y in the history 
 
 any State was 
 [ave more than 
 5an, 59,179; Illi- 
 :he six Southern 
 
 Tennessee and 
 
 electoral votes. 
 
 the canvass he 
 1, it is said, he 
 anvass, and left 
 it appear, as the 
 m out with the 
 
 an unexpected 
 the loss of his 
 
 he had himself 
 
 1 broken-hearted 
 elonging to him 
 
 THE LIBERAL UEITHLU AN CAMPAKIN. 273 
 
 Ulysses S. (Jrant, of Illinois -JJJ 
 
 Thomas x\. Hendricks, of Indiana *- 
 
 B. Grata Brown, of Missouri 1^ 
 
 Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia * 
 
 David Davis, of Illinois 
 
 The following was the vote for Vice President, as cast by the 
 
 electors : 
 
 Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts 286 
 
 B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri ** 
 
 George W. Julian, of Indiana ^ 
 
 Alfred H. Colquit, of Georgia » 
 
 John M. Palmer, of Illinois ^ 
 
 Thomas E. Branilette, of Kentucky ^ 
 
 William 8. Groesbeck, of Ohio ■ j 
 
 Willis B. Machen, of Kentucky J 
 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts 1 
 
 During Grant's second term Congress was divided politically 
 
 as follows : 
 
 Forty-third Congress. 
 
 Senate— Republicans, 54; Democrats, 19. 
 House— Republicans, 203; Democrats, 88. 
 Forty-fourth Congress. 
 Senate— Republicans, 46; Democrats, 29. , . « 
 
 House— Republicans, 107; Democrats, 181; Independents, 3. 
 
 In Michigan interest was added to the canvass by the fact that 
 the Democrats not only accepted an old Republican as their candi- 
 date for President, but also took the Republican War Governor as 
 the head of their State ticket. The Presidential vote was as follows: 
 
 Grant and Wilsdn ^-S'lSJ 
 
 Greeley and Brown Van! 
 
 O'Connor and Adams f^] 
 
 Black and Russell ^'^^^ 
 
 The Presidential electors were: At Large— Eber B. Ward. 
 William A. Howard. By Districts in their order— Herman Kiefer, 
 Frederick Waldorf, James 0'D«nnell, Lawson A. Duncan, Alonzo 
 Sessions, Samuel G. Ives, John L. Woods, Charles L. Ortman, John 
 F. Brown. 
 
 The vote for Governor was: 
 
 John J. Bagley, Republican *oI'S21 
 
 AuHtin Blair, Liberal Republican iioa 
 
 William M. Fer>y, Straight Democrat AJ^" 
 
 Henry Fish, Prohibition l'^'- 
 
 >tm- 
 
fe 
 
 1^ 
 
 274 
 
 HISTORY OF THE RKI'UHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The total vote for Governor was 5,201 in excess of that for Presi- 
 dent, showing that many Democrats and some Republicans who were 
 so dissatisfied with the Presidential nominations that they did not 
 vote at all on that office, did take interest enough in the Btate ticket 
 to vote for that. The vote for Governor two years earlier was: For 
 Henry P. Baldwin, Republican, 100,176; Charles C. Comatock, 83,301, 
 and Henry Fish, Prohibition, 2,710, a total vote of 186,277. 
 
 In 1870, the Democrats had, for the first time in eight years, 
 elected a member of Congress, Jabez <i. Hutherland, of Baginaw, and 
 the Legislature chosen at that time, had, after an exciting contest, 
 chosen Thomas W. Ferry United Btates Senator. The election of 
 1872 again gave Michigan a solid Republican delegation in Congress, 
 as follows: Josiah W. Begole, Nathan B. Bradley, Julius G. Bur- 
 rows, Omar D. Conger, Moses W. Field, Wilder 1). Foster, Jay A. 
 Hubbell, Henry Waldron and George Willard. Upon the death of 
 Mr. Foster, in 1873, William B. Williams, of Allegan, was chosen to 
 fill the vacancy. 
 
 N«MM*I 
 
 ??- ■ i ■ S,'- 
 
 \.S^ 
 
liti 
 
 that for Presi 
 ?an8 who were 
 ; they did not 
 le State ticket , 
 Her was: For 
 lUBtock, 83,391, 
 ,277. 
 
 n eight years, 
 f Baginaw, and 
 [citing contest, ' 
 ?he election of 
 an in Congress] 
 Julius C. Bur- 
 Foster, Jay A. 
 >n the death of 
 was chosen to 
 
 . p ^ TWO YEA R8 OF DISASTER. . 
 
 The Civil Kights Question— Reference to tlie San Domingo Affair- 
 Repeal of the Salary Grab— Important Financial Measures— The 
 Senate Currency Bill— Passage of tlie Resumption Act as a Party 
 Measure— Supplementary Civil Rights Bill Passed— Various 
 Constitutional Amendments Proposed— The Panic of 1873 and 
 the Depression That Followed— Disastrous Political Effects— 
 Tlie Elections Give Democrats a Large Majority in the House- 
 Changes in Many Northern States. 
 
 President Grant's second inaugural address, March 4, 1873, laid 
 particular stress upon two topics. The first was tlie enlargement of 
 the civil rights of the colored people, concerning which he said: "The 
 effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make 
 him a citizen. He is not possessed of the civil rights which citizen 
 ship should carry with it. This is wrong and should be corrected. 
 To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can 
 prevail. Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor 
 shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the 
 colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there 
 is good in him. Give him accoss to schools, and when he travels let 
 him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and 
 fare he will receive." In his message to ('ongress in 1873, he 
 repeated the recommendation in this form: "I suggest for your con 
 sideralion the enactment of a law to better secure the civil rights 
 which freedom should secure, but has not effectually secured, to the 
 enfranchised slaves." 
 
 The second subject to which he specially referred was the San 
 Domingo annexation, for which he still possessed an earnest desire. 
 Upon this he said: "In the flrst year of the past Administration, 
 the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Ter- 
 ritory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was 
 
 .-''■'" -":ff^^^'- , ^^ ' 7 g' L ^I ^^^- ^ i ^^y^^'^^f^i^^^ ull?'''' ^;^^^T''y^•^'^^ ^^•^'^"'^ 
 
r"#,',' ■'' 
 
 "i_3 ';■-■■ 
 
 27« 
 
 HIHTOUY OF THE HEl'lTIILICAN I'ARTY 
 
 H pi'opOHitioii from the peuplc of Huntu DoiiiitiKM, mid wliich I tmtui-- 
 ttiined. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best 
 intereMtH of thiH coiiiitr.v, for the fieople of Haiito Doiaingo, and for 
 all concerned, that the proposition should be received favorably. It 
 was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject 
 was never brought up again by me. In future, while I hold my present 
 office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support 
 of the jieople before I will recommend any proposition looking to such 
 acquisition. 1 say here, however, that I do not share in the appre- 
 hension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming 
 weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory." 
 In his message on I)e<'Mnber 1, 1873, the President transmitted for 
 the consideration and determination of Congress an application of 
 Santo DomJngo to this Government, to exercise a protectorate over 
 that Republic. This was the last of the 8anto Domingo affair^ as 
 Congress took no further action on the subject. 
 
 President Grant's second Cabinet was as follows: 
 
 Secretary of State — Hamilton Fish, of New York. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury — William H. Richardson, of Massa- 
 chusetts, till June 4, 1874, when he resigned to go upon the Court of 
 Claims, and was succeeded by Benjamin H. Bristow, of Kentucky. 
 
 Secretary of War — William W. Belknap, of Iowa. 
 
 Secretary of the Navy — George M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior — Columbus Delano, of Ohio. 
 
 Postmaster General — John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, till July 
 1, 1874, when he resigned, and was succeeded by Marshall Jewell, of 
 Connecticut. 
 
 Attorney General — George H. Williams, of Oregon. 
 
 Public indignation at the Act increasing the salaries of the 
 members, offlc^ers and clerks of the two Houses of Congresti had cut 
 so much of a figure in the Congressional nominations of 1872 that the 
 Forty-third Congress hastened to repeal it. It also passed, at its 
 first session, a bill providing for the distribution of moneys received 
 on the Alabama award, and one repealing moieties, comniissions and 
 perquisites to Custom House officers, the giving of which had led to 
 some abuses. The only Act of real importance passed at this session 
 was known to the newspapers and almanacs as the "Dawes Com- 
 promise Bank Note Redemption, Inflation and Redistribution Bill." 
 This subject came before the House, January 2!>, in the form of what 
 was known as the House Currency Bill and before the Senate in the 
 
 MM 
 
 :vV 
 
'V., . ':,; 
 
 wliich I enter- 
 f»>r the best 
 iiiingo, and for 
 
 favorably. It 
 ire the Bubject 
 lold my preHenr 
 ve the support 
 
 ookiiig to such 
 •e iu the appre- 
 H'litH becomiii); 
 u of territory." 
 rangiuitted for 
 
 application of 
 'otectorate over 
 ningo affair, as 
 
 dson, of Massu- 
 >on the Court of 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 few Jersey. 
 Ohio. 
 
 Lryl^nd, till July 
 rshall Jewell, of 
 
 on. 
 
 salaries of the 
 'ongresD had cut 
 
 of 1872 that the 
 lo passed, at its 
 moneys received 
 ^ominissions and 
 vhich had led to 
 !d at this session 
 he "Dawes Com- 
 stribution Bill." 
 he form of what 
 he Senate in the 
 
 
 TWO YE.\R8 OF DISASTER. 
 
 277 
 
 form of the Senate Currency Hill, reported by the Senate Finance 
 Committee early in February. These bills, which all aimed to accom- 
 plish the same purpose, an increase of the currem-y, were before the 
 two Houses until June 20 and passed through two Conference Com- 
 mittees before an adjustment of diverse views was reached. As 
 finally passed and signed, June 22, it resolved itself into three prin- 
 ciple enactments, providing: (1) That National Itanks should no longer 
 be recjuired to keep on hand any amount of money whatever, by 
 reason of the' amount of their circuliition, but in lieu of that they 
 should be required to deposit with the Treasurer of the I'nited States, 
 in lawful money, a sum equal to five per cent, of their circulation, this 
 to be counted as part of the lawful reserve. (2) Authorizing an 
 increase in the amount of legal tender notes from t:{56,()0U,0UU to 
 f382,(H)(»,(IOO. (H) Authorizing the Controller of the Currency to issue 
 circulating notes to the amount of f55,()0U,U00, to National Banks, as 
 they might be organized in those States and Territories having less 
 than their proportion of circulation under an apportionment made 
 on the basis of population and wealth, as shown by the returns of the 
 Census of 1870. This Act had some etrect in relieving a stringent 
 money market and mitigated, though it did not entirely relieve, the 
 long-continued depressing effects of the panic of iHTA. 
 
 At the second session of this Congress, January 14, 1875, tlu.' 
 Bill providing for the resumption of specie payments on the Ist of 
 January, 1879, became a law. It provided for the redemption of 
 the fractional paper currency outstanding, in silver dimes, quarters 
 and half dollars of standard value, and repealed the charge of one-fifth 
 of one per cent, for converting standard gold bullion into coin. But 
 its most important provisions were in Section 3, which was in full us 
 follows: "Section 5177 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, 
 limiting the aggregate amount of circulating notes of National Bank- 
 ing Associations, is hereby repealed; and each existing Banking Asso- 
 ciation may increase its circulating notes in accordance with existing 
 law, without respect to said aggregate limit ; and new Banking Asso- 
 ciations may be organized in aceordance with existing law, without 
 respect to said aggregate limit; and the provisions of law for the 
 withdrawal and redistribution of National Bunk currency among the 
 states and territories, are hereby repealed. And whenever circu- 
 lating notes shall be issued to any Banking Association so increasing 
 its capital or circulating notes, or newly organized as aforesaid, it 
 shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem the legal 
 
 ^; 
 
 
 ■•^B;- 
 
 mmmfsWi S im mme^ ^i^i'^'''^'^^>''<^ if ^' ^ smmmmvim 
 
 '^'^-'" j^^Jtn W ^' 
 
I" 
 
 if 
 I 
 
 ! 
 
 
 278 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REIM'HLirAN PARTY. 
 
 tendor ITnift'd Htatcs notes in exooHg only of three hundred niillWuiH 
 of dollars, to the amount of eight.v per cent, of the sum of National 
 Bank notes so issued to any such Banking Association, and to con- 
 tinue such redemption, as such circulating notes are issued, until 
 there shall be outstanding the sum of three hundred millions of dollars 
 of such legal tender United States notes and no more. And on and 
 after the flrst day of January, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury 
 shall redeem, in coin, the United States legal tender notes then out- 
 standing, on their presentation at the office of the Assistant Treasurer 
 of the United States, in the City of New York, in sums of not lesM 
 than ♦60." For this purpose the Secretary of the Treasury wan 
 authorized to use any surplus there might be in the Treasury or to 
 sell bonds of any authorized issue at not less than par in coin. 
 
 As it Anally passed the Bill was, by a general Reixiblican caucus, 
 made a party measure, and the Democrats generally voted against it. 
 The requirement that the Legal Tenders should be reduced to |30U,- 
 0(10,000 was subsequently annulled. Grave apprehensions were 
 entertained that resumption, when it Anally came under this Act, 
 would be attended by serious flnancial disturbances. But the prep- 
 arations for it were made so gradually, that when the day for 
 resumption was reached it did not cause a ripple in the money market 
 or on the stock exchange. 
 
 Another measure of importance, passed at this session, was one 
 increasing the taxes on liquors and tobacco, and the duties on sugars 
 and various imported commodities. This was the Arst increase in 
 taxes that had been made since the war. 
 
 The supplementary Civil Rights Bill was before this Congress in 
 some form during nearly the whole of both sessions. It did not 
 Anally pass until nearly the close of the second session, being signed 
 Marcli 1, 1876, On its Anal passage in the House it had 162 yeas, 
 all Republicans, and 100 nays, of whom 87 were I)emocr»t«i and l>t 
 were Republicans. It provided that "all persons within the juris- 
 diction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal 
 enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privi- 
 leges of inns, public conveyances on land and water, theaters and 
 other places of public amusement, subject only to the conditions and 
 limitations established by law, and applicable to citizens of every 
 race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude.'* 
 It provided that any person violating this section should pay $600 to 
 the person aggrieved, and be subject also to a Ane of from |600 to 
 
 ' SF" 
 
 
n 
 
 'Y. 
 
 indrcd millions 
 inn of Natlonnl 
 nn, and to con- 
 •e iHHHtHl, until 
 llionB uf dollaiH 
 And on and 
 •f the Treasurv 
 notes then out- 
 Btant Treasurer 
 mm of not lettH 
 Treasury wan 
 Treasury or to 
 ir in coin. 
 )ublican caucus, 
 kroted against it. 
 educed to «300,- 
 ehensions were 
 under this Act, 
 But the prep- 
 len the day for 
 le money marljet 
 
 session, was one 
 duties on sugars 
 first increase in 
 
 this Congress in 
 tns. It did not 
 on, being signed 
 it had 162 yeas, 
 emocratM and 13 
 within the juris- 
 e full and equal 
 ilities and privi- 
 er, theaters and 
 le conditions and 
 citizens of every 
 [)n of servitude." 
 lould pay f500 to 
 of from 1500 to 
 
 TWO YKARS OF DlBAHTEU. 
 
 271) 
 
 tl (MM), or \o iiupriw.nn.ent from thirty days to one year. It alno 
 contained the followiug enactment: "No .Iti^en »"7''';'"« " ' 
 other qualiti<alionH. which are prescribed by law. nhall be disquai- 
 fled for service as grand or petit juror in any mited Htates or Ktate 
 rourt on accunt of ra<e. iolor or previous condition of servitude 
 Any oflber discriminating against any citizen in violation of this 
 provision Is liable to a flne of f5,000. The Act also provides that 
 cases under it shall be tried in the Tnited Htates (V.urts, and that any 
 smh .'U^e UMiv be apiH^aled to the Hupreme Court without reference 
 to the annuint involved. Heveral cases arose under the law within 
 the next few months, so that it soon received .ludicial interpretation. 
 It remains on the Statute books today, substantially as Hrst enacted. 
 This was the last of the A.ts passed to cover the new relations of the 
 emancipated negroes to the <ommunity. it was well that it ])assed 
 when it did, lor the Uepublicans were not again in control of both 
 Houses of Congress till 18H0. 
 
 The Forty-third Congress had before it a large number of joint 
 resolutions for Constitutional Amendments, though it adopted none. 
 In his message of I)e<ember 3, the President reconmiended an Amend 
 ment providing that the Executive might veto part of any measure 
 that came before him witliout vetoing the whole, and another that 
 when Congress was convened in extra session, its legislation should 
 be confined to such subjects as the Executive might bring before it. 
 Other Aiaendments offered provided for electing United Htates Hena 
 tors by direct vote of the people; for referring disputes with regard 
 to Presidential electors, to the Hupreme Court for settlement; for 
 changing Presidential election day to the first Monday in April, and 
 holding a second eIe<!tion on the second Tuesday in October, In case 
 no candidate had a majority in the Electoral College first chosen; 
 fr»r electing the President and Vice-President by direct vote of the 
 people; prohibiting Congress from imposing duties on imports, except 
 for the purpose of paying the principal and interest on the public 
 debt; and numerous others. 
 
 It was an event outside of -Congress that especially marked this 
 period and that had the most influence upon the course of the next 
 political campaigns. This was the panic of 1 873. The fluctuating 
 character of the currency and the existence of a premium on gold, 
 were a constant menace to the business of the country. That they 
 were not the occasion of more financial disasters was due partly to 
 skillful financiering on the part of the (Jovernment, but much more 
 
 ■f> 
 
 mm- 
 
'I 
 
 •I 
 
 2S(> 
 
 HIHTOUY OF TIIK UKIMHI.irAN I'AUTY 
 
 to the cTKjnnoim prodmtivo and nM'«i>frHtlv«» powi'i- of Hit' coniitry. 
 Tho daiiK*'!' <<)nii"K 'roiii tlu* pri'iiiiiim on j^old wuh ilhiMtpatt'd bv (lio 
 event* of »la« k Friday, SeptiMnber 1, !««!». H.v nieans of Hklllfiil 
 arKunientH, |)eini«tfntl.v addnnned to the Trewldent, he had been per 
 Huaded that a BHnht liHe in ^old while the eropB were niovluK would 
 he of beneHt to tJie rountr.v, and therefore orders were ^Iven early ifl 
 Heptembtr to wll only n»>hl faffleient to buy bonds for the MiokinK 
 fund. While this order wan in forte Jay <Jould and a number of 
 other operators eonsplred to raise the prive of gold, which was then 
 selliuK at about 140. They coninienHKl on HIaek Friday by bidding 
 lit 145 and gradually raised bids to IBO, and then by advances of one 
 |»ep cent, at a time, brought it up to 1«0, when they c<unmenced to 
 unload through agents unknown to other operators, at the same time 
 offering bets that it would go to 20<». It reached UVM/m, when word 
 was received that the Treasury Department had ordered the sale of 
 f4,()0(>,()00 in order to stop the rise. At the same time it became 
 known that Gould was selling, a panic followed, and gold dnipped 
 more rapidly than It had risen, and linally went as low as 130. The 
 conspirators had made fortunes, but a score of brokers who were not 
 in the ring were ruined. The effects of this move were <onflnetl 
 mainly to the gold siwculators on the New York Exchange. They 
 did not rea<'h, to any serious extent, the business of the country. The 
 incident did, however, impn'ss upon i»eople tlie fact that, under 
 certain condlti<mB, the Government could exercise a strong Influence 
 upon affairs at the llnancial center of the country, and it inclined 
 Ihem to hold the Government and the party in power, responsible for 
 everything. 
 
 The collapse of 1873 was undoubtedly hastened by the contrae 
 tlon of the nirrency, occasioned by the retirement of the greenbacks, 
 and the refunding of the public debt. But there were other causes 
 that would have brought it on very soon, even if this contraction had 
 not been made. It was a period of wild speculation, at a time when, 
 in view of the necessity of taking steps that looked toward resump- 
 tion, it ought to have been a time of prudent and cautious investment. 
 It has been the experience of this, and of every other country, that a 
 period of speculation, of buying beyond any possible needs of the 
 present and of any probable needs of the future, is always followed, 
 ultimately, by panic and business depression. The young men of 
 the present generation had an experience of this in 18!)3, when there 
 was no accusation of Government interference with the finances, when 
 
 ■MM 
 
 ■MM 
 
TWO YEARH OF DIHAHTKH. 
 
 28 1 
 
 Mm* coiiiitry, 
 rat«'<l b.v iIh' 
 
 llH of Hkillflll 
 
 md Imh'ii |t(M- 
 
 loviiiK Wdiiltl 
 
 [I von early ii, 
 
 tlic HiukinK 
 
 a iiiiinher of 
 
 eh wuM then 
 
 y by bidding 
 
 anceB of one 
 
 Mnnienced to 
 
 he game time 
 
 a, when word 
 
 'd the Hale of 
 
 lie it hecanie 
 
 f{old di'o|i|M'd 
 
 aH 130. The 
 
 who were not 
 
 were eontiniMl 
 
 lange. Th<»y 
 
 country. The 
 
 : that, under 
 
 rong influenee 
 
 nd it inelintHl 
 
 ('Sponsible for 
 
 r the contrae 
 le greenbackn, 
 ' other oauHeH 
 ntraction had 
 a time when, 
 ward reBump- 
 18 inveHtment. 
 juntry, that a 
 needs of the 
 'ays followed, 
 Mung men of 
 M, when there 
 knances, when 
 
 the currency was |M>rfectly Hound, and was abundant for the needn 
 of all legitimate busineHH. Mat whatever the caiiMe, the panic of 
 IN7<'t was followed by Hve yearM of buMinesH depreMMion, with trade 
 dull, with factoricH cloHed, with laborers out of employment and dis- 
 contented. The f(»llowing year, 1874, when the ('ongressional 
 elections were lnOd, was one of the gloomiest of the Ave, and there 
 were thousands of men who found satisfaction in voting against the 
 party in |N)wer, even though that party was only in the smallest 
 de^r(>e responsible for the conditions which brought about the busi- 
 ness disasit r. 
 
 The sa'iary grab, in which IhMiiocrats, as well as Republicans, 
 «rere inlerested, ^4 as also uiied against (he latter, and justly so, 
 because their majority was so large in both flouHes, that they could 
 very proiH'rIy be held responsible for all legiHlation. The exposures 
 of the Credit Mobilier speculation, in which several Republi<-an 
 .Members of ('ongress were implicated, and for which three of them 
 were censured, and the exposure of the o]>erationB of the Whisky 
 Ring, which had oiierated in Kt. I^uis, Chicago and Milwaukee, and 
 had defrauded the Government out of at least two million an«l a 
 quarter of internal revenue taxes, were also used with effect in the 
 campaign. ■ 
 
 There were portents of the coming Btoruj. in the fall of 1873, 
 when Ohio elected a Democratic (lovernor for the first time since the 
 Republi* an party was organiK<>d, while several other states gavi; 
 greatly reduced Republican majorities. Kut the whirlwind did not 
 come till 1874. When the "liOg Cabin" campaign of 184«» oiM>ned 
 Martin Van Buren said that it would be "either a farce or a tornado.'' 
 It proved to be a tornado, and he was swept away with the rest of 
 the rubbish. Ho in this <-a8e, the campaign of 1872 ended in a farce. 
 That of 1874 was a tornado. The general eiTect of the gale oin be 
 seen at a glance. In the Forty-third Congress the Democrats had 
 1!) Henators and 88 Members of the House, while in the Forty-fourth 
 they had 2S» Senators and 181 Members of the House. The Bepubli 
 cans elected 2t)3 Representatives, in 1872, and only 107 in 1874. In 
 some of the details the results were astounding. Thus Massachu- 
 setts, which gave over 83,000 Republican majority for Governor in 
 1872, gave only about 7,000 in 1874. Connecticut elected Jewell, 
 Republican Governor in 1872, by about 2,000 majority, and lugersoll, 
 Democrat, two years later, by nearly 7,000. In 1872 New York gave 
 Dix, Republican, for Governor, 5.%451 majority, and in 1874 it ^avo 
 
 I 
 
 ••A' 
 
. ,uii i |i iii j ; | i|fpp||p!Wppw[ 
 
 282 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPrHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Tildf'ti, Democrat, for the same office, 50,317 majority. Penngyl- 
 vanhi which gave Grant a majority of 137,548, now elected a 
 Democratic Lieutenant-<Jovernor by 4,67!) majority. Ohio, which 
 gave (Jrant 37,531 majority iu 1872, now elected a Democratic Secre- 
 tary of State by 17,207, and so it went through nearly all the old 
 Republican States except in the Northwest and part of New England, 
 which the Republicans held, though by much diminished majorities. 
 The straight Republicans had a majority in the (Congressional dele- 
 gations of only twelve States: Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Michi- 
 gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, Rhode Island, South Carolina, 
 Vermont and Wisconsin. And this was the House that would 
 elect the President in case there was no choice by the people in 1876, 
 and would help canvass the Electoral vote in any event. 
 
 In Michigan it came dangerously near to being a landslide, but 
 the ITpper Peninsula, which was formerly strongly Democratic, but 
 which was now staunchly Republican, saved the State to the latter 
 party. About 2 a. m. the morning after election. Governor Bagley, 
 who was a candidate for re-election, and who had been striking aver- 
 ages on the returns received at the office of the Detroit Post, shoved 
 his papers aside, put up his pencil, and remarked: ''Well, boys, I'm 
 beaten." Itut just as he was about to leave the office returns from 
 two of the Upper Peninsula Counties came in, and encouraged by 
 these, he stayed long enough to figure out his election. His plur- 
 ality in 1872 was 56,744. In 1874 it was 5,969, the vote being in full 
 as follows: 
 
 John J. Bagley, Republican 111,519 
 
 Henry Chamberlain, Democrat 105,550 
 
 Charles K. Cariienter, Prohibition 3,937 
 
 The Democrats also made a raid on the Michigan Congressional 
 delegation, electing Alpheus 8. Williams over Moses W. Field, in the 
 Detroit District; George H. Durand, of Flint, over Josiah W. Begole, 
 in the Sixth District, and Allen Potter over Julius C. Borrows, in the 
 Kalamazoo District. The Republicans elected were: Nathan p. 
 Bradley, Omar D. Conger, Jay A. Hubbell, Henry Waldron, George 
 Willard and William B. Williams. The Republican majority in the 
 Legislature was so small that a few malcontents, combining with the 
 Democrats, were able to defeat Zachariah Chandler for the United 
 States Senate, and >»lect Isaac P. Christiancy in his place. 
 
 The upheaval i>rought into Congress many new Democratic 
 faces, some of them destined to become conspicuous in the party. 
 
•|gt^-'^f*^''-''r*'?^'^"*'r '^'"^-'' ■ 
 
 mm 
 
 m 
 
 *■ . 
 
 -■■li,. -vr. 
 
 Y. 
 
 ty. Pennsyl- 
 
 now' elected a 
 
 Ohio, which 
 
 mocratic Secre- 
 
 rly all the old 
 
 New England, 
 
 led majorities. 
 
 reHsional dele- 
 
 , Maine, Michi- 
 
 louth Carolina, 
 
 Be that would 
 
 people in 1876t 
 
 lit. 
 
 I landglide, but 
 )eniocratic, but 
 te to the latter 
 avernor Bagley, 
 n striking arer- 
 jit Post, shoved 
 'Well, boys, I'm 
 ce returns from 
 encouraged by 
 ion. His plur- 
 ote being in full 
 
 ... 111,519 
 ... 105,550 
 . . . 3,937 
 
 n Congressional 
 W. Field, in the 
 siah W. Begole, 
 Burrows, in the 
 re: Nathan It. 
 i^aldron, George 
 majority in the 
 tbining with the 
 for the United 
 lace. 
 
 lew Democratic 
 IS in the party. 
 
 TWO YEARS OP DISASTER. 
 
 283 
 
 Prom Connecticut appeared in the Senate Ex-Oovernor James E. 
 English, who was appointed to fill a vacancy, and William W. Eaton, 
 who was chosen by the newly elected Legislature. Mr. Raton was. 
 during the war, one of the most rampant of Copperheads. But age 
 and Senatorial responsibilities sobered him, and in the Senate he was 
 very conservative and independent, sometimes on financial and tariff 
 measures even voting with the Republicans. Indiana replaced 
 Daniel D. Pratt with Joseph E. McDonald, who was also much more 
 moderate now than during the war, and who disputed with Thomas 
 A. Hendricks, the Democratic leadership of the State. The most 
 conspicuous of the new comers was Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, who, 
 a number of times, appeared in conventions as a candidate for the 
 Presidential nomination, and who was nominated in 1888 for Vice- 
 President. Other new Democratic Senators, who afterwards 
 achieved distinction, were William Pinkney Whyte, of Maryland; 
 Prancis M. Cockrell, of Missouri; Theodore F. Randolph, of New 
 Jersey; Francis Kernan, of New York, and William Wallace, of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 In the House the most distinguished members on the Democratic 
 side, a few of whom had served in the Forty-third Congress, but most 
 of whom were' new, were: William H. Barnum, of Connecticut; Ben- 
 jamin H. Hull and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the latter of 
 whom had been in Congress before the war, during which he was 
 ^'ice-P^esident of the ('Confederacy, and whose appearance now, with 
 a solid Democratic delegation, showed that the colored vote in that 
 State was well suppressed; Carter H. Harrison, William M. Springer 
 and Adiai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, the latter Vice-President during 
 Cleveland's second term; Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, who had been 
 in Congress before, but who was missing from the Forty-third; J. 
 Proctor Knott and Joseph C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky, the latter 
 one of the most unreconstructed rebels left in the State; Randall L. 
 Gibson and E. John Ellis, of Louisiana; Otho R. Singleton, of Missis- 
 sippi; Abram S. Hewitt and Scott Tjord, of New York; Frank H. Hurd 
 and Henry B. I'ayne, of Ohio;- William Mutchler, of Pennsylvania; 
 John H. Reagan, of Texas; J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, and 
 Charles J. Paulkener, of West Virginia. On assembling in Decem- 
 ber, 1875, the House elected Michael C Kerr S|)eaker by 173 votes., 
 to 106 for James G. Blaine. 
 
 With an overwhelming Democratic majority in the House, with 
 a good working Republican majority in the Senate, and a Republican 
 
 "tawaiMBiii 
 
 ■rk?-' 
 
 -f-t' 
 
284 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Presid^iit, it was not to be expected that much legislation would be 
 accomplished by the Forty-fourth Congress, and especially legislation 
 of a political character. Far the most important Act was that regu- 
 lating the count of Electoral votes for President and Vice-President 
 for the term commencing March 4, 1877, an abstract of which appears 
 in the chapter of this book relating to the Electoral Count. 
 
 Two financial measures were passed at the first session. One was 
 a joint resolution, with these provisions, (1) authorizing the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury to issue silver coin at any time in the Treasury, 
 to an amount not exceeding 110,000,000, in exchange for an equal 
 amount of legal tender notes, such not^s to be kept as a separate 
 fund, only to be reissued upon the retirement and destruction of a 
 like sum of fractional currency; (2) limiting the coinage of the trade 
 dollar, and removing its legal tender quality; (3) logalizing the manu- 
 facture and issue of silver coin, to an amount, including the amount 
 of subsidiary silver coin and fractional currency outstanding, not 
 exceeding at any time, fifty million dollars. Another financial Act, 
 approved April 17, 1876, directs the Secretary of the Treasury to 
 "give silver coins of the Uuited States, of ten, twenty-flve and fifty 
 cents, standard value, in redemption of an equal amount of fractional 
 currency, whether the same be now in the Treasury awaiting redemp- 
 tion, or whenever it may be presented for redemption; and the Sec- 
 retary may provide for such redemption and issue by substitution at 
 the regular sub-treasuries and public depositories, until the whole 
 amount of fractional currency outstanding shall be redeemed. And 
 the fractional currency redeemed under this act shall be held to be a 
 part of the sinking fund provided for by existing law, the interest to 
 be coieputed thereon as in the case of bonds redeemed under the Act 
 relating to the sinking fund." 
 
 Other Acts of general interest passed by this Congress were those 
 reducing the rat^s of postage on newspapers and periodicals; extend- 
 ing the franking privilege to the Executive Departments; providing 
 that with certain exceptions named, no person shall be tried for an 
 offense, not capital, unless an indictment is framed or information' 
 instituted within three years of the time the offense is committed; 
 reducing the number of internal revenue districts; increasing pensions 
 to soldiers who lost both an arm •'nd a leg; encouraging and promot- 
 ing telegraphic connection between America and Europe, and 
 extending the time for presenting Southern claims. 
 
 Two Constitutional Amendments were discussed and voted upon. 
 The first, reported by the House Committee on the Judiciary, pro- 
 
 
 NOW 
 
Wi?fK",' 
 
 •m 
 
 m:. 
 
 1 1 
 
 tion would be 
 lly legislation 
 vas that regu- 
 k^'ice-President 
 ^hich appears 
 unt. 
 
 lion. One was 
 ng the Becre- 
 the Treasury, 
 for an equal 
 as a separate 
 Btruetion of a 
 e of the trade 
 ling the manu- 
 ig the amount 
 tstanding, not 
 financial Act, 
 B Treasury to 
 r-flve and fifty 
 t of fractional 
 aiting redemp- 
 ; and the Sec- 
 lubstitution at 
 ntil the whole 
 leented. And 
 )e held to be a 
 the interest to 
 under the Act 
 
 TWO YEARS OF DISASTER. 
 
 285 
 
 vided that, "No person who has held, or may hereafter liold, the 
 oiBce of President, shall ever again be eligible to said office." A sub 
 stitute extending the term to six years and making the President 
 ineligible was voted down, yeas 108, nays 144, and the original 
 Amendment was then rejected, yeas 145, nays 108, not two-thirds in 
 
 the affirmative. , ^. . ^ u*^ 
 
 The following was reported by the House Judiciary Committee 
 
 to stand as Article XVI: "No State shall make any law respecting 
 
 an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
 
 and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of pub he 
 
 schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public 
 
 lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious 
 
 Hect or denomination; nor shall any mon,-y so raised, or lands so 
 
 devoted, be divided between religious sects or denominations. This 
 
 Article shall not vest, enlarge or diminish, '^K^J^f »;«^^P?\^„V" 
 
 Congress." This passed the House by a vote of 180 to J, b«t a 
 
 Senate substitute for it was rejected in the latter body by 27 y^as to 
 
 15 nays. 
 
 vat 
 i 
 
 ■ess were those 
 dicals; extend- 
 nts; providing 
 )e tried for an 
 [>r information" 
 is committed; 
 'asing pensions 
 ig and prompt- 
 Eiirofie. and 
 
 nd voted npon. 
 Judiciary, pro- 
 
 jii^ 
 
MM 
 
 )BMBaCTW3Kg?yy?'!WW^ISSgsmajt 
 
 ^ 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 
 THE SIXfH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Three Natural Republican lieaders— Blaine's Popularity With 
 the Republicans— Democratic Attacks Upon Him— His Bold 
 Defense in the House— Reading of the Mulligan Letters— His 
 Attack of Sunstroke— Ingersoll's Brilliant Speech at the Cincin- 
 nnti Convention— A Close Contest for the Nomination— It Goes 
 to Rutherford B. Ha.ves on the Seventh Ballot— William A. 
 Wheeler Nominated for Vice-President— A Long Platform 
 Declaration — New Departure for the Democrats- Tilden and 
 Hendricks Nominated— Tilden Conducts His Own Canvass— A 
 Closely Contested Campaign— Hayes Has One Majority on the 
 Electoral Vote. 
 
 The Sixth National Republican Convention, which met in Cin- 
 cinnati, June 14, 1876, had before it for consideration three of the 
 men who were among the ablest in the party, and who had been in 
 the public service almost from the time of their reaching manhood, 
 and six others who appeared either as favorite sons, or else who were 
 believed to possess some special element of strength. The three 
 natural leaders were James G. Blaine, of Maine; Roscoe Conkling. of 
 New York, and Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. 
 
 Blaine was the popular favorite, and his initial strength in the 
 Convention was so great as to. tempt to a combination of all the other 
 candidates against him. He had been brought into espiecial promi- 
 nence by debates on the General Amnesty Bill in the Porty-fourthi 
 Congress, where he had stood the brnqt of the attack of half the ex- 
 Confederates in the House. He had won admiration by the boldness 
 and vigor of his counter attacks, and especially by the skill with 
 which he had worsted Congressman Hill, of Georgia, in debate. He 
 was regarded by the Democrats as their strongest foe, and they 
 regarded him with a bitter hatred. In order to compass his undoing, 
 a few days before the Cincinnati Convention was to meet, they started 
 
 t 
 
 St 
 
 mmmmm 
 
 •smmmmmmmm 
 
!y?»?r iy.'»»r»->^'"^'-;y ;<--<1jg*TVV',!)iA.,, j^iia 
 
 r 
 
 THE SIXTH KEPUBLK^VN OAMPAKIN. 
 
 287 
 
 jularity With 
 m — HIb Bold 
 liCtters — His 
 at the Oincin- 
 ition — It Goes 
 —William A. 
 ong Platform 
 \ — Tilden and 
 n CanvaHB — A 
 ajority on tho 
 
 h met in Oin- 
 u three of the 
 10 had been in 
 hing manhood, 
 else who were 
 i. The three 
 >e Conkling, of 
 
 trength in the 
 )f all the other 
 ispiecial promi- 
 e Forty-fourlhii 
 of half the ex- 
 ly the boldneBB 
 the skill with 
 a debate. He 
 foe, and they 
 SB his undoing, 
 »t, they started 
 
 an investigation, whirh, it was hinted, would implicate Mr. Blaine in 
 a questionable transaction in railroad. bonds. The accusation was 
 at first implied, rather than made, that he had been bribed by a gift 
 of Fort Smith & Little Rock Railroad bonds to use his influence, 
 when Speaker of the House, in favor of that road. The evidence 
 relied upon against him was contained in correspondence which had 
 fallen into the hands of a man named Mulligan, and had become 
 known as the ''Mulligan letters." Mr. Blaine obtained possession of 
 these letters. He refused to show them to the Investigating Com- 
 mittee, on the ground that they had no right to inquire in<o his 
 private corresjiondence. The next morning he supported his refusal 
 1o produce the letters by submitting to the investigators the written 
 opinion of Jeremiah S. Black, one of the most noted Democratic 
 lawyers in the country, and Ex-Senator Matt H. (^arpenter, also a 
 noted lawyer, that the letters had "no relevancy whatever to the 
 matter under inquiry," and that "it would be most unjust and tyran- 
 nical, as well as illegal, to demand their production." This put the 
 Judiciary Committee in a quandary. The other witnesses were dis- 
 missed and the matter laid over. Some members of the committee 
 proposed bringing the matter before the House, but that was 
 objected to, because it would give Blaine too great an opportunity 
 to make a public defense. As one member put it, they didn't want 
 "to have Blaine cavorting around on the floor of the House." A 
 majority of the members of the Committee had been in the Southern 
 Army, and a newspaper of the period representeti the "Confederate 
 Brigadiers" of the committee triving utterances to their views of 
 Blaine as follows -- 
 
 He is always in the way — 
 
 Blaine, of Maine! 
 And in session every day 
 
 Raises Cain; 
 When his prodding makes us roar. 
 Then he lacerates the sore, 
 Till we holier more and more— 
 
 Blaine, of Matne. 
 
 How he boxeB.us around — 
 
 Blaine, of Maine! 
 Now and then we're on the ground 
 
 Half insane: 
 Frequently to grass we go; ' 
 
 This is temporary though, ] 
 
 
 m 
 
 ■*;i 
 
„,»«-..>TW»«Kt!/S;Slii«* '.• 
 
 288 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 I 
 
 ''' For we rally from the blow, ' 
 
 And prepare to eat our crow. 
 Hut he stands us in a row 
 And he smites us high and low, 
 Till we shiver in our woe, 
 And he keeps us whirling so. 
 That we have the vertigo— 
 Blaine, of Maine. 
 
 The C^onfederate brigadiers, however, eould not keep Blaine from 
 "eavorting around," for after defying the committee he rose in the 
 House to a question of privilege, produced the letters and read them 
 in full. A Washington correspondent who was in the House at the 
 time thus describes the sensational scene that accompanied this bold 
 proceeding: 
 
 "At times the scene was Intensely dramatic, stirpassing even the 
 scene of the Amnesty debate, the interest reaching its climax when 
 Blaine, after having denied the right of the committee to demand 
 his private correspondence, ciied out that he would take the commit- 
 tee into his confidence and would read to forty millions of people 
 letters that he would not allow a committee to force from him. 'Here 
 they are.' he cried, as he drew a package from his pocket, and, holding 
 it up above hjs head, he turned around so as to face everyone in the 
 hall. 'Here they are,' he repeated, 'and I will read them.' The hall 
 burst into a perfect roar of applause, not only with clapping of 
 hands, but with cries of approbation from the members of the Repub 
 lican side, as well as from the galleries. The occupants of the ladies' 
 gallery shook their handkerchiefs and parasols, and joined in the 
 chteer. It was a sight that never had a parallel in a legislative body. 
 "No words can convey an adequate picture of Blaine's impetuous 
 attack upon Proctor Knott. When he came charging down the 
 aisle and hurled at Knott an inquiry whether he had not received a 
 telegram from. Caldwell, in Europe, which he had suppressed, Knott 
 i*ef used to reply. Blaine pressed the question again and again, till 
 Knott, finally being cornered, and without escape, made the very diS' 
 courteous and angry reply: 'I'll answer you when I get rea^y.' Blaine 
 followed Knott to his seat, shook his finger in his face, and charged 
 him directly with having suppressed a voluntary telegram from 
 Caldwell, in London, acquitting Blaine pf any improper connection 
 with the bond transactions, and offering to send an affidavit to that 
 eifect to the committee. Knott's face colored to a deep crimson, 
 and he sat in his seat in utter helplessness; but there were forty 
 
 i mminrw 
 
 aasa— 
 
'Y. 
 
 THK SIXTH REPrHLirAX rAMTAKJN. 
 
 28» 
 
 i\-r:''' 
 
 ep Blaine from 
 
 he rose in the 
 
 und read them 
 
 le House at the 
 
 >anied this bold 
 
 assing even the 
 ts climax when 
 ttee to demand 
 ike the commit- 
 lionB of people 
 rom him. 'Here 
 et, and, holding; 
 everyone in the 
 aem.' The hall 
 Ith clapping of 
 p« of the Repub 
 its of the ladies' 
 d joined in the 
 legislative body, 
 line's impetuous 
 ging down the 
 1 not received a 
 ppressed, Knott 
 I and again, till 
 ide the very dis* 
 t rea^y.' BlaJnc 
 ce, and charged 
 telegram from 
 oper connection 
 affidavit to that 
 1 deep crimson, 
 liere were forty 
 
 l)emo<Tats on their feet, crying, 'Mr. HiH*akerI' *Mr. Hpeuker!' John 
 Youn«r ilrown, Jones, of Kentucky; Hlackburn, (llover, Holnitiii, 
 Hunton and many others, were very much excited, but Cox, who wuh 
 presiding, rapped them down und saived his party from disgracing 
 itself. Jones, of Kentucky, a hitter Democrat, who has shown him- 
 self to be a guardian of honor, tinally obtained a hearing, and 
 demanded that his colleague answer the tpiestion. He would not 
 consent to have such a di8gra<-eful imputation rest upon his party. 
 Knott was thus driven to say that he would explain the suppression 
 of the telegram in a 
 speech which he intend 
 ed to make." 
 
 The letters contained 
 nothing to show that 
 HIaine was not entirely 
 innocent of any wrong- 
 doing in the matter, and 
 were so accepted by all 
 faiir-minded p e r s o n s, 
 but the fact that the ac- 
 cusation had been made 
 doubtless cost him 
 some votes in the Con- 
 vention. He sutfered 
 m u c h more in that 
 body, however, by rea- 
 son of prostration by 
 sunstroke when on his 
 way to church on the 
 Hunday preceding the 
 
 gathering at Cincinnati. roscok conklinq. 
 
 He rallied quickly, but apprehensions with regard to his health were 
 skillfully used to draw votes from him, when it came to balloting. 
 
 Boscoe Conkling was, thrdtighout his whole Congressional 
 career, both in House and Henate, recognized as one of the ablest 
 debaters, and one of the most eloquent stump sjieakers in the party. 
 But he was arrogant and unapproachable, entirely lacking in the ele- 
 ments of personal popularity, and there never was a time when he 
 could have received the Presidential nomination at the hands of any 
 Convention. Uis candidacy at this time was not taken seriously. 
 
 n?" 
 
 IrS' 
 jr4 
 
 ■M 
 
 'Jiwiwtaitt ii i I 11 1! I I ' i r 
 
 .' ,_-^' '■■^■- ;■,- ,_', 
 
200 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE REPl'BUrAN PARTY. 
 
 Ht* hatf wn»Bte<l the conti.il of the Repiiblirun oi-Kanixation In New 
 York from Kx-Governor Fenton and his friends, had a good hold on 
 most of the delegation from that Ktate, and it was understood at the 
 time that his candidacy was intended to lieep the delegation together 
 until their votes could be thrown to the best advantage for someone 
 else, but mainly to beat Blaine. 
 
 Senator Morton, of Indiana, commenced his public career in very 
 troublous limes. He was elected Lieutenant-Governor of his State 
 on the ticket with Henry 8. Lane, and succeeded to the Governorship 
 when Mr. Lane resigned that office to take a seat in the United States 
 Senate. Mr. Morton had the most difficult task before him of any of 
 Ihe War Governors. The Southern counties of the State were honey- 
 combed with Secession sentiment, the treasonable society, the 
 Knights of the Golden Circle, had headquarters in the Capital itself, 
 and a Democratic Legislature refused to make appropriations neces- 
 sary to fit out troops and carry on the State Government. But Mr. 
 Morton proved equal to the emergency. He went to New York, and 
 on his personal bond, with the backing of wealthy men in Indianap- 
 olis, borrowed money to meet the pressing necessities of the State. 
 He drove the Knights of the <}olden (^ircle into hiding, and had a 
 number of their leaders arrested and tried for treason. He repressed 
 disorders in the Southern counties, and in every way showed rare 
 vigor tuid administrative capacity. He was re-elected Governor in 
 1864, and was afterwards sent to the Senate, where he took rank 
 among the ablest debaters. 
 
 Of the other candidates Hartranft and Jewell were "favorite 
 sons" and nothing more, and Hayes belonged in the same rank, 
 although he had some following outside of Ohio before the Conven- 
 tion met, and was regarded as a very likely compromise candidate. 
 Bristow was a man of moderate ability, and rather narrow views, 
 who had come into a temporary prominence through his vigorous 
 prosecution of the Whisky Ring. He had a good following in this 
 Convention, but within two or three years had nearly di^opped out of 
 sight. 
 
 The Michigan delegation to Cincinnati was chosen at an unusu- 
 ally interesting State Convention, held at Grand Rapids, May 10, 
 1876, and consisted of the following members: At Large — Henry 
 P. Baldwin, William A. Howard, Delos L. Filer and Jonathan J. 
 Woodman. By IMstricts — (1) William G. Thompson, Herman Kiefer; 
 (2) Rice A. Real, Charles Rynd; (3) William H. Withington, Edward 
 
 iMitti 
 
., .■;■■"!;'■ 
 
 Tn 
 
 THE HIXTH KKIM'MLK'AN rAilPAKJN. 
 
 LMU 
 
 Kiition in New 
 good hold on 
 erstood at tho 
 ation together 
 for someone 
 
 career in very 
 
 of his State 
 
 (lovernorship 
 
 United HtateH 
 
 him of any of 
 
 ite were honey- , 
 
 e society, the 
 
 > Capital itself, 
 
 iriations neces- 
 
 lent. But Mr. 
 
 New York, and 
 
 i^n in Indiauap- 
 
 '8 of the State. 
 
 ing, and had a 
 
 He reprejBsed 
 
 ly showeu rare 
 
 ed Governor in 
 
 E* he took rank 
 
 were "favorite 
 lie same rank. 
 >re the Conven- 
 mise candidate, 
 narrow views. 
 ;h his vigorous 
 illowing in this 
 di^opped out of 
 
 m at an unusn- 
 ;apids, May 10, 
 I^arge — Henry 
 id Jonathan J. 
 Serman Kiefer; 
 ington, Edward 
 
 S. Jjiuey; (4) N. A. Hamiltim, (leorge Hannahs; (5) A. H. WatHon, 
 M Kenjamin 1>. Pritchard; (0) William L. Smith, William H. Oeorge; |7) 
 
 John <\ Waterbury, Samuel .1. Tomlinson; (M) Theodore F. Shepard, 
 A. H. Hoyt; (») VVilliani H. (\ Mitchel, Edward lireltung. 
 
 Sentiment in the ('onventi<m that j-liose these delegates was 
 unquestionably favorable to Blaine, wlio had succeeded Seward in 
 the affections of Michigan Kepublicans. In the course of previous 
 campaigns he had made a few s]>eeches to immense mass meetings 
 in the State, and his brilliant career in Congress had been wat<*hed 
 with interest and admiration. There was some talk in the Conven- 
 tion of instructing the delegation, and this would probably have been 
 done, had it not been for the interposition of William A. Howard. 
 Mr. Howard was then as sound as ever from the shoulders up, but 
 was very feeble in body, and was badly crippled. Tjoud calls had 
 been made upon him for a speech early in the proceedings, to which 
 he did not respond. He was chosen by acclamation a delegate-at- 
 large, and was again called for, when he feebly hobbled forward on 
 crutches, was assisted to the platform, and sat down. He commenced 
 in a low voice, but soon warmed with his subject, and spoke in that 
 animated and earnest manner which had so often carried audiences 
 of Michigan Republicans to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. He 
 gave interesting reminiscences. of party history, and in relation to the 
 approaching National Convention said: 
 
 "The campaign is peculiar in this, that sentiment as to candi- 
 dates is not crystallized. The whole question is one of settling indi- 
 vidual preferences and of consulting availability. The prominent 
 candidates are all representative Bepublicans and all worthy of sup- 
 port. But we have not to consult altogether our own preferences. 
 The battle is not to he won in^ Michigan, but in doubtful states like 
 New York. Any one of the leaders can carry the banner triumphant 
 throughout Michigan. We want a leader who will carry it to victory 
 in weak places all along the line, and if we secure this we shall 
 triumph. As to myself, I have no individual prefereni'es. I am in 
 earnest for the cause, but indifferent as to the man. I am not a 
 Blaine man, nor a Bristow man, nor a Morton man; I am your man 
 and for the triumph of the cause.'^ 
 
 Mr. Howard, at this point half arose, leaned forward, and, with 
 earnest gesture and strong emphasis upon the closing words of the 
 sentence, brought the enthusiasm of the audience to a high pitch. 
 He then went on to show the grounds of encouragement furnished 
 
 Wh^^-^h 
 
 ■' ar.-.-. ■ ,'^- .: 
 
■^■ 
 
 IMHTORY OF THK UKIM'HLirAN PARTY. 
 
 IB! 
 
 Ii.v tlu' "Coiif»'d«M*at«* lloiiw" at WaMliiiiKton, n'f»'rn*d to itM fiitilr 
 nttarkM u|i(>u UciMiblicuiiH, and continued: 
 
 "We want the beHt and HtronKeHt man anion^ the R4*|Mib1i<'anM. 
 In eonBiiltinK availability, we nniHt be Hiire to get pronoune«'d Repub- 
 lleanH. We want no more T.vleiH, no more And.v .folniMonfi. We nnint. 
 Heleet from the tried memberH of onr party. In thlH Meleetlon I pro- 
 p<»He to aid, by the UHe of my boHt jndKnient. and I want you to 
 inHtrnct me junt an little an yon dare. I don't want to j^o to Cincin- 
 nati with my liandH tied. I want to go tm free that if I Hee a chance 
 to do a good thing for you anywhere, I can avail mynelf of It." 
 
 The plea was effective and no reHolution for InstructionH wan 
 even introduc(Hl In the <'onvention. A canvaMM of the delegateM after 
 adj(>urnment showed that a majority of them were at the time for 
 nialne, but before the National <\inventlon met, wlill«> admiration for 
 Hlaine did not dlmlnlBh, doubtH IncreaMed a» to tlu> ex|HHliency of 
 lii8 nomination at that time. On the different baUott* the vote of the 
 delegation waH u» rtjlows: First and second, Itlaine, S; Conkllng, 1; 
 Hristow, U; Hayes, I. Third, Ttlalne, «; Conkllng, 1(>; Hayes, 4. Fourth, 
 Hlaine. 0; Hristow, 11; Hayes, 5. Fifth, sixth and seventh, Hayes, 22. 
 
 Th^* naming of candidates for the Presidential nomination was 
 rea«-hed on the second day of the (Mncinnuti gathering, the states 
 l»eing called in alphabetical order. Stephen W. Kellogg, of Connecti- 
 cut nominated Marshal Jewell; Mr. Morton's name was presented by 
 Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, who was seconded by P. B. 8. 
 Pinvhbock, of Louisiana. < General Stewart L. Woodford, of New 
 YorV, presented (^inkling's name. General Harlan, of Kentucky, 
 nominated Ilenjamin F. Hristow, who was supported by Judg(> 
 Poland, of Vermont, (leorge William Curtis, of New York, and 
 Richard A. Dana, of Massachusetts. Robert (}. Ingersoll, of Illihois, 
 nominated Blaine, and was seconded by William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 <jlovernor Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio, nominated Governor Hayes, 
 and was supported by Senator Benjamin F. W'ade. Mr. Ingersoll's 
 speech nominating Hlaine has passed into history as the nuist noted 
 of Convention orations in this country. W-ith the omission of the 
 opening paragraph, it was as follows: 
 
 The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader, 
 in the great contest of 1876, a man of intellect, of integrity, of known 
 and approved political opinions. They demand a statesman, they 
 demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand 
 a politician in the highest and broadest and best sense of that word. 
 
 eass 
 
 ll.l.ll.l- IHMIIJII 
 
 l.iC " 
 
mmm 
 
 *.M 
 
 f 
 
 TY. ■ 
 
 vi\ to itM futile 
 
 Ih' R<'|MibliranH. 
 )n(iunci>d Repiib- 
 ittonft. We iiiiiHt. 
 Heleetioii I i»ro- 
 I WHllt .vou to 
 to Ko to Cinrin- 
 f I Hee it cbancv 
 If of It." 
 
 liiHtniftionB WUH 
 
 e dele|{ateH after 
 
 at the time for 
 
 le admiration for 
 
 H* ex|»edlenp.v of 
 
 H tlie vote of the 
 
 e, H; Conklinf;, 1; 
 
 la.vefi, 4. Fourth, 
 
 venth, Hayes, 22. 
 
 nomination was 
 
 lerini;, the stateH 
 
 lojjK, of Conneeti- 
 
 wa» presented by 
 
 nded by P. B. R. 
 
 'oodford, of New 
 
 an, of Kentueky, 
 
 ported by Judtje 
 
 New York, and 
 
 person, of Illinois, 
 
 *. Prye, of Maine. 
 
 Governor Hayes, 
 
 (. Mr. Inj^ersoll's 
 
 as the nM>8t noted 
 
 s omission of the 
 
 i as their leader, 
 itegrlty, of known 
 I statesman, they 
 on. They demand 
 ?nse of that word. 
 
 TIIK IXTII UKIM'nLH AN \J \HiN, 
 
 j,\r.\ 
 
 They d(>itiund a iin i a<#|Uii 
 of the jM'ople, witli iHtl (»iil 
 the demands of the fiiliir 
 roniprehend the relation)- 
 of the earth. They deniHii 
 and prerogatives «if each 
 
 '«m| with iMihlit jifr«ji'R. with the wanirt 
 ■ re<|ii nefMit the hour, but wllli 
 riiey «)' ,aiid a in.tii broad enough lo 
 I the <ii •riiment to the other natiouM 
 I iiuiii w il versed In the powers, duties 
 fid I'very department of this (hivernmeni. 
 They demand a man who will saer«>diy preserve the ttnanrial honor 
 of the I'nited Ktates, one who knows enough to know that all the 
 financial theories of the world eannot redeem a single dollar; one 
 who knows enough to know that all the money must be nuide, n>it 
 by law, but by lai)or; one who knows enough to know that the |N'ople 
 of the I'nited Htates have the industry to make the money and the 
 honor to pay It over just as fast as they nuike it. 
 
 The Hepublicans of the rnite«l Htates denuind a man who knows 
 that prosperity and resumption, when they come, must ronu' 
 together. When they come hand in luind through the golden har\esl 
 Helds, hand in hand by the whirling spindles and turning wheels, 
 hand in hand by the open furnace doors, hand in hand by the tiaiming 
 forges, hand in hand by chimneys tilled by eager Are, rocked ami 
 grasped by the hands of the counth-ss nous of toil. This money has 
 got to be dug out of the earth: yon cannot nuike it by passing resolu- 
 tions at a political meeting. 
 
 The K(>nubli<-ans of the Tnited Htates want a man who knows 
 that this Oovernment should protect every citizen, at home and 
 abroad, who knows that any (Government that will not defend its 
 defenders, and will not protect its protectors, is a disgrace to the 
 map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal 
 separation of church and schools. They demand a man whose polit- 
 ical reputation is as sfiotless as a star; but they do not demand that 
 their candidate shall have a <-ertiflcate of character from a (\mfed- 
 erate ('ongress. The man who has, in full and rounde<l measure, all 
 of these splendid quallflratlons is the present grand and gallant 
 leader of the Bepubljean party, James (?. Blaine. 
 
 Our country crowned with the vast and nmrvelous achievements 
 of its first century, asks for a nmn worthy for the past and propheth- 
 of her future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks 
 for a nmn who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and 
 brain, beneath the flag. That man is James <}. Blaine. For the 
 Kepublican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no such 
 thing as defeat. This is a grand year, a year filled with the recol- 
 lection of the Revolution, filled" with proud and tender memories of 
 the sacred, filled with the legends of liberty; a year in which the 
 sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a 
 year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Con- 
 gress what our soldiers won upon the field; a year in which we call 
 lor the man that has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of 
 slander, a man that has snat<'hed the mask of Democracy from the 
 hideous. face of rebellion; a man, who, like an intellectual athlete, 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 - T^-i^TKiri t /«♦' 
 
 i'~^'^^ :.^',''>'y 
 
 . , > ' Wg»w»Twr j f TMjT ■^ .■rt;^^ib.j'yjcwi=a-iyr. ' 
 
 
204 
 
 HIHTOKY OF TIIK KKIM^BMCAN TARTY. 
 
 ;«''^. ..- 
 
 Htood in the urcnii of debat(>, rlmlleiiKiHl all conicrM. imd whu up to tlit> 
 lirciient inoniciit, Ih a total Htranxcr to defeat. 
 
 Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knlKlit, Jame* (). Blaine 
 nuirehed down the hallH of an Ameriean ConKreMM, and threw IiIh 
 HhininK lance full and fair, aKuinftt the brazen forehead of every 
 defanier of this i-ouutr.v, and niallKner of itn honor. For the Kepuli- 
 liean party to deHert that gallant man now Ih an thoutth an army 
 Mhould deHert their K<'neral upon the field of battle. .Iain h (}. HIaine 
 in now, and has been for yearM, the hearer of the fiaerefi xtandard of 
 the llepnblic. I rail it naered, h<>eau8e no hnnmn l>eiii^ can Htand 
 beneath its folds without becominK 'i"<l without remaining fr(><>. 
 
 GENTLEMEN OF THE <'ONVENTION--In the name of the 
 great Kepublio, the only Republic that ever exinted upon thlR earth, lii 
 the name of all her defender!* and of all the Hupport4>rM, in the name of 
 all her MoldierH living, in the name of her HoldierH that are dead uiKin 
 the field of battle, and in the name of those that perished in the skele- 
 ton clutches of famine at Andersonville and Libby, Illinois nominates 
 for the next President of this country that prince of parliamentariaiiM, 
 that leader of leaders, James O. Blaine. 
 
 Although on the first six ballots Mr. Blaine had more votes than 
 the aggregate of any other two candidates, the combination in the end 
 proved too strong and on the seventh ballot Rutherford B. Hayes, of 
 Ohio, was nominated. The record of the ballots was as follows: 
 
 Ist. 
 
 James G. Blaine, of Maine 2K5 
 
 Beuj. H. Bristow, of Kentucky. . 11:1 
 Roscoe Conkling, of New York. . !M) 
 
 John F. Hartranft, of Penn 58 
 
 61 
 
 11 
 
 124 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio. 
 Marshall Jewell, of Conne«:ticut . 
 
 Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana 
 
 E. B. Washburne, of lllinoifi 
 
 Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York . . 
 
 2d. 
 
 21W 
 
 114 
 
 \V.i 
 
 6a 
 
 64 
 
 Ad. 
 21W 
 121 
 00 
 68 
 67 
 
 4th. 
 2»2 
 126 
 
 84 
 71 
 
 68 
 
 5th. 
 
 286 
 
 114 
 
 82 
 
 69 
 
 104 
 
 6th. 
 
 808 
 
 HI 
 81 
 50 
 
 113 
 
 7th. 
 
 351 
 
 21 
 
 384 
 
 3 
 
 111 
 1 
 3 
 
 113 
 1 
 2 
 
 108 
 3 
 2 
 
 95 
 3 
 3 
 
 86 
 4 
 
 William A. Wheeler and Stewart L. Woodford, of New York; 
 Joseph R. Hawley and Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, and Frederick 
 T. Frellnghuysen, of New Jersey, were mentioned for Vice-President, 
 but the balloting showed Mr. Wheeler so far in the lead that the 
 rest were withdrawn, and he was nominated by acclamation. Mr. 
 Wheeler had been a useful member of Congress, where he rendered 
 especially good service as Chairman of the Committee on the Pacific 
 Railroads. He was more widely known, however, as the author of 
 the "Whfieler Compromise," wh|<'h patched up one of the chronic 
 
 h i 
 
 ""■'AA!il!W!!!5*S**W*a 
 
 ■"'f '■■■ : i? 
 
 ■;■■>' - »Sfe;-:- 
 
Y. ■-.;^„, .: 
 
 Id whu up to tlit> 
 
 |atiH'» (}. Illaiut' 
 and tlir(*w IiIh 
 |-cliead <»f evci'v 
 For the Itepub 
 Ihoutfl) an anii.v 
 ilaiii H (}. Hlain<> 
 }i'«»fl Mtandard of 
 lH>inK ran Htand 
 inin(f rr(>«>. 
 
 he nani(> of the 
 ton this oartb, in 
 
 , in the name (»f 
 It are dead u|)on 
 hed in the Hkolo- 
 linoiH noniinateR 
 arlianientariaiiM, 
 
 more i 
 
 I'oteii than 
 
 nation in the end 
 
 ord H. 
 
 Hayes, of 
 
 1 aH follows: 
 
 . 5th. 
 
 6th. 7th. 
 
 i 28(t 
 
 308 351 
 
 t 114 
 
 Ul 21 
 
 I 82 
 
 81 
 
 I 60 
 
 50 .. 
 
 i* 104 
 
 113 384 
 
 ^ 95 
 
 85 
 
 i 3 
 
 4 
 
 i 3 
 
 2 .. 
 
 I, of New York; 
 It. and Frederick 
 r Vice-Presideut, 
 e lead that the 
 olamation. Mr. 
 [lere he rendered 
 ee on the Pacific 
 as the author of 
 } of the chronic 
 
 
 TIIK WI.XTfl RKPfTBLir.VN <',AMP.\ION. 
 
 20."5 
 
 political <|uarrelM in liouiniana, recoKuixed the Kepulilican Kello^); 
 (lovernnient, as aitainHt the Peniocratic McKnerv (iovernnient, Hettled 
 disputcH aH to certain Heats in the liouHe of KepresentativeH in that 
 Htate, and reHton^l the peace until the next election. 
 
 Following is the platform adopted by the L'uu vent ion at Cincin- 
 nati: 
 
 When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be pureed 
 of human Hiaver.v, and when the Htren^th of the K<>v<'i'nment of the 
 {MHiple, b,v the peo|)le and for the people, was to be (lenionstratHl, the 
 Republican party came into |>ower. Its de<*dH have paHsed into his- 
 tory, and we look back to them with pride. Incittnl by their 
 n4emori<>H to hi^h aimn for the good of our <-ountry and uuinkind, and 
 looking to the future with unfaltering courage, ho|»e and purpoHe, we, 
 the representatives of the party, in National Convention assembled, 
 make the f<»llowinK declarations of principl<>H: 
 
 1. The Cnited Htates of America Ih a Nation, not a leaKne. Ity 
 the <-oml>ined workiuKs of the National and Htate (^overnmentM, 
 undcc llu'ir respective Constitutiims, the rights of every <-iti9sen are 
 secured, at home and abroad, and the <-ommon welfare promoted. 
 
 2. The Kepublican party has preserved these governments to 
 the hundredth anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now 
 embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle: "That all men 
 are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
 inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of 
 luippiness; that lor the attainment of these ends governments liave 
 been instituted among men, deriving their just p»>wer8 from the 
 consent of the governed." Cntil these truths are clieerfully obeyed, 
 <ir, if need be, \ igorously enfor<'ed, the work of the Kepublican party 
 is unfinished. 
 
 3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of tlie 
 Union, and the complete protection of all its citiKens In the free enjoy- 
 ment of all Iheir rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands 
 sacredly pledged. Tlie power to provide for t'ne enforcement of the 
 prin<'ipleg embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is 
 vested, by those Amendments, in the Congress of the United Htates; 
 and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of tlie Legislative and 
 Executive Departments of the (Government to put into immediate and 
 vigorous exercise all their Constitutional powers for removing any 
 just cause of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to 
 every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the 
 exercise of all civil, political and public rights. To this end we 
 imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose 
 courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results 
 are placed beyond dispute or recall. 
 
 4. In the first Act of Congress signed by President Grant the 
 National Government assumed to remove any doubt of its purpose to 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^■i'.-itfvri-yr-- .. ■ ^ ■ g p- w — — - ^ 
 
 ^v-gff^J3J^'&:t^^?W/-M^<^e C^-A^Jt■yr*^^''■t•■^^^Aff^ • 
 
 .,-«..^--.*.,r^,-. ^?J^p?l?5?!pi?WiPWipffiP*^ 
 
I) 
 
 2M 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPDULK^AN PARTY. 
 
 disohanje till just obligations to the public creditors, and "solemnly 
 pledged its faitli to make j)rovi8ion at the earliest practicable period 
 lor the redemption of the I'nited States notes in coin." Commercial 
 prosperity, public ntorals and national credit demand that this 
 promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to sptM'ic 
 payment. 
 
 5. Under the Constitution, the President and heads of depart- 
 ments are to make nominations for office, tlie Senate is to advise and 
 consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to 
 accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interests of the 
 public service demand that these distinctions be respected; that Sena- 
 tors and Representatives who may be judges and ai'cusers should not 
 dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments 
 should have reference to the honesty, fidelity and capacity of the 
 appointees, giving to the party in power those phu-es where harmony 
 and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but 
 |)ermitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole refer- 
 ence to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of citizens to 
 Hhare in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. 
 
 G. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern- 
 ing political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid 
 responsibility, and engage that the pfosecution and punishment of all 
 who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough and unsparing. 
 
 7. The public school system of the several States is the bulwark 
 of the American Republic; and, with a view to its security and per- 
 nmnence, we recommend an Amendment to the Constitution of the 
 I'Uited States, forbidding the application of any public funds or prop- 
 erty for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian 
 control. 
 
 8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obli- 
 gation of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon 
 importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote 
 the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the 
 whole country. 
 
 9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public 
 lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the National 
 domain be devoted to free homes for the people. 
 
 10. It is the imperative duty of the Oovernment so to modify 
 existing treaties with European governments that the same protection 
 shall be afforded to tlie adopted American citizen that is given to the 
 native-born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect 
 emigrants in the absence of power in the States for that purpose. 
 
 11. It is the immediate duty of Congress to fully investigate the 
 effect of the immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the 
 moral and material interests of the country. 
 
 12. The Republican party recognize with approval the substan- 
 tial advances recently made toward the establishment of equal rights 
 for women by the many important amendments effected by Republican 
 
 •«ii^ 
 
 Mira 
 
 v^\' 
 
* 
 
 ■M 
 
 B^a;:' V.T-. !■■ 
 
 IT y\. 
 
 n 
 
 THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN ( AMPAKIN. 
 
 297 
 
 nd "solemnly 
 'ticable perioil 
 Commercial 
 ind that thiH 
 ;re8s to 8p<M'ie 
 
 ads of depart- 
 to advise aud 
 ntatives is to 
 terests of the 
 ted; that Hena- 
 lers should not 
 appointments 
 apacity of thej 
 vhere harmony 
 presented, but 
 vith sole refer- 
 it of citizens to 
 country, 
 jeople concern- 
 •rs to a rigid 
 nishment of all 
 insparing. 
 is the bulwark 
 Lurity and per- 
 ititi'ition of the 
 funds or prop- 
 nder sectarian 
 
 L's and the obli- 
 mi duties upon 
 jted to promote 
 osperity of the 
 
 a of the public 
 at the National 
 
 t so to modify 
 lame protection 
 is given to the 
 ssed to protect 
 t purpose, 
 investigate the 
 lians upon the 
 
 al the substan- 
 
 of equal rights 
 
 by Republican 
 
 Legislatures in the laws which concern the jiersonal and property 
 relations of wives, mothers and widows and by the appointment and 
 election of women to the superintendence of education, charities a ind 
 other public trusts. The honest denmnds of this class of citizens for 
 additional rights, privileges and immunities should be treate<l with 
 respectful consideration. 
 
 13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power 
 over the territories of the United States for their governments; and 
 in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to 
 prohibit and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism- 
 polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end 
 and the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories. 
 
 14. The pledges which the Nation has given to her soldiers and 
 sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those 
 who imperil their lives for the country's preservation in the kindest 
 remembrance. 
 
 15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. 
 We, therefore, note with deep solicitude that the i)emocratic party 
 counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the Electoral vote of a united 
 South, secured through the efiorts of those who were recently arrayed 
 against the Nation, and we invoke the earnest attention of the country 
 to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sectional 
 strife and imperil sectional honor and hunmr rights. 
 
 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in char- 
 acter and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; with making its 
 control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportunity 
 of the Nation's recent foes; with reasserting and applauding, in the 
 National Capitol, the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion; with 
 sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate 
 soldiers to the front; with deliberately proposing to repudiate the 
 plighted faith of the (xovernment; with being e<)uallyfalseand imbecile 
 upon the overshadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends 
 of justice by its partisan management and obstruction of invcstigti- 
 tion; with proving itself, through the period of its ascendancy in the 
 Jjower House of Congress, utterly incompetent to administer the Gov- 
 ernment; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike 
 unworthy, recreant, and incapable. 
 
 17. The National Administration merits commendation for its 
 honorable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, 
 and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the 
 American people for his patri(Ttisni and his eminent services in war 
 and in peace. 
 
 18. We present, as our tandidates for President and Vice-Presi 
 dent of the United States two distinguished statesmen of eminent 
 ability and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high oflBces, 
 and we confidently appeal to the American people toentrust the admin- 
 istration of their public afTnirs to Rutherford R. Hayes and William 
 A. Wheeler. 
 
 i 
 
 ^:| 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 •# 
 
....:',.j.i,a>JH..,.t ...,.,. 
 
 298 HISTORY OF THE REimBLICAN TARTY. 
 
 Iir'the pamyaign of 1876 the Democrats took an entirely new 
 departure, both in candidate and platform. Their candidate for 
 President, Samuel J. Tilden, had been chiefly occupied with money 
 getting until he was some years past 50, when the opportunity offered 
 to render a conspicuous service to the community. The New York 
 Times in 1871 made some astounding revelations of the corruptions 
 and stealings of the "Tweed Ring" in New York Tity, and with great 
 industry uncovered the details of the fraudulent operations, which, 
 with equal courage it published. But it needed something more than 
 
 the disclosures to break 
 up the ring, and in this 
 Mr. Tilden rendered 
 very efficient aid, both 
 as a Member of the As- 
 s e m b 1 y and in the 
 courts. Whether it was 
 this public* activity that 
 first roused his desire 
 for political distinction, 
 or whether he had been 
 simply biding his time, 
 he took advantage of 
 the opportunity, se- 
 cured the nomination 
 for (lovernor in 1874 
 and was swept into the 
 Executive chair, by the 
 same tidal wave that 
 carried so many other 
 Democrats into power. 
 RUTHKKFOBD B. HATES. As Govemor he made a 
 
 vigorous warfare upon the "Canal Ring," which had been robbing 
 the State, under all political parties, for a generation dr two. H^, 
 could very properly come before the public as a reformer. Tammany 
 Hall opposed him, but he had secured such complete control of the 
 Democratic organization in New York State, that for once Tammany 
 was helpless. In the National Convention, which opened in St. 
 Louis, June 27, John Kelly, who had succeeded William M. Tweed 
 as Tammany's Boss, vigorously opposed Tilden, and was aided by a 
 few of the strongest Demociats of the older school. They claimed 
 
 mmmm 
 
SSS^^SS?S5BSS3Ka* 
 
 THE SIXTH RP:PrBLICAN PAMPAKSN. 
 
 21M) 
 
 entirely new 
 
 candidate for 
 
 d with money 
 
 rtunity offered 
 
 'he New Yorlv 
 
 le corruptions 
 
 ind with great 
 
 'ationg, which, 
 
 ling more than 
 
 >8ure8 to break 
 
 ng, and in this 
 
 in rendered 
 
 tnent aid, both 
 
 iber of the Ag- 
 
 y and in the 
 
 iVhether it was 
 
 ii* actiA'ity that 
 
 Bed his desire 
 
 cat distinction, 
 
 er he had been 
 
 iding his time, 
 
 advantage of 
 
 pportunity, se- 
 
 he nomination 
 
 ernor in 1874 
 
 swept into the 
 
 i^e chair, by the 
 
 4al wave thui 
 
 so many other 
 
 its into power. 
 
 rnor he made a 
 
 I been robbing 
 
 1 or two. H^j 
 
 er. Tammany 
 
 control of the 
 
 once Tammanv 
 
 opened in 8t, 
 
 iam M. Tweed 
 
 vas aided by a 
 
 They claimeil 
 
 that he could not carry New York State, and sought to divert some of 
 his support to General Hancock, Thomas A. Hendricks and others. 
 }tut the new machine, which Tilden had put together, was too strong 
 for them, and on the flrst ballot he had almost the requisite two- 
 thirds vote. On the second his nomination was made unanimous. 
 Thomas A. Hendricks was with e<]ual unanimity nominated for 
 Vice-President. 
 
 The platform was very long and was in keeping with the reform 
 professions of Mr. Tilden. It consisted of denunciations of Repub- 
 lican acts, a large num- 
 ber of demands, and a 
 tiresome reiteration of 
 the statement, "reform 
 is necessary," applied to 
 a large number of spe- 
 cific subjects. But the 
 campaign was not 
 fought out on the plat- 
 form. The Democrats 
 laid particular stress 
 upon Mr. Tilden's re- 
 form record, and back 
 of that was Tilden's * 
 own adroit manage- 
 ment. He had already 
 become an expert poli- 
 tician, and from the re- 
 cesses of his handsome 
 residence at No. 15 
 Gramercy Park, he con- 
 ducted his own cam- 
 paign. The Republicans hunted up abundant evidence of devious- 
 ness in some of Tilden's former business transactions, but this really 
 had little effect upon the votecfi, as his official career had been com- 
 mendable. Much more effective for Republican use was the 
 ammunition furnished by the "Confederate Congress," the first Dem- 
 ock'atic House of Representatives for 18 years. The nem«icrat8 had u 
 large majority in the House, and the Southern wing had commenceil 
 once more to rule the Democrats. Their boast: "The South is in the 
 saddle again" cost them more votes than all of Tilden's tortuous 
 business transactions. 
 
 WILLIAM A. WHBBL.ER. 
 
 m 
 
 IF 
 
300 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE KEPIBLIOAN PARTY. 
 
 ThiA year witnessed the GenesiB of the Greenback party, which 
 met at Indianapolis, May 17, nominated Peter Cooper, of New Yorli, 
 for President, and Samuel P. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President, and 
 adopted the following, the tirst platform of a party that brought its 
 opinions before the people for several campaigns following: 
 
 The Independent pai-tv !» called into existence by the necessities 
 of the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived 
 of its lUst reward bv a ruinous policy, which the Republican and Dem- 
 ocratic parties refuse to change; and, in view of the failure of these 
 parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the country, 
 lher«bv disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the suffer- 
 ing people, we declare our principles, and invite all independent and 
 patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for financial reform 
 and industrial emancipation. 
 
 1. We demand the imtoediate and unconditional repeal of the 
 Specie Resumption Act of January 14, 1875, and the rescue of out 
 industries from ruin and disaster, resulting from its enforcement; 
 and we call upon all patriotic men to organize in every Congressional 
 district of the countrv, with a view of electing Representatives to 
 Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard, 
 and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction. 
 
 2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the 
 (Government, and convertible, on demand, into Ignited States obliga 
 lions, bearing k rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each 
 one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at 
 par, will atfortt the best circulating medium ever devised. Such 
 I'niled States notes should be full legal tenders for all purposes, 
 except for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing con- 
 tracts, especially "made payable in coin; and we hold that it is the 
 duty of the Government to provide such a circulating medium, and 
 insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that "bank paper must 
 be suppressed and the circulation restored to the Nation to whom it 
 belongs." 
 
 3. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legis- 
 lation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business, 
 agricultural, mining, manufacturing and commercial, * 
 
 4. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold, 
 bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made for 
 a long period, "hewers of wood and drawers of water," to fbreigners, 
 especially as the American people would gladly and promptly take 
 at par all bonds the (Government may need to sell, providing they are 
 made payable at the option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.05 
 |)er cent, per annum or even a lower rat<». 
 
 5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds, 
 tor the puri»ose of purchasing silver to be used as a substitute for our 
 
 IMill i Jl l iPHIM 
 
1- 
 
 THE HIXTH REPITHLKWN CAMPAION. 
 
 301 
 
 party, whidi 
 }f New York, 
 'resident, and 
 it brought its 
 •ing: 
 
 he necessities 
 or is deprived 
 lean and Deui- 
 iiure of these 
 'the country, 
 of the suffer- 
 ependent and 
 lancial reform 
 
 repeal of the 
 rescue of our 
 enforcement ; 
 ('ongressional 
 'sentatives to 
 n this regard, 
 contraction. 
 
 iirectly by the 
 States obliga- 
 a day on each 
 tates notes at 
 'Vised. Such 
 ail purposes, 
 ' existing con- 
 that it is the 
 ; medium, and 
 ik paper must 
 on to whom, it 
 
 n all its legis- 
 mate business, 
 
 ■\ 
 
 r issue of gold,, 
 i be made for 
 ' to fbreigners, 
 promptly take 
 riding they are 
 nterest at 3.05 
 
 rnment bonds, 
 •stitute f«)r our 
 
 more convenient fractional currency, which. «;!''"'!f J!'" ["'{"Xn- 
 to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in oiK-ration it will still furtlui 
 oppress in taxation an already overburdened i»eopIe. 
 
 There was also a Prohibition Convent i<m at Cleveland, May 17, 
 which nominated (Jreen (May Smith, of Kentucky, for I'resident. and 
 there was an "American National" ticket, with James B. Walker, <.f 
 Wheaton, Illinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick of Syra 
 (•use, N. Y., for Vice-Pi'esident. 
 
 The ()«tober elections this year were not sufficiently decisive to 
 make sure the final result and that remained in doubt up to the 
 very day of the November election, and in fact for some time after- 
 wards. ' The Democrats tlrst claimed the election and the Republi 
 <ans were inclined to concede it. But about 3 o'clock on the morning 
 after election a dispatch was sent out from Republican headquarters 
 in New York, signed Zachariah Chandler, (^hairman, and saying: 
 "Haves has 185 votes and is elected." The fact is Zachariah Chand- 
 ler iiad given up the case, and, exhausted by the fatigues of the 
 campaign and the excitement of the day, had retired, and was fast 
 asleep Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, and William E. Chandler, of 
 New Hampshire, were at headquarters, when dispatches were 
 received indicating that South Carolina. Florida and TA>nis- 
 ian;i had gone Republican, making up the necessary 185 votes. 
 When Zachariah Chandler arrived at headquarters the next morning 
 he approved the dispatch, and at oure set out, with his customary 
 vigor to make it good, but it kept him on the alert for the next three 
 
 months. 
 
 Mr Chandler afterwards said to the writer that this campaign 
 presented the greatest difficulties of any work that he ever undertook. 
 He could hardlv make a move that was not soon known to his adroit 
 and wily foe. *Hi8 dispatches were intercepted, and alter he secured 
 the use of private wires from New York and Philadelphia to Wash 
 ington his clerks were bribed. It was during the dispute over the 
 contested states that Harper's Weekly published a cartoon showing 
 the «. O. P. -lephant more than half way over the brink of a preci- 
 pice, and Cha.rman Chandler, with feet braced against a rock, trying 
 to hold him back bv the tail. When this was shown to Mr. Chandlei 
 he laughed heartily, and said: "Well if that rock don't give way, nor 
 the tail pull out, I'll land that animal yet." And he did, but was 
 sorry for it afterwards, for President Hayes' Administration was not 
 at all to his liking. 
 
 '^'': 
 
303 HI8TOKV OF THE HEFUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The' Electoral vote as tlnally detlared and counted by the Elec- 
 toral CommisBion, March 2, 1877, was: 
 
 Hayes and Wheeler '. 185 
 
 Tilden and Hendricks 184 
 
 The Popular vote for Presidenl was as follows: 
 
 Samuel J. Tilden, of New York 4,284,757 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio 4,033,950 
 
 I'eter ('oojjer, of New York 81,740 
 
 Oreen Clay Smith, of Kentucky 0,522 
 
 Scattering 2,636 
 
 In the Senate of the Forty-flfth Congress there were 39 Republi- 
 cans, 36 Democrats and 1 Indejiendeut; in the House, 156 Democrats 
 and 137 Republicans. 
 
 In the Forty-sixth Congress the Democrats controlled both 
 Houses, having 43 Senators to 33 Republicans, and 150 Representa- 
 tives, to 128 Republicans and 14 Nationals. 
 
 Michigan stood well by its Republican colors, giving Hayes 
 166,634, and Tilden 141,035, a Republican plurality of 25,439. The 
 (Greenback ticket had 9,060 votes and the Prohibition 766. Th<! 
 Presidential electors were: At Large — William A. Howard, Henry 
 W. Lord. By Districts— (1) William Doeltz; (2) Charles H. Kempf; 
 (3) Preston Mitchell; (4) Delos Phillips; (5) Jacob Den Herder; (6) 
 Charles Kipp; (7) Jeremiah Jen<ks; (8) Benton Hanchett; (9) William 
 Dunham. 
 
 For Governor, Charles M. Croswell, Republican, had 165,926, to 
 142,492 for William L. Webber, Democrat, and 8,297 for Levi Sparks, 
 Ureenback. 
 
 Alpheus S. Williams, of the Detroit District, was the only Demo- 
 crat elected to Congress, the Rt^publicans chosen being Mark S. 
 Brewer, Omar i). Qbnger, Charles C. Ellsworth, Jay A. Hubbell, 
 Edwin W. Keightly, Jonas H. McOowan, John W. Stone and Edwin 
 Willits. 
 
by the Elec- 
 
 . ... 185 
 
 . ... 184 
 
 4,284,757 
 
 4,033,950 
 
 81,740 
 
 0,522 
 
 2,636 
 
 •e 39 Repnbli- 
 56 Democrats 
 
 iitroUed both 
 Bepresenta- 
 
 giving Hayes 
 25,439. The 
 >n 766. Th<' 
 oward, Henry 
 es H. Kempf; 
 n Herder; (6) 
 ;t; (9) William 
 
 ad 165,926, to 
 p Levi Sparks, 
 
 he only Demo- 
 eing Mark S. 
 r A. Hubbell, 
 ne and Edvviii 
 
 ■> 
 
^-•-«»-' 
 
 / ' 
 
 i'J 
 
 /^ 
 
 XXIV. '^- --;■■:. :^. 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 
 
 A Severe Test of Republican Government — Both HideH Claim tho 
 Election — Disputed Voteg in the Southern Htateit — QueMtion a<i 
 to the Ri|{lit8 of the I'resident of the Senate — Various I'roposi 
 tions With Reference to the Count — An Electoral Coniniiasion 
 Decided Upon — Constitution of the (Commission — Democratic 
 Disappointment as to Judge Davis — Several Votes of Eight to 
 Seven — Hayes Declared Elected — Disclosure of Attempts to Buy 
 Electoral Votes. 
 
 In the space of twenty years the Oovernnient of the United States 
 was subjected to three very severe tests: The contest over the 
 Slavery question and the asserted right of Secession, which, com- 
 bined, actually brought war; the assassination of President Lincoln 
 and the succession to the Presidency of a man who was not in accord 
 with the views of the people that elected him, nor with the Congress 
 which fairly represented their purpose; and the contest over the 
 close and doubtful election of 1N7G. The last was a much severer 
 test than the second, and in any other Republic that has ever, either 
 temporarily or permanently, existed in the world, would have brought 
 on a revolution. The fact that it was peaceably settled by Congress 
 and the result acquiesced in by the country is the best tribute ever 
 paid to the fitness of the people of the United States for self-govern- 
 ment. 
 
 After the Electoral Colleges had met in the several States there 
 was left room for serious disputes as to the returns from four States, 
 besides objections of lighter weight to single votes in several other 
 States. In Oregon, which gave the Republican electors an nnqnes- 
 tioned majority, one of the electors was postmaster at the time of 
 the election and therefore disqualified, but the disqualification was 
 removed by his resigning both the postmastership and his place in the 
 Electoral College. When the latter met in 1 )ecember, he was chosen 
 to fill the vacancy in accordance with the law authorizing such action. 
 
 P 
 
 -v"^???;/ 
 
 : ^»»flWffg; ^^A^ytftv^ ^ i^j^^' 
 
 ,.^_'^">- 'i^','^^!W''^im'>f^mmil^mnmmimfmt 
 
 '■jftj^- 
 
 MKhp 
 
 'M; 
 
804 
 
 HIHTOKY OF THE KEPmhU^AN PARTY. 
 
 The case in three Houthern 8ta(eH nave better jfr^'^nd for Rerioiifi 
 (liH|uiteR than the Oregon cane. The colortKl voters were, at that 
 time, KepublicatiH, almost to a man, and as they far exceeded the 
 whites in numbers iu I^uisiana and Houth Tarolina, there was no 
 question but that the votes of those States, honestly cast and counted, 
 would be for Hayes. In Florida, the whites and blacks were more 
 nearly equal in numbers, but there was a larger projmrtion of white 
 Republicans there than in any other of the Gulf Htates, and with an 
 honest count, there was as little doubt about this Htate as about the 
 two others mentioned. But almost immediately after election ugly 
 riin.ors were heard of a purpose to nullify the will of the people in 
 these states, by false count or trumped up certificates of election. 
 .\t the suggestion of the Chairman of the Republican National Oom- 
 mittee. President Grant, three days after election, sent to GeneruJ 
 Hherman, a dispatch saying: ''Instruct General Augur in Louisiana, 
 and General Ruger, in Florida, to be vigilant with the force at their 
 command to preserve peace and good order, and to see that the proper 
 and legal boards of canvassers are unmolested in the performance of 
 their duties. Should there be any grounds for suspicion of a fraudu 
 lent count on either side, it should be reported and denounced at once. 
 No man worthy of the office of President should be willing to hold it 
 if counted in or placed there by fraud. Either party can afford to 1m« 
 disappointed in the result. The country cannot afford to have the 
 result tainted by the suspicion of illegal or false returns." Soon 
 after this eminent men of both parties, afterwards called "the visiting 
 statesmen," were sent to the three Btates mentioned above, to watch 
 the count and see that it was honestly and fairly conducted. 
 
 All these precautions, however, did not prevent the preparation 
 of two sets of Electoral returns from all three of the States. It is 
 doubtful if there h^d been an honest election in Louisiana since 1844, 
 when the "Plaquemine Frauds" were depended upon to carry the 
 State for Polk against Clay. There was no concealment of the faC|t, 
 that after the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, frauds were 
 committed at every election; first, to nullify the votes of the enfran- 
 chised blacks, and after that to free the State from "carpet-bag" rule. 
 As one of the Democratic pa))ers blandly stated it: "Election 
 methods were resorted to, which under other conditions would have 
 been unnecessary, but which then became indispensable;" and again, 
 "much of what has been called Southern lawlessness, was, in reality. 
 
 
 m 
 
 hmmmh 
 
'^ 
 
 f¥t>. 
 
 TIIK KhKCTOKAIitnlNT. 
 
 :\m 
 
 nd for Hcriotm 
 were, at thnt 
 
 exceeded the 
 there was no 
 t and counted, 
 'ks were more 
 rtlon of white 
 1, and with an 
 e ati about the 
 • election ugly 
 
 the people in 
 ed of election. 
 National Com- 
 (Ut to General 
 r in Louisianu, 
 I force at their 
 :hat the proper 
 [)erformance of 
 on of a f raudu 
 )unced at once, 
 lling to hold It 
 an afford to be 
 rd to have thr* 
 turns." Soon 
 sd "the viflitinj; 
 ibove, to watch 
 icted. 
 he preparation 
 
 States. It i« 
 iana since 1844, 
 1 to carry the 
 lent of the fact 
 it, frauds were 
 3 of the enfran- 
 arpet-bag" rule, 
 it : "Election 
 ons would havo 
 )le;" and again, 
 
 was, in reality. 
 
 simply u determined and energetic effort to keep the law and the 
 law ulaklng power in the hands of the Intelligent and virtuous 
 classes." It was under these "Intelligent and virtuous classes" that. 
 In 1H«8, a small majority for drant was turned into a very 
 large nuijoritv for Heymour. At that time the Republicans did 
 not need the vote of tlie State and it was of no use to the Demo 
 cratB. The fraud was. therefore, iK'rmitted to go unrebuked. Now 
 a corre<t count was a matter of vital importance. Since 1872 the 
 State had been more or less under the rule of two contemporaneous 
 Kxeculives, (lovernor Kellogg and (lovernor McEnery. while, » por- 
 tion of the time. New Orleans had bwn ruU-d by (leneral Anarchy. 
 The State was i»acitied by the "Wheeler Compromise" in 1875, but, 
 after the election, had fallen into its normally «haoth' condition. 
 There were two Oovernors, and two returning boards, two Electoral 
 Colleges, and two sets of Presidential Electors. 
 
 In Florida and South Carolina there were charges of fraud on 
 both sides, and the further claim was set up by the Democrats that 
 the presence of Ignited States troops near the polls amounted to 
 Intimidation, and prevented a fr«»e and fair eleition, and there were 
 two sets of rt turns from both these States. 
 
 Under these conditions it became a grave question as to exactly 
 what were the reBi>ective powers of the President of the Senate and 
 of the two Houses of Congress in counting the Electoral vote. Many 
 Republicans, and among them the Chairman and a majority of the 
 National Committee, held that the President of the Senate, by virtue 
 of his oftlce, had the right to count the Electoral vote, and that he 
 was vested by the Constitution with discretionary i^wer to decide 
 which were, and which were not, the El^itoral votes of a State. They 
 urged the President of the Senate should exercise this right, and 
 wero confident that the President and the army would support him 
 la it. This would have been placing very arbitrary power in the 
 hands of one man. If attempted, it would certainly have been 
 resisted by the Democratic House, up to the point of revolution. 
 
 The Democratic claim was that both Houses of Congress must 
 acquiesce in counting the votes of any State, and on the objection of 
 either House, the vote of such State must be rejected. In accord- 
 ance with this idea, the Thirty-eighth Congress, when counting the 
 Electoral vote in 1865, adopted a joint rule that "no Electoral vo/e 
 objected to, shall be counted, except by the concurrent vote of the 
 two Houses." This rule had not since been renewed. In such a 
 
 \m 
 
 !.' 
 
 -.^i .iiwiiwii 
 
 
 S^^^°J£-_>' ■'i-i*i.'i^."^'i* 
 
8IMI HIHTOKY OF THK UKIM lU.irAN TAKTY. 
 
 ouM* aa the one now in iiticiiiion it uiiKlit r«*u(iilv liiivo led to diiiin- 
 toitration, for witli u Peniocnitif Uoniie to rcjort tlie returns from 
 one Htate, nnd ti K<>|Miblirun Henate to r«'je<t thoMe of another, the 
 procenii of elimination nilKlit have been curried on, until there wttM 
 nttle left of the Klectoral vote. 
 
 Fnder these two cluiniM (he excitable men of both partieM lH*Kan 
 to talk about armed reHiHiunce, and one of the DeuuM'ratii of thiM 
 claHH. Henry Wattemon, of the liOuiMville Journal, vouch(>d for one 
 hundred thousand Democrats, who would be ready to march to Wash- 
 iuKton, and install Mr. Tilden in oflltce. The tmly |terce|itible result 
 of this threat was to bring out advice from Hepublicau pai)ers to the 
 valiant editor, to put ice on his head and cool otT, and that was what, 
 Hguratively speakintf, Congress did for itself. It promptly dis- 
 carded the extreme clainis of both |>arties, and set about the work of 
 Hnding some impartial tribunal which could settle all disi'uted points. 
 A few days after the Electoral Colleges met, Representative McCrary, 
 of Iowa, introduced in the House a resolution, providing for a com- 
 mittee, to act with a similar committee from the Henate, to consider 
 the subject of fairly disposing of the disputed votes, and "to prepare 
 and report, without delay, such a raeasun>, either Jjegislative or Con- 
 stitutional, as may, in their judgment, be best calculated to accom 
 plish the desired end." The resolution was adopted with great 
 unanimity, the Benate concurred and the committee was appointed 
 as follows: Benate — (leorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Frederick T. 
 Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; John A. Logan, of Illinois, and Oliver 
 P. Morton, of Indiana, Republicans, and Allen (1. Thurman, of Ohio; 
 Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, and Matt W. Ransom, of North Car 
 olina. Democrats. House — Henry B. Payne, of Ohio; Eppa Hunton, 
 ot Virginia; Abram 8. Hewitt, of New York, and William M. Springer, 
 of Illinois, Democrats; George W. McCrary, of Iowa; George F. Hoar, 
 of Massachusetts, ^nd George Willard, of Michigan, Republicans. 
 For ability and calm judgment this committee would rank with the 
 best ever appointed in any Congress. January 18, 1877 the two 
 committees, acting as one, reported a bill "to provide for and regulate 
 the counting of votes for President and Vice-President, and the 
 decision of questions arising thereon, for the term commencing 
 March 4, 1877." The report was signed by every member of the two 
 committees except Senator Morton. 
 
 Although the bill was fliially reported with such unanimity, the 
 conclusion was not reached without 'developing a great variety of 
 
 m 
 
 '»M 
 
THE KLKrTOKALCnrXT. 
 
 :J07 
 
 UhI to diiiiu- 
 rotiirnB from 
 
 another, tbH 
 til there wua 
 
 mrti«>ii Im>kiiii 
 
 H-ratH of thin 
 
 (^hcd for one 
 
 ireh to WuHh- 
 
 ptible result 
 
 pa|»erH to the 
 
 hat was what, 
 
 promptly dis- 
 
 It the work of 
 
 ■I iited poiDtw. 
 
 itivH McCrar.v. 
 
 Dg for a coui- 
 
 te, to consider 
 
 [id "to prepare 
 
 Hlative or Con- 
 
 ited to accom- 
 
 :ed with great 
 
 was appointed 
 
 t ; Frederick T. 
 
 oifl, and Oliver 
 
 rinan, of Ohio; 
 
 , of North Car 
 
 Eppa HuntoD, 
 
 m M. Springer, 
 
 eorge F. Hoar, 
 
 , Bepublicans. 
 
 rank with the 
 
 1877 the twp, 
 
 >r and regulate 
 
 ident, and the 
 
 n commencing 
 
 ber of the two 
 
 unanimity, the 
 eat variety of 
 
 ^m 
 
 viuwit uiid proponitioHH. The (■(Hiiniittcen of the IIoiihi* iuhI Hcnnte 
 at ArHt acted Heparu(«l,v Hoth Mtarted with the idea that a Hcparate 
 tribunal nniHt be eHtabliHhed, aw there wan little proH|)e<t of the two 
 IIouHeH agi-eeiuK upon the diHputed voteH. In the Ilouite ('onunitt(><> 
 Mr. MrCrar.v, who had moved tlie up]><»intment of the committee, wax 
 the HrMt to present the draft <»f a bUi, proposing timt the tribunal 
 should consist of the Chief .lusti««> of the Cnited Htates, and a certain 
 number of the Justices of the Hupreme Court in the order of their 
 seniority. The Denuxrats objected to this on the ground that ('hief 
 Justice Waite could not be considered an impartial Judge in the 
 case, inasmu<-li as, during the campaign, he had spoken of Mr. Tilden 
 in an extremely partisan way and in terms of personal hostility. The 
 tribunal, as tlnally agreed upon by the House committee, omitted the 
 Chief Justice and named the tlve senior Justices, Clifford, Swayne, 
 Davis, Miller and Field. Mr. Mi'Crary's bill proposed that the decision 
 of the tribunal should be binding unless both Houses voted to over- 
 rule it. The Democratic majority on the committee changed this so 
 as to provide that it should not be binding unless both Houses vote*! 
 to concur. The bill further provided that the t-ertiflcates objected to, 
 together with the objections and all papers and evidence i;i the pos- 
 session of theTresident of the Henate, or of either of the Houses of 
 Congress relating to the subject, should be referred to the tribunal. 
 The Senate committee started with the idea of a mixed tribunal, 
 which shonld contain members chosen from the two Houses of 
 Congress, as well as from the Supreme Court. The tirst proposition 
 was that it should consist of thirteen members, of whom nine should 
 be from Congress and four from the Supreme Court. In order to 
 give an equal chance to both parties, tlve members were to be chosen 
 from each House, making ten in all. It was expected that the 
 Senate would appoint Ave Republicans and the House Uve Democrats. 
 Of these, one was to be dropjied by lot, thus leaving it to the Jjord or 
 to chance to decide upon the political complexion of this part of the 
 tribunal. Then the Democrats insisted that if they were to cast lots 
 on the Congressional members jhey should also do it on the Supreme 
 Court members. Accordingly an agreement was reached that the 
 six senior Justices shonld be taken, and one of them be eliminated by 
 lot. This was agreed upon by all the members of both committees, 
 except by Mr. Springer, and the committees, after deciding that the 
 proposed organixation should be called a Commission, instead of a 
 Tribunal, adjourned from Saturday till Monday, in the hope that Mr. 
 Springer would fall into line. 
 
 
 ""■'M 
 
 '.■s::J %!■" ■ :..ir-; 
 
 ■ff"'- -!f:' 
 
308 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The Bessions of the eomiuittees were secret, in the sam« 8en?e 
 that Executive sessiong of the United Stales Senate are secret. Of 
 course some member lealied, and one of the New York Sunday papers 
 published the whole plan. It met with serious objection from some 
 Democrats, who didn't like the make-up of the Commission, and with 
 ridicule from others who did not like the idea of settling a grave 
 National question on the "dice-box principle." V*'hen the commit- 
 tees met jointly on the Monday morning following, Mr. Payne 
 announced that the premature publication of the plan had developed 
 such strong opposition as to indicate that it could not pass the House. 
 The committee from that body soon afterwards withdrew its assent 
 to the plan, and a new start had to be made. Within the next few 
 days many variations of the general plan were proposed and rejected. 
 Finally it was agreed, by all the members of both committees, that 
 five members of the Commission should be appointed by the Senate 
 and Ave by the House; that the Associate Justices from the First, 
 Third, Eighth and Ninth Judicial Circuits should be taken, and that 
 they should name a fifth, making fifteen members in all. The 
 Justices thus indicated by Districts, instead of by name were equally 
 divided politically, and well distributed geographically, Justice Clif- 
 ford representing New England, Justice Strong the Middle States, 
 Justice Miller the Northwest, and Justice Field the Pacific slope. 
 Senators Edmunds and Thurman were appointed to prepare an 
 address, setting forth the merits of the bill, and after amending and 
 approving this, the committees concluded their proceedings. 
 
 Of the reception of this important measure in the two Housee, 
 Congressman S. 8. Cox gave the following succinct account in his 
 "Three Decades of Federal I^^gislation :" 
 
 Its chief opponents in the Senate were Mr. Morton and Mr. Sher- 
 man, ^nd in the House Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, and Mr. Mills, of Texas. 
 Almost the first Tesponse to the submission of the bill came from 
 Massachusetts, where a prolonged struggle over Senator Boutwell » 
 seat was suddenly ended in the triumph of Mr. Hoar; Speeches, of 
 rare eloquence and power were ipade for the bill in both Senate and 
 House. Mr. Conkling spoke for two days. Among other things he 
 riddled to shreds the pretension that the Vice President had the right 
 to "count" the electoral votes. Senator Hill, of Georgia, made a 
 speech of unusual cogency. It breathed throughout the true patriotic 
 spirit. He favored the expedient with all his acumen and eloquence. 
 His enthusiasm kindlied a lambent ttame charged with electric force. 
 As he reached his i)eroration he was handed a telegram, announcing 
 that the protracted contest for Senator in his State had just ended 
 
 iiV 
 
nipmai— mi 
 
 mmm 
 
 siMMto 
 
 ITY. 
 
 the same 8en?e 
 are secret. Of 
 k Sunday papers 
 'ction from some 
 lission, and with 
 settling a grave 
 hen the commit- 
 ring, Mr. Payne 
 in had developed 
 t pass the House, 
 hdrew its assent 
 hin the next few 
 ised and rejected, 
 committees, that 
 ed by the Senate 
 i from the First, 
 e taken, and that 
 Ts in all. The 
 ftme were equally 
 ally, Justice Clif- 
 le Middle States, 
 the Pacific slope. 
 i to prepare an 
 ter amending and 
 :eedings. 
 
 the two Houseg, 
 et account in his 
 
 ton and Mr. Sher- 
 r. Mills, of Texas. 
 e bill came from 
 enator Boutwell's 
 oAv. Speeches, of 
 1 both Senate and 
 K other things he 
 ient had the right 
 Georgia, made a 
 the true patriotic 
 en and eloquence, 
 'ith electric force, 
 gram, announcing 
 te had just ended 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 
 
 in the senatorial toga being again placed on his shoulders. The 
 popular tide was now all one way. It was irresistible. VV hat would 
 be the consummation? The Democrats felt secure in the justice of 
 their cause. No matter to them who might be the fifth Judge, whoMe 
 ( hoice was to determine the party bias of the Commission. No one 
 doubtt^, however, that the choice of the fifth Judge would fall upon 
 Mr Justice Davis. He was the only one left on the bench on whom 
 the two Democrats and the two Republican Judges could ijossibly 
 unite. He was, to be sure, an unknown element, but, notwithstanding 
 this, the Democrats had more conftden<'e in his impartiality than the 
 Republicans seemed to have. 
 
 The bill passed the Senate, January 24, by vote of 47 ayes to 17 
 nays, and the House, January 26, by 1!H to 8«. There was an under 
 standing that the Senate should appoint three Republicans and two 
 Democrats, and that the House should name three Democrats and 
 two Republicans, the vote being taken viva voce. The members of 
 the Commission named were as follows: 
 
 genate — (5eorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Oliver P. Morton, of 
 Indiana, and Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, Repvib- 
 licans; Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, and Allen O. Thnrman, of 
 Ohio, Democrats. 
 
 House— Henrv B. Pavne. of Ohio, Eppa Hunton, of Virginia, and 
 Josiah O. Abbott', of Massachusetts, Democrats; James A. Garfield 
 and George F. Hoar, Republicans. 
 
 Supreme Court Justices— Nathan Clifford, of Maine; William 
 Strong, of Pennsylvania; Samuel F. Miller, of Iowa; and Stephen J. 
 Field, of California. 
 
 The Democrats in the House probably would never have voted 
 for this bill, if it had not been for the expectation that Justice David 
 Davis would be the fifth member from the Supreme Court. It was 
 said at the time that Abram S. Hewitt, who was the closest to Mr. 
 Tilden of all the members of Congress, had assured that gentleman 
 that Justice Davis would be selected, and that it was on this assur- 
 ance that Mr. Tilden's assent to the Commission bill was obtained. 
 Certainly it was this belief that led the Democrats to vote almost 
 unanimously in favor of the bill, and that led many Republicans to 
 oppose it. Justice Pavis was a man of uncertain politics. He was 
 a supporter of President Lincoln and was appointed by him to the 
 Supreme Bench. But he began, as early as 1870, to be classed as an 
 Independent, went into the Liberal Republican movement in 1872, 
 and was a prominent candidate for the Presidential nomination in the 
 
 '-m 
 
 If 
 
' rmiiiSSiSm 
 
 310 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPTJHLIOAN PARTY, 
 
 'v'..::?"^;,,; ■ 
 
 Cincinnati Convent ion of that year. He was varionsly classed as a 
 Liberal Republican with strong Democratic leanings, or as a Con- 
 servative Democrat with Republican leanings. The chances are that 
 if he had been on the Commission he would have voted hot', ways — 
 that is, with the Republicans on some points, and with the Democrats 
 at least enough to give them the one vote which they coveted. 
 
 Much to the disfippointmeut of the Democrats, political events 
 in Illinois put him out of the question as a member of the Commis- 
 mon. IjeneraJ Logan's term in the Senate was nearly at an end, and 
 tlie liCgislatni-e that was to elect his successor was very close. Under 
 the same iBfluences that had defeated the Radical Senators, Carpenter 
 and Chandler, two years earlier, a few malcontent Republicans united 
 with the Democrats and elected Justice Davis to the Senate over Gen. 
 Logan. This occurred the day after the Senate had accepted the 
 Electoral Commission bill and the day before the House had taken 
 the same action. Although he could not take his seat in the Senate 
 until after the Electoral matter was decided, there was a manifest 
 impropriety in his sitting on the Commission and the four Justices 
 who had already been appointed, selected Justice Joseph P. Bradley, 
 of Nftw Jersey, as the tlfth. 
 
 While this was going on in Congress, -iformation reached the 
 Republican National Committee of bold at*e,- *••- rt bribing Repub- 
 lican electors in Oregon, South (Carolina ri.\ a da. The matter 
 was called to the attention of Congress anc. , joint committee of 
 investigation was appointed. The negotiations for the. purchase of 
 electors had been carried on by cipher dispatches, of which the com- 
 mittee obtained possession. These were afterwards deciphered and 
 the whole plot laid bare. 
 
 The discovery of the key to the cipher dispatches, which 
 unraveled the plot to buy an electoral vote in Oregon, was made in 
 Detroit. Airied B. Hinman nM Alfred W. Shaw were together in 
 the oil business in Detroit, and Mr. Hinman was also engaged in 
 mining operations in the west which brought him in association with 
 J. N. H. Patrick, of Omaha. The latter was Mr. Tilden's agent in 
 Portland, Oregon, during the dispute there over the Electoral College 
 membership. Oregon elected the Republican ticket, but one of the 
 electors chosen, J. W. Watts, was postmaster of his town at the time 
 he was elected, although he resigned two months before the electors 
 met. The Democrats claimed that he was ineligible for the oflBce 
 of elector, iH^cause he held a Federal olflce at the time of his election, 
 
 w mmmm 
 
 ,.v^i. 
 
 'V.vfe 
 
MM 
 
 TY. 
 
 »\y clasBed as a 
 ;b, or as a Con 
 chances are that 
 ted hot' ways— 
 h the Democrats 
 ly coveted, 
 political events 
 ' of the Commis- 
 y at an end, and 
 M-y close. Under 
 lators, Carpenter 
 >publicans united 
 Senate over Gen. 
 lad accepted the 
 Bouse had taken 
 sat in the Senate 
 ; was a manifest 
 the four Justices 
 jseph P. Bradley, 
 
 ition reached the 
 t bribing Repub- 
 da. The matter 
 int committee of 
 ' the. purchase of 
 )f which the corn- 
 Is deciphered and 
 
 lispatches, which 
 gon, was made in 
 
 were together in 
 I also engaged in 
 n association with 
 
 Tilden's agent in 
 ! Electoral College 
 »t, but one of the 
 B town at the timfr 
 jefore the electors 
 ible for the office 
 ime of his election, 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 
 
 311 
 
 and that the one below him in the number of votes cast, one E. A. 
 Cronin, a Democrat, was elected. The Republican claim was that 
 even if Watts was ineligible that fact created a vacancy, which the 
 majority of the board should fill. 
 
 ' In "order to put the matter beyond question the Democratic plan 
 was to induce the Governor of Oregon to declare Watts ineligible, 
 issue a certificate to Cronin, buy one of the Republican electors to 
 sit with Cronin, and thus constitute a majority of the board. If the 
 other Republican Elector would sit with the^m all .„'ht. If not they 
 could declare a vacancy and either All it or send in only two votes. In 
 either event Tilden would have Cronin's vote, which was all that he 
 
 needed. . ti.- 
 
 The Congressional Investigating Committee knew about this 
 plot, but had no legal proof of it. As a feeler they sent through the 
 Associated Press to the newspapers of the country one of the Oregon 
 cipher dispat(;hes, of which they had obtained possession, and which 
 afterwards became known as the famous "dabble" dispatch. It was 
 
 "« '«"*'^«= December 1st, 1876. 
 
 To Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, No. 13 Oramercy Park, New York: 
 
 Heed scantiness cramp emerge peroration hot-house survivor 
 browse of piameter doltish hot-house exactness of survivor highest 
 cunning doltish afar galvanic survivor by accordingly neglectful mer- 
 ciless of senator inconsequent coalesce. GOBBLE 
 
 Mr. Hinman and Mr. Shaw had used in their business correspond- 
 ence with Mr. Patrick, a cipher based on a pocket dictionary, 
 printed in England and not in common use in this country. It 
 omitted many of the common words and contained many which were 
 very uncommon. When Mr. Shaw read this dispatch in the Detroit 
 Post he was struck with the similarity of many of the words in it to 
 words he had seen in the dictionary, and he at once set about deciph- 
 ering it. In interpreting the Hinman-Patrick cipher the method was 
 to take the cipher word and count the number of words between it 
 and the top of the cofumn, then take the next column, 
 and counting down the same number of words, the one so 
 found would indicate the true meaning of the cipher. Mr. 
 Shaw tried this and it didn't work. He tried various other 
 keys and finally found that by going forward, in each case, eight 
 columns from the cipher word he secured an intelligent translation. 
 
 liiB 
 
 iMin 
 
 #■' 
 
^,H*VS~^0^^- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The "Gabble" dispatch, which was sent by the Oovernor of the State, 
 being thus treated, gave the following translaJion: 
 
 I shall decide every point in the case of postofflce elector in 
 favor of the highest Democrat elector, and grant the certiucate accord- 
 ingly on morning of the 6th instant. Confidential. 
 
 Soon after the printing of this in the Post Mr. Hinman was 
 subpoenaed before the Congressional committee with his dictionary, 
 and Mr. Shaw and the Managing Editor of the Post were subpoenaed 
 with him. A mass of cipher dispatches was laid before them, and 
 they all yielded to the same method of translation, disclosing the 
 whole plot. The following is one of the most important of them: 
 
 PORTLAND, Oregon, November 30. 
 
 To W. T. Pelton. 
 
 15 Oramercy Park, New l''ork: 
 
 Governor all right without reward. Will issue certificate 
 Tuesday. This is a secret. Republicans threaten, if certificate 
 issue, to ignore Democrat claim and fill vacancy, thus defeat action 
 of Governor. One Elector must be paid to recognize Democrat, to 
 secure majority. Have employed three, editor only Republican 
 paper, as lawyer. Fee three thousand. Will take five thousand for 
 Republican elector. Must raise money; can't make fee contingent. 
 Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellinger will act. Communicate them. 
 Must act prompt. 
 
 There was no signature to this. The Kelly referred to was 
 United States Senator James K. Kelly, of Oregon, to whom a number 
 of the dispatches were sent. The reference to a contingent fee was 
 in answer to a dispatch, from New York, addressed to J. N. H. Patrick 
 of Portland: "How soon will Governor decide certificate? If you 
 make obligation contingent on result in March, it can be done and 
 increasable if necessary." One of the dispatches, dated December 
 6, and addressed to Senator Kelly, read: "The eight deposited as 
 directed this morning. Let no technicality prevent winning; use 
 your discretion." Another of the same date, addressed also to 
 Kelly, said: "Is your matter certain? There must be no mistake. 
 AH depends on you. Place no reliance on any report from three 
 southward." 
 
 In the end the scheme fell through. The two Republican Elec- 
 tors, whose eligibility was unquestioned, met, and Mr. Watts with 
 them. The latter resigned his office on account of questions raised 
 as to his eligibility. Rut if he wras, at the time of the election, ineligi- 
 
 ia 
 
 #.; 
 
of the State, 
 
 e elector in 
 ucate accord- 
 
 Hininan was 
 18 dictionary, 
 ■e subpoenaed 
 ire them, and 
 lisclosing the 
 of them : 
 
 ?mber 30. 
 
 ae certificate 
 if certificate 
 defeat action 
 Democrat, to 
 y Republican 
 thousand for 
 ie contingent, 
 nnicate them. 
 
 ferred to was 
 lom a number 
 agent fefe was 
 N. H. Patrick 
 •ate? If you 
 
 be done and 
 ted December 
 
 deposited as 
 
 winning; use 
 
 essed also to 
 
 >e no mistake. 
 
 rt from three 
 
 publican Elec- 
 r. Watts with 
 lestions raised 
 lection, ineligi- 
 
 THE ELECTORAL TOINT. 
 
 818 
 
 the vacancy 
 
 ble, he was so no longer, and he was elected to fill 
 occasioned by his own resignation. 
 
 Meantime Cronin came in and claimed that he had a <'ertiflcate of 
 election from the Governor, but refused to show it. Being refuseil 
 recognition by the board, he went off into a corner of the room, 
 declared that there was a vacancy in the board, because one of the 
 Republican Electors refused to sit with him, and by his own viva 
 voce vote filled the vacancy. He then declared that there was 
 another vacancy on the board, because the second Republican Elector 
 refused to sit with him. That was also filled, the board organized, 
 filled out a certificate of two votes for Hayes and one for Tilden. Hut 
 this farcical trumped up return received little attention from the 
 Electoral Commission. 
 
 After the disclosures were made of the attempted bribery of 
 electors, it was said that Mr. Tilden knew nothing about the villainy. 
 It was all the work of his wicked partners. But the Oregon dis 
 patches were brought very close home to him- Most of them were 
 addressed to his nephew, W. T. Pelton, who was a member of Tilden's 
 household, and the "Gabble" dispatch was addressed to Tilden him- 
 self. 
 
 The ciphel" used in the Florida dispatches was much more intri- 
 cate, but it was finally unraveled by members of the New York 
 Tribune staff. Manton Marble and V. W. Woolley were at the Florida 
 end of the line, and William T. Pelton represented Tilden in the 
 matter. As early as November 22 Marble, over the signature of 
 "Moses," telegraphed to Pelton: "Woolley asked me to say, let for«;e» 
 be got together immediately for contingencies, either here or in 
 Louisiana." This was followed a few days later by another dispatch, 
 saying: "Have just received a proposition to hand over, at any time 
 required, Tilden decision of Board and decision of Governor for 
 1200,000." Pelton telegraphed back: "Proposition too high." Marble 
 and Woolley then renewed the dicker, and gave Pelton to understand 
 that they could buy one Elector for |50,000. Pelton then informed 
 them that they could not draw until the vote of the Elector was 
 received. But if there really was a purchaseable Elector he wanted 
 pay in advance, and this failing, the negotiation fell through. It was 
 a case of mutual distrust. Pelton was not willing to trust the Elec- 
 tor to "vote right" after he had received the money, and the Elector 
 was not willing to trust Pelton for the pay after he had east his vote. 
 The whole matter wound up with the following dispatch from Marble 
 
 i';. 
 
 '"iW i' w iii iilli iMUiMn 
 
 ■mmmmmmmmtm 
 
 mtm 
 
 wt' 
 
814 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPTTHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 to Petton: ''Propoeiition failed. Finished responsibility as Moses. 
 I4ist night Woolley found me, and said he had nothing, which I knew 
 already. Tell Tilden to saddle Blackstone!" Ho while Pelton was 
 haggling over price and terms, the vote that was so badly needed got 
 away from him. 
 
 Hmith M. Weed represented Tilden in South Carolina, and on 
 November 16, 1870, telegraphed Pelton that the Canvassing Board 
 demanded f75,UUU for giving Tilden two or three Electors, and $10,000 
 more would be needed for the "interceder." Later he telegraphed: 
 "Majority of Board have been secured. CoRt is f80,0(M>; one parcel 
 to be sent of |65,000, one of |10,000, one of f5,000; all to be sent in 
 1500 and f 1,000 bills; notes to be deposited as parties accept, and 
 given up upon votes of South ('arolina being given to Tilden's friends. 
 Do this at once, and have cash ready to reach Baltimore Sunday 
 night." Before the money could reach South (Carolina, however, the 
 Board had met and certified the election of the Republican candidates. 
 Failing In this scheme, an attempt was made to bribe one of the 
 Republican Electors, William B. Nash, of Columbia, who was offered 
 170,000 to vote for Tilden, as he testified before the Congressional 
 Investigating Committee. This being refused the Tilden managers 
 got up a second set of Electors, and took their chances on these before 
 the Commission. 
 
 It was not expected that these disclosures would affect the action 
 of the Electoral Commission, which was supposed to be guided solely 
 by the law in the ease, but they did make the people more ready to 
 accept the conclusion that was Anally reached. It was certainly a 
 poor beginning for the promised ''reform'' Administration, to attempt 
 The corruption of officers charged with a high public duty, in trying to 
 bribe itself into office. 
 
 During all the preliminary discussions )>ertaining to the count of 
 the Electoral voteS) the President of the Senate, Thomas W. Ferry, of 
 Michigan, acted With admirable discretion. He never, by a single 
 utterance, gave expression to any opinion as to whether he was 
 authorized to count the votes or not. All the certificates that wek'e 
 sent to him were marked with the exact day and hour when received, 
 and were deposited unopened in a safe place, to be produced only 
 when the two Houses met in joint convention to hear them read. 
 Throughout the long sessions that followed, Mr. Ferry, upon whom, 
 after the death of Henry Wilson, November 22, 1875, the duties of the 
 Vice-President had devolved, presided with a coolness, impartiality 
 
 ■■.■Mr 
 
i 
 
 THE ELEPTORAL TOVNT. 
 
 Hi 
 
 ility as MoBefi. 
 which I knew 
 ile Pelton wafl 
 (lly needed ^ot 
 
 rolina, and on 
 
 vasging Board 
 
 >r8, and f 10,000 
 
 le telegraphed: 
 
 [MM); one pareel 
 
 I to be sent in 
 
 leu acoept, and 
 
 !ilden'8 friends. 
 
 timore Bunday 
 
 a, however, the 
 
 can candidates. 
 
 •ibe one of the 
 
 ?ho was oflfered 
 
 Congressional 
 
 'ilden managers 
 
 on these before 
 
 aflfect the action 
 be guided solely 
 B more ready to 
 was certainly a 
 Ltion^ to attempt 
 iuty, in trying to 
 
 ; to the count of 
 lias W. Perry, of 
 ver, by a single 
 vhether he was 
 Icates that wefe 
 r when received, 
 ? produced only 
 liear them read, 
 ■ry, upon whom, 
 the duties of the 
 98S, impartiality 
 
 and readiness in deciding prints in Parliamentary law, that brought 
 many expressions of praise from leading men of both ]>arties. 
 
 The Electoral Commission organized January :n, 1877, and the 
 next day, the two Houses of Congress met in the Kepresentatives' 
 Chamber to count the Electoral vote. The galleries of the House 
 were packed and even the corridors outside were crowded. Mr. 
 Ferry, who was commonly designated as "Acting Vice-President." 
 took the chair, with Speaker Hamuel J. Randall at his Hide. Mr. 
 Ferry opened the certificates in their alphabetical order and handed 
 them to the tellers to be announced and recorded. The votes of Ala- 
 bama, Arkansas, Connecticut and Delaware were set down for Tilden 
 and those of (California and ('olorado for Hayes, without dispute. 
 When the vote of Florida was reached the Chair announced two sets 
 of returns, which, under the new law, were referred to the Electoral 
 Commission. The joint convention then t<M)k a recess to await the 
 action of the Commission. 
 
 That body met in the Supreme (^ourt room, occupying the bench 
 of the Justices of the Court. The five Justices formed the center, 
 with the Senate members at the right and the House members at the 
 left, the Senior Justice, Clifford, presiding. Distinguished counsel 
 appeared for both sides, the Republicans being represented by William 
 M. Evarts, Stanley Mathews, E, W. Stoughton and Samuel Shella- 
 barger, and the Democrats by Jeremiah 8, HIack, ('harles O'Connor. 
 John A. Campbell, Lyman Trumbull, Montgomery Blair, Asbell 
 Green, George Hoadley, Richard T. Merrick, William C. Whitney and 
 Alexander P. Morse. 
 
 The claims of Democratic counsel in the Florida case were 
 that the Hayes- Electors were not duly chosen; that the 
 certificate of the Governor of their election was the result 
 of a conspiracy; that its validity, if it had any originally, 
 had been annulled by a subsequent certificate, issued by the 
 Governor; that the Tilden Electors were chosen; that a court decision 
 had affirmed the choice of the Tilden Electors; and that one of the 
 Republican Electors was disqualified because he was a Shipping Com- 
 missioner under appointment of the Government of the United States 
 at the time of his election. The Republican objection to the Tilden 
 votes was that the returns were not duly authenticated by any person 
 holding, at the time, an office under the State of Florida. 
 
 This was, in some respects, a test case, and the discussion of it 
 lasted until Februarv 7. Ea<-h of the fifteen (Commissioners read his 
 
 t^itmWiF' 
 
IT 
 
 •m^ 
 
 316 
 
 HISTORY OP THE RKPITBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 opinion iti gerret scRBion, but it was Icnown that tho flrgt fourtH^n 
 nu>inber8 uppointed divided on i>oiiti<'al lines, tlie seven Republiciins 
 voting to receive the ^layes Electoral votes, and the seven Democrats 
 holding the Tilden eertifirates valid. This brought it up to Justice 
 Itradle.v, who concurred with the seven Republicans in holding that it 
 was not competent for the Commission to go into evidence aliunde 
 (otherwise than) the pajiers oi)ened by the Henate, to prove that other 
 |)er8ous than those regularly certified by the (lovernor were elected. 
 With reference to the <*ase of the Elector alleged to be disqualified, it 
 was decided that the evidence did not show that he held an office on 
 the day of his appointment. By vote of eight to seven, therefore, the- 
 ('oninussiou decided that the four votes of Florida should be counted 
 for Hayes and Wheeler. 
 
 On the announcement of this result the Democrats were filled 
 with mortification and rage. They denounced the whole Commission 
 scheme as a trap, a trick to defraud Mr. Tilden of an office to which 
 he had been fairly elected, and to make Mr. Hayes a fraudulent Presi- 
 dent, ignoring the fact that the Bill creating the (commission received 
 an almost solid Democratic vote, with many Republican votes against it. 
 Even Justice Field forgot the proprieties of his Judicial position, and 
 of his membership on the Commission and joined in the denunciations 
 of the tribunal of which he was a member. "The country," he said, 
 "may submit to the result, but it will never cease to regard our action 
 as unjust, and as calculated to sap the foundations of public mor- 
 ality." Justice Bradley came in for the largest share of abuse, being 
 assailed w'th the most virulent denunciation, and finally having fired 
 at him several linear feet of vituperative verse addressed to him as 
 "Aliunde Joe." The two Houses met again in joint convention Feb- 
 ruary 10, and heard the decision, when formal objection being made, 
 they separated to consider it. The Senate, by a strict party vote, 
 accepted the decision of the Commission. The House, every Demo- 
 crat except one, voting against it, rejected the Commission's conclu- 
 sion. Under the provisions of the Bill <'reating the Commission it 
 required the concurrent vote of both Houses to nullify the decision of ' 
 the Commission, and the vote of Florida was, therefore, counted for 
 Hayes. 
 
 There was no dispute about the votes of Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, 
 Iowa, Kansas or Kentucky, but when Louisiana was reached two cer- 
 tificates were reported, and the case went to the Commission. In 
 this the Rei)ubli( ans based their clijim on the simple statement that 
 
 mm 
 
 
TUE EliECTOKAL COINT. 
 
 317 
 
 I rat fourteen 
 RepublicuiiH 
 n DemooratH 
 ip to JuBtice 
 )lding that it 
 ienoe aliunde 
 ve that other 
 were elected, 
 isqualifled, it 
 J an offlre on 
 therefore, the 
 Id be counted 
 
 ts were filled 
 s Commission 
 fflce to which 
 idulent Presi- 
 ssion received 
 ites against it. 
 position, and 
 denunciations 
 itry," he said, 
 ird our action 
 f public mor- 
 f abuse, being 
 y having fired 
 sed to him as 
 invention Feb- 
 n being made, 
 ct party vote, 
 ', every Demo- 
 ssion's conclu- 
 Commission it 
 the decision of 
 •e, coiinted for 
 
 linois, Indiana, 
 ached two cer- 
 amission. In 
 statement that 
 
 the Government, with William Pitt Kellogg as its Executive head, 
 had been recognized by every department of the I'nited Hlutes Gov- 
 ernment, and that the certificates «.f the Hayes Electors were certified 
 by Governor Kellogg in due form. The Democrats asserted that 
 John McEnery was the lawful Governor of the Btate; that the certifi- 
 cates of the Hayes Electors were false; and that he canvass of votes 
 by the Returning Board was without jurisdiction and void. They 
 also objected to two of the Electors as disqualified undtM- the Consti- 
 tution, and to a third. Governor Kellogg, himself, because he had 
 certified to his own election. They also offered to introduce testi- 
 mony to prove that ten thousand votes cast for Tllden had been 
 thrown out by the Returning Board in order to count in Hayes; that 
 the Returning Board was not a constitutional body; that it had no 
 jurisdiction, and, therefore, its acts were void. A II of the 1 )emo«rratic 
 contentions were overruled by a vote of eight to seven, and the vote 
 of the State was given to Hayes, taking the same course in the two 
 Houses, as that previously taken by the Florida vote. 
 
 In the case of Oregon the Commission voted unanimanHly against 
 counting the made up Tilden vote, but again divided eight to seven 
 on the question of counting the entire vote for Hayes. 
 
 In the case of South Carolina the Democrats claimed that no 
 legal election had been held, and that the Army and Deputy United 
 States Marshals stationed at and near the polls prevented the free 
 exercise <.f the right of suffrage. The Republitan claim was that 
 the Tilden board was not duly appointed, and that the certificates 
 were defective in form and lacking the necessary certification. The 
 Commission heard arguments for a day, and then voted unanimously 
 to reject the Tilden vote, and, by the customary eight to seven, 
 accepted the vote for Hayes. 
 
 Objection was made to one of the Electors of Michigan and one 
 from Nevada, on the ground that they held Federal offices at the time 
 of election; and fo one of the Pennsylvania Electors, on the ground 
 that he was a Centennial Commissioner. In the latter case the 
 other Electors considered the place vacant, and chose another Elec- 
 tor to fill the vacancy. A similar case came up from Rhode 
 Island and another from Vermont, but all of these were 
 decided in favor of the Hayes vote. In Wisconsin one of 
 the Electors was a pension surgeon. The Senate voted that he 
 was eligible. The House was still debating the question, when the 
 hour arrived, on March 2d, that had been fixed upon for the conclusion 
 
 ! I 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 i II 
 
TIIK KLKCTOUAI. rol NT. 
 
 :U!) 
 
 door of the 
 midei'Htion of 
 ite, the connt 
 or HayfH and 
 he reHiilt was 
 
 Tildeu. 
 10 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 ii 
 is 
 
 The result of the eleetlon In ('ohuadi» added another to the nunier 
 oiiH paiiK* that plereed the I)eino.ratl<- breant. That eomi.iunlty 
 wan offered Htatehood tM-veral .vearn before thin. Init lM'»-ft.rred to 
 retain the territorial form of ( Jovernnient for awhile longer. In IMTti 
 It applied for adnilsHion aH a Htate. and an It wan Hupponed to be 
 wifely Denioeratic, the H<nii.e of that ('(.nureHK largely v<.t.Hl for ItB 
 adnUsHion, and it came in an "The Centennial Htate." Itn Htate eler- 
 tion, following the adoption of itn ('onntitutiiM., wan reported at flrnt 
 to have resulted in a Henioeratie victory, but full returns nhowed the 
 ehoi«e. by a nniall majority, of the Uepublieau Htate offleern. In 
 November it gave Hayes 8118 majority. If it had given the expected 
 Demoi-ratie n»ajorlty Tilden would have be»Mi elected, without worry- 
 ing himself over Oregon or the half reeoustrueted Houthern Htates. 
 
 It wan the fashion, for a time, among Demoeratie newspaiH-rn and 
 stump speakers, to refer to the outcome of the Eleetoral Commission 
 plan as a fraud, and to speak of Hayes as a fraudulent President. 
 The New York Hun kept this up as long as Mr. Dana lived. The men 
 who made themselves hoarse by shouting about "The Fraud of '7«- 
 have nearly all passed away or learned to hold their pea<e. But 
 many of those who grow red in the face, and threaten themselves with 
 aiKiplexy. while disclaiming against "The Crime of 73" are still at 
 large upon the earth. 
 
 j^iMiMiiii 
 
 paKi i ilTigr i ii i aiiuOTiillMiiM^^ ' ~" 
 
> 
 
 XXV. 
 
 APMINIKTKATION OF rKKHlhENT HAYKH. 
 
 A HlionK Cabinet HoUuteil- Four Iinpoituiit I'olltltul uml Fluuiulal 
 
 EvfiitH ^band<nmu'nt of HouIImmh ReiMibllcaim— Ku-KIhx and 
 
 TIhbuo Ballot OutraRfg In the Houtli— The lUand-AIHiion Hllvei- 
 ('oinaB»' Meauure— diauKei! in the New York i'uutonj Houne— A 
 Famous Civil Hervice Order— A Cinular A^alnHt rolitical AsHeuH- 
 uu'ntB— The (Jreenbark Cra/.e of 1S7K— The KeBumptlon of Hpeeie 
 ra.vnientM— KeKulating the Electoral Count— Restrleting Chinese 
 InimlKitttion— Pensioning Jeff Davis— Henator Chandler's Elo- 
 quent Protest. 
 
 In the selection of his Cabinet the new President showed, for the 
 most part, exeellent judgment, securing for the most important places 
 men of recognized ability and of unquestioned Republicanism. It wa*« 
 composed as follows : 
 
 Secretary of Statt — William M. Evarts, of New York. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury— John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 
 Secretary of War— George W. McCrary. of Iowa. 
 
 Secretary of the Navy— Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior— Carl Schurz, of Missouri. 
 
 Postmaster Oen.ial— David M. Key, a Democrat, of Tennessee 
 
 Attorney General— Charles Devens, of Massachusetts. 
 
 The only one of these appointments that met with severe criticism 
 was that of Ex-Senator Schurz, and that was not a fortunate appoint 
 ment either from a political or business point of view. Mr. Schui'Ji, 
 "Oreeleylzed" In 1872, was bitter In his hostility to Grant, and was 
 generally unacceptable to the so-called Stalwart wing of the Republi- 
 can party, though in that respect the President himself, was soon In 
 the same position. Mr. Schurz had never shown any capacity for 
 business affairs, yet he was assigned to a department, which wa« 
 almost wholly business, and not political, In its character. There 
 was. however, one bond of sympathy between him and the President. 
 
«w 
 
 ," : : 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 . ADMIXIHTHATION OF PUKHII»KNT IIAYKH. 
 
 :V2\ 
 
 ..|,i'^ 
 
 YKK. 
 
 and Financial 
 — Ku-Klux and 
 il AlliHun Hilvei' 
 Htoni HouHf — A 
 I'olitiral AsHCHH- 
 nptiun of Wpwci*' 
 trii'tiug (iiineitc 
 Chaudler'H Elo- 
 
 Hliowcd, for the 
 niportant places 
 icaniHiu. It wat> 
 
 'ork. 
 
 lio. 
 
 I. 
 
 f Indiana. 
 
 uri. 
 
 , of TenneSHee 
 
 1 setts. 
 
 I severe eriticisni 
 rtunate appoiui 
 w. Mr. Sehur^, 
 Grant, and was 
 U of the Kepubli- 
 lelf, was soon in 
 iny capacity for 
 lent, which wan 
 aracter. There 
 id the President. 
 
 •."4 
 
 ^m^ 
 
 lie was a profeMHioiiiil civil Mervice reformer, and the I'reMident wa4 
 active in extending civil Mervice rnleM an far nn poHHible. In Decem- 
 ber, 1M71>, Secretary Mcrrar.v reMlgned to become I'nited HtateM .Fmlge 
 for the KiKhth .liidicial circuit, and .VIexander Han.Mev, of MinneHotii, 
 WMM appointed in hin place. In ISSO I'oHtmaMter Ueneral Key resiKned, 
 and was suc«-eeded by Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. 
 
 The Hayes .Vdministration has be<'n sometimeH Npokon of as n 
 colorless one, and it was lacking in the excitenientH that had attended 
 some previiHis pericMls, luit it was marked by four very iiit|Mirtant 
 events, political and financial. Thi>se were the abandonment of all 
 attempts, by Federal interference, to secure to IIk' colored voters in 
 the Houth, their pclitical rights; the rapid and unexpecttHl Ki'owth of 
 the G.eenback ;»irty; the resumption of siiecie payments; and the 
 r'>ciMni;ane' r.ejit of the coinage of the standard nilver dollar. ' . 
 
 ..i»h.>K;.''v ihc Heeded Htates ratified the Thirteenth, Fourti-enth 
 i;u\\ Fh''i.';M'. Amendments to the Constitution, the leaders amouK 
 thf^xtt tit-ver Intended to live up to the spirit of the last two. The 
 n<;!i*>f1l i-niployeil l-y the Democrats to evade or nullify them were 
 nninc-t us, inj^' nmnK nnA some of tlu>m barbarous, (leornia was, at 
 t^i'Ki, th'. mop (>;)!.'? ?u««1 d< flrtHt in its nullifying; measures, but in the 
 i'rtd, ih*: Jiiima-jippi blackn ^-.j'Tered the most from iM'rsonal (^rnelties 
 and. «/u/r«;,vi'. Aj r;art,'. ua iHttU, Oeor^ia, even before its Keimtors 
 oij' .-'iprestr.U «jve»i iM fi^ n ad? litted to Congress, decided, throuj.i;h 
 V'« Ui^M-.lat ■>!•»', tJi..' CI I* trees u' n vere not entitled to serve as Legis- 
 'jltM«, iior ti. u'ljtd ofRte ')» it). Sf^'^e. Accordingly the blacks were 
 ej:p..''l'i<l from the T>>),is'!i;j"e v. '.i!t-' .vhites, who were ineligible undcv 
 titf r*iurtee'itli V/jitiu ni« j», yn"v billowed to renuiin. The banie Leg- 
 ittlatr.i'e n lused to ratify tu^.' <"<fteenth Amendment. Congress then 
 p/Ml»<^l sn A't detioriii,>v li^e Legislature illegally constituted, and 
 r.ujuK'od the rd*ii^.cfefio« '»f fhe Fifteenth Amendment, as a prere- 
 »|Hieit»» fo *i\e. ac'imiftnoD af floiintors and Representatives to Congress. 
 The Legi'.'i ciwe tun ror .routed before the expulsions was, therefore, 
 reconvened, ave *-he /vinendinent was ratified. 
 
 '^'his was i'u Ijh; act of open defiance of Congress by any Seceded 
 Ktate. Hut Hoitihern ingenuity was soon at work devising means to 
 ei cojiipl'wh, by indirection, what it did not venture farther to attempt 
 i\V o^K u defiance. The Ku-Klux Klan was the first of these inventions 
 It was a secret organization, whose members went through the 
 country, chiefly at night, on horseback, disguised and armed, intimi- 
 dating, beating, maiming and murdering blacks and white Republi- 
 
 -1 
 
 
 'I I H'IHUMIJ 
 
■HHil 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN TARTY. 
 
 cans. It spread through all the (iulf States except Florida, and its 
 outrages extended also through North and South Carolina, Tennesseo 
 and Arkansas. Its operations were especially active just before 
 election, and their intimidating effects were so complete that in some 
 of the states many thousands of colored and white Republicans did 
 not venture to go to the polls. The story of these outrages, as told 
 in the evidence taken bfefore Congressional Investigating Committees, 
 furnishes a chapter of horrid barbarities better suited to a Moslem 
 community in the Middle Ages than to a Christian country in the 
 Nineteenth Century, 
 
 The tissue ballot was a South Carolina invention for the more 
 peaceable nullification of the Republican vote. A Democratic ballot, 
 printed on the paper commonly used, was first taken, and folded 
 within this there might be half a dozen or a dozen smaller ballots, 
 printed on tissue paper. The Republican ballots were all of the 
 larger size, and printed on the coarser paper. If the number of 
 ballots in a box exceeded the number of names checked *on the poll 
 list, the law required that a sufficient number of ballots should be 
 drawn from the box, to equalize the number remaining with the 
 number of names on the list. This was done by one of the inspec- 
 tors, blindfolded. But a person did not need the use of his eyes to 
 distinguish between the Democratic tissue ballots and the Republican 
 ballots on heavier paper. The latter were invariably the ones thrown 
 out, and the former were left in and counted. 
 
 Besides these methods of keeping out and throwing out Republi- 
 oaii votes, false counting was resorted to in most of the Southern 
 States, until the phrase, "a free vote and a fair count" became a 
 mockery. 
 
 Congressional investigations had disclosed these various raethodf, 
 of defeating the popular will, and in consequence of these disclosures 
 President Grant had recognized and sustained Republican State Gov- 
 ernments which the Democrats had sought to overthrow,- it was on 
 this account alone that it became possible for Louisiana and Sout^ 
 <.'arolina to cast their Electoral votes for Hayes, or, in fact, to make a 
 showing at all for the Republican tickets. This policy was aban- 
 doned by President Hayes, much to the disappointment of Republi 
 cans in Congress and throughout the country. The same votes that 
 chose Hayes electors in Louisiana fairly elected Stephen B. Packard 
 Governor; and the same votes that gave him a majority in South Caro- 
 lina, also gave Daniel H. Chamberlain a majority for Governor of that 
 
 
 ijs.- 
 
•''mMIIKIl'WIi'f'^W^ 
 
 ■^f^ 
 
 ■Mh^ 
 
 r-^.d:.: 
 
 \ •> 
 
 ADMINIHTUATION OP PRESIDENT HAYEK 
 
 ;w.{ 
 
 urida, and its 
 na, Tennessee 
 e jnst before C 
 
 that in some 
 ^publicans did 
 rages, as told 
 g Committees, 
 
 to a Moslem 
 ;ountry in the 
 
 f fA^-- 
 
 for the more 
 
 locratie ballot, ; 
 
 n, and folded 
 
 mailer ballots. 
 
 ere all of the 
 
 he number of 
 
 ed'on the poll 
 
 lots should be 
 
 ining with the 
 
 ! of the inspec- 
 
 I of his eyes to 
 
 the Republican 
 
 he ones thrown 
 
 ng out Republi- 
 f the Southern 
 unt" became a 
 
 ariouB methodK 
 lese disclosures 
 ican State Gov- 
 tWi it was on 
 ana and South, 
 fact, to make a 
 licy was aban- 
 ?nt of Republi- 
 ume votes that 
 len B. Packard 
 in South Caro- 
 overnor of that 
 
 State. His failure to recogniKe and sustain these two Republican 
 Governors in their position and his withdrawal of troops from the 
 South were regarded as a piece of ingratitude, as well as a failure to 
 supi)ort the principles of Republican Government. He abandoned 
 Chamberlain and Packard to their fate, and Democratic Governments, 
 based on intimidation and fraud, were set up in those States. Very 
 strong evidence was afterwards produced to show that the withdrawal 
 of the troops was the price paid by Mr. Hayes, through the promises 
 of his friends, for being allowed to take the Presidential ofHce undis- 
 turbed. 
 
 From that time on, except in Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina 
 and Florida, the Republican vote was practically suppressed in all the. 
 Seceded States, and for twenty years thereafter not a single Republi 
 can Elector was chosen in all Secessia. 
 
 In reference to this, however, it should be said that Grant, in his 
 efforts to secure fair elections in the South had, up to 1875, been sup- 
 ported by Congresses with large Republican majorities, and even at 
 that he had been obliged to abandon Governor Ames, of Mississippi. 
 Hayes, on the other hand, was confronted with a Democratic House, 
 which would have hindered him in any positive or aggressive policy in 
 reference to the Southern States, even if it had been in his nature to 
 adopt such a policy. Probably, under any policy in Washington, the 
 South must eventually have been left to work out its own salvation. 
 Under whatever method that was tried, it proved slow of reconstruc- 
 tion. Its complete restoration was not accomplished until the birth 
 of a new industrial spirit, the development of its material resources, 
 and the investment of Northern capital in the South brought the two 
 sections into closer business relations. Good feeling was not wholly 
 restored, until the comradeship of soldiers in the Spanish war had 
 cemented it. But from the beginning of the Hayes Administration 
 "The Southern Question," as a distinct political issue may be said to 
 have ceased to exist. 
 
 The depressed business condition of the country, and a scant cir- 
 culating medium, had by this time led to a great clamor for a restora- 
 tion of the coinage of the standard silver dollar, and what was called 
 the Bland-Allison Bill was the result. It was introduced at a special 
 session of Congress, November 5, 1877, by Richard P. Bland, of Mis- 
 souri. The bill directed that the coinage of silver dollars of the 
 weight of 4121/2 grains of standard silver should be resumed, the 
 coins to be a "legal tender, at their nominal value, for all dues, public 
 
 ii 
 
 
 m 
 
 mmma 
 
— "- " — ■••" 
 
 ,.> :\l. 
 
 l\ 
 
 324 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPl BLICAN PARTY. 
 
 and private, except where otherwise provided b.v contract." It also 
 Btipulated that any owner of silver bullion might deposit the same at 
 the mints, to be coined into sucJi dollars for his benefit, npon the same 
 terms as gold bullion. This was immediately passed by the House, 
 under suspension of the rules, by a vote of 164 to M. Of the yeas 
 (57 were Republican and Ul Democrats, and of the nays 24 were 
 Republicans and 10 were Democrats. In the Senate Mr. Allison, 
 from the Committee on Finance, reported the bill, but with essential 
 alterations in its character. It provided that not less than f2,000,U00 
 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion should be purchased 
 each month and coined into dollars of the weight prescribed, the 
 proUt of the coinage to go into the Treasury. The free coinage of 
 silver for the benefit of owners of silver bullion was eliminated from 
 the bill. 
 
 In its amended form the Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 48 to 
 21, and the House concurred in the Senate amendment. It was vetoed 
 by President Hayes, but passed over the veto in the House by a vote 
 of 190 to 73, and in the Senate by a vote of 4(> to 11). The House 
 affirmative vote was 119 .Democrats and 77 Republicans, and the nega- 
 tive vote was 22 Democrats and 51 Republicans. The Senate 
 affirmative vote was 25 Democrats, 20 Republicans and 1 Independent, 
 and the negative vote was 9 Democrats and 10 Republicans. As 
 Secretary Sherman, in whose Department the operation of the Act 
 came, was not, at that time, in favor of very extensive coinage of the 
 silver dollar he kept the purchase of bullion down nearly to the mini- 
 mum limit. At the time the coinage of the silver dollar was dropp<»d 
 in 1873 the white metal was valued at 1.004 as compared with gold. 
 In 1877, when the Bland-Allison Bill passed, its average value was 
 .9295, and just before the passage of the Sherman Act in 1890, it had 
 fallen to .7232. Mr. Allison's elimination of the free coinage feature 
 turned into the Treasury a large profit, that under the original Blaud 
 Bill would have gone into the pockets of the mine owners. 
 
 The Coinage Act, as finally passed, also provided that the Presi- 
 dent should invite the governments of the countries composing tt-- 
 Latin (Tnion, so-called, and of such other European nations as he 
 might deem it advisable, to join the United States in a conference to 
 adopt a common ratio between gold and silver, for the purpose of 
 establishing, internationally, the use of bimetallic money, and secur- 
 ing fixity of relative value between these metals. Such a conference 
 was afterwards held, but the views of the different countries sharing 
 in it were so far apart that nothing came of it. 
 
 fm--'% 
 
rv 
 
 ADMINIRTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 325 
 
 itruct." It also 
 a»\i the same at 
 :, npon the same 
 a by the House, 
 [. Of the yeas 
 i nays 24 were 
 ite Mr. Allison, 
 it with essential 
 i than 12,000,000 
 lid be purchased 
 prescribed, the 
 free coinage of 
 eliminated from 
 
 ly a vote of 48 to 
 t. It was vetoed 
 House by a vote 
 ID. The House 
 ns, and the nega- 
 B. The Senate 
 d 1 Independent, 
 epublicans. As 
 ation of the Act 
 ve coinage of the 
 iarly to the mini- 
 Ilar was dropp<»d 
 pared with gold, 
 ^erage value was 
 ct in 1890, it hatl 
 e coinage feature^ 
 lie original Blaud 
 wners. 
 
 ;d that the Presi- 
 s composing tt' 
 in nations as he 
 n a conference to 
 r the purpose of 
 noney, and secur- 
 3uch a conference 
 countries sharing 
 
 Whether from an unmixed desire for civil service reform, or 
 whether it was because he wished to weaken the power of Senator 
 Conkling in New York politics, President Hayes, early in his term, 
 made a bold move in respect to the most important Oovernment ofBiCH 
 in New York City. It would have been but human had the second 
 motive exerted some influence on his purpose, for Conkling had 
 already begun to treat the President with that lofty scorn and fine 
 sarcasm in the use of which he was an adept. Many complaints were 
 nmde of the administration of affairs in the New York Custom House, 
 where two-thirds of the import duties of the whole country were col- 
 lected, and a <-ommis8ion was appointed in April, 1877, to make an 
 examination. Its first report dwelt on the evils of appointments for 
 political reasons, without sufficient regard for efficiency, and it recom- 
 mended sweeping changes. The President concurred in the 
 recommendations and wrote to Secretary Sherman: 
 
 It is my wish that the collection of the revenues should be free 
 from partisan control, and organized on a strictly business basis, with 
 the same guarantees for efficiency and fidelity in the selection of the 
 chief and subordinate officers that would be required by a prudent 
 merchant. Party leaders should have no more influence in appoint- 
 ments than other equally respectable citizens. No assessments for 
 political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed. No 
 useless officer or employe should be retained. No officer should be 
 required or permitted to take part in the management of political 
 organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns. Their 
 right to vote, and to express their views on public questions, either 
 orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not inter- 
 fere with the discharge of their official duties. 
 
 Other reports followed the first, showing inefficiency, neglect 
 of duty, dishonesty and bribery in the subordinate officers of the 
 Custom House. The commissioners also found "that for many 
 years past the view had obtained with some political leaders that the 
 friends of the Administration in power had a right to control the 
 customs appointments; and this view, which seemed to have been 
 acquiesced in by successive administrations, had of late been recog- 
 nized to what the Commission deemed an undue extent by the chief 
 officer of the service. These gentlemen, on the ground that they were 
 compelled to surrender to personal and partisan dictation, appear to 
 have assumed that they were relieved, in part at least, from the 
 reBponsibilities that belonged to the appointing power." 
 
 
 ' 
 
 >-jK 
 
 
 B» 
 
32(5 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUIILICAN PARTY. 
 
 The olHcers of the port at the time were Chester A. Arthur, 
 f'oUector; Alonzo B. Cornell, Naval Officer, and (Jeorge H. Hharpe, * 
 Surveyor. Ab they seemed bound to the old system, it was decided 
 that they must either resign or be removed. On this point Secretary 
 Sherman wrote his Assistant Secretary: 
 
 After a very full consideration and a very kindly one, the Presi- 
 dent, with the cordial assent of his (.'abinet, came to the conclusion 
 that the public interests demanded a change in the three leading 
 officers in New York, and a public announcement of that character 
 was authorized. I am quite sure that this will, on the whole, be 
 considered a wise result. The manner of making the changes and 
 the persons to be appointed will be a subject of careful and full cop-| 
 uideration, but it is better to know that it is determined upon and 
 ended. It is probable that no special point would \\ave been made 
 upon Mr. Cornell's holding his position as I'huirman of the Stat<' 
 ('ommittee for a limited time, but even that was not the thing, 
 the real question being that, whether he resigned or not, it was 
 better that he and Arthur and Sharpe should ail give way to new 
 men, to try definitely a new policy in the conduct of the New York 
 Custom House. I have no doubt, unless these gentlemen should 
 make it impossible by their conduct hereafter, that they will be 
 treated with the utmost consideration, and, for one, I have no hesita 
 tion in saying that I hope General Arthur will be recognized in a very 
 complimentary way. 
 
 In accordance with the suggestion made in the last sentence 
 of the above letter, the position of Consul General at Paris was offered 
 to General Arthur, but he declined the proffer, preferring to "stick" 
 where he was. None of the three officials named would resign. 
 They were, therefore, removed and October 24, 1877, nominations 
 were made of Theodore Roosevelt for Collector, Edward A. Merritt 
 for Surveyor, and L. B. Prince for Naval Officer. Through Conkling's 
 efforts these nominations were rejected by the Senate, then in special 
 session. At the opening of the regular session, in December, the 
 same names were sent in again, but only Prince, for Naval Officer, 
 was confirmed. After the session closed the President placed Edwin 
 A. Merritt in the office of Collector, and Silas W. Burt in that of 
 Surveyor. These appointments had to come before the Senate for 
 confirmation when it again met. 
 
 Secretary Sherman had, by this time, become deeply interested 
 in the matter, and wrote to Senator Allison : 
 
 I would not bother you with this personal matter, but that I feel 
 Ihe deepest interest in the confirmation of General Merritt, which I 
 
 p' 
 
 M 
 
 ■r t/iff< 
 

 ADM1NI8TRATI0N OP PREgnJENT HAYEH. 
 
 S27 
 
 Hter A. Arthur, 
 orge H. Hharp**, 
 I, it was decided 
 point Secretary 
 
 one, the Presi- 
 the conclusion 
 
 e three leading 
 that clmracter 
 »n the whole, be 
 
 the changes and 
 }ful and full con- 
 'mined upon and 
 
 Have been made 
 lan of the State 
 8 not the thing, 
 i or not, it was 
 give way to new 
 of the New York 
 gentlemen should 
 lat they will be 
 
 I have no hesita 
 pognized in a very 
 
 the last sentence 
 Paris was offered 
 ferring to "stick" 
 ted would resign. 
 L877, nominations 
 dward A. Merritt 
 brough Conkling'8 
 .te, then in special 
 in December, the 
 for Naval OflBcer, 
 lent placed Edwin 
 '. Burt in that of 
 re the Senate for 
 
 ter, but that I feel 
 1 Merritt, which I 
 
 know will be beneficial to us as a party, and still more so to the 
 public service. Personally I huve the deepest interest in it because 
 1 haye been most unjustly assailed in regard to it in the most offen- 
 sive manner. 1 feel tree to appeal to you and VVindom, represent- 
 ing as you do, Western slates, and being old friends and a<-quaint- 
 ances, to take into consideration this personal aspect of the i-ase. If 
 the restoration of Arthur be insisted upon, tbe whole liberal elemeni 
 will be against us, and H will lose us tens of thousiihds of votes, 
 without doing a particle of good. No man could be a more earnest 
 Republican than 1, and I feel this political loss as much as any one 
 can. It will be a personal reproach to me, and merely to gratify the 
 insane hate of (.'onkling, who in this resjiect disregards the express 
 wishes of the Republican members from New York, of the great body 
 of Republicans, and as I personally know, runs in antagonism to his 
 nearest and best friends in the Senate. 
 
 To Senator Justin S. Morrill, Secretary Shernmn wrote a much 
 longer and more specific letter, giving reasons why the nominations 
 should be confirmed. This was done, Merritt having 33 votes for 
 confirmation to 24 against, and Burt 31 for, to 19 against. In both 
 cases a majority of the Democrats and a minority of the Republicans 
 voted for confirmation. Conkling was enraged at this defeat, and 
 took it out by abusing Secretary Sherman and George William ( 'urtis, 
 the latter of whom had the temerity to introduce in the next New 
 York State Convention a resolution approving the course of the 
 President in regard to the civil service. Both Sherman and Curtis 
 were added to Conkling's already long list of enemies, to be assailed 
 as opportunity should offer. 
 
 The views contained in the President's letter to Secretary Sher- 
 man were quoted in the famous Civil Service Order No. 1, and this 
 was added: "This rule is applicable to every department of the 
 Civil Service. It should be understood by every officer of the General 
 Government that he is expected to conform his conduct to its require- 
 ments." This order was sneered at by the Democrats and resented 
 by many Republicans, as putting limitations upon the rights of 
 citizenship, and depri>-ing the party of the services of some of its 
 best men. Many postmasters and other officeholders resigned lucra- 
 tive positions, rather than be put under such limitations. No Civil 
 Service Order No. 2 was ever issued by President Hayes, and no 
 Pr'isident since then has ever gone as far as he did in the attempt 
 to divorce office-holding from politics. 
 
 In respect to political assessments a circular letter was issued 
 June 20, 1878, establishing a -nle to govern all the executive depart- 
 
 i 
 
 ■ w 
 
 
 f-\ 
 
328 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN 1»ARTY. 
 
 ments and Oovernment employes throughout the country. Its eageii- 
 tial parts were as follows: 
 
 You ret-eive your salary as an employe of the Government for 
 certain services rendered in your ofttciul capacity, not as a member 
 of a political party. The salary so earned belongs to you, and unlesH 
 taxed by law, it is in no sense subject to any assessment for any 
 object whatever. In return for it you are expe<-ted to perform your 
 official duties faithfully, and officially to d^ nothing more. In this 
 connection I have to call your attention to the following statutory 
 provision: "All executive officers or employes of the United States, 
 not appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from, 
 any other officer or employe of the (lovernment, any numey or prop- 
 erty or other thing of value for political purposes." You are as free 
 as any other citizen to spend your spare money in any legitimate 
 way you please, and as your political principles or your public spirit 
 may suggest, provided you do not violate the above quoted provision 
 of the law, either directly or indirectly. Your contributing or not 
 contributing, as above stated, will not affect in any manner whatever 
 your official standing or prospects in the department. 
 
 When the Greenback party promulgated its' first variegated 
 platform, and began to hold small conventions in the various States, 
 members of the old parties amused themselves by quoting Scripture 
 at it in ridicule, giving especially the account in II. Samuel of the 
 gathering of David's partisans at the cave of Adullam: "And every 
 one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every 
 one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he 
 became a captain over them; and there were with him about four 
 hundred men." So far as the charactier of the men was concerned 
 the picture was not very far out of the way, for the party was largely 
 an organized discontent with the existing order of things, political 
 and financial ; but so far as its possible growth went, it was greatly 
 underestimated. At the Presidential election in 1K76 it cast 81,740 
 votes in the whole country. In the spring of 1878 it cast more votes 
 than that in Michigan alone, and brought consternation to the minds 
 of the Republicans by electing a majority of the Supervisors in some 
 of their most reliable old counties. In the fall following it changed 
 the result in quite a number of States, either by fusion with the 
 Democrats, or by drawing away Republican votes, and thus giving 
 the States to the straight Democratic tickets. It did not secure for 
 itself any United States Senators, but it aided the Democrats to 
 
 \ ■ 
 
 ■•''';^''- 
 
 ; v^W*.' 
 
ry. Its essori- 
 
 overnment for 
 
 as a membei- 
 
 ou, and uiiIchh 
 
 Miiient for any 
 
 perform your 
 
 more. In this 
 
 nring statutory 
 
 Unitetl 8tate«, 
 
 consent of the 
 
 eceivinj? from, 
 
 iioney or prop- 
 
 ToH are as free 
 
 any legitimate 
 
 nr public spirit 
 
 noted provision 
 
 'ibuting or not 
 
 anner whatever 
 
 Irst variegated 
 various States, 
 oting Scripture 
 Samuel of the 
 m: "And every 
 debt, and every 
 to him; and he 
 him about four 
 was concerned 
 irty was largely 
 things, political 
 , it was greatly 
 6 it cast 81,740 
 cast more votes 
 on to the minds 
 >rvis6rs in some 
 A^ing it changed 
 fusion with the 
 ind thus giving 
 1 not secure for 
 ? Democrats to 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OP PRESinKXT HAYES. .129 
 
 elect several so that the Senate for the first time since 18({(> hud an 
 anti-Republican majority. In the House it secured fourteen mem- 
 bers, either alone or in combination with the Democrats, besides 
 helping the Democrats in many districts by running separate can- 
 didates. It was at its highest mark in this election, though in 1880 
 it cast nearly four times as many votes as it did in 1876. 
 
 In Michigan the campaign was a very exciting one. Some of its 
 details are given in another chapter of this bo(»k. The vote on 
 Oovernor was: 
 
 Charles M. Ooswell, Republican 126,280 
 
 . ? Orlando M. Barnes, Democratic 78,50:5 
 
 Henry S. Smith, (Jreenback 73,3i:{ 
 
 Watson Snyder, Prohibition 3,469 
 
 Scattering 1,200 
 
 On Congressmen the result in Michigan was different from thai 
 in many of the other States, for here the Greenback vote divided 
 the opposition instead of drawing mainly from the Republicans. 
 There was consequently a solid Republican delegation from the State, 
 the membership being as follows in the order of their districts: John 
 S. Newberry, Edwin Willits, Jonas H. McOowan, Julius C. Burrows, 
 John VV. Stone, Mark S. Brewer, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, 
 Jay A. Hubbell. 
 
 The act passed at a previous Congress providing for the resump- 
 tion of specie payments January 1, 1879, occasioned considerable 
 discussion during the Hayes administration. Every theory of the 
 Greenback movement was against it. The Democrats were hostile 
 to the act when it passed and their platform in 1876 demanded its 
 repeal. A bill for that purpose was introduced in the House, and, 
 although it stood no chance of passing the Senate, it occasioned a 
 long debate in the lower body. The argument against repeal was 
 well summed up in the following paragraph from a long and able 
 argument made against it by James A. Garfield: 
 
 Suppose you undo the work that (^ongress has attempted, 1o 
 resume specie payment, what will be the result? You will depreciate 
 the value of the greenback. Suppose it falls ten cents on the dollar? 
 Y'ou will have destroyed ten per cent, of the value of every deposit 
 in the savings banks, ten per cent, of every life insurance policy, and 
 every flre insuratice policy, of every pension to the soldier, and of 
 every day's wages of every laborer in the Nation. The trouble with 
 our greenback dollar is tliis: It has two distinct functions. One a 
 
mm 
 
 "T^ 
 
 im) 
 
 HISTORY OPTHK REPT'HI.K'AN PARTY. 
 
 IMirchuHiiiK |iower, iind tlie otluM- n debt |iii.viti|{ {hiwci*. Ah a debt 
 paying )Miwer it iH e(|ual to one hundred lentH; tliat ih, to pay an old 
 debt. A gn'enba<*k dolUir will, by law, diHcharge one hundred eentn 
 of debt. But no law can give it purchaning power in the general 
 market of the world, unletiH it repreHentm a known standard of (*oin 
 value. Now, what we want is that these two quaHties of our green- 
 back dollar shall be made e<]ual — itit debt paying power and its gen- 
 eral purchasing power. When these are equal the problem of our 
 currency is solved, and not until then. Humming it all up in a word, 
 the struggle now |>ending in this House is, on the one hand, to make 
 the greenback better, and on the other, to make it worse. T'n« 
 Kesuniption .\ct is making it better every day. Repeal this Act, uad 
 you nmke It indefinitely worse. In the name of every man who wa its 
 liis own when he has earned it, I demand that we do not make Im> 
 wages of the ]MM>r man shrivel in his hands after he has earned th€m; 
 but that his money shall be made better and better, until the phw- 
 holder's money shall be as good as the bondholder's money; until ( ur 
 standard is one, and there is no longer one money for the rich aid 
 another for the poor. 
 
 There is an old story about the inhabitants of a certain village 
 who wanted to see how much noise they could make, thinking also 
 that they might raise a volume of sound that would reach the moon, 
 and bring a response therefrom. They agreed that at a given minute 
 upon a day Axed, they should all stand in front of their houses and at 
 the top of their voi<'es give one tremendous shout of the word 
 ''boo," that should rend the air and sound into the depths of space. 
 When the minute came they were all in their assigned positions, but 
 each one held his breath in sus)>ense, awaiting the sensation which 
 he would experience when the great shout came. Not a sound was 
 heard except from one deaf old woman who despaired of hearing the 
 rest and In a cracked and feeble voice gently said '*boo." There never 
 was before nor afterwards so silent a moment in that village, as at 
 the time wheii the grand demonstration of sound was to be made. 
 The day of resumption came in about the same way. There had been 
 anticipations, forebodings and prophecies, of panic, of financial and 
 industrial disturbance, of a repetition of the "Black Friday" experi- 
 ences and of other dire disasters. But while these prophets of evil 
 were holding their breath in suspense the day came and went, with- 
 out a ripple on the calm sea of the financial world. The Government 
 had made ample provision for any calls for gold that might be reason- 
 ably anticipated, but there was no drain whatever upon its resources. 
 The Assistant Treasurer in New York took in more gold in exchange 
 
 '■vt» 
 
 ^ 
 
NHNM 
 
 r. Ah a delit 
 to pay an old 
 hundred ccntM 
 in the general 
 tandard of coin 
 »i» of our green - 
 ver and its gen- 
 problein of our 
 I up in a word, 
 hand, to make 
 worHe. T.H* 
 al thin Act, and 
 man who wu itH 
 o not make he 
 H8 earned them; 
 until the pl< w- 
 none.v; until ( ur 
 or the ri<'h aid 
 
 I certain village 
 :e, thinking alHo 
 reach the moon, 
 t a given minute 
 ir houses and at 
 ut of the word 
 depths of space. 
 ?d positions, but 
 sensation which 
 ot a sound waH 
 d of hearing the 
 o." There never 
 at village, as at 
 vas to be made. 
 There had been 
 of financial and 
 Friday" experi- 
 prophets of evil 
 and went, with- 
 rhe Government 
 might be reason- 
 on its resources, 
 fold in exchange 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF PREWIDKNT HAVKK 
 
 :v.\\ 
 
 for notes that day than he did notes in ex<'hange for gold. Instead of 
 being a day of panic and disaster, it was one of flu* quietest days 
 that had been passed for years in New York fina... iai circles, with 
 hardly a panic stricken greenbacker even to stand on Brooklyn bridge 
 and say "boo." When gold was at a premium and hard to get, every 
 one was eager for it. Now that it could be had in free exchange 
 for currency nobody wanted it. 
 
 The closeness of the last Presidential contest bMl. political parties 
 and committees, for some years thereafter, to make the most rigid 
 scrutiny as to the qualifications of candidates for the Electoral 
 College. It «va8 exjiected also that it would lead to legislation or 
 Constitutional Amendment, which would determine similar cases in 
 the future. Many measures, looking to this end, were introduced, 
 but none of them reached final passage. The most elaborate measure 
 proposed was one introduced by Henator Edmunds, of Vermont, in 
 1878 and reported by Senator Morgan of Alabama from a select com- 
 mittee in 1880. 
 
 Senator Edmunds' Bill changed the time of election to the first 
 Tuesday in October in each fourth year. In <'ase of the death of 
 both the President and Vice-President more than two months before 
 that date in any other year than Presidential year a new election 
 was to be held. It also provided that: "Each State may provide by 
 law, enacted prior to the day in this Act named, for the appointment 
 of Electors, and for the trial and determination of any controversy 
 concerning the appointment of Electors, before the time fixed for the 
 meeting of the electors, in any manner it may deem expedient. Every 
 such determination, made pursuant to such law so enacted before said 
 day, and made prior to the time of the meeting of the Electors, shall 
 be conclusive evidence of the lawful title of the Electors who shall 
 have been so determined to have been appointed, and shall govern 
 in the counting of the Electoral votes." 
 
 The provisions of the Bill relating to the count followed the 
 method outlined in the twenty-second joint rule, with the following 
 exceptions: No vote from' a State from which there was but one 
 return should be rejected, except by the concurrent vote of both 
 Houses. If there were two or more returns, that only could be 
 counted which wps decided to be the true return in the manner just 
 cited. If there were no such determination, or if there were two 
 or more decisions, purporting to have been made in accordance with 
 a law paased in conformity with that section, that return 
 
 m^- 
 
 7H.-/ssffl4ti)iJsj,-j 
 
 *■■ 
 
 
IV.\2 
 
 HISTORY OP THE UKITBLKWN F'ARTY. 
 
 or that di'ciHion only, conld hv accepted whirli tho two Homwh. 
 a<tinK «epaiat««l.v, Hlionid <le«ide, li.v altlniiativ*' vot«', to bo in 
 arcordaiu*' with tlu' Constitution and tin- Lawn. When the 
 two Houhph separated to consider objections to Klectonil votes, each 
 member of either House miRht speak once only for tlve minutes, and 
 at the expiration <»f two hours It would become the duty of the presid- 
 ing olticer to put the question. The liill passed the Senate by a vote of 
 .'{5 to 2«, the nays all being Hemoi-rats, and tin* yeas all Republican 
 except Senators Hayard, Davis. M«'rriman and Morgan. It was not 
 considered by the House. 
 
 Mr. Morgan's Hill, introduced after the Democrats obtaine«l 
 control of the Senate, provided that no vote from a State which sent 
 but one ri'tuin was to be rejected, ex<ept by the amrmative action of 
 both Houses of (Nmgress. If two or more returns should be offered, 
 neither was to be counted unless the two Houses agreed in deciding 
 that one of them was the true and correct return. Provision was 
 also made for one hour's debate in each House upon objections, no 
 member to speak more than on<'e, nor longer than ten minutes; and 
 u!80 for debate, by unanimous consent, in the joint meeting. It was 
 also provided that an appeal might be taken from a decision by the 
 presiding ofllcer. which was to be overruled only by concurrent action 
 of both Houses. A motion to substitute the Edmunds Bill for the 
 one under consideration was lost, and the Morgan Bill then passed 
 by a vote of 25 to 14. In the House it was defeated by filibustering. 
 The only outcome of the discussion, which lasted through three 
 sessions of Congress, was the revival of the twenty-second joint rule, 
 with slight raodiflcations. 
 
 To the period covered by President Hayes' Administration 
 belongs also the first important Congressional agitation of the Chinese 
 Immigration Question. In his annual message to Congress in 1875, 
 President Grant had called attention to the evils resulting from unre- 
 stricted Mongolian immigration. April 20. 1876, Senator Sergeant, 
 of California, submitted a resolution asking the Senate to "recom- 
 mend to the President to cause negotiations to be entered upon with 
 the Chinese Government to elTect such a change in the existing treaty 
 between the United States and China as will lawfully permit the appli- 
 cation of restrictions upon the great influx of Chinese subjects to this 
 country." An investigation of the whole subject by a joint Com- 
 mittee of Congress followed. Its report led to a long discussion, and 
 finally, in 187!>, to the passage of a Bill to restrict the immigration 
 
mm 
 
 1 . 
 
 two HOIIHCM, 
 
 ((', to lie ill 
 WIhmi tlM' 
 
 '111 voteH, each 
 ininute8, and 
 of the presid- 
 
 t<> b.v a vote of 
 
 II Kepublicnn 
 
 It was not 
 
 ratH obtained 
 
 ate which Bent 
 
 ative action of 
 
 uld be offered, 
 
 ed in deciding 
 
 Provision wan 
 
 objections, no 
 
 minutes; and 
 
 ^tinf?. It was 
 
 lecision bv the 
 
 M'urrent action 
 
 ds Bill for the 
 
 ill then passed 
 
 ly filibustering. 
 
 through three 
 
 •ond joint rule, 
 
 \dministraiion 
 I of the Chinese 
 ngress in 1875, 
 ting from unre- 
 lator Hergeant, 
 ate to "reconi-., 
 *red upon with 
 existing treaty 
 ?rmit the appli- 
 jubjects to this 
 k' a joint (^oni- 
 discussion, and 
 le immigration 
 
 AUMINIHTUATION OF l»HKHII»KNT IIAYKH. 
 
 :<:{:! 
 
 I } 
 
 of the Chinese into this country. President Hayes vetoed the liill 
 because it alirogated the Iturlinganie treaty of \Hi\H, without notice, 
 and o|M>ned negotiations for a nioditication of the treaty. Fie 
 appointed .lames H. Angell, President of Michigan Cnivcrsity. .lohn 
 K. Kwift. of California, and William Henry Trescott, of Kouth Caro 
 lina, as Commissioners, to proceed to China for this purpost*, Mr. 
 Angell being at tlu' same time appointed Minister to that Kmpin- 
 The Commissioners negotiated a treaty covering this suliject, and 
 also one relating to the general commercial relations of the two 
 countries. Itoth were ratified, and under the terms of the tirst, legis 
 lation was enacted which almost entirely suppressed Chinese inmii- 
 gration. 
 
 With the incoming of a Democratic majority in the House, and 
 the approach of a similar majority in the Senate, the H(uithern wing 
 of that party became very aggressive and several hot debates 
 occurred over p flood of Houthern war claims that were presented. 
 Hut "^he most sensational and dramatic scene in Congress for muuy 
 years was that in the Henate on the morning <>f March U. 1S70. Near 
 the close of the second session of the Forty-fifth Congress a Bill was 
 before the Henate making appropriations for arrearages of pensions. 
 To this an amendment was ofTert-d extending to those who served in 
 the war with Mexico the provisions of the existing law giving pensi(ms 
 to the surviving soldiers of IHV2. To this a further amendment was 
 offered excluding persons who served in the Confederate Army or 
 held any office under the Confederacy from the benefits of this liill. 
 This amendment was defeated by the votes of the l)emo(*rats and two 
 Houthern Republicans. Another amendment was then offered by 
 Henator Hoar excluding Jefferson Davis from the benefits of any 
 Pension Bill. 
 
 Then followed some remarkable utterances from Houthern Hen- 
 ators. Henator Garland, of Arkansas, declared that Davis' record 
 Would "equal in history all (Irecian fame and all Roman glory." Hen- 
 ator Maxey, of Texas, called him a "battle scarred, knightly 
 gentleman." Senator Harris, of Tennessee, pronounced him "the peer 
 of any Henator on this floor," Senator Coke, of Texas, said: "I will 
 not vote to discriminate against Mr. Davis, for T was just as much a 
 rebel as he." Henator Lamar, of Mississippi, considered the proposi- 
 tion "a wanton insult," springing from "hate, bitter, malignant 
 sectional feeling, and a sense of personal impunity," and added: 
 "The only differen<'e between myself and Jefferson Davis is that hi. 
 
 1 
 
'■¥■ 
 
 ^^w. ' 
 
 IIIHTOHV (►KTIIK HKIMIILU'AN I'AKTV. 
 
 *.-, 
 
 t'xaltcd I hai'iirlt't', IiIh pfcciiiiiicnt tulciitH, IiIh wi'll-cNttibliHlicd n'pii- 
 latioii iiH a Hfat«'Hiiian. ait a patri«>t, and an a Noldicr. <>iial>l«>d lifiii to 
 take tlic lead in a cauMi' to which I conttcrratt'd nivHclf." Il(> fni'tlii'i- 
 ftaid that Davin' niotivcH wen* "an Hacri'd and moIiI<> an vvvr inHpii'(>d 
 the breaHt of a Hampden or a Wanliington." Kenatoi- HanHom. of 
 North Taroiina. Maid.: "I Mhall not dwell npon Mr. DaviH' public 
 Mervicefi aH an American Holdier and Ntateiiman. He lielonf^ii to 
 lilHtory, aH doen that cauHe to which he ^nve all the ability of hiH 
 great nature," The Kepublican HenatorH who made objection to thin 
 apotheoHJM of unrepentant treaiion did mo, for the moHt part, in 
 renionHtranrc rather than in denunciation. The whole debate wan a 
 reminder of the davn. in the earl.v tlftiew, when the Houthern SenatorH 
 and RepresentalivcH were wont to crack the whip over the headu of 
 their aHHociaten from the North. The debate had hiMted over two 
 hourH, when, about half past three in the morning, William E. Chand- 
 ler, of New Haniptthire. who was lintening to the dificuHgion, naid to 
 Senator K. H. KolllnH: "Tell Zach Chandler that he Ib the man to 
 call Jeff IlaviB u traitor." Henator Chandler received the mesBage 
 with a nod, and an noon uh he could obtain the floor, Baid, with great 
 Holemnit.v and emphaaiB: 
 
 Mr. I'reHident, twent.v-two years ago to-morrow, in the old Hall 
 of t'.ie Henate, now occupied by the Hnpreme Court of the United 
 States, I, in company with Mr. JefferBon Davis, stood up and swore 
 l)efore Almighty Ood, that 1 would support the Constitution of the 
 l.'nited Htntes. Mr. Jefferson Davis came from the Cabinet of 
 Franklin Pierce into the Henate of the United Htates and took the 
 <»ath with me, to be faithful to this Oovernment. During four years 
 I Hat in this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and saw the preparations 
 going on, from day to day, for the overthrow of this Oovernment. 
 With treason in his heart and perjury on his lips he took the oath to 
 sustain the Government that he meant to overthrow. 
 
 Sir, there was method in that madness. He, in co-operation with 
 other men from his section, and in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, made 
 careful preparation for the event that was to follow. Your armieri 
 were scattered all over this broad land, where they conld not be used 
 in an emergency; your fleets were scattered wherever the winds blew 
 and water found to float them, where they could not be used to put 
 down rebellion; your Treasury was depleted, until your bonds, bearing 
 six per cent., principal and interest payable in coin, were sold for 
 eighty-eight cents on the dollar, for current expenses. Preparations 
 were carefully made. Your arms were sold under an apparently 
 innocent clause in an Army Bill, providing that the Secretary of War 
 
»' 'Wi .!] 
 
 i|i < i . ' 
 
 liliHlu'il rrpii- 
 iubl«><l him to 
 III' further 
 ever iiiMpircd 
 
 KlIIIHOIll, of 
 
 DuvIh' public 
 
 l>«>louf{ii to 
 
 ability of bin 
 
 cctioii to thiM 
 
 uioHt part, in 
 
 ' debute wait u 
 
 hern Senators 
 
 r the headH of 
 
 Hted over two 
 
 lam E. Chand- 
 
 iiMHlon, Huid to 
 
 Ih the man to 
 
 d the mefiiiaKc 
 
 lid, with great 
 
 n the old Hall 
 of the United 
 up and Rwore 
 titution of the 
 he Cabinet of 
 ) and took the 
 ring four yearn 
 le preparations 
 H Government. 
 )ok the oath to 
 
 ■operation with 
 luohanan, made 
 Your armies, 
 iild not be used 
 the ifirinds blew 
 be used to put 
 bonds, bearing 
 
 were sold for 
 Preparations 
 
 an apparently 
 cretary of War 
 
 ' '\ : 
 
 AMWIMHTKATION OF I'KKHIhKNT IIAYKH. 
 
 ;i:ir. 
 
 might, at Ilia* dtHcrelion, Hell hucIi iinnMUM he deemed it for the iiilereHl 
 of the Oovenimeut to Hell. 
 
 ri'iv, i'i){| teen yeiu'H ago hiMt month. I nut in theHe hiillH and lintened 
 to •l-<>ffei-H4»n Davis (leliv<>ring IiIh farewell addreHM, informing us what 
 our « 'ouHtitutioiial dutieH to this Oovernment were; and then he left, 
 Mhil entered into the K(>bellion to overthrow the Ooveriiment that he 
 hH<;ii sworn to suppitrt. I remained here, Hir, during the whole of that 
 rrible Kehellion. I saw our brave Moldiers by tliousands and 
 liundreds of thousandH, aye, I might Hay millitmH, puHH through to the 
 theater of war, and I huw their shattered rankn return; I saw Hteam- 
 boat after steamboat, and railroad train after railroad train, arrive 
 with the maimed and the woundeil; I was with my friend from Rhode 
 iHland (Mr. Durnsidei when he commanded the Army of the I'otonuic. 
 and saw piles of legs and aruiH that nmde humanity shudder; I saw 
 the widow and the orphan in tlieir homes, and heard the weeping and 
 wailing of those who had lost their dearest and best. Mr. I*resident, 
 I little thought, at that time, that I should live to hear in tlie Henate 
 of the Tnited Ktates eulogies upon .letTerson l>nvis living — a living 
 rebel eulogized on the H«M»r of the Henate of the T'nited States. 
 ^ 1 Hir, I am amazed to hear it; and I can tell the gentlemen on the 
 otlier side thot they little know the spirit of the North when they 
 come here at this day, and with bravado on their lips, utter eulogies 
 cm a man whom every man, w<mnin and <'hild in the North believes 
 to have been )i double-dy(>d traittu- to his Government. 
 
 " ^' ■ • ' ' , 
 
 From the beginning to the end of this sj)eecli it was listened to 
 intently by all within hearing, and as Mr. Chandler brought out with 
 resonant tone the closing words, "a double-dyed traitor to his Gov- 
 ernment," a round of applause 4-nme from the galleries, w^iich the 
 presiding officer could not check. No attempt was made '>u answer 
 Mr. t^handler, but after a few minutes of embarrassing silence. Sena- 
 tor Thurnian began to s|>eak on another branch of the subject. Wiieu 
 it oame to a vote Senator Hoar's amendment carried by one majority, 
 but the whole amendment, as so modified, was rejected. The Southern 
 Senators would not give to the loyal veterans of the Mexican war the 
 benefits of the measure, unless Jeff T)aviB could share with them. 
 
 :X' -'» 
 
 
 ;..i 
 
 
 ■■:^. 
 
 
THE SEVENTH KEi'l RLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkliug — Its Effect on the 
 Convention of 1880 — Unsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the Unit 
 Rule — The Three Next Republicata Presidents in the Convention 
 — Shjiip Debate Between Senator Conkling and the West Vir- 
 ginia Members — Important Amendment to the Rules — The Plat- 
 form Adopted — Conkling's (Jreat Speech in Nomination of 
 Grant — The Nomination of Garfield — C'onkling's Motion to Make 
 it Unanimous — Supported by General Logan — General Arthur 
 Nominated for Vice-t resident— The Exciting Convention Closes 
 >Vith Apparent Good Feeling. 
 
 The cauipaign of 1880 was approached b.v the Republicans under 
 circumstances different from any which had preceded it since the 
 party was organized. James G. Blaine was unquestionably the 
 choice of a majority of the Republicans in the country for the nomina- 
 tion, but he hud enemies among the party leaders who were influential 
 in their own states. The most bitter of these was Senator Conkling, 
 of New York, with whom Blaine had a personal controversy on the 
 floor of the House many years before. In 1866, General Grant, then 
 in command of the Army, gave an opinion that there was no further 
 need of the office of Provost Marshal General, and when the Army 
 Bill came before the House, soon afterwards, Mr. Conkling moved to 
 strike out the section making an appropriation for that office. In 
 the course of his remarks he assailed General James B. Fry, who then 
 held thai position, in a manner that was offensively personel and 
 abusive. General Fry, in retaliation, sent to I^r. Blaine a letter 
 attacking Mr. Conkling in turn, and Mr. Blaine read the letter in the 
 House. Mr. Conkling, while a Member of Congress had been 
 assigned, in the capacity of Judge Advocate to the prosecution of 
 Major Haddock, an Army .officer, and the trial of certain "bounty 
 jumpers." In his letter to Blaine, General B^ry charged that Conk- 
 
THE 8EVENTH REPUHLIC'AN CONVENTION. IM7 
 
 
 ■J'-- 
 
 TION. 
 
 Its Effect on the 
 nfprce the Unit 
 I the Convention 
 the West Vir- 
 Jules— The Plat- 
 Nomination of 
 Motion to Make 
 (General Arthur 
 invention Closes 
 
 epiiblitang under 
 ded it since the 
 luestionably the 
 f for the nomina- 
 [) were influential 
 Senator Conkling, 
 ntroversy on the 
 leral Grant, then 
 e was no further 
 
 when the Army 
 inkling moved to 
 I* that office. In 
 B. Pr.v, who then 
 ?l,v personal and 
 , Blaine a letter 
 
 the letter in the 
 gress had been 
 e prosecution of 
 
 certain "bounty 
 irged that Conk- 
 
 ling had, inipr()j)erly if not illegally, received a fee for the proseciition 
 of Major Haddock; that, in the discharge of his duties, he had not 
 acted in good faith, and had prevented the prosecution of deserters 
 at l'ti<a; and that he had notified the War Department that the 
 Provost Marshal in Western New York needed legal advice, and thus 
 secured an appointment for himself. A discussion followed the 
 reading of this letter, and it became exceedingly personal between 
 Conkling and Blaine. Among other things the passage which gave 
 Conkling as great offense as any, was that in which Blaine referred 
 to his pompous manner, to his vanity about his personal appearance, 
 and the curled front lock which he always wore, and compared him 
 to a turkey-cock strutting about the floor of the House. 
 
 At Conkling's request a committee was appointed to investigate 
 the charges of General Fry. That committee reported a series of 
 resolutions exonerating Conkling and condemning Fry, the most 
 important res'slution being as follows: "That all the statements 
 made in the letter of General James B. Fry to Hon. James G. Blaine, 
 a Member of this House, in so far as such statements impute to the 
 Hon. Roscoe Conkling, a Member of this House, any criminal, illegal, 
 unpatriotic, or otherwise improper conduct, or motives, either as to 
 Ihe matter of his procuring himself to be employed by the Govern- 
 ment of the United States in the prosecution of military offenses in 
 the State of New York, in the management of such prosecutions, in 
 taking compensation therefor, or in any other charge, are wholly 
 ■without foundation or truth, and, for their publication there were, in 
 the judgment of this House, no facts connected with said prosecutions 
 furnishing either a palliative or an excuse." 
 
 From that tim'e until Conkling's death there was open enmity 
 between the two, and Conkling, at least, omitted no opportunity to 
 show his dislike, either in small or great affairs. The writer recalls 
 an incident in the Senate illustrative of this. Blaine had been 
 speaking upon a Bill for distributing the proceeds of the Alabama 
 award. When Conkling rose to reply he turned his back upon Blaine, 
 though in order to do this he had to tui-n his side toward the presid- 
 ing officer, and addressing the ceiling more than anything else, 
 commenced with: "A suggestion has reached my ear." He then 
 went on to point out with fine scorn what he considered weak pointR 
 in Blaine's argument, without, however, making any direct reference 
 to the Senator from Maine. Conkling's j'niiiity to Blaine seems to 
 have become a consuming passion, and he indulged it even at the 
 
 / 
 
 •■ .>^;^' --y' 
 
 ■ys-- 
 
 .'Kft 
 
' M ■ 
 
 338 HIHTORY OP THE REPUBIJCAN PARTY. . 
 
 r.^,:. :...':■...; .....-.-'■ 
 
 expense of his own political fortunes. And lie succeeded in many of 
 the efforts which it inspired. For his influence and work were 
 potent enough, in connection with other influen<'es, t<» defeat Blaine 
 for the Presidential nomination in 187(i, and again in 1880, and to 
 carry New York against him after his nomination in 1884. 
 
 In the successful attempt to beat Blaine out of the nomination 
 in 1880 General Grant's renewed popularity wan apparently used as 
 a foil, though many of his supporters undoubtedly thought he could 
 be nominated and elected. In 1875 feelers had been put out by Gen- 
 eral Grant's admirers as to the expediency of nominating him for a 
 third term of the Presidency. The proposed movement, however, did 
 not take at that time. The Pennsylvania State Convention in that . 
 year adopted a resolution declaring against the election to the Preai- ; 
 dency of any jierson for a third term. This called out a letter from 
 Grant to the President of the Convention, in which he said: "Now 
 for the third terui, I do not want it any more than I did the first," but 
 he added that later on the time might come wlien it would be unfor- 
 tunate to make a change at the end of eight years, and that he "would 
 not accept a nomination if it were tendered, unless it should come 
 under such circumstances as to make it an imperative duty — circum- 
 stances not likely to rise." This was not considered a aufticiently 
 explicit refusal and in the latter part of December of the same year 
 a resolution was offered in the National House of Representatives:' 
 "That, in the opinion of this House, the precedent established by 
 Washington and other Presidents of the T'^nited States, in retiring 
 from the I'residency, has become, by universal concurrence, a part of 
 our republican system of Government, and that any departure from 
 this time-honored custom would be unwise, unj)atriotic and fraught 
 with peril to our institutions." The adoption of this by the decided 
 vote of 2S4 to 18, put a stop, for the time, to all talk of again nomin- 
 ating Grant. 
 
 In the interim the General and Ex-President had made his tour 
 around the world, had been received witii almost royal honors in 
 every Capital which he had visited, and had returned more popular 
 than ever. Three influential Republican leaders. Senator Corkling. 
 of New York; Senator Cameron, of Penn'ijylvania, and Senator I^ogan, 
 of Illinois, agreed to take advantage of (Jrant's popularity and bring 
 him forward as a candidate, and each of the three undertook to 
 control the Convention in his own State for that purjtose. In New 
 York the State Convention, by a majority of only 88 in a total vote 
 
ii pm iii « i | .i- 
 
 THE SEVENTH KEPIBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 33!) 
 
 ■eded in many of 
 
 and work were 
 to defeat Blaine 
 
 in 1880, and to 
 
 1884. 
 
 ' the nomination 
 
 [)arentl.v used as 
 
 hought he could 
 
 put out by Geu- 
 aating him for a 
 ent. however, did 
 (nvention in that 
 Hon to the Presi- 
 out a letter from 
 he said: "Now 
 aid the first," but 
 [ would be unfor- 
 id that he "would 
 8 it should come 
 ive duty — circum- 
 red a sufliciently 
 of the same year 
 
 Representatives : 
 it established by 
 Itates, in retiring 
 urrence, a part of 
 y departure from 
 •iotic and fraught 
 lis by the decided 
 k of again nomiu- 
 
 lad made his tour 
 t royal lumors in 
 ned more popular 
 Senator Torkling. 
 nd Senator Tjogan, 
 )ularity and bring 
 iree undertook Vi 
 )urpo8e. In New 
 38 in a total vote 
 
 of 397, instructed its delegates to vote as a unit for the nomination of 
 General Grant. In Pennsylvania the majority giving the same 
 instructions was only 20. The Illinois Convention went further yet, 
 for, although the Grant majority was very small, the Convention not 
 only instructed the delegates to vote as a unit, but set aside nine dele- 
 gates, already chosen by their respective districts. 
 
 In view of the action taken by the Convention at Cincinnati in 
 1876, which was intended to abolish the unit rule, these proceedings 
 aroused great indignation, both against the proposed nomination of 
 rjrant for a third term, and against the methods by which it was 
 sought to bring it about. The method did not prove as effective as 
 the triumvirate had hoped; for on the first ballot Illinois, instead of 
 giving its whole vote for Grant, gave Blaine 10 and Washburne 8; 
 New York gave Blaine 17 and Sherman 2; Pennsylvania gave Blaine 
 23 and Sherman 3. If these delegates had all gone for Grant, as 
 instructed, his vote would have been 3fi2, with only 379 required to 
 nominate, a near enough approach to a nomination to cause a 
 stampede in almost any Convention. Op the ninth ballot Grant 
 would have stood a still better chance for the nomination if the 
 unit rule had not been abrogated. On that hj-llot he had 308 votes as 
 it was, while 61 of the instructed votes from the three States men- 
 tioned went against him. These added to the 308 would have given 
 him 369, only ten short of the number required to nominate. The 
 instructions, therefore, did not in the final result, help Grant, but they 
 did bring the queslion before the Convention in such form as to deter- 
 mine finally that a State Convention cannot, by instructions, bind 
 the district delegates. 
 
 The National Convention met in Chicago, June 2, and was in 
 session six days. General Grant's confidential lieutenants and 
 campaign managers in the (Convention were Senators Conkling, of 
 New York; Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Logan, of Illinois, with 
 George S. Boutwell, of Mausachusetts, who had been a United States 
 Senator and a member of Grant's Cabinet. Three other members 
 of Grant's Cabinet were in attendance, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- 
 land; Edwards Pierpont, of New York, and George H. Williams, of 
 Oregon. In the Convention, also, were the next three Republican 
 Presidents of the Cnited ."Hates. James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Chester 
 A. Arthur, of New York, and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. There 
 were also the following who were, either then or soon afterwards. 
 United States Senators: (Jeorge F. Hoar, of Massachusetts; Preston 
 
 ammammm 
 
 <V>i. 
 

 HISTORY OP THE REPITBLK'AN PARTY. 
 
 B. Plumb, of KauHUB; ^Villiunl Pitt Kellogg, of Louiniana; Blanche K. 
 Bruce, of MiBsiBsippi; lilugene Hall and William P. Prye, of Maine; 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey; Omar 1). Conger, of Michigan; 
 PhiletuB Sawyer, of Wisconsin, and Dwight M. oabin, of Minnesota 
 
 The Michigan delegates were: At Large — James P. Joy, Omar, 
 1). Conger, Perry Hannah, Erwin C. Watkins. By Districts — (1) 
 William G. Thompson, David O. Parrand; (2) J. D. Ronan, Louis R. 
 Penfleld; (3) Caleb D. Randall, Morgan Bt tes; (4) A. H. Morrison, J. 
 W. French; (5) Oeorge A. Parr, A. B. Watson; (C) Charles Kipp, J, 
 M. Adams; (7) B. W. Huston, William Jenney; (8) E. O Avery, 
 Thomas N. Stevens; (5)) Joseph H. Chandler, Delos A. Blodgett. With 
 the exception of Tlumipson they voted steadily for Blaine through 
 thirty-flve ballots. On the thirty-sixth ballot the twenty-one went 
 from Blaine to Oarfield, Thompson still sticking to Giant. 
 
 The struggle between the factions commenced in tiie National 
 Committee before the Convention opened. In an executive t^ession 
 of the Committee, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, offered 
 a resolution recognizing the right of a delegate in vhe Convention 
 "freely (o cast, and to have counted, his individual vote therein, 
 according; lu his own sentiments, and, if he so decides, ngainst any 
 unit rule or other instructions, passed by a Stat<» Convention, which 
 right was conceded and exercised in the Conventions of 1860 and 
 1868, and, was, after full debate, affirmed by the Convention in 1876, 
 and has thus become a law of Republican Conventions, ind until 
 reversed by a Convention itself, must remain a governing principle." 
 The Chairman of the Committee, Senator J. 1). Cameron, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, declared the resolution out of order, an autocratic ruling which, 
 following the arbitrary proceedings of the New York, I'ennsylvania 
 and DlinoiM Conventions, excited great indignation, and when it 
 became known, outside of the Committee, it caused an immediali' 
 revolt. Twenty two members of the New York delegation signed a 
 paper, decla'-'ng their purpose "to resisi the roiinnation of General 
 U. 8, Grant at all hazards," and giving it as their opinion that, in New 
 York, at least, his nomination would insure defeat. A break in the 
 Pennsyl" >,'ia delegation followed. Alarmed at these defectioHfl 
 the Grant men im the Committee proposed a compromise, which was 
 accepted. tImb was to the eiTect that (Jeorge P. Hoar, the choice of 
 the majority of the Committee, should be made temporary Chairman 
 of the Convention, and that no attempt should be made io enforce 
 the unit rule, nor to have a test vote in the Convention, until the 
 
<l««p< 
 
 RTY. . ' 
 
 Hiana; Blanche K. 
 
 . Prye, of Maine; 
 
 ;er, of Michigan; 
 
 )in, of Minnesota 
 
 iieH F. Joy, Omar, 
 
 Hy Districts— (1) 
 
 Uonan, Louis U. 
 
 i. H. Morrison, J. 
 
 Charles Kipp, J. 
 
 8) E. O Avery, 
 
 I. Blodgett. With 
 
 )r Blaine through 
 
 ! twenty-one went 
 
 Giant. •> . 
 
 d in ti.e National 
 
 executive session 
 
 lampshire, offered 
 
 in ihe Convention 
 
 lual vote therein, 
 
 cjdes, against any 
 
 Convention, which 
 
 tions of 1860 and 
 
 'onvention in 187(5, 
 
 .mentions, ind antil 
 
 verning principle." 
 
 meron, of Pennsyl- 
 
 Tatic ruling which. 
 
 'ork, Pennsylvania 
 
 ion, and when it 
 
 sed an iinniediaU? 
 
 [elegation signed a 
 
 tnation of General 
 
 jinion that, in New 
 
 A hreak in the 
 
 these defections 
 
 iromise, which was 
 
 Hoar, the choice of 
 
 inporary Chairman 
 
 e made }(» enforce 
 
 ivention, until the 
 
 THE SEVENTH REPT'BLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 341 
 
 Committee on Credentials had reported, when the unit rule matter 
 
 should be decided by the Convention itself. The Convention opened 
 
 at noon on Wednesday, June 2, with a brief and moderate speech by 
 
 Senator Cameron, Chairman of the National Committee. Following 
 
 are the essential parts of the address: > 
 
 During the canvass just ended there has been manifested in many 
 sections of the country considerable bitterness, which 1 trust, will 
 'ntirely disappear before we enter upon the graveduties devolved upon 
 us. i^et there be but one motive governing our action, and let that 
 be a determination \o place in nomination the strongest possible can- 
 didates — n>eu strong in themselves, men strong in the confidence and 
 utfections ot the people, and men who will command the respect of 
 the civilized world. Our country, ot which we are justly proud, has 
 grown so I'apidly in population, wealth and influence during the 
 existence of the Uepublicau party, that we have attained a position 
 as one of the leading powers of the world; and we can no longer be 
 satisfied with our isolation, tiecognizing the changed conditions, we 
 must place m position men wlio^e familiarity with other nations will 
 enable them to direct our aftairs, so that we will take the lead in 
 (•ommen-e, as we have in agriculture and in manufacture. Do not 
 for a moment doubt the strength of our institutions. They have 
 been tried in blood, and have come through the contest better, 
 stronger and .purer, than the most ardent patriot had dared to hope. 
 No combination of circunistances, no coterie of individuals, no per- 
 sonal ambition, can ever prevail against the intelligence, and inborn 
 love of liberty, which are implanted in the hearts of Americans. 
 When the nominations are made, and the Convention has completed 
 its work, let there be but one sentiment animating all earnest, sincere 
 and unselfish Kepnblicans, and let that be that each shall vie with the 
 other in carrying our grand old party through the coming contest to 
 victory. 
 
 Senator Hoar was introduced as tem|;orary Chairmnn of the Con- 
 vention, an appointment which was subsccjuently made perumnent. 
 His opening address consisted chiefly in a sharp ctmtrast between th(> 
 purposes and acts of the two great parties. The members of the 
 various committees were muned, as usual, by the delegations from the 
 states, and in all of them the jGrant members were in the minority, 
 The Committee on Credentials made Omar D. Conger, of Michigan, 
 Chairman by a vote of 25>, to 11 for Benjamin F. Tracy, of New York, 
 and General Garfleld was made Chairman of tht, impoi'taut Commit- 
 tee on Rules. The playing for position extended through all the 
 preliminary proceedings, and in all test votes the (h-aut forces were 
 beaten. The first test vote came on the second dav of the Conven- 
 
 i 
 
 ■wft'-<lft4*i?c ^r-^" 
 
 .- ^1 ' iffiaiyiiiitair 
 
pm 
 
 IMMUMlftalMM^aipMMiMMh- . «UMI 
 
 342 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY. 
 
 tion, when Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, moved that the Committee on 
 RnleB be inetructed to report, witliout waiting for tlie report of the 
 Committee on Credentials. After u sliarp and very personal discus- 
 sion between Mr. Henderson^ Oeneral Logan, of Illinois, Mr. Boutwell. 
 of Massachusetts, and General Sharpe, of New York, the latter, who 
 was a minority member of the Committee on Rules, moved an amend- 
 ment that the Committee on Credentials be instructed to report first. 
 On a roll call of the states this was lost by a vote of 318 to 406, but Mr. 
 Henderson's motion was subsequently laid on the table, by general 
 consent. 
 
 On the third day Senator Conkling precipitated a sensation, by 
 offering a resolution that every member of the Convention " is bound 
 in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and 
 that no man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so 
 agree." This was put, viva voce, and declared t-arried, when Mr. 
 Conkling said: "Plainly and audibly to me and to others, negative 
 votes were given on this resolution, and I respectfully ask the Chair to 
 call the states, that we may know who it is in a Republican Conven- 
 tion that votes 'No' on such a pledge." On the roll call of states the 
 vote was yeas 716, nays 3, the latter all being from West Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Conkling then moved an additional resolution: "That the 
 delegates who, on this roll-call, have voted *no' on the resolution just 
 adopted, do not deserve to have, and have forfeited their votes in this 
 Convention." Delegates A. W. Campbell and 8. P. McCormick, of 
 West Virginia, boldly took up the challenge thus thrown down, and 
 held their ground, not only against the mover of the resolution, but 
 against all comers. It was in this debate that Mr. Campbell first 
 gave currency to the phrase, if he did not coin it, "I always intend to 
 carry my sovereignty under my own hat." McCormick, in his short 
 speech, made a personal thrust at Mr. Conkling, as follows: "1 have 
 to say to the gentlenmn from New York, that I have been as consistent 
 a Republican as he has been ; I have further to say to the gentleman 
 from New York, that when the war broke out in 1861, 1 was but a boy 
 of 18 years of age, and I went Into the Army from the State of 
 Indiana, and into Camp Morton, and was in the Army for two long 
 years. I made, Sir — if the gentlemjen of the Convention will allow mo 
 to say — in IN'"' more than one hund.-ed sjieeches for the nominee of 
 the RepublicH.. party, and I am informed that the gentleman from 
 New Yoi-k Piade but one. It is a notorious fact that the gentleman 
 from New York, on many occasions in the past, when he has failed to 
 
UTY. 
 
 u> Committee on 
 the report of the 
 V personal discus- 
 ois, Mr. Boutwell, 
 the latter, who 
 moved an amend- 
 ed to report llrst. 
 ns to 406, but Mr. 
 table, by general 
 
 a sensation, by 
 
 vent ion " is bound 
 
 linee may be; and 
 
 not ready to so 
 
 carried, when Mr. 
 
 others, negative 
 ly ask the Chair to 
 epnblican Conven- 
 
 1 call of states the 
 
 West Virginia. 
 
 lution: "That the 
 
 the resolution just 
 
 I their votes in this 
 
 , P. MeCormick, of 
 
 thrown down, and 
 the resolution, but 
 Mr. Campbell first 
 'I always intend to 
 rmick, in his short 
 1 follows: "1 have 
 e been as consistent 
 y to the gentleman 
 }61, 1 was but a boy 
 from the State of 
 Army for two long 
 ntion will allow m«» 
 for the nominee of 
 he gentleman from 
 that the gentleman 
 hen he has failed to 
 
 THE SEVENTH REPT'HLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 'MA 
 
 secure what he wanted from the Republican party, has not givr'u it 
 the hearty support that I have. I object to that resolution for this: 
 That resolution recites that u man who dareM assert his independence 
 in this Convention is not worthy of a seat in the body. I say he is. 
 and I object to it for that reason, and not because I do not intend to 
 support the nominee of this Convention. I do, and it umkes no differ- 
 ence who he is." At the end of a long discussion a roll call of states 
 was ordered on the resolution, when Mr. Coukling withdrew it, only 
 to receive this parting shot from Mr. Cam{»bell: "In the language of 
 the gentleman from New York, I congratulate him upon his suc^cess." 
 
 The Committee on Credentials was not ready to report until the 
 third day of tiio Convention. It had many contested cases before il. 
 several of whic-h turned upon the right <»f a State ('onvention to set 
 aside the action of district conventions, or to bind district delegates. 
 Two reports were made, the majority report deciding in every case on 
 the right of am individual vote, and the minority views, in cases of this 
 class, being in accord with the unit rule. In the Convention the con- 
 tested j-ases in the different states xsere taken up separately, and were 
 made the subjects of long discussioi^s, which attracted wide attention 
 at the time, but which have long since lost their interest. The first 
 test vote was on contested seats from Alabama, in which the majority 
 report was sustained against the minority by a vote of 449 to 30(». On 
 the other cases the majority reports were sustained, though by widely 
 differing votes. ;',.•",:'•'' 
 
 It was not until the fourth day of the Convention that the report 
 of the (.'ommittee on Kules came up for consideration. The rules 
 reported by the majority were nearly the same as those that governed 
 tlv? Convention of 1876, except Rule 8, to which an addition was made 
 so as to make it read as follows: "In the record of the vote by States, 
 ihe vote of each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia shall 
 be announced by the Chairman; and in case the vote of any State. 
 Territory or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman 
 shall announce the number of votes cast for any candidate, or for or 
 against any proposition; but if exception is luW.v. by any delegate to 
 the correctness of such announcement by t'l'- rb!:ii'man of his dele- 
 gation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of mem- 
 bers of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded 
 in accordance with the votes individually given." The report of the 
 minority omitted the last clause of this section. The friends of 
 Oeneral Grant did not desire immediate consideration of the rules, 
 
 
'^i^. 
 
 .344 
 
 HIHTOUY OF THE HKrrm.lCAN PARTY. 
 
 und General Mhnrjie, of New York, Hoiight to creute a diverHion, by 
 niovinjLr to proceed iiimiedintely to the noiiLiiuition of PreHident and 
 Vice President, but this wuh nej<ative<l by vote of 27(5 to 479. A 
 motion to substitute the minority report for tlie majority was lost, 
 witliout roll call. On motion of Mr. Houtwell, of Massachusetts, this 
 section was added to the rule relatint; to the formation of the National 
 ('ommittee: "Said Committee shall, within the next twelve months, 
 prescribe a method or methods for the election of delegates to the 
 National Convention in 1884; announce the samt to ihe (?!ountry and 
 Issue a I'all for that (convention in conformity therewith; Provided, 
 that such methods or rules shall include and secure to the several 
 Congressional Districts of the Cnited Htates the right to elect their 
 own delegates to the National Convention." This was adopted, as 
 was also the majority report, as so amended, thus settling, probably 
 for all time, the ((uestion of the unit rule, which had been the subject 
 of great dissension during the Conventions, both in 1876 and 1880, 
 
 The platform adopted by the Convention was as follows: 
 
 The Republican party, in National Convention assembled, at the 
 i*nd of twenty years since the Federal Government was tlrst com- 
 mitted to its charge, submits to the people of the I'nited States its 
 brief report of its administration : 
 
 It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of 
 men to subvert the National authority. It reconstructed the Union 
 of the States with freedom, instead of slavery, as its cornerstone. It 
 transformed tour million of human beings from the likeness of things 
 to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work 
 of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not 
 exist. 
 
 It has raised the A'alue of our paper currency from thirty-eight 
 per cent to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, pay- 
 ment in coil) for all the National obligations, and has given us a cur- 
 rency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended coun- 
 try. It has lifted the credit of the Nation from the point where six 
 Iter cent, be ids sold at 86 to that where four {ler cent, bonds are 
 eagerly sou ht at a preminm. 
 
 Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 
 miles in IMO to more than 82,000 miles in 1870. 
 
 Our foreign trade has increased from 9700,000,000 to fl,150,000,- 
 000 in the same time, and our exports, which were (20,000,000 less 
 than our imports in 1860, were |264,000,000 more than our imports in 
 1879. 
 
 Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed 
 the ordinary expenses of Government, besides the accruing interest 
 
II (livei'Mion, hv 
 
 President and 
 
 1»7<J to 471). A 
 
 ority wan lost, 
 
 mchuwttH, thin 
 
 of the NationHl 
 
 twelve montlH, 
 
 legates to the 
 
 le Country and 
 
 with; Provide*!, 
 
 to the several 
 
 It to elect their 
 
 ^as adopted, as 
 
 ttling, probably 
 
 )een the subjert 
 
 876 and 1K80. 
 
 followR: 
 
 isenibled, at the 
 
 was tlrst eoni- 
 
 nited Htates its 
 
 rly a million of 
 ucted the Union 
 cornerstone. It 
 keness of things 
 p infamous work 
 slavery does not 
 
 rom thirty-eight 
 solid basis, pay- 
 s given us a cur- 
 1* extended coun- 
 point where six 
 cent, bonds are 
 
 Bed from 31,00(» 
 
 00 to 11,150,000,- 
 
 120,000,000 less 
 
 n our imports in 
 
 closed, defrayed 
 U'cniing interest 
 
 THE SEVENTH REPPRLirAN rONVENTION. 
 
 'm:> 
 
 on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over |:tO,000,000 for sol- 
 diers' pensions. It has paid 9S8S,000,0(I0 of the public debt, and, by 
 refunding the balHn(*e at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest 
 charge from nearly 9151,0(»0,000 to less than 981»,(»00,000. 
 
 All the industries of the Country have revived, labor is in 
 demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire Country 
 there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever 
 enjoyed. 
 
 Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued 
 confidence and support of the i)eople, and this (Convention subuiils 
 for its approval the following statement of the principles and pur- 
 poses which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts: 
 
 1. We atHrm that the work of the Republican party for the last 
 tventy years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the 
 dilation; that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, 
 through immense dilflculties, should be preserved; that the peace 
 regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily 
 restored, should be perpetuated and that the liberties secured to this 
 generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future genera- 
 lions: that the order established and the <'redit acquired should never 
 be impaired; that the pensions promised should be paid; that the 
 debt, so much reduced, be extinguished by the full payment of every 
 dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further pro- 
 moted, and that the commerce already so great should be steadily 
 encouraged. 
 
 2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and 
 not a mere contract; out of c<mfederate States it nuide a sovereign 
 Nation. Some powers are denied to the Nation, while others are 
 denied to the States; but the boundary between the powers delegated 
 and those reserved is to be determined by the National and not by the 
 State tribunals. 
 
 'A. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the 
 several States, but it is the duty of the National (Government to aid 
 that work to the extent of its Constitutional ability. The intelligence 
 of the Nation is but the aggregate of the intelligen<'e in the several 
 States, and the destiny of the Nation must be guided, not by the 
 genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all. 
 
 4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law 
 respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the 
 Nation can he protected against the influence of sectarianism while 
 each State is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend 
 that the Confltitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition 
 upon the legislature of ea<'h State, to forbid the appropriation of 
 public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 
 
 5. We affirm the belief avowed in 187fi, that the duties levied 
 for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor Amer- 
 ican labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be umd<' 
 
 ,>■■''■■■■. 
 
:)40 
 
 HIKTORY OF THE BEriJHLK^AN I'AKTY. 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 to any rullwii.v <»r other ••orporatlon ; that HlftVery huvitiK p^tIbH^mI 
 in the Staten, it» twin barbarity — polygamy — niUHt die In the Terri- 
 tories; that everywhere the protection aceordeil lo citizenii of Anier 
 lean birth miiHt be Hemred to cltlKenH by AHieri<-an adoption; that we 
 esteem it the tliity of CongreHH to develop and improve our WRter 
 conrMes and harborH, but InMlMt that further HubHidieH to private per- 
 Bonti or rorpora'iiouH must ceaHe; that the obliKationH of the Republic 
 to the men wl: > preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undi- 
 minished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory — to do 
 them perpetual honor is and shall forever be the grateful privilege 
 and sacred duty of the American people. '<k •; ^4V- 
 
 «. Kin«e the authority to regulate Immigration and Interponrse 
 between the I'nlted States and foreign nations i.Hts with the Con- 
 gress of the I'nited Htates and the treaty-making powers, the Repub- 
 lican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the fhinese 
 as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to 
 restrain and limit that immigration by the enactntent of such just, 
 humane and reasonable provisions as will produce that result. 
 
 7. That the purity and patriotism which characterised the early 
 career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided 
 the thoughts of our imuHMliate predecessors ti» select him for a 
 I'residential candidate, have continued to inspir" him in his career 
 as ('hief Executive, and that history will accord to his administration 
 the honors which are due to an eftlcient, just and courieous discharge 
 of the publi<- business, and will honor his interposition between the 
 people and proposed partisan laws. 
 
 8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice 
 of ])atrioti8ni and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office 
 and patronage. That to obtain possession of the National and State 
 (Governments, and the conti'ol o:f place and position, they have oh- 
 stru«*ted all efforts ^n promote the purity and to (-onserve the freedom 
 of suffrage; have lievised fr'judulent certifications and returns; hav«» 
 labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Congress, to secure, 
 at all hazards, the vote of .% majority of the States in the House of 
 liepresentatives ; have endetvored to occupy, by force and fraud, the 
 places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by 
 the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods 
 vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legis- 
 lation to appropriation bills, u|>on whose passage the very movements 
 of Oovernment depend; have crushed the rights of the individual; 
 have advocaf(>d the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against 
 the Nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of 
 the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nation- 
 ality, personal freedom and individual equality. The e(]ual, steady 
 and complete enforcement of the laws and protection of all our citi- 
 Kens in the enjoyment of all privileges and immunities guaranteed by 
 the Constitution, are the first duties of the Nation. The danger of a 
 
 -'k: 
 
rv. 
 
 lUviuK p«*rlsh«Ml 
 io in the Terri- 
 fizenii of AnitT 
 <»ption; that we 
 rove our water 
 I to private per- 
 of the Republic 
 battle are undi 
 1 victory — to do 
 ateful privilege 
 
 and inlercoupse 
 a with the Con 
 kreru, the Itepnb- 
 of the rhinese 
 f that pow«'r to 
 nt of 8uch just, 
 lat result, 
 terized the early 
 id which (guided 
 'lect hiu» for a 
 III in his i'areer 
 B udniiniBtration 
 rteouB discharge 
 ion between the 
 
 labitual saoriflce 
 le lust for office 
 tional and Btate 
 n, they have ob- 
 erve the freedom 
 nd returns; have 
 gresR, to secure, 
 
 in the House of 
 •e and fraud, the 
 », and rescued by 
 ave, by methods 
 ed partisan legis 
 I very movements 
 f the individual; 
 rebellion against 
 cred memories of 
 i-esults of nation- 
 'he e<iual, steady 
 )u of all our citi- 
 es guaranteed by 
 
 The danger of a 
 
 TIIK SEVENTH REIMHLirAN CONVKNTION. 'M' 
 
 Holid rtoutli • un only be averted by the faithful performance of every 
 promise which the Nation made to the citiz-en. The executi(m of the 
 laws and the punishment of all those who violate them, are f ■ y 
 safe methods by w hich an enduring peace can be secured and .'null 
 prosperity established throughout the Houth. Whatev r ,••<»">'"**'"» 
 the Nation nwikes, tiw Nation must perform; and the Nattjn cannot 
 with safety reicgut • \i \n duty to the Htates. The solid South must 
 be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions 
 must there find free expression; and to this end honest voters must 
 be protected against terrorlHin, violence or fraud. And we affirm it 
 lo be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party .o use all 
 legitimate means to restore all the Htates of this I'nion to the most 
 perfect harmony which may he priMti<able; and we submit to the 
 practical, sensible iK'ople of the Tniled States to say whether it would 
 not be daugerouH to the dearest interests of our country, at this time, 
 to surrender the administration of the National (Government to a 
 party which seeks to overthrow the existing policy under which we are 
 so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is 
 now order, confidence and hope. 
 
 9. The Republican party, adhering to the principles affirmed by 
 its last National Convention, of re8i»ect for the Constitutional rule 
 covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President 
 Hayes, that the reform of the Civil Service should be thorough, rad- 
 ii-ai and complete. To this end it denmnds the co-operation of the 
 T^gislative with the Executive Department of the Government, and 
 that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper 
 practical tests, shall admit to the public service. 
 
 There was no debate upon this pronouncement, except on the 
 last resolution, which was not reported by the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions, but was added by the Convention. It was during the debate on 
 this resolution that Webster B'lanagan, of Texas, made he '» nious 
 si)eech, which furnished catch phrases for the spoilsineii for several 
 years thereafter. He said: "Texas has had enough of the Civil Ser- 
 vice, Daring the last four years, sir, out of fourteen hundred officers 
 appointed by the President of the Cnited States, one hundred and 
 forty represented the Repubii«"an party. We are not here, sir, for 
 the purpose of providing offices for the Democracy. There is one plank 
 in the Democratic party that I have ever admired, and that is. To the 
 victors belong the spoils.' After we have won the race, as we will, 
 we will give those who are entitled to positions office. What are wo 
 up here for? I mean that members of the Republi'^an party are 
 entitled to office, and If we are victorious, we will have office." 
 
 The order of naming candidates for the Presidency was not 
 reached until Saturday afternoon, the. fourth day of the Convention. 
 
fpiHWi 
 
 MH 
 
 fllHTORYOFTHK KKIMHMCAN PARTY. 
 
 "^ V 
 
 roiiklftiK liiid Ix't'ii <'1miii<>ii to pr«>H<>tit C]niiit*H iiniiie, nnd lie did it in 
 a H)M><M'li tliat, in tlic iinnalM of Aiiicricaii <'oiivvntioii oratory, Iuih coiii- 
 iiioiily Ix'tMi ruiilvt>d hh Hcroiid only to InKcrHoll'H nomination of Hluinc 
 in 1H7((. Tli(> tirMt part of tlic h)h>4m-Ii wan cHpccially Htirrin^, and iH 
 giv«*n licrowitli: 
 
 And when aHlicd wlwit Htati he IuUIh from, 
 
 Our Molc reply hIuiII Ih', 
 Uu liailH from Appomatox / .. 
 
 And itH famouH apple (rcc. ,. 
 
 In obedicncv to inHtructionH which 1 uhou' i. ■ "r diiv to diMPe- 
 Kard, cxprcHHiut^ alno my own tlnu convictionH, ; i«e. Mi ''reMidcnt, 
 in behalf of the State of New York, to propoHe a noi;'!n.'>i:in v>ith which 
 the country and the Uepiiblican jM<f»v can Ki'undiy win Tltc > 'lection 
 before U8 Ih tl»e AuHterlitz of Au^.-ricun politi<'H. It will decide, for 
 many yearH, whether the country hIiuII be Republican or Cou^ock. 
 The Hupreme need of the hour id not a i ;ukdidate who can carry Michi- 
 gan. All Kepubli<-an candidateH vuf ic that. The m*ed Ih not of a 
 enndidate, popular in the territorieB, i'tiwuse the terrltorieH have no 
 v(..((.». The ne«>d ih of u candidate who can carry doubtful states; not 
 iJu? doubtful Blates of the North alone, bat uIhc doubtful Btates of the 
 Hoiith, wliich we have heard, if I understood u-ight, ought to lake 
 little or no part here, because tlie s^'outh has notti'i; ;? to give, but every- 
 thing to receive. The nej'd whit Is urj!i«<i itself Oii the conscience and 
 reason of the Convention is of ai candidate wlio can carry doubtful 
 states, both North and Houth. And believing that he, more surely 
 than any other man, can carry New York against any opponent, and 
 (•an carry not only the North, but si'veral states of the Bonth, New 
 York is for Ulysses H. Grant. 
 
 Never defeated — in peaie or in war — his name is the most illustri- 
 ous borne by living man. 
 
 His services attest his greatness, and the <-ountry — nay, tlie world 
 — knows them by heart. His fume was earned not alone by things 
 written and said, but by arduous greatness of things done; and {lerils 
 and emergenfies will search in vain in the future, as they have 
 searclied in vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans 
 with such confidence and trust. Never liaving had a policy to enfon-i' 
 against the Will of the i>eople, he never betrayed a cause or a friend, 
 and the people will never desert or betray him. Standing on the 
 highest eminence of human distinction, modest, tirm, simfde, and self- 
 poised, having tilled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only 
 the high born and the titled, but the poor and the lowly, in the utter- 
 most ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied 
 the needs and defects of many systems of government; and he has 
 returned a better American than ever, witli a wealth of knowledge and 
 ex|M'rien<'e added to the hard common Hense which shone so conspicu- 
 
 ^M ■' '"\ 
 
- 
 
 
 
 • * , 
 
 PY. 
 
 
 lid lie 
 
 did it ill 
 
 •at my 
 
 IlilM OOIII- 
 
 iHtion 
 
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 Mtirriiiij:, iiud it« 
 
 III, 
 
 I -' ■.'-"' 
 
 dir'»' to dlMrt'- 
 
 Mi ','rt*Bidt'iit, 
 
 , liiitivtith which 
 
 u TIh' '.'lectiou 
 
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 nil 01* (Jou.>}ack. 
 
 can carry Michl- 
 
 need iM not of a 
 
 ritorifH have no 
 
 btfiil MtatcH; not 
 
 fr.I Btates of the 
 
 t, ouKhi to take 
 
 ) give, but every- 
 
 e conBt'ienoe and 
 
 1 carry doubtful 
 
 he, more surely 
 
 ly opponent, and 
 
 the Month, New 
 
 the moHt illuBtri- 
 
 ' — nay, the world 
 alone by thingH 
 > done; and {lerils 
 •e, a» they huve 
 the Nation leauH 
 policy to enforce 
 auMe or a friend, 
 standing on the 
 Hiiiiple, and self- 
 lag Heen not only 
 wly, in the utter- 
 He has studied 
 lent; and he has 
 >f knowledge and 
 lione HO <*oii8picu- 
 
 
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THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN (CONVENTION. 
 
 34J) 
 
 \ ». 
 
 uu8l>- in all tbe fierce light that beat upon him durinjj; Hixteen .yeai-8, 
 the most trying, the most portentous, the most perilonis in the Nation's 
 history. 
 
 Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnumbered persons, 
 not in other lands, but in his own, assaults upon him have seasoned 
 and strengthened his hold upon the public heart, ('ainmny's ammu- 
 nition has all been exploded; the powder has all been burned once — 
 its force is spent — and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and 
 imperishable star, in the diadem of the Republic, when those who have 
 tried to tarnish it have mouldered in forgotten graves; and when 
 their memories and their epitaphs have vanished utterly. 
 
 Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has 
 ever, in peait as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The 
 terms he presented for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest 
 prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the 
 greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to 
 war and his love of peace, by an arbitration of international disputes 
 which stands the wisest, the most majestic example of its kind in the 
 world's diplomacy. 
 
 When inflation, at the hight of its popularity and frenzy, had 
 swept both Houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant, single and 
 alone, which overthrew expansion and cleared the way for specie 
 resumption. To him, immeasurably more than to any other man, is 
 due the fact- that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold. 
 
 James A. Garfield's nomination of John Sherman was also a fine 
 piece of Convention oratory, though some of Sherman's friends com- 
 plained afterwards that it was delivered in such a way as to make the 
 orator more conspicuous than the man whose cause he was advocat- 
 ing. Mr. Blaine's name was presented by James F. Joy, of Michigan, 
 and supported by F. M. Pixley, of California, and William P. Frye, of 
 Maine. Through fe. F. Drake, of Minnesota, the name of William 
 Windom was presented. Frederick Billings, of Vermont, presented 
 the name of George F. Edmunds, and J. B. Cassoday, of Wisconsin, 
 that of Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois, who was supported by Augus- 
 tus Brandegee, of Connecticut, as the only man who could surely 
 carry the doubtful Eastern States. Grant's nomination was sup- 
 imrted by William O. Bradley, of Kentucky, and Sherman's by R. B. 
 Elliott, of South Carolina. Balloting did not commence until the 
 fifth day of the Convention, Monday, June 7. The largest number of 
 votes cast on any ballot was 756; necessary to a choice 379. There 
 was one vote each for tbe persons named on the ballot indicated: 
 Third, fourth and fifth, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; eleventh, 
 twelfth and thirteenth, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; thirteenth, 
 George W. McCrary, of Indiana; nineteenth, twentieth, twenty -first 
 
 rlii 
 
 . II 
 
 i 
 
"vi^-'*':i''^''!^H'y<''^' ' ^ i y^'''''" ' 1^'. ^•"''■"■"'•^ ' "'^ 
 
 360 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 A 
 
 and twenty-second, John F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania; thirtieth 
 Philip H. Bheridan, of Ohio; thirty-flrst, Roscoe CJonkling, of New 
 York and Edmund J. Davis, of Texas. Aside from these, the follow- 
 ing is a record of the thirty-six ballots: 
 
 r 
 BALLOT. ^ 
 
 2 
 
 o 
 
 First 304 
 
 Second 305 
 
 Third 305 
 
 Fourth 305 
 
 Fifth 305 
 
 Sixth 305 
 
 Seventh 305 
 
 Eighth 306 
 
 Ninth 308 
 
 Tenth 305 
 
 Eleventh 305 
 
 Twelfth .S04 
 
 Thirteenth 305 
 
 Fourteenth ...... 305 
 
 Fifteenth, ;.. 309 
 
 Sixteenth 306 
 
 Seventeenth 303 
 
 Eighteenth 305 
 
 Nineteenth 305 
 
 Twentieth 308 
 
 Twenty-first . 305 
 
 Twenty-second . . 305 
 
 Twenty-third .... 304 
 
 Twenty-fouKth ... 305 
 
 Twenty fifth 302 
 
 Twenty sixth 303 
 
 Twenty-seventh .. 306 
 
 Twenty-eighth ... 307 
 
 Twenty-ninth .... 805 
 
 Thirtieth 306 
 
 Thirty-first 308 
 
 Thirty-second . . . ^0» 
 
 Thirtythird 309 
 
 Thirty-fourth .... 312 
 
 Thirty-fifth 313 
 
 Thirty-sixth 306 
 
 i 
 
 •3 
 
 % 
 
 u 
 
 OB 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 P 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 93 
 
 OS 
 
 PQ 
 
 ^ 
 
 H 
 
 t^ 
 
 Ttl 
 
 
 
 284 
 
 31 
 
 34 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 
 282 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 94 
 
 
 282 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 
 281 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 95 
 
 
 281 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 95 
 
 
 280 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 95 
 
 
 281 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 94 
 
 
 284 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 91 
 
 
 282 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 90 
 
 
 282 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 92 
 
 
 281 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 
 283 
 
 ^ 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 92 
 
 
 285 
 
 33 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 89 
 
 
 285 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 89 
 
 
 281 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 88 
 
 
 283 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 88 
 
 
 284 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 90 
 
 
 283 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 91 
 
 
 279 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 96 
 
 1 
 
 276 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 .10 
 
 93 
 
 1 
 
 276 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 96 
 
 1 
 
 275 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 97 
 
 1 
 
 275 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 97 
 
 2 
 
 279 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 281 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 94 
 
 2 
 
 280 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 277 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 279 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 91 
 
 2 
 
 278 
 
 35 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 116 
 
 2 
 
 279 
 
 33 
 
 n 
 
 4 
 
 120 
 
 2 
 
 276 
 
 37 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 118 
 
 1 
 
 270 
 
 44 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 117 
 
 1 
 
 276 
 
 44 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 110 
 
 1 
 
 275 
 
 30 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 107 
 
 17 
 
 57 
 
 23 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 99 
 
 250 
 
 42 
 
 5 
 
 , , 
 
 , , 
 
 3 
 
 399 
 
 ^<.<{,- 
 
nia; thirtieth 
 l(ling, of New 
 ise, the follow- 
 
 a 
 cs 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 '6 
 
 o 
 
 93 
 
 , , 
 
 94 
 
 
 93 
 
 
 95 
 
 
 95 
 
 
 95 
 
 
 94 
 
 
 91 
 
 
 90 
 
 
 92 
 
 
 93 
 
 
 92 
 
 
 89 
 
 
 89 
 
 
 88 
 
 
 88 
 
 
 90 
 
 
 91 
 
 
 96 
 
 i 
 
 93 
 
 I 
 
 96 
 
 1 
 
 97 
 
 1 
 
 97 
 
 2 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 94 
 
 2 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 93 
 
 2 
 
 91 
 
 2 
 
 116 
 
 2 
 
 120 
 
 2 
 
 118 
 
 1 
 
 117 
 
 1 
 
 110 
 
 1 
 
 107 
 
 17 
 
 99 
 
 250 
 
 3 
 
 399 
 
 
 THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN (^ONVENTIC).n. 351 
 
 The break to (laifleld on the thirty-flftti ballot presaKed his nom- 
 ination on the next as the second choice of the Blaine men, unless the 
 (h'ant leaders could throw their forces for some other candidate. 
 But they were not inclined to do this. The roll call for the thirty- 
 sixth ballot had hardly commenced, when it became evident that the 
 Blaine and scattering vote was going to Oarfleld. A Grant delegate 
 rose, amidst the excitement, and in sonorous voice called out: 
 '*8teady-y-y-y, all along the line," the Grant forces held to their candi- 
 date, and the General had two more votes on the last ballot than he 
 did on the first. The 
 management of the last 
 part of Grant's canvass 
 in the Convention was 
 
 not good politics. It ::.^i^^^^KMi^l^Hn^s%. 
 
 was hai'dly prudent 
 generalship, but it was 
 superb discipline. 
 
 After the result of 
 the thirty-sixth ballot 
 was announced, the 
 President of the Con- 
 vention suggested that 
 the nomination be made 
 unanimous. Senator 
 Conkling said that he 
 rose to make a motion 
 to that effect, but the 
 Chair had anticipated 
 his motion. He, how- 
 ever, availed himself of ' 
 the opportunity to con- J^mbs a. qarfield. 
 gratulate the Republican party of the United States upon the good 
 nature and the well-tempered rivalry which had distinguished the 
 aniwated contest. He added': "I trust the zeal, the fervor, and 
 now the unanimity seen in this great assemblage will be transplanted 
 to the field of the final conflict, and that all of us who have borne a 
 part against each other, will be found with equal zteal bearing the 
 banner— with equal zeal carrying the lance of the Republican party 
 into the ranks of the enemy." <leneral Logan supported the propo- 
 sition to make the nomination unanimous and in the course of his 
 
 m' 
 
f .itap.n^i'.'mn i Bffl i jJ 
 
 862 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 remarks, Huid: "Whatever may have transpired in this Convention 
 that may have momentarily marred the feelings of any one here, I 
 hope that, in our eonclugion it will pass from our minds. I, sir, 
 with the friends of I think one of the grandest men that graces the 
 face of the earth, stood here to fight a friendly battle in favor of his 
 nomination ; but, sir^ this Convention has i-hosen another leader. The 
 men who stood by Grant's banners will be seen in the ffont of this 
 contest on the field. We will go forward in this contest, not with 
 sealed lips, not with bridled tongues, but to speak the truth in favor 
 of the grandest party that has ever been organized in this country; 
 to maintain its principles, to maintain its power, to preserve its 
 ascendancy; and, sir, with the leader you have selected, my judgment 
 is that victory will perch upon your banners." Remarks in similar 
 vein were made by men who had been supporters of other candidates, 
 and the nomination was then made unanimous. 
 
 For Vice-President the following candidates were formally 
 placed in nomination: Chester A. Arthur, of New York; Elihu B. 
 Washburne, of Illinois; Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut; Thomas 
 Settle, of Florida; Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, and Edmund J. 
 Davis, of Texas. Mr. Conger read a resolution, adopted by the Mich- 
 igan Repul^lican State Convention : "That in view of the pure charac- 
 ter, strong patriotism and eminent services rendered our State and 
 Nation by Senator Thomas W. Ferry during his long legislative 
 career, both in State and National councils, we hereby respectfully 
 recommend and urge bis name to the National Convention 
 as a fit candidate for the nomination for Vice-President by the 
 Republican party." Mr. Conger followed the reading of this resolu- 
 tion with a letter from Senator Ferry, declining to be a candidate, and 
 his name was therefore withdrawn. The vote was as follows: 
 
 Chester A. Arthur, of New York 468 
 
 Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois 193 
 
 Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut 44 
 
 Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. ^ 30 
 
 Blanche K. Bruce, of Mississippi 8 , 
 
 James L. Alcorn, of Mississippi 4 
 
 Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 2 
 
 Thomas Settle, of Florida 1 
 
 Stewart L. Woodford, of New York 1 
 
 The nomination of General Arthur was made unanimous, and 
 after Committees of Notification had been appointed, the longest, and 
 in some stages of its proceedings, the most heated of Republican 
 National Conventions, closed harmoniously. 
 
 wnMlKWi" 
 
■WMMMnMii 
 
 • .ip 
 
 iTY. 
 
 this Convention 
 
 any one here, I 
 
 minds. I, »h', 
 
 1 that graces thi; 
 
 le in favor of hits 
 
 )ther leader. The 
 
 the front of this 
 
 contest, not with 
 
 he truth in favor 
 
 I in this country; 
 
 , to preserve its 
 
 ted, my judgment 
 
 smarks in similar 
 
 other candidates, 
 
 s were formally 
 w York; Elihu B. 
 necticut; Thomas 
 , and Edmund J. 
 •pted by the Mich- 
 f the pure charac- 
 red our State and 
 I long legislative 
 ereby respectfully 
 ional Convention 
 President by the 
 ling of this resolu- 
 )e a candidate, and 
 I as follows: 
 
 468 
 
 193 
 
 44 
 
 ..).... 30 
 ..;.... 8 . 
 
 4 
 
 ; . . 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 le unanimous, and 
 ?d, the longest, and 
 ited of Republican 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 THE GARFIELD AND ARTHT'R CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Democratic Convention at Cincinnati— De<larations of the Plat- 
 form-Nomination of Hancock "The Superb" on the Second 
 Ballot-The Tariff a Local Issue— The Greenba<k Candidate and 
 Platform— Not a Bright Prospect for the Republicans— A Change 
 After the Mentor Conference— General Grant's Good Work for 
 the Ticket— Result of the October Elections— The Morey Forgery 
 —The Campaign Ends With a Substantial Republican Triumph, 
 
 The Democratic National Convention of 1880 opened at Cincin- 
 nati, June 22, entering the campaign with strong hopes of winning on 
 account of the feuds that existed in the Republican party. The 
 platform adopted had a few high-sounding generalizations, togetlier 
 with the following definite though somewliat incoherent enuncia- 
 tions of principles and declarations: 
 
 3. Home rule, honest money— consisting of gold and silver, and 
 paper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the 
 public faith. State and National and a tariff for revenue only. The 
 subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general and 
 thorough reform of the civil service. 
 
 4 The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all 
 rights, and miist and shall be maintained in every part of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 5 The existing Administration is the representative of con- 
 spiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot boxes with 
 troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, 
 and the unprecedented use ^f the veto to maintain its corrupt and 
 despotic power, insult the people and imperil their institutions. We 
 execrate the course of this Administration in making places m the 
 civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform by 
 statute which shall make it forever impossible for a defeated candi- 
 date to bribe his way to the seat of the usurper by billeting villains 
 upon the people. , * . 
 
 6 The great fraud of 187fi-'77, by which, upon the false count 
 of the Electoral vote of two States, the candidate defeated at the 
 
 l-'« 
 
 ■'■.S:t4« 
 
364 
 
 HIHTORY OP THE REIM'HLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ■■'-■■A 
 
 _*v- ■■:■/«; 
 
 polls was declared to be the President, and, for the flrst time in 
 American history the will of the people was set aside under a threat 
 of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representa- 
 tive government; the Democratic party, to preserve the country from 
 a civil war, submitted for a time, in the tlrm and patriotic faith that 
 the (leople would pujiiBh this crime in 188(); this issue precedes and 
 dwarfs every other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people 
 of the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a Nation of free 
 men. 
 
 The platform also declared against sumptuary laws; m favor of 
 the separation of Church and Btate for the good of each; in favor of 
 "free ships and a living chance for American commerce;" against 
 "Chinese immigration, except for travel, education and foreign com- 
 merce, and therein carefully guarded." It also passed a eulogy upon 
 Hamuel J. Tilden, assuring him of "their confidence in his wisdom. 
 ])atriotiBm and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common 
 enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed into the 
 retirement which he has chosen for himself, by the sympathy and 
 respect of his fellow citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating 
 the standards of public morality, merits the lasting gratitude of his 
 country and his party." 
 
 Only two ballots were taken for the nomination for the Presi- 
 dency, Gen. Hancock having such a decided lead on the second as to 
 speedily bring changes enough to give him a large majority. The 
 ballots were as follows : 
 
 Second as 
 First. Second. Corrected 
 
 Winfleld 8. Hancock, of New York 171 320 705 
 
 Hamuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania 128V^ 
 
 Thomas P. Bayard, of Delaware 153 y. 113 ' 2 
 
 Henry B. Payne, of Ohio 81 
 
 Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio 68V2 50 " 
 
 Stephen J. Pield, of California 65 ' 651/2 
 
 William R. Morrison, of Illinois 62 , . . *" 
 
 Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana 50V^ 31 3 ' 
 
 Samuel J. Tilden, of New York .38 6 i 
 
 Horatio Sevmour, of New York 8 ... 
 
 Scattering 31 22 ... 
 
 Total :.. 7281/2 736 738 
 
 Necessary to a choice. 486 491 492 
 
 Por Vice-President William H. English, of Indiana, and Richard 
 M. Bishop, of Ohio, were named^ but during the first ballot the name 
 
 V 
 
yAD'^ 
 
 TY. 
 
 lie first time in 
 ; under a threat 
 m of representa- 
 lie country from 
 riotic faith that 
 ue precedes and 
 upon the people 
 a Nation of free 
 
 awn; lu favor of 
 iach; in favor of 
 imerce;" against 
 and foreign corn- 
 ed a eulogy upon 
 e in his wisdom, 
 ts of a common 
 )llowed into the 
 e sympathy and 
 who, by elevating 
 ; gratitude of his 
 
 [)n for the Presi- 
 
 the second as to 
 
 ( majority. The 
 
 THE OAKPIELI) AND AUTHrU (AMI'AKlN. 
 
 OtMf 
 
 Second as 
 Second. Corrected 
 320 705 
 I28V2 
 113 2 
 
 'bo 
 
 651/2 
 
 • • • 
 
 • • • 
 
 • • ■ 
 
 [31 
 6 
 
 S 
 1 
 
 22 
 
 • • * 
 
 736 
 491 
 
 738 
 492 
 
 liana, and Richard 
 St ballot the name 
 
 of Ex-CJovernor Hishop was withdrawn, and Mr. English was nomin- 
 ated by acclamation. 
 
 (leneral Hancock was one of the best of the Fnion generals 
 during the war, and <»f his military career (General (Irant said: 
 "Han( ock stands the most conspicuous figure of all the general officers 
 who did not exercise a separate command. He ciunmanded a corps 
 longer than any other one, and his name was never mentioned as 
 having committed in battle a blunder for which he was responsible. 
 He was a umn of very conspicuous personal appearance. Tall, well 
 formed, and, at the time of which I now write, young and fresh 
 looking, he preseuted an appearance that would attract the attention 
 of an army as he passed. His genial disposition nmde him friends, 
 and his courage and his presence with his command in the thickest 
 of the flght won him the confidence of the troops serving under him." 
 To a reporter in search of adverse criticism during the Presidential 
 canvass. General Sherman said: "If you will sit down and write the 
 best thing that can be put in language about General Hancock, as 
 an officer and a gentlenmn, I will sign it without hesitation." On 
 account of his splendid figure and bearing he had been called "Han- 
 cock the Superb," and he was at this time the most popular of 
 Democratic generals. He had been before the Democratic Conven- 
 tions of 1868 and 1872 as a candidate for the nomination, and had 
 made a fair showing in each case. 
 
 Of his politics he said in a letter to a friend in 1861 : "My politics 
 are of a practical kind— the integrity of the country, the supreuuicy 
 of the Federal Government— an honorable peace or none at all." In 
 later years, like Ge^ieral Sherman, he was '*a soldier, not a states- 
 man," and was not well informed on the political issues of the day. 
 Hut he was sufficiently well aware of that fact to be discreetly silent 
 during most of the campaign. Revision of the tariff was then one 
 of the main questions before Congress and the people. In one of 
 the few attempts that he did make to oxpress his views on pending 
 issues, he referred to the tariff as "a local issue" which he had once 
 heard discussed in Pennsylvania. This occasioned much ridicule 
 during the campaign, although, in some of its phases the tariff has 
 come a great deal nearer being a "local issue" than the theorists on 
 either side would be willing to admit. 
 
 William H. English was a shrewd politician, not of the highest 
 order, who was, just then, at the head of the party in Indiana. His 
 nomination was intended to carry that State, which was always doubt- 
 
 ■'i . 
 
:m\ 
 
 INHTOUY OF TIIK KKlM'Ili.ECAX I'AKTY. 
 
 fill, fur the tick(*t, but on acrdiint of the pai't.v U'luU and joaloiigicH 
 (here, it Hcrnm )M'obable that a Htron^ <-andidat(' from another Htate 
 would have been a j{reat«'r help to the party. 
 
 The Greenba<-k Convention uiet in (.'hicago, June \), and adopted 
 a platform that touched upon nearly every subject that was before 
 the people. The utteranceB that were moHt diHtin(;tly charafteristic 
 of the party were the following: 
 
 The rivil (}overnment should guarante<' the Divine right of every 
 laborer to the result of his toil, thus enabling the producers of wealth 
 to provide themselves with the means for physical <*omfort, and 
 facilities for mental, and social, and moral culture; and we condemn, 
 as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes upon 
 wealth-producers a state of drudgery ait the price of a bare animal 
 existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive 
 power by the universal introduction of liibor-saving machinery, and 
 the discovery of new agents for the increaiie of wealth, the task of the 
 laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, 
 and few producers are lifted from poverty into conifort and pecuni- 
 ary independence. The associated monopolies, the international 
 syndicates, and other income classes demand dear money, cheap labor, 
 and a strong Government, and hence a weak people, forjiorate 
 control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing society 
 into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor 
 and of building up monopolies of associated capital, endowed with 
 power to contisoate private property. It has kept money scarce; and 
 the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade and public and corporate 
 loans; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the 
 borrowers. Other results are — deranged markets, uncertainty in 
 manufacturing enterprises and agriculture, precarious and intermit- 
 tent employment for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauper- 
 ism and crime, and the consequent intimidation and disfranchisement 
 of the producer and a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. 
 Therefore, we declare, 
 
 1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power, 
 to be maintained by the people for their common benefit. The dele- 
 gation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central 
 attribute of sovereignty, void of Constitutional sanction, and con- 
 ferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power an absolute 
 dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic 
 or pai)er, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the Govern- 
 ment, and not by, or through, banking corporations: and, when so 
 issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private. 
 
 2. That the bonds of the United Btateg should not be refunded 
 but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable 
 the Government to meet these obligations, legal tender currency 
 
 t-li 
 
 ''ill ' ■■'•.■''^•i' ■i'' ■ 
 
MMH 
 
 '^■'V 
 
 TIIK aAKKIKLh AND AUTlirU CAMrAKJN. 
 
 :<:>- 
 
 UTY. 
 
 (Ih and JouIoiihU'r 
 oin another Htute 
 
 nc !), and adopted 
 lliat waH before 
 rtly I'haracterUtic 
 
 Ine rl^lit of every 
 oducerH of wealth 
 ical comfort, and 
 ; and we condemn, 
 licb impoHes upon 
 ' of a bare animal 
 'a»e of productive 
 ng machinery, and 
 1th, the task of the 
 int little shortened, 
 ontfort and pecuni- 
 the international 
 money, cheap labor, 
 people. Corporate 
 I of dividing society 
 e products of labor 
 tital, endowed with 
 t money scarce; and 
 ubiic and corporate 
 e bankruptcy of the 
 lets, uncertainty in 
 trious and intermit- 
 increasing pauper- 
 id disfranchisement 
 orporate feudalism. 
 
 i a sovereign power, 
 benefit. The dele- 
 ader of the central 
 sanction, and con- 
 power an absolute 
 ey, whether metallic 
 ilied, by the Govern- 
 tions: and, when so 
 , public and private. 
 
 iild not be refunded 
 •ontract. To enable 
 a1 tender currency 
 
 Hhould be HiibMtitutcd for tlHMiotcH of the National banks, the National 
 bunking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, aH 
 well as gold, established by law. • . . 
 
 On the first ballot for a l*residential candidate, J. H. Weaver, of 
 Iowa, had a decided lead over six other aspirants, and he was tluii 
 nominated by acclamation. For the nomination for Vice-I'rcHJdi'nt 
 on the only ballot taken, Itenjamin •) <'Iiambers, of Texas, had 4(Ki 
 votes, and (iencral A. Af. West, of MiHf<it*aippi, lUl. . . v, 
 
 The Prohibition party met in rievcland, .lune IT, and nominated 
 Neal Dow, of Maine, for President, and Henry A. Thompson, of Ohio, 
 for Vice- J 'resident. 
 
 There was also an Anti-Masonic ticket in the H>ld. which nomin- 
 ated John W. I'helps, of Vermont, for President, and Hamuel ('. 
 Pomeroy, of Kansas, for Vice-President. The votes for this ticket 
 came chiefly from Illinois, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, New York. 
 Rhode Island and Wisconsin. 
 
 During the campaign, beyond a little good-natured ridicule of 
 Hancock's ignorance of economic and political atTairs, the Oenera! 
 was treated with the utmost consideration by the Republicans, who 
 conducted their canvass on political issues and not on personalities 
 Their main subject of discussion and attack was furnished by the 
 Democratic Congress, and by Southern arrogance and greed. Houth- 
 ern war claims, which had been introduced in Congress in great 
 numbers, and in sufHcient volume to swamp the Treasury, were 
 (minted out as an element of danger in case the Democrats should 
 obtain possession of the Executive, as well as the liegislutive branch 
 of the Government. The Kolid Houth, made so by fraud, intimida* 
 tion, and false counting, and controlling the Democratic party, was 
 held up as a constant menace, and the outrages committed on colored 
 and white Republicans were feelingly portrayed on the stump. The 
 Democrats tried to ridicule this di>wn, by s})eaking of it as "waving 
 the bloody shirt," but the arguments derived from it had not yet lost 
 their force 'ipon the Northern mind. 
 
 The Democrats, on the other hand, made many bitter personal 
 attacks on the Republican candidates, particularly upon General 
 Garfield. They accused him of disreputable connection with the 
 Credit Mobilier, and the figures "329" which, it was said, represented 
 one of his dividends from that Association, were not only used in 
 campaign speeches, and in transparencies doing duty in torch-light 
 parades, but they were chalked up on dead walls and on sidewalks. 
 
 -m 
 

 — %V -.-•iHs 
 
 
 868 
 
 IIIHTORY OF THK RKIMIIMCAN PAKTY. 
 
 ^i 
 
 He wtiH nrrUMMl of contiortion wifh the WiiMliliiKton Newer, piiviiiK 
 aiul tiidevvalk riiiKM of ii iM'riml eiKlit or ten .vearM earlier than thii* 
 though no fraud or qnestionahle intent wuh ever Mhown in eonnee- 
 tlon with this. The onl.v effective |iernonnl attaek on him, however 
 was in the wide distribution of a faeitimile of a letter, puriMirting to 
 rome from him relating to t'hinese immigration. The letter waH 
 flrHt printed in a paiM>r called Truth, puMiHhed in New York, under 
 date of Saturday, October '2:\, 1NH4). It waH headed, ''tlarfleld'ii Politi- 
 cal Death Warrant," and waH cliaracteriKed as "HIh InfamouH I^etter 
 Advocating the Increased Immigration of ('hine8(> Cheap Ijabor." 
 It was written on Houne of KepreHentativeM* letter head, wan marked 
 "Personal and Confldential," was addressed to II. L. More,v, of Lynn, 
 Mass., and read as follows: 
 
 Y'ours in relation to the Chinese problem came duly to hand. 
 
 I take it that the question of employes is only a question of 
 private and corporate economy, and individuals or companies have the 
 right to buy labor where they can get it ('heapest. 
 
 We have a treaty with the Chinese Government which should be 
 religiously kept until its provisions are abrogated by the action of 
 the General Government, ond I am not prepared to say that it should 
 be abrogated until our great manufacturing and cor|M)rate interests 
 are considered in the matter of labor. 
 
 This let.ter was promptly denounced as a forgery. It was after- 
 wards proven to be such, and one of the authors of it was sentenced 
 to prison for eight years. But it was so late in the campaign when 
 it was circulated that the truth could not, in all cases, overtake the 
 lie, and it cost Garfield the popular rote of California. 
 
 In 1878, when the Greenbackers were at their strongest, a com- 
 bination between them and the Democrats elected a Democratic 
 Governor in Maine, the first time the Republicans in that State had 
 been beaten since the party was organised. The next year Governon 
 Garcelon and his councillors counted in a Democratic Legislature, by 
 methods more suited to Louisiana than to Maine, and in contraveii 
 tion of a decision of the Supreme Court. Notwithstanding the indig- 
 nation caused by the proceeding, the combination elected their 
 candidate for Governor in 1880, though by only 169 majority. This 
 was a decided setback for the Republicans. But it had one good 
 effect in uniting the factions and setting them earnestly to work. 
 Senator Coakling had, before this, sulked in his tent, but through the 
 influence of General Grant, he was induced to visit General Garfield 
 
 linftwht \itit,^^mmmimAm 
 
iTY. 
 
 THE OAKPIKLh AND AIlTHrU CAMrAION. 
 
 nm 
 
 )ll Ht>H-<*r, |IUVill^ 
 
 Mirlicr than thiH 
 liowp in ronnec- 
 »ii lilm, however 
 r, |Mir|M>rting to 
 The letter waH 
 New York, under 
 Onrfleld'B Polltl- 
 InfaniouH I>»tter 
 > rheap Ijabor." 
 lead, waM marked 
 More.v, of Lynn, 
 
 duly to hand. 
 Illy a question of 
 DUipanieH have the 
 
 t which should be 
 
 by the action of 
 
 aa'y that it should 
 
 orporate interests 
 
 ■ry. It was after- 
 
 f it was sentenced 
 
 he campaign when 
 
 •ases, overtake the 
 
 uia. 
 
 • strongest, a com- 
 
 cted a Democratic 
 
 in that Rtate had 
 lext year Oovernou 
 itic Legislature, by 
 
 and in contraven 
 standing the indig- 
 ition elected their 
 W majority. This 
 It it had one good 
 earnestly to work, 
 nt, but through the 
 it General Garfield 
 
 at Mentor, Ohio, and afterwards to enter heartily Into the canvass, 
 lie and General Grant, together, made a stumping tour through New 
 York Htate, Grant making tlve-minute speeches, and Tonkling 
 addresses of considerable length. It was due to their combined 
 efforts, doubtless, that New York, in November gave the Kepublican 
 Electors as fair a majority as it did, perhaps due to this effort that it 
 gave them any majority at all. Garfield curried every Northern 
 Htate except New Jersey, Nevada and California. In the laiur Htate 
 one of the Democratic candidates for Elector was badly scratched, 
 on account of personal unpopularity, so that Garfield had one Elector 
 from that Htate. Hancock had the Holid Houih, Including all the old 
 H«»ceded and Border Htates. The Electoral vote was: 
 
 Garfield and Arthur 214 
 
 Hancock and English 155 
 
 The popular vote was as follows: 
 
 Garfield and Arthur 4,454,410 
 
 Hancock and English 4,444,»52 
 
 Weaver and Chambers .•?08,578 
 
 Dow and Thompson 9,770 
 
 Phelps and Pomeroy 1,.'J92 
 
 In Maine, the vote credited to Hancock was cast on a Fusion 
 ticket of Democrats and (Jreenhackers. It had a total of 65,171, of 
 which probably two-thirds was cast by the former and one-third by 
 the latter. In Virginia there were two Hancock tickets, one nom- 
 inated by the "Funders" and the other by the "Readjnstit^rs," two 
 factions into which the Democratic party was divided on the method 
 of adjusting the Htate debt. The first of these had 90,596 votes and 
 the second, 31,559. The Kepublican vote in the Htate was 88,511. 
 
 During the Garfield-Arthur Administration Congress was 
 divided politically as follows: 
 
 Forty-seventh Congress. 
 Henate — Repnblicans, 37; Democrats, 37; American 1; 
 
 Beadjuster, 1. 
 Honse — Republicans, 152; Democrats, 130; Nationals, 9; 
 
 Readjusters, 2. 
 
 Forty-eighth Congress. ' 
 
 Senate — Republicans, 40; Democrats, 36. 
 House — Republicans, 119; Democrats, 200; Independents, 4; 
 Nationals. 2. 
 
 I 
 
 :i 
 
 ),)■ 
 
# 
 
 360 HI8TOBY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Tlie Michigan voto on President was as follows: 
 
 Garftfld and Arthur 11^'^m 
 
 Hancock and English i/^K 
 
 Weaver and Chambers ^*'»»° 
 
 Dow and Thompson ^^° 
 
 PhelDS and ^omeroy 
 
 The Presidential Electors were: At Large-Charles B Peck, 
 Samuel M. Stephenson. By I>istrict8-(1) Edward H. Butler; | 
 Charles T. Mitchell; (3) David R. Cook; (4) Charles D«^^«^t>«; ^5) 
 Aaron B. Turner; (6) Ira P. Bingham; (7) Watson Beach; (8) William 
 H. Potter: (9) Samuel A. Browne. 
 
 The vote of the State for Governor in 1880 was: 
 
 David H. Jerome, Republican • JJ8,944 
 
 Frederick M. Holloway, Democrat. or loj 
 
 David Woodman, 2d, Greenback ^^il 
 
 Isaac W. McKeever, Prohibition ^.JJ* 
 
 Cornelius Quick, Anti-Masonic -s^" 
 
 The Michigan Congressmen elected were all Republicans, and 
 were as follows, in the order of their districts: Henry W. I^rd, 
 Edwin Wilms, Edward S. Lacey, Jnlins C. B«""7«' «^j; .^v 
 WeWier, Oliver L. Spaulding, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, Jay 
 \ Hubbell Mr. Conger was elected to the United States Senate 
 by the legislature of 1881, and was succeeded by John T. Rich. 
 
 In the election of 1882, which came midway in this Presidential 
 period, the vote for Governor was as follows: 
 
 Josiah W. Begole, Fusion J54,269 
 
 David H. Jerome, Republican k JkI 
 
 Daniel P. Sagendorph, Prohibition o»»o* 
 
 Waldo May, National •• ^'""° 
 
 Charles C. Foote, Anti-Masonic *»*^ 
 
 The Congressional elections in 1882 were quite in keeping with 
 the revolution which gave the Governorship to the Democrats, six 
 out of the eleven members being elected by Fusion votes «» 'oUo^s: 
 (1) W. C. Maybury: (2) N. B. Eldredge; (4) George L. Yaple; (5) Juhus 
 Housemann, (6) idwin B. Winans; (7) E^ra C. Carlton The Repub- 
 Ucan members werei (3) Edward S. Lacey; (8) Roswell G. Horr; (9) 
 Byron MCutcheon; (10 Herschel H. mtch; (11) Edward Breitung. 
 
rY. 
 
 185,190 
 
 131,301 
 
 34,895 
 
 938 
 
 312 
 
 larles B. Peck, 
 
 . H. Butler; (?) 
 
 Buncombe; (5) 
 
 ach; (8) William 
 
 . . 178,944 
 
 . . 137,671 
 
 . . 35,122 
 
 1,114 
 
 220 
 
 iepublicans, and 
 Henry W. liord, 
 OW8, George W. 
 veU G. Horr, Jay 
 sd States Senate 
 jhn T. Rich, 
 this Presidential 
 
 154,269 
 149,697 
 
 5,854 
 
 2,006 
 343 
 
 » in keeping with 
 le Democrats, »ix 
 votes, as follows: 
 . Yaple; (5) Julius 
 ton. The Repub- 
 swell G. Horr; (9) 
 Edward Breitung. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Blaine's Purpose in Taking the State Portfolio— A Series of Unfor- 
 tunate Appointments— Slights ITpon Mr. (?onkling and His Indig- 
 nation Thereat— Resignation of the New York Senators— 
 Boutwell's Statement of the Aflfair— Successors of Senators 
 Conkliug and Piatt— Assassination of President Garfield— 
 Guiteau's letter of Explanation— Press Lessons Drawn From 
 the Tragedy— ("hanges Made in the Cabinet by President Arthur 
 —His Prudent and Successful Administration— The Question of 
 Civil Service Reform— The Tariff of 1883— Morrison's Horizontal 
 Reduction Plan— Other Important Measures. 
 
 If President Garfield had any purpose of harmonizing the 
 factions in the party, and to "treat all stripes alike," he set about it 
 in a very awkward way, for his choice of Cabinet officers, and some 
 of his New York appointments, made soon afterwards, were in the 
 highest degree offensive to the ruling faction in the Republican poli- 
 tics of the Empire State. The Cabinet was made up as follows: 
 
 Secretary of State— James G. Blaine, of Maine. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury — William Windom, of Minntaota. 
 
 Secretary of War— Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois. 
 
 Secretary of the Navy— William H. Hunt, of Louisiana. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior— Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa. 
 
 Postmaster General— Thomas L. James, of New York. 
 
 Attorney General— Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Blaine's appointment was, of course, distasteful to the domin- 
 ant wing in the party in New York. Many of his wisest friends 
 advised him not to take the portfolio, among them Senator Dawes, 
 who said, at a later period: "I warned Mr. Blaine that if he entered 
 the Cabinet with the intent or hope of circumventing his rival, it 
 would be fatal to him and to the AdministraHon of Garfield, and I 
 
■J.l 
 
 % 
 
 ^?'f' 
 
 1.' Ajl'/ 
 
 ,;, ■«« 
 
 .m^ 
 
 862 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 expr'e88ed the opinion that it would be iiupoBsible for him to keep the 
 peace if he took the office. He replied with fraukness, and, I have 
 no doubt, with entire sincerity, that it would be hie purpose, if he 
 accepted the office, to ignore all past differences, and so deport himself 
 in it as to force reconciliation. He also said that he could not agree 
 with me, even if the effect should prove otherwise, that he should be 
 debarred from the gfeat opportunity, for which he felt himself quali- 
 fied, to administer the Foreign office on the broad and grand scale 
 he did afterward undertake, but was not permitted to perfect. I 
 fore^utv' the rocks, all too plainly, and advised him to remain in the 
 Beniic. But he determined otherwise and accepted the position." 
 Thai Blaine did not overestimate his qualifications for the import- 
 ant duties of Secretary of State, was shown at a later period, by his 
 successful and brilliant administration of the same Department under 
 President Harrison. But that he underestimated the difficulties of 
 promoting peace, with himself in the Cabinet, and with as impulsive 
 a man as Garfield in the Presidency, is equally clear. 
 
 But this appointment was not as offensive to Mr. Conkling and 
 his political associates, as the second proffer that was made of a 
 Cabinet position, that of the Treasury irartfolio to Charles J. Folger, 
 of New York. . This offer was made, not only without consulting 
 Senator Coiikling, but against his recommendation of Levi P. Morton 
 for the place. Mr. Folger declined the offer, but that did not miti- 
 gate Mr. Conkling's wrath at the slight that had been put upon him. 
 It became known soon afterwards that the New York postmaster, 
 Thomas L. James, was to be appointed Postmaster General, and as 
 there was no likelihood of two Cabinet appointments going to the 
 same State, this shut out the Empire State from the Treasury port- 
 folio, which, its Senators had been assured, should go to that State. 
 When Senator Piatt heard of this he communicated the information 
 to Senator Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, whom he found at 
 breakfast. The three repaired to the Riggs House, where Garfield 
 had rooms, to which they were admitted. Conkling broke out int(» 
 an unseemly tirade, which he continued for a long time, charging 
 Garfield, who was, all the time sitting on the edge of the bed, with 
 treachery to his friends in New York, and with being false to his 
 party. Both Arthur and Piatt subsequently declared that for invec- 
 tive, sarcasm and impassioned eloquence, this was the speech of his 
 life. 
 
 ■ii^W'.;.:-,-;'^ 
 
 ifiiMBiai 
 
 •riiiirifiifetiiniiiliiilfiiiffflilil 
 
 HbmMm 
 
noaXKBUS 
 
 % 
 
 llTY. 
 
 him to keep the 
 less, and, I have 
 8 purpose, if he 
 lo deport himself 
 i could not agree 
 hat he should be 
 elt himself quali- 
 and grand scale 
 d to perfect. I 
 to remain in the 
 ed the position." 
 I for the import- 
 :er period, by his 
 department under 
 the difBcuIties of 
 mth as impulsive 
 r. 
 
 tfr. Conkling and 
 t was made of a 
 ::?harles J. Polger, 
 ithout consulting 
 of Levi P. Morton 
 that did not miti- 
 >en put upon him. 
 York postmaster, 
 r General, and as 
 ents going to the 
 he Treasury port- 
 go to that State, 
 d the information 
 rhom he found at 
 ie, where Qarfleld 
 ng< broke out into 
 Dg time, charging 
 s of the bed, with 
 being false to his 
 red that for invec- 
 the speech of his 
 
 ^~*»,»^j 
 
 ^^i5l 
 
 GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. 303 
 
 The President, after this made a number of appointments in New 
 York that were satisfactory to the Vice-President and the Senators 
 from that State. The most important one of all, that of Collector of 
 the Port, was held in abeyance until March 23d, when the I'resident 
 nominated William H. Robertson, of Westchester County, E. A. 
 Merritt, the incumbent at the time, being appointed Consul General 
 to liondon. 
 
 No appointment could have been nmde more offensive to Conk- 
 ling than this. There was no objection to Robertson on the score of 
 fitness or ability. He 
 had served his District 
 acceptably in the State 
 Senate and in Congress. 
 But he was restless 
 under the dictation of 
 Conkling and his asso- 
 ciates, was the leader 
 of the anti-Grant ele- 
 ment in the New York 
 delegation, and was the 
 first to disregard and 
 repudiate the unit rule 
 in the Convention, sup- 
 porting Blaine as long 
 as there was any chance 
 for him, and then trans- 
 ferring his own vote 
 and as many others as 
 he could to Garfield. 
 The nomination was 
 sent in March 23d. wili.iam h. robektson. 
 
 Conkling and Piatt did their utmost to defeat its confirmation, by 
 argument and by appeals to Senatorial courtesy, but without prospect 
 of success. While this wa» pending, on the 5th of May, the Presi- 
 dent, hearing that the New York Senators intended to secure the 
 confirmation . of the other New York appointments, but to hang up 
 that of Robertson till December, withdrew the others, leaving Rob- 
 ertson to stand alone. Vice-President Arthur and the New York 
 Senators sent a letter to the President remonstrating against this, 
 but without avail. The fight had now become so bitter that a com- 
 
"ssmmmmmmmmB 
 
 304 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 T'i. "v -• ftj 
 
 mfttee^of five unitual friends visited Conkling to gee if a reconcilia- 
 tion could not be effected. Of the result, Senator Dawes, chairman of 
 the committee of conciliation, afterwards said: "On that occasion he 
 surpassed himself in all those elements of oratorical i>ower, for which 
 he was so distinguished. He continued, for two hours and a half, to 
 play, with consummate skill, npon all the strings known to the 
 orator, and through aJl the notes, from the lowest to the highest, 
 which the great masters command, and concluded in a lofty apos- 
 trophe to the greatness and glory of the Republican party, and his 
 own devotion to its highest welfare, 'and,' said he, *I trust that the 
 exigency may never arise when I shall be compelled to choose 
 between s6lf-respect and personal honor on the one side, and the 
 temporary discomfiture of that party on che other; but if that time 
 shall ever come, I shall not hesitate in the choice, and I now say to 
 you, and through you to those whom it most concerns, that I have 
 in my pocket an autograph letter from this President who is now for 
 the time being its official head, which I pray God I may never be com- 
 pelled in self-defense, to make public; but if that time shall ever 
 come, I declare to you, his friends, he will bite the dust.' " He after- 
 wards published the letter, but it did not create the sensation he 
 anticipated. It was an appeal for collections from Government 
 ofQcials and (clerks for campaign expenses. 
 
 On the 16th of May ( 'onkling and Piatt resigned their seats in 
 the Senate, and two days later Robertson was confirmed, with very 
 little opposition. 
 
 There has been muth discussion as to the part that Blaine had 
 in this nomination. His friends, at the time, said that he had noth- 
 ing to do with it, and knew nothing about it until after it was made. 
 His enemies said that he M'as the instigator of the whole mischief. 
 Probably there is no one else, living at the present time, so well fitted 
 to state the facts ii| the case as George S. Bout well, of Massachusetts. 
 Mr. Boutwell was in President Grant's Cabinet, was one of his four 
 trusted managers at the Chicago Convention, and was {intimate with 
 Conkling, without ever breaking friendship with Blaine. In McClure's 
 Magazine for January, 1900, Mr. Boutwell gives very . interesting 
 reminiscences of this affair. He says that, following the visit of 
 General Grant and Mr. Conkling to Mentor, in the fall of 1880, he was 
 informed by Mr. (Conkling that he had not been alone one minute 
 with General Garfield, intending by that cnre-taking, to avoid the 
 suggestion that his visit was designed to afford an opportunity for 
 
IPM 
 
 if a recoin'ilia- 
 e%, chairman of 
 bat occasion he 
 ower, for which 
 9 and a half, to 
 
 linown to the 
 to the highest, 
 n a lofty apos- 
 
 party, and his 
 
 I trust that the,; 
 >lled to choose 
 > side, and the 
 )ut if that time 
 id I now say to 
 ■ns, that I have 
 
 who is now for 
 ly never be com- 
 time shall ever 
 St.' " He after- 
 he sensation he 
 >m Government 
 
 d their seats in 
 rmed, with very 
 
 that Blaine had 
 bat he had noth- 
 ter it was made, 
 whole mischief, 
 me, so well fitted 
 f Massachusetts. 
 ) one of his four 
 as intimate with 
 ne. In McClure's 
 very . interesting 
 ing the visit of 
 
 II of 1880, he was 
 lone one minute 
 ng, to avoid the 
 1 opportunity for 
 
 OARPIELP AND ARTHFK ADMINIWTKATION. .m 
 
 eny personal or party arrangement. It was the wish of General 
 Grant, as it was his wish, that the effort which they were then making 
 should lie treated as a service due to the party, and to the country, 
 and that General Garfield should be left free from any obligation to 
 them whatever. Mr. Boutwell continues his narrative as follows: 
 
 After the election and after Mr. Blaine became Secretary of State, 
 he volunteered to sjieak of the situation of the party in New York, 
 and of Mr. Conklings standing in the State. Among other things, 
 he said that Mr. Conkling was the only man who had had three 
 elections to the Senate, and that Mr. Conkling and his friends would 
 be considered fairlv in the appointments that might be made in the 
 State. When in conversation with Conkling, I mentioned Blames 
 remark, he said: "Do vou believe one word of that?" I said, "Yes, I 
 believe Mr. Blaine." He said with emphasis : "I don't." Subsequent 
 events strengthened Mr. Conkling in his opinion, but those events 
 did not change my opinion of Mr. Blaine's integrity of purpose in the 
 conversations of which I have spoken. 
 
 My knowledge of the events, which seem to have the relation of 
 a prelude to the great trag«?dy, was derived from three persons, Mr. 
 Conkling, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Marshall Jewell. At the request of the 
 President, Mr. Conkling called upon him the Sunday preceding the 
 day of the catastrophe. The President gave Mr. Conkling the names 
 of persons that he was considering favorably for certain places. To 
 several of these Mr. Conkling made jobjections, and in some cases 
 other persons were named. As Mr. Conkling was leaving he said: 
 "Mr. President, what do you propose about the collectorship of New 
 York?" The President said: "We will leave that for another time." 
 These statements I received from Mr. Conkling. 
 
 From Mr. Jewell I received the following statement as coming 
 from the President: "When the New York nominations were sent 
 to the Senate, the President was forthwith in the receipt of letters 
 and dispatches in protest, coupled with the suggestion that every- 
 thing had been surrendered to Conkling. Without delay, and with- 
 out consultation with any one, the President nominated Judge Robert- 
 son to the oflice of Collector of New York. Further, the Prebident 
 said, as reported by Mr. Jewell, Mr. Blaine heard of the nomination, 
 and he came in very pale and much astonished. 
 
 Prom Mr. Blaine I received the specific statement that he had no 
 knowledge of the nomination of Judge Robertson until it had been 
 made. 
 
 These statements are reconcilable with each other, and they 
 place the responsibility for the sudden and fatal rupture of the rela- 
 tions between Mr. Conkling and the President, upon the President. 
 Mr. Conkling could npt fail to regard the nomination of Robertson 
 as a willful and premeditated violation of the pledge given at the 
 
mmm 
 
 w » . . . 
 
 366 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ;;y;;7^ .-^■. ■ >'V" 
 
 
 V 
 
 Hunday confcivuce. It was, however, only un inBtance of General 
 Uarfleld'H impulsive and iinrengoning BubuiiBHiun io an expresHion of 
 public opinion, without waiting for evidence of the nature and value 
 of that opinion. That weakne^g had been observed bv hig agaociates 
 in the Houge of RepregentatiAeg, and on that weaknegg hig admin- 
 igtration was wrecked. 
 
 When iRenatorg fonkling and Piatt regigned their geatg it wag 
 with the expectation that the New York Tjegiglature, then in geggion, 
 would immediately re-elect them. In thig they were digappointed. 
 They had taken tlie gtep hagtily, and without congulting their friendg. 
 Even Vice-President Arthur knew nothing of it, until the resignationg 
 rea(*hed him in hig ofBcial capacity ag pregiding ofHcer of the Benate. 
 When the letters of regignation reached Governor Cornell, of New 
 York, he nngu(*ceggfully sought to have them withdrawn. On the 
 flrgt ballot in the Legiglature Conkling had only 35 voteg for the ghort 
 term, and Piatt 2J> for the long term. They did not get beyond thig 
 number in the succeggive ballotg, while from 75 to 79 were necesgary 
 to a choice. The Democratg nominated Francig Kernan for the long 
 term, and John C. Jacobg for the ghort term. The Republicang, who 
 were oppoged to (^onkling and Piatt, made no regular nominationg, 
 but gradually concentrated their voteg on William A. Wheeler and 
 Chauncey Mj Depew, but the highegt vote reached by the former wag 
 50 and by the latter 55. Finally the Republicang caucuged and 
 named Warner Miller to Bucceed Mr. Piatt and Elbridge B. Tjapham 
 to succeed Mr. Conkling. On the forty-eighth ballot Mr. Miller was 
 elected, but it took another caucug, and geveral more ballotg to land 
 Mr. Lapham. The contest lasted from May 31 to July 22. It wag 
 during this contest that the names "Stalwarts" and "Half Breeds" 
 came into use, the former being applied at firgt to the Grant-Conkling 
 wing of the party, and the latter to the Garfield-Blaine followerg 
 The failure of rp-election concluded Senator Conkling's political 
 career, but Mr. Piatt was soon on his feet again, and before many 
 years was the most influential man in his party in the Empire Statei 
 
 While the election of Senatorg in New York wag gtill pending 
 the country was startled at news of' the assassination of President 
 Garfield. On the morning of July 2, as he was in the waiting room 
 of the Pennsylvania Railroad station in Washington, whence he was 
 to start with his (^abinet on a tour through New England, Charles J. 
 Guiteau, a disappointed ofHce-see|cer, approached him, and fired two 
 shots at him, one of which took effect in the back, and ultimately 
 
■I¥^" ' 
 
 rv. 
 
 ince of General 
 m expresHion of 
 Eiture and value 
 y his a880(;iate8 
 De88 his admin- 
 sir 8eat8 it wuH 
 then in session, 
 re disappointed, 
 ng their friendB. 
 the resignations 
 »r of the Senate. 
 Cornell, of New 
 Irawn. On the 
 tes for the short 
 get beyond this 
 I were necessary 
 nan for the long 
 tepnblicans, who 
 lar nominations, 
 A. Wheeler and 
 r the fornijer was 
 Ds caucused and . 
 ridge B. Lapham 
 t Mr. Miller was 
 e ballots to land 
 July 22. It was 
 d "Half Breeds" 
 e Grant-Conkling 
 Blaine followers 
 ikling's political 
 Eind before many 
 he Empire Sta^ei 
 uras still pending 
 tion of President, 
 the waiting room 
 1, whence he was 
 igland, Charles J. 
 im, and flred two 
 i, and ultimately 
 
 GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. !{67 
 
 caused his death. On (Juiteau's person, after iiis arrest, was found 
 a letter whith said: "The President's tragic death was a sad neces- 
 sity, but it will unite the Republican party and save the Republic. 
 Life is a flimsy dream, and it matters little when one goes; a human 
 life is of small value. During the war thousands of brave boys went 
 down without a tear. I presume that the President was a Christian, 
 and that he will be happier in Paradise than here. It will be no worse 
 for Mrs. <Jarfleld, dear soul, to part with her husband this way, than 
 by natural death He is liable to go at any time, anyway. I had no 
 ill-will toward the President. His death was a political necessity. I 
 am a lawyer, a theologian and a politician. I am a Stalwart of the 
 Stalwarts. I Mas with General Grant, and the rest of our men in 
 New York during the canvass. 1 have some papers for the press, 
 which I shall leave with Byron Andrews, and his company, journal- 
 ists, at 142(» New York Avenue, where all the reporters can see them." 
 The letter was signed "Charles Guiteau," and was addressed "To the 
 White House." 
 
 Guiteau s declaration that he was a Stalwart of the Stalwarts, 
 and the information which came out afterwards that he had, himself 
 been disappointed in office-seeking, induced many to think that there 
 was some connection between him and the President's political 
 opponents In New York. Nothing could have been further from the 
 truth, than the suspicion that there was any direct connection of this 
 sort, for, although the Stalwarts were fighters they were not assas- 
 sins. Some of the leading newspapers, however, found a logical, if 
 not a direct, connection between the political quarrel and the political 
 assassination. The Springfield, Mass., Republican said: "Guiteau 
 is a miserable ne'er do well, who shares the common feeling that all 
 the offices are in the dispen«ation of the President of the United 
 States, and that he has a claim on that functionary for patronage. 
 He is in sympathy with Arthur and Conkling in the struggle over the 
 New York Custom House. His wits have become only a degree more 
 disordered than those of Conkling himself, and being a much weaker 
 and feebler man, his vengeance has taken the direct and vulgar form 
 of a pistol shot, rather than the more refined form of resigning the 
 seats of the Republican majority in the Senate of the United States, 
 and demanding a vindication from the State of New York." 
 
 The New York papers were not as direct as this, but drew lessons 
 of much the same tenor. The Times said: "Though the murderer 
 was obviou(s.ly of unsound mind, it is impossible to ignore the causes 
 
868 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REIMIULICAN PARTY 
 
 
 i»v-'v;> 
 
 ;',:^i.':^$- 
 
 which l(>d immediately to this act; which dire<'ted his ill-reKulated 
 will to final aim. He was a disapirainted oflicp ••"«»ker, and he linlitHl 
 the bitterneHB or his personal disappointiuent with the paasionatc 
 animosity of a faction. This ri '■•^ntin^'at was intlanied and intensified 
 by the assanlts upon the President, which have been common in too 
 many circles for the past few months. Ortainly, we are far from 
 holding any party or any section of a party responsible for this mur- 
 derous act, but we believe it our duty to point out that the act was 
 an exaggeraled expression of a sentiment of narrow and bitter 
 hatred, which hns been only too freely indulged. It is not too much 
 to say, in the first place, that if Mr. (i^arfleld had not been the chief of 
 a service in which ofHces are held out as prizes to men of much the 
 same merit, and much the same career as this murderer, he would 
 not have been exposed to this attack." The New York Tribune had 
 this: "President Qarfleld has been shot down, not by a political 
 faction, but by the spirit which a political faction has begotten and 
 nursed. But for that spirit, there was hardly a man in this country 
 who seemed; at sunrise yesterday, more safe from murderous assault. 
 It does not appear that the assassin of yesterday had ever been 
 thought a lunatic by any associate or acquaintance, until the deadly 
 shots wen^ flred. Was he 'crazed by political excitement' then, as 
 many say? At what point, if ever, did the madness of faction become 
 the madness of irresponsibility? Do the leaders of factions ever 
 intend all the mischief which grows from the wild and desperate <!pirit 
 which they create, feed, and stimulate, week after week? Is it not 
 their constant crime against self government, that, by kindling such u 
 spirit, they (tend weak or reckless men beyond the bounds of right, or 
 reason? This assassin, it seems, was not ignorant that he was trying 
 to kill one President and make another. His language and letters 
 prove that l\e knew what he was doing only too well, and a 'Stalwart 
 of the Stalwart^,' his passion was intense enough to do the thing 
 which other reckless men had wished were done." Instead of allay- 
 ing factional feeling, this tragic event seemed for tlie time to inten- 
 sify it. 
 
 In spite of treatment by the most eminent surgeons in the coun- 
 try, and the aid of a strong constitution, the President gradually 
 weakened under the effects of the wound, blood poisoning set in, and 
 he died on the 19th of September, at Elberon, N. J., where he had been 
 taken in the hope of being benefited by the cool air of the seashore. 
 The time between the fatal shot and the President's death, was a 
 
mhmmi 
 
 RTY. 
 
 1 his in-rcK"lat<>d 
 cer, and he linked 
 h the paasionate 
 ed and intensitled 
 in eoinnion in too 
 , we are far from 
 lible for this mur- 
 
 that the act was 
 irrow and bitter 
 it is not too much 
 t been the chief of 
 
 men of much the 
 iirderer, he would 
 York Tribune had 
 lot by a political 
 
 has begotten and 
 an in this country 
 nurderouB aBsault. 
 y had ever been 
 e, until the deadly 
 citement' then, as 
 ! of faction become 
 B of factions ever 
 nd desperate spirit 
 T week? Is it not 
 
 by kindling such a 
 bounds of right, or 
 that he was trying 
 agnage and letters 
 ell, and a 'Stalwart 
 ;h to do the thing 
 ' Instead of allay- 
 • the time to inten- 
 
 rgeons in the coun- 
 'resident gradually 
 oisoning set in, and 
 , where he had been 
 ftir of the seashore, 
 ent's death, was a 
 
 GARFIELD AND AKTUlil ADMINIHTRATION. 
 
 m\t 
 
 period of int«Mi»e suiTering, which he bore with a patlen<e and heroism 
 that won the admiration and renewed tlie affections of the people. 
 Oii the 27th of February following, the two Houses of Congress held 
 memorial services, to which the heads of Departments, Hupreme 
 Court Justices, Ministers of Foreign countries, (lovernors of states, 
 and distinguished officers of the Army and Navy were invited. In 
 the recollection of his heroic endurance of suffering and tragic death, 
 his political mistakes were forgotten, and the eloquent tribute to his 
 memory by Secretary Blaine, who was the orator for the occasion 
 met with a hearty response from the people. In his closing para- 
 graphs Mr. Blaine said: 
 
 As the end drew near his early craving for the sea returned. The 
 stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospital of 
 pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from its oppress 
 ive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. Gently, 
 silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed- 
 for liealing of the sea, to live or to die, as God should will, within 
 sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold voices 
 With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked 
 out wistfully upon the ocean's changing wonders; on its far sails, 
 whiteninc; in the morning light; on its restless waves, rolling shore- 
 ward to break and die beneath the noonday sun; on the red clouds of 
 evening, arching low to the horisson; on tlie serene and shining path- 
 way of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic 
 meaning, which only the rapt and parting soul may know. Let us 
 believe that, in the silence of the receding world, he heard the great 
 waves breaking on a further shore, and felt already upon his wasted 
 brow the breath of the eternal morning. 
 
 The trial of Guiteau <'ommenced in November and lasted about 
 two months. It was often interrupted or disturbed by disorderly 
 conduct and scurrillous remarks by the prisoner, often giving the 
 impression that lie was simulating insanity. He was convicted in 
 January, and was executed in Washington, June 30, 1882. An 
 autopsy showed no disease of the brain. 
 
 At the time of President Garfield's death Vice-President Arthur 
 was in New York, and he immediately took the oath as President 
 before Judge Brady. He subsequently renewed the oath before 
 the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at Washington. Before his 
 nomination for the Vice-Presidency but little was known of General 
 Arthur, except as one of the managers of one wing of the New York 
 Republit'ans. His capacity for the statesmanlike treatment of large 
 
iifiiiiiw iinnrii tiiii^ 
 
 3T0 
 
 J41HTORY OF THE HKITHLICAN PAKTY. 
 
 I 
 
 V 'V 
 
 public iilTairH hud not been tested. To niun.v people, who hud tliouKht 
 of him only ui* a loral polltirlan, his letter urreptlnn the nomination 
 came ub a revelation. HIb treatment of the public lusueii then pend- 
 ing, Indicated a Boundness and B«illdlt.v of thounht, that were fully 
 as acceptable m those of the more brilliant and elTuHlve (hirfleld 
 After hlB wceimion to the Presidency, <leneral Arthur gained very 
 rapidly In public confidence and favor; and before hlB lerm closed he 
 was regarded as among the most prudent, and most discreet, as well 
 
 as one of the ablest of our Presidents. 
 
 The changes he made 
 
 , In the Cabinet, which 
 
 he inherited from Oar- 
 field, were numerous, 
 but they were nmdi; 
 with deliberation. Mr. 
 Ulaine, who, as the 
 head of the Cabinet, 
 had, during President 
 Clarfleld's illness, came 
 nearer the possession 
 of Presidential power, 
 than he ever did before 
 or afterwards, retain«Kl 
 his portfolio till Decem- 
 ber 10, 1881, when he 
 surrendered it to Fred- 
 erick T. Frelinghuysen, 
 of New Jersey. Edwin 
 1). Morgan, who had 
 been nominated an<l 
 CHEMTBR A. ARTHUR. confirmed as Secretary 
 
 of the Treasury, declined, on account of ill health. Charles J. Pplger. 
 who had declined the position under Garfield, was appointed ajd 
 accepted. He afterwards resigned and was succeeded in 1882 by 
 Walter Q. Oresham, and he, in turn, by Hugh McCuUoch. In April, 
 1882, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, was appointed Secre- 
 tary of the Navy, and Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, Secretary of the 
 Interior. Within the next three years there were three different 
 incumbents of the position of Postmaster General, Timothy O. Howe, 
 of Wisconsin, who succeeded Thomas L. James; Waiter Q. Gresham, 
 of Indiana, and Frank Hatton, of Iowa. 
 
-mun m ■ 
 
 m.'. 
 
 I'Y. 
 
 liM had thouKlit 
 the nomination 
 BUfii then iifhd- 
 that were fully 
 Tuiiive (Jarfleld 
 mr gained ver.v 
 
 I term closed lie 
 liB<reet, as well 
 
 hangeH he made 
 Cabinet, which 
 •rited from Gai*" 
 vere numerouH, 
 ey were mad*; 
 ^liberation. Mr. 
 who, as the 
 jf the Cabinet, 
 
 II ring President 
 d'B illnesB, came 
 
 the poBHession 
 sidential power. 
 e ever did before 
 rwardfl, retainf>d 
 tfolio till Decem 
 , 1881, when he 
 dered it to Fred- 
 r. Prelinghuysen, 
 V Jersey. Edwin 
 >rgan, who had 
 
 nominated ami 
 aed as Secretary 
 ^harleB J. Polger, 
 8 appointed apd 
 ^ed in 1882 by 
 lUoch. In April, 
 appointed Secre- 
 
 Secretary of the 
 ■e three different 
 Mmothy O. Howe, 
 titer Q. Gregham, 
 
 GAUFIKI.l) AND AHTlll 11 ADMINIKTU.VTION. :»7l 
 
 A number of imiwrtant que«tionii which had »»een before <'on- 
 greBu, in one form or another, for Home years, were settled during 
 President Arthurs Administration. An improvement In the (Mvil 
 Service, which should remove minor appointments from iM»liti<al 
 influen«e. was agitated as i-arly as Grant's first term, but even Grant, 
 with all his firmness, though favoring a progressive movement in 
 that direction, c«»uld not nmke much headway against the political 
 influences that were oi»|M»sed to the niDvement. In 1871 the first 
 Civil Service Law passed, and under it President Grant appointed 
 a commission to ascertain and act on the fltness of candidates for 
 appointive ofllces. Congress, however, gave it only grudging 
 support, and in 1874, refused to make any appropriation, whatever 
 for the Commission. The I^w remained in innocuous desuetude for 
 several yoars. The pe<»ple and the Congressmen were not yet edu- 
 cated up to it. Besides Grant, Presidents Hayes, Garfield in his 
 maugural, and Arthur, all urged the passage of a law making the 
 tenure of the minor appointments indefiendent of partisan changes 
 in the I'residency, and both parties were pledged to this in their 
 platforms. The matter finally came to a definite result in January, 
 1883, when a Bill prepared by the Civil Service Reform league, and 
 Introduced by Senator George H. I'endleton, of Ohio, became a liaw. 
 It repealed the main provisions of the Act of 1871, and authorized the 
 appointment, by the President, of three Civil Service Commissioners, 
 who were to institute competitive examinations open to all persons 
 desiring to enter the serviw of the (Jovernmcnt. It provided that 
 the clerks in the Departments at Washington, and in every customs 
 district or postofflce, where fifty or more were employed, should be 
 arranged in classes, and that, in the future, only persons who had 
 passed the examinations should be appointed to service In these 
 ofBces, or promoted from a lower to a higher grade, preference being 
 given according to rank In the examinations. It also provided that 
 no official should be removed for refusing to contribute to political 
 funds. It made any Congressman or Government official, convicted 
 of soliciting or receiving political assessments from Government 
 employes, Hal le to a Une of |6,000, or imprisonment not more than 
 three years. It forbade persons in the Government service to use 
 their official authority or influence to coerce the political action of 
 anyone, or to interfere with elections. Dorman B. Eaton, I^roy D. 
 Thoman and John M. Gregory were appointed the first Coramis 
 siouers. 
 
 MMMMlMI 
 
'*?■ 
 
 
 "! 
 
 IIIKTOIIY OFTIIK KKITIlLirAN I»AKTV. 
 
 DiiriuK tho two rcuiaiiiiiiK .v«*tti'M of l>r«>Mid<>iit Artliur'it twriu hv 
 iipplied the law to 15,773 pIuceH. Clevrlttud added 11,757 plaeeH in 
 liiB flmt term, and 42.025 in liia Hecond, whilt HarriHun increaMed tli<! 
 list by 16,51)8 in his term, maltinK over H5,(KH) [i\h'^ 'trought under 
 tlie Act during the flr^t three and one-half tt'rmu of it« ^'xistenre. 
 
 The flrBt general reviiion of u. tariff imd^rtalcen ulnre the 
 Morrill Acts of the war |>eriod, waH luvulr duriuK thJN AdminiHtra- 
 tion. An Act approved May 15, 1882, apiiohiM'd the following TarilT 
 (^onimiflsion, ronsiitiug of prominent manufactiirerg and otiiers: .). 
 L. Hayes, H. W. Oliver, A. M. (larland, Robert I'. I'orter, J. W. H, 
 Underwood, A. R. Bateler and Duncan F. Kennon. In December 
 following, this ComnUttee brought in a Hill, together with a lon^ 
 report, showing very industrioua research into the whole subject. 
 The purpose of the Bill waa thus stated: "In the performance of the 
 duty devolved uiM>n them, all the members of the ('onimission have 
 aimed, and, as they believe, with success, to divest themselves of 
 political bias, sectional prejudice or considerations of personal 
 interest. It is their desire that their recommendations sliall serve 
 no political party, class, section or school of political economy.'* 
 Congress, however, did not reach this degree of impartiality. The 
 Senate tacked a different Tariff Bill to a House Internal Revenue 
 Measure, and thus the whole subje<'t was brought before a Conference 
 Committee, which turned out a Bill that was satisfactory to no one. 
 The Commission Bill reduced the rates of duty on an average about 
 20 per cent., in some cases as much as 50 per cent. The average 
 reduction by the Conference Bill was only about 4 per cent., and in 
 some cases there was an actual increase over the war tariff rates. 
 The ConuuJssion Bill was carefully studied, and was symmetrical in 
 its character, while the Conference Bill was contradictory in its 
 methods and incongruous in its provisions. Senator John Hhermau 
 said of it in his "Recollections:" "If the Senate Finance Committei.' 
 had embodied in this Bill the recommendations of the Tariff Com- 
 mission, including the schedules, without amendment or change, the 
 tariff would have been settled for many years. Unfortunately, ibis 
 was not don^, but the schedules prescribing the rates of duty, and 
 their classification, were so radically changed by the Committee that 
 the scheme of the Tariff Commission was practically defeated. Many 
 persons, wishing to advance their particular industry, appeared 
 before the Committee, and succeeded in having their views adopted." 
 
 In the next House, which had a large Democratic majority, 
 William R. Morrison, of Illinois, introduced a measure which gave to 
 
i 
 
 UTY. 
 
 Xrtliur'M term h« 
 
 n,7B7 placeB In 
 sun increaHed the 
 Ml Itrought under 
 itM *'»i8tenee. 
 '■taken nUue the 
 
 tliifi AdminiRtrti- 
 e followhlK TaritT 
 rs and others: i 
 
 I'orter, J. W. H, 
 ►n. In I>acenjber 
 ther with a lon\i 
 lie wliole subject . 
 erfornianee of the 
 CommisHion have 
 t^nt themselveH of 
 innH of personal 
 ationis Mhall serve 
 oHtieal economy." 
 Impartiality. The 
 
 Internal Revenue 
 efore a Conference 
 factory to no one. 
 
 an average about 
 ent. The average 
 I per cent., and in 
 s war tariff rates, 
 'as symmetrical in 
 itradictory in its 
 tor John Sherman 
 i'inance Committee 
 jf the Tariff Com- 
 enti or change, the 
 Tnfortunately, this 
 rates of duty, and 
 he Committee that 
 ly defeated. Many 
 industry, appeared 
 sir views adopted." 
 mocratic majority, 
 sure which gave to 
 
 OARFIEI.n .\NI> .\RTnrR ADMINIHTR.VTION. .173 
 
 him the niclt-nanie "Horlxontal Hill." It proponed to make a horl- 
 xontal reduction of iiO per <ent. on the dutii'H levied by the .Vet of 
 \HKi. Hut this met witli little favor, for, it whm argued, if the Act 
 of \HK\ was uneven, irrational and contradictory in its Hcli«Klules, a 
 uniform reduction of 20 iier cent, would not nuike it a bit less so. 
 Thirty-nine Democrats voted with the Hepublicans against even 
 giving the Hill consideration. After it liad been dis'UHsed at length 
 :(7 Democrats voted vv^ith the Republicans to strike out the enacting 
 clause, while U Democrats refrained from voting. The motion to 
 strike out carried by 158 to inn, and that was the end of tariff agita- 
 »l«»n tor the Foriy-eighth Congress. 
 
 Tiie Hituatioii in regard to the ['residency at the time of (}artield*s 
 assassination rtMtiinded (Vtngress that legislation was needed relating 
 to tlie succesHiou to that office. The .\ct of IIU'2, which was still in 
 fon-e in 1881, provided that in case the Vi«e-l*resident, as well as the 
 President dies, is removed or is diiw|ualitled, then the President pro 
 temiiore of the Senate, or, after him. the Speaker of the House, should 
 assume the duties of the ofllce untii the disability is removed, or a 
 President elected. At this time there was no Speaker of the House, 
 because the new Congress had not met. Jt had been the custom, on 
 (be last day of the sessions of the Senate, f»»r the Vice-i'resident to 
 retire, so that the Senate might elect a President pr<» tempore, to hold 
 ofHce during the recess, but this had been neglected ut the special 
 session of the Senate in May. There was an interval of some weeks 
 therefore, in which, in (-ase of President Arthur's death, there would 
 have been no provision whatever for the suci-ession. On the second 
 day of the first regular session of the Forty-seventh Congress, the 
 Senate ordered its Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any 
 further legislation was necessary in respe<-t to the Presidential suc- 
 cession, and report by Bill, or otherwise. Senator Garland, for the 
 Committee, accordingly reported a Bill placing the succession to the 
 Presidency in members of the Cabinet, in an order named, commenc- 
 ing with the Secretary of State. This vas in 1881, and it is a curious 
 comment on the disposition of legislative bodies to defer matters 
 when the immediate exigency has passed, that no measure on this 
 subject was adopted until January, 188«, when a law based on Gar 
 land's plan was enacted. 
 
 A bill restricting Chinese immigration, in accordance with the 
 terms of the Burlingame treaty, passed both Houses of the Forty- 
 seventh Congress, but was vetoed by President Arthur. An effort 
 
 m 
 
 1' 
 
374 HISTORY OF TH E UEI'IJBLIO AN PA RTY. 
 
 to fLn it over his veto failed, wlien another Bill, framed so as to 
 mec • his objections, passed and beeani* a law. 
 
 ( Mder the Act organizing National Banks, the charters of these 
 associations had a life time of only twenty years. Their charters 
 began expiring about this time and an Act passed this Congress allow- 
 ing them to reorganize for twenty years more. The first Anti 
 Polygamy Act, directed especially against the Mormons in Utah, 
 also passed the Forty-seventh Congress, by a non-partisan vote. 
 
 The factional spirit which had been fostered by the incidents of 
 the Chicago Convention and by the events that followed in New York, 
 told heavily in the elections of 188?. In Pennsylvania for nearly 
 thirty years, there have been two factions among the Republicans. 
 They have generally confined the;.' disputes to caucuses and conven- 
 tions, and afterwards supported the nominations therein made, but 
 1882 woa one of the vears when they couldn't agree, and there were 
 two Republican candidates for Governor. The result was the election 
 of Robert M. Pattison, Democrat. The same influences defeated 
 Henry W. Oliver, the Regular Republican nominee for the United 
 States Senate, though they did not elect a Democrat. In Massa- 
 chusetts, up to that time reliably Republican, a combination of 
 Greenbackers and Democrats also defeated the Republicans for Gov- 
 ernor. But the worst break was in New York State, where about 
 200 000 "Half Breed" Republicans stayed away from the polls, because 
 the' candidate was supposed to represent the Administration, to 
 which they had not yet become reconciled. The result was to give 
 Grover Cleveland 192,854 majority for Governor, and to put beyond 
 question his nomination as the next Democratic candidate for the 
 Presidency. 
 
 mm 
 
 mtm 
 
tTY. 
 
 framed so as to 
 
 :'harter8 of these 
 Their charters 
 B Congress allow- 
 The first Anti 
 »rmonH in Utah, 
 irtisan vote. 
 ' the incidents of 
 ived in New York, 
 vania for nearly 
 the Republicans, 
 •uses and conven- 
 herein made, but 
 ?, and there were 
 t was the election 
 fluences defeated 
 e for the United 
 ocrat. In Massa- 
 i combination of 
 publicans for Gov- 
 ■ate, where about 
 the polls, because 
 dministration, to 
 esult was to give 
 inA to put beyond 
 candidate for the 
 
 •.f:^^' ^'^^f ,^.*;-.r^^<' V .'": 
 
 -j^[j4pii.;mt>:.*&£mAi:.u;^A^:^.^. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 THE EIGHTH BEPUBLI(!AN OONVENTIGN. 
 
 Prominent Men in Attendance as Delegates— Contest Over the Tem- 
 porary Chairman- An Important Change in the Rules— Text of 
 the Platform Adopted— Blaine and Arthur the Leading Candi- 
 dates—Nomination of the Former— Analysis of the Vote- 
 General I^gan for Vice-President— Opposition to the Ticket 
 Within the Party— The Rise and Good Fortune of Grover Cleve- 
 land—He Receives the Democratic Nomination— A Bitter 
 Personal Contest— Blaine'u Western Tour— His Unfortunate 
 Stay in New York— Parson Burchard's Misfit Speech— Success 
 of the Democratic Ticket. 
 
 The eighth National Convention of the Republican party opened 
 in the Exposition Building, Chicago, June 3, 1884. The proceedings 
 were not lacking in interest, though they were entirely lacking in the 
 strifes and excitements of four years earlier. The contest was recog- 
 nized, at the outset, a« being between Artliur and Blaine, though 
 there were, as usual, a few favorite sons in the field. The personnel 
 of the Convention was not as strong as some that have been held, 
 although it included the two next Republican Presidents, Harrison 
 and McKinley, and a third. General Alger, who was a leading candi- 
 date for the Republican nomination, four years later. The following 
 were among the leading delegates: Powell Clayton and Logan H 
 Roots, of Arkansas; Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois; Richard W. 
 Thompson and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; John 8. Clarkson, of 
 Iowa; Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas; William O. Bradley, 
 Walter Evans and William il Goodloe, of Kentucky; William Pitt 
 Kellogg, P. B. S. Pinchback, and A. J. Dumont, of I^ouisiana; Georg«; 
 F. Hoar, William W. Crapo, John D. Long, Henry Cabot Lodge and 
 Carroll D. WrigLt, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. Davis, of Minne 
 sota; Blanche K. Bruce and John R. Lynch, of Mississippi; R. T. Van- 
 Horn, John B. Henderson and (^hamicey I. Filley, of Missouri; 
 William McKinley, Mark A. Hanna, Benjamin Eggleston and A. L 
 
 ■Hi 
 
 warn 
 
.TM)' 
 
 Hi 
 
 '■''- ' '^-■-'....- .-'■' 
 
 
 37« 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Tonger, of Ohio; H. H. Bingham and Oali: ha A. Grow, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; W. P, Brownlow and L. C. Houclc, of Tennessee. 
 
 The Michigan delegation was as follows: At Large — Roswell G 
 Horr, William F. Swift, Samuel C. Watson and Julius C. Burrows. 
 By Districts— (1) Russell A. Alger, William 8. Morey; (2) W. A 
 Underwood, Joseph T. Jacobs; (3) Edward C. Nichols, William H 
 Powers; (4) 8. T. Reed, Josiah Andrews; (5) George W. Webber, 
 Henry F. Thomas; (6) M. D. Chatterton, Joseph E. Sawyer; (7) John 
 P. Sanborn, R. R. Noble; (8) W. S. Turck, W. E. Watson; (9) M. P. 
 Gale, Abel Anderson; (10) H. H. Aplin, George W. Bell; (11) Seth O. 
 Moffatt, 8amuel M. Stephenson. 
 
 One o^ the sharpest contests of the Convention was over thn 
 comparatively unimportant office of temporary Chairman. Ever 
 since the party was organized it had been the* province of the National 
 Committee to name that official. In accordance with this custom 
 the Committee designated for the place Powell Clayton, a one-armed 
 Union soldier from Arkansas, then the leading Republican politician 
 in that State. The friends of General Arthur antagonised Clayton 
 with John R. Lynch, a colored delegate from Mississippi, Henry Cabot 
 Lodge, of Massachusetts, making this nomination. The discussion 
 of this question, which developed more heat than the subject at all 
 warranted, was participated in by fourteen different members of the 
 Convention, and the roll call of states showed 424 votes for Lynch 
 to 384 for Clayton. This was considered a triumph for President 
 Arthur. In reality it was simply an anti-B'laine vote, for the oppo- 
 sition to Blaine never united on Arthur. Following this, 8. W. 
 Hawkins, of Tennessee, moved a suspension of the rules, and the 
 adoption of a resolution that, ''as the sense of this Convention, every 
 member is bound in honor to support its nominee, whoever that 
 nominee may be; and that no man should hold a seat here who is not 
 ready to so agree.*,' After a short debate, in which half a dozen 
 members participated, the resolution was withdrawn. 
 
 The Committee on Permanent Organization reported the name 
 of John B. Henderson, of Missouri, for President, anci Charles W 
 Clisbee, of Michigan, for Secretary. Mr. Henderson, in a brief speech, 
 on taking the chair, praised all the men that had been talked of ns 
 possible candidates, and, on his own account, added ''the grau^ old 
 hero of Ktnesaw Mountain and Atlanta*' to the list. 
 
 The report of the Committee on Rules was the subject of a long 
 discussion. One of the propositions, debated nt length, and with 
 
 »*■ 
 
 air 
 
 HtHIMili 
 
^'ji£^lB^1r^\''' 
 
 ^Fi>;.ft^-^^'i-V.^%;':^' 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 377 
 
 ge — RoBwell G 
 as C. Borpowa. 
 rey; (2) W. A 
 iB, William H 
 ;e W. Webber, 
 iwyer; (7) Johc 
 itson; (9) M. P. 
 ell; (11) Seth O. 
 
 1 waa over the 
 hairinan. Ever 
 • of the National 
 ith this custom 
 on, a one-armed 
 blican politician 
 ionized Clayton 
 pi, Henry Cabot 
 
 The discagsion 
 e subject at all 
 members of the 
 rotes for Lynch 
 h for President 
 e, for the oppo- 
 ing this, 8. W. 
 > rules, and the 
 onvention, every. 
 i, whoever that 
 
 here who is not 
 eh half a dozen 
 I. 
 
 K>rted the name 
 and Charles W 
 in a brief speech, 
 een talked of n» 
 I "the grau^ old 
 
 mhject of a long 
 ength, and with 
 
 great earnestness, was that the district representation in future Con- 
 ventions should be based on the number of Republican votes cast for 
 Congressman at the last election, instead of being the same for ail 
 the districts. This was hotly opposed by the Southern Republicans, 
 who insisted that their representation in the Convention should not 
 be reduced, because Southern Democrats, with the practical conniv- 
 ance of the National Administration, had disfranchised many of their 
 voters. The proposition was finally withdrawn. It has been brought 
 up, either in the National Committee or in open Convention, in every 
 campaign since then, even to that of 1000, and has, every time, been 
 either withdrawn or voted down. 
 
 The only rule that was materially changed as a result of the long 
 discussion, was that relating to the duties of the National Commit- 
 tee. As finally adopted the rule read as follows: "A Republican 
 National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one member 
 from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia. The roll 
 shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory and 
 District of Columbia, shall uume, through its Chairman, a person to 
 act as a member of the Committee who is not eligible as a member of 
 the Electoral College. Said Committee shall issue the call for a 
 meeting of the National Convention six months at least before the 
 time fixed for said meeting; and each Congressional District in the 
 United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in 
 the same way as the nomination of a member of Congress is made in 
 said District; and in the territories the delegates to the Convention 
 shall be elected in the same way as the nomination of delegates to 
 Congress is made; and said National Convention shall prescribe the 
 mode of electing delegates for the District of Columbia. An alter- 
 nate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in 
 case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way 
 and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large 
 for each State, and their alternates, shall be elected by State Conven- 
 tions in their respective states." 
 
 The clause providing that no person should be a member of the 
 Committee who was not eligible as a member of the Electoral College 
 was intended to exclude Federal office-holders from the Committee, 
 and was adopted on account of the Civil Service Act, forbidding such 
 officers to solicit or receive campaign contributions from other Fetl- 
 eral office-holders or Government employes. 
 
m 
 
 878 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ■■\X- 
 
 iW 
 
 ' <':j'-- 
 
 '^'■■^' 
 
 
 ^,: t^u.. 
 
 :- m:' 
 
 nl 
 
 .•*■■ 
 
 '\: 
 
 
 is|'V,-V:^;r;._ 
 
 '^he report of the Committee on Resolutionfi was made on the 
 afternoon of the third day of the Convention, by William McKinley, 
 of Ohio, Chairman of the Committee. It was adopted without amend- 
 ment, and without debate, and was as follows: 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, in National Convention 
 astiembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they 
 have triumphed in 'six successive elections, and congratulate the 
 American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation 
 and Administration by which the Republican party, has, after saving 
 the Union, done so much to render its institutions just, equal and 
 beueflcent, the safeguards of liberty, and the embodiments of the 
 best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. 
 
 The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and 
 faithful response to the demands of the people for the freedom and 
 equality of all men, for a united nation assuring the rights of all citi- 
 Kens, for the elevation of labor, for an honest currency, for purity in 
 legislation, and for integrity and accountability in all the depart- 
 ments of the government, ami it accepts anew the duty of leading in 
 the work of progress and reform. 
 
 We lament the death of President Garfletd, whose sound states- 
 manship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong 
 and . successful Administration, a promise fully realised daring thi} 
 short period of his office as President of the United States. His dis- 
 tinguished ^success in war and in peace, have endeared him to the 
 hearts of the American people. 
 
 In the Administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise, 
 conservative and patriotic policy, under which the country has been 
 blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his eminent 
 services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every 
 citizen. 
 
 It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights 
 and promote the Interests of its own people. The largest diversity 
 of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the 
 comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that 
 the imposition of duties upon foreign imports shall be made not for 
 revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Gov- 
 ernment, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our 
 diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the 
 laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, 
 may have its just reward and the laboring man his full share in the 
 national prosperity. 
 
 Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, 
 which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our 
 earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to 
 relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise 
 reduction of the surplus. 
 

 ITY. 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN i^^ONVENTlON. 
 
 370 
 
 ras made on the 
 illiam McKinley, 
 without amend- 
 
 tonal Convention 
 upon which they 
 ongratulate the 
 iltB in legislation 
 has, after Baving 
 just, equal and 
 >odiments of the 
 
 th by quick and 
 the freedom and 
 rights of all citi- 
 
 ncy, for purity in 
 all the depart- 
 
 luty of leading in 
 
 tose sound states- 
 mise of a strong 
 lUixed daring thi; 
 States. His dis- 
 eared him to the 
 
 recognize a wise, 
 
 country has been 
 
 lieve his eminent 
 
 approval of every 
 
 protect the rights 
 » largest diversity 
 [>erity and of the 
 sfore demand that 
 1 be made nojt for 
 mues for the Oov- 
 rd security to our 
 and wages of the 
 as well as capital, 
 B full share in the 
 
 Democratic party, 
 lard, we enter our 
 iled completely to 
 axation by a wise 
 
 The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities 
 of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indis- 
 criminate process of horisontal reiduction, but by such methods as 
 will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great 
 productive industries of the country. 
 
 We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United 
 States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing and the 
 danger threatening ics future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect 
 the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural 
 interest for a readjustment of duty on foreign wool in order that such 
 industry shall have full and adequate protection. 
 
 We have always recommended the best money known to the 
 civilized world, and we urge that an v'*ort be made to unite all coui- 
 ntercial nations in the establishment of an international standard 
 which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage. 
 
 The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between 
 the states is one of the most im|H>rtant prerogatives of the general 
 government and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur- 
 pose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carrj* out 
 the Constitutional power of (.'ongress over its State commerce. 
 
 The principle of public regulation of railway corporations is u 
 wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people: 
 and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and 
 excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the 
 people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the 
 laws. 
 
 We favor the establishment of a National Bureau of labor; the 
 enforcement of the eight-hour law, and a wise and judicious system of 
 general education by adequate appropriation from the National 
 revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere 
 the protection to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citi- 
 zens of American adoption; and we favor the settlement of National 
 differences by international arbitration. 
 
 The Republican party,- having its birth in a hatred of slave labor 
 and in a desire that all men may be free and eqnal, is unalterably 
 opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form 
 of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we 
 denounce the in^portation of contract labor, whether from Europe or 
 Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and 
 we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese 
 immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary 
 to carry out its purposes. 
 
 Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republi- 
 can Administration, should be completed by further extension of the 
 reform system, already established by law, to all the grades of the ser- 
 vice to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform 
 should be observed in all executive appointments; and all laws nt 
 
 
 
380 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 'Sc* 
 
 varitttfce with the object of existing reform legislation should be 
 repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk 
 in power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided. 
 
 The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United State*, 
 and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings by 
 actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of 
 these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where the hold- 
 ings are in the hands 6i non-resident aliens. And we will endeavor to 
 obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We demand 
 of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants which have 
 lapsed by reason of noij-compliance with Acts of Incorporation, In 
 all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform 
 the conditions of such grants. 
 
 The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union 
 soldiers and sailors of the late war. And the Republican party 
 stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and 
 for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The 
 Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation 
 contained in the Arrears Act df 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall 
 share alike and their pension shall begin with date of disability, or 
 discharge, and not with the date of their application. 
 
 The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from 
 entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which shall give the 
 right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling In 
 American affairs — ^the policy Which seeks peace and can trade with 
 all powers, but especially with those of the Western helnisphere. 
 
 We demand the restoration of our Navy to its old-time strength 
 and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American 
 citizens and the interests of American commerce; and we call upon 
 Congress to remove the burdens under which Americian shipping has 
 been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commer(« 
 which leaves no sea^unexplored, and a Navy which takes no law from 
 superior fotce. 
 
 RESOLVED, That appointments by the President to offices in 
 the territories, shoiild be made from the bona fide citizens and resi- 
 dents of the territpries wherein they are to serve. 
 
 RESOLVED, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws 
 as shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy 
 within our territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiasti- 
 cal power of the so-called Mormon Church; and that the laws so 
 enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, 
 and by the military, if need be. 
 
 The people of the United States in their organized capacity con- 
 stitute a Nation and not a mere confederacy of states. The National 
 Oovernmeut is supreme within the sphere of its National duties; but 
 the States have reserved rights which must be faithfully maintained; 
 
 UL. 
 
 KMM 
 
I 
 f 
 
 JM 
 
 TY. 
 
 ition Rhould bt> 
 ions which lurk 
 sctively avoided. 
 
 e United States, 
 all holdings by 
 f large tracts of 
 where the hold- 
 will endeavor to 
 11. We demand 
 tits which have 
 ncorporation, in 
 Faith to perform 
 
 lue to the Union 
 epnblican party 
 re disabled, and 
 1 the war. The 
 »f the limitation 
 lid Boldiers shall 
 of disability, or 
 
 ill keep us from 
 h shall give the 
 •om meddling in 
 I can trade with 
 lietnisphere. 
 
 )ld-time strength 
 hts of American 
 nd we call upon 
 pan shipping has 
 have a commer(« 
 ikes no law from 
 
 lent to offices in 
 •itiisens and resi- 
 
 ) enact such laws 
 temi of polygamy 
 n the ecclesiasti- 
 hat the laws so 
 rities, if possible, 
 
 sed capacity con- 
 >s. The National 
 -ional duties; but 
 Fully maintained; 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUWLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 UHl 
 
 each should be guarded with jealous care so that the harmony of our 
 system of government may be preserved and the Union be kept invio- 
 late. 
 
 The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of 
 a free ballot, an honest count and correct returns. 
 
 We denounce the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy 
 in the Southern States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, 
 as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions; and we solemnly 
 arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the 
 fruits of such fraud and violence. 
 
 We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their 
 former partv affiliations, our cordial sympathy; and pledge to them 
 our most eaVnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation 
 as will secure to every citiaen, of whatever race and color, the full 
 and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and 
 political rights. 
 
 The order of nominating candidates for the Presidency was 
 reached on the evening of the third day. The nominating speeches 
 were numerous, several of them long, most of them good, but none 
 of them specially striking. Augustus Brandegee, of Connecticut, 
 was the first to speak, placing iii nomination General Joseph B. Haw- 
 ley, of that State. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, placed General John 
 A. Logan in nomination, referring in eloquent terms to his brilliant 
 military service, and his long civil career; and- the nomination was 
 supported by Benjamin H. Prentis, of Missouri. 
 
 Judge William H. West, of Ohio, presented the name of James 
 G. Blaine, and the nomination was supported by (^nshman K. Davis, 
 of Minnesota; William C. Goodloe, of Kentucky; Galusha A. Grow, 
 of Pennsylvania; and, strange as it may seem in view of the events 
 of three years earlier, by Thomas C Piatt, of New York. 
 
 President Arthur's name was placed before the Convention by 
 Martin I. Townsend, of New York, who was seconded by Henry H. 
 Bingham, of Pennsylvania; John R. Lynch, of Mississippi; Patrick 
 H. Winston, of North Carolinn, and P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana. 
 
 J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, and William H. Holt, of Kentucky, spoke 
 for John Sherman, while John D. liOng, of Massachusetts, and George 
 William Curtis, of New York, performed a like service for Senator 
 George P. Edmunds, of Vermont. This brought the proceedings up 
 to 1:45 a. m., in tue morning of the sixth, when adjournment was 
 had until 11 a. m. 
 
, ■1 
 
 382 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 it required only four ballots to make the PreBidential nomina 
 tion, the record being as follows: 
 
 1st. 2d. 3d. 4th. 
 
 James G. Blaine, of Maine 3341/2 349 376 541 
 
 Chester A. Arthur, of New York. 278 270 274 207 
 
 George P. Edmunds, of Vermont. 93 95 69 41 
 
 John A. Logan, of Illinois 68% «1 53 7 
 
 John Sherman, of Ohio 30 28 25 ... 
 
 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 13 13 13 15 ^ 
 
 Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 4 4 8 2 
 
 William T. Sherman, of Missouri 2 2 2 
 
 There was a strong feeling among Republicans that President 
 Arthur was entitled to the candidacy. Every Vice President pre- 
 ceding him who had succeeded to the Presidency, had disappointed 
 his party and the public, but President Arthur had given a very 
 satisfactory administration. It had been entirely free from scandals, 
 except those connected with star route bids for the Mail Service, and 
 these had commenced under a previous administration, to be broken 
 up under his. He had striven to allay factional quarrels, his conduct 
 had been prudent and dignified, and his State papers were among 
 the most thoughtful, in substance, and clear in expression, of any in 
 the archives of the Government. Although Blaine was still the popu- 
 lar favorite and had a decided lead in the Convention, he had not 
 a majority at the start. It was evident that a combination of the 
 , votes of all the opposing candidates was the only method of beating 
 him. But to the theorists who supported Edmunds, Arthur was no 
 more acceptable than Blaine. Besides that, Arthur had not the sup- 
 port of his own State. Twenty of the New York delegates addressed 
 a message to the Convention, in which they said: ''Blaine can get 
 more votes in the Convention than any other man, and can carry 
 the State triumphantly. An analysis of the Republican representa- 
 tion in the National Convention, on the basis of the Presidential vote 
 of 1880, shows that from President Arthur's own State a decidlBd 
 majority of the delegates to the Convention are opposed- to hi» nom- 
 ination; that the overwhelming preponderance of the delegates from 
 the districts giving Republican majorities is for Blaine; that twelve 
 Republican districts and four Democratic districts are for Blaine; 
 that five other districts send Edmunds, or antl Arthur delegates, 
 while but five Republican districts send delegates for Arthur, the 
 large majority of his support coming from Democratic districts; that 
 
 
■„ .^4 i^-^£^'^*.^''fc « 
 
 '§Ummtiiiimm 
 
 FY. 
 
 
 dential nominu 
 
 W. 
 
 4th. 
 
 *75 
 
 541 
 
 274 
 
 207 
 
 69 
 
 41 
 
 53 
 
 7 
 
 25 
 
 . . . 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 . . . 
 
 I that President 
 J PreBident pre- 
 lad disappointed 
 id given a very 
 e from BcandalS: 
 Mall Service, and 
 on, to be broken 
 rel8, his conduft 
 era were among 
 i*B8ion, of any in 
 A% still the popii- 
 tion, he had not 
 nbination of the 
 ethod of beating 
 , Arthur wa« no 
 had not the sup- 
 egates addressed 
 
 "Blaine can get 
 1, and can carry 
 lican representn- 
 Presidential vote 
 
 State a decidNi 
 K)sed- to his nom- 
 te delegates from 
 line; that twelve 
 rare for Blaine; 
 Arthur delegates, 
 
 for Arthur, the 
 tic districts; that 
 
 THE B:1(»HTH HP:PI BUCAN convention. 383 
 
 in the Blaine districts there is an aKgrt^Rate of «3,773 Republican 
 majority, against 17,456 Republican majority in the Arthur districts. 
 These facts and figures are conclusive, that in New Yorit, as in other 
 States, where the Electoral votes nmy be given to a Republican candi- 
 date for President, the direct Republican expression is in favor of 
 James «. Blaine's nomination; indeed, that he is the accepted leader 
 of the Republican party to a sure victory." 
 
 On the first ballot in the Convention New York gave Arthur 31 
 votes, Blaine 28, and Edmunds 12; on the last it gave Arthur 30 and 
 Blaine 20. Pennsyl- 
 vania, on the first bal- ^ 
 lot, gave Blaine 47, and f ^ 
 Arthur 11, Edmunds 
 and Logan each 1. On 
 the last it gave Blaine 
 51, and Arthur 8. The 
 Michigan votes were as 
 follows: First ballot, 
 Arthur, 2; Blaine, 15; 
 Edmunds, 7; William 
 T. Sherman, 2. Second, 
 Arthur, 4; Blaine, 15; 
 Edmunds, 7; General 
 Sherman, 2. Third, Ar- 
 thur, 4; Blaine, 18; Ed- 
 munds, 3; General 
 Sherman, 1. Fourth, 
 Blaine, 26. In Illinois, 
 on the first ballot 
 Blaine had 3 votes, and 
 
 Arthur 1, to 40 for Lo- '^™ ®- blainb. 
 
 gan, and in Ohio Blaine had 21 votes to 25 for Sherman. There were 
 comparatively few of the States that voted solidly for any one candi- 
 date. 
 
 For Vice President the current set all one way, General Logan 
 having 779 votes, to 3 for Walter Q. Gresham, of India;na, and 1 for 
 J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. 
 
 Bliiine's nomination, however, was not accepted by all Repub- 
 licans. June 7th, tht day after the nomination was made, the New 
 York Times said: "The Times will not supi>ort Mr. Blaine for the 
 
 ■■m:SSssmsxs:^s ^m ^^i Mii^ e ! ii&ii^ii mi :'srw &/ ,:i!msssmii 
 
 , !^iA^mJimW^»X,A i^^-^f'S T S0m^ 
 
884 
 
 HlHTOllY OP THE RKPUMLICAN PAKTY. 
 
 WH! 
 
 
 Presidency. It will advise no man to vote for him." It predicted Iiih 
 defeat, and furtlier declared: "That defeat will be the salvation of 
 the Repnblican party. It will arouse its torpid con8<ience; it will stir 
 it to self-purifl cation; it will depose the false leaders who have 
 fastened themselres upon it; it will send the rogues to the background 
 and will make the party once more worthy of honor and of power in 
 the Republic it has so nobly served." The New York Evening Post 
 and the Boston Advertiser, which had, before that, been Republican, 
 also bolted the ticket, as did also the Boston Herald and the Bpring 
 field Republican, which had been Independent, with Republican 
 leanings. 
 
 But the metropolitan paper which, of those that had been Repub- 
 lican, was the bitterest against Blaine, was Harper's Wwkly. Its 
 editor, George William Curtis, was a delegate to the Convention. 
 When the resolution was pending, declaring that every member of the 
 Convention was bound in honor to support the nominee, whoever he 
 might be, and that no man should hold a seat who was not ready to 
 so agree, Mr. Curtis, in a burst of virtuous indignation, referred to 
 the example of Joshua R. Giddings in leaving the Convention in 1856, 
 and added: "Well, gentlemen, he yielded to persuasion, and took his 
 seat, and \)efore that Convention proceeded to its nomination, by a 
 universal roar of assent, the Republican party then assembled 
 declared, without one word of doubt or dissent, that no sound should 
 ever be heard in a Republican Convention that in the slightest degre.' 
 reflected upon the honor, or upon the loyalty of the men who took 
 part in that Convention." After the nomination for President was 
 made, instead of following the example of Mr. Giddings in 1856, or 
 pursuing the cour«e taken by the Silver Republicans at St. Louis in 
 1896, in leaving the Convention, with a protest, Mr. Curtis remained 
 taking part in the rest of the proceedings, till the close. It was not 
 until af er he had returned to New York, and had his conscience vac- 
 cinated by the employers who were paying him a largp salary, that he 
 decided whether he should abide by the ordinary rules of political 
 honor or not. Having come to the determination, he was one of the 
 bitterest and most unjust of Blaine's assailants. He doubtless injured 
 Blaine in the campaign, but himself lost caste with the party more 
 rapidly than any other political leader of that generation. 
 
 The most potent factor in the early stages of the campaign, how- 
 ever, was an organization, called at first "Independent Republicans," 
 and afterwards "Mugwumps." This association was organized in 
 
 saes 
 
 mmm 
 
' It predicted bin 
 t* the BalvatioD of 
 idenoe; It will »tlr 
 eaders who have 
 to the background 
 r and of power in 
 ork Evening PoHt 
 , been Republican, 
 Id and the Spring 
 with Republican 
 
 t had been Reptlb- 
 )er'8 Weekly. Its 
 a the Convention, 
 ery member of the 
 uinee, whoever he 
 I was not ready to 
 lation, referred to 
 'onvention in 1856, 
 i8ion, and took hif) 
 
 nomination, by a 
 ^ then assembled 
 It no sound should 
 he slightest degre*' 
 the men who took 
 for President was 
 ddings in 1856, or 
 ms at St. Louis in 
 p. Curtis remained 
 close. It was not 
 his conscience vac- 
 irge salary, that he 
 J rules of political 
 
 he was one of the 
 e doubtless injured 
 Ith the party more 
 leration. 
 
 the campaign, how- 
 dent Republicans," 
 
 was organized in 
 
 mVE ' mTH UEIM HLICAN <X)NVENTIC)N. 
 
 :tHn 
 
 Hoston In J)»^ #**«er. \m\, and on May 12, sent a circular to the Repub- 
 Moan > 'OM*! ' i^entlon In reference to the character of the men 
 who »► AtA b« nouilnatcd. Being Ignored by the Convention, it held 
 a mef ofr in New York, June 16, and adopted a preamble, declaring 
 that *iialiie and Ix)gan were nominated -in absolute disregard of the 
 n.fori» sentiments of the Natltm." The meeting als«» resolved: 'That 
 it is our convl<tion that the country will be better served by opiMming 
 these nominations than by supiM»rting them; and that we IcMik with 
 solicitude to the coming nominations by the Democratic party; they 
 have the proiier men; we hoi»e they will put them before the people." 
 This was intended as an offer of Indeiiendent Republican support to 
 drover Cleveland, in case he should be nominated, and was so under- 
 stood at the Democratic Convention which met at Chicago, July 8, 
 
 1884. 
 
 That Convention was called to order by the Chairman of the 
 National Committee, William H. Barnum. of Connecticut, and Rlchanl 
 
 D. Hubbard, of Texas, was made temiwrary (Chairman. Without 
 waiting for permanent organization, Tammany Hall, which was hostile 
 to Cleveland on account of his course while Governor of New York, 
 made an effort to break down the unit rule, In order to divide the New 
 York delegation. Tills delegation had not, been instructed for Cleve- 
 land, but had been instructed to vote as a unit. Tamnmny's effort 
 failed, and with the failure went much of Tammany's chance of inau- 
 encing the nomination. William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made 
 permanent President of the Convention, and while waiting for the 
 report of the Platform Committee, a day was spent in naming candi- 
 dates for the Presidency, the following being formally presented: 
 Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas P. Bayard, of Delaware; Joseph 
 
 E. McDonald, of Indiana; John G. ('arlisle, of Kentucky; Samuel J. 
 Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Grover Cleveland, of New York. 
 
 The platform adopted was inordinately long, and prefaced its 
 promises of what the Democrats would do by the following recapitula- 
 tion of the Republican sins of commission: 
 
 The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a remin- 
 iscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those who 
 control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been 
 brought to light in every Department of the Government, are sufficient 
 to have called for reform within the Republican party; yet those in 
 authority, made reckless by long possession of power, have succumbed 
 to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket 
 
 ;ay«i!yMj ytji^aii^<.^4!i«»*»ia>iig«»»!iaw w&t^ - 
 
 ^-^ -i^'-i*&sfe«W=.i''*S*ff^-^'* 
 
iim 
 
 HIHTOUY OFTHK KKITIILK'AN PARTY. 
 
 
 iigaiiitt which the indeuondent portion of th<> purty are in open revolt. 
 Therefore a chanfte ii demanded. Huch a ehanRe was alilte necei««ar.v 
 in lH7fl, bnt the will of the i)^«>ple was then defeated b.v a fratid whirh 
 ♦•an never be forgotten or 4>ondoned. Again in 1880 the change 
 demanded by the jMHiple wa« defeated by the laviah ute of nion<>y. 
 contributed by unBcrupulous contractora and Hhauieleaa Jobliera, who 
 had bargained for unlawful proftts (»r high offlre. I^ie Republican 
 party during its legal, ItH utt^len, and itH bought tenureii of {lower, ban 
 steadily decayed in moral «• Saracter and political capacity. Ita plat- 
 form promiaea are now a list of ita paat failurea. It denianda the 
 reatoration of our Navy — it has squandered hundreds of millions of 
 dollars to create a Navy that does not exist. It calls uiton (^ongresH 
 to remove the burdens under which American shipping has lieen 
 depressed — it imimsed and has continued those burdens. It professes 
 a policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual 
 settlers — It has given away the people's heritage, till now n few rail- 
 roads and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a 
 larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It pro- 
 fesses a preference for free institutions — it organi7.ed and tried to 
 legalise a control of 8tate elections by Federal troops. It professes 
 a desire to elevate labor — it has subjugated American workingmen to 
 the competition of convict and imported contract labor. It professes 
 gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows 
 and orphans — it left to a Democratic House of Representatives the 
 first effort to equalize both bounty and pensions. It proffers a pledge 
 to correct the irregplarities of tariff — it created and has continued 
 them. Its own Tariff Commission confess the needs of more than 
 twenty per cent, reduction — its Congress gave a reduction of less than 
 four per cent. It professes the protection of American manufacturers 
 — it has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods 
 and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, not one of 
 which taxes raw materials. It professes to protect all American 
 industries — it has impoverished many to snbsidixe a few. It professes 
 the protection of American labor — it has depleted the return of 
 American agriculture, an industry followed by half of our people 
 It professes the equality of all men before the law, attempting to fix 
 the status of eo]oi«d citizens — the Acts of its Congress were overset 
 by the decisions of its Courts. It ''accepts anew the duty of leading 
 in the work of progress and reform" — its caught criminals are per- 
 mitted to escape through contrived delays or actual connivance in the 
 prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures 
 no longer shocit Its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent 
 journals no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its 
 councils, or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary 
 is proved by an existing surplus of more than |100,000,(K)0, which has 
 yearly been collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation 
 is unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party for having 
 failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have 
 
 ■■ 
 
^-■1 
 
 TY. 
 
 e in open if volt. 
 I alike nereMHMry 
 ».v a fraud which 
 I8HU the chanKe 
 li use of niou«'yi 
 eRM JobberH, who 
 Xhe Repuhlicuii 
 •en of power, haH 
 paclt.v. Its plat- 
 It demandii the 
 ]r of millionfi of 
 H ii|K)n <^on|{re(tH 
 ppinft ban lieeii 
 •n8. It profesgem 
 IdinKH bv aetual 
 I now H few rail- 
 orate, poHtieHs a 
 wo seaH. It pro- 
 sed and tried to 
 ps. It profeBseit 
 n workln^men to 
 )or. It profeBseH 
 ', leavlnK widown 
 iresentatives the 
 profferii a pledge 
 id has continued 
 ds of more than 
 otlon of leflB than 
 in manufaoturens 
 nufactured goodft 
 tions, not one of 
 »ct all American 
 'ew. It profeBseK 
 •d the return of 
 If of our people 
 attempting to fix 
 resB were overHet 
 e duty of leading 
 nmlnalB are per- 
 corinivanoe In the 
 eaklng exposureH 
 8, its independent 
 r authority in its 
 ange is necessary 
 0«),(M)0, which has 
 ecessary taxation 
 party for having 
 ixes, which have 
 
 THE EKJHTII UEIMJHUCAN CONVENTION. 387 
 
 purulyzed buiilneRR, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employ, 
 ment and of Just reward. 
 
 One ballot for a PreHldential iioniinec was taken on the evening 
 of the third day, with the following result: 
 
 Orover Cleveland, of New York •192 
 
 Thomas A. Ilayaid, of Delaware 170 , 
 
 Allen O. Thuriiian, of Ohio .' 88 
 
 Hamuel -J. Randall, of Pennsylvania 78 
 
 Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana 56 
 
 John O. Carlisle, of Kentucky 27 
 
 Hcattering 9 
 
 Total number of votes 820 
 
 Necessary to choice under two thirds rule 547 
 
 An adjournment was hud over night. During the Interval the 
 Indiana delegation withdrew Jiisepb E. McDonald and substituted 
 Thomas A. Hendricks as their candidate, in the hope that 
 this might cause a stampede to the latter. But the hope was delusive, 
 for on the second ballot, Cleveland had 68a; Bayard, 81 Mj; Hendricks, 
 451/2; Thurmun, 4; McDonald, 4; Randall, 4. Hendricks was then 
 nominated fgr Vice-President by acclamation. 
 
 The year 1884 wos a year of conventions. Previous to the gather- 
 ing of the two great parties two different organizations had nominated 
 Oeneial Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, for President. The 
 first of these was a party which had came suddenly into existence, 
 and called itself the Anti-Monopoly party. It met at Chicago, May 
 14, and named Butler as its Presidential nominee by a vote of 122, to 7 
 for Allen O. Thurmaji, of Ohio, and 1 for Solon Chase, of Maine, one of 
 the original Greenbackers. The nomination of a Vice-President was 
 left to be decided by the National Committee, acting in co-operation 
 with the Greenbackers. The latter held their Convention at Indian- 
 apolis, May 28, and on the first ballot gave General Butler 322 votes, 
 to 99 for Jesse Harper, of Illinois; 2 for Solon Chase, of Maine; 1 for 
 Edward P. AUis, of Wisconsin, and 1 for David Davis, of Illinois. 
 General Alanson M. West, of Mississippi, was nominated for Vice- 
 President. General Butler accepted both nominations, and issued an 
 address to his constituents which really formed the platform of the 
 combination. It was decidedly Populistic in its utterances, and was 
 flavored with spicy criticisms of both the old parties. 
 
 A straight Prohibition Convention was held at Pittsburg, Pa , 
 July 23, and nominated John P. St. John, of Kansas, for President, 
 
 a^^M-'^-?^'^#^^^5§-^"'#^^^^^*^-^*g'->-'''-i'-^^ 
 
388 
 
 HISTORY OF THE BEPl BLICAN PARTY. 
 
 W 
 
 witK William Daniel, of Maryland, for Vice. There was also an 
 American Prohibition Convention at Chicago, Jnne 19, which named 
 Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, for President, and John A. Conant, of 
 Connecticut, for Vice President. To complete the list, an Equal 
 Rights Convention met at Han Francisco, September 20, and nom- 
 inated Belva A. Lockwood, the first woman admitted to the bar in the 
 District of Columbi< for President, and Marietta L. Snow, of Cali- 
 fornia, as second on the ticket. With fine satire on their chances they 
 adopted the following as the first clause in their platform: "We 
 
 pledge ourselves, tf 
 elected to power, so far 
 as in us lies, to do equal 
 and exact justice to 
 every class of our citi- 
 zens, without distinc- 
 tion of color, sex or 
 nationality." 
 
 x^t the opening of the 
 campaign there were 
 several elements of 
 uncertainty. Cleveland 
 had been a remarkable 
 vote-getter in several 
 local campaigns. Erie 
 county, in which Buf- 
 falo was situated, was 
 generally Republican, 
 yet in 1863 he was 
 chosen Assistant Dis- 
 trict Attorney for the 
 tiBQVER CLEVELAND. County, and in 1870 he 
 
 was elected Sheriff. In 1881 he Was elected Mayor o^ Buffalo, by a 
 combination of three or four parties or sections of parties, and served 
 with great acceptance to the Reform elements in the City. He waa 
 in great luck in 1882 when he ran for Governor of New York, for 
 while his own vote was less than 800 in excess of the Democratic 
 vote for President two years earlier, disaffection among the Repub- 
 licans reduced the vote of that party 213,000 below its last Presi- 
 dential vote. The Republicans in 1883, however, rallied and again 
 carried the State. 
 
■:l>'..;:ii:ii-22SSi£SiSaaS£-;:.J;",':a£&V;iiili::; 
 
 tTY. 
 
 »re was also an 
 19, which named 
 »hn A. Conant, of 
 I list, an Equal 
 »er 20, and nom- 
 to the bar in the 
 L Snow, of Cali- 
 heir i-hanceB they 
 platform: "We 
 ge ourselveB, tf 
 i to power, so far 
 18 lies, to do equal 
 ^xact justice to 
 class of our citi- 
 without distinc- 
 at color, sex or 
 lality." 
 
 the opening of the 
 lign there were 
 r a 1 elements of 
 tainty. Cleveland 
 >een a remarkable 
 fetter in several 
 campaigns. Erie 
 ;y, in which Buf- 
 wtM situated, was 
 ally Republican, 
 in 1863 he was 
 in Assistant Dis- 
 Attorney for the 
 ty, and in 1870 he 
 *r of Buffalo, by a 
 )artiie8, and served 
 the City. He was 
 of New York, for 
 of the Democratic 
 among the Repub- 
 low its last Presi- 
 rallied and again 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 389 
 
 Tammany continued to oppose (Cleveland even after the nomina- 
 tion, while the Independent Republican organization favored him. 
 In the end, however, by the personal solicitation of Thomas A. Hend- 
 ricks, Democratic candidate for Vice-President, Tammany was 
 brought into line for the New York candidate, while the Mugwumps 
 could not be brought over to the support of the man from Maine. 
 The unknown strength of the third and fourth parties added to the 
 uncertainty. While it was expected that Butler's candidacy would 
 injure the Democrats, it was very certain that St. John would draw 
 most from the Republicans. 
 
 The campaign early took a personal turn. All the old stories 
 against Blaine, whether refuted or not, were revived. As to Cleve- 
 land, plausible evidence was offered that he had shamefully neglected 
 and maltreated the inother of his illegitimate child, and that, during 
 the war he hired a substitute, whom he afterwards suffered to die in 
 the poorhouse. Cleveland, himself, made no explanation or denial 
 of these affairs, and probably the statements did not very materially 
 affect his vote. He was not running on the moral character of his 
 early life, nor on his patriotism in the war period, but on the official 
 career of hip later years. 
 
 Mr. Blaine's letter of acceptance was a statesmanlike document, 
 and in an extended campaign tour which he made through the Middle 
 and Western States, where he was received with unbounded enthus- 
 iasm, his masterly addresses helped his prospf^cts. Indiana and 
 Pennsylvania had changed the time for holding their State elections 
 from October to November, so that they no longer furnished pointers 
 as to the general result. But Ohio was still an October State, and 
 gave a Republican taajority. On the whole, when Blaine finished his 
 Western tour, the prospects looked favorable for the Republicans, 
 and he was inclined to go directly to his home in Maine. In an evil 
 hour he was overpersuaded, by some of the party leaders, to remain 
 in New York, for receptions, and a banquet at Delnuonico's. One of 
 the leaders remarked to another that if they could secure Blaine's 
 presence at the banquet it would be "worth a thousand dollars a 
 plate," and as campaign funds were running low, subscriptions of a 
 thousand each were in demand. 
 
 Two unfortunate results followed this breaking into Mr. Blaine's 
 plans. His meeting so many of the rich men and corporate property- 
 owners at a banquet was used to his disadvantage with the class of 
 restless and dissatisfied men, who were half inclined to vote the Anti- 
 
■fyjK-i^r;>^iU-.'.i.[ 
 
 ,.j,<iyai;^if.. 
 
 390 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Moifopoly ticket anyway. The second result was worse yet. Mr. 
 Blaine's mother was a Roman Catholic. His father was a Presbyter- 
 ian, and on one occasion, when running for a local office he found that 
 his prospects of election were injured by the charge that he was a 
 Catholic b 'cause his wife was. He, therefore, went to the priest 
 for a certificate of non-membership, which was given him. It ran as 
 follows: "This is td^ certify that Ephraim L. Blaine is not now, and 
 never was, a member of the Catholic Church. Furthermore, in my 
 opinion, he is not fit to be a member of any church." James G. 
 Blaine once described his own religion as "Christianity tinctured 
 with the Presbyterianism of the Blalnes and the Catholicism of the 
 Gillespies." On another occasion he said: "I would not, for a 
 thousand presidencies, speak a disrespectful word of my mother's 
 religion." Partly on account of his broad. Catholic spirit in religion, 
 and partly on account of what was called his "jingoism", in his rela- 
 tions with foreign nations during the ten months of his service as 
 Secretary of State under Garfield and Arthur, he was popular with 
 Irishmen and Catholics, many of whom were his avowed supporters. 
 This fact cost him some Protestant votes. But in order to reassure 
 him on this score, a delegation of Protestant clergymen called upon 
 him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York, to tell him that he had 
 their unwavering support. It was during this interview that a 
 "misfit preacher named Burchard," let go his alliterative description 
 of the Democracy as the party of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion.'" 
 Blaine did not catch the words at the time, or he would undoubtedly 
 have been quick-witted enough to resent, or at least to repudiate, the 
 expression, which was used greatly to his disadvantage during the 
 short remaining time of the campaign. 
 
 In the election New York turnt-d the scale against Blaine, by 
 giving the Cleveland Electors 1,149 plurality in a total vote of 1,167, 
 169. The totW EMectoral vote was, for Cleveland, 219; Blaine, 182. 
 Cleveland had the votes of the Solid South, together with those of 
 Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana. Tbe i>opular vote 
 is given as: Democratic electors, 4,874,986; Republican electors. 
 4,861^981; Butler electors, 175,370; Prohibition, 150,369. Both the 
 Denu>cratic and Republican electors, however, received credit, 
 through fusion^ for some votes that properly belonged to the Green- 
 back and Anti-Monopoly parties. In Iowa the fusion was between 
 the Greenbackers and Democrats, and the whole vote is credited in 
 the Cleveland column. In Wi8C<insin it was between the Greenback- 
 
IMI 
 
 %-J«^¥i.'Mr,^m s-m^v'^^tT' 
 
 #■ 
 
 RTY. 
 
 worse yet. Mr. 
 was a Presbyter- 
 Bce he found that 
 ;e that he was n 
 mt to the priest 
 n him. It ran as 
 s is not now, and 
 rthermore, in my 
 iirch." James G. 
 itianity tinctured 
 iatholicism of the 
 ivould not, for a 
 I of my mother's 
 spirit in religion, 
 oiftm".in his rela- 
 of his service as 
 was popular with 
 ?^owed supporters, 
 order to reassure 
 ymen called upon 
 1 him that he had 
 interview that a 
 rative description 
 n and Rebellion.'' 
 rould undoubtedly 
 t to repudiate, the 
 mtage during the 
 
 gainst Blaine, by 
 »tal vote of 1,167, 
 
 219; Blaine, 182. 
 her with those of 
 
 The i>opular vote 
 publican electors. 
 50,369. Both the 
 
 received credit, 
 iged to the Oreen- 
 sion was between 
 rote is credited in 
 en the Greenback- 
 
 THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 891 
 
 era and Republicans, and the vote is credited to B?^lne. Similar 
 fusions were made in a few other states. 
 
 Blaine's defeat by such a narrow margin in New York State was 
 a great disappointment to his supporters. It required, to accomplish 
 it, the combined effects of Senator Conkling's personal hostility and 
 political influence, the Mugwumps, the Prohibition vote, which was 
 drawn largely from the Republicans, and Burchard's bad break. The 
 wrath of the Republicans expended itself chiefly upon the Mugwumps, 
 and in a secondary way upon the Prohibitionists. But little was 
 said about Conkling's hostility, which was perfectly natural, con- 
 sidering the past relations of the two men. As to Burchard, he was 
 regarded as a mysterious dispensation of Providence. Before the 
 next election he turned Democrat, but never had the opportunity to 
 do the party of his second choice tho ill service that he did the party 
 of his first choice. Blaine himself took his defeat philosophically, 
 and occupied his time in retirement and in travel, until called to tlio 
 head of Harrison's Cabinet in 1889. 
 
 Congress, during Cleveland's Administration, was composed 
 politically, as follows: 
 
 Forty-ninth Congress. 
 
 Senate— Republicans, 41; Democrats, 34. 
 
 House— Republicans, 140; Democrats, 182; Nationals, 2. 
 
 Fiftieth Congress. 
 Senate— Republicans, 39; Democrats, 37. 
 House— Republicans, 151; Democrats, 170. 
 
 In Michigan the campaign was one of the hottest and closest in 
 the history of the party. The vote on President was: 
 
 Blaine and Logan 192,669 
 
 Fusion, Democratic, Greenback and Anti-Mon- 
 opoly 189,361 
 
 Butler and West, Straight Greenback. .... 763 
 
 St. John and Daniel • 18,403 
 
 The Presidential Electors chosen were: At Ijarge— Dwight 
 Cutler, Joseph B. Moore. By Districts— (1) James McMillan; (2) 
 William S. Wilcox; (3) George H. French; (4) J. Eastman Johnson; 
 (5) George G. Steketee; (6) Josephns Smith; (7) George W. Jenks; (8) 
 Charles W. Wells; (9) Lorenzo A. Barker; (10) Seth McLean; (11) 
 John Duncan. 
 
 MiMil 
 
mm 
 
 ■ %; 
 
 
 392 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ^e vote for Governor was as follows: 
 
 Russell A. Alger, Republican 190,840 
 
 Josiah W. Begole, Fusion 186,887 
 
 David Preston, Prohibition 22,207 
 
 Scattering *1* 
 
 Of the Congressional delegation elected at this time, seven were 
 Democrats, as follows: (1) William C. Maybury; (2) Nathaniel B. 
 Eldridge; (5) Charles C. Comstock; (6) Edwin B. Winans; (7) Ezra C. 
 Carlton; (8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. The Repub^ 
 licans elected were: (3) James O'Donnell; (4) Julius C. Burrows; (9) 
 Byron M. Cutcheon; (11) Seth C. Moffatt. , 
 
 At the election occurring in the middle of President Cleveland's 
 term, the vote of Michigan for Governor was: 
 
 Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 181,474 
 
 George L. Yaple, Fusion... 174,042 
 
 Samuel Dickie, Prohibitionist 25,179 
 
 Imperfect and Scattering IW 
 
 The Congressional delegation chosen at this time contained six 
 Republicans, as follows: (2) Edward P. Allen; (3) James O'Donnell; 
 (4) Julius e. Burrows; (6) Mark S. Brewer; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; 
 (11) Seth C. Moffatt. There were also thfse Ave Democrats: (1) 
 John Loger Chipman; (5) Melbourne H. Ford; (7) Justin R. Whiting; 
 (8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. Mr. Moifatt died 
 December 22, 1887, and Henry W. Seymour was chosen at a special 
 election in February, 1888, to fill the vacancy. 
 
!S^S..X_.i.:: 
 
 ■-. ,V^i^^i*tf- ^' ' •-^-■1 
 
 f-l^.'A\*Ai^t- 
 
 tTY. 
 
 .. 190,840 
 
 .. 186,887 
 
 . . 22,207 
 
 414 
 
 time, seven were 
 (2) Nathaniel B. 
 aanB', (7) Ezra C. 
 her. The Bepub-^ 
 O. Burrows; (9) 
 
 Ident Cleveland's 
 
 .. 181,474 
 
 . . 174,042 
 
 . . 25,179 
 
 190 
 
 me contained six 
 James O'Donnell; 
 ron M. Cutcheon; 
 Democrats: (1) 
 istin B. Whiting; 
 Mr. Moffatt died 
 tosen at a special 
 
 XXX. 
 
 CLEVELAND'^ FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor the 
 Reformers— Coolness Between the President and Vice-President 
 —Selection of the Cabinet-Repeal of the TenureofOfflce Act- 
 Clean Sweep of the Oftces-^leveland's Pension Vetoes— Order 
 for RestoriuK the Southern Flags— Resentment of the Grand 
 Army Posts— Rebuilding the Navy— The Electoral Count and 
 Presidential Succession Acts— The Inter-State Commerce Meas- 
 ure—The Newfoundland and Alaska Fisheries— The Presidents 
 Extraordinary Tariff Message— The Mills Bill and General Tariff 
 Discussion. 
 
 The consideration of President Cleveland's Administration natur 
 ally divides itself into topics, instead of suggesting the treatment of 
 events in their chronological order. In the matter of civil service 
 reform he offended both classes of his supporters, the Democratic 
 partisans and the Mugwump non-partisans, the former by his profes 
 sions and by the dilatory manner in which he made changes in office, 
 and the latter by the clean sweep, which he did make when he once 
 commenced. He had been accepted as a candidate by many of the 
 Democratic party rather a* a necessity than from any liking they 
 had to him, and he was not very popular with the mass of the party. 
 This was shown on the day of his inauguration, when the cheers for 
 him were faint compared with those which went up from the crowd 
 when Vice-President Hendricks' carriage appeared. It was to this 
 discrimination in the applaui^ that many ascribed the coolness toward 
 the Vict President which Cleveland showed up to the time of Mr. 
 Hendricks' dwith. A month after the inauguration Mr. Hendricks 
 called upon the President, and on returning to his rooms said: "I 
 hoped that Mr. Cleveland would put the Democratic party in power, 
 ic fact as well as in name, but he does not intend to do 
 it." About the same time a Southern Congressman said 
 
394 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ■*; 
 
 '■^i^iit^'.: 
 
 ;;.iv^--- /:*■ 
 
 to Hoiae of his Democratic friends: "Gentlemen, we've got a big 
 elephant on our hands. I fear there will be some disappointment 
 about the offices." The appointment of his Cabinet furnished no indi- 
 cation of a purpose to follow out the spirit of the Civil Service law, 
 as none of the gentlemen composing it, named below, had made any 
 record on this subject. December 6, 1887, Don M. Dickinson, of 
 Detroit, succeeded Postmaster General Vilas. 
 
 Secretary of State— Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. 
 Secretary of the Treasury— Daniel Manning, of New York. 
 Secretary of War— William C. Endlcott, of Massachusetts. 
 Secretary of the Navy— William C. Whitney, of New York. 
 Secretary of the Interior— Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. 
 Postmaster General— William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin. 
 Attorney General— Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. 
 
 Though the Cabinet appointments included no "reformers," 
 Cleveland understood that his Mugwump support was due quite 
 largely to the stand he had taken on the evils of Congressional pat- 
 ronage, and he had promised to abate this so far as he could. Hf; 
 was better situated for doing this than any previous President, for 
 the Pendleton Law, passed during the last Administration, required 
 that 15,000 9f the offices should be filled by nonpartisan tests, and 
 authorized the President to extend this method of appointment. But 
 in attempting to make good his promises, he encountered the opposi- 
 tion of almost every Democratic leader, and finally of Congress. His 
 first clash with the Senate was over a removal from office, that of G. 
 M. Duskin, District Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama. 
 It was made during a recess of Congress, and when the Senate again 
 convened it called on him for the reasons for his action, and for the 
 papers in the case. This he refused, in a strong message, taking the 
 ground that for his acts of removal and suspension he was responsi- 
 ble to the people itlone, and not to the Senate, and that the papers 
 in the Duskin case were of a private nature. The ^nate receded 
 from its position, and three months later Congress ^ repealed tl^e 
 Tenure-ofOffice Act, which had been passed twenty years earlier to 
 prevent Andrew Johnson from removing Executive officer's after they 
 had been confirmed by the Senate. This left Mr. Cleveland with no 
 check on his power to remove from office. In 1886 Congress refused 
 to make any appropriation for the salaries or expenses of the Civil 
 Service Commissioner 3, and the I'resident then surrendered. Within 
 a year from that time he had m^de a clean sweep of nearly all the 
 

 lasaBK:. 
 
 ITY. 
 
 weWe got a big 
 disappointment 
 irnished no indi- 
 ivil Service law, 
 V, had made any 
 I. Dickinson, of 
 
 ware. 
 
 ' New York. 
 
 isachusetts. 
 
 New York. 
 
 )f Mississippi. 
 
 iconsin. 
 
 kansas. 
 
 no "reformers," 
 : was due quite 
 ongressional pat- 
 is he could. H<: 
 lis President, for 
 tration, required 
 rtisan tests, and 
 [)pointment. But 
 itered the opposi- 
 )f Congress. His 
 ofBce, that of O. 
 rict of Alabama, 
 the Senate again 
 ;tion, and for the 
 ssage, taking the 
 he was responsi- 
 i that the papers 
 s ^nate receded 
 >ss = repealed tl^e 
 f years earlier to 
 officers after they 
 lleveland with no 
 Congress refused 
 >nses of the Civil 
 endered. Within 
 of nearly all the 
 
 CLEVELAND'S FIU8T ADMINISTRATION. 895 
 
 Presidential postmasters, foreign ministers, collectors of internal 
 revenue, district attorneys, marshals, territorial judges and i)ension 
 agents, while 40,000 of the 62,600 fourth-class postmasters lost their 
 positions. In the course of another year he had added a large number 
 more, bringing up to about 80,000 the list of Republican office-holders 
 who had been replaced by Democrats. Such wholesale changes 
 greatly impaired the service, as well as the President's reputation for 
 sincerity. Although the members of the Cabinet had, before this, 
 made no public record on the Civil Service reform matter, they made 
 records fast enough now. Daniel Manning, of the Treasury Depart 
 ment, and Postmaster General Vilas, especially, took delight in the 
 official slaughter. When Cleveland first took office it was given out 
 that only those Republicans who were guilty of "offensive partisan- 
 ship" would be removed, but in these later stages the fact that a 
 man was a Republican at all was enough to set him upon the order 
 of his going. 
 
 In 1887 the President made another effort to disprove the asser- 
 tion that he was "no Democrat." Senator Gorman was then making 
 a desperate effort to retain his political hold on the State of Mary 
 land, and was using methods that rivaled those in Louisiana and 
 South Carolina. It was stated on Democratic authority that, in Bal 
 timore, election after election was carried by the grossest frauds; 
 that to stop a ballot in an important ward murder was recognized uh 
 a political service; that ballot boxes were opened and votes taken 
 out, and that in one ward nineteen men with criminal records, drew 
 pay from the City for doing political work of doubtful or criminal 
 character. The President, by his appointments, gave Mr. Gorman 
 all the aid that h^ could, and this, following his weakening on the 
 Civil Service matter, effectually alienated the great mass of reform 
 voters. 
 
 President Cleveland aroused the bitterest feeling among the 
 soldiers of the country by the number and character of his pension 
 vetoes. During the two sessions of the Forty-ninth Congress alone, 
 he vetoed more bills than all the other Presidents combined, from 
 Washington down. In all 864 ineasures which passed this Congress 
 failed of his approval, though 167 of these became laws, by lapse of 
 time, without his signature. Of the whole number 300 were private 
 pension bills, and he wrote 123 separate vetoes on these. He often 
 sat far into the night, laboriously writing out, with his own hand, 
 these long veto messages. Some of them were insulting, and some of 
 
306 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REriTBUrAN PARTY. 
 
 , . (*'•» 
 
 '•• •>.. 
 
 frtJ^ 
 
 thenT were marked by cheap wit at the expense of the wound* and 
 Hufferlng of the soldiers. They gave the impression of personal hos- 
 tility to every man that wore the blue, and, coupled with his own 
 record during the war, made the most effective of campaign docu- 
 mients when he came before the people for rt-election. He pursued 
 the same polity in the Fiftieth Congress, and further intensified the 
 feeling against himielf by vetoing the Dependent Pension Bill 
 Worst of all .was his order, given in 1887, through Adjutant General 
 Drum, to return to the various Southern States the Rebel flags cap- 
 tured during the war. The order could not be carried out, for H 
 was illega,], as the flags were in the custody of the Government, and 
 could be removed only under authority of an Act of Congress. But 
 before this fact became generally known there was abundant time, 
 for popular indignation to find expression. General Butler called 
 the order "an attempt to mutilate the archives." General Sherman 
 wrote: "Of course I know Drum, the Adjutant General. He has no 
 sympathy with the Army which fought. He was a non-combatant. 
 He never captured a flag, and values it only at its commercial value. 
 He did not think of the blood and torture of battle; nor can Endicott, 
 the Secretary of War, or Mr. Cleveland." Grand Army Posts, 
 throughout the North, passed resolutions denouncing the order in 
 the strongest terms.- After a time it was formally revoked, but the 
 impression of a want of patriotism on Cleveland's part remained. 
 Two incidents illustrate the intensity of the feeling on this subject. 
 A number of Grand Army Posts in Western Pennsylvania, West 
 , Virginia and Ohio, held a camp fire at Wheeling. A banner had been 
 suspended over the street on their line of march, bearing the Presi- 
 dent's portrait, with the inscription, "God Bless our President, Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of our Army and Navy." Most of the posts, with 
 colors folded and reversed, marched around this, although in order 
 to do so, they ha* to go through the gutters. Again, the National 
 Encampment of ihe Grand Army was held at St. Louis, and the 
 President had accepted an invitation to be present. After the flag 
 incident he withdrew the acceptance, because he thought it his duly 
 to protect the dignity of the people's highest oftlce, adding: "If among 
 the membership of that body there are some, as certainly seems to be 
 the case, determined to denounce me and my ofBcial acts at the 
 National Encampment, I believe that they should be permitted to do 
 so, unrestrwned by my presence as a guest of their organisation, or 
 as a guest of the hospitable city in which their meeting is held." 
 
tmmmmm^m&f^vt^'i 
 
 ltftv»«ei&*cj»'.:! .^ 
 
 
 ITY. 
 
 the wound* and 
 of personal ho8- 
 >d with hi« own 
 campaign docu- 
 on. He pursued 
 >r intenaifled the 
 It Pension Bill 
 idjutant General 
 Rebel flags cap- 
 rried out, for it 
 Government, and 
 Congress. But 
 i abundant time, 
 al Butler called 
 General Sherman 
 pral. He has no 
 I non-combatant, 
 ommercial value, 
 nor can Endicott, 
 id Army Posts, 
 ing the order in 
 revoked, but the 
 i part remained. 
 ; on this subject, 
 lusylvania, West 
 banner had been 
 earing the Presi- 
 ' President, Com- 
 ! the posts, with 
 Ithough in order 
 Etin, the National 
 .Louis, and the 
 . After the flag 
 ought it his duiy 
 [ding:' "If among 
 ainly seems to be 
 icial acts at the 
 e permitted to do 
 r organisation, or 
 ting is held." 
 
 CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 897 
 
 President Cleveland was very fortunate in his selection of a 
 Secretary of the Navy. William C. Whitney was a lawyer of high 
 standing in New York City, but he was also a practical man of affiUrs, 
 and he soon had a thorough knowledge of the business of his depart- 
 ment. The American Navy had gone to decay very rapidly after the 
 war, and in 1881 was in a de<?idedly unserviwable condition. Under 
 the Garfleld Administration, Secretary Hunt secured the appointment 
 of a Naval Advisory Board of capable and ex|)erienced men. Then 
 President Arthur's Secretary of the Navy, William E. Chandler, of 
 New Hampshire, dinned into the ears of Congress such notes of alarm 
 as to prepare that body for the rehabilitation, in a comprehensive 
 way, of that branch of our service. The final report of the Advisory 
 Board recommended that, within the next eight years, |30,000,000 
 should be expended on the Navy, and it was estimated that this 
 would construct twenty-one ironclads, seventy unarmored cruisers, 
 five rams, Ave torpedo gunboats, and twenty torpedo boats. There 
 was objection in Congress to making a beginning that looked to so 
 large an expenditure. Some even declared that the United States 
 did not need a large Navy, as we were certain to have no more civil 
 war, and not likely to be engaged in any foreign war. But Secretary 
 Chandler's lonnsels prevailed, and the Forty-sixth Congress author- 
 ised the construction of three unarmored cruisers. The work was 
 continued through Secretary Chandler's term of offlw, was taken up 
 with seal by Secretary Whitney and continued through President 
 Harrison's Administration. Up to the time of the meeting of Con 
 gress in December, 1894, forty-seven vessels were either in commission 
 or under construction, including the battleships Oregon, Massachu 
 setts, Indiana and Iowa, which rendered such efflcient service four 
 years later in the war with Spain. 
 
 Although the Senate was of one stripe in politics and the House 
 another, and neither was in full accord with the President, three 
 important Acts, of a non-partisan character, marked this Adminis- 
 tration. Two of these, though non-partisan, were of a political 
 nature; the Electoral Count Act and the Presidential Succession 
 Act. These, as passed, were practically the same as the measures 
 introduced during the Arthur Administration, and explained in some 
 detail in a previous chanter of this book. The first of the two,, 
 which provides for settling Electoral count disputes within the 
 dtates, and requires the concurrent action of both Houses of Con- 
 gress to reject an Electoral vote, passed the Senate without division 
 
 RBB 
 
 
 fsm 
 
•.f 
 
 i » , , 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 and tfie HouHe by a vote of 141 to 100. It bocame a law by the aigna- 
 ture of the President, March 3, 1887. The Bccond of the two meaanrea 
 pasaea the Preaidential Bucceaaion through the Cabinet, instead of 
 making the Preaident of the Senate and Speaker of the House eligi- 
 ble to that office. It has two manifeat advantagea over the old law 
 of Buoeeasion, in that the (Cabinet ofltcea are never entirely vacant, 
 and the Cabinet is miide up of men of the game political faith aa the 
 PrcBident. This alBo passed the Senate without diviaion, and the 
 HouHe by a vote of 185 to 77. It waa signed, January 18, 1886. 
 
 Another inheritance from former Congresses was the Inter-State 
 Commerce Measure. A Bill to establish an Inter-State Commerce 
 Commission was first introduced in the Forty-sixth Congress in 1879>: 
 but it failed in the House. It was reintroduced in the Forty-seventh 
 Congress, when many facts brought out by an investigation of the 
 New York Railroads in 1879 were given wide publicity. The unre- 
 strained power of railroads to make such charges as they chose, or, 
 att one of the railroad magnates put it, to charge "as much as the 
 traffic will bear," was the cause of great uncertainty and loss to busi- 
 ness. In many articles the cost of transportation had such an 
 important effect upon the price at which goods could be sold with 
 any chance for profit, that it was easy for the railroads to enrich 
 one man and impoverish another in the same line of business, and 
 this power often led to corruption of the railroad officials themselveM. 
 It was shown in the investigation mentioned that the milling busi- 
 ness of certain towns in Northern New York waa ruined by the rail- 
 roads granting rates which were more favorable to Minneapolis and 
 other Western points. The merchants of New York complained that 
 discriminating ratea were driving trade from that city to Baltimore. 
 Where there were competing railroads the long hauls of freight 
 were almost invariably lower in rate per mile than short hauls. Man- 
 ufacturers in Rochester, New York, desiring to send goods to San 
 Francisco, found it cheaper to ship them first to New York City, the 
 goods going through Rochester again on their way Westward. Tl^e 
 subject was agitated at every session of Congress till the last of the 
 Forty-ninth Congress, when a Bill passed for regulating "freight and 
 passenger rates, and appointing an Int^r-State Commerce Commis- 
 sion. It was signed' February 4, 1887. It forbade special rates to 
 special shippers, and provided that all charges for the transportation 
 of passengers or property from State to State, or from this to a 
 foreign country should be "just aijd reasonable." It forbade rebates, 
 
TY. 
 
 iw by the •igna- 
 be two measnrea 
 tinet. infltead of 
 the Houie eltgi- 
 >ver the old law 
 entirely vacant, 
 ical faith as the 
 iviBion, and the 
 r 18, 1886. 
 8 the Inter-Stat^ 
 State Gommerce 
 ^ongresR in 1879^ 
 lie Forty-seventh 
 istigation of the 
 Icity. The unre- 
 B they chose, or, 
 'as much as the 
 and loss to busi- 
 >n had such an 
 lid be Bold with 
 ilroads to enrich 
 of business, and 
 cials themselves, 
 the milling bnsi- 
 lined by the rail- 
 Minneapolis and 
 complained that 
 ity to Baltimore. 
 haulB of freight 
 iiort hauls. Man- 
 nd goods to San 
 w York City, the 
 Westward. Tl^e 
 ill the last of the 
 iiting freight and 
 mmerce Gommis- 
 > special rates to 
 tie transportation 
 r from this to a 
 ; forbade rebates, 
 
 CLEVELAND'S FIKST AOMINIBTRATION. 
 
 300 
 
 drawbacks, unjust discriminations and nil undue or unreasonable 
 preferences, and re«iuired that freight turllTs ahould be conspicuously 
 (tosted, and that they should, In no case, be advanced without ten 
 days' previous notice! It provided for the ap|iolntment of a Commis- 
 sion of Ave members, at the head of which, for some years, was 
 Thomas M. Cooley, of Michigan, an admirable selection for the place. 
 This Commission was open to complaints from any person or corpor- 
 ation, and was required to investigate all charges so made. It had 
 the power to direct railways to remedy evils complained of, und 'n 
 case of refusal to comply with its requirements, It might bring siiii 
 In the United States Courts, against the ofHcers of the off^ , iiug 
 road. It required a uniform system of book-keeping for the different 
 roads, with annual reports of their business and financial condition. 
 It prohibited "pooling" between different roads, and prohibited any 
 greater compensation for a shorter haul of freight or passengers than 
 for a longer haul over the same line, and in the same direction 
 though the Commissioners were empowered to suspend the operation 
 of this clause when its enforcement was likely to give Canadian rail- 
 roads an advantage over those in this country, or to throw the traffic 
 into the hands of carriers by water. This Act, with occasional modi- 
 fications by legislation or court interpretations, has been in operation 
 ever since its first enactment. It has not remedied all the evils com- 
 plained of, but it has been of great benefit to shippers. 
 
 Much excitement was occasioned during this period by disputes 
 over the Newfoundland cod and mackerel fisheries and the Alaska 
 seal fisheries. The fishery clause of the Treaty of Washington ceased 
 to be operative July 1, 1885, and as nothing else had been substltutetl 
 for it, the Treaty df 1818 again became in force. Under this treaty 
 American vessels could not enter Canadian ports for bait, nor fish 
 within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays or harbors of aiiy 
 of Her Majesty's dominions in North America. In determining these 
 limits England measured from headland to headland at the entrance 
 of bays or indents of the coast, thus shuttiiig the Americans out of 
 all the bays, even though they might be more than three miles from 
 the nearest coast line. As we were then collecting a customs duty 
 on Canadian salt fish, the Canadians were inclined to enforce the 
 harsh provisions of this treaty with the utmost rigor. Several of 
 our fishing vessels were detained in Canadian ports and for some 
 weeks the excitement over the subjecjic was great. In May, 1886, Con- 
 gress gave the President power to suspend commercial relations 
 
 mmm 
 
400 
 
 HIHTOHY OF THE UEITBLirAN PAHTY. 
 
 - ,*■-. ., 
 
 wifb ranada. and later a Bill wan Introdmed In the Hoiimo making 
 ■nrli HUHpenRion absolntc without reference to the President. A more 
 moderate meaaure was Anally adopted, whioh provided that the Prei- 
 Ident, on belnjc asaured that our flshing maRtera or rrewa were used 
 in t'anadian iiorta any lean favorably than the maatera or trewa of 
 tradiuK veaaela from the moat favored nationa, rould, *'ln hla diacre- 
 tion, by proclamation to that effect, deny veaaela, their maatera and 
 crewa, of the Itrltlah dominlona of North Amerhu. any entrance Into 
 the waters, iMirta or places within the Ignited Htatea." The President 
 did not uae thia iwwer, but arranged with Oreat Britain for a joint 
 (Commission to consider the whole matter. Thia Commission con- 
 sisted of Secretary Bayard, President Angell, of Michigan University, 
 and William L. Putnam, of Maine, on the part of the United Htates, 
 and Joseph Chamberlain, 81r Charles Tupper, of Canada, and the 
 British Minister at Washington, Hlr Lionel West. The three months' 
 deliberations of the Commission resulted in an arrangement that was 
 aatiatactory to neither <ountry. and it was rejected by the Senate. 
 Meantime the excitement had died down, and the matter settled 
 itaelf. American flahermen became acctistomed to carrying their 
 bait and provisions from home, and no longer cared to visit the Cana- 
 dian seaport towns. The only losers, in the end, were those 
 Canadians who were making part of their living by selling bait, pro- 
 visions and marine sundries to the outside fishermen. 
 
 In the matter of the A!aakan seal fisheries the British considered 
 themselves the aggrieve'^ parties. In order to prevent poaching and 
 to preserve the seals, tho United States set up the claim that the 
 Behring Sea was a closed sea, ond a number of British vessels were 
 aeiaed and condemned, their skina confiscated and their masters 
 fined. The release of the vessels was demanded by the British Gov- 
 ernment, and ordered by President Cleveland. In August, 1887, cir- 
 cular letters were sent by Secretary Bayard to the United States 
 Ministera in England, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and Sweden, 
 asking the co-operation of those countries in settling pending dis- 
 putes, and in determining the beat methods of regulating the aeal 
 fisheries. All the powers appealed to. except Sweden,- assented to 
 the conference, but it was not until 1892, during President Harri- 
 son's Administration, that a treaty was agreed to, referring the whole 
 matter to seven (Commissioners, one each from Canada, Great Britain, 
 Sweden, France and Italy, and two from the United States. The 
 Coromisaion gave the following decisions on pointa aubmitted to 
 

 HI 
 
 HTY. 
 
 le lloiiHo iiiakinK 
 'eHid<>nt. A inon» 
 led that tlw Pret- 
 orewB wen' used 
 iter« or crewB of 
 Id, "in his disvre- 
 hcir inaRterH and 
 my entranw Into 
 " The President 
 iritain for a joint 
 ComnilsHlon oon- 
 blKan University, 
 he United Htates, 
 
 (*anada, and the 
 rhe three months' 
 ngement that was 
 !id by the Senate. 
 le matter settled 
 to carrying their 
 to visit the Cana- 
 end, were those 
 ' selling bait, pro- 
 en. 
 
 British considered 
 rent poaching and 
 lie claim that the 
 itish vessels were 
 nd their masters 
 Y the British Gov- 
 August, 1887, cir- 
 the United Btates 
 issia and Sweden, 
 tling pending dis- 
 }guliiting the seal 
 eden, assented to 
 
 President Harri- 
 eferring the whole 
 Ida, Great Britain, 
 lited States. The 
 Ints submitted to 
 
 CLKVKLAXIVH FIHHT ADMINIHTHATION. 
 
 401 
 
 It: (1) By the Treaty of 1H*J4 with the Inlted Htates and by that of 
 1HL»B with Ureat Hrltnln, HiiMHia ubnndoned the right ot exeluslve 
 jnilwlletlon beyond eannon nliot from nhore, and never, from that 
 day till the lesslon of Alaska, exereised it. (U) Oreat Britain never 
 reeognUed Russlun rialms to exj-lusive Jurisdiction outside of terri- 
 torial waters. (8) In the Anglo Hussian Treaty of 1825 the term 
 •I'aeifle Ocean" includ«'<i Hehrlng Hea. {4) At the cession all Russia's 
 rights iMSsed to the United Htates without impaltment or Increase. 
 (5) The United Htates has no right to the protection of, or to proi>- 
 erty in, seals outside the ordinary three-mile limit. These decisions, 
 with the exception of point f«)ur were all against the contentions of 
 the United Htates. The Boanl also nmde provision for a joint police 
 of Behring Hea, by (heat Itritain and the United Htates, for an open 
 and clostHl season, and for the licensing of sealing vessels. These 
 latter provisions have probably deferred for many years the final 
 extinction of the seal in these waters. 
 
 During the last puit of Ulevelnnd's flrst term revision of the 
 tariff occupied much ntt^ntlon. Wm. «. Morrison, of Illfnols. rein- 
 troduced his bill for a horizontal reduction of tariff rates, but it met 
 with a worse fate axon than it did in the previous Congress. For 
 this time It Vas refused consideration by a vote of 157 to 140, 35 of 
 the former being Democrats. But at the opening of the Fiftieth 
 Congress, December «, 1887, t'leveland precipitated the discussion 
 again by devoting his whole message to the tariff question. Ba 
 spolce of the large and increasing surplus in the Treasury as a reason 
 for reducing tariff rates, and argued at some length the industrial 
 bearings of the subject. He gave large space to the tariff on wool, 
 which he wanted greatly reduced or wholly removed. He also favored 
 a great reduction In the rates on all other raw materials, and the 
 removal of the tariff on the necessaries of life. While leaning toward 
 free trade In practice, he discarded the theory in the following 
 passage, which furnished one much quoted sentence: "Our progress 
 toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the 
 theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of ban- 
 dying epithets. It is a condition which confronts us— not a theory. 
 Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the 
 advantages which we award our home productions, but the entire 
 withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The 
 question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant." 
 
 The immediate effect of this message was the Introduction of the 
 Mills Bill, reducing tariff rates. This Bill was so named from Roger 
 
 'mmmm 
 
!*•; 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Q. AillB, of Texas, who was Chairman of the Ways and Means Com- 
 mittee of the House, though in its preparation he was assisted by the 
 other Democratic members of the Comir?ittee: William L. Scott, of 
 Pennsylvania; Clifton R. Breckenridge, of Arkansas; William D. 
 Bynum, of Indiana, and William L. Wilson, of West Virginia. These 
 members all supported the Bill with speeches on the floor of the 
 House, as did aJsd^ the following prominent Democrats: John 6. 
 Carlisle, of Kentucky, Speaker of the House; Samuel S. Cox, of Ohio; 
 John E. Russell, of Massachusetts, and Charles R. Buckalew, of 
 Pennsylvania. The Bill did not go the full length of Cleveland's 
 message in inclining tov,ard free trade, but it leaned sufficiently that 
 way to meet with almost solid Republican opposition. The leading 
 speakers against it were: William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania; 
 William McKinley, of Ohio; Thomas B. Reed, and Charles A. Bou- 
 telle, of Maine; Julius C. Burrows, of Michigan, and Henry O. 
 Burleigh, of New York. The Bill passed the House by a vote of 162 
 yeag, of which one was Republican, to 149 nays, 4 being Democrats. 
 In the senate it was antagonized by a measure of far different scope 
 The vriimate result of the long agitation was that no tariff legisla- 
 tion ot all was adopted ai this session, and the question became the 
 leadiag one in the next campaign. 
 
RTY. 
 
 I and Means Com- 
 as assisted by the 
 illiam L. Scott, of 
 nsas; William D. 
 t Virginia. Tlies© 
 I the floor of the 
 locrats: John G. 
 el 8. Cox, of Ohio; 
 
 B. Backalew, of 
 th of Cleveland's 
 >d sufficiently that 
 tion. The leading 
 of Pennsylvania; 
 1 Charles A. Bou- 
 n, and Henry Q. 
 le by a vote of 162 
 
 being Democrats, 
 far different scope 
 ,t no tariff legisla- 
 lestion became the 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 
 
 A New Set of Candidates for the Republican Nomination— Blaine 
 and Sherman the Only Old Ones Mentioned and Blaine Posi- 
 tively Withdraws— McKinley Forbids the Use of His Name- 
 Sherman Leads Through Six Ballots— General Alger, of Michi- 
 gan, a Strong Possibility —The Nomination Finally Goes to 
 Harrison— The Text of the Platform— The Democrats Renomin- 
 ate Cleveland by Acclamation, With Thurman Second on the 
 Ticket— A Quiet Campaign— The Murchison Incident— The 
 Republicans Win. 
 
 As the time for the Republican Convention in 1888 approached 
 a new set of candidates appeared in the field. Only two of the men 
 who had been prominently before previous conventions were at all 
 mentioned in connection with this, Blaine and Sherman. After 
 President Cleveland issued his famous tariff message and the Mills 
 Bill was introduced, Blaine, who was then in Paris, nade a reply to 
 the message in an interview which was furnished by the Associated 
 Press to the leading papers in the country. It was received with 
 great favor and created a strong demand for his nomination for the 
 Presidency, as being the best man to meet the issue which was thus 
 thrust upon the people. Mr. Blaine was at this time under medical 
 treatment in Paris for the physical ailments which afterward ter- 
 minated in his death, and was morbidly sensitive as to the condition 
 of his health. He felt himself unable to endure the fatigues and 
 excitements of another campaign. Although he afterwards recovered 
 sufficiently to enter again into the activities of public life, his inti- 
 mate friends knew that at this time he had no anticipation of being 
 able to do so. He wrote two letters from Paris, declining, in posi- 
 tive terms, to have his name presented as a candidate. One of these, 
 written May 17 to Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York Tribune 
 was very emphatic in its withdrawal. 
 
 BSS 
 
gsss 
 
 i :i.j:.t]iJw:"!P 
 
 404 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ^ 
 
 -^^Notwithstanding these expressions of his desire there was a 
 strong sentiment, when delegates gathered for the Convention at 
 Chicago, in favor of putting him forward, even against his consent. 
 The temporary President of the Convention, John M. Thnrston, of 
 Nebraska, himself a strong _ "sonal friend of Blaine, sought, in his 
 opening address, to check this. Having in mind the claim, vigorously 
 maintained for yea^s by General Butler, that part of the vote cast 
 for Butler in New York City was counted for Cleveland, thus defeat- 
 ing the Republican candidates, Mr. Thurston said that he "had 
 hoped that 1888 would right the great wrong of 1884." He then paiid 
 a high tribute to the worth of General Logan: "The citizen soldier, 
 the warrior statesman, the Black Eagle of Illinois, who had be^n 
 summoned by the silent messenger to report to his old commander 
 beyond the river.'* After referring further to General Logan's 
 place on the ticket of 1884, he continued: 
 
 The other, that gallant leader, the chevalier of American politics, 
 the glory of Republicanism and the nightmare of Democracy, our 
 Henry of Navarre, is seeking in foreign travel the long needed relax- 
 ation and rest from the wearisome burdens of public life and service 
 With the sublime magnanimity of his incomparable greatness, he has 
 denied us the infinite pleasure of supporting him in this Convention. 
 Desiring above all things party harmony and success, he has stepped 
 from the c^rt» . adder of his own laudable ambition that some other 
 man may din ' ' ver. As his true friends we cannot, dare not. 
 
 commit the p Ime of disobedience to his expressed will. We 
 
 cannot place hi. .. the head of the ticket, but we will make him 
 commander-in-chief at the hiead of the forces in the field, where he 
 will be invincible. And though James G. Blaine may not be our 
 President, yet he remains our uncrowned king, wielding the baton of 
 acknowledged leadership, supreme in the allegiance of his devoted 
 followers. Honest and respected by all honest and loyal men, the 
 greatest living American, and the worthy object of our undying love. 
 
 Mr. Thurston's reference to Blaine's refusal to allow himself to 
 be nominated was received with cries of '*No!" "No^*' from all over 
 the hall, but his declaration that the Convention dare not commit the 
 offence of going contrary to Blaine's expressed wish was wildly 
 applauded. His withdrawal of Blaine's name was, however, resented 
 by many of the admirers of the man from Maine, who claimed that 
 Thurston had no right to assume such authority, and they declared 
 that they would work harder than ever for the man of their choice. 
 Some votes were cast for him on each ballot, reaching 48 on the fifth 
 which was taken on a Saturday. On Monday, two dispatches were 
 received from Mr. Blaine, addressed to Delegates Boutelle and Man- 
 
BTY. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 
 
 405 
 
 sire there was a 
 ie Convention at 
 ainBt his consent. 
 1 M. Thnrston, of 
 ine, sought, in his 
 i claim, vigorously 
 t of the vote cast 
 iland, thus defeat- 
 aid that he ''had 
 ;4." He then paiid 
 !he citizen soldier, 
 ds, who had been 
 lis old commander 
 General Logan's 
 
 American politics, 
 ►f Democracy, our 
 long needed relax- 
 lic life and service 
 i greatness, he has 
 n this Convention. 
 )ss, he has stepped 
 an that some other 
 ; cannot, dare not. 
 zpressed will. We 
 we will make hii|i 
 :he field, where he 
 e may not be our 
 elding the baton of 
 nee of his devoted 
 md loyal men, the 
 t our undying love. 
 
 :o allow himself to 
 NoP from all over 
 areinot commit the 
 
 wish was wildly 
 , however, resented 
 , who claimed that 
 
 and they declared 
 
 lan of their choice. 
 
 ling 48 on the fifth 
 
 vo dispatches were 
 
 Boutelle and Man^ 
 
 ley, of Maine. The first said: "Earn«?HtIy request all friends to 
 respect my Paris letter." The second read thus: "I think I have the 
 right to ask ray friends to respect my wishes, and refrain from voting 
 for me. Please make this and former dispatches public." This 
 ended the talk about a break for Blaine as the final result of the 
 numerous ballots, though fifteen enthusiasts voted for him on the 
 seventh, which was taken after these dispatches had been read. 
 
 In his relation to the Presidency Mr. Blaine has often been com- 
 pared to Henry Clay. The comparison might be extended much 
 further than to this single matter of their high ambitions. Both had 
 brilliant careers in the House of Representatives, of which they were 
 elected Speaker. Both served in the Senate. Both made reputations 
 in diplomacy. Clay as a Foreign Minister, and Blaine as Secretary of 
 State. Both twice sought unsuccessfully, the Presidential nomina- 
 tion at the opening of campaigns in which their parties were 
 successful. Both obtained the nominations in years when their 
 parties met defeat. Clay, in 1844, lost the election by a slender 
 adverse majority in New York. Blaine, in 1884, lost the election by 
 a still narrower margin in the same State. But they were unlike in 
 this respect, Clay never had the opportunity to refuse the nomination 
 in a campaign in which his party was in the ascendancy, and if he 
 had, would never have put away the long-coveted honor, as Blaine did 
 in 1888. 
 
 The other candidate who had before this been a prominent candi- 
 date for the Presidency was John Sherman. Mr. Sherman had served 
 with distinction in the House, the Senate and the Cabinet. He was for- 
 mally placed before the Conventions of 1880 and 1884, but the highest 
 vote lie reached at feither of these gatherings was 120. In 1888 he 
 started with 229, rose to 249 on the second, and for the first six 
 ballots was ahead of every other candidate. But when the break 
 came it did not go to him, and he failed to win. He appeared as 
 Ohio's avowed choice. William McKinley, Jr., another resident of 
 Ohio, received the votes of a few delegates from other states, and 
 one of the stirring incidents of the Convention was a short speech 
 from Mr. McKinley, in which he tried to take himself out of the field. 
 Evidently having in mind the aspersions cast, in 1880, upon General 
 Garfield, who was sent to Chicago to help nominate Sherman and 
 afterwards received the nomination himself, Mr. McKinley said: 
 
 I am here, as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I 
 am here by a resolution of the Republican party, without one dissent- 
 
406 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 '0 
 
 ^ ' - 1/- 
 
 ing-^oiee, commanding me to cast my vote for John Hherman, and 
 use every worthy endeavor for hia nomination. I accepted the trust 
 because my heart and judgment were in accord with the letter and 
 spirit and purpose of that resolution. It has pleased certain dele- 
 gates to cast their votes for me. 1 am not insensible to the honor 
 they would do me, but in the presence of the duty resting upon me I 
 cannot remain silent with honor. I cannot, consistently with the 
 credit of the State, /whose credentials I bear, and which has trusted 
 me, I cannot with honorable fidelity to John Sherman, who trusted 
 me in his cause with his confidence, I cannot with consistency with 
 my own views of personal integrity, consent, or seem to consent, to 
 permit my name to be used as a candidate before the Convention. I 
 would not respect myself if I could find it in my heart to do, to say, 
 or permit to be done, that which would even be ground for anyone to 
 suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to the 
 chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I do request, I demand, 
 that no delegates, who would not cast reflection upon me, shall cast 
 a ballot for me. 
 
 Notwithstanding this appeal, McKinley continued to receive a few 
 votes, his highest number being on the seventh ballot. This W8«» emi- 
 nently a vote-as-you-please Convention. 
 
 Of the new candidates the one whose chances, at the outset, 
 seemed the most promising, and in whom Michigan was most especi- 
 ally interefsted, ws^ General Russell A. Alger. At the Republican 
 State Convention, held in Grand Rapids, May 8th, the following dele 
 gates were chosen to the National Convention : At Large— Robert E. 
 Frazer, John K. Boies, W. Q. Atwood and Thomas B. Dunstan. By 
 Districts— (1) Henry M. DufBeld, Charles Wright; (2) Thomas S. 
 Applegate, Josewh T. Jacobs; (3) D. B. Ainger, William H. Withing- 
 ton; (4) Theron F^ Giddings, A. B. Copley; (5) William Alden Smith. 
 George W. Webber; (6) Charles F. Kimball, Otis Fuller; (7) A. B. 
 Avery, W. H. Acker; (8) F. C. Stone, N. J. Brown; (9) Newcomb 
 McGrath, E..B. Martin; (10) F. T. Carrington, D. C. Page; (11) H. O. 
 Young, Thomas T. Bates. 
 
 The Convention also unanimously adopted the following declara- 
 tion: "The Republicans of Michigan, desiring only the success of 
 the principles and candidates of the great party that saved the Union, 
 and renewing their pledges of loyal fealty to both, but recognizing 
 the great worth and strong availability of their generous and noble- 
 hearted fellow citizen, that gallant soldier statesman and successful 
 man of business, General Russell A. Alger, do hereby unanimously 
 and earnestly recommend him as the man who should be chosen as 
 the standard-bearer «f the part)? in the great contest about to ensue, 
 
RTY. 
 
 )hn HhermaD, and 
 iccepted the trust 
 ith the letter and 
 ased certain dele- 
 lible to the honor 
 resting upon me 1 
 ustently with the 
 which has trusted 
 man, who trusted 
 I consistency with 
 >em to consent, to 
 the Convention. I 
 eart to do, to say, 
 lund for anyone to 
 ny devotion to t!be 
 ■equest, I demand, 
 pon me, shall cast 
 
 ed to receive a few 
 ot. This was emi- 
 
 :es, at the outset, 
 D was most especi- 
 A.t the Republican 
 the following dele- 
 t Large — Robert E. 
 a B. Dunstan. By 
 It; (2) Thomas B. 
 illiam H. Withing< 
 lliam Alden Smith. 
 s Fuller; (7) A. R. 
 jwn; (9) New comb 
 C. Page; (11) H. O. 
 
 ; following declara- 
 nly the success of 
 at saved the Union, 
 th, but recognizing 
 renerons and noble- 
 man and successful 
 lereby unanimously 
 hould be chosen as 
 :est about to ensue, 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 
 
 407 
 
 and who, if so selected, will harmonize and unite the party every 
 where, and lead the Republican hosts to certain and triumphant 
 victory." On the second ballot in the National Convention General 
 Alger was next to Hherman in the number of votes received. At one 
 time the indications, and some promises made by delegates from other 
 states, led his supporters to believe that the tlnal break would be to 
 him, instead of to Harrison; in this they were disappointed, but the 
 twenty-six Michigan delegates stood by him loyally to the end. After 
 the nomiqation was made, the General sent the following dispatch: 
 "Please convey to the 
 delegates who have so 
 loyally supported my 
 candidacy, my heartfelt 
 thanks. No State or 
 man will give the gal- 
 lant gentleman who has 
 won this fight, heartier 
 support than Michigan 
 and myself." The read- 
 ing of this dispatch in 
 the Convention was fol- 
 lowed by the familiar 
 cry, already heard three 
 or four times at the 
 gathering: "What's the 
 matter with Alger?" 
 "He's all right." 
 
 Two of the otherinen 
 who received votes in 
 this Convention, and 
 both of whom after- 
 wards became President, were regarded with interest by Michigan 
 Republicans, by reason of the addresses they made at the annual 
 banquet of the Michigan Club in the February preceding. On that 
 occasion General Harrison responded to the toast, "Washington, the 
 Republican," and Major McKinley to one on "Washington, the Ameri- 
 can." Both addresses were received with great favor. General 
 Harrison spoke with strong emphasis upon the duty of securing a 
 free ballot and a fair count of the votes of every citizen. South, as 
 well as North. As this subject was again beginning to come to the 
 
 BBNJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 lam i iiMi 
 
fi 
 
 
 .. i : 
 
 -1! 
 
 #, 
 
 umii 
 
 408 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY. 
 
 fr«nt in Congreus, General Harrison's clean cut utterames on thin 
 occasion were very reassuring to the Republicans during the cam- 
 paign. 
 
 The proceedings of the Ninth National Republican Convention 
 commenced in Chicago, June 10, 1888, with the reading of the call 
 and the designation of John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as temporary 
 Chairman. The first day's session was occupied largely with routine 
 business, and with the discussion of the claims of contesting delega- 
 tions from Virginia. But the monotony of business was agreeably 
 relieved by speeches from General John C. Fremont, the first Repub- 
 lican nopinee for the Presidency, and from Frederick Douglass, the 
 venerable colored orator. 
 
 On the second day Maurice M. Estee, of California, was named 
 permanent Chairman, and spoke very briefly as he assumed the duties 
 of the position. The rest of the day was occupied with a discussion 
 of the rules, and with contested delegate disputes. Only two essen 
 tial changes were made in the rules. One established those of the 
 House of Representatives in Washington, as a guide to the order of 
 procedure. The other provided that an Executive Committee, con- 
 sisting of nine members, should be chosen by the National Commit- 
 tee to conduct the affairs of the party. 
 
 It was not until the third day that the order of resolutions was 
 reached, and the following platform was then received: 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their dele 
 gates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their pro- 
 ceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal 
 champion of liberty and the rights of the people— Abraham Lincoln; 
 and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and 
 gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more 
 recently beew called away from our councils — Grant, Garfield, Arthur, 
 Logan, CoBkling.' May their memories be faithfully cherished. We 
 also recall with our greetings, and with prayer for h^s recovery, the 
 name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in 
 the history both of Republicans and of the Republic— the name of 
 that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. 
 
 In the spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion to 
 human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and 
 oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party 
 we send fraternal congratulation to our fellow-Americans of Brazil 
 upon their great Act of Emancipation, which completed the abolition 
 of slavery throughout thf two American continents. We earnestly 
 
RTY. 
 
 itteranoes on thin 
 i during the cam- 
 
 bUcan Convention 
 ?ndinf{ of the i-all 
 bIvU, as temporary 
 r^ely with routine 
 contesting delegn- 
 i»B was agreeably 
 t, the first Repnb- 
 rii'l< Douglass, the 
 
 oruia, was named 
 issumed the duties 
 with a discussion 
 Only two essen 
 shed those of the 
 de to the order of 
 e Committee, con- 
 National Commit- 
 
 Df resolutions was 
 ived: 
 
 >led by their dele- 
 ihold of their pro- 
 ader, the immjortal 
 Abraham Lincoln; 
 remembrance and 
 B who have more 
 t, Garfield, Arthur, 
 ly cherished. We 
 r h^s recovery, the 
 ill be treasured iu 
 blic — the name of 
 hilip'H. Sheridan. 
 
 ir own devotion to 
 } of despotism and 
 Republican party 
 merieans of Brazil 
 tleted the abolition 
 its. We earnestly 
 
 THE CAMPMON OF 1S88. 
 
 400 
 
 hope that we may soon congratulate our fellowcitiwns of Irish birth 
 upon the peaceful recovery of home rule f<»r Ireland. 
 
 We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Constitution 
 and to the indissoluble union ot the Htates; to the autonomy reserved 
 to the states under the Const it utiim; to the personal rights and liber- 
 ties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Union, and 
 especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citiasen 
 rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free 
 ballot in public elections and to liave that ballot duly counted. We 
 hold the free and honest popular ballot and.the just and etjual repie 
 seutation of all the iH»ople to be the foundations of our republican 
 Oovernment, and demand efTective legislation to secure the integrity 
 and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority 
 We charge that the present Administration and the Democratio 
 majority in Congress owe their txistenw to the suppression of the 
 ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and the I^iws of 
 the United States. 
 
 We are uncompromisingly In favor of the American system of 
 protection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the 
 President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will 
 support the interests of America. We accept the issue and confl 
 dently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protective- 
 system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been fol- 
 lowed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer 
 and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the 
 general business, the labor and the farming interests of the country, 
 and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the 
 Republican Representatives iu Congress in opposing its passage. 
 
 We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place 
 wool on the free list, and we insist thai the duties thereon shall be 
 adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protec- 
 tion to that industry. 
 
 The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the 
 National revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an 
 annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used 
 in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the 
 tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are 
 produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to 
 our labor, and release from Import duties those articles of foreign 
 production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at 
 home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite 
 for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of inter- 
 nal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective 
 system, at the joint behests of the whisky trusts and the agents of 
 foreign manufacturers. 
 
 We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of 
 foreign contract labor and of Chinese labor, alien to our civilization 
 
 ^ifi'teiiififiiiiiiii 
 
 ■HMmmiNiB 
 
w 
 
 1 iij«M«.'»ihrff*^.ji "" • t^ft^<iajtemf!^.v^fvi>»ggi4fe'#.-';JR^f:if !^ 
 
 » ■;i^-t^--/)Mifti^i*fctfe( 
 
 ^^p,^^,^^^;^^^^^^^^. ,,. n^ Kwiyy,- - .■-*j;n»»*fc*-..^ 
 
 •#. 
 
 
 m.r-' '.r 
 
 :->>■; 
 
 410 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 and our ConBtitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the 
 existing lawn againsf it, and favor such immediate legiBlation as will 
 exclude such labor from our shores. 
 
 We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organ- 
 ized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of 
 trade among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the 
 State legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation 
 as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by 
 undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the trans- 
 portation of their products to market. We approve the legislation 
 by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discrimina- 
 tion between the States. 
 
 We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the 
 United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers, 
 not aliens, which the Republican Party established in 1862, against 
 the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which 
 has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent devel- 
 opment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the 
 public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under 
 the administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We 
 deny that the Democtratic party has ever restored one acre to the 
 people, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and 
 Democrats about 50,000,000 of acres of unearned lands originally 
 granted for the construction of railroads have been restored 
 to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted 
 by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the 
 Democratic Administration with failure to execute the laws secur- 
 ing to settlers title to their homesteads, and with using appropria- 
 tions made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies 
 and prosecutions under the false pretense of exposing frauds and 
 vindicating the law. 
 
 The Governnient by Congress of the territories is based upon 
 necessity only, to the end that they may become states in the Union; 
 therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material resources, 
 public intelligence and morality are such as to insure a stable local 
 Government ,thei\ein, the people of such territories should be per- 
 mitted, a« a right inherent in them, the right to form for themselves 
 Constitutions and State Governments, and be adi^itted into the 
 Union. Pending the preparation for Statehood, all officers thei;eof 
 should be selected from the bona fide residents and citizens of the 
 Territory wherein they are to serve. 
 
 South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted as a 
 State in the Union, under the Constitution framed and adopted by 
 her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican 
 Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the 
 Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan purposes, to 
 favorably consider these bills, is a willful violation of the sacred 
 
THE TAMPA ION OP 1888. 
 
 411 
 
 Amerit-an principle of local self-governiuent, and merits the condeni 
 nation of all Just men. The pendiuK bills in the Menate for Acts to 
 enable the people of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Terri- 
 tories to form Constitutions and establish Htate Governments should 
 be passed without unnecessary delay. The Uepublicau party pledges 
 itself to do all in its |>ower to facilitate the admission of the Terri- 
 tories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment 
 of self-government is States, such of them as are now qualifltHl, as 
 soon as possible, and the others as soon us they may become so. 
 
 The political power of the Mormon Cbun'h in the territories, as 
 exercised in the past, is a menace to free institutions, a danger no 
 longer to be suffered. Therefore, we pledge the Republican party to 
 appropriate legislation asserting the sovereignty of the Nation in all 
 territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of that 
 end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough to 
 divorce the political from the ecclesiastical iM)wer, and thus stamp 
 out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. 
 
 The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and 
 silver as money, and condemns *\\e policy of the Democratic Admin- 
 istration in its efforts to demonetize silver. 
 
 We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per 
 onnce. 
 
 In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and the 
 official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of 
 the people, it is important that the sovereign — the people — should 
 possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelli- 
 gence which is to preserve us a free Nation; therefore the State or 
 Nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learn- 
 ing, sufficient to afford every child growing up in the land the oppoj*- 
 tunity of a good common school education. 
 
 We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Con- 
 gress in the enactment of such legislation as will best secure the 
 rehabilitation of bur American merchant marine, and we protest 
 against the passage by CongresH of a free ship bill, as calculated to 
 work injustice to labor, by lessening the wages of those engaged in 
 preparing materials as well as those directly employed in our ship- 
 yards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our 
 navy; for the construction of coast fortillcations and modern ordnance 
 and other approved modern means of defence for the protection of 
 our defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions 
 to our soldiers; for the necessary works of national importance in 
 the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise 
 and foreign commerce; for the encouragement of the shipping inter- 
 ests of the Atlantic, Oulf and Pacific States, as well as for the pay- 
 ment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give employment 
 to our labor, activity to our various industries, increase the security 
 of our country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for our 
 
 '^-. 
 
 Mhii 
 
412 
 
 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 5 ,',.'.- 
 
 produce, and cheapen the cost of transiiortation. We affirm this to 
 be far better for our country than the Democratic policy of loaning 
 the Oovernment'g money without interest to "pet banliB." 
 
 The conduct of foreign affairM by the present Administration hag 
 been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having with- 
 drawn from the Henate all i)ending treaties elTected by Republican 
 Administrations for the removal of foreign burdens and restrictions 
 up<m our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has 
 neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing 
 adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen, with idle complacency, 
 the extension of foreign influence in Central Anierica, and of foreign 
 trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has refused to charter, 
 sanction, or encourage any American organization for constructing 
 the Nicaragua Canal, a work of vital importance to the maintenance 
 of the Monroe doctrine, and of our National influence in Central and 
 South America; and necessary for the development of trade with 
 our Pacific territory, with South America, and with the islands and 
 further coasts of the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 We arraign the present Democratic Administration for its weak 
 and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries (]uestion, and its pusillani- 
 mous surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels 
 are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal 
 maritime legislation of 1830 and the comity of nations, and which 
 Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. 
 We condemn the policy of the present Administration and the Demo- 
 cratic majority iq Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly and 
 conspicuously* unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable 
 national industry and an indispensable resource of defence against 
 a foreign enemy. The name of American applies alike to all citizens 
 of the Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligations of 
 obedience to the laws. At tlie same time that citizenship is and must 
 be the panoply and safeguard of him ^ho wears it, and protect him, 
 whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights, it should 
 and must afford him protection at home, and follow and protect him 
 abroad in whatever land he may be on a lawful errand. 
 
 The men .who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and con- 
 tinue to adhere to the Democratic party have deserted not only the 
 cause of honest government, of sound finance, of freedom, of purity of 
 the ballot, but especially have deserted the cause of reform in the 
 civil service. W'e will not fail to keep our pledges because they have 
 broken theirs, or because their candidate has broken his: We there- 
 fore repeat our declaration of 1884, to-wit: "The reform of the Civil 
 Service auspiciously begun under the Republican Administration 
 should be completed by the further extension of the reform system 
 already established by law to all the grades of the service to which 
 it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be 
 observed in all Executive appointments, and all laws at variance 
 
RTY. 
 
 ^e atUini this tu 
 policy of loaning 
 
 iminietration ham 
 ce. Having with- 
 ^ by Republican 
 ) and reHtrictionfi 
 >r markets, it hafi 
 tead. Professing 
 idle complacency, 
 la, and of foreign 
 fused to ctiarter, 
 for constructing 
 the maintenance 
 ve in Central and 
 nt of trade witli 
 li tlie islands and 
 
 ition for its weak 
 and its pusillani- 
 >ur Ashing vessels 
 $18, the reciprocal 
 itions, and which 
 le United States, 
 on and the Demo- 
 is unfriendly and 
 stroy a valuable 
 f defence against 
 ike to all citiisens 
 me obligations of 
 nship is and must 
 and protect him, 
 rights, it should 
 f and protect him 
 and. 
 
 in 1884 and cou- 
 rted not only the 
 edom, of purity of 
 of reform in the 
 because they have 
 ;n his; We there- 
 Bform of the Civil 
 a Administration 
 he reform system 
 f service to which 
 reform should be 
 laws at variance 
 
 THE CAMPAKJN OF 1888. 
 
 413 
 
 with the object of existing n'forrn legislation should be rei»ealed, lo 
 the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk In the power 
 of official patronage may be wisely and elTe<'tually avoided." 
 
 The gratitude of the nation to the defenders of tlie I'nion «unnot 
 be measured by laws. The legislation of Congress should conform 
 to the pledge made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended 
 as to provide against the |»ossibillty that any man who h(vnorabl.> 
 wore the Federal uniform should become the inmate of an almshouse, 
 or dependent uiKin private charity. In the presence of an <»verflowing 
 Treasury it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose 
 valorous service preserved the riovernment. We denounce the hostile 
 spirit of President Cleveland In his numerous veto«*s of measnres for 
 pension relief, and the a<tion of the Democrat!*' House of Kepreseu 
 tatives in refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation. 
 
 In supimrt of the principles luM-ewlth enun<'lated, we invite the 
 co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all work- 
 ingmen whose prosiierity is seriously threatened by the free-trade 
 IKilicy of the present Administration. The first con 'ern of all good 
 government is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of 
 their homes. The Republican party cordially sympathizes with all 
 wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and 
 morality. 
 
 The platform was read by William McKinley, Chairman of the 
 Committee on Resolutions, and was unanimously adopted. It was 
 followed immediately by the presentation of candidates, of whom 
 there was a larger number in the field, and for whom more nominating; 
 speeches and seconds were made than at any other Convention In 
 the history of the party. The first speech naming a candidate was 
 by Leonard Swett of Illinois, nominating Walter Q. Oresham, of 
 Indiana, who was supported by Cushman K. l>avis, of Minnesota. 
 John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, Mr. Mc(.'all, of Massachusetts, and 
 John B. Rector, of Texas. Ex-Governor Porter, of Indiana, presented 
 the name of the "Soldier-Statesman, General Benjamin Harrison," 
 who was supported by Messrs. Terrell, of Texas, and Gallinger, of 
 New Hampshire. Senator Allison's name was presented by Congress- 
 man Hepburn, of Iowa, and was seconded by Benjamin A. Bosworth, 
 of Rhode Island. Robert E. Frazer, of Detroit, in a speech of great 
 eloquence and power, presented the name of General Russell A. Alger, 
 who was heartily supported by Charles J. Noyes, of Massachusetts, 
 Patrick Egan, of Nebraska, M. M. Estee, of California, and L. F. 
 Eggers, of Arizona. Senator Hiscock, of New York, nominated 
 Chauncey M. Depew, of the same state, who was supported by a Min 
 nesota Granger named Hartley. General Hastings, of Pennsylvania, 
 
414 
 
 HIHTORY OP THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ■■n 
 
 
 naitipd John Hhernian, of Ohio, who waa aupported by Oovornor J. H. 
 Foraker, of the Hatiie Htate, and by the diatinguiahed colorHl delegate, 
 John M. liangiton, of Virginia. Charlca Emory Hmith, of Philadel- 
 phia, named Mayor Fitter, of the Name rity, and Senator Hpooner, of 
 WiaconRin, propoaed Jeremiah Ruali, of the aanie Htate. 
 
 The balloting comnienoed on Friday, June 22, and continued till 
 Monday, June 26. In all eight baliolH were fnken with the following 
 reiult: 
 
 1 
 Benjamin Harriaon, (Ind.).. 80 
 
 John Hherman (Ohio). 220 
 
 Ruaaell A. Alger (Mich.). ... 84 
 Walter Q. Oreaham (Ind.).. Ill 
 Willinin R. AlliHon (Iowa). . 72 
 Chauncey M. I>ei)ew (N. Y.) »» 
 
 Jeremiah Rusk (Win.) 25 
 
 Wm. Walter PhelpH (N. J.). . 25 
 
 John J. Ingallg (Kan.) 28 
 
 E. H. Fitter (Penn.) 24 
 
 William McKinley (Ohio). . . 2 
 
 James O. Rlaine (Maine) 36 
 
 Robert T. Lincoln (III.) 3 
 
 Scattering 
 
 2 
 
 »1 
 249 
 11« 
 108 
 
 76 
 
 c^'-* 
 
 Whole number of votea.. 830 830 KJO 82« 827 KiH ff^l f^30 
 NeceBBary for choice 416 416 416 415 414 4W> Afd 416 
 
 There waa only one ballot for Vice President, and that gave B6* 
 to Levi P. Morton, of New York; 119 to William Walter Pli Ips, of 
 New Jersey; 103 to William O. Bradley, of Kentucky; 1 1 to Blancjue K. 
 Bruce, of Mississippi, and one for Walter F. Thomas, of Texas. 
 
 Encouraged by their success in 1884, and ready to makt ibe Im'ne 
 in 1888, the Democrats, for the first time in a long period of jioivr^, 
 called their Convention earlier than the Republican, it met ia ff-L 
 Louis, June 7. Its duties were somewhat perfunctory, for (Meveland's 
 nomination was a foregone conclusion, and rieveland had made the 
 issue for the campaign. Before the Convention met, t>emocratic Oon- 
 ventions in every State in the Union had declared in his fav<>c, ami 
 had indorsed his position on the tariff. In the Convtatik-'-. he wan 
 lauded to the skies by Stephen M. White, of Californ a. to j; j >».;'< ry 
 President; Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, Perujt*ucitit PtiJii 
 dent; and by Daniel Dougherty, the "Silver-Tongue«i Cri toi" of PMI 
 adelphio. The President was then renominated by j iclamAtton. Only 
 one ballot was taken for Vice President, rnsr'ti.ig in ti>e uomination 
 
 
KTY. 
 
 by OovMi'nor .1. B. 
 I eolorwi dfU'Kate, 
 mith, of Phlladel- 
 >nutor Hpoon«>i', of 
 itate. 
 
 and continued till 
 ivlth the following 
 
 5 6 7 8 
 
 la 231 278 64t 
 
 24 244 231 118 
 
 42 137 120 100 
 
 87 01 91 69 
 
 99 78 76 ... 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 
 
 41B 
 
 u 
 
 4S 
 
 "V2 
 
 40 
 
 i?'. 
 
 5 
 
 :: 
 
 "2 
 
 •2 
 
 
 27 
 14 
 
 4V!;. 
 
 8?.l 
 ■Wt.ti 
 
 83v) 
 416 
 
 and that gave RS* 
 Walter Pi! IpB, of 
 jr; 11 to bJam-meii. 
 laH, of Texftd. 
 y to makt tbe hwae 
 ig period of 7)?arf>, 
 ;an. It met tc fl-L 
 jry, for Clevelaud'8 
 land had made the 
 »t. liemocratic Oon- 
 a in hia far. 
 Donv.ifttJ*?'-. he wa« 
 liforn a, t<:;i!jii.r<rir 
 Peruj»»uc'r(t Prisi- 
 e.i '^ri \»)." of PMI 
 ■ J iclamAt'oM. Cn!/ 
 ; in trie uomination 
 
 of Allen O. Thurman, of Ohio, by «07 vote*, to 104 for Isaac P. Gray, 
 of Indiana, and 31 for .lohn ('. Black, of Illlnolii. The platform 
 renewed the party's old de<'laration» in favttr of the maintenance of 
 the Union, extension of Civil Hervire n'form, rediutlon of taxu^Ion 
 and of the surplui, the admiHHion of VVaHhlngton. Dakota, M(mtana 
 and New Mexico an MtatcH. and expreB8e<l sympathy for the »auHe of 
 home rule in Ireland. The following was the tariff plank: 
 
 "Our establlMhed domestic indiiHtries and cnterpriHCH should not 
 and need not be endangered by the reduction and correction of the 
 burdet'B of taxation. 
 On the contrary, a fair 
 and careful revision of 
 our tax laws, with due 
 allowance for the dif- 
 ference between the 
 wages of American and 
 foreign labor, must pro- 
 mote and encourage 
 every branch of such 
 industries and enter- 
 'riges, by giving them 
 ^^ y./ Mdurance of an extend- 
 i,^ '•«^* ;^*i jryr* 'arket and steady, 
 M, cv'/'tinuous operations 
 
 Xj. tl».^ interests of 
 yj!' tm labor, which 
 .^hi'iB^d in no event be 
 i*irlGcted, the revision 
 of our tax laws, con* 
 tcmplated by the Dem- 
 o^ratic party, should 
 
 promote the advantage of such labor by cheapening the *ost of the 
 necessaries of life in the home of every working man, and at the same 
 time securing to him steady land remunerative employment. Upon 
 this question of tariff reform, so closely coiicerning every phase of 
 our national life, and upon every question involved in the problem of 
 good government, the Democratic party submits its principles and 
 professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people." 
 
 In addition to the nominations of the two leading parties, there 
 were two Union Labor tickets, both nominated at Cincinnati, May IS. 
 
 
 LEVI P. MORTON. 
 
 MM 
 
.■■B...-. yij>.^;.j--f-*V|-'j 
 
 416 
 
 HIB'fORY OP THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 I 
 
 ■ fe- 
 
 
 
 ?./. O:- 
 
 TlTe first naiutd Andrew J. Streatur, of Illinois, for President 
 and Charles E. Cunningham, of Arkansas, for Vire President. 
 The - second was Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, for President, 
 and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for Vice. The Prohibition 
 ists voted for Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersej', for President, and John 
 A. Brooks, of Missouri, for Vice. The "American" party nominated 
 James I^angdon Cifrtia, of New York, for President, and James R. 
 Greer, of Tennessee, for Vice. Kome other factious went through 
 the formality of making nominations, but did not go through the 
 formality of voting for them in sufficient numbers to be counted as 
 anything but '*scatterinf|." 
 
 The campaign was much less spirited than any which had pre- 
 ceded it since the Republican party was established. There was 
 trickery and bribery charged in Ohio and Indiana, but without attract- 
 ing wide attention. The only real sensation of the campaign was 
 occasioned by the "Morchison letter," written in California, and 
 addressed to Lord Back vi lie- West, British Minister at Washington. 
 The writer, calling himself Charles F. Murchison, a voter of English 
 birth, a?d still considering England the motherland, asked the Minis 
 ter's advice how to vote. It said : 
 
 Many English citizens have for years refrained from being natur- 
 alized, as -they thought no good could accrue from the act, but Mr. 
 Cleveland's Administration has been so favorable and friendly toward 
 England, so kind in not enforcing tae Retaliatory Act passed I Con- 
 gress, so sound on the Free Trade question, and so hostile to the 
 dynamite schools of Ireland, that, by the hundreds — yes, by the 
 thouts;inds — ^they have become naturalized for the express purpose of 
 helping to elect hitn over again, the one above all American politicians 
 they considered their own and their country's best friend. . . If 
 Cleveland was pursuing a new policy toward C&naua, temporarily 
 only, and fov the. sake of obtaining popularity and continuation of his 
 office four years ^mure, but intends to cease his policy when his re-elec- 
 tion in November is secured, and again favor England's interests, then 
 I should have no further doubt, but go forward and Vote for him. I 
 know of no one better able to direct me, sir, and I most respectfully 
 ask your advice in the matter. . . As you are the fountain head 
 of knowledge on the question, and know whether Mr. Cleveland's 
 policy is temporary only, and whether he will, as soon as he secures 
 another term, of four years in the Presidency, suspend it for one of 
 friendship and free tr^ 'e, I apply to you, privately and confidentially, 
 for information which shall in turn be treated as entirely secret. 
 Such information would put me at rest myself, and if favorable to 
 Mr. Cleveland, would enable me, on my owr responsibility, to assure 
 
!^ 
 
 ^^^^ 
 
 MWiiiliii ! ! 
 
 I 
 
 RTY. 
 
 lis, for President 
 Vice President. 
 B, for President, 
 The Prohibition- 
 resident, and John 
 ' party nominated 
 'nt, and James R. 
 us went through 
 >t go through the 
 I to be counted as 
 
 ny which had pfre- 
 shed. There was 
 ut without attract 
 the campaign was 
 in California, and 
 er at Washington, 
 a voter of English 
 d, asked the Minis 
 
 I from being natur- 
 n the act, but Mr. 
 lUd friendly toward 
 A^ct passed I Con- 
 l so hostile to the 
 Ireds— yes, by the 
 express purpose of 
 merican politicians 
 jt friend. . If 
 
 &naua, temporarily 
 continuation of his 
 cy when his re-elec- 
 nd's interests, then 
 nd Vote for him. I 
 I most respectfVilly 
 ; the fountain head 
 er Mr. Cleveland's 
 soon as he secures 
 spend it for one of 
 ' and confidentially, 
 as entirely secret, 
 and if favorable to 
 tnsibility, to assure 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 417 
 
 many of my countrymen that they would do England a service by 
 voting for Cleveland, and against the Republican system of tariff. 
 
 It was aflBrmed afterwards that there was no such person as 
 Murchison, and that the letter was a Republican trap, set to secure 
 campaign material. The British Minister very innocently fell into 
 the trap, for he wrote in reply: 
 
 I am in receipt of your letter, and beg to say that I appreciate 
 the diflBculty in which you find yourself, in en sting your vote. You 
 are probably aware that any political party w ich o-ienly favored the 
 mother country at the present moment, would lose popularity, and 
 that the party in power is fully aware of the fact. The party, how- 
 ever, is, I believe, still desirous of maintaining friendly relations with 
 Great Britain, and still desirous of settling all questions with Canada 
 which have been, unfortunately, reopened since the retraction of the 
 treaty by the Republican majority in the Senate, and by the Presi- 
 dent's message to which you allude. All allowances must, therefore, 
 be made for the political situation as regards the Presidential election 
 thus created. It is, however, impossible to predict the course which 
 President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retaliation should 
 he be re-elected; but there is every reason to believe that, while 
 upholding the position he has taken, he will manifest a spirit of con- 
 ciliation in dealing with the question involved in his message. 
 
 In spite of the diplomatic impropriety of Mr. West's action, Cleve- 
 land was inclined to ignore the matter, until a member of the Cabinet 
 showed him a letter from a member of the Democratic National Com- 
 mittee saying: "Does the President know that the Irish vote is slipping 
 out of our hands through diplomatic shilly-shallying? See Lamont at 
 once. Something must be done at once." Then he acted. He asked for 
 the recall of Minister West, and when this was refused, gave him his 
 passports. The British Government resented this, and sent no one 
 to take Mr. West's place tillthe close of Cleveland's Administration. 
 
 In the election which followed the Democrats carried the Solid 
 South, with Connecticut and New Jersey, giving Cleveland and Thur- 
 man 168 Electoral votes, while Harrison and Morton had 233. 
 
 The popular vote for President was as follows: 
 
 Harrison and Morton, Republican 5,441,989 
 
 Cleveland and Thucman, Democratic 5,538,464 
 
 Pisk and Brooks, Prohibition 250,299 
 
 Streator and Cunningham, Union I^abor 147,045 
 
 Cowdrey and Wakefield, Union Labor 2,668 
 
 Curtis and Greer, American 1,591 
 
 Scattering.. 6,053 
 
 ! " 
 
 B hlll. 'li Mi'HJ g M» ' -»V>J'J'i* ! )W>!BW,jWJMI!^^ 
 
'^(¥.^^1^ 
 
 
 
 418 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 "^The totals given on the popular vote vary some in different statis- 
 tical publications. The above aggregate is computed from the 
 highest vote given an Elector in each State. During Harrison's 
 Administration Congress was divided politically as foUovvS: 
 
 Fifty-flrst Congress. 
 Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, 37. 
 House— Republicans, 169; Democrats, 161. 
 
 Fifty-second Congress. 
 Senate— Republicans, 47; Democrats, 39; Farmers' Alliance, 2. 
 House— Republicans, 88; Democrats, 235; Alliance, 9. 
 
 In the Fifty-first Congress the Republican vote, given above, was 
 afterwards increased as the result of decisions on contested election 
 cases. 
 
 The vote of Michigan for President was as follows: 
 
 Harrison and Morton 236,387 
 
 Cleveland and Thurman 213,469 
 
 Fisk and Brooks 20,945 
 
 Streator and Cunningham *>555 
 
 The Presidential Electors chosen were as follows: At Large — 
 RuBsell A. Alger, Isaac Cappon By Districts -(1) Edward Burk; (2) 
 Junius E. Beal; (3) Richmond Kingman; (4) Joseph W. French; (5) Don 
 J. Leathers; (6) James M. Turner; (7) John S. Thomson; (8) Elliott 
 F. Grabill; (9) Wellington W. Cummer; (10) Henry P. Merrill; (11) 
 Perry Hannah. 
 
 The vote for "Governor, at the same election was as follows: 
 
 Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 233,595 
 
 Wellington R. Burt, Democratic 216,450 
 
 Amherst B. Cheney, Prohibition 20,342 
 
 WMIdman Mills, Union Labor 4»388 
 
 Imperfect and Scattering 17 
 
 The Congressional delegation wa^: "il Republican except the 
 members from the First and Seventh Districts and was as follows 
 in the order of the Districts: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) Edward P. 
 Allen; (3) James 6'Donnell; (4) Julius C. Burrows; (5) Charles E 
 Belknap; (6) Mark 8. Brewer; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) Aaron T. Biiss; 
 (9) Byron M. Cutcheon; (10) Frank W. Wheeler; (11) Samuel M. Steph- 
 enson. ,' 
 
rm^- 
 
 RTl. 
 
 in different statis- 
 tiputed from the 
 taring HarriBon'H 
 f ollovv 8 : 
 
 ers' Alliam-e, 2. 
 nee, 9. 
 
 , given above, was 
 contested election 
 
 ... 236,387 
 
 ... 213,469 
 
 . . . 20,945 
 
 . . . 4,555 
 
 ows: At Large — 
 Edward Burk; (2) 
 tV. French; (5) Don 
 lomson; (8) Elliott 
 ry P. Merrill; (11) 
 
 as as follows: 
 
 .... 233,595 
 
 .... 216,450 
 
 . . . . 20,342 
 
 ..... 4,388 
 
 ..J. 17 
 
 iblioan except the 
 nd was as follows 
 lan; (2) Edward P. 
 wb; (5) Charles E 
 ;(8) Aaron T. Bliss; 
 I) Samuel M. Steph- 
 
 iiiiMMiimiqM*n 
 
 XXXII. 
 PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 A Close House in Congress— Prospect of Little I^egislation— The 
 Device of Speaker Reed— A Small Majority Made Effective- 
 Obstructive Tactics Baffled— The Silver Question Made Promi- 
 nent-Passage of the Sherman Silver Act— The Republicans Not 
 in Control on This Subject— The Bargain Under Which the 
 Passage of the McKinley Tariff Act Became Possible— Effects of 
 That Act on Trade— The Political Whirlwind of 1890. 
 
 The Fifty-first Congress had not been long in session when it 
 began to appear as if no important legislation could be accomplished 
 on account of the closeness of the House. The Republicans had there 
 a majority of only eight, and could not often have enough of those 
 present to constitute a quorum. The Democrats, by refraining from 
 voting, could generally break a quorum, and by dilatory motions 
 could harass the Republicans. But the new Speaker, Thomas B. Reed, 
 of Maine, was equal to the emergency. He was a man of strong will, 
 ready wit, great resourcefulness, and utterly fearless. He facilitated 
 business by refusing to entertain dilatory motions, and established the 
 practice of counting a quorum, even when the roll call did not show 
 one present. The House had power to compel the attendance of a 
 member, but no power to make him vote, after it had secured his 
 attendance. Speaker Reed took the ground that if a member was 
 visible on the floor of the House, he was present, whether he voted or 
 not, and on a number of occasions ordered the Clerk, in order to make 
 up a quorum, to record as present certain non-voting members whom 
 he saw in the Hall. This "cotmting a quorum," as it was called, was 
 bitterly denounced by the Democrats, who gave to the Speaker the 
 title of "Czar Reed." Then they began to use various devices to 
 escape being counted, hiding behind the seats, or making for the doors 
 
 On one occasion Representative Kilgore, of Texas, made himself 
 famous by kicking down a door which he found locked at one of the 
 exits. Mr. Reed was sustained in his course by the Republicans, as 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 it 
 
 
 M 
 

 :;.;JA -:!.■" 
 
 
 
 .'".■^i'A> 
 
 o.. " 
 
 ;.-*•'•: 
 
 ■-♦:.!i>:'i; 
 
 ■■■^_;.- --. ■ ■■,"- .,.:; 
 
 ;.' ;:7^^:^ ■ 
 
 •■.'i/s: 
 
 420 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 W^l as by that broad conunon sense and sense of justice which 
 requires that, in a parliamentary body, the majority shall, at least, 
 have the means of bringing a measure to a vote. The Speaker, not 
 wishing to depend upon his individual rulings, devised a system of 
 rules to enable the majority, which was always held responsible for 
 legislation, to exercise more control under the proceedings than was 
 possible under the old rules. These rules, after a long contest, were 
 adopted by a party vote of 161 to 144, with 23 members not voting 
 Their main principles have been applied in the House ever since, even 
 Speaker Crisp taking advantage of them in the next House, which 
 bad nearly a three-fourths Democratic majority. 
 
 With the new methods of facilitating business, this Congress 
 transacted more business that was of serious moment than almost 
 any other Congress since the war. The first of the important meas- 
 ures to pass, though not the first to be introduced, was the Coinage 
 Act of July 14, 1890, commonly called the Sherman Silver Act. The 
 Bland- Allison Act of 1878 had not accomplished the purpose designed, 
 of getting silver into circulation in any large amount, nor of bringing 
 it to par with gold. On the contrary the white metal had suffered a 
 material decline in value. In 1877, the average value of the silver 
 contained in a standard dollar was .92958. In 1878, the year in which 
 the Bland- Allison Bill passed, it was .89222. In 1889 it had fallen to 
 .72325. Not only did the compulsory purchase of 12,000,000 worth of 
 bullion a month not bring silver to par with gold, but the silver dollars 
 themselves would not circulate to any great extent. The Govern- 
 ment had purchased, under the Bland-Allison Act 12,136 tons of silver 
 at a cost of 1.308,199,262, and had coined out of this 378,166,793 
 standard silver dollars, at a mintage cost of |5,000,000. These dollars 
 were legal tender for most purposes, and the Government, at one time 
 took pains to get them into use by shipping them to remote points 
 yet not more than one-eighth of them found their way into circula- 
 tion. The Government might have saved the cost of minting by stor- 
 ing the bullion, and issuing certificates against it. I 
 
 Still the cry was for more silver, coupled with the demand for 
 the free coinage of that metal. Upon this subject the President said 
 in his first annual message to Congress December 3, 1889: "The Act 
 of February 28, 1878, requiring the purchase by the Treasury of f2,000,- 
 000 of silver bullion each month, to be coi dd into silver dollars, ha« 
 been observed by the Department, but neither the present Secretary, 
 nor any of his predecessors, has deemed it safe to exercise the discre- 
 
MMMM 
 
 IMI III M I IilllH ,^ 
 
 %'i. , 
 
 AHTY. 
 
 e of justice which 
 •ity shall, at least, 
 
 The Speaker, not 
 evised a system of 
 eld responsible for 
 )ceeding8 than was 
 
 Jong contest, were 
 lembers not voting 
 ase ever since, even 
 next House, which 
 
 less, this Congress 
 oment than almost 
 he important meas- 
 id, was the Coinage 
 m Silver Act. The 
 J purpose designed, 
 ant, nor of bringing 
 letal had suffered a 
 value of the silver 
 8, the year in which 
 L889 it had fallen to 
 12,000,000 worth of 
 »ut the silver dollars 
 ctent. The Govern- 
 12,136 tons of silver 
 of this 378,166,793 
 ),000. These dollars 
 rnment, at one time 
 m to remote points 
 ir way into circula- 
 t of minting by stor- 
 t. -i 
 
 rith the demand for 
 t the President said 
 r 3, 1889: "The Act 
 e Treasury of |2,000,- 
 to silver dollars, ha<« 
 le present Secretary, 
 ) exercise the discre- 
 
 PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 421 
 
 lion given by law to increase the monthly purchase to f 4,000,000. He 
 further said he thought it was clear that "if we should make the coin 
 age of silver at the present ratio free, we must expect that the differ- 
 ence in the bullion value of the gold and silver dollars will be taken 
 bccount of in commercial transactions;" in other words, that gold 
 would disappear, and that business wouio be conducted on the basis 
 of the bullion value of the depreciated silver dollar. However, he 
 favored the use of silver in the currency, and approved a plan, sub- 
 mitted by Secretary Windom, providing for the issue of notes against 
 the deposits of American silver bullion at the market price of bullion 
 on the day of deposit. These notes were to be redeemed, either in 
 gold or silver bullion, at its then market value, at the option of the 
 Government, or in silver dollars at the option of the holder. It 
 would seem as if this measure was likely to produce a currency of 
 fluctuating and uncertain value, but the experiment contained in it 
 was never tried. As a substitute for this, E. H. Conger, of Iowa, 
 introduced a bill providing for the purchase of |4,500,000 worth of 
 silver bullion a month, and the issue of Treasury notes against it; 
 providihg also for free coinage when the market price of silver reached 
 fl.OO for 3711/4 grains of the pure metal. This Bill passed the House 
 but in the Senate a clause was inserted providing for the free and 
 unlimited coinage of silver. This was done, June 17, 1890-, on motion 
 of Senator Plumb, of Kansas, by an affirmative vote of 29 Democrats 
 and 14 Republicans, to a negptive vote of 22 Republicans and 2 Demo- 
 crats. The House, by a vote of 152 to 135, rejected the free coinage 
 amendment, and the Bill went to a Committee of Conference. A com- 
 promise measure was the result, it repealed the Bland-Alli- 
 son Act, and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase 
 -1,500,000 ounces of silver each month, at the market price, 
 and to issue in payment for it Treasury notes, these notes to be 
 a legal tender for all debts, public and private, except where other- 
 wise provided in the contract, the notes to be redeemable in gold or 
 silver coin, at the option of the Secretary. After the legal tender 
 clause was one which read: ^'It being the established policy of the 
 United States to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other, 
 upon the pipesent legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law." 
 The Act also provided for the actual coinage of 2,000,000 silver dollars 
 a mouth up to July 1, 1891. After that date no dollars were to be 
 coined, but the bullion purchased was to be held in the form of fine 
 silver bars. 
 
 f.\ ' 
 
 1 1 i iiiiii ii iii iiii ' r"'*" ""'"'— ' "'""'*"™ ' '""'" '"'""""* 
 
 M:- 
 
"Hi' 
 
 422 
 
 HIBTORX OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ' This Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 39 to 20, and the House 
 by a vote of 122 to 90, the yeaa in both Houses beinj? all Republican 
 except one Independent, and the nays all Democratic. Under this Act 
 28,298,455 silver dollars were coined, and up to April 1, 1891, |89,602, 
 198 in Treasury notes had been issued to pay for bullion deposited 
 and of this sum 177,605,000 was in circulation. November 1, 1891, the 
 total of silver dolfars coined, and in existence in the United States 
 under all the Acts, was $409,475,368, of which |347,339,907 was in the 
 Treasury, and only |62,136,461 was in circulation. 
 
 The 54.000,000 ounces of silver bullion which, under this Act, 
 
 the Treasury was required to purchase, represented just about the 
 
 output of the mines in this, country in 1890. It was thought that by 
 
 furnishing so large a sure cash customer for the whole American 
 
 product of the white metal, its market price would very materially 
 
 appreciate, perhaps come even to par with gold. This result 
 
 did not follow, for though there was a temporary appreciation, a rapid 
 
 decline followed. In 1889, the year preceding the passage of the 
 
 Sherman Act, the average value of a silver dollar, as compared with 
 
 gold, was .72325. In 1890, during about half of which that law was 
 
 in operation, it was .80927. In 1891 it was .76416; the next year .67401, 
 
 and in 1893, the year of the panic, and of the repeal of the Sherman 
 
 Act, it was .60351. The year following that, 1894, it fell to .49097 and 
 
 since then it has had some fluctuations, the lowest average being in 
 
 1898, when it was .45640. 
 
 Although the Republicans were in a numerical majority in both 
 Houses of the Fifty-flrst Congress, and in the Senate of the Fifty- 
 second, they could not control that majority on all questions. The 
 admission of N6i*th and South Dakota and Washington as States, in 
 time to be represented in the Fifty-flrst Congress, and of Montana 
 and Idaho in time for representation in the Fifty-second, seemed to 
 give them control of the Senate for a long time to come. But it 
 turned out that upon the silver question, the Senators from those 
 States, as well as those from Colorado and Nevaida, and Senator 
 Plumb, of Kansas, were as much against the majority of the Repub- 
 licans as were the Democrats themselves. Whatever legislation was 
 accomplished, therefore, was necessarily the result of compromise, if 
 not of bargain. Of the passage of this Act, Senator Sherman says in 
 his "Recollections of Forty Years:" "The situation at that time was 
 critical. A large majority of the Senate favored free silver, and it 
 was feared that the small majority in the other House might yield 
 
mmm 
 
 ARTY. 
 
 2G, and the House 
 nnff all Republican 
 Ic. Under this Act 
 ril 1, 1891, 189,602, 
 • bullion deposited 
 tvember 1, 1891, the 
 
 the United States 
 ',339,907 was in the 
 
 ;h, under this Act, 
 ited just about the 
 iras thought that by 
 lie whole American 
 nld very materially 
 gold. This result 
 ppreciation, a rapid 
 the passage of the 
 •, as compared with 
 which that law was 
 the next year .67401, 
 teal of the Sherman 
 it fell to .49097 and 
 »st average being in 
 
 jal majority in both 
 ^nate of the Fifty- 
 all questions. The 
 lington as States, in 
 >ss, and of Montana 
 ty-second, seemed to 
 le to come. But it 
 ^nators from those 
 evaida, and Senator 
 jority of the Repub- 
 :ever legislation was 
 lit of compromise, if 
 itor Sherman says in 
 ion at that time was 
 (d free silver, and it 
 r House might yield 
 
 PRESIDENT HARRISON'S Al>MlNISTRATION. 423 
 
 and agree to it. The silence of the i»resident on the matter gave rise 
 to an apprehension that, if a free coinage Bill should pass both 
 Houses, he would not feel at liberty to veto it. Some action had to be 
 taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage, and the measure 
 evolved was the best attainable. 1 voted for it, but the day it became 
 a law 1 was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be had without substi- 
 tuting in its place absolute free coinage." In a speech in the Senate 
 in 1896, Mr. Teller, of Colorado, one of the silver Senators in 1890, 
 took issue with Mr. Sherman on the reason for passing the Bill. 
 He said the rea) reason was that the free coinage men in the Senate 
 would not permit any tariff bill to pass without some concession to 
 silver. 
 
 Tariff revision shared with the Silver question the greatest 
 amount of public attention during President Harrison's Administra- 
 tion. The Republicans, in their National platform, were pledged to 
 this, and the interests of the country demanded it. The war tariff 
 had produced a larger income than the country needed. The Act of 
 1883 did not greatly help in that respect, and besides that, was unequal 
 in the operation of its protective features. The Ways and Means 
 Committee of the House undertook the preparation of a measure 
 which should at the sanie time reduce the revenue, and afford 
 increased protection to American industries. Fortunately it had for 
 Chairman a man who was singularly well equipped for the work of 
 preparing such a measure. William McKinley, of Ohio, had been 
 thirteen years on the Ways and Means Committee and had made a 
 special study of the subject. He mjade his first tariff speech in 18Y8, 
 when the Wood Bill was under discussion, and it was regarded as 
 one of the best speeches delivered on that measure. When the Bill 
 which resulted in the Act of 1883 was before the House, his part in 
 securing its passage was so conspicuous that J. W. D. Kelley, the 
 veteran protectionist of that body, said that McKinley had "distanced 
 all of his colleagues in mastering the details of the tariff." He 
 resented the course taken by the promoters of the Mills Bill in 1888, 
 in considering the measure Jn secret, without even permitting the 
 minority of the Committee, which was to report it, to be present. 
 When that Bill was printed and ready for inspection, he prepared, in 
 a very short time, a masterly report against it. The Mills Bill was 
 framed according to preconceived notions, not only without the benefit 
 of such suggestions as the minority of the Ways and Means Commit- 
 tee could have given, but without adequate information from the 
 
 ) 
 
 ■"-rMtMMniiriinii 
 
 !i i n i. i i i ,m «ii n i w ii 
 
424 
 
 HI8TOKY OP THE REPUHLirAN PARTY. 
 
 '^; 
 
 ■ '■^'i- i 
 
 m^: 
 
 ffreat nmnufacturiiiK and <'oiiiiiiercial intereiitti tiint were involved. 
 The majority of the <*oniniittee even went bo far as to rebuff leadinft 
 manufacturern of the country, who nought iufonnntion as to the con- 
 tentB of the Hill, and who desired to be heard in reference to itH 
 details. 
 
 The McKinley Hill was framed after a far different method. All 
 previoua acts were carefully Btudii>d. Manufacturers, jobbers, 
 shippers and importers were given at>ntive hearings, their evidence 
 making a valuable contribution to economic literature. After the 
 most careful preparation, following .consultation with a great variety 
 of interests, the measure was sifted through a long debate in the 
 House, in which the majority of the Committee which framed it were 
 ready with the fullest explanationt of details. Its preparation and 
 consideration occupied almost the whole of the first session of the 
 Fifty-first Congress. As it passed the House it contained no reci- 
 procity feature. This was added in the Henate after a plan outlined 
 by Secretary Blaine, and was as follows: 
 
 With a view to secure reciprocal trade with countries producing 
 the following articles, and for this purpose, on and after the Ist day 
 of January, 1892, whenever and so often as the President shall be 
 satisfied that the Government of any country producing and export 
 ing sugars^ molasff^es, coffee, tea and hides, raw and nncured, or any 
 of such articles, imposes duties or other exactions ui)on the agricul 
 tural or other products of the United States, which, in view of the 
 free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides into 
 the United States, he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unrea- 
 sonable, he shall have the power, and it shall be his duty, to suspend, 
 by proclamation to that effect, the provisions of this Act relating to 
 the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, 
 the production of such country, for such time as he shall deem just; 
 and in snch case, and during such suspension, duties shall be levied, 
 collected and paid upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the 
 product of, <or exported from, such designated country as follows. 
 The rates of dpty in snch cases are then given, being from seven-tenths 
 cent to two cents a pound on sugar; four cents a gallon on molasses; 
 ten cents a pound on tea, and one and one-half cents a pound on hides. 
 
 The Bill passed the House May 21, by a vote of 164 yeas, all Re- 
 publicans, to 142 nays, consisting of 140 Democrats, 1 Republican and 
 1 Independent. The reciprocity clause was not added in the Senate 
 till September 9, when it received the vote of 38 Republicans, to 27 
 Democrats and 2 Republicans against it. The Hill, as thus amended, 
 and with some other modifications, passed the Senate l^y a strictly 
 
ARTY. 
 
 lit w»*re involved. 
 I to rebuff leadioK 
 Hon as to the eon- 
 n reference to its 
 
 rent method. AH 
 Lf'turem, jobbers, 
 igs, their evidence 
 aturo. After the 
 Ith a great varie*y 
 )ng debate in the 
 Ich framed it were 
 8 preparation and 
 rst session of the 
 contained no reci- 
 er a plan outlined 
 
 )untrie8 producing 
 1 after the 1st day 
 President shall be 
 lueing and export 
 id uncured, or any 
 ) u|)on the agricul- 
 ich, in view of the 
 tea and hides into 
 unequal and unrea- 
 s duty, to suspend, 
 bis Act relating to 
 fee, tea and hides, 
 le shall deem just; 
 ies shall be levied, 
 tea and hides, the 
 ountry as follows. 
 pf from seven-tenths 
 rallon on molasses; 
 8 a pound on hides. 
 
 of 164 yeas, all Re- 
 », 1 Republican and 
 dded in the Senate 
 Republicans, to 27 
 1, as thus amended, 
 enate l^y a strictly 
 
 PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 425 
 
 partisan vote of 40 to 29. After refusal of the House to concur in the 
 Senate amendments, the Bill went to a Committee of Conference, 
 which endorsed most of •' «> Senate Amendments, and the House final- 
 ly concurred, by a vott of 152 to 81. The Bill was signed by the 
 President, October 1. 180(K 
 
 The Act increased duties on MS articles, embracing farm 
 products, manufactures not sufficiently protected, manufactures to be 
 established, and luxuries. It decreased duties on 190 articles, includ- 
 ing Bome branches of manufacture already well established, or such 
 as would not suffer from foreign comi»etition. It left the duties 
 unchanged on 249 articles. It enlarged the free list, so as to make 
 it cover 55.75 per cent, of all imjiorts, or 22.48 per cent, more than the 
 previous tariff. It was effective in reducing the revenue. In 1890, 
 the year before the Act passed, the re<-elpts from customs were |229,- 
 (168,584. In 1891, during part of which year the law was in operation, 
 they were 1219,522,205, and in 1892, during the whole of which year 
 it was in operation they were fl77,452,964. A great reduction of 
 revenue was made by putting sugar on the free list, and the price of 
 that article of universal use was reduced. In 1890 the surplus of 
 revenue over expenditure was 186,000,000, and in 1892 it was only 
 about 110,000,000. Besides thus reducing the revenue to the actual 
 needs of the Government, the law gave a wonderful impetus to man- 
 ufacturing in this country, while the treaties negotiated under the 
 reciprocity clause enlarged old markets and opened new ones for 
 American breadstuffs and provisions. 
 
 liegislation intended to secure the colored people of the South 
 their right to vote, and to have their votes counted, was attempted, for 
 the last time, in the Fifty-first Congress. The measure introduced for 
 this purpose was called the "Force Bill," and its purpose was to 
 extend and strengthen the Federal election laws of 1870, 1871 and 
 1872. It provided for Federal supervision of Federal elections, sup- 
 ported, if need be, by the military. It was strongly favored by the 
 President. It met with strong opposition from the Democrats, and 
 the feeling aroused by it led to acts of violence in the South, and to 
 threats of a Southern boycott on Northern merchandise. It passed 
 the House by a vote of 155 to 149, the former all Republican except 
 1 Independent, and the latter all Democrats except 2. In the 
 Senate Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Jones and Stewart, of Nevada; 
 Teller and Wolcott, of Colorado, and Washburn, of Minnesota, com- 
 bined with the Democrats to defeat it. On motion of Senator 
 
 ■ 
 1 
 
rrrr* 
 
 420 
 
 HIHTORY OP THE REPrHLirAN PARTY. 
 
 
 Wolcott it wuB, by a vote of :i5 to !W, gidc-trmked, to make way for 
 the Apportionment Bill, and wan not rearlied again that gesHion. The 
 next House was Democratic, as was also the next Adininlstration, and 
 in 1894 all the laws which this was designed to supplement were 
 repealed. The Houth has, ever sinie, been allowed to go lt» own way 
 in its treatment of Republican votes, whether white or black. 
 
 In the last days of its second session the Fifty-first Congress 
 passed a Bill much more restrictive of immigration than any previ- 
 ously adopted. It provided that the following iM»rsons besides 
 Chinese should be excluded from admission to the United Rtates: 
 
 All idiots, insane persons, paupers or persons likely to become a 
 public charge, persons suffering from a loathsome disease, or a dan- 
 gerous contagious disease, persons who have been convicted of a 
 felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpi- 
 tude, polygamists, and also any person whose ticket or passage is 
 paid for with the money of another, or who is assisted by others to 
 come, unless it is affirmatively and satisfactorily shown, on special 
 inquiry, that such person does not belong to one of the foregoing 
 excluded classes, or to the class of contract laborers, excluded by the 
 Act of February 2B, 1885; but this section shall not be held to exclude 
 persons living 'in the United States from sending for a relative or 
 friend, who is not of the excluded classes, under such regulations as 
 the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; provided, that nothing 
 in this Act shall be construed to apply to, or exclude persons con- 
 victed of a political offense, notwithstanding said political offense may 
 be designated as a felony, crime, infamous crime, or misdemeanor. 
 Involving moral turpitude by the law of the land whence he came, 
 or by the court convicting. 
 
 The Act also added to the stringency of the law of 1885, making 
 steamship companies responsible for the bringing in of the proscribed 
 classes of immigrants, and forbidding them to solicit the immigra- 
 tion of aliei)8, except by the ordinary advertising methods. 
 
 It is not easy to account for the political whirlwind that struck 
 the middle of this period. Harrison's Administration had been clean, 
 conservative and prudent. The Mcltinley Tariff Act was merely vhe 
 carrying out of a policy which the voters had endorsed in advance in 
 the elections of 1888. If any evil effects were to come from 
 it, they were not yet apparent, for it had hardly gone into 
 effect. The country was prosperous and the outlook for busi- 
 ness continued good. Yet the State and Congressional elec- 
 tions in November, 1890, resulted in a complete overturn. From a 
 
 m 
 
»ARTY. 
 
 , to make way fur 
 
 that R«H8ion. The 
 
 dininiiitratioD, and 
 
 Hiipplement were 
 
 to Ko Hm own wa.v 
 
 «' or black. 
 
 ifty-flrflt ('ongresH 
 
 i>n than any previ- 
 
 l |M^rHon8 besideH 
 
 Unitt>d States: ' 
 
 likely to become a 
 
 disease, or a dan- 
 ten convicted of a 
 olving moral turpi- 
 cket or passagf itt 
 jiBted by others to 
 
 shown, on special 
 e of the foregoing 
 rs, excluded by the 
 
 be held to exclude 
 i for a relative or 
 luch regulations as 
 vided, that nothing 
 tclnde (lersons con- 
 olitical offense may 
 ?, or misdemeanor, 
 S whence he came, 
 
 iw of 1885, making 
 n of the proscribed 
 Dlicit the immigra- 
 methods. 
 
 rlwind that struck 
 ion had been clean, 
 Let was merely ihe 
 >rsed in advance in 
 jre to come from 
 hardly gone into 
 outlook for busi- 
 ongressional eiec- 
 overturn. From a 
 
 ***" 
 
 •s; 
 
 PRKSIDENT HARRI80N'H APMr IHTRaTON. 427 
 
 majority of fifteen, which the Republicans liud in ilie lust tlouse nfter 
 the contested election cases were settled, they were reduced to a 
 number not much exceeiling one-fourth (he memberitliip of that body. 
 In fact tliere were hardly enough of them to make u|i resitectable 
 minorities on the comniitteeH. The following seventeen Htates did 
 not send a single Republican Representative: Alaltaiiia, Arkansas, 
 Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Tiouisianu, ^larylaiid, MiMsistiippi, Mis 
 souri, Montana, New Hampshire, Nebraska, Rhode IsIiiihI, Houth Car 
 olina, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Five States, I iviiig four 
 or more members, sent only one Republican each; Connecticut, Ken- 
 tucky, Minnesota, North Carolina and Wisconsin. In Staten lutviug 
 four or more members each, the Republicans had a maj()rit\ of the 
 members in only three; California, Maine and PennHylvania. 
 
 Michigan fared as badly as the rest of the staxs. The vote on 
 Governor was 18.'{,725 for Kdwin M. Winans, Democrat, to 172,205 for 
 James M. Turner, Republican; 28,681 for Aaariah H. Partridge, Prohi 
 bition, and 18,108 for Eugene H. Relden, Industrial. The Demo( i ats 
 also elected their entire Ktate tick*', and eight out of the eleven ( on 
 gressmen, as follows: |1) J. Ix)gan Chipman; (2) James H. Gorman; 
 (5) Melbourne H. Ford; (6) Byron G. Stout; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) 
 Henry M. Youmans; (9) Harrison H. Wheeler; (10) Thomas A. E. 
 Weadock. The Republicans elected James O'Donnell in the Third 
 District, Julius C. Burrows, in the Fourth, and Samuel M. Stephen 
 son in the Eleventh. In April, 18U1, Mr. Ford died, and Charles E. 
 Belknap was elected to fill the vacancy. 
 
 With a House so strongly Democratic and Senate Republican, 
 it could not be expected that any legislation of a partisan character 
 would be enacted. An attempt was made to crowd a free coinage 
 Bill through the House, but it met with an unexpected defeat. The 
 Bill was introduced by Mr. Bland, of Missouri, and was pushed with 
 the Eeal that was common with him when advocating that measure. 
 After some discussion of the Bill, on a motion for the previous ques- 
 tion, enough Eastern Democrats united with the Republicans to make 
 the vote stand 148 to 148. Speaker Crisp broke the tie in favor of the 
 Bill, but it was finally beaten by dilatory motions. 
 
 One important and enduring Act which this Congress did pass, 
 and that by a very mixed, non-partisan vote in both Houses, was the 
 Geary Law affecting Chinese immigration. This extended for ten 
 years all former laws prohibiting and regulating Chinese immigra- 
 tion, provided for the deportation of all Chinamen not lawfully 
 
 %^- 
 
it 
 
 /f 
 
 OF THE UEPrilLUAN PARTY. 
 
 entHlHl to rPtiiAin In the rnltwl HtateH, and n'«|ulr««d t'liliiese labor- 
 fv, alrend.v in thin country, to Benire cfrtiflratos of reBldc«n«e from 
 Collcctorii of Internal Hevenue, within a year, on i>enalty of deporta- 
 tion. 
 
 Two Executive Acta of this Adniinlatration were of Interest 
 The Edmunds Iaw for puniiihinK i)olygamy had been enforced with 
 a good deal of rigor against the Mormons In Utah, and under ifm 
 provisions, in the course of two years, la.tMMl persons were disfran- 
 chised, though monogamous, as well as imlygamous Mormons made 
 common cause against the law, and Southern members of Congress 
 opposed it as unconstitutional, impolitic and sectional. Test cases 
 were made under the Law, and in 189« the Supreme Com < rendered 
 two decisions sustaining its constitutionality. This w tallowed by 
 a general promise to obey the law in the future, and a petition for 
 amnesty for past offenses. January 4, 1803, President Harrison 
 granted a full amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penal- 
 ties of the Act "by reason of unlawful cohabitation under the color 
 of polygamous or plural marriages, who had, since November 1, 1890, 
 abstained from such unlawful cohabitation; but upon the express 
 condition that they should, in the future, faithfully obey the laws of 
 the United States hereinbefore named." 
 
 ny a bloodless revolution In the Hawaiian Islands in January, 
 1893, the Queen, Llliuokalanl, who was in Ill-favor with many of her 
 native subjects, as well as with the foreign residents, was deposed, a 
 Committee of Safety organised a new Government, and concluded a 
 treaty annexing the islands to the United States. The treaty pro- 
 vided for the assumption by the United States of the Hawaiian debt, 
 and for the payment of |20,000 a year to the dethroned Queen, and 
 1160,004) in a gross sum to Princess Kaiulanl. The President sent 
 the treaty to the Senate, with his approval, but that body had not 
 acted upon it when its term and that of the Administration ended. 
 President Cleveland withdrew the treaty, soon after his inaugura- 
 tion, thus initiating the work, which occupied a larjje share of the 
 time of his second Administration, of undoing the good which his 
 predecessor had done. 
 
Ml I mmimmmmm 
 
 ■ ■ I", {1} 
 
 '|--f 
 
 ARTY. 
 
 >«>(1 riiiiifMe labur- 
 of resldcnoe from 
 enaltj' of deporta- 
 
 were of Interegt 
 e«n enforced with 
 ah, and under \fm 
 lona were disfrau- 
 iH Mormona made 
 nbera of CongrewM 
 ional. Teat cases 
 le Coo I I rendered 
 B w tollowed by 
 Etnd a. petition for 
 esident Harrison 
 iabie to the penal- 
 m under the color 
 November 1, 1890, 
 upon the ezprcgs 
 f obey the laws of 
 
 lands in January, 
 with many of her 
 its, was deposed, a 
 :, and concluded a 
 , The treaty pro- 
 he Hawaiian debt, 
 ironed Queen, and 
 le President sent 
 that body had not 
 linistration ended. 
 Iter his inaugura- 
 [ar(;e share of the 
 le good which his 
 
 , ^ > 
 
 XXX III. 
 
 THE CAMl'AKJN OF 1892. 
 
 Hai'd Work fur Mlnuwipijlis as the i lace of (lathering for the Kepnb- 
 Mean ( 'on vent ion— A Btlrring and Comprehensivf IMatforui— 
 Recognition of Woman's Aid in the Campaign— Hurriscm in the 
 T.ead for the Nomination— Blaine's Name Presented at the Last 
 —Three Unwonted Demonstrations at the Convention— Harrison 
 and Reid Nominated- The Democratic (^onv<ntlon and the Cam- 
 paign—An Unexpectedly Sweeping Triumph for (Meveland and 
 His Party. 
 
 The Exposition held in Minneapolis in 1880 brought about the 
 erection of a large hall, ample for tlie needs of a National Convention, 
 and some oflTort was made to secure the Republican gathering for 1888 
 in that hall. The City received but a small vote at that time, but 
 was first in the field for the next Convention. It was rapieseuted 
 before the National Committee by a capable and hustling committee 
 of citiKens, who had alreaJy flooded the country with literature 
 showing tlje attractions of the v ?ty, and who urged the political advan- 
 tages to the Northwest of holding the Convention there, and offered 
 a guarantee fund of |50,0UU to cover the expenses of the gathering. 
 New York, Omaha, Cincinnati and San Francisco were actively in the 
 field, and on the first two ballots in the National Committee there 
 were a few scattering votes for other cities. But Minneapolis led 
 from the start, and on the eighth ballot carried its point, having 29 
 votes to 3 for New York and lo for Cincinnati. 
 
 The Convention met on Tuesday June 7, with Hon. J. Bloat Fr.d- 
 sett, of New York, as temporary Pi ' sident. Mr. Fassett was one 
 of the prominent young men of the Jay, who had gained a high repu- 
 tation in the New York State Senate, and won the good will of the 
 Convention by an earnest and enthusiastic sjieech on the past cdhd 
 future of the party, with eloquent references to a number of its 
 heroes, dead and Hiring. The first day's session was very brief. The 
 
 -<« i 
 
 '%f 
 
430 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 second day was occnpied chiefly with the designation of the perma- 
 nent officers, William McKinley, of Ohio, being permanent President, 
 and with the consideration of the rules. Only two modifications were 
 made in these, one adopting the rules of the House of Representa 
 tives of the Pifty-flrst Congress and the second providing that it 
 should be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a 
 pending measure, and that such motion, if adopted, should not carry 
 with or prejudice such measure. The first rule was supported by 
 the Committee, by reference to the efficiency of the Reed rules jin 
 enabling a small majority in GoKgress, to carry through important 
 legislation. 
 
 Arguments and votes over contested seats in the Conventibn 
 occupied the whole of the third day until late in the evening, when 
 the following platform was reported and adopted: 
 
 The representatives of the Republicans of the United States 
 assembled in general Convention on the shores of the Mississippi 
 River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible Republic, whose most 
 glorious chapter of history is the record of the Republican party, 
 congratulate their countrymen on the majestic march of the Nation 
 under the banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of 
 1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and prosperity in our fields, 
 workshops and mines, and make the following declaration of prin- 
 ciples : 
 
 We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call atten 
 tion to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condi- 
 tion of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of 
 the last Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which 
 cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be 
 admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competi- 
 tion with the products of American labor there should be levied duties 
 equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. 
 
 We assert that prices of manufactured articles of general con- 
 sumption have 6een reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act 
 of 1890. 
 
 We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House 
 of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, as mani 
 fested by their attc?ks upon wool, lead and lead ores, the chief pro- 
 ducts of a number of States, and we ask the people for tueir judgment 
 thereof 1. 
 
 V, \'. e point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity, 
 under which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and 
 enlarged markets have been opened for the products of our farms 
 and workshops. We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the 
 
oKMMil 
 
 ><p»w>«rwiiptB«P5»" 
 
 ,!^f f f mmvi > mm>m. " '.i' ' ^4 '' !Bl l WI.!>'!l;',' ' , ' |t':^Ji'!! ' ' ' '''' ' -'-'...' ' : ' ^l^' ! ^ ' 'ywp»Wf^il ! 3*ji^ 
 
 5% 
 
 I 
 
 lRTY. 
 
 ion of the perma- 
 manent Freaident, 
 nodiflcations were 
 se of Bepresenta- 
 providing that it 
 amendment to a 
 , should not carry 
 WSLB supported by 
 the Reed rules ,in 
 hrough important 
 
 n the Conventibn 
 the evening, when 
 
 he United States 
 of the Mississippi 
 )ublic, whose most 
 Republican party, 
 irch of the Nation 
 >f our platform of 
 erity in our fields, 
 iclaration of priu- 
 
 »n. We call atten 
 prosperous condi- 
 enue legislation of 
 all articles which 
 nxurieo, should be 
 ning into competi- 
 lid be levied duties 
 at home. 
 
 es of general con- 
 I of the Tariff Act 
 
 jority of the House 
 tiecemeal, as mani- 
 >res, the chief pro- 
 for tueir judgment 
 
 licy of reciprocity, 
 Bed, and new and 
 ucts of our farms 
 >r opposition of the 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 
 
 131 
 
 Democratic party to this practical business measure, and claim that, 
 executed by a Republican Administration, our present laws will 
 eventually give us control of the trade of the world. 
 
 The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal- 
 lism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and 
 silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such pro- 
 visions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the mainte- 
 nance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing 
 and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, 
 shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the 
 country, its farmers and its workingmen. demand that every dollar, 
 paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be as good as any 
 other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by 
 our Government to secure an international conference to adopt such 
 measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for 
 use as money throughout the world. 
 
 We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be 
 allowed to cast one free and* unrestricted ballot in all public elections, 
 and that such ballot shall be c<mnted and returned as cast; that such 
 laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be 
 he rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, this sovereign 
 right guaranteed by the Qonstitution. The free and popular honest 
 ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as 
 their just and equal protection under the laws, are the fonndstion of 
 our Republican institutions, and the party will never relax its efforts 
 until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be 
 fully guaranteed and protected in every State. 
 
 We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon 
 American citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States of 
 the Union. 
 
 We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration 
 of our mercantile niarine by home-built ships, and the creation of a 
 navy for the protection of our National interests and the honor of 
 our flag; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all 
 foreign powers; entangling alliances with none, and the protection 
 of the rights of our fishermen. 
 
 We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine and believe in- 
 the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its 
 broadest sense. 
 
 We favoi' the enactment of more stringes\t laws and regulations 
 for the restriction of criminal, pauper and coniract immigration. 
 
 We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and 
 limbs of employes of transportation companies engaged in carrying 
 on interstate commerce, and recommend legislation by the respeitive 
 states that will protect employes engaged iti state commerce, in 
 mining and manufacturing. 
 
432 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ^ The Republican party has always been the champion of the 
 oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of 
 faith, color, or nationality. It sympathizes with the cause of home 
 rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews in 
 Russia. 
 
 The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelli- 
 gence of the people and the maintenance of freedom am<ong all men. 
 We therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and 
 conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instru- 
 mentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the 
 land; but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious libefty, 
 we are opposed to any union of Church and State. 
 
 We aftirm our opposition, declared in the Republican platform of 
 1888, to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise, 
 to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens. We 
 heartilv indorse the' action already taken upon this subject, and ask 
 for such further legislation as may be required to remedy any defects 
 in existing laws and render their enforcement more complete and 
 effective. 
 
 We approve the policy of extending to towns, villages and rural 
 communities the advantages of the free-delivery service now enjoyed 
 by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration con- 
 tained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the reduction of 
 letter postage to one cent at the earliest possible moment consistent 
 with the Biaintenance of the Post Office Department and the highest 
 class of postal service. 
 
 We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the Civil Ser- 
 vice, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican party 
 of the laws regulating the same. 
 
 The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest impor 
 tance to the American people as a measure of defense and to build 
 up and maintaia American commerce, and it should be controlled by 
 the United States Government. 
 
 We favor the admission of the remaining territories at the 
 earliest poifsible date, having due regard to the interests of the people 
 of the territories and of the United States. 
 
 All the Federal officers appointed ior the territories should be 
 selected from bona flde residents thereof, and the right of self-govern 
 meut should be accorded as far as practicable. 
 
 We favor cession, subject to the homestead laws, of the arid 
 public lands to the states and territories in which they lie, under such 
 Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclamation, and occu- 
 pancy by settlers as will secure the maximum benfits to the people. 
 
 The World's Columbian Exposition is a great national undertak- 
 ing, and C,)pgre«s should promptly enact suf-h reasonable legislation 
 in aid thereof as will insure a discharging of the expense and obliga- 
 
ARTY. 
 
 ; champion of the 
 od, irrespective of 
 the canee of home 
 tion of the Jews in 
 
 ment is the intelli- 
 om amiong all men. 
 rty of thought and 
 igencies and instru- 
 the children of the 
 of religious libefty, 
 
 ublican platform of 
 trusts or otherwise, 
 g our citizens. We 
 lis subject, and ask 
 remedy any defects 
 more complete and 
 
 I, villages and rural 
 lervice now enjoyed 
 the declaration, con- 
 ng the reduction of 
 moment consistent 
 ent and the highest 
 
 pm in the Civil Ser- 
 be Republican party 
 
 f the highest impor 
 efense and to build 
 aid be controlled by 
 
 : territories at the 
 terests of the people 
 
 erritories should be 
 right of self -govern- 
 
 d laws, of the arid 
 they lie, under such 
 lamation, and occu- 
 iflts to the people, 
 t national undertak- 
 ^asonable legislation 
 exi)ense and obliga- 
 
 | |w|J l u^ll l lu^ l ll,^JWlJJJ;.^illl^l ll )^J. l j | ^ p^ p^^^»^ ^ ^ 
 
 1 iii 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 
 
 433 
 
 tions incident thereto and the attainment of results commensurate 
 with th'^ dignity and progress of the Nation. 
 
 We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and 
 prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. 
 
 Ever mindful of the services and sacrifices of the men who saved 
 the life of the Nation, we pledge anew to the veteran soldiers of the 
 Republic a watchful care and recognition of their just claims upon a 
 grateful people. 
 
 We commend the able, patriotic and thoroughly American Admin- 
 istration of President Harrison. Under it the country has enjoyed 
 remarkable prosperity, and the dignity and the honor of the Nation, 
 at home and abroad, have been faithfully maintained, and we offer 
 the record of pledges kept as gr.Tantee of faithful performance in 
 the future. 
 
 For the first time in the hintory of th«B party this Convention 
 recognized woman's aid in campaign work. A communication was 
 received from the Woman's Republican Association of the United 
 States, addressed to the Chairman of the New York delegation and 
 reading as follows : "We respectfully call your attention to the work 
 of the Republican women for the maintenance of Republican princi- 
 ples and the' •'lection of Republican candidates. The work of women, 
 in whatever concerns the home or the state, is justified by every 
 principle of popular government, and at the present time is made 
 important by current political conditions. The Republican prrty will 
 be the gainer if it utilizes the social, moral and political influence of 
 its women sympathizers. This can only be broadly effective through 
 organization. We earnestly ask the delegates to the Convention to 
 seek the co-operation of women in their various localities. To aid 
 in their co-operation, we will present each delegate with a general 
 statement of the work accomplished and plans proposed. Thus may 
 the fireside and the schools, as well as the platform and the press, 
 sustain the principles of the Republican party, among which is the 
 noble sentiment of the last National Convention, viz: 'The first con- 
 cern of good government is the virtue and sobriety of the citizen and 
 the purity oi' the home.' " 
 
 On motion of Senator Warner Miller, of the New York delegation, 
 it was resolved that this organization should be used in the coming 
 campaign, and that the officers be presented to the Convention. In 
 response Mrs. J. Ellen Foster. President of the Association, addressed 
 the Convention in a stirring speech. 
 
434 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 -t^:'-:'rX 
 
 -_t, 
 
 ^- Up to within a few days of the Convention Harrison's name waa 
 the only one seriously mentioned in connection with the nomination. 
 Then opponents of Harrison succeeded in fanning into a new flame 
 the dying flres of Blaine's old ambition. He had exerted a strong 
 influence, both on the Administration and on Congressional action, 
 and was supposed to be well satisfied with his position as Secretary 
 of State. But foui^^ays before the Convention, he resigned that ofHce, 
 and permitted his friends to present his name. William McKinley 
 was also brought forward without his consent, and at the la^t against 
 his protest. 
 
 The leaders of the Blaine forces at Minneapolis were Thomas 
 C. Piatt, of New York; Joseph H. Manley, of Maine; Senator Quay, 
 of Pennsylvania, and J. S. Clarkson, of Iowa. Of their flrst test of 
 strength, which occurred on the fourth day of the Convention, a cor- 
 respondent wrote at the time: 
 
 When they went into the Convention last evening they were 
 reduced to the necessity of making a demonstration. They had been 
 thrown into a panic, which they could not disguise, by the bold 
 expedient of the Harrison managers in calling their delegates to make 
 a display at midday. The caucus proved, as it was intended to do. 
 the determination of the issue, and when the 463 men got together, 
 Harrisson's nomination v/as practically assuijd. It did not suit the 
 purposes of the opposition to recognize this.* They undertook to 
 rijcover some of their lost prestige by forcing an issue on the report 
 of the Committee on Credentials, and fought desperately from 8 
 o'clock until nearly 1:30 this morning to get something out of it. 
 When the flrst test was wot- by the Harrison men by 463 votes, 
 exactly the number that had bee,; counted at the Market Hall meet- 
 ing, it was noticed that a majority of the Convention was elbow to 
 elbow under the leadership ui Depew on the floor. Fxact figures had 
 a striking and impressive etfect, in showing that the organization of 
 the Harrison forces was altogether complete, and could not be broken, 
 even on a side issue. The next ballot, taken on the majority report 
 of the CredentialB Committee, gave the Harrison people thirteen 
 additional voteis. It left the opposition in a state of depression. 
 
 Only two names wtre formally presented to the Conven'tion. 
 Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, who^e hoptility to President Harrison 
 was probably deeper than Lir affection for any particular opposing 
 
 indidate, made the opening speech for Blaine, bringing in te number 
 |f terse, incisive sentences, which called out tremendous applause. 
 
 Maine's nomination was supported by William H. Eustis, of Minne 
 sota; W. E. MolH«on, of Misrissippi; Senator Warner Miller, of New 
 

 ARTY. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OP 1892. 
 
 435 
 
 irriBon 8 name was 
 ith the nomination. 
 ^ into a new flame 
 1 exerted a strong 
 ngrefiBional action, 
 sitiou as Secretary 
 resigned that office, 
 William McKinley 
 i at the Ifl^t agtvlnst 
 
 polls were Thomas 
 ine; Benator Quay, 
 f their first test of 
 I Convention, a cor- 
 
 evening they were 
 un. They had been 
 gnise, by the bold 
 r delegates to make 
 va» intended to do. 
 ! men got together. 
 It did not suit the 
 They undertook to 
 issue on the report 
 lesperately from 8 
 »mething out of it. 
 men by 463 votes. 
 Market Hall meet- 
 Dtion was elbow to 
 Exact figures had 
 the organization of 
 •ould not be broken, 
 the majority report 
 on people thirteen 
 of depression. 
 
 to the Convention. 
 President Harrison 
 particular opposing 
 'inging in te number 
 >mendous applause. 
 [. Kastis, of Minne 
 rner Miller, of New 
 
 York; 6. L. Boyd, of Tennessee; and Stephen W. Downey, of 
 Wyoming. The venerable Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, pro- 
 posed the renomination of President Harrison, and was supported 
 by Chauncey M. Depew, of New York; H. P. Cheatham, of North Car- 
 olina; Senator Spooner and Brunno E. Fink, of Wisconsin. Mr. Depew 
 made the most taking speech of the occasion. The speaking generally 
 was of a high order, and although the result of the ballot was a fore- 
 gone conclusion, the adherents of the two candidates vied with each 
 other in the length and volume of their applause. 
 
 There were three unwonted and sensational swnes during this 
 order of business, two of them caused by women, who seemed to take 
 literally and immediately the decision that they were to be recognized 
 in the campaign. At the conclusion of Mr. Eustis' speech occurred a 
 scene, which was thus described by George O. Seilhamer, of the New 
 York Herald Bureau : 
 
 While the cheers were rapidly dying out, a pretty woman, with 
 a sweet, girlish face and blue, sparkling eyes, rose suddenly among 
 the mass of men and women behind the Chairman's desk. She was 
 Mrs. Carson Lake, of Washington. In full view of the vast multitude 
 she waved a silken uqibrella round her shapely head and cried 
 "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" Then she graBp(>d her sun 
 umbrella, {rare white, with a white silk cord and tassel, opened it, and 
 swung it round her head and danced it up and down, sometimes 
 grasping it with one hand and sometimes with both. "Blaine! 
 Blaine!" she cried again, and thousands of people in the galleries, and 
 Blaine people among the delegates rose in a mass and shouted. Mrs. 
 J. S. Clarkson, who sat beside her, caught her enthusiasm, too, and 
 springing to her feet, waved a silken flag, and even Mrs. Kerens, 
 whose husband was a stanch Harrison man, added her mite to the 
 tribute to Blaine. It ran wildly, outburst after outburst. Big "Tom" 
 Reed, whQ sat just in front of Mra. Kerens, took up the movement. 
 His face melted into a broad grin, and he stood and shouted in honor 
 of. his old-time enemy. All over the hall the delegates were crying: 
 "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" Delegates opened their umbrellas 
 and waved them aloft. Judge Thurston, of Nebraska, waved a big 
 white umbrella with Blaine's name in big black letters. An Illinois 
 delegate, standing on his chair, fan in hand, led the chorus of: "Blaine! 
 Blaine!" on the floor like the leader of a chorus in a comic opera. 
 Then the band brought up the rear of the procession with a melody, 
 and just as the crowd in the galleries and on the floor started the 
 stamping again. Chairman McKinley began to pound the table with 
 his gavel. His call brought most of the delegates to order for a 
 minute, but the confusion in the galleries continued. Again the 
 Chairman pounded the table, and again his signal mingled with the 
 
43G 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 echoes. After thirty-one minutes of pandemonium, Governor McKin- 
 ley's voice was at last heard, requesting that as a matter of safety, 
 suggested by those having a knowledge of the building, the stamping 
 of feet be discontinued. 
 
 But there were Harrison ladies, as well as Blaine ladies in the 
 Convention. As Chauncey M. Depew closed his ringing and eloquent 
 second of Harrisi^n's nomination there was great cheering and shout- 
 ing, and the waving of flags and banners. The*,, four ladies, with Mrs. 
 Depew as leader, rose on the platform, waving handkerchiefs, ^ans 
 
 and flags, and calling to 
 the crowd: "Louder, 
 louder, louder." Then 
 with increased volume 
 of sound the immense 
 . assemblage shouted 
 "Harrison," "Harrison," 
 some one cried out 
 "Glory, glory, hallelu- 
 jah," and then came the 
 song, with that chorus 
 from thousands of 
 voices. Just then .4 
 group of men appeared 
 with an immense por- 
 trait of the President, 
 and the shouting was 
 renewed with greater 
 force than ever. Then 
 a delegate rushed down 
 an aisle with the silken 
 banner of the Chicago 
 Blaine Club, liaving on it a portrait of the man from Maine, 
 and placed it in front of the Harrison portrait.: Then opposing 
 forces shouted: "Blaine" and "Harrison," until they were hoarse, 
 whi.^o the band struck up the "Star Bpangled Banner." 
 
 When the State of Ohio was reached on the ballot for President, 
 another scene occurred. Some of the Fn i^^dent's opponents thought 
 they mit^ht start a stampede for McKinley at the expense of Harrison, 
 and also throw to the Ohio maa as much as possible of the Blaine vote. 
 They began with Alabama, which was expected to give Harrison its 
 
 CHAUNCEY 
 
 DBPKW. 
 
. 1 i'iiinniir«M— ii-^wrihrwiiiKWig;' 
 
 ARTY. 
 
 1, Governor McKin- 
 a matter of aafety, 
 Iding, the Htampint; 
 
 Maine ladies in the 
 nging and eloquent 
 cheering and shont* 
 ar ladies, with Mrs. 
 Iiandlierchiefs, fans 
 flags, and calling to 
 
 crowd: "Louder, 
 ler, louder." Then 
 1 increased volume 
 lound the immense 
 imblage shouted 
 rrison," "Harrison," 
 le one cried out 
 »ry, glory, hallelu- 
 " and then came the 
 r, with that chorus 
 a thousands of 
 les. Just then .4 
 Dp of men appeared 
 ti an immense por- 
 t of the President, 
 
 the shouting was 
 »wed with greater 
 » than ever. Then 
 ^legate rushed down 
 aisle with the silken 
 ner of the Chicago 
 
 man from Maine, 
 it. Then opposing 
 
 they were hoarse, 
 ler.' 
 
 t)allot for President, 
 I opponents thought 
 'xpense of Harrison, 
 le of the Blaine vote, 
 to give Harrison its 
 
 
 ''V. 
 
 THE TAMPA ION OP 1892. 4»7 
 
 full 22 votes, butwhirh actuallydid give hiinonly 15, to 7 for McKinley. 
 When Ohio was rea<'hed Harrison had .'i82 votes, of which 27 were 
 from New York, Blaine had 138, iii<luding 35 from the Empire State, 
 and McKinley 76, of which 10 were from the same divided common- 
 wealth. When Ohio was called, the vote was announced by Mr. Nash 
 as 44 for McKinley, and 2 for Harrison. "I challenge the vote of 
 Ohio," said Mr. McKinley, from his position as permanent President 
 of the (Convention. "The gentleman is not a member of this dele- 
 gation at present," said Governor Foraker, Chairman of the 
 delegation. "I am a member of that delegation," retorted McKinley. 
 To this Jacob A. Ambler, of Ohio, replied; "The gentleman has left 
 the delegation to assume a higher position, and has left a substitute;" 
 and Governor Foraker added: "The gentleman's alternate has taken 
 his place in the delegation, and the gentleman is not recognized p» a 
 member of the delegation now, and we make that point of order." 
 The chaJr overruled the point of order, and the roll of Ohio was 
 called, wiih the result of 45 votes for McKinley and 1 for Harrison. 
 It was hoped that the whole vote of Pennsylvania could be carried 
 over to IfcKinley, and he did get 42 of its 64 votes, but 19 of the 
 delegate^ fiom that State stood by Harrison, and the stampede was 
 checked. The vote of Texas, 22 for Harrison to 6 for Blaine and 2 
 for Speaker Beed, gave the President enough to nominate, and after 
 that it went his way. 
 
 The proceedings for the three hours preceding the announcement 
 of the ballot had been much livelier than in many conventions which 
 were closer, and which furnished much more real occasion for excite- 
 ment. The McKinley, episode, while the roll was being called, was 
 characteristic of the man. It is quite certain that, even then, he had 
 Presidential aspirations, but he was clear-headed enough to see that 
 crowding them then might injure his future prospects. He was 
 content to abide his time. 
 
 The footings of the ballot were announced as follows: 
 
 Benjamin Has ' iaon, of Indiana 535 
 
 James G. r.iaiiie, of Maine 182 
 
 William S(lc.:iiue.^ , of Ohio 182 
 
 Thomas B. Keed, of Maine 4 . 
 
 Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 1 
 
 Total number of votes 904 
 
 Necessarv to a choice 453 
 
%- 
 
 HI8T0RY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ^Hne Michigan delegation was as follows: At Large — Dexter M. 
 Ferry, Charles W. Wells, Delos A. Blodgett and James M. Wilkin- 
 son. By Districts— (1) Henry M. Duffleld, William H. Elliott; (2) 
 William H. Withington, William 8. Wllleox; (3) Charles Austin, 
 Charles L. Truesdell; (4) Fred E. Lee, George W. Merriam; (5) James 
 H. Kidd, L. M. Belters; (6) Marshall E. Bumsey, Halinon 8. Matthews; 
 (7) John W. Porter^ George W. Jenks; (8) Aaron T. I Miss, William M. 
 Kilpatrick; (9) Charles H. Hackley, Fred A. Diggins; (10) Selwyn 
 Eddy, Robert J. Kelley; (11) George P. Stone, Thomas T. Bates; (12) 
 Orrin W. Robinson, John Q. Adams. The delegation voted 7 for 
 Harrison, 2 for Blaine and 19 for McKinley. 
 
 Only two names were presented for Vicip-President, Whitelaw 
 Reid, of New York, and Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. General Little- 
 field, of the latter State, informed the Convention that, in the opinion 
 of the Maine delegation, Speaker Reed would decline the nomination 
 if it were tendered him, and requested the delegates not to vote for 
 Themas B. Reed until they were assured that it was by his authority 
 that his name was used in the Convention. His name was, therefore, 
 withdrawn and Whitelaw Reid was nominated by acclamation. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met in Chicago, June 21. 
 The permanent President of the Convention was William L. Wilson, 
 of West Virginia, who afterwards tried his own hand at tariff tinker- 
 ing with deplorable results. He said in his address on taking the 
 chair: "The distinguished leader who presided over the Repuiilicau 
 Convention boasted that he does not know what tariff reform is. 
 Who ever said that he did? Let us hope, with that charity that 
 endureth all things and believeth all things, that he is as ignorant 
 as he vaunts himself to be. Unfortunately, the people are not so 
 ignorant of the meaning of protection which is doled out to them in 
 the Bill that bears his name. They see that meaning written large 
 today in a pnostrated agriculture, in a shackled commerce, in stricken 
 industries^ in the com^iulsory idleness of labor, in law-made wealth, 
 in the discontent of the workingmen, and the despair of the farmer." 
 ■ This kind of sentiment was echoed in the platform, and was the 
 main point of attack in the campaign. Of the tariff, the platform 
 said: "We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of 
 the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. 
 We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the T>emocratic party 
 that the Federal Government has no Constitutional power to impose 
 and collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue only, and 
 
RTY. 
 
 Large — Dexter M. 
 lames M. Wilkin- 
 m H. Elliott; (2) 
 Charles Austin, 
 erriain; (S) James 
 inon B. Matthews; 
 Itliss, William M. 
 gins; (10) Selwyn 
 nas T. Bates; (12) 
 ition voted 7 for 
 
 'sident, Whitelaw 
 (. General Little- 
 lat, in the opinion 
 ae the nomination 
 es not to vote for 
 s by his authority 
 me was, therefore, 
 acclamation. 
 Chi(!ago, June 21. 
 William L. Wilson, 
 ad at tariff tinker- 
 ess on taking the 
 er the Bepniilican 
 : tariff reform is. 
 that charity that 
 he is as ignorant 
 people are not so 
 ed out to them in 
 ling written large 
 imerce, in stricken 
 law-made wealth, 
 lir of the farmer." 
 Form, and was the 
 iriff, the platform 
 raud, a robbery of 
 benefit of the few. 
 Democratic party 
 1 power to impose 
 revenue only, and 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 
 
 439 
 
 we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the 
 necessities of the Government when honestly and economically 
 adiiUnistered." This was the boldest declaration of the tariff-for- 
 revenue-only principle that the party had made in any of its plat- 
 forms. The resolutions also declared against the principle of the 
 Force Bill, reciprocity, trusts and combinations, contract immigra- 
 tion, and sumptuary laws; and in favor of repealing the ten per cent, 
 tax on the circulation of Htate Bunks; the honest enforcement of all 
 laws regulating the civil service; "a foreign policy consistent and 
 vigorous," which made the committee laugh in their sleeves, when 
 they remembered the feebleness of Cleveland's Administration of 
 foreign affairs; "just and liberal pensions for all disabled Union 
 soldiers, their widows and dependents," which was a hard drive at 
 Cleveland's pension vetoes; aid to the Nicaragua canal and the Colum- 
 bian Exposition, and the admission of the remaining territories as 
 states. 
 
 There was no real question of Cleveland's nomination for a third 
 time, but there were other candidates in the field. Tammany Hall 
 was opposed to him, and presented David Bennett Hiil. The other 
 candidates, either formally or informally before the Convention, were 
 Horace M. Boies, it Iowa; Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland; John G. 
 Carlisle, of Kentu<:ky, and Adlai E. Btevenson, of Illinois. It required 
 only one ballot to give Cleveland the nomination by 617 1-3 votes, to 
 115 for Hill, 1U3 for Boies, 361/2 for Gorman, 16 2-3 for Stevenson, 14 
 for Carlisle, 2 for William B. Morrison, of Illinois; 2 for James E. 
 Campbell, of Ohio, and one each for Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, William E. Bussell, of Massachusetts, and William C. Whitney, 
 of New York. Although Cleveland's vote was so much in excess of 
 that of any other single candidate, he had only a very little more 
 than the two-thirds necessary to nominate. The total number of 
 votes cast was 909V^, requiring' 607 to make a nomination. On the 
 single ballot taken for Vice-President Adlai E. Btevenson, of Illinois, 
 bad 402 votes; Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana, 343; Allen B. Morse, of 
 Michigan, 86; John L. Mitchell, of Wisconsin, 45; Henry Watterson, 
 of Kentucky, 26; Bourke Cochran, of New York, 5, and Jjambert Tree 
 and Horace M. Boies, one each. Mr. Stevenson was then nominated 
 by acclamation. 
 
 The third party in this campaign took the name of the National 
 People's I'arty, and at a Convention held at Omaha, July 2, nomin- 
 ated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and James Q. Field, of 
 
nHffi 
 
 440 
 
 HISTORY OP THK BEI'UBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 4o^^ 
 
 ■',: 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ; i., 
 'i- ■', ■ 
 
 Vii^iiiia, for VlrePredldt'nt. Its platform covered u Kn*at variety 
 of subjects, but its most distinctive features were tlie flnaneial 
 planks, whieh demanded the free and unlimited coinage of silver and 
 gold at the ratio of 16 to 1, and a speed.v increase of the circulating 
 medium to not less than |50 per capita. It also demanded a Kratlu- 
 ated income tax, and the establishment of postal savings banks. 
 While this party did not choose many Presidential Electors, it drew 
 away enough Republican votes to give several Htates to the Demo- 
 crats, and polled so large a popular vote that it was able, four years 
 later, to dictate both candidate and platform to the Democratic party. 
 The Prohibition iHts, at Cincinnati, June 22, nominated John Bid- 
 well of California, for President, and J. B. Cranflll, of Texas, for Vice- 
 President. A Hocial Labor Convention, held in New York, August 
 28, 1802, nominated Himon Wing for President, and Charles H. 
 Machett, for Vice President. 
 
 The campaign, on the part of the Republicans, was the most 
 spiritless of any since the party was organized. On the part of the 
 Democrats it was bold and aggressive. The McKinley Tariff Act, 
 which had not yet had time to bring about its beneficial effects, was 
 vigorously assailed at every point, as v/ere also the Reciprocity Act, 
 the Sherman Act, the large appropriations made by the Fifty-first 
 Congress and nearly everything else the Republicans did in 1889 and 
 1890. The popular vote for Cleveland was only about 20,000 greater 
 in 1892 than it was in 1888, but the Republicans lost so heavily to 
 the People's Party, that the result to them was a disastrous defeat. 
 In view of subsequent events, it might be said also that to the Demo- 
 crats it was a disastrons victory, for their next Administration was 
 unfortunate from the start. 
 
 Cleveland and Stevenson carried the Solid South, together with 
 Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin 
 and West Virginia, and had one vote from Ohio, five from Michigan, 
 eight out of the nine from California and one out of three from North 
 Dakota. His total Electoral vote was 277 to 145 for Harrison, and 22 
 for Weaver. Of the latter Oregon gave 1, Kansas 10, Nevada 3, 
 Colorado 4, North Dakota 1 and Idaho 3. The popular vote was as 
 follows : 
 
 Cleveland and Stevenson, Democratic 5,556,533 
 
 Harrison and Reid, Republican 5,175,577 
 
 Weaver and Field, People's Party 1,122,046 
 
 Bidweil and Cranfill, Prohibition 279,191 
 
 Wing and Madiett, Socialist Labor 21,191 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OP 1802. 
 
 441 
 
 i u Krcat varietj 
 ere the flnaneial 
 lage of Bilver and 
 of the circuhitinj; 
 Mitanded a Kra<lu- 
 i\ Ravings bankg. 
 Electors, it drew 
 tea to the Demo- 
 B able, four years 
 Democratic party, 
 (linated John Bid- 
 ►f Texas, for Vice- 
 Rw York, August 
 , and Charles H. 
 
 18, was the most 
 n the part of the 
 Linley Tariff Act, 
 >flcial effects, was 
 > Reciprocity Act. 
 by the Fifty-first 
 )8 did in 1889 and 
 )nt 20,000 greater 
 ost so heavily to 
 disastrous defeat, 
 that to the Demo- 
 Iministration was 
 
 ith, together with 
 linois, Wisconsin 
 fe from Michigan, 
 three from North 
 • Harrison, and 22 
 as 10, Nevada 3, 
 jular vote was as 
 
 . 5,556,533 
 
 . 5,175,577 
 
 .. 1,122,045 
 
 279,101 
 
 21,191 
 
 During the second ('leveland Administration the composition of 
 i.'ongress was as follows: 
 
 PiftytlOitt uag ^ss. 
 
 S<*nate — Democrats, 44; B vijlicans, 40; Farmers' Alliance, 
 
 2; Populist, 1; Indepestuent, 1. 
 House— Democrats, 218; Republicans, 130; Third Party, 8. 
 
 Fifty-Fourth C'ongress. 
 
 Senate — Republicans, 42; Democrats, 39; Populists, 4: Silver, 
 
 1; Vacancy, 1. 
 Uou8« — Republicans, 245; Democrats, 103; Populists, 6; 
 
 R^'lver, 1. 
 
 The vote in Michigan for President was: 
 
 Harrison and Reid 222,708 
 
 Cleveland and Stevenson 202,296 
 
 Bidwell and Cranflll 20,857 
 
 Weaver and Field 19,931 
 
 Scattering 925 
 
 The Presidential Electors from Michigan were: At Large — 
 George H. Durand, Jay A. Hubbell. By IMstricts— (1) Rufus W. 
 tiillett; (2) Edwin R. Smith; (3) Otto Ihling; (4) Philip T. Colgrove; 
 (5) Conrad G. Swenborg; (6) Henry H. Haigh; (7) Frank W. Hubbard; 
 (8)FredSlocmn; (9) Justus S. Steams ; (10) Worthy L. Churchill; (11) 
 Julius T. Hannah; (12) John H. Comstock. Ujider a law passed by 
 the Democratic Legislature of 1891, the Electors were chosen by dis 
 tricts, the Democrats having five and the Republicans 9. 
 
 The vote of the State for * i/vei uc;' was as follows: 
 
 John T. Rich, Republican 221,228 
 
 Allen B. Morse, Democratic 205,138 
 
 John W. Ewing, Populist 21,417 
 
 John Russell, Prohibitionist 20,777 
 
 The Democrats elected Congressmen in the First, Second, 
 Seventh and Tenth districts and the Republicans in the rest. The 
 list was as follows: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) James S. Gorman; (3) 
 J alius C. Burrows; (4) Henry F. Thomas; (5) Charles E. Belknap; (6) 
 David D. Aitkin; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) William S. Linton; (9) 
 John W. Moon; (10) T. A. E. Weadock; (11) John Avery; (12) Samuel 
 M. Stephensod. During the term J. Logan Chipman died and Levi 
 T. GrilBn, Democrat, succeeded him. 
 
ARTY. 
 
 in 1894, Michigan'H 
 
 237,216 
 
 l»0,82a 
 
 80,012 
 
 18,788 
 160 
 
 all RepubliranH, an 
 ;; {'.{) JiiliiiM C. Bur 
 ^mith; (H) David I>. 
 I ton; (0) KoHwell V. 
 ry; (12) Hamuel M. 
 
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 Sciences 
 
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 wnSTER,N.Y. USM 
 
 (716) •72-4503 
 
 
 
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 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Instituta for Historical l\/licroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microraproductions historiquas 
 
,.J-V 
 
XXXIV. 
 
 CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The Selection of the Cabinet — Geographical Considerations I>i8re- 
 garded — The Democrats in Complete Power for the First Time 
 Since 1801 — Delays in Action on the Sherman Law and the 
 Tariff Qaestion — The Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the 
 Sherman Law Finally Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on 
 the Tariff Measure — Becomes a Law Without the President's 
 Signature — An Act of "Party Perfidy and Dishonor" — Tremend- 
 ous Political Overturn in 1894 — The Sandwich Island Afl'uir. 
 
 In making up his second Cabinet, as in the first, President Cleve- 
 land ignored geographical considerations, and selected two personal 
 friends from New York. The list was as follows : 
 
 Secretary of State — Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana. 
 Secretary of the Treasury — John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. 
 Secretary of War — Daniel S. Lamont, of New York. 
 Secretary of the Navy — Hilary S. Herbert, of Alabama. 
 Postmaster:General — Wilson S. Bissell, of New York. 
 Secretary of the Interior — Hoke Smith, of Georgia. 
 Attorney General — Richard Olney, of Massachusetts. 
 Secretary of Agriculture — J. Sterling Morton, of Nebraska. 
 
 After the 4th of March, 1893, the Democrats, for the first time 
 since January, 1861, were in possession of all branches of Govern- 
 ment. They had come into power largely upon the strength of two 
 specific promises. The first was thus stated in their platform: "We 
 denounce the McKinley Tariff Law, enacted by the Fifty-first Con- 
 gress, as theculminatingatrocity of class legislation; we endorse the 
 efforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify its 
 most oppressive features in the direction of free raw materials and 
 cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consumption, 
 and we promise its repeal ajs one of the beneficent results that will 
 follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic 
 party." The second piece of legislation which the Democrats had 
 
 ' 'l 
 
 im 
 
 -,■*->->■ . 
 
 *in. 4^M * i^i^^ ' ' '»f 'y^ ■■ 
 
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 T' 
 
 promised to do away with, a» speedily as possible, was the Sherman 
 Act for the purchase of silver buMion. This A<'t their plntform 
 denounced as "a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of 
 danger in the future which should make all of it& supporters, as well 
 as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal." 
 
 If the evils brought about by these two measures were as great 
 as Mr. Cleveland, and those who stumped for him during the cam- 
 paign, declared them to be, it was certainly the part of duty to wipe 
 them off the statute books as soon as it could be done. Everyone 
 expected that Congress would be at once called together for this 
 purpose. Hut a new danger had arisen. The Populist demand for 
 the free coinage of siher, at the ratio of 16 to 1, had taken a strong 
 hold of the Democrats, and there was a small sprinkling of Republi- 
 cans from the Northwest who joined in the same demand. The Presi- 
 dent feared that he could not control his own forces in the Senate, 
 and delayed calling a special session of Congress, in order that the 
 proper influences might be brought to bear upon those members who 
 were not sound upon this question. Meantime the business of the 
 country was in a disturbed condition. The continued purchases of 
 silver and the threat of its free coinage had begun to drive gold 
 abroad. The probability of radical changes in the tariff prevented 
 manufacturers from making calculations for any long time in the 
 future, and stagnation in that branch of industry, of paramount 
 importance to the country was the result; while the threatened abro- 
 gation of the reciprocity treaties bid fair to curtail the foreign demand 
 for our agricultural products. A panic followed, accompanied by a 
 general want of confidence. Depositors made runs on the banks, 
 some of which closed, and all of the banks found it necessary to call 
 in their loans. Credits of all kinds shriveled; mills were shut down; 
 laboring men were thfown out of work, and if not brought to actual 
 distress, found their purchasing power very much diminished, and 
 busiuep-=< failures increased enormously, both in numbers and in the 
 amount of liabilities. Congress Anally assembled in special session, 
 August 7th, and the President attempted to prod it up to its work by 
 the following utterances in his message: 
 
 Our unfbrtunate financial plight is not the result of untoward 
 events, nor of conditions related to our natural resources; nor is it 
 traceable to any of the afflictions which frequently check National 
 growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, with abundant 
 promise of remunerative production and manufacture, with unusual 
 

 i Sherman 
 
 pintforiii 
 
 bilities of 
 
 rs, as well 
 
 e as great 
 f the cam- 
 ty to wipe 
 Everyone 
 r for this 
 emand for 
 a a strong 
 if Republi- 
 The Presi- 
 be Senate, 
 r that the 
 Qbers who 
 ess of the 
 rchases of 
 irive gold 
 prevented 
 me in the 
 )aramount 
 ened abro- 
 ;n demand 
 mied by a 
 :he banks, 
 ary to call 
 hut down; 
 t to actual 
 ished, and 
 ind in the 
 Ell session, 
 ;s work by 
 
 untoward 
 ; nor is it 
 : National 
 
 abundant 
 h unusual 
 
 (CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 445 
 
 invitation to safe investment, and with satisfactory assurance to 
 business enterprise, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung 
 up on every side. Numerous moneyed institutions have suspended 
 be<-ause abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the 
 demands of frightened depositors. Surviving corporations and indi- 
 viduals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually 
 anxious to loan, and those engaged in legitimate business are sur- 
 prised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though hereto 
 fore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values, supposed to be 
 fixed, are fast becoming conjectural, and loss and failure have invaded 
 every branch of business. I believe these things are principally 
 chargeable to Congressional legislation touching the purchase and 
 coinage of silver by the General Government. This legislation is 
 embodied in a statute, passed July 14th, 1890, which was the culmina- 
 tion of much agitation on the subject involved, and it may be 
 considered a truce, after a long struggle, between the advocates of 
 free silver coinage and those intending to be more conservative. 
 Undoubtedly the monthly purchases by the Government of four mil- 
 lions and five hundred thousand ounces of silver, enforced under that 
 statute, were regarded by those interested in silver production as a 
 certain guaranty for its increase in price. The result, however, has 
 been entirely different, for immediately following a spasmodic and 
 slight rise, the price, of silver began to fall after the passage of the 
 Act, and has since reached the lowest point ever known. This dis- 
 appointing result has led to renewed and persistent effort in the 
 direction of free silver coinage. It was my purpose to summon Con- 
 gress in special session early in the coming September, that we might 
 enter pron-ptly upon the work of tariff reform, which the true 
 interests of the country clearly demand; which so large a majoritv 
 of the people, as shown by their suffrage desire and expect, and to 
 the accomplishment of which every effort of the present Administra 
 tion is pledged. But while tariff reform has lost nothing of its 
 immediate and paramount importance, and must, in the near future, 
 engage the attention of Congress, it has seemed to me that the flnan 
 cial condition of the country should at once, and before all other 
 subjects, be considered by your honorable body. 
 
 Instead of taking immediate action in a line to which the Demo- 
 crats were pledged, and in which a very large proportion of the 
 Republicans were ready to concur, tJie majority in the House delib- 
 erately planned for a long discussion of a Bill which was introduced 
 repealing the Sherman Act. A resolution, introduced by Mr. 
 Bland, was adopted, providing that fourteen days should be allowed 
 for debate under the following order: 
 
 Eleven days to be given to general debate under the rules 
 of the last House, the time to be equally divided between 
 
 f. ;.l 
 
w^, 1^^ I j iijij^iiiiii vwpi -1 luy Ml i^t ,ijf |i 
 
 ,1,1 i . w wi-fi'iyitfci — 
 
 ^> 
 
 4m 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIOAN PARTY. 
 
 the two sides, as the Speaker may determine. The last three 
 days may be devoted to the consideration of the Bill and 
 the amendments herein jirovided for under the usual flve- 
 minute rule of the whole House. General leave to print is 
 hereby granted. Order of amendments. The vote shall be taken 
 first on the free coinage of silver at the present ratio. If that fails, 
 then a separate vote to be had on a similar amendment proposing a 
 ratio of 17 to 1; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of 
 18 to 1; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of 19 to 1; if 
 that fails on one proposing a ratio of 20 to 1. If the above amend- 
 ment fails, it shall be in order to offer an amendment reviving the 
 Act of February 28, 1878, restoring the standard silver dollar, com- 
 monly known as the Bland-Allison Act; the vote then to be taken on 
 the engrossment and third reading of the Bill, as amended, or on the 
 Billitself, if all amendments shall have been voted down, and on the 
 final passage of the Bill, without other intervening motion. 
 
 This elaborate program was carried out. And so, while business 
 men were in suspense, and the industries of the country were at a 
 standstill, the solemn trifling of debate over propositions which every 
 body knew were untenable went on. It was not until August 28, three 
 weeks after the House met, that the bill for unconditional repeal 
 passed, by vote of 239 to 109. The proposition to revive the Bland 
 Law was defeated by Republican votes, the Democratic vote stand 
 ing 112 for to 109 against. The Republican vote was 15 for to 110 
 against, and 9 Populists voted for the proposition. The 239 votes by 
 which unconditional repeal finally passed consisted of 138 Demo- 
 crats and 101 Republicans, the negative vote being 76 Democrats, 24 
 Republicans and 9 Populists. Thus, six months after the Democrats 
 came into power, and three weeks after Congress met, the House 
 passed, by the aid of Republicans, an Act to which the Democrats 
 were pledged, and which ought not to have required more than three 
 hours foi its disposal. It was a striking illustration of the incapa- 
 city of the latter day t>emocracy for assuming the responsibilities of 
 Government. 
 
 But this was not the worst, for the Senate, a smaller body, which 
 might be supposed to act more expeditiously than the House, took 
 just two months over the matter. The Finance Committee of that 
 body reported a substitute for the House Bill, and to this substitute 
 no less than seven others were added by individual Senators. Mr. 
 Peffer, Populist, from Kansas, wanted to go back to the coinage Act 
 of 1834, and if he couldn't have that, then to the Act of IKil. Mr. 
 Berry, of Arkansas, wanted to reviv*' the Bland-Allison Act of 1878. 
 
 V^ 
 
Y. 
 
 rhe last three 
 the Bill and 
 > usual flve- 
 
 to print is 
 hall be taken 
 
 If that fails, 
 it proposing a 
 ig a ratio of 
 ' 19 to 1; if 
 above amend- 
 t reviving the 
 >r dollar, com- 
 to be taken on 
 ided, or on the 
 vn, and on the 
 ttion. 
 
 while business 
 itry were at a 
 B which every- 
 iigust 28, three 
 litional repeal 
 ive the Bland 
 tic vote stand 
 15 for to 110 
 e 239 votes bv 
 of 138 Demo- 
 Democrats, 24 
 the Democrats 
 et, the House 
 he Democrats 
 ore than three 
 of the incapa- 
 )onsibilities of 
 
 er bocly, which 
 e House, took 
 mittee of that 
 this substitute 
 Jenators. Mr. 
 lie coinage Act 
 of laSI. Mr. 
 n Act of 1878. 
 
 CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 447 
 
 Senator Pasco, of Florida, wanted a couniiission to ascertain or estab- 
 lish a proper ratio between gold and silver. There were other sub- 
 stitutes olTered bv Senators I'erkins, of California; Allen, of 
 Nebraska; Blackburn, of Kentucky; Scjuire, of Washington, and 
 Stewart, of Nevada. They included propositions for additional 
 Treasury notes, for silver coinage with Ji seigniorage of 20 per cent., 
 and the coinage of the seigniorage. At last, on the 28th of October, 
 the Senate passed a substitute for the House Fiill, repealing the 
 Sherman Law, and addinga declaration in favor of bimetallism through 
 international agreement. The yeas on this were 23 Republicans and 
 20 Democrats, and the nays were 19 Democrats, 9 Silver Republi 
 cans and 9 Populists. The House agreed to the substitute by a vote 
 of 194 yeas and 94 nays. The proposition for bimetallism through 
 international agreement was a perfectly harmless one, but utterly 
 futile. The experiment of an international conference was thoroughly 
 tried by the Republican Administrations at earlier stages of the silver 
 discussion, and had shown that it was impossible for the European 
 countries to agree upon the subject. 
 
 The long delay in repealing the Sherman Act neutralized any 
 good effect that tlie repeal itself was designed to have; for the 
 debates upon it, and the strong assertion of free coinage sentiment 
 continued to keep business men in a state of alarm, and business 
 itself in a condition of uncertainty. 
 
 The proposed revision of the tariff was another cause of disturb- 
 ance and apprehension that loomed up before business men. Since 
 this revision was bound to come in some form, it would have been 
 vastly better if this also had come promptly, but all consideration 
 of it was deferred from the special to the regular session of Congress. 
 During this delay the question of the free coinage of silver continued 
 to come up in one form or another, while the condition of the Treas- 
 ury was such as to occasion alarm. When the regular session of 
 Congress met in December the Treasury reserve of gold for redemp- 
 tion purposes had fallen below the |100,000,000 which had, for a long 
 time, been considered the lowest limit of safety and there was a deficit 
 of f68,000,000 in the Treasury. For the first time since the days of 
 President Buchanan the Government became a borrower of money 
 to pay current expenses, in time of peace. The first loan of f50,000,- 
 000 was called for at about this time, and this was followed in the 
 course of this Administration by four others of equal or larger 
 amount, till the whole sum borrowed reached 1262,000,000. 
 
 Mi 
 
•mpim«frnMVif>^w^*MI 
 
 "> K 
 
 44N 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE REIMHH.KWN PARTY. 
 
 Ab a temporary relief for the Treasur.v Mr. Blaud, who was 
 always ready with some new silver stheme, proposed < hat the Treas- 
 ury should 4oln the selKuiorajje silver in its vaults. This had a 
 nominal value at the time of |55,0(»0,«00, and if coined into silver dol 
 lars would have added that amount to the Treasury holdings. This 
 scheme was seized upon with avidity by the free coinage men as 
 being a step in their direction, but was opposed by most of the Repub- 
 licans and the "sound money" Democrats, as being a measure of sheer 
 inflation, without any security behind it. as silver certificates had 
 already been issued against this bullion. This Bill passed the House, 
 March 1, 1894, by a vote of 168 to 12S>, and the Senate, March 7, by 
 44 to 31. It was vetoed by the President, and fortunately there were 
 not votes enough to carry it over the veto. 
 
 The most alarming thing about the Treasury at this time was 
 the continual outflow of gold from the country and the reduction of 
 the Treasury reserve of that metal. February 1, 1894, the reserve 
 was 165,438,377. A sale of |5(),(M)0,0«0 in bonds was made to replen- 
 ish it, but by June 10 it had again fallen to about |65,000,()00. 
 November 24, 1894, it was ^57,669,701 and February 1, 1895, it had 
 fallen to 141,810,181. The Government was rapidly approaching 
 bankruptcy, and its policy was one of floundering. The Treasury 
 was depleted by a very simple "endless chain" process. Bonds were 
 sold for gold. The very parties who bought the bonds could then 
 gather up greenbacks, present them for redemption and draw out 
 the gold. The Treasury would pay out the greenbacks for current 
 expenses, and they could be gathered up and redeemed over again. 
 The process was well understood, but could not well be checked, as 
 long as the Government receipts were less than its expenses, and 
 greenbacks, once redeemed, were reissued. The Fifty-third Congress 
 made no intelligent attempt to check it. That waa left for a Repub- 
 lican Congress under a Republican President to do. 
 
 The preparation of the new tariff Bill was placed in the hands of 
 a queerly constituted committee. William M. Springer, of Illinois, 
 was Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the Fifty^second 
 Congress, but Speaker Crisp had appointed in Springer's place at 
 this time, William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, a college professor, 
 a scholarly theorist on the subject of Free Trade and Protection, but 
 unfamiliar with the wants of business, even in his own section, to say 
 nothing of those of the country at large. He took as his model for 
 a revenue tariff that of 1846, which was begotten of false pretenses, 
 
 W; 
 
..) . 
 
 T!^ 
 
 1 t 
 
 CLEVELAND'S WECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 440 
 
 lid, who was 
 hat the Treas- 
 This had a 
 nto silver dol- 
 ildingH. This 
 nage men an 
 of the Repub- 
 iBure of sheer 
 rtiflcates had 
 led the House. 
 , March 7, by 
 ly there were 
 
 his time was 
 » reduction of 
 [, the reserve 
 ade to replen- 
 t f65,000,()00. 
 , 1895, it had 
 
 approaching 
 rhe Treasury 
 
 Bonds were 
 Is could then 
 md draw out 
 :s for current 
 d over again. 
 le checked, as 
 ixpenbes, and 
 hird Congress 
 : for a Repub- 
 
 i the hands of 
 >r, of Illinois, 
 ; Fifty'Second 
 jer's place at 
 sge professor, 
 rotection, but 
 section, to say 
 his model for 
 Ise pretenses, 
 
 and which worked great injury to the country. With him on the 
 Committee were Ave members from the South, a section which had 
 not yet attained any great prominence in nmnufacturing. and which 
 had scarcely begun to appreciate the value of diversified industries. 
 These members were McMillin, of Tennessee; Turner, of Georgia; 
 Montgomery, of Kentucky; Breckinridge, of Arkansas, and Tarsney, 
 of Missouri. This Committee, with five Northern Democrats, sat 
 down to frame a measure on a subject, upon the practical aspects of 
 which most of the members were densely ignorant. The delibera- 
 tions were carried on without the presence of the Republican mem- 
 bers. In refusing, or ignoring suggestions from outside, the Com- 
 mittee made the same mistake, though in an exaggerated degree, that 
 prevailed in preparing the Mills Bill. Great complaint was made 
 that the business interests were denied a hearing, or that, when 
 one was granted, the facts and arguments presented went for naught. 
 
 The Bill was finally reported to the House, December 19, 1893. 
 As soon as it was printed various incongruities were pointed out in 
 it, the general and avowed plan of the Bill having been departed 
 from in numerous instances, for the benefit of particular interests. 
 Although the great industries of the country had been refused hear- 
 ings, the members of the Committee seem to have got the ear of 
 their associates, to the extent of helping themselves and their friends 
 in cases where the tariff might be made a "local issue." The Bill 
 made sweeping reductions from the rates fixed by the McKinley Act, 
 made most classes of lumber free, and placed coal, animals and iron 
 ore on the free list. It carried out the idea, long advocated by Presi- 
 dent Cleveland, of putting wool (m the free list, and reduced the 
 duties on manufactured wool below the protective point. In the 
 various changes that were subsequently made in the Bill, these two 
 features remained, and they inflicted a deadly blow to the wool 
 growing and woolen manufacturing interests of this country. Mod- 
 ifications of other sche*' h^s, particularly those relating to agricul- 
 tural products, greatly c^'arged the free list. The bill wiped out 
 entirely the reciprocity feature of the McKinley Act, under which 
 treaties very valuable to our export trade had been negotiated with 
 Spain in behalf of her West Indian possessions and with several of 
 the South American Republics. 
 
 An unexpected feature of the Bill was the revival of an income 
 tax, the am.ount being two per cent, on all incomes over f4,000. No 
 tax of this kind had ever been levied before, except under the pres- 
 
 ■<^.^ 
 
450 
 
 IIIHTOUV OPTIIK KKIMIU.ICAN PARTY. ' 
 
 sure of war iHM-cHiiit.v. Kv(>ii tlicii tlie pupiilar rlainor UKaiiiHt it whh 
 very grcut. It wuh denounced uh an iiiircaHonablo and impcrtintMit 
 prying into the private buHineHH of individiiaJH. The publicity which 
 was given to the liHtH of income tax-payerH waH eHpecially diHtaMtefnI. 
 and the tax waH removed Hoon after Mie war. The DeniocratH were 
 efipecialiy vigorouH in denouncing it at that time, and no Democratic 
 platform had everdemandod itH re-enactment. Vet now it wuh brouglit 
 in, at a time of peace, and not long after the DeniocratH had been 
 declaiming in favor of 8onie meaHure for "reducing the MurpluH." It 
 was a confeHHion that the Wilfion taritf <-ould not be depended upon 
 to produce revenue enough to Mujtport the Government. Yet itH intro- 
 duction was no accident. It waH referi-ed to in the PreHident'n mcH- 
 Bage December 4, 181W, a fortnight before the Committee made its 
 report. The mcHgage naid: "The ('<»mniittee, after full couHideration, 
 and to provide against a temporary deficiency which nujy exist before 
 the business of the country adjusts itself to the new taritT schedules, 
 have wisely embraced in their plan a few additional internal revenue 
 taxes, including a small tax upon incomes derived from certain cor- 
 porate investments. These new assessments are not only absolutely 
 just and easily borne, but they have the further merit of being such 
 as can be remitted, without unfavorable business disturbance, 
 whenever the necessity of their imposition no longer exists." Proba- 
 bly the real reason for the addition of this section was found in a 
 desire to get Populist votes for the measure as a whole. The Popu- 
 list Convention at Omaha in 1892 had demanded a ''graduated income 
 tax," and the main grievance of that party was that, in their opinion, 
 the rich were not bearing their share of the public burdens. The 
 income tax was a method of "getting eA'en with the rich fellows." 
 
 When Mr. Wilson reported the Bill, he nude a speech, in which 
 he set forth, with eloquence and ingenuity, the merits of the measure, 
 and urged, if he did not exactly predict, its speedy passage. But he 
 soon found that he had run against, not only active opposition, but 
 an inert obstruction that it was difficult to move. A good many of 
 the Democrats, while conceding the party obligation to malie a revis- 
 ion of the tariff in the direction of revenue as against protection, yet 
 did not take kindly to this measure, because it affe<'ted injuriously 
 interests in their own districts. The Republicans adopted the Demo- 
 cratic tactics of the Fifty-first Congress, sometimes making dilatory 
 motions, and sometimes refraining from voting sq as to show "no 
 quorum." At last the Democrats, with a clear majority of 80 in the 
 
 I ' 
 
 If 
 
 '^. 
 
 •t^ 
 
('LKVKLANirK HKCONP Al»MINIrtTRATION. 
 
 iTA 
 
 (IlitlHt it WHH 
 
 iin|H>rtiii(>nt 
 :)lit'it.v whirli 
 r (li8tHMti>fu). 
 locratB wcrt' 
 > l>(Miio(-riiti<- 
 WUH hntuglit 
 itH liml hiM'ii 
 ^urpluH." It 
 
 [M>lld(>(l ll|IOU 
 
 V»'t Hh inti'd- 
 
 sideilt'H IIU'H- 
 
 t(>(' made itH 
 DiiHidenitioii, 
 
 exist before 
 iff sclieduleH, 
 rnal revenue 
 
 eertain eor- 
 l.v absolutely 
 f bein^ such 
 disturbance, 
 its." Proba- 
 8 found in a 
 The Popu- 
 iiated income 
 heir opinion, 
 iirdens. The 
 
 fellows." 
 •ch, in which 
 the measure, 
 age. But he 
 position, but 
 ood many of 
 iiake a revis- 
 •otection, yet 
 d injuriously 
 ?d the Demo- 
 king dilatory 
 to show "no 
 
 of 80 in the 
 
 %. 
 
 House, were obliged to resort to the same method of "counting a 
 quorum,"' that the Kepublii-ans had found necessary to use when 
 they had a nuijority of only H. No one was in greater glee over the 
 situation than "Cjiar Re«Ml," as he jibed his political opp<ments on 
 their tardy wisdom. In conceding the necessity and justice of the 
 rules which he was nuiinly instrumental in establishing, in course 
 of time all (»bstacles were overcome, and the Hill passed by a vote of 
 204 to 140. Of the yeas 104 were Democrats and 10 were Populists. 
 Of the nays 12") were Republican, and 15 were Democrats. 
 
 When the mangled remains of Tariff Rill came from the Henatc 
 Finance Committee Its foster father in the House would no longer 
 recognize it, and objected to having it named after him; and during 
 the renminder of the discussion it was called the Rrice-Oorman Bill, 
 Instead of the Wilson Rill. It took the Finance Committee from 
 February 1 to March 8, to make out its reimrt, although it followed 
 the example of the House in refusing hearings to interested parties. 
 The Bill as thus reported was far from satisfactory, and so the Com- 
 mittee took several weeks more at it, made all together about 400 
 amendments to it, and it finally came up for consideration May 8. 
 It was then the object of bitter attack by nearly all the Republican 
 speakers, and by a few Democrats. The greatest hostility was 
 aroused by the income tax feature of the measure, which was attacked 
 on the grounds that it had no legitimate place in a tariff reform Bill; 
 that it was neither Democratic nor Republican in principle, and had 
 never been approved by the people, but was a doctrine of Populism; 
 that it was unnecessary as a revenue measure; that it was a direct 
 tax and therefore unconstitutional; that it was unequal, unjust and 
 sectional in its operations; that its exemptions stamped it as an 
 offensive piece of class legislation; that it was inquisitorial and offen- 
 sive; that it usurped a field of taxation lawfully belonging to the 
 states and would lead to conflict between Federal and State authori- 
 ties. Senator Hill, of New York, was one of the Democrats who 
 opposed this feature of the Bill, which he called Popolistic and not 
 Democratic. He repudiated the "spurious Democracy of these 
 modern apostles and prophets, who are part Mugwump, part Populist, 
 and the least part Democratic, who seek to lead us astray after false 
 gods, false theories and false methods." The charge that this feature 
 of the Bill was sectional in its character was very well sustained by 
 the attitude of the Southern Senators toward it. They were aggres- 
 sive in their support of it, and used the argument that the rich men 
 
 1 
 
 Ml' 
 
 ■!•: il 
 
 i 
 
 ir^^^B^" 
 
 wmmmmm 
 
r 
 
 
 4r.:i 
 
 mSTOHV OKTIIK KKIM MI.K'AN I'AUTY. 
 
 of tin' Xortli, piifticiilarl.v tli(iM«' in N«'w York (Mt.v, wci'o not pujinK 
 tlicii' Hhiirc of lli(> tax4>H. Tntlrr tliiH kind of talk, and the pfcHHiirc 
 from the AduiiniHlration, the inconu* tax waH finally retained aH part 
 of tile Itili. 
 
 Then a threat Hcandai aroHe over tlie nieaHure. The direct 
 clmrtre wan inaxle that corrupt nieanH liad been iiHed to manipulate 
 tlie HUKar nehedule; that meniherH of tlie Hu^ar TruHt Imd Hecretl.v 
 viHited memberH of tlie Heiiate Finance ('ommittee, and had Mecured 
 tt inoditlcation of that H<'liedule, by metuiH of which they would reap 
 great profltH. These ]>rotltH were to be realised by placing a duty on 
 HUKar, but making tliiH part of the Act take effect .lunuary 1, 181)5, ho 
 that the Trust could accumulate a large stock without duty, and then 
 advance the price to the extent of the duty. It was also charged 
 that the Secretary of the Treasury had personally dictated a change 
 in the sugar schedule, in accordance with the wishes of the Trust, 
 and that the Trust demanded and obtained this concession, in accord- 
 ance with a pre-existing understanding with the leaders of the Demo- 
 cratic party, that its interests should be protected, in return for a 
 contribution of |nO(),000 to the Democratic campaign fund in 1892. It 
 was still further charged that information with reference to the work 
 of the Finance Committee was secretly given to New York brokers, 
 and that Senators had taken advantage of this information by making 
 profitable investments in sugar stock. An investigation of these 
 serious charges was ordered, but while it served to deepen the con- 
 viction that the charges were at least in part true, it did not bring 
 out positive proof. The newspaper men who had made the exposure 
 Housed to testify, and were sent to the criminal courts to be tried for 
 contumacy. The officers of the Tr,ust admitted to giving money for 
 campaign exiienses to State, but not to National campaigns. They 
 admitted, also, that they expected benefits from these investments. 
 One of the Senators examined admitted that he had been speculating 
 In Sugor Trust stocks, and defended his course in so doing, and 
 others, who were not so frank, did not make absolute denials. The 
 revelations came nearer to positive proof of extensive Senatorial 
 corruption than anything that ever before occurred in the country. 
 They did not, however, serve to lessen the hold which the Trust had 
 on the Senate, but were accepted as an ample explanation of the indif- 
 ference which the Trust showed to the Bill in the House. It served 
 also to explain the belief which hud become general, that no Tariff 
 Bill at all could be passed nnless the Trust dictated the sugar 
 
 :^P 
 
 i J 
 
 'W 
 
[> not pajriiiK 
 the pfcHHiirc 
 lined iih part 
 
 The dlicMt 
 » manipulate 
 liud secretly 
 had Mecured 
 
 would reap 
 tig a duty on 
 •y 1, IWJB, HO 
 it.v, and then 
 iIho ehai-Ked 
 ted a change 
 >f the Trust, 
 •n, in accord- 
 of the Demo- 
 return for a 
 I in 181)2. It 
 ( to the work 
 ork brokers, 
 m by makinii; 
 ion of these 
 pen the con- 
 id not bring 
 the exposure 
 ) be tried for 
 g money for 
 nigns. They 
 investments. 
 1 speculating 
 ) doing, and 
 lenials. The 
 e Senatorial 
 the country, 
 lie Trust had 
 I of the Indif- 
 p. It served 
 lat no Tariff 
 d the sugar 
 
 «i 
 
 nLKVKL.WDS HKCOM) .\nMI.\IHTK.\TION. 
 
 45.'< 
 
 schedule. The cont-essionH made to what was at that time the hccoikI 
 largest Trust in the country, served to weaken faith in the sincerity 
 of the Democrats, «'specially when taken in connection with a strong 
 Anti-Trust plank in their platform, on which this tNmgress was 
 elected. 
 
 Hefore the Hill left the Henate that body had added more than 
 200 amendments to the 4(M) whi«'h the Finance (\)nimitt<>e had tacked 
 upon it. On its final passage two I'opulists, Allen, of N'(>braska, and 
 Kyle, of Houih Itakota, v«)ted with the Democrats, giving IJO yeas. 
 Tlie Populists, Stewart, of Nevada, and I'etl'er, of Kansas, and the 
 Democrat Hill, of New York, voted with the Itepublicans, giving 34 
 nays. In accordance with an understanding previously had, the 
 House immediately sent the amended Bill to a Conference Conimit-^ 
 tee, which after a fortnight's time reported a disagreement. Then 
 occurred a remarkable s<'ene. Mr. Wilson pointed out the great dif- 
 ference between rates of duty as originally fixed by the House, and 
 those passed by the Henate and added: "If it be true, as stated (of 
 wliicli I have swn myself some confirmation) in the press, if it be 
 true that the great American Hugar Trust has grown so strong and 
 powerful that it says that no Tariff Bill can pass the American Con- 
 gress in which its interests are not adejpiutely guarded; if, I say, 
 that be true, I hope this House will not consent to an adjournment 
 until it has passed a single bill putting refined sugar on the free 
 list." Then referring to President Cleveland's long continued labors 
 for tariff reform, he produced a letter from the President, addressed 
 to Iiimself and dated July 2d, the day before the Bill passed the 
 Henate. This letter he read. The principal portions of it are as 
 follows: 
 
 Every true Democrat and every sincere tariff reformer knows that 
 this Bill in its present form and as it will be submitted to the Confer- 
 ence Committee falls short of the consummation for which we have 
 long labored, for whi<'h we have suffered defeat without discourage- 
 ment; which in its anticipation gave us a rallying cry in our day of 
 triumph, and which, in its promise of accomplishment, is so inter- 
 woven with Democratic pledges and Democratic success, that our 
 abandonment of the cause or of the principles upon which it rests 
 means party perfidy and party dishonor. One topic will be sub- 
 mitted to the conference whidi embodies Democratic principle so 
 directly that it cannot be compromised. We have in our platforms 
 and in every way possible declared in favor of the free importation of 
 raw materials. We have again and again promised that this should 
 be accorded to our people and our manufactureu as soon as the 
 
 1'^ 
 
 iiif! 
 
 if.' 
 
 tl 
 
 s <( 
 
 warn 
 

 I J i fyy- - 
 
 m 
 
 HISTORY OB^ THE REPUBLICAN TARTY. 
 
 ' 
 
 Democrafif party was invested with power to determine the tariff 
 policy of the country. The party now has the power. We are as 
 certain to-day as we ever have been of the great benefit that would 
 accrue to the country from the inauguration of this policy, and noth- 
 ing has occurred to release us from our obligation to secure this 
 advantage to our people. It must be admitted that no tariff measure 
 can accord with Democratic principles and promises, or bear a genu- 
 ine Democratic badge, that does not provide for free raw material. 
 In these circum8tan«;e8 it may well excite our wonder that Democrats 
 are willing to depart from this, the most Democratic of all tariff 
 principles, and that the most inconsistent absurdity of such a pro- 
 posed departure should be emphasized b^' the suggestion that the 
 wool of the farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariff 
 taxation be placed around the iron ore and coal for corporations and 
 capitalists. How can we face the people after indulging in such out- 
 rageous discrimination and violation of principles? It is quite ap- 
 parent that the question of free raw materials does not admit of 
 adjustment on middle ground, since their subjection to any rate of 
 tariff taxation, great or small, is alike violative of Democratic prin- 
 ciple and Democratic good faith. . . . I'uder our party plat- 
 form a;.d in accordance with our declared party purposes, sugar is a 
 legitimate and logical article for revenue taxation. Unfortunately, 
 however, incidents have accompanied certain stages of the legislation 
 which will be sumbitted to the conference, that have aroused in con- 
 nection with this subject a National Democratic animosity to the 
 methods and manipulations of trusts and combinations. I confess to 
 sharing in this feeling and yet, it seems to me, we ought, if possible, 
 to sufficiently free ourselves from prejudice to enable us. coolly to 
 weigh the considerations, which, in formulating tariff legislation, 
 ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a taxable article. While 
 no tenderness should be entertained for trusts, and while I am decid- 
 edly opposed to granting them, under the guise of taxation, any 
 opportunity to further their particular methods, I suggest that we 
 ought not to be driven away from the Democratic principle and 
 policy which lead to the taxation of sugar by the fear, quite likely 
 exaggerated, that in carrying out this principle and policy we may 
 indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar-refining 
 interests. I know that in present conditions this is a delicate sub- 
 ject, and I appreciate the depth and strength of the feeling which its 
 treatment has aroused. I do not believe we should do evil that good 
 may come; but it seems to me that we should not forget that our aim 
 is the complex jon of a tariff bill, and that in taxing sugar for proper 
 purposes and within reasonable bounds, w-hatever else may be said 
 of our action, we are in no danger of running counter to Democratic 
 principles. With all there is at stake, there must be in the treat- 
 ment of this article some ground upon which we are all willing to 
 stand, where toleration and conciliation may be allowed to solve the 
 problem without demanding the entire surrender of fixed and con- 
 
 ;^/ \ 
 
 ■ f -.r 
 
I I ^ iiii^iiimHH 
 
 e the tariff 
 We are as 
 that would 
 y, and noth- 
 secure this 
 riff measure 
 )ear a genu- 
 ,w material. 
 t Democrats 
 of all tariff 
 such a pro- 
 on that the 
 ion of tariff 
 (rations and 
 in such out- 
 is quite ap- 
 Dt admit of 
 any rate of 
 >cratic prin- 
 party plat- 
 i, sugar is a 
 fortunately, 
 e legislation 
 used in con- 
 Bsity to the 
 
 I confess to 
 , if possible, 
 lis. coolly to 
 
 legislation, 
 icle. While 
 ■ I am decid- 
 ixation, any 
 est that we 
 'inciple and 
 quite likely 
 licy we may 
 igar-reflning 
 lelicate sub- 
 Qg which its 
 n\ that good 
 that our aim 
 r for proper 
 may be said 
 
 Democratic 
 n the treat- 
 
 II willing to 
 to solve the 
 :ed and con- 
 
 CLEVELAND'8 SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 455 
 
 sclecticuB convictions. I expect vci-y few of us can say, when our 
 measure is perfected, that all its features are entirely as we would 
 prefer. You know how much I deprecated the incorporation into the 
 proposed bill of the income feature. In matters of this kind, how- 
 ever, which do not violate a fixed and recognized Democratic doctrine, 
 we are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our Demo- 
 cratic brethren. ■ " . ' ': , ' ' 
 
 The President's letter was the occasion of a sharp debate in the 
 Senate. The Republicans pointed out that the logic of the plea 
 which he made for a duty on sugar, which was a concession to the 
 Sugar Trust, was virtually carried out in concessions to trusts of all 
 kinds; to the Nova Scotia Coal Syndicate in his plea for free coal, 
 and to the Cuban Iron Syndicate, in his plea for free iron ore. The 
 Democrats were less concerned about the logic of the President's 
 position, or the inconsistencies of the Rill, than they were about 
 what they considt^red the impertinence of his attempt to interfere 
 with legislation. Senator Vest said: "Mr. Cleveland is a big man, 
 but the Democratic party is greater than any one man. It has sur- 
 vived Jefferson, Madison, Jackson; it will survive Grover Cleveland. 
 Under what clause of the Constitution did Mr. Cleveland get the 
 right, after a Rill had been sent to full and free conference between 
 the two Houses, to make any appeal to his party friends to stand by 
 his individual views?" Senator Gorman, whose activity in revising 
 the bill had been such that he might justly consider the President's 
 letter a personal attack, was much more severe. He said: "In 
 {patriotism the Democratic Senate had gone to work to save the 
 country, and keep their party in power, when suddenly, in the midst 
 of their work, came the President's letter. It was the most uncalled 
 for, the most extraordinary, the most unwise communication that 
 ever came from a President of the United States. It placed the 
 Senate in a position wiiere its members must see to it that the dignity 
 and honor of the chamber must be preserved. It places me in a posi- 
 tion where I must tell the story as it occurred. The limit of 
 endurance has been reached." He then said that, during the progress 
 of the work on the Rill, Senators Jones and Vest had frequent con- 
 ferences with the President and with Seretary Carlisle; that Secretary 
 Carlisle had endorsed the completed bill; and that no one who had 
 been consulted had ever suggested that the Rill was in violation of 
 Democratic principles. Senators Vest, Jones and Harris con- 
 firmed the truth of the statements made by Senator Gorman. The 
 
 §,i S,i^;M'^fi'M: - t:^ ^ ^im £it.J3S <'vm^'i^;W^^WS li g*M . 1A 
 
 2Wii3l£iiaii 
 
 ■»i'rii'iiii; 
 
Iv 
 
 ' J f ? > ^ ' 
 
 466 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 latter tli^h denounced the President in the bitterest terms, and 
 declared that if there had been deceit it had been with that official, 
 and not with the Benate. 
 
 The feeling aroused was so strong that no attempts at further 
 consideration of the measure were made for three weeks. At last, 
 on the 13th of August, a caucus of the Democratic members of the 
 House decided to surrender to the Senate, and the Bill of the latter, 
 with its 634 amendments to the House Measure, was concurred in by 
 a vote of 182 to 106. Of the yeas 174 were Democrats and 8 were 
 Populists. The nays were 93 Republicans and 13 Democrats. 
 
 The House then passed four separate Bills, called the "Popguh'' 
 Bills, placing sugar, coal, iron ore and barbed wire on the free list, 
 but they deceived nobody, because it was not expected that the Senate 
 would pay any attention to them. The General Tariff Bill was now 
 up to the President, and all eyes were turned on him. He kept the 
 country in suspense for ten days longer, and then at midnight, on the- 
 27th of August, the conglomerate Bill became a law without his sig- 
 nature. It had taken the Democrats eighteen months from the time 
 they camie into the possession of full power to pass a measure which 
 brought disaster to the manufacturing and commercial interests of 
 the country. Three years later it took the Republicans less than five 
 months to pass a tariff ac^t which brought universal prosperity. 
 
 Even with the long delay in passing the Bill, it was not, in the 
 end, carefully examined, and was full of errors, some of which 
 required to be eliminated by joint resolution or special enactment. 
 In 21 consecutive pages of the Bill no less than thirty-one errors 
 were discovered. 
 
 The President sent no message to Congress in explanation of his 
 course, but he wrote another letter, this one dated August 27, and 
 addressed to Congr^ss^en Catchings, of Mississippi, and Clarke, of 
 Alabama, in which he said that he felt the utmost disappointment at 
 being denied the privilege of signing such a Bill as he had hoped to 
 see pass, one which embodied Democratic ideas of tariff reform. He 
 did not claim to be better than his party, nor intend to shirk any of 
 his responsibilities, but the bill contained provisions not in the line 
 of honest tariff reform, and had "inconsistencies and crudities which 
 ought not to appear in tariff laws." He would not separate himself 
 from the Democratic party by a veto of tariff legislation, which, 
 though disappointing, was chai-geable still to Democratic effort. But 
 there were incidents attending the passage of the Bill in its later 
 
PS»i!SB'Pll!'!PflWP'* 
 
 terms, and 
 hat official. 
 
 1 at further 
 8. At last, 
 bers of the 
 r the latter, 
 urred in by 
 and 8 were 
 rats. 
 
 e "Popgun" 
 tie free list, 
 : the Senate 
 ill was now 
 le kept the 
 ight, on the*^ 
 lOut his sig- 
 )m the time 
 isure which 
 interests of 
 SB than five 
 perity. 
 
 not, in the 
 e of which 
 
 enactment. 
 r-one errors 
 
 ation of his 
 ust 27, and 
 i Clarke, of 
 ointment at 
 ad hoped to 
 •eform. He 
 ihirk any of 
 in the line 
 lities which 
 rate himself 
 tion, which, 
 effort. Bu<^ 
 in its later 
 
 CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 457 
 
 stages which made every sincere tarilT reformer unhappy, and which 
 ought not to be tolerated in Democratic councils. He said he took 
 his "place with the rank and file of the Democratic party who believe 
 in tariff reform and who know what it is; who refused to accept the 
 results embodied in this Bill as the close of the war; who are not 
 blinded by the fact that the livery of Democratic tariff reform has 
 been stolen, and worn in the service of Republican protection, and 
 who have marked the places where the deadly blight of treason has 
 blasted the counsels of the brave in the hour of their might. The 
 trusts and combinations, whose machinations have prevented us 
 from reaching the success we deserved, should not be forgotten nor 
 forgiven. We shall recover from our astonishment at their exhibi- 
 tion of power, and then, if the question is forced upon us whether 
 they shall submit to the free legislative will of the people's represen- 
 tatives or shall dictate the laws which the people must obey, we will 
 accept that issue as one involving the integrity and safety of Ameri- 
 can institutions." 
 
 The President's method of communicating his views, by private 
 letter to individuals, instead of by message to Congress, did not take 
 much better in this case than it did in the Wilson letter. But the 
 tariff matter was disposed of for this session, and the excitement 
 over the Catchings missive soon died out. 
 
 One other act of the President's during the first half of his 
 second term intensified the popular feeling against him, and 
 that was his treatment of the Hawaiian question. The Tariff 
 question was to quite a large extent one of partisan poli- 
 tics and economic theoirizing. The Hawaiian matter was one 
 that appealed to patriotism and a sense of justice, and Cleve- 
 land seemed to be lacking in both. In the first part of 1893 
 the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian group of islands nego- 
 tiated tt treaty for the annexation of those islands to the United 
 States. President Harrison transmitted it to the Senate for ratifi- 
 cation, but it was near the end of the session and the Senate failed 
 to take action. President Cleveland not only withdrew the treaty, 
 but sent James H; Blount, of Georgia, as ^cial Commissioner to the 
 islands, with paramount authority to make investigations fts to our 
 relations with the Hawaiian Government. (Jnder his direction the 
 American protectorate, which the United States had assumed over 
 the islands, was terminated, the American flag was hauled down, and 
 a small garrison of marines, sent ashore from a United States war 
 
 ^llll 
 
 •Wn 
 
 ■■>>. - ''jxs».mm^ms!>&^^«}wmm;immm^mdfimmmmm'^^m?' 
 
mm* PWM'i ' MP: ji'ij'.fii ipgwiPiilWP' 
 
 458 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 vesBel f6r the prot«H'tion of Americau interests, was withdrawn. 
 John L. Stevens, the American Minister, was recalled, and Albert S. 
 Willis was appointed to succeed him, with instructions looking 
 toward the overthrow of the Provisional Government, and the restor- 
 ation of Queen Liliuokalani. He might have succeeded but for the 
 stubbornness and cruel disposition of the Queen, who refused to 
 promise a grant of amnesty, demanded the execution of those who 
 had helped to depose her, and showed, throughout, a disposition that 
 was threatening to all foreign interests. Minister Willis himself 
 at last conceded that an analysis of the list of the Queen's special 
 advisers was not encouraging to the friends of good government nor 
 American interests. The plan of reinstating the Queen was pursued 
 for some months, under circumstances of intrigue and de<;eit that 
 were astounding to the American people when they became known. 
 The President could not use force to carry out his purpose without 
 the consent of Congress, and that he could not obtain, for Congress 
 was as bitterly opposed to his plans as was the country at large. The 
 Queen found suflBcient encouragement from his course to attempt 
 an insurrection, which was spee<lily repressed by the Provisional 
 Government, when she, for herself and heirs, forever renounced the 
 throne, gave allegiance to the Republic and counselled her former 
 subjects to do th^ same. She afterwards took journey to Washing- 
 ton, iiartly for the purpose of presenting a claim for damages for 
 the loss of her crown, for which, she argued, the ntteran(;es of the 
 President and his agents had given good ground. With the Ameri- 
 can people expressions of indignation now gave place to ridicule, 
 and if the President read the papers at all, he saw his name coupled 
 with the futile efforts of "Paramount Blount," and the aspirations of 
 "Queen Lil'' much oftener than he cared to. Even rhyme and min- 
 strel song were not lacking in this entertainment. 
 
 The State and Coqgressional elections in 1894 came on a little 
 over two months after the passage of the Tariff Bill, and while the 
 Hawaiian intrigue was still in progress. They resulted in a Republi 
 can vli'tory of unexi>e«'tedly large proportions. The Democratic 
 strength in the House as <;ompared with the last Congress was 
 reduced from 218 to 103, and the Republican strength increased from 
 130 to 245. Delaware, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, Utah and 
 Wyoming, having one Representative each, all chose Republicans, 
 while fifteen slates, having more than one each, had solid Republi- 
 can delegations. Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine Michi- 
 
 k^SSttsMiUmmt 
 
■'^:* 
 
 withdrawn, 
 ad Albert S. 
 ODB looking 
 d the restor- 
 
 but for the 
 1 refused to 
 f those who 
 )osition that 
 illis himself 
 >en's special 
 ernment nor 
 ivas pursued 
 
 de<;eit that 
 ame known. 
 )ose without 
 or Congress 
 
 large. The 
 
 to attempt 
 
 Provisional 
 nounced the 
 
 her former 
 to Washing- 
 lamages for 
 in(;es of the 
 1 the Ameri- 
 
 to ridicule, 
 ame coupled 
 ipirations of 
 Tie and min- 
 
 * on a little 
 id while the 
 n a Republi 
 Demoeratic 
 >ngre8s was 
 reased from 
 ,» Utah and 
 Republicans, 
 lid Republi- 
 [aine Michi- 
 
 CLEVELAND'8 SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 459 
 
 gan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, 
 South Dakota, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. Of the old 
 Slave States, Delaware elected one Republican; Kentucky five R«-pub- 
 licans to six Democrats; Maryland three Republicans to three 
 Democrats; Missouri eleven Republicans to four Democrats; North 
 Carolina three Republicans to four Populists and two Democrats; 
 Tennessee four Republicans to six Democrats; and Virginia iwo Re- 
 publicans to eight Democrats. Republicans were also elected in 
 Alabama, South Carolina and Texas. Only four States of what was 
 formerly the Solid South, now sent full Democratic delegations- 
 Arkansas, Florida, liouisiana and Mississippi. The Legislatures 
 chosen at this election gave the Republicans a gain of two in the 
 United States Senate, while the Democrats lost Ave, but the four 
 Populists and one Silver Republican held the balance of power. 
 
 Only two events that attracted wide attention occurred during the 
 last half of this Administration. The flrst was a decision of the 
 Supreme Court declaring the income tax feature of the Brice-Gorman- 
 Wilson Tariff Act to be unconstitutional. This decision widened the 
 gap between the Treasury receipts and expenditures and for the 
 remainder of the term, the finances of the Government Treasury were 
 in a very embarrassed condition. 
 
 During Secretary Gresham's incumbency of the State Depart- 
 nxent, as well as that of Secretary Bayard under the former Cleveland 
 Administration, complaints were frequent of the un-American policy 
 of the Administration. After Mr. Bayard became Minister to 
 England, his sycophancy at the Court of St. James, and in public 
 addresses, were especially distasteful. In Hawaii the annexationists 
 felt keenly the slight put upon them by President Cleveland's Admin- 
 istration, in that it imparted its views and its purposes to the British 
 and Royalist citizens in preference to the American residents. In 
 May, 1895, Secretary Giesham died, and Richard Olney, who had 
 been Attorney General, succeeded him. Either through Olney's 
 influence, or else because he wanted to efface the Hawaiian memories, 
 the President now inaugurated a jingo policy. New discoveries of 
 gold had given increa8«?d importance to a long standing boundary 
 dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, The President 
 insisted, on the ground of the Monroe Doctrine and our essential 
 sovereignty on the American continent, that Great Britain should 
 submit the dispute to arbitration. When this was refused he sent 
 a message to Congress which startled the country. He proposed the 
 
 )iyf»;aiiiiBiiiiii 
 
 IIIIHIIIIIHIII lillllH 
 
■nuMTWWilKftfato.— 
 
 460 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 creation 6lf a eominiHsioii to determine and report upon "the true 
 divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana," He added: 
 "When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be 
 the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its p»wer, 
 as a willful aggression upon its rights and interest, the appropriation 
 by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental juris- 
 diction over any territory, which after investigation, we have deter- 
 mined of right belongs to Venezuela." Both Houses passed a resolu- 
 tion for the appointment of the Commission. Immediately American 
 securities began to fall, creating almost a panic in the stock market, 
 and tlie gold reserve rapidly diminished. Thrt« days after he sent 
 the war message he was obliged to send another, asking for legisla- 
 tion to preserve the National credit. The fact is, that neither in its 
 Army nor in its finances, was the Nation in condition to go to war 
 with a second-class power, let alone Great Britain. This pyrotechnic 
 display of jingoism and devotion to the Monroe Doctrine was the last 
 decided sensatiop of an Administration that had been fertile in 
 surprises, but mostly barren of useful results. Some good did, 
 however, ultimately come out of this last agitation. For, though 
 Great Britain woui^"-T»«tja£knowledge the authority of a Boundary 
 Commission appointed by the United States, yet growing out of our 
 intervention a treaty was made between that country and Venezuela, 
 providing for a joint commission. The treaty was signed at Wash- 
 ington, February 2, 1897, by Sir Julian Pauncefote, British Ambas- 
 sador, and General Jose Andrade, Venezuelan Minister to the United 
 States. The Venezuelan Congress ratified the treaty without a dis- 
 senting vote, and diplomatic relations with Great Britain, which had 
 been suspended for ten years, were at once resumed. The ratifica- 
 tions of the treaty were exchanged in Washington, June 14. The 
 Commissioners named in the treaty were Lord Herschell and Justice 
 Henn Collins,, on the part of Great Britain, and Chief Justice Fuller 
 and Justice Brewer, oii the part of Venezuela. The fifth member, 
 chosen by these four to act as President and umpire, was Professor 
 Martaens, of the University of St. Petersburg. They met. in Paris 
 in the autumn of 1898 and gave their decision in 1899, confirming, for 
 the most part, the British claims. 
 
 eipi- 
 

 n "the true 
 He added: 
 opinion, be 
 n itg p9wer, 
 >propriation 
 lental juria- 
 have deter- 
 led a resolu- 
 ly American 
 ock market, 
 rter he sent 
 for legisla- 
 either in its 
 3 go to war 
 pyrotechnic 
 iVas the last 
 1 fertile in 
 good did, 
 ^'or, though 
 ft Boundary 
 t out of our 
 1 Venezuela, 
 d at Wash- 
 ish Ambas- 
 1 the United 
 thout a dis- 
 , which had 
 I'he ratiflca- 
 le 14. The 
 and Justice 
 stice Fuller 
 th member, 
 8 Professor 
 et. in Paris 
 firming, for 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 eleve:nth republican convention. 
 
 McKinley liOUg Before Recognized as tlie Coming Man for President 
 • —X Highly 8uc<'essful Political Career — The Convention at St. 
 Louis — The Campaign Pronouncement — Contest Over the Hilver 
 I'lauk — Hensational Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans — 
 Their Statement to the Country — Only one Ballot Each for Pres- 
 ident and Vice-President — Points Prom the Letters of Accept- 
 ance. 
 
 Tjong before the time for the assembling of the eleventh Re- 
 publican National Convention it became apparent that the nomination 
 would go to William McKinley, of Ohio. Major McKinley, during his 
 young manhood, served mQre than four years in the war. From 1877 
 to 1891 he was almost continuously in Congress, where he earned the 
 reputation of being the best-informed man on the tariff of any member 
 of either House. He was one of the best of the debaters who took 
 part in discussion of the Tariff Bill of 1883, waa a leader in opposition 
 to the Horizontal Reduction Bill of Congressman Morrison, and to the 
 Mills Bill. He was on the Ways and Means Committee of the House 
 I'or eleven years, was its Chairman in the Fifty-first Congress, and 
 was the author of the Tariff Act which bore his name. In 1896 he 
 was C9iisidered the best living exponent of the Republican Protective 
 Tariff policy, and was well informed upon all other matters of legis- 
 lation. Besides this he was a "vote-getter." His District waa three 
 times "gerrymandered" by the Democrats in order to keep him out of 
 Congress. In 1878 he was placed in a district which was Democratic 
 by 1,800; but McKinley carried it by 1,300 majority. In 1884 he was 
 placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, Medina and Wayne 
 Counties, then strongly Democratic, and was elected by over 2,000 
 majority. Under the Price gerrymander of 1890, his district was made 
 up of Stark, Medina, Wayne and Holmes Counties, which had the year 
 before given Campbell, the Democratic candidate for Governor,. 3,900 
 
 Ja£m 
 
 
4(>2 
 
 HIHTOKV OF TUE KEl'L'ULICAN PARTY. 
 
 majority, but on the fnlletst vote ever polled in the dicttrict, Major 
 McKinley reduced this majority to 303. He received 2,500 more voteg 
 in the district than had been cant for General Harrison for President 
 in 1888 in the same counties. He was Chairman of the Committee on 
 Itesolutions in the National Conventions of 1884 and 1888. On June 
 7, 1801, Major McKinle.v was unanimously nominated by the Republi- 
 cans of Ohio for Governor; and after one of the most hotly contested 
 campaigns in the history of the Wtate, he was elected over James E. 
 Campbell, then Governor, by a plurality of 21,511 votes. At the Re- 
 publican State Convention in 1802, Governor McKinley was elected 
 «me of the DeleKates-at-lurKe to the Republican National Convention 
 at Minneapolis. He was made (.^hairnmn of the Ohio delegation, and 
 l)ermanent Chairman of the Convention. Although not desiring to 
 have his name mentioned for the Presidency, and doing all he could 
 personally to renominate President Harrison, he nevertheless 
 received 182 votes for that high office. At the election in November, 
 1803, Governor McKinley was re-elected, defeating Lawrence T. Neal 
 by 80,005 majority, in a total vote of 835,604. He received 433,342 
 votes, the greatest number ever given any 8tate or Presidential can- 
 didate in the history of Ohio. The unprecedented Republican 
 victories in Ohio in 1804 and 1805 were also attributed to his effective 
 work for the party. In 1894 the plurality of Hamuel M. Taylor for 
 Secretary of State was 137,086, and in 1805 the plurality of Asa 8. 
 Bushnell for Governor was 92,662. 
 
 The National <:onvention met in St. Louis, June 16, with Charles 
 W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, for Temporary Chairman. On the second 
 day permanent organization was effected, with John M. Thurston, of 
 Nebraska, as I'resident> rules were adopted nearly identical with 
 those used in the Convention of 1892, majority and minority reports 
 of the Committee on Credentials w^re presented, and the cases for 
 contesting delegati6ns ^ere settled. On the third day the Committee 
 on Resolutions reported the following platform: ; 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre- 
 sentatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and 
 historical justification of their claims to the miitchless achievements 
 of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address 
 themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience 
 of their countrymen in the following declnration of facts and princi- 
 ples : 
 
 For the first time since the Civil War the American people have 
 witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Dem- 
 
 MiataiiMi 
 
 HMWMMMRMIMMMMMN,. 
 
strict, Major 
 
 more votes 
 or President 
 'oiuinittee on 
 18. On June 
 the Republi- 
 tly contested 
 'er James E. 
 
 At the Re- 
 was elected 
 
 1 Convention 
 legation, and 
 ; desiring to 
 
 all he could 
 nevertheless 
 n November, 
 ence T. Neal 
 >ived 433,342 
 idential can- 
 Republican 
 his effective 
 [. Taylor for 
 ty of Asa 8. 
 
 with Charles 
 a the second 
 Thurston, of 
 entical with 
 jrity reports 
 he cases for 
 e Committee 
 
 their repre- 
 popular and 
 Lchievements 
 ntly address 
 d conscience 
 9 and princi- 
 
 people have 
 tricted Dem- 
 
 ELKVKNTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 463 
 
 ocratic control of the Koveriiment. It has been a record of unpar- 
 alleled incapacity, dishonor and disaster, in administrative nmnage- 
 iiient it has rullilessly sacrificed indispeiiHable revenue, entailed an 
 increasing dettcit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed 
 money, piled up the public debt by |2({'2,(HIO,000 in time of peace, 
 forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging 
 over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndi- 
 cates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful Repub- 
 lican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, 
 blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, <'losed fac- 
 tories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprises and crippled 
 American i>roduction, while stimulating foreign produ<-tion for the 
 American market. Every consideration of public safety and indi- 
 vidual interest demands that the government shall be rescued from 
 the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct 
 it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be 
 restored to the party which for thirty years administered it with 
 unequaled success and prosperity. In this connection we heartily 
 indorse the wisdom, patriotism and success of the administration of 
 President Harrison. 
 
 We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protec- 
 tion as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the 
 foundation of American development and prosperity. This true 
 American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home indus- 
 try; it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the 
 American market for the American producer; it upholds the Amer- 
 ican standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the 
 factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer less 
 dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, 
 and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reason- 
 able application it is just, fair and impartial, e<pially opposed to for- 
 eign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination and 
 individual favoritism. 
 
 We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious 
 to the public credit and destructive to business enterprise. We 
 demand such an ei]uitable tariff on foreign imports which come into 
 competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate 
 revenue for the necessary expenses of the CJovernment, but v;ill pro- 
 tect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other 
 lands We are not pledged to any jiarticular schedules. The question 
 of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of 
 the timje and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle 
 is the protection and development of American labor and industry. 
 The country demands a right settlement and then it wants rest. 
 
 We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated 
 by the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and 
 we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize 
 our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now 
 
 t.i' 
 
 ■ n 
 
 . n 
 
 '•* » ■ '• Ili . i < i iu «e l »ii i»i iu.' t 
 
"iffPfy 
 
 UPttfaK.^ 
 
 464 
 
 HI8T1>KY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 obstruct the ftale of American products in the ports of ottier coun- 
 tries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, 
 forests and factories. Protection and reciprocity are twin measures 
 of Republican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule lias reclc- 
 lessly struck down both and both must be re-established. Protection 
 for what we produce; tree admission for the necessaries of life which 
 we do not produce; reciprocal agreements of mutual interests which 
 gain open '.nark\£ts for us in return for oiir open market to others. 
 Protection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our 
 own market for ourselves; rei^iprocity builds up foreign trade and 
 finds au outlet for our surplus. 
 
 We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith 
 with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party 
 favors such protection as will lead to the production on American soil 
 of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they 
 pay other countries more than {100,000,000 annually. 
 
 To all our products — to those of the mine and the field, as well 
 as to those of the shop and the factory — to heiiip, to wool, the product 
 of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished 
 woolens of the mill — we promise the most ample protection. 
 
 We fovor restoring the early American policy of discriminating 
 duties for the upbuilding of our mjerchant marine and the protection 
 of our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships, 
 the product of American labor employed in American shipyards, sail- 
 ing under the Fttars and Stripes, and manned, officered and owned by 
 Americans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce 
 
 The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused 
 the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie pay- 
 ments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We 
 are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our 
 currency or impair the <'redit of our country. We are, therefore, 
 opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agree- 
 ment with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we 
 pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be 
 obtained, the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our 
 silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, 
 and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga- 
 tions of the United Rtates and all our money, whether coin or paper, 
 at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations 
 of the earth. 
 
 The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive fair 
 treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable they 
 should be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they 
 are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to 
 secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days 
 of the country's peril. We denounce the practice in the .pension 
 bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present adminis- 
 
liiMi^ 
 
 other c'uun- 
 f our fariiiH, 
 irin iiienttureB 
 ule liaH reck- 
 ProtectJoii 
 of life which 
 ereftts which 
 et to otherM. 
 
 secureB our 
 ;n trade and 
 
 ceeping faith 
 blican party 
 American moJI 
 r which they 
 
 fleld, as well 
 , the product 
 the finished 
 ion. 
 
 iBcriminatinK 
 he protection 
 lerican Bhips, 
 lipyards, sail- 
 ind owned by 
 merco 
 
 ey. It caused 
 >f specie pay- 
 as gold. We 
 o debase our 
 re, thei-efore, 
 itional agree- 
 Id, which we 
 nent can be 
 ed. All our 
 ty with gold, 
 ly the obliga- 
 oin or paper, 
 tened nations 
 
 i receive fair 
 ?ticable they 
 ent, and they 
 calculated to 
 he dark days 
 the pension 
 sent adminis- 
 
 ELKVKNTH UEIMIILKJAN CONVENTION. 
 
 466 
 
 iUia 
 
 tration of reducing |H>nsionM and arbitrarily dropping names from the 
 rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American people. 
 
 Our foreign policy should he at all times firm, vigorous and dig- 
 nified, and all our liitereKts in Jlie Western Hemisphere carefully 
 watched and guarded. The Ilawuiian Islands should be controlled 
 by the Uniteil Htates and no foreign power should Im* jn'ruiitted to 
 interfere with them. The Nicaragunn canal should be built, owned 
 and operated by the Tniled Htates; and by the purchase of the Danish 
 Islands we should secure a pro|H'r and much needed naval station in 
 the West Indies. 
 
 The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep synkpathy and 
 just indignation of the Anu'rican {H'ople, and we believe that the 
 United States should exercise all the influence it can pro|>erly exert 
 to bring these atrocities to un end. In Turkey, American resid(>nts 
 have been exposed to the gravest dangers, and American projierty 
 destroyed. There and <'verywhere American citixeiis and American 
 property must be absolutely protected at all bastards and at any cost. 
 
 We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we 
 reaflirm the right of the I'nited Htates to give the doctrine effect by 
 responding to the appeals of any American state for friendly inter- 
 vention in «'a»e of EuroiM*an encronchuient. We have not interfered, 
 and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any European 
 power in this Hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pre 
 text, be extended. .We hopefully look forward to the eventual with- 
 drawal of the European powers from this Hemisphere, and to the 
 ultimate union of all Enirlish-speaking parts of the Tontinent by the 
 free consent of its inhabitants. 
 
 From the hour of achieving their own independence, the people 
 of the Ignited States liave regarded with sympathy the struggles of 
 other American peoples to free themselves from European domina- 
 tion. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of 
 the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes 
 go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. 
 The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being 
 unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, 
 or to comply with its trenty obligations, we believe that the Govern- 
 ment of the I'^nited StatcH should actively use its influence and good 
 offices to restore peace and give independence to the island. 
 
 The p(>nce and security of the Republic and the maintenance of 
 its rightful influence ainonc the nations of the earth demand a naval 
 power commensurate with its position and responsibility. We, there- 
 fore, favor the continued enlararemenr of the Navy and a complete 
 system of harbor and seacoast defenses. 
 
 For the protection of t.'je (j^ality of our American citizenship and 
 of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low- 
 priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly 
 enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the I'^^nited 
 States those who can neither read nor write. 
 
qpi 
 
 4l«i 
 
 HIHTOUV OF TIIK HKIM HKHAN I'AKTV 
 
 Tlu' Civil Hi'i'vhr LiiH wiiM pliicfd on tln' HfuttHe book by tlu; 
 Ui'liiiblicaii piirl.v, which hiiM iiIwhvh HiiMtaincd it, anil we renew our 
 rc|M>at('d lieclaration that it Mhall b«> thoroughly and hont'Htl.v enforced 
 and extended wherever practicable. 
 
 We demand that every citlxen «»f the I iiited Htateit Hhall be 
 allowed to caHt one free and unreHtrlded ballot, and that hucIi ballot 
 Hhall be counted and returned aN cant. 
 
 We pro<'l;!hn our unqualltied <ondeninatinn of the uncivilised 
 and barbarouH practice, well known an lynching; or killing; of human 
 behiKH, itnH|»ec)ed or charKcd with crim«-. without proceHM of law. 
 
 We favor the creation of a National Hoard of Arbitration to 
 nettle and adjuHt difference* which may arine between employer and 
 employ(> en^aK^d in interntafe commerce. 
 
 We believe in an Immediate return to the free homentead policy 
 of the Hepubli<an party; and ur^e the paHMatte by <'onj?reM8 of the 
 MatlHfactory fn'e homeiitead meaHure which Iuim already paHHed the 
 House and is now |>endinR in the Henate. 
 
 We favor the admisHion of the renuiinint; terrltorlen at the 
 earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interestH of the 
 people of the terrltorien and of the I'nlted KtateH. All the Federal 
 ofHoers appointed for the territor'eH Hhould be Helected from bona 
 tide refiidentH thereof, and the right of Helf-government Hhould be 
 accorded as far as practicnbh^. 
 
 We believe the citizens of Alanka should have representation in 
 the Congress of the Cnlted States to the end that needful legiHlation 
 may be intelligently enacted. 
 
 We sympathize with ail wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and 
 prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. 
 
 The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of 
 women. Protei-tlon of American industries includes e«pial oppor- 
 tunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We 
 favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and 
 welcome their co-operation ia rescuing the country from I )emocrati<; 
 and Popo! >t mismanagement and misrule. 
 
 Such H.v the principles and policies of tlie Uepublican party. IJy 
 these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into exe- 
 cution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American 
 people. Contldeut alike in the history of our great party and In the 
 justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in 
 the full assurance that the election will bring victory to the Republi- 
 can party and prosperity to the people of the United' States. 
 
 Senator Teller, in behalf of himself, and the other Silver members 
 of the Committee on Resolations, offered the following as a substi- 
 tute for the financial plank of the platform: "We, the undersigned, 
 Members of the Committee on Resolutions, being unable to agree 
 with a portion of the majority report which treats of the subject of 
 
took by tlit> 
 • rj'iM«w (Hir 
 fl.v «'iiforc«'<l 
 
 CM hIiuII Im^ 
 HUcli ballot 
 
 iiiicivllixt'il 
 H of hiiiiiaii 
 of law. 
 >iit ration to 
 iiplovfi- and 
 
 4ti«ad poliry 
 i;i*»*HH of tlie 
 
 IHIHHOd th(> 
 
 ricM at tlic' 
 
 •estH of the 
 
 the Federal 
 
 from bona 
 
 Hhonid be 
 
 tentation in 
 I le^iHlation 
 
 ) Ie88eu and 
 
 ntereHts of 
 |ual oppor- 
 home. We 
 ulnetiH, and 
 I >enioeratic 
 
 party. By 
 lit into exe- 
 e American 
 
 and in the 
 ndidates in 
 he Bepubli- 
 
 sr members 
 18 a Bubgti- 
 adersigned, 
 le to agree 
 ■ subject of 
 
 KLK\ KNTH KKIM IILK AN CONVKNTION. 
 
 4((7 
 
 coinage and AnanceH. rcMpectfully Hubmil the following paragraph aH 
 M HiibHtitute therefor: 'The Kepublican party authorixcH the tiHe of 
 both gold and silver as etpml standard money and pledges its {Mtwer 
 #0 securt tli<' free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our 
 mittts at the mih of sixt****!! parts of silver to onv of gold.' " Henator 
 Teller niwde a long speech in support of the substitute, (he addr(>ss 
 iM'ing also his fitrcwcll to the Kepublican party, with which he had 
 acted for forty years. On motion of (lovernor Foraker, of Ohio, the 
 substitute was laid on the table r>y a vote of «IHi/y to ItlRi/... The 
 financial plank as given in the majority report was then adopted by a 
 vote of 812 i/L' to IKIU, the :\:\y votes in both cases coming chleHy 
 from the Houth and the silver producing States. Following this th< 
 platform as a whole was adoptt>d by a viva vow vote. 
 
 Then came the climax of the (convention. Senators Teller, of 
 Colorado, and (*anmm, of Utah, ascended the platform, and the latter 
 read a statement prepared by the silver men. It referred to the 
 flnancial plank in the platform of 1892, and to the dilTerent construc- 
 tions that had been put upon it, quoted the ilnancial declaration that 
 had just been adopted, continued with an enumeration of the evils 
 which they declared would result from the adoption of the gold 
 standard, asserted that the Convention had "seceded from the trtlfh" 
 and closed as follows: "Accepting the flat of this Convention as the 
 present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this Convention to 
 return our constituents the authority with which they invested us, 
 believing that we have better discharged their trust by this action 
 whi«'h restores to them authority unsullied, than by giving cowardly 
 and insincere indorsement to the greatest wrong ever wilfully 
 attempted within the Republican party, once redeemer of the people, 
 but now about to become their oppressor, unless providentially 
 restrained by the votes of free men." This document was signed by 
 Senators Teller, of Colorado; Dubois, of Idaho, and Cannon, of Utah; 
 Congressman Hartman, of Montana, and A. C. Cleveland, of Nevada, 
 as the representatives of their respective States on the Committee on 
 Resolutions. Senators Teller and Cannon then shook hands with 
 Chairman Thurston and Governor Foraker, descended from the plat- 
 form, went down the aisle, and passed out of the hall, followed by 
 about twenty other Silver delegates, amid the yells, hoots, cheers and 
 hisses of the audience, the waving of hats, handkerchiefs, nnbrellas 
 and flags, the playing of the band, and a general tumult. The bolt, 
 however, was not as formidable in numbers as had been threatened, 
 
 . (I! 
 
408 
 
 H18TOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 and its t^eet upon the Convention was bnt temporary. Senators 
 Mantle, of Montana, and Brown, of Utah, and A. P. Burleigh, of Wash- 
 ington, all Silver > 'legates, explained why they did not leave the Con- 
 vention, and the order of the presentation of Presidential aspirants 
 was taken up. John W. Baldwin, of Iowa, presented the name of 
 Senator William B*. Allison; Henry (^abot Lodge, of Massachusetts, 
 that of Thomas B. Reed; Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, that of 
 Levi P. Morton; Governor J. B. Foraker and Senator .Tohn M. Thurs- 
 ton that of William. MeKinley, and Governor Hastings, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, that of Mathew Stanley Quay. The only ballot taken resulted 
 as follows: 
 
 William MeKinley, of Ohio G61V<> 
 
 Thomas B. Reed, of Maine 8iYj 
 
 Mathew Stanley Quay, of Pennsylvania 61V^ 
 
 Levi P. Morton, of New York 58 
 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa SSy^ 
 
 Total Number of Votes 901 
 
 Necessary to a Choice 451 
 
 For Vice-President William G. Buckley, of Connecticut; Garret 
 A. Hobart, of New Jersey; Charles Warren Lippitt, of Rhode Island; 
 Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee, and General James A. Walker, of 
 Virginia, were proposed* The ballot gave Hobart, 5331/2; Evans, 
 2771/2; Buckley, 39; Walker, 24, and Lippitt, 8. 
 
 The Michigan delegates to the Convention were: At Large — 
 Russell A. Alger, Thomas J. O'Brien, John Duncan, Mark S. Brewer. 
 B.V Districts — (1) David Meginnity, Freeman B. Dickerson; (2) James 
 T. Hurst, Edward P. Allen; (3 )Hamilton King, E. O. Grosvenor; (4) 
 Frank W. Wait, Richard B. Messer; (5) Gerritt J. Diekema, William 
 H. Anderson; (6) William McPherson, George W. Buckingham; (7) 
 John L. Starkweather, Williaut H. Aitken; (8) Oliver L. Spaulding, 
 Theron W. Atwood^ (0) Charles H. Hackley, Edgar G. Maxwell; (10) 
 Temple Emery, J. Frank Eddy; (11) Edgar P. Babcock, Charles L. 
 Crandall; (12) James McNaughton, Charles E. Miller. They gave 
 MeKinley their entire 28 votes. For Vice-President they gave Hobart 
 21 and Evans 7. 
 
 The speeches in the Convention turned largely upon the deplora- 
 ble results of four years of Democratic rule, which were fairly 
 summed up by Senator Wolcott, upon taki.ig the chair. The follow- 
 ing paragraphs were a portion of his remarks: 
 
 The appalling result of the President's p»ilicy is still fresh in the 
 memory of millions, who suffered from' it. In four years the country 
 
 ii i nnwlM ti l iii i 
 
r. 
 
 y. Senators 
 gh, of Wash- 
 ave the Con- 
 al aspirantH 
 the name of 
 i8Bachn8ett8, 
 'ork, that of 
 in M. Thurs- 
 of Pennsyl- 
 ken resnlted 
 
 G61V> 
 
 841/. 
 
 58 
 
 35% 
 901 
 451 
 
 icut; Garret 
 hode Island; 
 . Walker, of 
 31/2 ; Evans, 
 
 At Large — 
 k 8. Brewer, 
 n; (2) James 
 rosvenor; (4) 
 ma, William 
 iingham; (7) 
 I. Spanlding, 
 [axwell; (10) 
 , Charles L. 
 They gave 
 gave Hobart 
 
 the deplora- 
 were fairly 
 The follow- 
 fresh in the 
 the country 
 
 ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 469 
 
 witnessed GO.UOU commen-iul failures, with liabilities aggregating 
 more than nine hundred millions of dollais. One hundred and seven- 
 ty-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the circle 
 of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion of 
 dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into 
 the hands of receivers. More than 170 National banks closed their 
 doors, with liabilities reaching seventy niJUions; wool and all farm 
 products which tariffs could att'ect, lost tens of millions in value; farm 
 mortgages were foreclosed by thousands throughout the great West; 
 our agricultural exports shrunk in value; the balance of irade which 
 had been in our favor, turned ruinously against us; the National Treas- 
 ury was depleted of its gold reserve; our government bonds were 
 sold to syndicates at far below their market value before or since, and 
 our steadily declining revenues were insufli(*ient to meet the neces- 
 sary expense of conducting the Government. 
 
 If capital alone had suffered, the loss would have been great, but 
 not irremediable. Unfortunately those who rely upon their daily 
 labor for their sustenance.- and their families dependent upon them, 
 constituting the great mass of the American people, were made to 
 feel heaviest this burden of disaster. Nearly one-third oi the laboring 
 population of the United States were thrown out of employment, and 
 men by thousands, able and willing to labor, walked the highways of 
 the land clamoring for work or food. 
 
 Mr. McKinley's reply to the committee appointed to notify him 
 of his nomination laid particular stress upon the tariff and currency 
 questions, his chief utterances upon these points being as follows: 
 
 Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American 
 policy, should again command the earnest encouragement of the Gov- 
 ernment at M'ashington. The Government must raise enough 
 money to meet both its -current expenses and increasing needs. 
 Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests 
 of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources. 
 A failure to pursue this {mlicy ha^ compelled the government to 
 borrow motney in a time of peace to sustain its credit and pay its daily 
 expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily 
 as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties 
 or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adequate 
 revenue for the expenditures of the Government, economically and 
 prudently administered. The National credit, which has thus far 
 fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld 
 and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support 
 of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing money 
 and increasing the public debt. The complaint of the people is not 
 against the Administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds 
 to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy 
 
r 
 
 I 
 
 -'{ 
 
 i 
 
 >5; ■-••.■ 
 
 47U 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 which ha» made this necegBary. It is but an incident, uaA a necessary 
 one, to the policy which has been inaugurated. The inevitable effect 
 of such a policy is seen in the deficiency of the United States Treas- 
 ury, except as it is replenished by loaus, and in the distress of the 
 people who are suffering because of the scant demand for either their 
 labor or the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, 
 the reujiedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty. During 
 the years of Republican control following resumption there was a 
 steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was 
 sacredly maintained and our currency and credit preserved without 
 depreciation, taint, or suspicion. If we would restore this policy 
 that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years 
 under the most trying conditions eyer known in this country, the 
 policy by which we made and bought goods at home and sold more 
 abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in our favor and 
 gold would come to us and not go from us in the settlement of all 
 such balances in the future. The money of the United States, and 
 every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver, or gold, must be as 
 good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full 
 value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every com- 
 mercial center of the globe. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage- 
 earner, and the pensioner must continue forever in equal purchasing 
 and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Government creditor. 
 The platform adopted by the Republican National Convention ha« 
 received my careful consideration and has my unqualified approval. 
 It is a matter of gratification to me, as, I am sure, it must be to you, 
 and Republicans everywhere, and to all our people that the expression 
 of its declaration of principles is so direct, clear and emphatic. 
 
 His letter of acceptance was devoted mainly to the currency 
 question, but that was preceded and followed by the enunciation of 
 his views on nearly all pending questions in short speeches addressed 
 to various visiting delegations at his home in Canton, Ohio, where he 
 remained throughout the cam])aign. The candidate for Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Mr. Hobart, confined his participation in the campaign mainly 
 to his letter of acceptance, which accepted the platform and briefly 
 discussed pending issues. * 
 
 MMtiilii 
 
 '-■j^-ff 
 
"^M 
 
 I 
 
 a necessary 
 itable effect 
 tates Treas- 
 tress of the 
 either their 
 Dtal trouble, 
 ty. During 
 :here was a 
 reserve was 
 ved without 
 this policy 
 thirty years 
 jountry, the 
 i sold more 
 r favor and 
 ;ment of all 
 States, and 
 , must be as 
 it at its full 
 ; every com- 
 ■r, the wage- 
 purchasing 
 ?nt creditor, 
 vention ha^ 
 sd approval, 
 t be to you, 
 i expression 
 hatic. 
 
 tie currency 
 iinciation of 
 '8 addressed 
 lo, where he 
 
 Vice-Presi- 
 aign mainly 
 
 and brief! V 
 
 ■^*;. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Democratic Convention — The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggres- 
 sive and Confident — A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Tem- 
 porary President and in the Platform — That Announcement of 
 Principles Afterwards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's 
 Taking Speech and His Nomination — Accepted by the Populists 
 and the Free Silver Republicans — Interest of the Business Men 
 in the Campaign — McKinley and Hobart Electe<l With a Repub- 
 lican Congress. 
 
 The sentiment in favor of the free coinage of silver at the ratio 
 of 16 to 1 was quite strong in the Democratic party, and at this time 
 it was reinforced by the belief that by a combination with the Popu- 
 lists and the Silver Republicans, that party might again carry the 
 election and share in the spoils of office. Many of the Silver Republi- 
 cans and some of the Populists were Protectionists. For this reason 
 the Democrats chose to keep that issue as far as possible in the back- 
 ground, and make the campaign on the Silver question. They miscal- 
 culated in two directions — by overestimating the number of Silver 
 Republicans that would come to the combination, and by underesti- 
 mating the extent of the revolt of Sound Money Democrats from the 
 new and un-Democratic doctrine. 
 
 Their Convention commenced at Chicago, July 7, and found the 
 Silver men confident, aggressive and ready to push the fight from the 
 start. The National Committee had recommended David Bennett 
 Hill, of New York, for temporary Cliairman of the Convention. The 
 Free Silver men antagonized him with John W. Daniel, of Virginia 
 and won by a vote of 556 to 349. Twenty-six States voted solidly for 
 Daniels as follows: Alabama, Arkaiisas, California, Colorado, 
 Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio. 
 Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and Wyom- 
 ing, all, it will be noticed, Southern or Western States. 
 
472 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 . 
 
 Senator Daniel, on taking tbe chair, mingled profound grati- 
 tude for the honor conferred upon him, with regret that his name 
 should have been brongfat in even tbe most courteous competition 
 with his distinguished friend, Senator Hill, who, however, would 
 recognize the fact that there was no personality in the matter. It 
 was solely due to the principle which the great majority of the Demo- 
 crats stood for, Mr. Daniel standing with them. As the majority of 
 the Convention was not personal in its aims, neither was it sectional. 
 It began with the sunrise in Maine and spread into a sunburst in 
 Louisiana and Texas. It stretched, in unbroken lines across the con- 
 tinent from Virginia and Georgia to California. It swept like a prairie 
 fire over Iowa and Kansas, and it lighted up the horizon in Nebraska. 
 After this flight of oratory Mr. Daniel continued with an argument 
 in favor of free silver and against a gold standard. 
 
 On the second day Stephen M. White, of California, another Silver 
 man, was named as permanent President, and contested delegate 
 seats from Michigan and Nebraska were settled in favor of Silver 
 delegates. Meantime the Committee on Resolutions were having 
 hot work over the platform. The Silver men were determined upon 
 a declaration so unequivocal as to ensure the co-operation of the Popu- 
 lists and Free Silver Republicans, while the men who favored a gold 
 standard desired shch modification, in phraseology at least, as would 
 prevent a break in the party. The outcome was a majority and a 
 minority report, the former read by Senator Jones, of Arkansas, and 
 the latter by J. B. Wade, of Ohio. 
 
 It was the Democrats now, and not the Republicans, who had 
 come to the parting of the ways. The flery Southerner, Senator Till- 
 man, of South Carolina, made a strong speech favoring the majority 
 report, and denouncing the Administration in the bitterest terms. 
 He brought out the sectional feature of the question with such empha- 
 sis that Senator Jones, df Arkansas, thought it advisable to declare 
 that free silver coinage was not sectional, but National, and, as a 
 cause, had adherents in every State in the Union. Senator Hill, of 
 New York, vigorously opposed the majority report, but in accordance 
 with his declaration made under trying circumstances, "I am a Dem- 
 ocrat," indicated that he should abide by the action of the Convention. 
 Senator Vilas, of Wisconsin, a member of Cleveland's first Cabinet, 
 followed in an eloquent and pathetic address deploring the step" which 
 the party was about to take. Ex-Governor William E. Russell, of 
 Massachusetts, followed in a speech which reminded. his hearers of 
 
ai 
 
 i'.t 
 
 THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 
 
 478 
 
 >und grati- 
 t his name 
 competition 
 ver, would 
 matter. It 
 ? the Demo- 
 majority of 
 it sectional, 
 lunburst in 
 )88 the con- 
 ke a prairie 
 I Nebraska. 
 1 argument 
 
 )ther Silver 
 id delegate 
 r of Silver 
 ere having 
 nined upon 
 tf the Popu- 
 ored a gold 
 t, as would 
 >rity and a 
 cansas, and 
 
 3, who had 
 enator Till- 
 le majority 
 rest terms, 
 uch empha- 
 ! to declare 
 , and, as a 
 tor Hill, of 
 accordance 
 am a Dem- 
 Uonvention. 
 st Cabinet, 
 step" which 
 Russell, of 
 hearers of 
 
 that in which Senator Teller nmde his farewell to the Republican 
 party. Mr. Russell, in the course of his remarks, said: "I am con- 
 scious, painfully conscious that the mjnd of this (.'onvention is not 
 and has not been open to argument. I know the will of this great 
 majority, which has seen lit to override precedents and attacks the 
 sovereignity of states, is to rigidly enforce its views. I know full 
 well that an appeal also will fall on deaf ears. There is but one thing 
 ieft, to enter my protest. I do so, not in anger nor in bitterness, but 
 with a feeling of inlluite sorrow. 'Jur country, if not this Conven- 
 tion, will listen to our protest." 
 
 William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, who was to be the central 
 figure in the coming campaign, then created the sensation of the day. 
 Mr. Bryan had h^t'ome noted as an eloquent and convincing speaker. 
 He W88 one of the ablest advocates of the Wilson Tariff Bill, was 
 among the strongest of the Free Silver men, and had omitted no 
 opportunity that offered to support that cause on the floor of the 
 House. He now came forward, and in an impassioned speech, made 
 a plea tor free silver coinage and against the gold standard, in defense 
 of the income tax and in arraignment of the Supreme Court. A 
 majority of the Convention were with him from, the beginning, but 
 he fairly carried the members off their feet, when, referring to the 
 sound money men in the Convention he said: "If they dare to come 
 out, and in the open, defend the gold standard as a good thing, we 
 shall fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing 
 masses of this Nation and the world. Having behind us the commer- 
 cial interests and the laboring interests, and all the toiling masses, 
 we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them: 
 'You shall not press down upon the brow of Ijabor this crown of 
 thorns; you shall not crucify man upon a cross of gold.'" At the 
 conclusion of Brjan's speech the Convention went wild. Cheer upon 
 cheer was given, while the whole immense crowd rose to its feet 
 amid waving of liandkerchiefs, flags, unbrellas and hats. Then, as 
 if by a sudden impulse, a member of the Texas delegation took the 
 banner of that State from its fastenings, carried it across the hall, 
 and planted it by the side of the Nebraska banner. The example 
 was followed by others, until the banners of thirty States were 
 grouped together with the purple standard from Bryan's home State 
 in the center. Delaware was not among the states that had carried 
 its banner to the Nebraska rallying ground, but when the excitement 
 had subsided Delegate Saulsbury, of that State, stood upon his chair. 
 
 li 
 
 1 ^1 
 
474 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBJilCAN PARTY. 
 
 \ 
 
 while he Itnd his three Silver colleagues gave three cheers for Bryan, 
 and a shout came from the gallery: "What's the matter with Bryan 
 for President?" 
 
 There was no question, from the time the discussion opened till 
 its close, about the adoption of the platform reported by the majority 
 of the Committee. That action was taken without further delay, the 
 financial and tariff planks being as follows: 
 
 Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others 
 at this time, we invite attention to the tact that the Federal Constitu- 
 tion names silver and gold together as the money metals of the 
 United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress 
 under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit and 
 admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar 
 unit. 
 
 We declare that the Act of 1873, demonetising silver without the 
 knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the 
 appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in prices of commodities 
 produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation 
 and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money- 
 lending class at home and abroad; a prostration of industry and 
 impoverishment of the people. 
 
 We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has 
 locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of 
 hard times. (}old monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption 
 has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is 
 not only un-American, but anti- American, and it can be fastened upon 
 the United Statas only by the stitling of that spirit and love of lib- 
 erty which proclaimed our political indei)endence in 1776 and won it 
 in the war of the revolution. 
 
 We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver 
 at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or 
 consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver 
 dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, 
 public and private, «nd we favor such legislation as will prevent for 
 the future demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private 
 contract. 
 
 We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to 
 the holder of the obligations of the United States the option reserved 
 by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either 
 silver coin or gold coin. 
 
 We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the 
 United States in times of peace, and condemn the trafficking with 
 banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous 
 profit to themselves, su^^ply the Federal Treasury with gold to main- 
 tain the policy of gold monometallism. 
 
 mtm 
 
m 
 
 THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMrAIQN. 
 
 m 
 
 8 for Bryan, 
 with Bryan 
 
 I opened tit) 
 the majority 
 sr delay, the 
 
 to all others 
 ral Constitu- 
 (itals of the 
 by Congress 
 iry unit and 
 silver dollar 
 
 without the 
 
 ulted in the 
 
 commodities 
 
 of taxation 
 
 the money- 
 
 ndustry and 
 
 1, which has 
 paralysis of 
 its adoption 
 ndon. It is 
 istened upon 
 . love of lib- 
 \ and won it 
 
 Id and silver 
 r the aid or 
 adard silver 
 )r all debts, 
 prevent for 
 >y by private 
 
 'endering to 
 ion reserved 
 ns in either 
 
 (onds of the 
 Hcking with 
 m enormous 
 old to main- 
 
 Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and I'resi- 
 dent Jai-ksou declared that this power could not be delegated to 
 corporations or individu8*ct. We therefore demand that the power to 
 issue notes to circulate us money be taken from the National banks, 
 and that all paper money shall be issued by the Treasury Department, 
 redeemable in coin and receivable for all debts, public and private. 
 
 We hold that taritf duties should be levied solely for the purposes 
 of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally 
 throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or sec- 
 tion, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the 
 Government, honestly and economically administered. We denounce 
 as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the McKin- 
 ley I^w, which has been twice condemned by the people in National 
 eletrtions, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to 
 home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, 
 enriched the few at the expi>nse of many, restricted trade and deprived 
 the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural 
 markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any 
 agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are 
 necessary to make up the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse 
 decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. 
 
 It is illustrative of the entire absorption of the Convention in one 
 subject that the plilnks relating to other features of Democratic policy 
 did not receive the careful attention that the leaders thought desira- 
 ble for campaign use, and additions were made after the Convention 
 adjourned. The copy of the platform, generally circulated in Michi- 
 gan and some other states contained four clauses, which were not in 
 that instrument as reported by the press at the time, nor as it is given 
 in the standard books of reference. These were clauses relating to 
 civil and religious liberty, favoring arbitration in cases of dispute 
 between employers and employes, declaring the Monroe Doctrine a 
 permanent part of the foreign policy of the United States, and insert- 
 ing the words "except as provided in the Constitution," after a 
 declaration against a life tenure in the public service. However, 
 these matters received comparatively little attention, for Mr. Bryan 
 sounded the key note of the campaign when he said in his letter of 
 acceptance, September 9: ''It is not necessary to discuss the tariff 
 question at this time. Whatever may be the individual views of citi- 
 zens as to the relative merits of protection and tariff reform, all must 
 recognize that until the money question is fully and finally settled 
 the American people will not consent to the consideration of any 
 other important question. Taxation presents a problem which in 
 some form is continually present, and a postponement of definite 
 
 mi 
 
 I •' ' 
 
476 
 
 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PAETY. 
 
 3i 
 
 action upon it involveg no gacriflce of personal >pinion or political 
 principles; but the crisis i)rc8ented by financial conditions cannot be 
 postponed. Tremendous results ^ill follow the action taken by the 
 United Htates on the money question, and delay is impossible. The 
 people of this Nation, sitting as a high court, must render judgment 
 in the cause which greed is prosecuting against humanity. The 
 decision will either give hope and inspiration to those who toil, or 
 'shut the doors of mercy on mankind.' In the presence of this over- 
 shadowing issue, differences upon minor questions must be laid aside 
 in order that there may be united action among those who are deter- 
 mined that progress toward an universal gold standard shall be 
 stayed, and the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution restored." 
 Jt was not until the fourth day of the Convention that balloting 
 for the Presidential candidates commenced. Whenever Bryan's 
 name was mentioned in the proceedings that occurred after his plat- 
 form speech it was greeted with great demonstrations of applause, 
 and he was looked upon as the coming man, but on the first ballot he 
 developed only about half the strength shown by Richard P. Bland, 
 the father of silver coinage legislation. That ballot scattered the 
 vote as follows: 
 
 Richard P. Bland, of Missouri 236 
 
 William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska 119 
 
 Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsylvania 95 
 
 Horace M. Boies, of Iowa 85 
 
 J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky 83 
 
 John R. Mclean, of Ohio. 54 
 
 Claude Matthews, of Indiana 37 
 
 Benjamin R. Tillnian, of South Carolina 17 
 
 Sylvester Pennoyer, of Oregon 8 
 
 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado 8 
 
 Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois 7 
 
 William E. Russell, of Massachusetts 2 
 
 David B. Hill, o^ New York 1 
 
 Not voting .178 
 
 The abstention from voting of so large a number of delegates 
 was ominous, but was in keeping with the attitude of the minority 
 who were disgusted with the platform, and incensed with the treat- 
 ment tliey had received from the majority. It included the New York 
 and New Jersey delegations, and parts of Connecticut, Delaware, 
 Rho<]e Island, Michigan and Wisconsin. Through four more ballots 
 the candidates were gradually sifted out, until on the fifth the vote 
 
 ■iwiiir 
 
■I 
 
 or political 
 18 cannot be 
 alien by the 
 Bsible. The 
 iv judgment 
 lanity. The 
 who toil, or 
 jf this over- 
 >e laid aside 
 lo are deter- 
 rd shall be 
 n restored." 
 at balloting 
 k'er Bryan's 
 ter his plat- 
 ot applause, 
 St ballot he 
 ■d P. Bland, 
 •attered the 
 
 . 236 
 . 119 
 . 95 
 . 85 
 . 83 
 . 54 
 . 37 
 . 17 
 . 8 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 . 2 
 
 1 
 . 178 
 
 of delegates 
 he minority 
 th the treat- 
 le New York 
 :, Delaware, 
 nore ballots 
 fth the vote 
 
 THE 8IXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 
 
 477 
 
 as cast stood: Bryan, BOO; BInnd, lOrt; Pattison, 95; Matthews, 31; 
 Boies. 20; Stevenson, S; not voting, 102. Changes folh»wed enough 
 to give Bryan the neresHary 512, and he was declared the nominee. 
 
 Five ballots were taken for a nominee for the Vi<e-Presidency 
 resulting in the nomination <if Arthur Hewall, of Maine, a man known 
 more for his wealth than for any previous political activity. Of his 
 characteristics the Chicago Chrhnicle, a Democratic pai>er, said: "He 
 is the richest man in Maine. He is president of the American Ship- 
 ping league, an ironclad and copjier-fastened trust of ship builders 
 and owners. He is President and owner of the National bank of Bath, 
 Me. He is a large owner of stock in National banks at Portland and 
 Boston. He is ex president and Is now one of the directors of the 
 Maine Central Hallway Company, described as the most grasping 
 and powerful railway «orporati<m in New England. He is a stock- 
 holder and director in nearly every corporate monopoly in the State 
 of Maine and in nmny other New England corimrations. He is a 
 lumber baron and saw log king. He is proprietor of the biggest ship- 
 yard in New England. He is a typical capitalist, monopolist, lobbyist 
 and plutocrat." 
 
 The action of the Convention Immediately occasioned a wide- 
 spread revolt among Democrats who had been trained in Jacksonian 
 hard money ideas, and esi>ecially among business men in the Eastern 
 and Middle Western States, Nor was the revolt confined entirely 
 to these sections, for a number of the oldest Democratic pafiers in 
 the South joined in it. >>ithln ten days after the ('Onvection 
 adjourned 100 Democratic dailies In different parts of the country 
 had repudiated its action. The number was soon increased to 150. 
 and many of them expressed their dissent in the strongest terms. 
 Four members of <'leveland's (^abinet were outspoken in their denun- 
 ciation of the platform, and while the President himself gave no 
 inuiediate expression of opinion, the platform was known to be 
 utterly repugnant to his views, for he was as strongly in favor of a 
 sound currency as he was in favor of tariff revision. Later in the 
 campaign, after the bolting Democrats had called another Conven- 
 tion and nominated a separate ticket, he expressed himself heartily 
 in favor of the latter. In every commercial center the revolt included 
 many of the most capable and clear headed business men and the 
 most responsible business firms. Many of these men announce<1 
 their purpose to vote the Republican ticket. Others met in Conven- 
 tion at Indianapolis, September 3; declared that in view of the grave 
 
 ■■• Hii 
 
■pMMMH 
 
 m 
 
 HIHTOUY OF THE KEl'lJHLK^VK PABTV 
 
 depai'tdivH made by the (*hii*aKo Convention from Deiiiotiattc prin- 
 ciples tlie.v oould not finpport its candidateti nor be bound l».v ItH artM. 
 and nominated Jolin M. Palmer, of Illinoiti, for I'reMident, and Himon 
 B. Ilurlcner, of Kentiiclty, for Vice-President. 
 
 Meantime tlie Itrvan people received Bonje encouragement from 
 <w(» other orKanixationH. The PopuliRt party, which had cast over 
 eleven hundred tliouBand votes at the last Presidential election, and 
 which was stronger now than it was then, met in 8t. I^ouis, .Inly 24, 
 endorsed the nomination of Bryan and named Thomas E. Watson, 
 of Georgia, for* Vice-President. The same day an organisation of 
 Silver Republicans, calling itself the National Silver imrty, met in th« 
 same City and endorsed the nomination?* of Bryan and Bewail. Th« 
 financial plank adopted by the latter gathering declared: "The para- 
 mount issue at this time in the Tnited Spates is indisputably the 
 money question. It is between the gold standard, gold bonds and 
 bank currency on the one side, and the bimetallic standard, no bonds 
 and government currency on the other. On this issue we declare 
 ourselves to be in favor of a distinctively American flnancial system. 
 We are unalterably opposed to the sing!^ ^xtM standard and demand 
 the immt^iate return to the Constitutional standard of gold and 
 silver by the restoration by this (Joverninent, independent of any 
 foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both gold and silver into 
 standard money at the ratio of 16 to 1 and upon terms of exact equal- 
 ity as they existed prior to 1873; the silver coin to be a full legal 
 tender, equally with gold for all debts and dues, private and public, 
 and we favor such legisla ion as will prevent for the future the 
 demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. 
 We hold that the povirer to control and regulate a paper currency 
 is inseparable from the power to coin money; and hence that all 
 currency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its 
 volume controlled by the General Government only and should be 
 legal tender." > 
 
 The Populist Convention demanded a graduated income tax and 
 declared that the Supreme Court decision relative to that, subject 
 was a misinterpretation of the Constitution; demanded that the 
 Governnient should use its option as to the kind of lawful money 
 in which its obligations should be paid, and had the following addi- 
 tional tinaucial clauses: 
 
 We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the 
 General Government only, without tlie intervention of banks of issue. 
 
THK HIXTKI N To OXJ AMI'AION. 
 
 iKH-i'iitic prill- 
 11(1 by itH HctH, 
 lit, and Hiiiiuii 
 
 nKciiient fruiii 
 Imd cant ov<>r 
 
 p|e<'tioii, aiul 
 imiifi, July 24, 
 8 E. Watson, 
 Kanieation of 
 't.v, met in tlio. 
 
 Bewail. The 
 I: "The paru- 
 iHptitabl.v the 
 Id bonds and 
 lard, no bondM 
 le we declare 
 mcial B.VRtem. 
 1 and demand 
 
 of i^old and 
 ndent of any 
 ind silver into 
 •f exact equal- 
 e a fall legal 
 te and public, 
 le future the 
 vate contract, 
 iper currency 
 lence that all 
 sued, and its 
 nd should be 
 
 conie tax and 
 that, subject 
 ded that the 
 lawful money 
 dlowing addi- 
 
 ssued by the 
 anks of issue. 
 
 to be a full legal tender for till debtn. pui.lic ami -ate, at i jwiii. 
 equitable and efttrienl ineaiiH of diMtribiitioii dir»- „ t\u- r ***e and 
 through the lawful disburHeiiientM itt the govei .«-iit. 
 
 >\'e deniaiid the free and unrestricted colniii- of Mihei ami gold 
 at the present legal ratio of HI to 1. without wiiiriug for the consent 
 of foreign nations. 
 
 We demiiud tlie volume of circulating medium be hihhhHIv 
 increased to an amount siimcient to meet tlie demands «»f the busi- 
 ness and population of this country and to restore the just level of 
 prices of labor and production. 
 
 We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public 
 interest-bearing bond debt nuide by the present mini inist rat ion as 
 unne<e8snry and without authority of law. and demand that no more 
 bonds be issued except by 8iie<-iflc Act of Congress. 
 
 We demand siuh legislation as will prevent the demonetization 
 of the lawful money of the T'nited Htates by private contract. 
 
 Kven the customary quiet of the Prohibitionists was disturbed 
 by the paramount issue, for their Convention held at Pittsburg. May 
 27, had split on this subject. The original body nominated Joshua 
 Levering, of Maryland, for President, and Hale Johnson, of Illinois, 
 for A'ice on a straight Prohibition platform. The bolters added 16 
 to 1, and various other declarations to their platform, and nominate<l 
 C. E. Kentley, of Nebraska, for President, and J. H. Routhgate for 
 Vice. The bolters called themselves the National party. To complete 
 the assortment of tickets a Bocialist Labor Convention met in New 
 York, July 4, demanded changes which would practically revolution- 
 ise our Government, and named Charles H. Matchett, of New York, 
 as the head of its ticket, with Matthew McGuire, of New Jersey, as 
 his associate. 
 
 The campaign which followed was one of the most exciting in 
 the history of the country. Bryan, who has rare talents as a cam 
 paign orator, was constantly on the stump, was everywhere greeted 
 by large crowds, and made a profound impression. Silver orators 
 held meetings fn almost every school district, in the yards of manu- 
 factories, and on the corners of city streets. The manufacturing and 
 commercial interests soon became alarmed, and men who had taken 
 no part in politics for years now came out with liberal contributions 
 and active personal work for the sound money ticket. Detroit may 
 be taken as a type of other cities of its size among the manufacturing 
 and trade centers. Every noon sound money meetings were held on 
 the vacant first floor of the new Majestic building, and frequent meet- 
 
 lil 
 
 '7'i' 
 
infffiHWffift'ini 
 
 480 
 
 HIHTOliV OF TIIK KKlMUlLirAN 1»ABTY. 
 
 ings in otlicr vuciiut Htor«'M. The beHt talkers iu the city from ainung 
 lawyerM hihI '. 'iHineNN men were enlbted for these meetings, and 
 occaMioniill.v not«'ti M|MMil(erH from abroad attended. H|MHH-heH were 
 made at the large niannfa<'torieM during the noon hour, the I'reiii- 
 dents and HuperinteudentH of the (•(mipanies fn>(|uentl.v addresHing 
 iheir own men. Finally nearly every large faetory in the city wan 
 eloHed for a day, to give opportunity for the largest parade of indus- 
 trial interests ever seen in the tity. 
 
 Nor was there any laek of oratory on the other side; for after 
 
 the sound money men 
 had vacated the Majes- 
 tic building for the 
 day, the sliver men o*-- 
 cupied it. Their ora- 
 tors talke<l also from 
 the City Hall steps, the 
 Campus Martins, often 
 throughout thedayanu 
 far into the evening. 
 K i m i I a r exiK>riences 
 were d u p 1 1 «• a t e d in 
 (Irand Rapids, Haginaw 
 and other manufaetar- 
 ing cities in the State, 
 while the villages and 
 the rural districts were 
 thoroughly canvassed. 
 A large part of the 
 work was done by local 
 committees who paid 
 their own expenses. 
 
 makc'ur a. manna. 
 
 At the same time the Htate Central and County Committees 
 were doing the usual work of providing speakers for general 
 meetings and distributing documents. What was true of Detroit 
 and Michigan was true of every other C^ity and State north of the 
 Ohio river, and of a few manufacturing enters in the Southern 
 States. The circulation of documents was enormous. There were 
 hundreds of different speeches and compilations issued, and the 
 aggregate circulation was estimated at 50,000,0(M) copies. Under ail 
 these influences an immense vote Was polled, the aggregate being 
 
ty from ainutiK 
 iiii>etinKR, and 
 HiMHM'he* wert' 
 >ur, the Preiil- 
 tly addreiiiiiiK 
 ti the clt.v WHB 
 irad(> of ioduH- 
 
 side; for after 
 id money men 
 ited the Ma Jen- 
 ding for the 
 silver men o<*- 
 t. Their ora- 
 ted also from 
 Hall Mteps, the 
 Martins, often 
 Mi the day and 
 
 the evening. 
 I r exi»erience8 
 l> I i (■ a t e d in 
 npids, Haginaw 
 >r manufaetnr- 
 » in the Htate, 
 e villages and 
 districts were 
 ily canvassed. 
 
 part of the 
 B done by local 
 .•es who paid 
 wn expenses, 
 y Committees 
 s for general , 
 pue of Detroit 
 e north of the 
 
 the Southern 
 1. There were 
 sued, and the 
 ies. Under all 
 ^gregate being 
 
 THE 8IXTKKN TO ONE CAMPAION. 481 
 
 13,023,643, against 12,154,542 in 1892. All parties recognized, at the 
 outset, that the fighting gnmnd for the campaign was in the North- 
 west, and for the direction of affairs in that territory they established 
 headquarters in Chicago. Tlieie was a good understanding among 
 the fn'e silver allies, and in all the un<ertain states they named joint 
 Kle<'toral tickets, dividing the Electors betwwn the DenHMrats, I'opu- 
 lists and Free Hilver Republicans, in proportion, as nearly as they 
 could estimate, to the vote which each section would cast for the 
 combination. Mix weeks before election the result was considered 
 doubtful, but the actlvily of the business interests had such an effect 
 that as election day approached but little doubt remained of the 
 success of the Hepublican ticket. 
 
 On the Ucpublican side the campaign brought a new figure into 
 ^'ational poliii<s. MarcuH A. Hunna, a wealthy manufacturer and 
 capitalist of Cleveland, and a personal friend of Governor McKin- 
 ley's, was the principal mannjrer <»f the campaign made by the friends 
 of tlie latter for the nominati<»ii. and was afterwards made Chairman 
 of the Republican National Committee. He proved to be a good 
 organizer, an energetic worker and resourceful in planning. Neither 
 on his part nor on .that of Chairman Jones of the Democratic National 
 Committee was there any lack of vigorous <'ondu<'t or skillful man- 
 agement of tlie campaign. When the returns were in the electoral 
 vote for the several candidates figured up as follows: 
 
 McKinley and Hobart, Republican 271 
 
 Uryan and Bewail, Democrat, Populist and Silver 
 
 Republican 149 
 
 Bryan and Watson, Democrat and Populist 27 
 
 Prom the old Southern and Border States McKinley had the fol- 
 lowing electoral votes: Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; Kentucky, 12; 
 West Virginia, 6. Of the Northern States which Cleveland carried 
 in 1892, McKinley carried the following in 1896: Connecticut, New 
 Jersey, New York, Indiana, Hiinois and Wisconsin. Bryan carried 
 all of the new Northwestern States except North Dakota, their vote 
 on Vice-President being divided between Bewail and Watson. The 
 popular vote for President was as follows: 
 
 McKinley and Hobart 7,106,199 
 
 Bryan and Bewail and Bryan and Watson 6,502,685 
 
 Palmer and Buckner 132,871 
 
 Levering and Johnson 131,757 
 
 Bentley and Southgate 13,873 
 
 Matchett and Maguire 36,258 
 
IKBRSSS 
 
 482 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 ¥>'. 
 
 i" 
 
 k 
 
 Con|j^8S, during President McKinley's term, was constituted as 
 follows: 
 
 Fifty-flfth Congress. 
 Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, 31; Populists, 5; Silver, 
 
 5; Independent, 1. 
 House— Republicans, 203; Democrats, 119; Populists, 15; 
 Silver, 3; Fusion 14. 
 
 Fifty-sixth Congress. 
 Senate- Republicans, 55; Democrats, 24; Populists, 4; 
 
 Silver, 7. 
 House— Republi<!ans, 185; Democrats, 163; Populists, 4; 
 Silver, 1; Fusion, 4, 
 
 The popular vote in Michigan was, for McKinley, 293,072; Bryan, 
 236,994; Palmer, 6,905; Levering, 4,938; Bentley, 1,815; Socialist Labor, 
 293; scattering, 585. 
 
 The Presidential Electors from Michigan were: At Large— 
 Josiah C. Gray, Frank VV. Gilchrist. By Districts, in their numerical 
 order — John Atkinson, Oscar J. R. Hanna, Sumner O. Bush, Harsen. 
 D. Smith, William O. Webster, G. Willis Bement, Thomas B. Wood- 
 worth, Henry C. Potter, Digby B. Butler, Rasmus Hanson, Lorenzo 
 \. Barker, Albert C. Hubbell. 
 
 The oflQcial vote for Governor at the same election was as follows: 
 
 Hazen S, Pingree, Republican 304,431 
 
 Charles R. Sligh, Fusion 221,022 
 
 Robert C, Stafford, Prohibition 5,499 
 
 Ruf us F. Sprague, National Democrat 9,738 
 
 John Gilbersou, National ] ,944 
 
 A fusion of the Democrats and Populists elected Albert M. Todd 
 to Congress from the Third District, and Ferdinand D. Brucker in the 
 Eighth. The rest were Republicans, as follows: (1) John B. Corliss; 
 (2) George Spalding; (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) Wm. Alden Smith; 
 (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Horace G. Snover; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10) 
 Rousseau O. Crump; (11) William R. Mesick; (12) Carlos D. Shelden. 
 At the State election held about the middle of President McKin- 
 ley's term in 1898, the vote for Governor in Michigan was as follows: 
 
 Hazen 8. Pingtee, Republican 243,239 
 
 Justin R. Whiting, Fusion 168,142 
 
 Noah W. Cheever, Prohibition 7,006 
 
 Sullivan Cook, People's Party 1,656 
 
 George Hasseler, Socialist Tikbor i.ioi 
 
 The Congressional delegation from Michigan was again solidly 
 Republican; (1) John B. Corliss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3) Washington 
 Gardner: (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) 
 Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar W^eks; (8) Joseph Fordney; (9) Roswell 
 P. Kshop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) William S. Mesick; (12) Carlos 
 D. Shelden. 
 
 ''wiii 
 
 kHi 
 
/ 
 
 PY. ..- ■ 
 
 constituted as ^, J 
 
 8, 5; Silver, 
 
 tnlistg, 15; 
 
 pulists, 4; 
 
 pulists, 4; 1 
 
 293,072; Bryan, , 
 Socialist Labor, ' 
 
 : At Large — 
 
 their numerical i 
 
 . Bush, Harsen. 
 
 omas B. Wood- 
 
 anson, Lorenzo 
 
 was as follows: 
 
 304,431 
 
 221,022 
 
 5,499 
 
 9,738 
 
 ],944 
 
 Albert M. Todd 
 Brucker in the 
 ohn B. Corliss; 
 . Alden Smith; 
 P. Bishop; (10) 
 los D. Shelden. 
 
 esident McKin- 
 veas as follows: 
 
 243,239 
 
 168,142 
 
 7,006 
 
 1,656 
 
 1,101 
 
 8 again solidlv 
 [3) Waahington 
 en Smith; (6) 
 ey; (9) Boswell 
 ick; (12) Carlos 
 
mmmmmm 
 
 y- 
 
 ^ £.'„^^e. A.- z:^ H/t^Aa-^ rS Sra A^y 
 
 PM 
 

 «r^v<^.. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Formation of the New Cabinet— Two Matters of Grave Domestic 
 Importance— The Currency and the Tariff Questions— Prompt 
 Action on Both— Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act— The 
 Hawaiian Islands Annexed— Strained Relations With Spain— 
 The Destruction of the Maine— War Breaks Out and Is Very 
 Speedily Terminated -Brilliant Operations in Cuba, Porto Rico 
 and the Philippines— Subsequent I>e8ultory Warfare in the 
 Latter Islands. 
 
 President McKinley named the following members as his first 
 Cabinet: 
 
 Secretary of State-^ohn Sherman, of Ohio. 
 Secretary of the Treasury— Lyman J. Gage, of Illinois. 
 Secretary of \^^ar— Russell A. Alger, of Michigan. 
 Secretary of the Navy— John I). Lcmg, of Massachusetts. 
 Attorney General— John W. Griggs, of New Jersey. 
 Postmaster General— John A. Gary, of Maryland. * 
 Secretary of the Interior— (Cornelius N. Bliss, of New York. 
 Secretary of Agriculture— blames Wilson, of Iowa. 
 
 This Cabinet, however, was not lasting, for before the Fifty-sixth 
 Congress met in December, 1899, a number of changes had occurred: 
 John Hay, of the District of Columbia, had succeeded John Sherman 
 as Secretary of State; Elihu Root, of New York, was Secretary of 
 War; Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania, was Postmaster Gen- 
 eral, and Ethan Allen Hitchcock, of Missouri, was Secretary of the 
 Interior. 
 
 Vice-President Hobart, who had proved an able and impartial 
 presiding officer and who stood high in public esteem, died November 
 21, 1899, and was succeeded as President of the Senate bv William 
 P. Prye, of Maine. 
 
 Two matters of grave domestic importance confronted the new 
 Administration when it first came into power, and our relations 
 
 / 
 
i 
 
 484 
 
 HIHTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 with tw6 foreign countries demanded immediate attention. The 
 most important of the domestic matters was such an adjustment of 
 tariff rates as would produce an income sufficient for the needs of 
 the Government, and at the same time revive our depressed manufac- 
 turing industries. The Ways and Means Committee of the last 
 House, of wliich Congressman E. N. Dingley, of Maine, was a member, 
 had already spent several months in the preparntion of a Tariff Bill. 
 Their method was in marked contrast to that adopted with the Mills 
 and Wilson Bills. Great complaint was made that in the preparation 
 of these two, particularly the latter, the needs of very important 
 interests were entirely ignored, and that, the most eminent business 
 men of the country c6uld not even secure a hearing. The Bill was 
 prepared behind closed doors and was constructed upon theory, with 
 little reference to the facts of experience. The Dingley Committee, 
 on the other hand, set apart many days for hearings from manufac- 
 turers, importers and other business men. The report of the evidence 
 taken at these meetings makes 2,3(10 printed pages of matter bearing 
 on almost every phase of the tariff as it relates to the investment of 
 capital, the employment and wages of labor and the effect on import 
 and export trade. It is one of the most important and valuable eco- 
 nomic reports ever printed by the Government. 
 
 President McKinley called Congress together in special session 
 March 15, only eleven days after he took the oath of office. His 
 message on the occasion was, in part, as follows: 
 
 With unlimited means at our command, we are presenting the 
 remarkable spectacle of increasing our public debt by borrowing 
 money to meet the ordinary outlays incident upon Wen an eco- 
 nomical and prudent administration of the Government. An 
 examination of the subject discloses this fact in every detail, and 
 leads inevitably to the conclusion that the condition of the revenue 
 which allows it is jitnjustiAable and should be corrected. We And by 
 the reports of the Secuetary of the Treastiry that the revenues for the 
 flscal years ending June 30, 1892, from all sources, were f 425,868,- 
 2G0.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were |415,953,806.56, 
 leaving an excess of receipts over expenditures of 19,914,453.66. The 
 receipts of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year 
 ending June 30, 1893, amounted to f461,716,66l.94 and its expendi- 
 tures to 1459,374,887.65, showing an excess of receipts over 
 expenditures of |2,341,674.29. 
 
 Since that time the receipts of no fiscal year, and with but few 
 
 exceptions of no month of any flscal year have exceeded the expend! • 
 
 The receipts of the Government, from all sources, during the 
 
 m 
 
>ntion. The 
 djuBtment of 
 the needs of 
 Bed manufae- 
 
 of the laBt 
 as a member, 
 a Tariff Bill, 
 ath the Mills 
 B preparation 
 vy important 
 lent business 
 The Bill was 
 I theory, with 
 y Committee, 
 rom manufac- 
 f the evidence 
 latter bearing 
 investment of 
 ect on import 
 
 valuable eco- 
 
 pecial session 
 )f office. His 
 
 resenting the 
 
 >y borrowing 
 
 even an eco- 
 
 irnment. An 
 
 'y detail, and 
 
 the revenue 
 
 We find by 
 
 'enues for the 
 
 ere 1425,868,- 
 
 15,953,806.56, 
 
 ,453.66. The 
 
 le fiscal year 
 
 its expend t- 
 
 •eceipts over 
 
 with but few 
 the expendi- 
 's, during the 
 
 
 PRESIDENT McKIXIiEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 485 
 
 hscal year ending June 3U, 18i)4, were 9372,802,4!)8.2!), and its expendi- 
 tures f442,605,T.58.s7, leaving a deficit, the first since the resumption 
 of specie payments, of 169,803,260.58. Notwithstanding there was u 
 decrease of f 16,769,128.78 in the ordinary expenses of the Oovern- 
 ment, as compared with the previous fist'al year, its income was still 
 not sufficient to provide for its daily necessities, and the gold reserve 
 in the Treasury for the redemption of greenbacks was drawn upon 
 to meet them. But this did not suffice, and the government then 
 resorted to loans to replenish the reserve. 
 
 The receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 
 30, 1895, were |390,373,203.30, and the expenditures |433,178,426.4», 
 Bhowing a deficit of |42,805,223.18. A further loan of flUO,000,000 
 was negotiated by the Government in February, 1896, the sale netting 
 9111,166,246, and swelling the aggregate of bonds issued within three 
 years to |262,315,400. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the 
 revenues of tlie government from all sources amounted to 9409,475,- 
 408.78, while its expenditures were $434,678,654.48, or an excess of 
 expenditures over receipts of $25,203,245.70. In other words, the 
 lotal receipts for the three fiscal years ending June 30, 1896, were 
 insufficient by |137,811,729.46 to meet the total expenditures. 
 
 Nor has this condition since improved. For the first half of the 
 present fiscal year the receipts of the government, exclusive of postal 
 revenues, were ,$157,507,603.76, and its ex^tenditures, exclusive of 
 postal service, fl95,410,000.22, or an excess of expenditures over 
 receipts, of $37,902,396.46. 
 
 Congress should promptly correct the existing condition. Ample 
 i.evenueis n?.jst be supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the 
 Government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the 
 liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt. In rais- 
 ing revenue, duties should be so levied upon foreign products as to 
 preserve the home market, so far as possible, to our own producers; 
 to revive and increase nianufactories; to relieve and encourage agri- 
 culture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and 
 develop mining and building, auid to render to labor in every field of 
 useful occu] ation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which 
 skill and industry are justly entitled. 
 
 Mr. Dingley was appointed Chairman of the Ways and Means 
 Committee of the new House, and on the 19th of March reported the 
 Bill with a long statement of the changes which it made from the 
 existing tariff, togetlur with a statement somewhat similar to that 
 which the President had made, of the need of increased revenues, and 
 an estiniaie of the extent to which the tariff changes would meet 
 this need. The most important changes were in the wool and sugar 
 schedules. The tarifi' on wool and woolen goods was restored to a 
 protective rate. That on sugars was changed from an ad-valoreui 
 
 ll 
 
 ■11 
 f f 
 
 ■v-=,-Ri;^;.|tii*,;5PiV,i' 
 
 Ti^^^f-^'W' 
 
^« 
 
 486 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUHLICAN PARTY. 
 
 duty t6 a Bpeciflf rate of 1.63 cents per pound, with a i-ountervailing 
 duty equivalent to the export bounty paid by any country sending 
 HUgarH to us. A large number of other increages were made, and 
 ihe reciprocity policy was restored and its scope enlarged. The 
 House passed the Bill April 2. The Senate Finance Committee spent 
 about a month upon it, reporting it May 7. The Senate had the Bill 
 under consideration foi' two months, and passed it, with numerous 
 amendments, July 7. It then went to a Conference Committee, 
 where the different points of disagreement were adjusted, and it 
 Anally passed the House July 19, and the Senate Are days later. It 
 went into operation immediately, and its beneAcent effects in reviv- 
 ing manufacturing industries and increasing the revenue were 
 speedily felt. 
 
 The question of our relations with the Hawaiian Islands came up 
 again early in McKinley's term. This was not, by any means a new 
 question. As early at 1842 President Tyler sent a message to the 
 Senate in relation to these islands. Fillmore, in 1850, reiterated the 
 statements made by Tyler in favor of the annexation or protection 
 of the islands by our Government. Franklin IMerce, in 1854, desired 
 the aunexation of Hawaii and authorized the negotiation of the treaty 
 of annexation Qf that year, but the treaty was not conArmed by the 
 Senate. President Buchanan, in 1849, as Secretary of State, stated 
 that English or French control of Hawaii would be highly injurious 
 to the United States. The annexation of Hawaii was favored by 
 President Grant. President Arthur was in full sympathy with the 
 Americanizing of Hawaii, and President Harrison caused an annexa- 
 tion treaty to be negotiated in Hawaii. 
 
 President McKinley, early in his Administration, negotiated 
 another annexation treaty which he sent to the Senate, June 17, 1897. 
 Oommissioners were named on the part of both countries with full 
 power to carry oi *■ the terms of the treaty. These provided for the 
 cession by the Hawaiian Government to the United States of all the 
 territory of the islands, with their rights of sovereignty, all public 
 buildings and other property, the United States to assume the public 
 debt of the islands to the extent of f4,000,00U. Provision was also 
 made for the exclusion of Chinese immigration, for the adjustment 
 of treaties with other powers, and for the Government of the islands 
 during the transition period. This treaty was not acted upon during 
 the special session of Congress, and during the regular session it 
 became evident that it coiild not secure, in the Senate, the two-thirds 
 
 MWBiiwiiii i iiii 
 
w^ 
 
 PRESIDENT MoKIXLEY'H ADMIXIHTRATION. 
 
 487 
 
 ountervailiDK 
 intry sending 
 re made, and 
 Qiarged. The 
 nniittee spent 
 e had the Bill 
 1th numerous 
 ;e Committee, 
 justed, and it 
 lays later. It 
 fects in reviv- 
 revenue were ' 
 
 lands came up 
 ' means a new 
 lessage to the 
 reiterated the 
 or protection 
 1 1854, desired 
 n of the treaty 
 aflrmed by the 
 ^ State, stated 
 ghly injurious 
 as favored by 
 lathy with the 
 )ed an annexa- 
 
 on, negotiated 
 
 June 17, 1897. 
 
 tries with full 
 
 ovided for the 
 
 ates of all the 
 
 nty, all public 
 
 ime the public 
 
 ision was also 
 
 lie adjustment 
 
 of the islands 
 
 !d upon during 
 
 liar session it 
 
 the two-thirds 
 
 vote neoesHury to its ratitieation. But the same puritose was accom- 
 plished by nn<itlier method. A tender of the islands to the United 
 States, on very much the same terms as those named in the treaty 
 was formally made by President Dole, and this was accepted by 
 Congress by Joint resolution, which required only a majority vote of 
 each House. Some objection was made to this method when it was 
 first proposed, as being an evasion of the (constitutional provision 
 requiring a two-thirds vote of the Senate for the ratification of a 
 treaty. The claim was made that even if the proposed transfer was 
 not, in terim*, a treaty, yet it amounted to the same thing. But 
 between the time when annexation was proposed in 18U7, and the 
 lime when the joint resolution eauie up in 18U8, the Spanish war had 
 intervened, showing the great importance to the United States of a 
 convenient coaling and naval station in the Pacitlc, and the danger 
 that might come to our interests, in case the isiunds should fall into 
 the hands of a hostile naval power. Whatever anti-annexation 
 feeling had before existed was nearly obliterated, and the Joint 
 resolution now met with favor. It passed the House June 15, by the 
 decisive vote of 2U]) to 91. The Senate debate on the matter con- 
 tinned from June '20 to July 0, and covennl every phase of the 
 question. The resolution Anally passed that body by 42 to 21, Just 
 two-thirds of those voting. The President signed the resolution the 
 next day, and about a month later President Dole, on presentation of 
 a certified copy of the resolution, formally delivered over to Bear 
 Admiral Miller, representing the United States, the sovereignty and 
 public property of the islands. On the I2tli of August the American 
 flag, which President Cleveland had ordered down, was again raised 
 over the Government buildings, this time to remain. In accordance 
 with the terms of the joint resolution, the President directed that the 
 civil, judicial and military systems of Hawaiian ofHcials shculd con- 
 tinue until Congrcjs could provide a form of Government suited to 
 the new conditions. This was accomplished, upon recommendations 
 of Commissioners appointed to make the necessary investigations, 
 and early in 1899 a Territorial Government for the iBlan<^<4 was fully 
 establicihed. 
 
 The condition of Cuba had for nmny years before this time been 
 a matter of great concern to the people of the United States. To go 
 no further back, the ten years' struggle which the Cubans made for 
 freedom, in the period from 1868 to 1878, excited the liveliest sympathy 
 in this v"cuntry, which wa« several times on the point of intervention. 
 
 m 
 
 i 
 
 V '■■-& 
 
488 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 W 
 
 That war cloBed with proniiflefi of reform in the riihan OovernmeDt, 
 which Spain made only to break. The next revolt o<'<'urred in 1895 
 when Oeneral (iomez landed with 500 men near Santiago de Cuba, 
 and Boon raised an army which marched across the island and even 
 threatened Havana. Spain increased her armies on the Island to 
 100,000 men, a force suflicient to wipe out the insurgents if they could 
 liave been brought into an open light. The insurgents, however, 
 carried on a desultory warfare, harassing the Spaniards at every 
 point, but avoiding conflicts with superior numbers. On the part of 
 the Spaniards the war was conducted with the greatest cruelty in all 
 its details. The Spanish General Weyler was shown to have been 
 privy to the assassination of General Maceo, the ablest of the Cuban 
 generals, and his policy of concentration had resulted in the death 
 of scores of thousands of non-combatants through exposure and star- 
 vation. The "reconcentrados," as they were called, were obliged 
 to leave their farms and plantations, and were huddled together in 
 certain designated towns, without sutHcient protection from the ele- 
 ments, and with but a scant supply of food. The wholesale destruc- 
 tio'a of lile thus occasioned looked very much as if a policy of 
 extermination had been determined upon. 
 
 The Fifty-fourth Congress adopted a resolution, expressing 
 detestation of tjie Spanish methods in Cuba, and sympathy for the 
 Cubans. There was a disposition to make this a joint resolution 
 granting belligerent rights to the patriots, but the influence of Presi- 
 dent Cleveland went against this. Many bitter criticisms were made 
 upon the Administration in this connection. The President, espec- 
 ially, was charged with going much beyond his duty in enforcing 
 neutrality. He undertook to police the seas beyond the three-mile 
 limit, and to seize vessels carrying munitions of war, for violating 
 neutrality. He went so far beyond the requirements of international 
 law that in only cme case did the courts sustain him. The ctute of a 
 vessel called the Competitor presented such an outrageous infringe- 
 ment of neutral rights that the Government was at last Aroused to 
 a mild form of intervention. The Competitor was seized while trying 
 to land munitions of war for the insurgents. Her crew were sum- 
 marily tried by court martial. Without being allowed time for the 
 preparation of their case, or counsel of their own choosing, they 
 were found guilty and sentenced to be shot. Fortunately, the 
 sentence could not be carried out until it had been approved from 
 Madrid, and this gave opportunity for an American protest which 
 
PRESIDENT MrKINLEY'8 Al»MINI8TRATION. 
 
 480 
 
 (lovernment, 
 
 urred in 1800 
 
 laKo de Cuba, 
 
 land and even 
 
 the Island to 
 
 i if they could 
 
 ntB, however, 
 
 urdB at every 
 
 )n the part of 
 
 cruelty in all 
 
 to have been 
 
 of the Cuban 
 
 i in the death 
 
 isure and atar- 
 
 were obliged 
 
 ed together in 
 
 from the ele- 
 
 legale destruc- 
 
 r a policy of 
 
 n, expressing 
 ipathy for the 
 int resolution 
 lence of Presi- 
 ms were made 
 isident, eapec- 
 r in enforcing 
 the three-mile 
 , for violating 
 international 
 The ciute of a 
 ;eous infringt>- 
 ist aroused to 
 i while trying 
 ew were sum- 
 time for the 
 boosing, they 
 tunately, the 
 pproved from 
 >roteBt which 
 
 was heeded. The crew of the Competitor were convicted by the 
 court martial of piracy and treason. But their act had none of the 
 elements of piracy, and it could not be treason, because none of those 
 accused were Hpanish subjects. One of them was an American. 
 
 The feeling on the subject of the Cuban war was so strong that 
 in the fall campaign of 180tt it found its way into many State Conven- 
 tions, and into the National Conventions. The Kepublicuns in their 
 fe}t. Louis platform declared that ''the Government of the United 
 Btates should actively use its influence and good offices to restore 
 peace and give independence to the Island," while the Democratic 
 platform simply extended ''sympathy to the people of Cuba in their 
 heroic struggle for liberty and independence." 
 
 At a special session of the Fifty-flfth Congress, called by Presi- 
 dent McKinley in March, 1897, the Senate passed a resolution recog- 
 nizing the belligerency of the insurgents, but the House failed to take 
 action upon it. President McKinley brought sufficient pressure to 
 bear upon the Spanish Government to secure the recall of General 
 Weyler, and a decree of autonomy for the Island. The insurgents, 
 however, distrusted the sincerity of the latter and kept up the war. 
 
 . In his annual message to Congress, December G, 1897, President 
 McKinley explained at length the new duties and responsibilities that 
 a recognition of Cuban belligerency would impose upon this country, 
 declared that for the present such recovnition was unwise and inad- 
 missible, and added: 
 
 It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with 
 Spain that she should he given a reasonable chance to realize her 
 expectations and to prove the asserted efficiency of the new order of 
 things, to which she stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled 
 the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the American mind and 
 shocked the civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of 
 croncentration and has undertake to care for the helpless and permit 
 those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so, 
 and assures them of the protection of the Spanish Government in 
 their lawful occupations. She ha» just released the Competitor pris- 
 oners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject 
 of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the pre- 
 ceding Administration. 
 
 Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in 
 Cuba of whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future 
 will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous 
 peace, just alike to the Cnbuus and to Spain, as well as equitable to 
 all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare, of Cuba, is 
 
 '^i. 
 
 1 r 
 ■ t 
 
 r 
 
 i';* 
 
 'r \: 
 
 U^ 
 

 490 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN I'AKTY. 
 
 Hkely to hv attuiiied. If not, the exigency of further and other 
 action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time 
 comes, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable riglil 
 and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the 
 light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people 
 who have conHded to it the protection of their interests and honoi, 
 and to humanity. 
 
 The attitude of the Spanish resideute of Havana became more 
 and more threatening, and in Januaiy the battleship Maine was sent 
 to that port. She was an<hored at a point in the harbor indicateil 
 by the Spanish authorities, and on the IRth of February was blown 
 up by an outside explosion with the loss of » large part of her crew. 
 Five days later United States C^onsul (General l^ev, wrote from 
 Havana, referring to the arrests of Americans there: 
 
 I am under orders frcmi Washington, and I must obey instruc- 
 tions from headquarters. The department authorizes me to act a 
 certain way, and I but carry out my orders. I came here unprejudiced 
 and determined to form my opinions by what came directly under my 
 observation. From the moment I landed njy American blood began 
 to boil, and if I stay here much longer and am forced to witness all 
 the indignities heaped upon my countrymen without restraint it will 
 literally boil away. They trample on our flag. They hiss us in the 
 streets. Americans are. murdered, robbed and imprisoned. Indigni- 
 ties are heaped upon our women, and every atrocity (;onceivahle for a 
 Spaniard to put on Americans is thrust upon uh. 
 
 About the same time Spanish sympathizers in that City openly 
 declared that if more American warships were sent they would 
 destroy the American consulate, and thus, by their own acts force a 
 war with the United States. 
 
 A Naval Court of Inquiry into the Maine disaster was ordered, 
 and reported that the battleship was destroyed by a submarine mine. 
 Squadrons of United States vessels were concentrated at Key West 
 and Hampton Roads, and on the 11th of April the President sent a 
 mjCKsage to Congress asking for authority "to take measures to secure 
 a full and final termination of hostilities between the Government of 
 Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the Island the estab- 
 lishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and 
 observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquil- 
 lity and the security of its citizens, as well as our own, and to use the 
 military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary 
 for this purpose." He alsa asked for an appropriation for feeding the 
 
t>r and other 
 hen that time 
 tputable right 
 itancy, in the 
 to the people 
 t8 and honor, 
 
 became morn 
 aine was sent 
 >bor indicateil 
 ry was blown 
 t of her crew. 
 , wrote from 
 
 obey instruo- 
 nie to act a 
 ' unprejudiced 
 ctly under my 
 ti blood began 
 to witness all 
 straint it will 
 hiss UB in the 
 ned. Indigni- 
 iceivable for a 
 
 t 
 
 City openly 
 they would 
 acts force a 
 
 was ordered, 
 imarine mine, 
 at Key West 
 sid^nt sent a 
 ures to secure 
 overnnient of 
 ind the estab- 
 ng order and 
 and tranquil- 
 nd to use the 
 be necessary 
 )r feeding the 
 
 'yt\ 
 
 /•4„^,*,>,- .'^ 
 
 PRKKIDENT MiKINLKY'H .vnMINIHTH.XTlON. 
 
 401 
 
 starving UeconceutrHdoM. rongress made the appropriation, and on 
 April ]) adopted a Joint resolution favoring Cubun indeiiendence, and 
 authorising intervention. The Hpanish <htvernmeiit showed its 
 understanding of the reMolutions by standing Oencral Ktewart L. 
 Woodford, American Minister at Madrid, his pass|iortH. The date of 
 this act, April 21, is accepted us tlie lieginning of a state of war 
 between the Tnited Htates and Hpain, though the fornnil declaration 
 was not made by Congress till the 25th. 
 
 The short war that followed was. on the part of the T7nited States, 
 one of the most brilliant in the military and naval annals of the 
 world. Our Navy was, in one sense, untritnl, for since the War of 
 the Rebellion it had seen no active serviire. Within that period the 
 old types of vessels had almost entirely disappeared, and new kinds 
 had been put in commissitm. Hut in able seamanship on the part of 
 officers, in One discipline on the part of the marines, in ex|)ert marks- 
 manship on the part of gunners, a record was made worthy of the 
 splendid cruisers and battleships, to the building of which four dif- 
 ferent Administrations had devoted tteir energies. Hy the daring 
 and brilliant a(-hievenu>nts of Commodore Dewey in passing the forts 
 near the entrance to Manila Day and attacking the vessels which had 
 tendezvoused there, one of the best of the Mpanish fleets was annihi- 
 lated. In the running light olT Santiago Hay another was destroyed, 
 and it was only a few weeks after the beginning of the war before 
 the Spanish nav.y was swept fnmi the seas. The vessels that were 
 not destroyed or captured remained sheltereil in her home ports, not 
 venturing into oi>en water outside the Straits of Oibraltar. The 
 direct losses of her Navy were twelve cruisers, representing a dis- 
 placement of 49,U74 tons; two tor|iedo boat destroyers and twenty -one 
 gunboats. 
 
 The operations on land were e<|ually memorable. In an incredi- 
 bly short space of time, a volunteer force of 8,785 officers and 207,244 
 enlisted men was raised and equipped as an addition to the 2,323 
 officers and 56,365 enlisted men of the Regular Army. In the few 
 engagements that they had they maintained the old American repu- 
 tation for endurance and bravery. In the engagements of Juragua, 
 San Juan Hill and El Caney the volunteer officers and men won 
 laurel wreaths as green as those which adorned the brows of their 
 comrades in the Navy. 
 
 Three months and twenty-two days sufficed to end the war by 
 the protocol to a treaty, though the treaty itself was not signed till 
 
 RMHSII 
 
IIIHTOUV OF TIIK HKIMHLK'AN PAIITY. 
 
 l>e(t»iiibtfr 10, 18J»H. TIm' |>riii(i|ial hiII«I««h ot »ln- ((iiiipN'tcd ftaty 
 provided for i\w cviKunfioii of ('iibu hv tlu' H|miiiaidH, the lefmion 
 of l»or(o Kl«o, (^uuiii and tlie l>hili|ipim> liilandN, and for the acquire- 
 ment bv the inltiHi Htate» of piil>li<> proiH'rt.v. and the relincpilMh- 
 ment of arehiven; determined the HtatiiH of HpaniMh MubjeetH renminlng 
 in the eiHled terrltorieH and of ineompleted rontra<tH and law hiiUb; 
 gave KuaranteeH of the Hame terniis to HpaniMh HhippinK and mer- 
 ebandlHe aii to that of the Inited KtateH in tlie iniilipplneit for ten 
 .veam, and Kiiui'Hnte(>d reliKiouH freedom in the itnied territorieH <m 
 the ttanie terniM n» the treaty for the eeHHion of Florida. 
 
 For I'orto Kico, which tliUM became a poHseggion of the United 
 States a complete form of civil Kovernment. with provi»ion for raiHlnj? 
 the needed revenue was adopted at the first session of the Fifty- 
 dixth <'on};reHH. 
 
 Tnder the treaty Hpain abandoned all jjretensions to rule in 
 Cuba, but the C'n'.ted Htates (Government had previously announced 
 its purpose to giv*. that Island an independent government as soon 
 as circumstiuues would permit. In (><tober, ISMMl, Major Oeneral 
 lAH)nard Wood, Governor Oeneral, was able to report a most remark- 
 able improvement in the condition of the Island. Every town of 
 consequence had been provided with a hospital well equipped and 
 with all necessary supplies; the prisons had been overhauled and 
 their sanitary conditions greatly improved; many hundreds of 
 accused persons, held long in detentitm without trial, had been 
 released; courts had been stimulated and urged to a prompt perform- 
 ance of their duties, and many judges, found derelict in their duty, 
 hud been dismissed; inspectors of prisons had been appointed whose 
 mstructions required them to visit every prison at least once in 
 three months; correctional courts had been established for the trial of 
 minor offenses, with the privilege of jury trial; over 3,0(M> schools had 
 been established with 3,000 teachers and 150,000 pupils; public build- 
 ings had been repaired and the streets in all the large cities had 
 undergone extensive paving and sewer improvements; a thoroughly 
 efficient nmil service had been established; nearly 7(M) miles of jmst 
 roads had been built, and many hundred miles of old roads had been 
 put in repair and made passable; bridges had been rebuilt, and public 
 works, involving milliona of dollars had been taken up and com- 
 pleted; a complete overland telegraph had been established. The 
 Island had been restored to such order that a traveler might journey 
 from one end of it to the other, without fear of being assailed by a 
 
1^ 
 
 nl^ 
 
 f ■ 
 
 I 
 
 I, tli(> ct'Hiiion 
 r \\\v uoquir(>- 
 i(> rt>llu(|niMh- 
 rtH reiiiiUniiiK 
 iid luw HiiitH; 
 iiiK and iiier- 
 ipiiieH for ten 
 ti'rrit«rl»*H on 
 
 of the United 
 on for rniHinK 
 of the Flfty- 
 
 18 to rule in 
 
 ily announced 
 
 inent as soon 
 
 lajor Oeneral 
 
 most reuiarli- 
 
 very town of 
 
 equipi)ed and 
 
 erhauled and 
 
 iiundreds of 
 
 al, had been 
 
 ttnpt perform - 
 
 in their duty, 
 
 lointed whoHe 
 
 east once in 
 
 )r tlie trial of 
 
 BchoolB had 
 
 public build- 
 
 Ke cities had 
 
 a thoroughly 
 
 miles of \M»t 
 
 ads had been 
 
 t, and public 
 
 up and com- 
 
 iliHhed. The 
 
 ight journey 
 
 iBBailed by a 
 
 I'KKHIDKNT McKINLKYH ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 498 
 
 robber, iind without behiK Holiched by h be^uar. Meantime flnanoial 
 and induHtrinl t-oiidilionH had been Mteiidiiy improving;. The Govern- 
 ment wiiH Heif-Hupportng and had an unincumbered bnlnnce of $1,500,- 
 000 in the TrniHiiry. A moHl etHcient cuHtoiiiH xervice had b»H»n 
 eittabliHlied of which many of the oftlcerH were CnbiuiH, and the quar- 
 antine Mervice Imd been thoroughly equipped Hud waH rigidly 
 enforced. Tlu' tobacco crop for the yeiir whh an (MionuoiiH one; the 
 sugar produced, which had fallen to almost nothing during (lie devas- 
 tating wiir between Hpain and Cuba, was, in the season (»f 
 HMKI, more tluin hiilf as large as during the palihiest and 
 most iieticefui days tiefore the war, and all other induK 
 tries had been stimulated. I'nder the influence of this won 
 derful progress the people were j-ontent, and received with faith 
 the promises of the I'nited States to establish a stable government 
 in which they should have their share. Two genera! elections had 
 been held, one on June 15, 1000, for municipal officers throughout the 
 Island, and one Heptemberl5, for delegates to the Constitutional Con- 
 vention. Hoth elections were conducted without .Vmerican officials, 
 either military or civil, being at a single polling place in Cuba, and 
 without any intei-ference whatever on the part of the Amerieau mili- 
 tary or civil authorities. There was not a single disturbance in 
 either election. 
 
 The whole story was one of marvelous reconstruction, rapid 
 progress, and high regard for the welfare of the people such as had 
 never before been approached in the colonial history of any country. 
 
 In the Philippine Islands matters were more difficult of adjust- 
 ment. Armed bands of Insurgents, under the lead of Aguinaldo, 
 maintained a desultory warfare throughout the Island of Luzon 
 through the year 1809 and nearly all of 1900. It is a well established 
 fact that they derived great encouragement from the "Anti-Imper- 
 ialist" talk of u few prominent Republicans and many Democrats, 
 including the head of the Democratic tii'ket. 
 
 The diploma<-y of the Ignited States won great praise from other 
 Nations during the troubles that occurred in China in 1900. A strong 
 force of insurgents, or revolutionists, under the name of the 
 "Boxers" opened what they intended to be a war of extermination 
 against all foreigners, destroyed many of the mission stations and 
 besieged the legations of all the great Powers at Pekin. The United 
 States, (ireat Britain, Russia, Oermany, Austria, Prance and Japan, 
 united in sending troops for the rescue of their ambassadors and 
 
 raw 
 
 mm 
 
494 
 
 HIBTOKY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 consulB and the protection of their interests. It was through the 
 influence of the United Btates that commtinication was first opened 
 with the besieged legations, and it was largely through the same 
 Influence that a disposition shown by other Powers to obtain indem- 
 nity by the acquisition of Chinese territory received its first check, 
 and the dismemberment of the Chinese Empire was for the time at 
 least prevented. 
 
 In financial and industrial results the achievements of the first 
 McKinley Administration were most marked. The Currency Bill, 
 passed at the first regular session of the Fifty-fifth Congress, settles 
 a number of questions which have been agitating the public for some 
 years. It establishes, by definite statute, the gold standard in finan- 
 cial transactions. By forbidding the reissue of greenbacks once 
 redeemed, it stops the ''endless chain" method of drawing gold from 
 the Treasury. By authorizing National banks to issue currency up 
 1o the face value of bonds deposited, and by reducing from 150,000 
 to 125,000, the capital necessary for establishing such banks, it npeni^ 
 the way for an increase of currency when needed, and for fnrnishing 
 banking facilities to the smaller towns. By fixing the denominations 
 of silver certificates at flO and below, and of I"^nited Statt> aotes at 
 |10 and above, it-gives a larger circulation to the former, at the same 
 time that it provides for the gradual retirement of the Treasury 
 notes. It provides for the refunding of the National debt in bonds 
 drawing only two per cent, interest. This is a lower rate of interest 
 than that paid by any other (xovernment, and when it was proposed 
 predictions were abun'lant that the bonds could not be floated. Yet 
 within three months of the time the Curren<'y Bill passed, |300,000,- 
 000 of the two per cents had been taken. They were then quoted 
 at 1.06 while British 2^ per cent, bonds were selling at .08. 
 
 When President |4cKinley called the extra session of Congress 
 in March, 1897, he urged that ample revenues be provided; 
 that "duties should be so levied as to preserve the honie market 
 so far as possible to our own producers; to revive and increase 
 manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase 
 our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining ana 
 building; and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the 
 liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are 
 justly entitled." 
 
 A great mass of figures might be given to show that all these 
 results have been achieved. But a few will suflice. During the 
 
 (h"*" 
 
through the 
 first opened 
 ;h the same 
 btain indem- 
 first check, 
 the time at 
 
 I of the first 
 irrency Bill, 
 ;res8, settles 
 t)lic for some 
 [ard in flnan- 
 nbacks once 
 ag gold from 
 
 currency up 
 from 150,000 
 nks, it opens 
 or furnishing 
 enominations 
 att . notes at 
 , at the same 
 the Treasury 
 lebt in bonds 
 ite of interest 
 was proposed 
 
 floated. Yet 
 sed, 1300,000,- 
 > then quoted 
 
 .98. 
 i of (longress 
 bt- provided; 
 honie market 
 
 and increase 
 ■ ; to increase 
 >p mining ana 
 occupation the 
 1 industry are 
 
 that all these 
 . During the 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 495 
 
 thirty-five months the Wilson Tariff was in operation there was a 
 total deficit of more than »1(»8,000,000 in the public revenues. In the 
 flrnt thirty-two months of the operation of the Dingley tariff the 
 surplus revenues, eliminating war receipts and expenditures, and the 
 amounts derived from the Pacifli- Railroad settlements, exceeded 
 ¥45,000,000. 
 
 The story of improved trade and industry is succinctly told by 
 the following table of exports and imports for the fiscal year ending 
 June 30, 1896, under the Wilson tariff and a Democratic Administra- 
 tion, as compared with those of the year ending June 30, 1900, under 
 ihe Dingley tariff and a Republican Administration: 
 
 IMPORTS. 
 
 1896. 1900. 
 
 Articlesof food and animals.... 1237,025,045 |218,479,098 
 
 Articles in crude condition for 
 use in manufactures 209,368,717 302,264,106 
 
 Articles wholly or partly manu- 
 factured for use as materials 
 in manufacture and the 
 mechanics arts 94,733,719 88,433,549 
 
 Articles manufactured ready for 
 consumption 145,274,039 128,885,697 
 
 Articles of voluntary use, luxu- 
 ries, etc 93,323,154 111,652.220 
 
 Total 1779,724,674 #849,714,670 
 
 EXPORTS. 
 
 Products of Agriculture 1569,879,297 f 835,912,952 
 
 Manufactures 228.571,178 432,284,366 
 
 Mining .... 20,045,654 38.997.557 
 
 Forest :iit,718,204 52.309,484 
 
 Fisheries 6,850,392 6,289,664 
 
 Miscellaneous 4,135,762 4,682,142 
 
 Total ..... 1863,200,487 f 1,394,186,371 
 
 The benefit of the change to nmuufacturers is shown in the fact 
 that in spite of enormously increased consumption the imports of 
 manufactured goods ready f&r final use diminished, while the imports 
 of crude materials to be used in manufactures increased about |93,- 
 000,000. American labor received the benefit of wages paid for 
 working up these crude materials. The exports of manufactured 
 articles in four years increased |203,713,188, or almost 90 per cent. 
 
 »»».':' 
 
r 
 
 TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 Large aud HarinoniouB Gathering at Philadelphia— Members 
 Present Who Were Delegates to the First Republican Conven- 
 tion in the Same qity— Admirable Presentation of Campaign 
 Issues by the Chairman— A Strong Platform Adopted— President 
 McKinley Unanimously Renominated— I-arge Number of Per- 
 sons Mentioned for the Vice-Presidency— The Nomination Final- 
 ly Thrust Upon an Unwilling Candidate. 
 
 The preliminaries to the Twelfth Republican National Conven 
 tion lacked the interest that attends a contest between a number of 
 aspirants for the chief honors of the Nation. From the time the 
 call was issued till the last Territory had named its delegates r> 
 other name was mentioned for the Presidency except that of Willis ' 
 McKinley. There was a mild preliminary skirmish over the nomii^j. 
 tion for the Vice-Presidency, but even that wan settled before the 
 time came for making the nomination. The number of contesting 
 delegations was unusually small and those were settled by the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials. There was only one thing during the whole 
 proceedings that threatened any acrimonious debate. That was the 
 Old, old proposition to change the representation in future National 
 Conventions, so as to put it on the basis of Republican votes cast 
 Instead of on population. The Southern delegates were prepared to 
 oppose this, but it was withdrawn without giving oi>portunity 
 for discussion. So it turned out that in this Convention of 
 more than 900 delegates there was not a division nor a roll 
 call on any disputed question, nor an occasion for any parlia- 
 mentary tangle. No one objected to the temporary organization 
 nor to the permanent organization, nor to the report of the Commit- 
 tee on Rules, nor to that of the Committee on Platform, nor to the 
 nomination for President, nor to that of Vice-President. It was the 
 first time in the history of parties that candidates for both these high 
 
 V 
 
 :^ 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 497 
 
 ia — Members 
 ican Conven- 
 af Campaign 
 (d — President 
 aber of Per- 
 ination Final- 
 
 ional Conven- 
 a number of 
 the time the 
 delegates r. 
 at of Willia » 
 r the nomitL^ 
 ed before the 
 of contesting 
 i by the Com- 
 ing the whole 
 That was the 
 iture National 
 an votes cast 
 •e prepared to 
 5 oi>portunity 
 :5onvention of 
 Q nof a roll 
 r any parlia- 
 organization 
 f the Conunit- 
 rm, nor to the 
 it. It was the 
 )oth these high 
 
 I ' 
 
 offices have been nominated by unanimous vote on the first ballot 
 There were none of the frenzied demonstrations of applause, lasting 
 ten or fifteen minutes that have sometimes occurred when a close 
 contest between candidates has wrought a Convention up to a high 
 pitch of excitement; but there was still abundant enthusiasm and 
 j.upreme confidence in the result of the coming contest. 
 
 The business sessions were held at Convention Hall, Philadel- 
 phia, commencing Tuesday, June 19. They were preceded, the 
 evening before, by a parade that has never been equaled by any afifair 
 of the kind in any gathering of any party. About 30,000 men marched 
 in line, making five miles of party enthusiasm, and it was viewed 
 by 300,000 spectators, who yelled themselves hoarse in the glare 
 of red light and to the accompaniment of patriotic airs. The marching 
 army represented the supporters of McKinley Republicanism, from 
 the bluffs of Maine to the shores of California. Prominent in the 
 rainks were the Young Men's Blaine Club > ' Cincinnati, the Cook 
 County Marching Club of Chicago, the First Regiment Band of Cin- 
 cinnati, the Pioneer Corps of Westchester, Pa., and the Cook Fife 
 and Drum Band of Denver. Senators Hanna, Piatt and Quay, Gov- 
 ernor Roosevelt, Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff and other prominent 
 party leaders reviewed the trudging thousands and waved their 
 handkerchiefs until they were tired. 
 
 As the assemblage gathered on Tuesday, there were occupying 
 prominent seats upon the platform four men who were delegates to 
 the first Convention of the party held in Philadelphia, June 17, 1856. 
 All were members of the regular Ohio delegation. Three of them 
 were prominent in the Ahti-Slavery fight that led to the Convention 
 held in Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, which was the precursor of the 
 Philadelphia gathering and these men therefore claim to be among 
 those who were chiefly instrumental in forming the Republican party. 
 The three men who were first at Pittsburg and later at Philadelphia 
 were Judge Rush R. Bloane, Sandusky, O.; General B. Brinkerhoff, 
 Mansfield, O.; and Hon. George R. Trey, Springfield, O. Judge W. 
 H. I 'pson, of Akron, Oi, was at the Philadelphia Convention, but not 
 at that in Pittsburg. 
 
 Among the distinguished members of the party whose entrance 
 was greeted with demonstrations of applause, were Cornelius N 
 Bliss, of New York, who had been urged to go on the ticket as Vice 
 President, but who had absolutely refused the use of his name; 
 Governor Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, who had, up to that 
 
 !mm 
 
WP** 
 
 498 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 i 
 
 time, put the same honor from him; Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, 
 who had free silver leaninRS in 1894 and 1896, but who stayed with 
 the party, in which he was again in full fellowship; Senator J. B. For- 
 . aker, of Ohio; Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. 
 Davis, of Minnesota; Chauncey M. Depew, of New York; Senator Fair- 
 banks, of Indiana, who wtis also a Vice Presidential possibility, and 
 not by any means the least observed. Senator Mark Hanna of Ohio. 
 Mr. Hanna, as chairman of the National Committee, called the 
 Convention to order, paid a graceful tribute to the City of Philadel- , 
 phia in which it was held, predicted success in the coming campaign, 
 and expressed his gratitude for the loyal and efficient service which 
 the National Committee rendered during the campaign four years ' 
 previous. He then introduced Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, as Tem- 
 porary Chairman. Mr. Wolcott's address was an admirable pre- 
 sentation of the issues of the coming campaign. He referred to the 
 destructive effects of four years of Democratic misrule upon the 
 industries and credit of the country, and continued: 
 
 Facing these difficulties, the President immediately ujmn his 
 inauguration convened Congress in extra session, and in a message 
 of force and lucidity summarised the legislation essential to our 
 National prosperity. ' The industrial history of the United States for 
 the past four years is the tribute to the wisdom of his judgment. It 
 is quickly epitomized. The tariff measure under which we are now 
 conducting business was preceded by an unusual volume of impor- 
 tations based upon common kncjwledge that certain duties were to 
 be raised; the bill met the popular demand that duties on many of 
 the necessaries of life should be lowered and not raised; advances 
 in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary and 
 unwise to revert to the higher tariff provisions of the law of 1890; 
 the increases in the revenue provisions were slight. Yet, notwith- 
 standing all these facts, tending to reduce income, the revenues from 
 the Dingley bill marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal 
 income exceeded our normal expenditure, and we paased from a con- 
 dition of threatened insolvency to one of national solvency^ 
 
 This tells but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise 
 provisions of our tariff laws and the encouragement afforded to cap- 
 ital by a renewal of public confidence, trade commenced to revive. 
 The looms were no longer silent and the mills deserted; railway earn- 
 ings increased, merchants and banks resumed business, labor found 
 employment at fair wages, our exports increased, and the sunshine 
 of hope again illumined the land. Th- figures that illustrate the 
 growing prosperity of the four years of Republican administration 
 well might stagger belief. There isii't an idle mill in the country 
 
 -■ '^r^ 
 
of Colorado, 
 stayed with 
 or J. B. For- 
 Cushman K. 
 Senator Fair- 
 ssibility, and 
 nna of Ohio, 
 e, called the 
 of Philadel- 
 ng campaign, 
 lervice which 
 a four years 
 •ado, as Tern- 
 mi rable pre- 
 ferred to the 
 lie upon the 
 
 sly upon his 
 in a message 
 jntial to our 
 :ed States for 
 judgment. It 
 I we are now 
 me of impor- 
 ities were to 
 8 on many of 
 ed; advances 
 ecessary and 
 
 law of 1890; 
 Yet, notwith- 
 •evenues from 
 n our normal 
 d from a cou- 
 sncyi 
 
 ider the wise 
 forded to cap- 
 ped to revive. 
 
 railway earn- 
 3, labor found 
 
 the sunshine 
 illustrate the 
 idministration 
 the country 
 
 TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 today. The mortgages on western farms have been paid by the tens 
 of thousands, and our farmers are contented and prosperous. Our 
 exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months 
 onr exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by 1550,000,000. 
 Our manufactured articles are finding a market all over the world 
 and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly taking our 
 place as one of the great creditor nations of the w^orld. Above and 
 beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all onr 
 broad domain, who cannot find work, and the scale of wages was 
 never in our history as high as now. 
 
 Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the 
 war, let me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years. 
 We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendered essential 
 by four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions 
 thousands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of 
 the blight of the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact 
 business and share the blessings of Republican prosperity. 
 
 Senator Wolcott *hen recounted the achievements of the past four 
 years in the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, the settlement of 
 the Pacific Railroad obligations, the passage of the Currency Act and 
 the successful conduct of the Spanish War; spoke about the respon- 
 sibilities of the Nation in connection with its new possessions, and 
 made a strong declaration in favor of the retention of the Philippines. 
 His remarks on each one of these topics were met with approving 
 cheers; but the most enthusiastic applause greeted his declaration 
 in favor of retaining the Philippines, and the statement that on the 
 money question the East and the West were no longer divided. 
 
 The Michigan delegation was composed as follows: At large- 
 Frank J. Hecker, of Detroit; Delos A. Blodgett, of Grand Rapids; 
 William McPherson, Jr., of Howell; William E. Parnall, of Calumet. 
 By Districts— (1) William Livingstone and August Marxhausen, of 
 Detroit; (2) Charles L. Edwards of Carleton, and I^eslie B. Robertson, 
 of Adrian; (3) Edward N. Dingley, of Kalamazoo, and George E. 
 Howes, of Battle Creek; (4) George E. Bardeen, of Otsego, and George 
 M. Valentine, of Benton Harbor; (5) Henry Spring of Grand Rapids, 
 and Brinton F. Hall, of Belding; (6) Frederick W. Higgins, of Wood- 
 mere, and Russell C. Ostrander, of Lansing; (7) John E. Wallace, of 
 Port Austin, and Charles F. Moore, of St. Clair; (8) Ralph Loveland, 
 of Saginaw, and Harvey B. McLaughlin, of Vernon; (9) A. Oren 
 Wheeler, of 31anistee, and Earl Fairbanks, of Luther; (10) Edward 
 F. Land, of An Sable, and Victor D. Sprague, of Cheboygan; (11) Ren 
 Barker, of Reed City, and William H. C. Mitchell, of Traverse City; 
 
 m: '•'mmmmu 
 
 masssss 
 
,_•_, .:a'v'iiif'i«y:I*'' 
 
 500 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPlIltLICAN PAKTY 
 
 (12) Murray M. Duncan, of Ighpeming, and Thomas F. Cole, of Iron- 
 wood. 
 
 William Livingstone was Chairman and Brinton F. Hall Hetio- 
 tary of the delegation, and Convention ofllcers and members of com- 
 mittees were as follows: Permanent Organi/.ation, I^slie B. llobert- 
 son; Rules and Order of Business, William McPherson, jr.; Creden- 
 tials, Russell C. Ostrander; Resolutions, Edward N. Dingley; to notify 
 Presidential nominee. Col. F. J. Hecker; to notify Vice-Presidential 
 nominee, William E. Parnall; member of National Committee, Williaui 
 H. Elliott. 
 
 An interesting incident of the second day's proceedings was the 
 marshaling, upon the platform, of fifteen surviving members of th.; 
 Republican Convention at Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, one of their 
 number bearing a tattered American flag which had been presented 
 as a relic of that occasion. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massa- 
 chusetts, designated as Permanent Chairman of the Convention, was 
 escorted to the platform by Governor Shaw, of Iowa, and Governor 
 Roosevelt, of New York, amid great applause. Senator Lodge gave 
 the Convention another good instalment of sound Republican doc 
 trine and encouragement. He mentioned the chief incidents of Presi- 
 dent McKinley's Administration, referred to other achievements of 
 the party, but added that we did not expect to live upon the past. 
 The Republican party was pre-eminently a party of action, and its 
 march was ever forward. He then considered our duties with refer- 
 ence to our new possessions and to other new problems that are 
 before us. His reference to Hawaii and the presence of representa 
 tives of that new acquisition brought the delegates to their feet in 
 a lusty greeting to the Hawaiians. Mr. Lodge's reference to the 
 policy of the Government toward Cuba and the Philippines, brought 
 out frequent manifestations of approval. His brilliant tribute to the 
 American soldiers fighting in the Tropics closed with the sentence: 
 '•They are our soldiers and we will sustain them." In the reception 
 of the speeches of both Senators Wolcott and Lodge, and throughout 
 the proceedings the Convention showed that the opposition war cry 
 of "Anti-Imperialism" had no terrors for a Republican body. The 
 day's proceedings closed with the reading of the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions, which was adopted without dissent, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 The Republicans of the United States through their chosen 
 representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an 
 
 Ha 
 
TWELFTH RErUBLlCAN CONVENTION. 
 
 601 
 
 )le, of Iron- 
 Hall Hetio- 
 jers of <'oi\»- 
 e B. Ilobert- 
 jr.; Cn'deu- 
 ey; to notify 
 Presidential 
 tee, William 
 
 ngs was the 
 (ibers of th.? 
 one of their 
 m presented 
 e, of Massa- 
 vention, was 
 nd Governor 
 Lodge gave 
 lublican dot- 
 >nt8 of Presi- 
 ievements of 
 ton the past, 
 tion, and its 
 s with refer- 
 >mB that are 
 f representa 
 their feet in 
 rence to the 
 ines, brought 
 ribute to tlie 
 the sentence: 
 the reception 
 d throughout 
 ition, war cry 
 a body. The 
 : of the Coni- 
 Bsent, as fol- 
 
 their chosen 
 tack upon an 
 
 unsurpassed record of acliievenient and looking forward into a great 
 Held of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their 
 countrymen, make these declarations: 
 
 The exjiectation in which the American iK?ople, turning from 
 the Democratic party, entrusted ]Kiwer four years ago to a Repub- 
 lican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has been met and 
 satisfied. When the people then assembled nt the polls, after a term 
 of Democratic legislation and administralion, business was dead 
 industry paralyzed and the national credit disastrously impaired. 
 
 The country's capital was hidden away and its labor distressed 
 and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which to 
 improve the ruinous conditions, which they had themselves prodmed. 
 than to coin silver at the ratio of 10 to 1, The Republican party, 
 denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than 
 those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by 
 means of two legislative measures— a protective tariff and a law 
 niaking gold tlie stai^dard of value. The people by great majorities 
 issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these laws. 
 
 This commission has been executed, and the Republican promise 
 is redeemed, Prosperity ihore general and more abundant than we 
 have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer 
 controversy as to the status of any Government obligations. Everv 
 American dollar. is a gold dollar or its assured equivalent, and Ameri- 
 can credit stands higher than that of any other Nation. 
 
 Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably oi «u 
 pied. No single factor more strikingly tells the storv of what 
 Republican government means to the country than this— that during 
 the whole period of 107 years fronj 1790 to 1807 there was an excess 
 of exports over imports of only 1883,028,407. Tliere has been in the 
 short three years of the present Republican Administration an excess 
 of exports over imports in the enorniAUs sum of |l,483,537,094. 
 
 And while the American people sustained by this Republican leg 
 islation have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business 
 and commerce, they have conducted and in victory concluded a war for 
 liberty and human rights. No thought of National aggrandizement 
 larnished the high purpose with which American standards were 
 unfurled. 
 
 It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came tjie 
 American Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. 
 Its armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of its 
 forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American 
 soldiers and sailors and to the skill and foresight of Republican states 
 manship. To ten millions of the human race there was given "a new 
 birth of freedom,*' and to the American people a new and nobh- respon 
 sibility. 
 
 We indorse the Administration of William McKiniev. Its acts 
 have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, apd at home and 
 
 ¥assi»srsfc;-,rsi*iv-5??is 
 
 ■irSStS'-'.'^'V-SWI^l^^^SF-'^ '!'■ 
 
riT 
 
 602 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 abroad it ban distinctly elevated and extended tbe intluence of tbe 
 Ameriean Nation. Walking untried patbH and facing unforeseen 
 responHibilities, President Mi'Kinley lias t^'en in every situation tbe 
 true American patriot and tbe uprigbt sratesuiau, clear in vision, 
 strong in judgment, tirm in action, always inspiring and deserving (be 
 confidence of bis countrymen. 
 
 In asking tbe American people to indorse tliis Republican record 
 and party, we remind tbem of tbe fact tbat tbe menace to tbeir pros- 
 perity bas always resided in Democratic principles and no less in tbe 
 general incapacity of tbe Democratic party to conduct public affairs. 
 
 The prime essential of business pros{)erity is public confidence in 
 tbe good sense of tbe Government and in its ability to deal intelli- 
 gently witb eacb new problem of administration and legislation. 
 Tbat confidence tbe Democratic party bas never earned. It is hope- 
 lessly inadequate, and the country's pros])erity when Democratic 
 success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipa- 
 tion of Democratic blunders and failures. 
 
 We renew our allegiance to tbe principle of tbe gold standard and 
 declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of tbe Fifty- 
 sixth Congress by which the parity of all our money and the stability 
 of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We recognize 
 that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business 
 activity, and for tbe purpose of further equalixing and of further low- 
 ering tbe rate of interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will 
 enable the varying needs of tbe season and of all sections to be 
 promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor 
 steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. Tbe volume of money in 
 circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. 
 
 We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited 
 coinage of silver. No measure to. that end could be considered which 
 was without the support of the leading commercial countries of the 
 world. 
 
 However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have secured 
 tbe country against the peril of base and discredited currency, tbe 
 election ot a Democratic President could not fail to impair the 
 country's credit and to bring once more into question the intention of 
 tbe American people td maintain upon tbe gold standard the parity of 
 tbeir n^oney circulation. The T)emocratic party must be convinced 
 that tbe American people will never tolerate tbe Chicago platform. 
 
 We recognize the necessity and propriety of tbe honest operation 
 of capital to meet new businegs conditions, and especially to extend 
 our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies 
 and combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, 
 to limit production, or to ccmtrol prices, and favor such legislation as 
 will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and pro- 
 mote competition, and secure tbe rigbtn of producers, laborers, and all 
 who are engaged in industry and commerce. 
 
TWELFTH RKPl'JILKWN CONVENTION. 
 
 non 
 
 lence of the 
 unforeseen 
 ituation the 
 ir in vision, 
 efterving 1 Ih« 
 
 iliean record 
 their proH- 
 
 less in the 
 iiblic affairs. 
 ;onfldence in 
 
 deal intelli- 
 legislation. 
 It is hope- 
 Democratic 
 
 ere anticipa- 
 
 itandard and 
 of the Fifty- 
 the stability 
 Ve recognize 
 ind business 
 further low- 
 ation as will 
 ctions to be 
 ained, labor 
 of money in 
 
 Dd unlimited 
 idered which 
 ntries of the 
 
 have secured 
 currency, the 
 
 1 impair the 
 ?: intention of 
 the parity of 
 be convinced 
 
 platform, 
 est operation 
 illy to extend 
 
 1 conspiracies 
 s monopolies, 
 legislation as 
 )tect and pro- 
 torers, and all 
 
 We renew our fiiifh in flie poiir.v of protcrtion Ut .Vuierirun labor. 
 In that iM)li«y «ur induslrleH have Ihvu cHiabllslied, diversifled and 
 maintained. Hy protecting the home iiuiiket <'onipi>tition has been 
 Htimulated and production cheapened. 
 
 Opportunity to the Inventive genius of our people has been secured 
 and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, 
 higher now than ever befor»', tuid iiiways diMtlnguishing our working 
 people in their Iwtter condition of life from those of anv comi»etlntf 
 «*ountry. . » » 
 
 Enjoying the bleKsings of tiie Ameruan conanon school, secure In 
 the right of seif-government, iind jtrotected in the occupancy of their 
 own marketR, their constantly in< reaHing knowUnlge and skill have 
 enabled them finally (o enter the markets of the world. 
 
 We favor the asHociated policy of reciprocity, ho directed as to 
 open our nmrkets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves 
 produce in return for free foreign nmrkets. 
 
 In the further Interest of Am<>rlcan workmen we favor a more 
 effective restru lion of the Immigration of cheap labor from foreign 
 lands, the extension of ojiportunities of education for working chil 
 dren, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protetlion of free 
 labor as against contract «-onvict labor, and an effective svstem of 
 labor insurance. 
 
 Our present dep(>ndence on foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our 
 foreign carrying is a great loss to the iixlustry of this country. It is 
 also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the 
 event of European war would seriously cripple <nir expanding foreign 
 commerce. The national defense and naval efflciencv of this countrv 
 moreover, supply a comiielling reas<m for legislation which will enable 
 us to recover our former |ilace aumrig the trade carrving fleets of the 
 world. 
 
 The nation owes a d«tbt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and 
 sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty 
 to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those 
 who have fallen in the country's wars. 
 
 The pension laws, founded on this just sentiment, should be lib- 
 eral,, and should be liberally administered, and preference should be 
 given wherever practicable with respect to emplovment in the public 
 service to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 
 
 We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining 
 the efficiency of the civil service. The Administration has acted 
 wisely in its eflorts to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico 
 Hawaii and the rhilippine Islands only those whose fitness has been 
 determined by training and exi)erience. We believe that employment 
 in the public service in these territories should be confined as far as 
 practicable to their inhabitants. 
 
 It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Con 
 stitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in 
 
1-r 
 
 54)4 
 
 HIHTORY OF THK REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 regafd to the elective franthiBe. Devhes of State GoverninentH, 
 whether by stalutor.v or Constitutional enactment, to avoid the 
 purpose ol this amendment are revolutionary and should be con- 
 demned. 
 
 Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the 
 roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, 
 and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the 
 people and of the legislatures of the several states. 
 
 We favor the extension of the rural free delivery servii-e wherever 
 its extension may be justified. 
 
 In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican 
 party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend 
 adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United 
 States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to 
 the respective states and territories. 
 
 We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of 
 the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 
 
 The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufflcient revenue for the 
 conduct of the war, has so well i)erformed its work that it has been 
 possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of f40,(M)0,0()0. So ample 
 are the Government's revenues and so great is the public confidence 
 in the integrity <»f its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent, 
 bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting 
 that it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about a 
 reduction of the war taxes. 
 
 We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of 
 an Isthmian canal by the Government of the United States. 
 
 New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm 
 products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new 
 markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration is warmly 
 to be commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and 
 colonizing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the 
 interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress 
 create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a 
 Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States Consular 
 system should be reorganized unde» the supervision of this new 
 department upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will 
 render it still more serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. 
 
 The American Government must protect the person and property 
 of every citizen whenever they are wrongfully placed in peril. 
 
 We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid 
 record t)f public service in the Volunteer Aid Association, and as 
 nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our 
 armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their 
 faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. 
 
 President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the 
 United States with distinguished credit to American people. In 
 
 m 
 
Jovernmentt, 
 to avoid th«' 
 ould be ooii- 
 
 ement of th«> 
 lial approval, 
 Tation of the 
 
 vi<-e wherever 
 
 ( ( 
 
 le Republican 
 e recommend 
 of the United 
 r irrigation to 1 1 
 
 Btateliood of 
 
 venue for the 
 it it has been 
 IK). Ho ample 
 ►lie confidence 
 »d 2 per cent. 
 
 I in exi)ecting 
 bring about n 
 
 protection of 
 tes. 
 
 ag of our farm 
 i obtain new 
 ion i8 warmly 
 
 II trading and 
 :;hina. In the 
 that Congress 
 le charge of u 
 :ate8 Consular 
 1 of this new 
 enure as will 
 ig trade. 
 
 1 and property ' 
 < peril. 
 
 their splendid 
 ;iation, and as 
 paigns of our 
 jpreciate their 
 istry. 
 
 affairs of the 
 in people. In 
 
 TWELFTH UEPUHLICAX CONVENTION. 
 
 506 
 
 releasing us from the vexatious conditlonii of a European alliance for 
 the Oovernment of Kamoa his course is esiM^cially to be commende<l. 
 By securing to our undivided ctiutrol the most important island of the 
 Hamoan group and the best harbor in the Houthern I'aciHc, every 
 American interest hafc been safeguarded. We approve the annexution 
 of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 
 
 We commend the part taken by our government in the l*ea<'0 
 Conference at The Hague. 
 
 We assert our steadfast adherence to the |M)licy announ<-e<l in the 
 Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention were 
 wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered lis friendly 
 offices in the interest of peace between Great Uritain and the South 
 African Republics. 
 
 While the American Government must ctrntinue the policy pre- 
 scribed by Washington, affirmed by every 8U<*cee<ling I'rcHldent. and 
 imposed upon us by The Hague treaty, of non-intervention in Euro- 
 pean controversies, the American people earnestly luqie that a way 
 may soon be found, honorable alike to both cont(>nding parties, to 
 terminate the strife between them. 
 
 In accepting, by the treaty of Paris, the just responsibility of our 
 victories in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the 
 undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was 
 possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the Western 
 Indies and in the Philippine Islands. The i-ourse creat«>d our respon 
 sibility before the world, and with tlie unorganized population whiHu 
 our intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for the mainte- 
 nance of law and order, and for the establishment of good government 
 and for the perfonnance of international obligations. Our authority 
 could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign 
 rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to 
 maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer 
 the blessings of liberty and civilization u)N>n all the rescued people. 
 The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare 
 »nd our duties shall be secured to them by law. 
 
 To Cuba, independence and self-government were assured in the 
 same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge 
 shall be performed. 
 
 The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration 
 of its principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and 
 approving judgment of the American people. 
 
 Although the renomjnation of President McKinley was predeter- 
 mined, and its effect on the Convention to some extent discounted, 
 yet the event added much of interest and enthusiasm to the third 
 day's proceedings. The nominating speech by Senator Foraker, of 
 Ohio, was given wHh a vigor, eloquence and magnetism characteristic 
 
 .^fS Mimuns mm 
 
 mmumtmrnmmimtm,' 
 
IIIHTORY OF THK HKinillLK'AN I'AKTV. 
 
 of the man. HIh revi<>w of the luliioveiiientH of Miif M<Kiiil(>y Admin- 
 istration wam brilliHiit and epiKi-Huiniatir. When li«* rt'fcm'd to tht> 
 pasMage of t)i(> financial legislation during tlie laHt leMsion of ('ongreM, 
 upon thp rtM-oninu'ndatiou of tli#» I'reiildent, the <'onv(>nti<tn chitTcd 
 the wntinient en(himiaiiticall.y. His reference to the great leader of 
 the part.v, the HiicceHHeH already achieved by him and the grave 
 re8pon8ibiliti<'H now being carried forward by him, caused frequent 
 and long-conlinued applause. Uut it remained for his closing sen- 
 tence, iui- the first time mentioning William McKinley by name as the 
 nominee, to electrify the great multitude. Kveryone stood and waved 
 and yelled. Htate standards were wren<'hed from their places and 
 borne aloft with umbrellas, great plumes of nd, white and blue, a 
 perfect tempestuous sea of color. Henator Ilanna sprang to the front 
 of the stage, a flag in (»ne hand and a plume in the other, and led in 
 the tremendous demonstration. Not content with their frenzied hur- 
 rahs on the floor, the delegates now man^hed in solid ranks upon the 
 platform, with staiulards, plumes, banners and flags. After the 
 demonstration hti«! continued seven minutes, the Ohio delegation, 
 where centered the waves of sound, moved up the aisle, while all the 
 other State delegations, bearing aloft their standards, formed in a 
 grand procession about the ball. 
 
 When Governor Roosevelt, of New York, rose to second the nom- 
 ination of McKinley there was another tremendous demonstration, as 
 much perhaps for the speaker, as foi- the man whom he supported. 
 The Governor made a very taking speech, uhIii^^ many short, terse 
 sentences, especially in describing the I)emocrati<' attitude toward 
 public events. He made an espe<ially strong appeal to the Gold 
 Democrats, and one of his best appreciated hits was that at the New- 
 York Ice Trust, as follows: "Until our opponents have explicitly 
 and absolutely repudiated the principles wliii li in '!>6 they professed, 
 and the leadecs who embody these principles, their success meanis 
 the undoing of the country. Nor have they any longer even the 
 excuse of being honest in their folly. They have raved, they have 
 foamed at the mouth in denunciation of trusts, and now, in my own 
 State, their foremost party leaders, including the man before whont 
 the others bow with bared heads and trembling knee, have been dis- 
 covered in a trust which really is of infamous, and, perhaps, of crim- 
 inal character; a trust in which these aj^stles of Democracy, these 
 prophets of the new dispensation, have sought to wring fortunes 
 from the dire need of their poorer brethren." In conclusion. Governor 
 
V. " '■ '^ ■■■ 
 
 Iviiiloy Admln- 
 »»f<'rn*«l to tln! 
 n of < 'ongreHM, 
 •ntUm chitTed 
 reat leader of 
 iid the grave 
 used frequent 
 H cloHing seii- 
 y name m the 
 ►od and waved 
 >ir places and 
 e und blue, a 
 ig to the front 
 er, and led in 
 ' frenzied hnr- 
 itnkM upon the 
 H. After the 
 io delegation, 
 , while all the 
 , formed in a 
 
 cond the nom- 
 onstration, a» 
 he supported, 
 y short, terse 
 titude toward 
 to the Gold 
 at at the New 
 ave explicitly 
 liey professed. 
 uc<'es8 nieanh 
 iger even the 
 ed, they have 
 w, in my own 
 before whom 
 lave been dis- 
 haps, of crini- 
 locracy, these 
 ring fortunes 
 lion. Governor 
 
 ^ 
 
 TWKLFTM UKIMIILICAN TOW KNTION. 
 
 507 
 
 Koosevelt declared the Hepublican party and the American |M'ople 
 <hallenged the future and they were eager for the labor lahl out for 
 I hem as if by Providence. The closing words of the Governor brought 
 another demonstration, and for a minute it seemed that the ('on- 
 vention would at once uuike two nominaticms instead of one. I'lumes 
 went up und standards again left their sockets to be wave<l (»n high. 
 .Xs the Governor left the platform he waved a salutation to the 
 moving throngs and one in particular toward the radiant face of his 
 wife, sitting Just outside the area of delegates. 
 
 The nomination of McKiuley was further supported by Henator 
 John M. Thurston, of Nebraska; J(»hn W. Yerkes, of Kentucky; 
 George Knight, of Illinois, and Governor J.inu>s A. Mount, of Indiana 
 The roll of states was then (aflcd, the vesult being 930, a unanimous 
 vote for 11c.'<iuley. v>n ihe Hi moi: i .Mnent there was another burs! 
 of applau»f'. with «, 6iVy)H}' o, plutva m and standards. The huge form 
 of an elephant •» i ))nuii"'»t vlu iiie hall. Around its neck were 
 entwined garlands of 'd.t.i'e.'t>. ijaiighter and applause were mingled 
 as the great embleri v.n'-. V.orn-- about. Tin' denn oust ration in honor 
 of the Tresidt hts n» uiuati'-n ii sted J"» ra'^ntes, and then the Chair- 
 num called for tlu' r<^?vv^il}'tioa oi buBtii«:.s. 
 
 The mai<MM' in y<l\uh ']\' nounyn.iU>u for Vitt; i^resident came 
 about was ..lUnethiti't rtui4Ue in tin» hii^lory o' 'i.o.uvi'r.'lons. Early 
 in the year pubiir stnt'o fc* turw^'d tti^'itrd Goveaoi Theodore 
 Roosevelt, of New YorV., ■>« ilu gtrm.arii^p*: jsiara ?or tlie ptace, but, he 
 positively forbade ♦he nuf* of )iiw iseme, iud a l.'.rgc flru ■r-':- if others 
 were mentioned as tiuilaiDlt ■xMW.utf'B, fee fo!lt>i«.irit/; tMiong them: 
 Secretary of the Navy John 0. Lonic, o" M»»s«?t'h fH,»tt?i; Ex-Secretary 
 of the Navy Go ncli'ia N. HVlm, jvieiiteni nt Gove^ nvu* Timothy L. 
 Woodruff, and StJile ('hft m. n P.. B, Odell. >ri' :\ew York; Senator 
 C. W. Fairbanks, of Iniviaji; tit-nfttoi.' VV. n. A-Iltucr. Hcpresentative 
 DoUiver and Governoi Shaw, olf hywur. (tovK'rvot Hchofleld, of Wis- 
 connin; Representative Jeter C. i^'tcanA, ■•:'' N'jrth Carolina; Ex- 
 Senator Washburn, of Mionesote ; Sena'^v E (). Wolcott, of Colorado, 
 and Irving M. u'ot., ol OA!>rvnia. Oi fiew' Ex-Secretary Bliss who 
 was suppoRdl t^s bft liifc fovoriiv; of the i i dministration, and Senator 
 Allison abso utelj iiciriied ti> bo onsidered candidates. Lieutenant 
 Governor Woeui-^iil ftnL .H. ^\. Jdell were, it was understood only 
 tentative *a'!i«'5ite«, p«^ f >rward by the New York leaders to keep 
 their de^igatior. iogether. Some of the other candidates were not 
 tal'n very seriously and when the Convention opened the contest 
 
 
 KtWa 
 
 «r-i-'TBafi i tg ,ii nr i u - a B aiOTi i ri i iiiiM i ii i r tta 
 
608 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPTIBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 hjid apparently narrowed down to Secretary Long and Congresgman 
 Dolliver, with the* Administration influence in favor of Long. A 
 caucus of the Michigan delegation on the morning of the 20th showed 
 13 votes for Dolliver, 9 for Long, 1 for Roosevelt and 1 for Scott, with 
 four not voting. But early in the Convention T. C. Piatt, of New 
 York, and Ex-Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, commenced an agitation 
 which they kept up continually in favor of Roosevelt. The motive 
 assigned to Piatt was to get Roosevelt out of New York politics, 
 while Quay was credited with the purpose to annoy President Mc- 
 
 Kinley and Chairman 
 Hanna by sidetracking 
 the candidate whom 
 they favored. What- 
 ever the motive, the 
 Roosevelt seed which 
 they sowed fell upon 
 congenial 8oi|, and soon 
 began to bear fruit. 
 Roosevelt, who unques- 
 tionably preferred to 
 run for another term as 
 (Jovernor of New York,' 
 remonstrated and pro- 
 tested, but the current 
 continued to set 
 strongly in his favor. 
 Whenever he appeared 
 in the Convention he 
 was greeted with ap- 
 plause, and influential 
 THEODORE B008KVELT. ^en of the party urged 
 
 him to forego his individual preference. When the day for making 
 nominations came it was evident that the Convention would not take 
 no for an answer, and the Governor reluctantly consented. 
 
 When the order of nominations for Vice-President was reached 
 Colonel Lafe Young, of Iowa, in behalf o'f the delegation from that 
 State, withdrew the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver, and in an eloquent 
 speech nominated Governor Roosevelt. The demonstration which 
 followed the announcement by Coloiiel Young of Governor Roosevelt 
 as the candidate of the young men of the country, who represented 
 
 ( I 
 
 mmmmm 
 
 \ • %■-. 
 
 w^'. 
 
\ ■ 
 
 fS** 
 
 \ 
 
 TWELFTH KKl'UBLICAN ( HJN VENTION. 
 
 509 
 
 Congressman 
 
 of Long. A 
 e 20th showed 
 for Scott, with 
 Piatt, of New 
 1 an agitation 
 . The motive; 
 York politics. 
 President Me- 
 nd Chairman 
 f sidetracking 
 lidate whom 
 ored. What- 
 
 motive, the 
 t seed which 
 ed fell upon 
 soi|, and soon 
 I bear fruit. 
 , who unques- 
 preferred to 
 lother term as 
 of New York, 
 ited and pro- 
 it the current 
 led to set 
 In his favor. 
 
 he appeared 
 onyeiition he 
 ted with ap- 
 id influential 
 i party urged 
 y for making 
 ould not take 
 d. 
 
 was reached 
 on from that 
 n an eloquent 
 ration which 
 nor Roosevelt 
 i represented 
 
 their desires and their ambitions and embodied tlieir jjatriotism and 
 Americanism, was not second to that accorded the I'lesident's name. 
 The vast assemblage sprang to its feet and State emblems, pampas 
 plumes, handkerchiefs and liats fairly filled the air. The band in 
 the main gallery began to play "There'll lie a Hot Time in the Old 
 Town Tonight," and to the inspiring strains the delegates began 
 marching around the hall, filing past Governor Roosevelt as he sat 
 in the New York delegation and extending to hiui their congratula- 
 tions. In the procession of standards after the nomination of 
 Roosevelt was one of the women delegates from I'tah, who presented 
 him with a big bunch of roses, for which Governor Roosevelt returned 
 a profound bow. Several of the Kansas delegates removed their 
 beautiful silk sunflower badges and threw them upon Governor 
 Roosevelt during the march of the telegates. The demonstration 
 lasted nearly seven minutes, when the Chairman with difficulty 
 restored order and recognized Butler Murray of Massachusetts for 
 a speech seconding the nomination of Roosevelt. He spoke in behalf 
 of "old New England," and elicited another demonstration' for the 
 rough rider candidate. An additional second was made by General 
 James M. Ashton, pf Washington, when loud calts arose for "Depew!" 
 Response was made by Senator Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, 
 who rounded out the speech-making of the Convention by ah eloquent 
 and witty address. In the course of his remarks he gave the follow- 
 ing incidents of Colonel Roosevelt's career: 
 /• 
 
 We call him Teddy. He was the child of New York City, the 
 place that you, gentlemen from the West, think means "coupons, 
 clubs, and eternal damnation for every one." Teddy — this child of 
 Fifth avenue, he was the child of the clubs'; he was the 
 child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College; and he went 
 West and became a cowboy and then he went into the Navy 
 Department and became an Assistant Secretary. He gave an 
 order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said : "Why, 
 ('olonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this pow 
 der." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have got to get ready when war 
 comes, and powder was manufactured to be burned." And the burn 
 ing of that powder sunk Cer^era's fleet outside of Santiago's harbor, 
 and the fleet in Manila bay. 
 
 At Santiago a modest voice was lieard, exceedingly polite, 
 addressing a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while Spanish 
 bullets were flying over them. This voice said: "Get one side, gen- 
 tlemen, please; one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out." 
 And when this polite map got his men out in the open where they 
 
 kHili 
 
 t -. j^S«»i,-, }l -j^jf if 
 
610 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 could ftce the bayonet, and face the bullet, there wan a transforma- 
 tion, and the trangformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, 
 the cowboy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and, 
 rushing up the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the 
 militiamen, lying down: "Give them hell, boys! Give them hell!" 
 
 Senator Depew also told, amidst great laughter and applause, a 
 couple of stories, of which this is one: 
 
 There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter, he 
 was a consumptive, and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. Her 
 one remark was, as they sat on the piazza: "Stop coughing, John." 
 John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six 
 weeks. His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We 
 are traveling on a time-li~Jiited ticket and we have got several more 
 places to go to." So she carried him off. The next station they got 
 to the poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: 
 "Poor madam! What shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have 
 got a time-limited ticket and several more places to go to." 
 
 Now, we buried 16 to 1 in 1896. We put a monument over it 
 weighing as many tons as the Sierra Nevadas when gold was put 
 into the statutes by a Republican Congress and the signature of 
 William McKinley. Colonel Bryrn has been a body snatcher. He 
 has got the corpse from under the monument, but it is dead. He 
 has got it in its coffin, carrying it along, as did the bereaved widow, 
 because he says : "I nipst. I must. I am wedded to this body of sin 
 and death. I must. 1 must. Because I have a time-limited ticket 
 which expires in November." 
 
 Senator J)epew's remarks were followed by tumultuous applause 
 and calls for "Roosevelt!" "Teddj . ' "Roosevelt!" the roll of states 
 was called, announcement was made that the vote was unanimous, 
 925 for Roosevelt, and with another burst of applause the serious 
 work of the Convention ended. 
 
i a trangforma- 
 come a eowboy, 
 tne a hero, and, 
 shouted to the 
 B them hell!" 
 
 ind applause, a 
 
 last winter, he 
 s woman. Her 
 tughing, John/' 
 itay in bed six 
 npossible. We 
 »t several more 
 tat ion they got 
 roprietor said: 
 lim up. I have 
 
 to." 
 aument over it 
 
 1 gold was put 
 e signature of 
 
 snatcher. He 
 t is dead. He 
 ?reaved widow, 
 his body of gin 
 e-limited ticket 
 
 tuous applause 
 i roll of states 
 ras unanimous, 
 ise the serious 
 
 I ; 
 
 W9 
 
 f.. V, . i,V.,..: XXXIX. . 
 
 - THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 
 
 Bryan's Supremacy in the Democratic Convention— He Is Absolute 
 Dictator in Respect to the Platform— He Is the Candidate, Also, 
 of the Populists and Hilver Republicans— Adlai E. Stevenson 
 and Charles A. Towne Nominated for Vice President — The Lat- 
 ter Reluctantly Withdraws— The Letters of Acceptance— Ani- 
 mated but One-Sided Campaign— The Imperialist Cry— Division 
 of the Gold Democrats — A Decisive Victory for the Republican 
 Ticket. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention which met in Kansas City, 
 July 4, 1900, presented the remarkable spectacle of a great party 
 with only one candidate considered available for the Presidency, and 
 absolutely dominated, as to its platform, by that candidate. William 
 Jennings Bryan, of Lincoln, Nebraska, had already been nominated 
 for President at a National Convention of Populists, held at Sioux 
 Falls, Iowa. It was understood that he was entirely acceptable to 
 the Silver Republicans who were to meet in Kansas City at the same 
 time that the Democratic Convention was held, and a large number 
 of the State Conventions of the latter party had given him their 
 indorsement. His nomination by acclamation was assured before 
 the Convention met. 
 
 About the platform, however, there were two antagonistic opin- 
 ions. The Democratic leaders and a large majority of the delegates 
 favored, when they left home, the singing of the silver song in minor 
 licy. It was argued that Bryan, himself, stood sufficiently for the 
 free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and that it was not 
 necesssary to make thlit prominent in the platform; that a reasser- 
 tion of that doctrine would further alienate the Gold Democrats 
 who bolted the ticket four years earlier and that a much stronger 
 fight could be made on an anti-imperialist, anti-trust platform. The 
 believers in this theory advocated a simple reaffirmation of the Chi 
 
 IMUiiii 
 
 tgHimmmmmmmiim 
 

 ifi'S^#!MiaS*lsiLji±2::iifel 
 
 '■ S- ' 
 
 612 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 cago platform of 1896, without speeiflc mention of free coinage, or 
 the 16 to 1 ratio. On the other hand it was argued that the Popalisi 
 and Free Bilver Republican alliance turned more upon this question 
 than upon any other, and that if the platform was not explicit upon 
 this subject, there would be a loss of votes from those allies; that 
 the Gold Democrats were traitors anyway, having bolted four years" 
 ago and that the party ought not to sacrilice its convictions, beliefs 
 nor policies in the hope of coaxing them back again. 
 
 This difference of opinion was a matter of serious discussion for 
 some days before the Convention met, and there was much speculation 
 as to what Bryan's wishes in the premises were. At last it was given 
 out by men very close to him that he would have been content in the 
 first place, with a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, but 
 that the Easter : Democrats, some of whom had just crawled back 
 into the party, had already given the Silver question such prominence 
 in their discussions, that nothing short of a definite declaration on 
 the subject would answer. This was not accepted as final, and the 
 ultimate belief was that Bryan could have his own. way in the matter, 
 but that he must say positively what he wanted. If he did this the 
 Convention, however reluctantly, wo.uld accede to his wishes, and he 
 must take the responsibility for the results. 
 
 Of the wishes of the Free Silver Republicans Senator Teller, of 
 Colorado, left no doubt, and he was better entitled to speak for them 
 than anj other person. He said the demand for a simple reaffirma- 
 tion of the Chicago platform without other reference to the financial 
 question came from the Go'd Democrats who did not support Bryan 
 in 1890, and it was doubtful whether some who insist upon the j)ursu- 
 ance of this course would support him in 1900. In many of the states 
 west of the Alleghenies there were thousands of voters who would 
 support Bryan and the Democratic party on account of their position 
 on the financial question. These people believed in the free coinage 
 of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and they would regard a simple reaf- 
 firmation of the Chicago declaration as an attempt to minimize the 
 Silver question. They would not believe that such an omission was 
 insisted upon by the Gold Standard Democrats for any other purpose 
 than to make it appear that the contention for free silver coinage at 
 16 to 1 had been abandoned by the Democratic party. 
 
 It was with the whole matter, to a certain extent, in the air, 
 that the Convention met at noon on the 4th of July. The purpose 
 had been expressed by many of the leaders to push business along so 
 
'• \ 
 
 '<^, 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OP 1900. 
 
 •ee coinage, or 
 it the Popalisl 
 1 this question 
 t explicit upon 
 •He allies; that 
 ted four years' 
 iotions, beliefs 
 
 discussion for 
 
 ich speculation 
 
 ist it was given 
 
 content in the 
 
 platform, but 
 
 crawled back 
 
 ich prominence 
 
 declaration on 
 
 final, and the 
 
 in the matter, 
 
 le did this the 
 
 wishes, and he 
 
 lator Teller, of 
 ipeak for them 
 ople reaflSrma- 
 
 the financial 
 support Bryan 
 pon the pursu- 
 y of the states 
 (rs who would 
 
 their position 
 le free coinage 
 a simple reaf- 
 
 1 minimize the 
 omission was 
 other purpose 
 
 ver coinage at 
 
 nt, in the air. 
 
 The purpose 
 
 liness along so 
 
 that they could celebrate Independence Day by nominating Bryan and 
 adopting the platform. But no such blue fire and sky rocket method 
 proved feasible, for the Committee on Resolutions were in session the 
 whole afternoon and evening without coming to an agreement. In 
 their absence the Convention did little except listen to the reading of 
 the Declaration of Independence and to a long and tedious speech 
 from its temporary Chairman, (lovernor Thomas, of Colorado, and a 
 shorter but more spirited one from the permanent (Chairman, James 
 D. Richardson, of Tennessee. The Committee on Resolutions was 
 very evenly divided on the 16 to 1 question, and it was given out at 
 night that there would probably be two reports. Meantime Bryan 
 came a little nearer giving his ultimatum. At least his most intimate 
 friends conveyed the impression that unless there was a specific 16 to 
 1 declaration he would not accept the Democratic nomination, but 
 would run on a separate Populist and Free Silver ticket. One signifi- 
 cant event of the day was the refusal of the New York delegation to 
 put David Bennett Hill on the Committee on Resolutions, a position 
 which he much desired. The delegation was virtually controlled by 
 Richard Croker, the Tammany Hall Sachem, whose course was dic- 
 tated partly by the desire to humiliate Hiil and partly to prevent 
 Hill's making the strong fight which he purposed on the Silver 
 question. 
 
 On the second day of the Convention the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions, by a vote of 20 to 24, agreed upon a platform and a member of 
 the Committee afterwards told how that and various other events 
 came about: 
 
 Mr. Bryan knew that the so-called "Conservative" Democrats 
 were after him. He feared that a Convention held in Chicago or Mil 
 waukee or St. Louis or any City so far east could be packed with 
 people opposed to a redeclaration for 16 to 1. Also with people 
 opposed to William J. Bryan. He knew that a majority of the dele- 
 gates were apt to be against silver, and that with congenial 
 surroundings they might easily upset Mr. Bryan's ambitions. He 
 would have preferred Omaha or Denver as the Convention City, but 
 feared that the selection of eithw would be to palpable a Bryan 
 move and therefore he chose Kansas City and itp discomforts. Here 
 he knew his Convention could be packed only with people friendly to 
 himself. But his far-reaching designs did not end with the selection 
 of a Western Convention City. Even here he knew the Convention 
 was in danger of capture anci a great many carefully planned details 
 \*ere arranged to keep the Bryan feeling at fever pitch. 
 
 It was by Bryan's instructions that July 4 was 8ele<ted for the 
 opening of the Convention, and he wanted very much to he nomiualcd 
 
 P 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 iWiiliiiiBtliiliiiM ,ii m tvm» 
 
514 
 
 HISTORY OP THE KEIHIBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 on that ^y. It wub by Brvan's instructions that the immense Con- 
 vention Hall was stufftd anr! packed with people until even the seats 
 and aisles of the delegates were invaded, and the press section so 
 jammed and congested with the general public that no newspaper 
 man could be sure of his seat unless he hired some one to hold it for 
 him, and after he had it, could not work because of the crowd stand- 
 ing in his way in every direction. 
 
 It was by Bryan's directions that a great Bryan deiiionHtratiou 
 was sprung in the Convention the preceding night' by this great mob 
 in order that the immense popularity of Bryan might be realized bv 
 those delegates who were considering a determined flght in the Con- 
 vention against a radical free silver plank. 
 
 It was by Bryan's directions that Bryan buttons were to be had 
 for nothing on every corner, while the silver plank of the platform 
 was in doubt. It was Bryan, Bryan on every hand, and it was all 
 arranged in order to effect the result which the night before hung in 
 the balance. 
 
 It was Bryan's idea to have a private wire from Kansas City to 
 his home in Lincoln, and McKinley never watched the Spanish war 
 with more anxiety, or followed its movements in his war room more 
 closely than Bryan followed the Convention. He was instantly 
 apprised of everything, and his lieutenants were constantlv carrying 
 out bis direct orders. 
 
 When the Committee on Resolutions showed bv its first test vote 
 that an explicit declaration for 16 to 1 was going to be defeated a 
 recess was taken and Mr. Bryan notified. When the session was 
 resumed and the time for another vote approached Senator Jones 
 stood up, and, with Bryan's telegraphic orders in his pocket, informed 
 the Committee of the exact situation: "Gentlemen," he said, "you 
 can defeat this out-and-out expression for silver if you want to, but 
 before doing so it is my duty to warn you of the consequences. Unless 
 you reiterate the distinct declaration for Ifi to 1 Mr. Bryan cannot 
 accept your nomination for President, but neither can he decline the 
 Populist nomination already received, nor the Silver Republican nom- 
 ination he is about to receive. Those Conventions stand true blue for 
 silver. He must ran on their ticket. What the effect will be upon 
 our ticket you gentlemen, who are to be responsible for the action of 
 this committee, must decide." i 
 
 Among those who were strongly opposed to the 16 to 1 declara- 
 tion was Senator Hill, of New York, who was willing even to let 
 Bryan go, rather than to adopt that declaration. It was understood 
 that he and two or three others would make a flght in the Convention 
 against the platform, but they did not, and the declaration, as agreed 
 upon by the Committee, went through without a murmur. It opened 
 with a reaffirmation of the Declaration of Independence; denounced 
 
^:^ 
 
 iimenBe Con- 
 'en the seats 
 8 section so 
 > newspaper 
 hold it for 
 Lrrowd stand- 
 
 iiionstratiou 
 Is threat mob 
 ■i realized bv 
 t in the Con- 
 re to be liad 
 the platform 
 id it was all 
 ifore hung in 
 
 msas City to 
 Spanish war 
 r room more 
 'as instantly 
 ntly carrying 
 
 Irst test vote 
 >e defeated a 
 
 session was 
 mator Jones 
 let, informed 
 le said, "you 
 want to, but 
 ices. Unless 
 iryan cannot 
 e decline the 
 ublican nom- 
 true blue foi* 
 will be upon 
 
 he action of 
 
 to 1 declara- 
 even to let 
 understood 
 s Convention 
 m, as agreed 
 It opened 
 denounced 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 
 
 515 
 
 the Porto Bico Law passed by Congress at its last session ; condemned 
 the Philippine policy of the Aduiinistration and favored "an immedi- 
 ate declaration of the Nation's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a 
 stable form of government; second, independence, and third, 
 protection from outside interference, such as has been given for 
 nearly a century to the Republics of Central and South America." 
 After these declarations came the following plank on imperialism: 
 "The importance of other questions now pending before the Amer'.f«n 
 people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes n( 
 backward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of 
 imperialism growing out of the Spanish war involves the very exist- 
 ence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions. We 
 regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign." 
 
 Then came a declaration that the Republican party was insincere 
 in its reference to the Monroe Doctrine, a plank on militarism and one 
 on trusts. After all these came the silver plank, as follows: "We 
 reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Democratic plat- 
 form adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiterate the demand of that 
 platform for an American flnancial system made by the American 
 people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic 
 price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of 
 the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal 
 ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other 
 Nation." Denunciation of the Currency Bill passed at the last session 
 of Congress, and utterances on half a dozen other current questions of 
 the day completed the document. Three days after the Convention 
 adjourned it occurred to some of the leaders that there should have 
 been an income tax plank, and so they added one, making the con- 
 venient plea that the omission in the first place was the fault of a 
 typewriter. They had run the campaign of 1896 on a platform, 
 four clauses of which were not read in the Chicago Convention, and 
 there was no reason why they should not smuggle into the campaign 
 of 1900 one declaration which the Kansas City delegates never heard. 
 
 Following the adoption of the platform came the presentation of 
 Bryan's name for the Presidential nomination. Up to this time the 
 proceedings in open Convention had been tame, except as Chairman 
 Richardson's spirited address evolved some enthusiasm. But the 
 demonstrations upon, the first presentation of Bryan's name, and upon 
 its subsequent repetition, were a flattering evidence of the hold 
 which his strong personality has upon the party. His name was pre- 
 
^LxMiKSiJMM^ 
 
 ^£M:Mmmsd;iMiS!i^£;.iM&iMtMi»^Xi 
 
 '^^ii^L 
 
 316 
 
 HIHTORY OF THE REI'UBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Rented \fy W. I). Oldham, of Nebraska, wlio cloHed with a iiersonal 
 eulogy of the candidate, delivered with inipattsioned fervor. This 
 was the signal for prolonged cheers, the waving of flags and handker 
 chiefs, music by the band, and a procession of delegates carrying their 
 Btate banners around the hall. Nebraska's nomination was sup- 
 ported by a dozen other Stales, and a roll call gave him a unanimous 
 vote. 
 
 The nomination for "^'ice-President was a matter of u'ore discus- 
 sion. Ohar'es A. Town**, who had already received the Populist 
 nomination for the same position, was an active and anxious candi- 
 date. He was as eager to get the Demo<'ratic nomination as Roosevelt 
 had been to get away fron the Republican. The Silver Republicans 
 and the x\.merican Monetary Jjt.'^ue, in session at Kansas City, both 
 expressed a preference for Town". But there was a feeling in the 
 Democratic Convention that with a 16 to 1 plank in the platform and 
 Hryan at the head of the ticket, there was about all the free silver 
 that the party could carry. A candidate was sought who was not 
 specially identified with that movement, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of 
 Illinois, Vice-President during Cleveland's second terra, was put 
 forward. The most popular delegate in the Convention was undoubt- 
 edly Senator Hill, of New York, although he was opposed to the 16 
 to 1 delegation, and was not at all enamored of Bryan. Tammany 
 Hall tried to take advantage of his popularity by pushing him into 
 this nomination, but when his name was presented Hill took the plat- 
 form, and in a vehemjent speech, mingled with personal appeal, stayed 
 the tide that threatened to sweep him into the unsought position. 
 Next to Hill, Stevenson was the favorite and after his name was 
 presented it received secondB from a number of states. The roll call 
 showed 5591/2 votes for Stevenson, 200 for Hill and 89i/^ for Towne. 
 Tennessee then changed her 24 votes from Hill to Stevenson, and 
 enough other changes were speedily made to give him the 624 neces 
 sary to a choice. 1 
 
 Meantime the Silver Republican Convention had adjourned, 
 having first given to its officers and the Executive Committee of the 
 j)arty, power to decide upon a Vice-Presidential nominee. After a 
 conference with the Democratic National Committee and a sub-com 
 mittee of the Populists, and with the consent and advice of Mr. 
 Towne, they endorsed the nomination of Stevenson. Mr. Towne, after 
 some weeks of delay, withdrew from the Populist ticket, in favor of 
 Mr. Stevenson, and made a few speeirhes for the combination candi 
 
 .:■-;, \i;W , 
 
 Vf"5»'51v-'- 
 
 3a»c' 
 
 fSS» 
 
th a iMTBontil 
 
 fervoi*. This 
 
 and liaiidker 
 
 carrying their 
 
 ion was mu|»- 
 
 n unaniniouN 
 
 ' more discuH- 
 tlie Populifit 
 mxiouM candi- 
 i as Roosevelt 
 I* RepnblicanH 
 4a8 City, both 
 feeling in the 
 l>latform and 
 he free silver 
 who was not 
 Stevenson, of 
 Tra, was put 
 was nndonbt 
 sed to the 16 
 n. Tammany 
 ling him into 
 took the plat- 
 ippeal, stayed 
 ight position, 
 lis name was 
 
 The roll call 
 J/^ for Towne. 
 ;evenson, and 
 the 624 neces 
 
 1 
 d adjourned, 
 imittee of the 
 nee. After a 
 id a sub-com 
 id vice of Mr. 
 
 Towne, after 
 t, in favor of 
 ination candi 
 
 
 THE CAMl'AION OF 1900. 
 
 517 
 
 dates. Not more than one set of Electors was nominated in any 
 Htate to represent this combination. 
 
 Th«* llrst week in September, 1898, the Middle-ofthe-Road Popu 
 lists, as they called themselves, that is, those who were opposed to 
 fusion with any other party, met in Cincinnati and nominated 
 Wharton Barker for President and Ignatius Donnelly for Vice-Presi 
 dent. 
 
 The first National assembly of the Christian Political Union, con 
 vened in Rock Island, 111., May 1. As a preliminary to deciding 
 whether to organize a political purty, the Convention discussed the 
 theme, "The Priuiiples of Christ; Bl f.ll We Apply Them in Concrete 
 Form to State and National f Jovernment Through a Christian Politi- 
 cal Union or Party?" The Convention answered the question in the 
 affirmative by unanimous vote. The name United Christian party 
 was adopted in place of (Christian Political Union. Dr. Silas C. Swal- 
 low, of Harrisburg, Pa., and John G. Hooley, of Chicago, were 
 nominated as candidates for President and Vice-President of the 
 United States. The platform adopted declares for: "The abolition of 
 laws which require a desecration of the Sabbath, authorize unscrip 
 tural marriage and divorce, and encourage the sale of liquors as a 
 beverage; equal rights for men and women; arbitration as against 
 war; government ownership of public utilities; election of President 
 and Vice-President and United States Senators by direct vote of the 
 people.*' 
 
 The Prohibition National Convention, in session in Chicago, June 
 28, nominated John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for President, and Henry 
 B. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, for Vice-President. 
 
 The so-called National party held a Convention in New York, 
 September 5, with less than 100 delegates present, half of whom were 
 from that City, and placed in nomination for President, Senator Don- 
 aldson Caffery, of Louisiana, and for Vice-President, A. M. Howe, of 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 The Union Reform party, by a referendum vote, the result of 
 which was announced in New York, September 5, nominated Seth H. 
 Ellis, of Ohio, for President, and Samuel T. Nicholson, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, for Vice-President. 
 
 The Social I)emocrats nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, 
 of Indiana, and for Vice-President Job Harriman, of California. 
 
 In this year of conventions there was still another, making the 
 eleventh, held by the so-called Deleon Socialists who nominated for 
 

 It 
 
 518 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 PreMident, •loHopb F. Maloney, of MassacbuHetti, and for Vice-Preai- 
 dent, Valentine Rennvill, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Home of thetie scattered ori^anizations, however, ceased their 
 labors, after going through the form of making nominations and 
 were not henrd of again during the eampaign. 
 
 I'residfint McKluley, in his letter accepting the renomination, 
 reviewed at length the affairs of bis Administration, paying particu- 
 lar attention to the course of events in the Philippines, which be 
 recognized as of grave importance in the campaign. Upon this 
 subject be said, in part: 
 
 There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's 
 fleet when wt: could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. 
 After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but Congress could 
 surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of territory thus acquired. 
 
 We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war 
 with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the 
 treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be 
 no issue, and out of these came all our responsibilities. If others 
 would shirk the obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we 
 must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was made. 
 It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a Government suita- 
 ble to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants, and to prepare 
 them for self-government, and to give them self-government when 
 they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for it. Thai 
 I am aiming to do under my Constitutional authority, and will con- 
 tinue to do until Congress shall determine tlie political status of the 
 inhabitants of the archipelago. 
 
 Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our 
 sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it 
 should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the 
 hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that 
 with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal 
 of our Army over the archipelago; the complete independence of the 
 Tagalog people recognized and the powers of government over all the 
 other peoples of the nrchijtelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. 
 
 We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in 
 the islands without consulting the majority, and to abandon the 
 largest portion of the population to the cruelties of the guerrilla 
 insurgent band. More than this, we are asked to protect the minor- 
 ity in establishing a government, and to this end repress all opposition 
 to the majority. We are required to set up a stable government in 
 the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired 
 npon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost against its enemies 
 within and against those having ambitions and designs from without. 
 
 Uir. il 
 
 'f^- : 'ft 
 
f. 
 
 or Vlce-Presi- 
 
 eeased their 
 linations and 
 
 renomination, 
 lying partivu- 
 les, which be 
 1. Upon thlM 
 
 the enemj's 
 ! archipelago. 
 )Qgrefl8 could 
 huB acquired. 
 
 Tted the war 
 Ication of thi> 
 there can be 
 !8. If others 
 lie treaty, we 
 le waH made, 
 rnment suita- 
 d to prepare 
 •niiient when 
 or it. Thai 
 Knd will con- 
 status of the 
 
 abandon our 
 •pose, then it 
 ult from the 
 ilipinos, that 
 a withdrawal 
 idence of the 
 t over all the 
 alog leaders. 
 
 1 minority in 
 abandon the 
 the guerrilla 
 L't the minor- 
 lII opposition 
 ►vernment in 
 ty and flred 
 t its enemies 
 rom without. 
 
 TJIK CAMPAIGN OF 1»00. 
 
 SIO 
 
 This would r<>(|uir«> iiii Army and Nav.v far largi'r than is now 
 ninintained in the riiilippineH, and Hiill more in excess of what will 
 be neceMsarv with the full recognilion of our sovereignty. A military 
 support of uiilliority not our own, us thus proposed, is the very essence 
 of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but 
 which, by their poli»j, would of necessity be established in its most 
 otfensive form. 
 
 The President took no further part in the campaign, remaining 
 most of the time i|uietly at home, nuiking no siK}eches and writing no 
 politii'al letters. 
 
 Mr. Bryun, in his letter of acceptance, again declared his loyalty 
 to the Ifi to 1 policy and to free trade; denounced the Dingley taritT, 
 the Republican Currency Act, and the trusts; discussed various 
 phases of the labor question, and spoke very briefly u]K>n the questions 
 at issue in respect t*' the Philippine Islands. Mr. Htcvenson's letter 
 of acceptance was very short, and was devoted lart;eiy to a protest 
 against "war of c<u)<]ue8t" nnd against Imperialism. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt, in his letter of acceptance, discussed the questions 
 at issue at considerable length, and followed this by a series of 
 campaign tours, surpassing in amount of travel and number of 
 speeches made anything in the history of politics in this country 
 except the Bryan tours of 1896. One of the first states which he 
 visited was Michigan where he opened the campaign early in Septem- 
 ber by addressing a meeting of over 4,()0tl people in Light Guard 
 Armory, Detroit. He went thence to Bay City, where he was greeted 
 by an immense crowd, made up in part by excursicmists from the 
 shore towns along Lake Huron. A demonstration of equal magnitude 
 awaited him at Haginaw, and in his tour across the Htate he addressed 
 crowds at Owosso, Lansing, Jackson, Eaton Rapids, Charlotte, Hast- 
 ings, Grand Rapids, Holland, Allegan, Kalamazoo, Grand Junction, 
 Benton Harbor, Niles and some of the interlying towns. He con- 
 tinued his tour to the far West, and then through part of the South 
 and East, ending up with a ten days' campaign in New York State. 
 In all he visited tweiity-fonr States, traveled 21,2<M) miles and made 
 673 speeches. 
 
 (Candidate Bryan also made nmny speeches and was re<!eived with 
 nearly as great favor as he was in 1896. Having secured a complete 
 recognition of his money views in the various Conventions that nom- 
 inated him he was content to let that nmtter take secondary place 
 in the general meetings. In his speeches he dwelt more upon the 
 dangers to the industries of this country fr<mi trusts, and the dangers 
 
 t v^ 
 
 '^1" 
 
 : 
 
 mtmmmmttmmm 
 
«2fl 
 
 HIHTORY OFTHK HEPrnLlCAN PARTY. 
 
 of r('ii(nillx(><l power Hiid an iiii|M>riHliMti(- policy. Tli<> latlt>r wbh the 
 ke.v-iiote to niueh of the Deniocratic oralorv throuKhoiit the country. 
 In tliiH they received Honie aid and encoiiraKonient from the National 
 Anti-IniperialiHtic lieaKiie, which met in indianapoliM, AuftuHt IR, and 
 which included Home prominent Hepublicanit, aM well um Democrats. 
 It denounced the policy of the AdminiHtration and practically 
 endorMed Itryun. 
 
 The elYorts of thene men were very largely countera<-ted by the 
 viewH expro88ed by candid uien who were familiar with the Hituation 
 in thoHe islandH. The lamented General Lawton, who made it a 
 practice to examine thoroughly every Bubject in which he b(>cam(> 
 intereHted, went to the I'hilippineH Htrongly prejudiced aKaiuNt our 
 occupation of those inlands, calling the HtruKK'i! tin '^unholy" war. 
 His observutionH there effected a complete chancre in his viewH and he 
 wrote to Hon. .lohn Barrett, United Htateg MiniBter to 8iam: 
 
 I would lo God tliat the truth of this whole Philippine situation 
 could be known to every one in America as I know it. If the real 
 history, inspiration, and conditions of this iuHurrection, and the influ- 
 ences, local and external, as well as the actual possibilities of these 
 islands and peoples and their relations to this great East, could be 
 understood at home, we should hear no more talk of unjust "shooting 
 of government" into the Filipinos or hauling down the flag in the 
 Philippines. If the so-called Anti-Imperialists could honestly ascer- 
 tain the truth on the ground, and not in distant Ameri<-a, they, whom 
 I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the 
 error of their statements and conclusions, and of the unfortunate 
 effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it 
 may as well come from one of my own men, because I know from 
 observation, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the continuance 
 of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America. 
 
 Dean (\ Worcester, of Michigan rniversity, one of the Philip- 
 pine Commission, is another witness to the same purport. In a letter 
 received from him, October 25, by Regent Dean, of the University, 
 he said: i 
 
 Conditions were improving here very rapidly up to the time 
 Bryan was nominated and began to talk in public. The result of the 
 announcement of his policy in regard to the Philippines was to put 
 a stop to the important surrenders, which were steadily being made 
 under the terms of the amnesty, and to bring about renewed hostili- 
 ties through the worst districts here in Luzon. 
 
 We knoYf absolutely, from captured correspondence, that this 
 desperate elTort to keep up a show of resistance is being made only 
 
 
 '>^::?<f. 
 
 fe "■■ 
 
 
 ,ft-i'^*;> 
 
r. , . . ^ ' 
 
 atttT waH thi? 
 tlu» country, 
 the National 
 
 IIRUHt 15, HUd 
 M I h'UiorrutH. 
 1 prarticully 
 
 ■acted by the 
 the HJtiiation 
 u made it a 
 h he became 
 aKuinHt our 
 inlioly" war. 
 views and lie 
 ^iani : 
 
 ine situation 
 If the real 
 ind the intiu- 
 tieg of these 
 I8t, could be 
 i8t "shooting; 
 ^ flag in the 
 nestly ascer 
 they, whom 
 inced of the 
 unfortunate 
 Ino bullet, it 
 know from 
 continuance 
 >m America. 
 
 the Philip- 
 
 In a letter 
 
 University, 
 
 to the time 
 •esult of the 
 was to put 
 being made 
 wed hostili- 
 
 e, that this 
 f made onlj' 
 
 ,H 
 
 THE CAMP au.N OF 1U0(». 
 
 021 
 
 in the hope of iuMuencing the elccfiim at home, and important insurg 
 ent leaders like Sindico hiiv that, unless Mr.van is elected or the war in 
 ('hina draws troops from i liese islands, they will give up their uselesK 
 eflforts in November. I "i^refure do not look for any general improve 
 ment in the situation in ,ii after (he Presidential election; but, witli 
 that out of the way, 1 expect to se*' a speedy change for the better. 
 At present the insurg<'ii<H are resorting to that last resort of a failing 
 cause, whitlesule assaMnination. They are putting prices on the heads 
 of men known to be friendly to the Americans, and are resorting to 
 the most flendish tortures and mutilations in order to influence the 
 common people by fear. 
 
 The (JoM Democrats did not nmke separate nominations In this 
 campaign uu did not cut as conspicuous a flgure as in the <;ontest 
 four years earlier. Their votes were divided, some supporting Bryan 
 on other issues, and some voting for McKinley. Among those, who 
 openly advo<ated MciKlnley's election were two members of IM-esi 
 dent Cleveland's Cabinet: I»ostmaster (Jeneral Don M. Dickinson, of 
 Michigan, and J. Hterling Morton, of Nebraska, Hecnitary of Agri- 
 (rulture. James H. Kckles, Comptroller of the (Currency under 
 President Cleveland, was also quite active in the campaign for McKin- 
 ley. On the 29th of October, Ex-President Cleveland wrote a letter 
 to Don M. Dickinson, in which he referred to a speech made by him 
 in April, 1897, saying that he could not suppress or abate from it, 
 and would not if he could, and saying also that he should not object 
 to any use which Mr. Dickinson might see ttt to make of it. This 
 was a speech in which Cleveland condemned the course of those who 
 were sowing the seeds of discontent and cultivating a growth of 
 sectional and class suspicion and distrust. He also regretted to see 
 the remedy for supposed financial ills proposed in the free coinage of 
 silver with a depreciated currency and cheap money. The reference 
 to this speech showed plainly enough that Mr. (31eveland's sympathies 
 in the pendi.ng campaign were against Mr. Bryan and his followers. 
 There were no October elections this year to furnish an indica- 
 tion of the drift of public sentiment. Oregon, in June, gave an 
 unusually large Republican majority. Vermont and Maine, in 
 September, gave majorities considerably smaller than those in 189fi. 
 But the careful canvass made by the Republican committees in 
 various states indicated a triumph of very large proportions, and 
 their most hopeful indications and prophecies were surpassed by the 
 results. McKinley and Roosevelt carried every Northern State 
 except Colorado, Idaho, Montana and Nevada, and in those the Bryan 
 
 MiNiiiiliai 
 
 
ti^: 
 
 ^y 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICxiN PARTY. 
 
 majoritieg were much less than they were in 1896. Republican Elec 
 tors were also chosen in Delaware, Maryland and West Virginia. 
 The total Electoral vote was: For McKinley and Roosevelt, 295; 
 Bryan a-. ^ Stevenson, 152. The Republican plurality on the popular 
 vote waa nearly 900,000, being the largest ever given to any candidate. 
 In Michigan Bryan carried only one County, and the highest 
 Republican Elector ha4 105,168 plurality. The Republicans also 
 elected a solid Congressional delegation as follows: (1) John B. Cor- 
 liss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3) Washington Gardner; (4) Edward L. 
 Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar 
 Weeks; (8) Joseph W. Fordney; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10) Rousseau 
 O. Crump; (11) Archibald B. Darragh; (12) Carlos D. Shelden. 
 
 tt 
 
 ^'•^ 
 
^publican Elec- 
 Vest Virginia, 
 loosevelt, 293; 
 on the popular 
 any candidate, 
 id the highest 
 [)ublicanB also 
 ) John B. Oor- 
 (4) Edward L. 
 lith; (7) Edgar 
 (10) Rousseau 
 lelden. 
 
 y% 
 
 : XL. - , 
 
 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 
 
 The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present 
 
 Time— Tlie Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingham to Bliss A 
 
 Long Roll of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men— A Number 
 of Close and Interesting Contests— Ballots for the Head of the 
 Ticket in Detail— Names of the Candidates for other Offices— A 
 Series of Splendid Successes Broken by Only Two Defeats- 
 Treatment of Public Questions by the Various Conventions- 
 How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the Greenback 
 Onslaught— The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, Silver 
 and Taxation Questions— Its Attitude in 19d(». 
 
 In the second and third chapters ef this publication an extended 
 account is given of the various State gatherings out of which was 
 evolved the Republican party of Michigtn. The foundations were so 
 well laid and the work of organizatioH ^ms so well done that, so far 
 as its State Executive and Judicial tickets were concerned the party 
 moved along the path of victory with no setbacks and with but little 
 friction for more than a quarter of a century. The names of the 
 candidates for Governor with details of the votes cast for that official 
 and for Presidential Electors in the various contests, with the names 
 of delegates to Republican National Conventions, and the names of 
 all Electors chosen, are given under the appropriate chapters in the 
 first volume of this work; but brief additioqal details of the different 
 Conventions may be interesting. 
 
 The Convention of 1856 was held at Marshall, July 9, and was 
 large, earnest and enthusiastic. The newly organized party had 
 been triumphant in 1854, and was confident now. Fremont had been 
 nominated for President, and the general campaign had opened with 
 spirit. Among those present at this gathering were many who took 
 part in the proceedings at Jackson two years earlier, and others 
 who afterwards became prominent in State and National affairs. 
 
 ! 
 
 "' ifi III' iiiii iriim'i^i 
 
 ■■•■{'•'^h 
 
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 Josiah^Turner, of Livingston, was i)ermanent Chairman of the Con- 
 vention. The old State ticket was renominated, the National platform 
 was endorsed, and an Electoral ticket, headed by Fernando C. Sea- 
 man, was placed in the Held. Bingham's majority for Oovernor two 
 years earlier, was 4,»77. It was now more than trebled, being 17,317. 
 The Convention of 1858 met in Detroit, August 1, and was called 
 to ordef by James M. Edmunds, Chairman of the State Central Com 
 mittee. Austin Blair was both Temporary and Permanent Chair- 
 man. On the first ballot for Governor, Hezekiah G. Wells, of Kala- 
 mazoo, had 69 votes, to 56 for Moses Wisuer, the rest scattering 
 among a number of candidates. On the third ballot Mr. Wisner had 
 a majority and was declared the nominee. As the old incumbents 
 had all served two terms, there was a new list of candidates, and a 
 contest for n.ost of the offices. Jacob M. Howard was the only one 
 of the old officers renominated, the full list being as follows: Lieu- 
 tenant (Jovernor. E. B. Fairfield; Secretary of State, N. B. Isbell; 
 Treasurer, John McKinney; Auditor General, Daniel L. Case; Com- 
 missioner of the State Land Office, James VV. Sanborn; Attorney 
 General, Jacob M. Howard; Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
 John M. Gregory; Member of the Board of Education, Witter j! 
 Baxter. The platform, reported by H. H. Emmons, was brief and 
 confined chietly to National affairs. In the election that followed 
 Wisner's majority was 9,135. 
 
 The Convention of 1860 was called to order in Merrill Hall, 
 Detroit, June 8, by E. C. Walker, Chairman of the State Central 
 Committee. Alexander Campbell, of Marquette, was Temporary, and 
 Robert R. Beecher, of Lenawee, was Permanent Chairman. On the 
 first ballot for Governor, Austin Blair, of Jackson, had IO8I/2 votesj 
 and James M. Edmunda, of Detroit, (^14. Mr. Edmunds' name was 
 then withdrawn and Mr. Blair was nominated by acclamation. The 
 rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Governor, Jaraes 
 Birney: Secretary of State, James B. Porter; State Treasurer, John 
 Owen; Auditor General, L. G. Berry; Commissioner of the State 
 Land Office, S. S. Lacey: Attorney General, Charles Cpson; Superin- 
 tendent of Public Instruction, JoJin M. Gregory; Member of the State 
 Board of Education, Edwin Williis. The National Convention had 
 made a platform for the whole country, and Michigan Republicons 
 accepted it as their creed. In the evening an immense ratification 
 meeting, attended, it was said, by 8,000 people, was held. The Rej ub- 
 licans of the State shared in the enthusiasm with which the campaign 
 
 '■r'^m^«Sf^*^W^^- 
 
 i»£t£ 
 
 ' W K w i fc^ a aiihW 
 
 --MWMMflflMHH! 
 
iinaWimnniMitiiii t> 
 
 -^> 
 
 ?Y. 
 
 M»;-. 
 
 REPUBLICAN STATE (CONVENTIONS. 
 
 525 
 
 an of the Con- 
 ional platform 
 nando C. Bea- 
 
 Oovernor two 
 1, being 17,317. 
 ind was called 
 ' Central Com- 
 inanent Chair- 
 Veils, of Kala- 
 est scattering 
 r. Wisner had 
 Id incumbents 
 didates, and a 
 J the only one 
 ollows: Lieu- 
 
 N. B. Isbell; 
 L Case; Com- 
 )rn; Attorney 
 c Instruction, 
 on, Witter J. 
 (vas brief and 
 that followed 
 
 Merrill Hall, 
 State Central 
 imporary, and 
 lan. On the 
 1 IO8V2 votes, 
 ds' name was 
 raation. The 
 ernor, Jaiaes 
 jasurer, John 
 of the State 
 son; Superin- 
 r of the State 
 uvention had 
 
 Republicans 
 e ratification 
 
 TheReiub 
 the campaign 
 
 throughout the country was conducted, and gave their canf^idate ,for 
 Ooveirnor 20,585 majority. It gave the Republican Presidential 
 Electors a plurality of 23,423, and a clear majority of 22,213. 
 
 The Convention of 1862 followed the example of 185(» in giving the 
 <loveriy)r a second term, a practice which has since become almost 
 invariable with the party. E. C. Walker was Temporary and William 
 A. Howard Permanent Chairman of the Convention. Mr. Blair's 
 renomination for Governor was effected by a vote of 186 out of a 
 total of 207. Charles S. May was nominated for Lieutenant Governor 
 and Henry T. Backus for Secretary of State. The State Treasnrei-. 
 Commissioner of the State Land t)ftlce, and the educational oflBcers 
 were renominated. P^mil Anneke was designated for Auditor 
 (Jeneral, and Albert Williams for Attorney General. The platform 
 was long and patriotic. The campaign came during a period of 
 depression caused by the slow [irogress of the Union armies. Yet 
 it was visrorously conducted and resulted in a majority of 6,614 for 
 Blair. .1. W. Tillman was Chairman of the State Central Committee. 
 
 The Convention of 1864 was held after the Democratic National 
 ''onvention bad declared the war a failure, and the Republicans had 
 renominated Lincoln. It was one of the most exciting periods of 
 the war, and the issue of the election was uncertain. The Union 
 victories, which afterwards gave assurance of political success, had 
 not yet come. The Convention was held in Merrill Hall, Detroit, 
 with John M. Lamb, of I-apeer, as Temporary and Robert R. Beecher, 
 of Lenawee, Permanent Chairman. There was a close contest for 
 the nomination for Governor between Henry P. Baldwin, of Detroit, 
 and Henry H. trapo, of Flint, the latter winning en the fourth ballot 
 by a vote of 106 to 103. Charles S. May was a candidate for renom- 
 inntion for Lieutenant Governor. He led at the start, but his own 
 county deserted him, and on the fourth ballot E. O. Grosvenor, of 
 Hillsdale, received the nomination. The old candidates for Secretary 
 of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Attorney General and Member 
 of the Board of Education were renominated. The rest of the ticket 
 was as follows: Commissioner of the State Land Office, Cyrus Hewitt; 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel Hosford. William A, 
 Howard was umde Chairman of the State Central Committee, a posi- 
 tion which he held thrcmgh two campaigns. The vote as officially 
 counted gave Crapo 10,443 majority, but the \of<8 of Alpena and 
 .Manjuette Counties were not returned in time to be included in this 
 count. Under a decision of the Supreme Court the soldiers' vote. 
 
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 
 taken in the Held, wag alHo exclnded. The vote as actually cast was: 
 Crapo, 91,35ti; Fenton, 74,21)3; majority for Crapo, 17,063; for Presi- 
 dent, Lincoln, 91,521; McOlellan, 74,004. The Poldiere' vote was 9,608 
 for Crapo and 2,992 for Fenton. 
 
 Before the Convention of 1866 met Johnsonisni had commenced 
 its work by sowing discord in the ranks of the Republican party; 
 yet the Convention was a strong, if not very harmonious body. It 
 met in Merrill Hall, Detroit, August 30, with Charles S. May as both 
 Temporary and Permanent Chairman. On an informal ballot for 
 Governor, Henry H. Crapo had 105 votes, Henry P. Baldwin 52, Wm. 
 L. Rtoughton, of St. Joseph, 46, and scattering 3. On the first formal 
 ballot Governor Oapo was renominated. Dwight May was nomin* 
 ated for Lieutenant Governor, and the rest of the ticket was as 
 follows: Secretary of State, Oliver L. Spaiilding; Treasurer, E. O. 
 GroBvenor; Auditor General, William Humphrey; Commissioner of 
 the State Land Office. Benjamin I). Pritchard; Attorney General, 
 Willip.m L. Stoughton; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel 
 Hosford. Crapo's majority in the election was 29.038. 
 
 The Convention of 1868 was held in Merrill Hall. Detroit, July 1, 
 and was called to order by William A. Howard, (^hairman of the 
 State Central Committee, David H Jerome was Temporary Chair- 
 man and James Birney Permanent. Henry 1*. Baldwin was 
 nominated for Governor, receiving 139 votes to 62 for Cyrus G. Luce. 
 Morgan Batett was nominated for Lieutenant Governor, receiving 102 
 votes to 60 for Jonathan J. Woodman and 34 scattering. Dwight 
 May was nominated for Attorney General, and the rest of the old 
 ticket was renominated. John J. Bagley T^ras chosen Chairman of 
 the State Central Committee. 
 
 The Convention of 1870 met in Y'oung Men's Hall, Detroit, Sep- 
 tember 1, with Lawrence T. Reiner, of St. Clair, for Temporary 
 Chairman, ar.d J. K. Boies, of Lenawee, for Permanent. Governor 
 Baldwin was renominated by acclamation and Morgan Bates was 
 renominated for Lieutenant Governor on the first ballot. Daniel 
 Striker was nominated for Secretary of State; Vi<'tory P. Collier, for 
 Treasurer, and Charles A. Edmunds for Land Commissioner, with 
 the old incumbents for Aud'tor General, Attorney General, Superin- 
 tendent of Public Instruction and Members of the Board of Education. 
 Some restiveness had developed before this time at the dominant 
 influence of Detroit in the part.>. That City now had the Governor, 
 both Unite<l States Senators, the Chairman of the State Central 
 
rv. 
 
 iiall.v cast was: 
 ,063; for Presi- 
 vote was 9,608 
 
 ad commenced 
 tublican part.Vj 
 lious body. It 
 3, May as both 
 nal ballot for 
 Idwin 52, Wm. 
 he first formal 
 ly was nomin- 
 ticket was as 
 easurer, E. O. 
 niinissioner of 
 rney General, 
 lotion, Oramel 
 
 ►etroit, July 1, 
 lirman of the 
 porary Chair- 
 Baldwin was 
 'yrus G. Luce. 
 
 receiving 102 
 •ing. Dwight 
 '8t of the old 
 
 Chairman of 
 
 Detroit, Sep 
 r Temporary 
 it. Governor 
 n Bates was 
 illot. Daniel 
 ?. Collier, for 
 Bsioner. with 
 ?ral, Siiperiu- 
 of Education, 
 he dominant 
 he Governor, 
 Itate Central 
 
 **iiwi*^ 
 
 itf^-:' 
 
 | ?W P' yffl!*»\ ' .'i' || |l^L |' j i J.jL.f i i > !,iMy,^«ij,^i i ), I -.ii ' Tin ' t"- ' ii!;' 
 
 KEPriBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 
 
 527 
 
 Committee and the party headquarters, and the last seven State 
 Conventions had been held there. This restiveness found expression 
 in H vote that the next State Convention should be held at Lansing, 
 and in the designation of Stephen I). Bingham, of the same City, as 
 Committee Chairman, a position which he filled with eminent ability 
 and success through four campaigns. The Prohibitionists appeared 
 in the field with a separate ticket for the first time in this campaign, 
 polling 2,710 votes. Baldwin's plurality was 16,785. 
 
 The (>»nveution of 1872 met in Representatives' Hall, July 31 
 and had Charles E. Holland, of Houghton, as Temporary, and Sylves 
 ter Larned, of Detroit, as Permanent Chairman. John J. Bagley was 
 nominated for Governor on the first ballot, having 164 votes to 44 
 for Francis B. Stockbridge. Henry H. Holt was nominated for Lieu- 
 tenant Governor; Daniel B. Briggs, for Superintendent of Public 
 Instruction; L. H. Clapj>, for Land Commissioner and Byron D. Ball 
 for Attorney General. The rest of the old ticket was renominated. 
 The election was .a walk over, Bagley having 57,088 plurality over 
 Austin Blair, candidate on the Greeley ticket. 
 
 The Convention of 1874 was held at Lansing, August 26, under a 
 n«w apportionment which largely increased the number of delegates. 
 Byron M. Cutcheon was Temporary Chairman and J. Webster Childs 
 Permanent. The old candidates for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, 
 Land Commissioner and Superintendent of Public Instruction were 
 renominated by acclamation, and the rest of the ticket was made up 
 as follows: Treasurer, William B. McCreary; Auditor General, Ralph 
 Ely; Attorney General, A. J. Smith; Member of the State Board of 
 Education, Edgar Rexford. This campaign was as difficult as that 
 of 1872 was easy. At one time defeat seemed to stare the Republicans 
 in the face. But they pulled through with 5,1169 plurality for the 
 head of the ticket, and with pluralities not varying widely from this 
 for the rest of the candidates. 
 
 The Convention of 1876 was held at Grand Rapids, August 3d, 
 and was devoid of any striking features. Early in the season public 
 sentiment had <entered upon Ex-Speaker Charles M. Croswell, of 
 Adrian, as the candidate for Governor. There was a movement 
 started during th*? summer in favor of William A. Howard, the plea 
 being made that after the reverses of 1874 the party needed an excep- 
 tionally strong candidate in the field. B«t Mr. Croswell had been 
 too long before the jieoplc to be sidetracked, and the Howard move- 
 ment was short lived. Nothing wns heard of it after the delegates 
 
 : I 
 
 » •" f+^- '«MMiiH*^MiM 
 
 •^^tamntamUMmmUm 
 
 '"'k' 
 
■ ,tf,/,.jite^iaiftit: 
 
 
 'il:' <i 
 
 528 
 
 ■' -r^^:; 
 
 HISTORY OP THE RBU'UBLICAN PARTY, 
 
 i..,&:r 
 
 lis, V%%-, 
 
 ' 1 
 
 reached Grand Rapids. The night before the Convention a torch 
 light procession paraded the streets, which were illuminated with 
 colored lights and fireworks. Witter J. Baxter, of Hillsdale, wais 
 Temporary, and David H. Jerome, of Saginaw, was Permanent Chair- 
 man. Charles M. Croswell was nominated for Governor by 
 acclamation. The rest of the ticket was as follows : Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, Alonzo Sessions, of Ionia; Secretary of State, E. G. 1>. Holdeu, 
 of Kent; Auditor General, Ralph Ely, of Gratiot; State Treasurer, 
 General W. B. McCreary, of Genesee; Commissioner of the State Land 
 Office, General B. F. Partridge, of Allegan; Attorney (leueral. Otto 
 Kirchner, of Wayne; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Horace 
 A. Tarbell, of Saginaw; Member of the State Board of Education, 
 Witter J. Baxter, of Hillsdale. The platform adopted was short 
 and very general in its character. This campaign was the first in 
 which the Greenback party made any considerable showing, its vote 
 for Governor being 8,297. Crosswell's plurality was 23,434. 
 
 In the campaigns up to 1878 the principles of the party had been 
 well defined by the ^National Conventions and the party in the States 
 might reasonably follow in the imths thus outlined. But the year 
 1878, which was not a Presidential year, presented a new problem for 
 consideration. The Greenback party, which had first come into the 
 field with a separate ticket in 1876, hardly rose in that year above 
 the dignity of a faction. It was regarded by most Republicans as an 
 a-ggregation of visionaries, which need not be taken into serious 
 account in the planning of a campaign. But the morning after the 
 spring elections in 1878 the Republican leaders rubbed their eyes as 
 if awakening from a dream. The little faction of Greenbackers had 
 suddenly sprang a form^idable movement. They had carried a large 
 number of City and Village elections. Worse than that, in the fann- 
 ing districts they had cut a wide swath through many of the 
 staunchest Republican counties. Along the two Southern tiers, and 
 up through the centei" of the State, they had carried township after 
 township, and in Boards of Supervisors which had been Republican 
 ever since the party was organized it now figured only as a small 
 minority. In Barry County the Republican representation on the 
 Board was reduced from 10 to 3, in Bay from 16 t(» 7, in Branch from 
 18 to 5, in Calhoun from 17 to 7, in Clinton froin 11 to 7, in Gratiot 
 from 18 to 8, in Ionia from 13 to 8, in ^Vayue from 23 to 14 add in 
 Kent from 22 to 2. The Greenbackers .' id won nearly all that the 
 Republicans had lost, and some from the liemocrats besides. They 
 
 ■.^'■^•-' 
 
 '■.<^- 
 
•MMMMI 
 
 1 
 
 [""M: ■ ■ 
 
 ention a torch- 
 luminated with 
 
 Hillsdale, wais 
 Tnmnent Chair- 
 
 Governor by 
 Jeutenant Gov- 
 :. O. n. Holdeu, 
 tate Treasurer, 
 the State Land 
 ' (Jeneral, Otto 
 uction, Horace 
 
 of Education, 
 >ted was short 
 as the first in 
 owing, its vote 
 3,434. 
 
 party had been 
 y in the States 
 
 But the year 
 !W problem for 
 come into the 
 lat year above 
 ublicans as an 
 1 into serious 
 ning after the 
 I their eyes as 
 snbackers had 
 arried a large 
 t, in the farm- 
 many of the 
 ern tiers, and 
 Dwnship after 
 ;n Republican , 
 ly as a small 
 tation on the 
 
 Branch from 
 
 7, in Gratiot 
 
 to 14 a^id in 
 ? all that the 
 esides. They 
 
 KEIM'BLICAN STATE CONVENTIOXH. 
 
 m» 
 
 were, ni<»rcover, us the tiiue for the summer (onventions approached 
 boastful, confident and defiant. They even scorned a fusion with the 
 Democrats, professing their ability to <arry the State alone; or as 
 Moses VV. Fifcld expressed it in the Wayne County (Convention, they 
 would 'sweep Waynt county like a whirlwind, and elect a Governor 
 by the largest majority tluit Michigan ever gave." 
 
 The (}n>«^nbackers were not only confident but were eager for 
 th iontest. They proposed to nmke it a talking campaign and a long 
 one. Tlieir conventions were called in advance of those of the other 
 parties, that in Wayne County being May 28, and the State conven- 
 tions being lield in Grand Rapids, June 5. There were two sets of 
 delegates and two State Conventio^is, one the "regulars," headed 
 by Moses W. Field, and the other the Pomeroy" section, headed in 
 this State by R. E. Hoyt, but after a little dallying they came to an 
 agreement, nominated Henry S. Smith for Governor, and adopted a 
 platfonn, which contained, among others the following demands: 
 
 1. The unconditional rejieal of the so-called Resumption Act. 
 
 2. The issue of all paper money by the General Gc ernment: 
 only such paper money to be a full legal tender for all delta public 
 and private. 
 
 3. Tliat no more interest-bearing bonds of the Government of 
 any kind or < lass be issued, and that all bonds now outstanding be 
 paid as speedily as possible. 
 
 5. The coinage of silver to be placed upon the same footing as 
 that of gold. 
 
 «. The repeal of the National Banking Law. 
 
 In their speeches many of the Greenbackers went much further 
 than this, advocating the full flat money idea and proposing an issue 
 of f2,(MM>,000,C'00 in greenbacks, to be issued "direct to the people." 
 
 While the Greenback movement was thus boasting itself, the 
 Republican leaders were in a quandary. Owing to President Hayes' 
 "Civil Service Order No. 1," a number of members of the State Cen- 
 tral Committee had resigned. Among these was the Chairman, „ 
 Stephen J). Bingham, who had successfully conducted four cam- 
 paigns, but \*ho was then Postmaster at Lansing. George H. Hop- 
 kins, of Detroit, had been appointed to fill the vacancy. In this emer- 
 ji^ency he sent out letters to leading Republicans throughout the 
 State, inviting them to a conference at the Russell House in Detroit, 
 and in so doing rendered the party the best service that it was his 
 good fortune to perform during the two periods of his chairmanship. 
 
 ■'■•%. 
 
 I 
 
 mm 
 
In 
 
 % 
 
 u, 
 
 53U 
 
 HISTOKY OF THE HEPUUUCAN PARTY, 
 
 111 
 
 About seventy-flve responded and it wan a gatlieHnR of Htrong men. 
 The cpisig called for as much of the heroic quality um did that which 
 led to the organization of the i)arty in the first place; and the heroic 
 quality was Ihere. The main question was whether ther« should 
 be any concession to the Greenl>a<'k sentinumt in platform or cam- 
 paign, or whether the banner of resumption and of sound money 
 should be held aloft, even though it was i-arried to temporary defeat. 
 Governor Croswell was prt'sent, and it might be said that he was 
 the most interested ]mrty there, inasmuch as he was a candidate 
 for re-election. He told the I'onferees that they need not take his 
 prospects into account. He would rather be defeated on a sound 
 money platform than to be elected on one that involved any surren- 
 der of principles. A few were at first in favor of modifying the party 
 utterances in the hoi)e of winning back some of the (Greenback Repub- 
 licans, but the general sense of the conference was that there should 
 be no concession made to that sentiment. The ultimate decision was 
 that an early convention should be called and an aggressive cam- 
 paign should be made. It was fui*ther agreed that ex-Henator Chan- 
 dler should act as Chairman of the Convention, and should also be 
 Chairman of the State Central Committee. It was with much of this 
 same spirit that the Convention met in Detroit. June 13. It was a 
 superb gathering, bringing together more of the strong men of the 
 State' than any other gathering since that which organized the party 
 in 1854. James H. Stone was Temporary Chairman, and according to 
 the understanding arrived at by the Russell House conference, Mr. 
 Chandler was Permanent Chairman. Mr. Chandler, in his opening 
 speech, left no doubt in regard to his attitude on the currency ques- 
 tion, and the platform was equally explicit. Two of its paragraphs 
 were as follows: 
 
 We denounce repudiation in any form and repudiators in every 
 disguise. We regard the plighted faith of a community as binding 
 upon all its members, and the failure to fulfill a public obligation as 
 a stain upon both public and private honor; and we insist that the 
 debts of the Nation shall be paid wit) the same fairness and integrity 
 with which an honest man seeks to j ly his individual liabilities.- 
 
 We assert that no prosperity can be real or durable that is 
 founded on a fictitious standard; tiiat the value of paper currency, 
 whether issued by the Government or by banks, is derived from its 
 ''promises to pay" and the credit that promise is worth; that the full 
 benefits of such a currency cannot be realized unless it is convertible 
 on demand into gold and silver; that a circulation of paper and coin 
 
 i;cr::r!irlSi<^l^imimimi''W^''-'''''-^'^ 
 
 **(!!»■ T -: 
 
 '.V^-: 
 
,. ^-^u 
 
 
 if 8tr<>ii){ men. 
 lid that which 
 iiul the lieroiv 
 
 there should 
 ■form or cam- 
 sound money 
 |)orary defeat. 
 I that he was 
 ^ a candidate , 
 
 not take his i 
 i on a sound \, 
 d aiiv surren- n 
 ang the party ; 
 'nbacli Repub- 
 
 there should 
 ' decision was 
 pressive cam- 
 Senator (/han- 
 hould also be 
 1 much of this 
 13. It was a 
 g men of the 
 zed the party 
 
 according to 
 
 nferenee, Mr. 
 
 his opening 
 
 iirrency ques- 
 
 paragraphs 
 
 tors in every 
 y as binding 
 obligation as 
 sist that the 
 and integrity ' 
 bilities.- 
 *able that is 
 >er currency, 
 ved from its 
 that the full 
 convertible 
 per and coin 
 
 REPUBLK'AN HTATE (X)NVENTION8. 
 
 531 
 
 interchangeable at par and at the will of the holder, has been proved 
 by experience to be the best known to commer<>e: that this country 
 is too great to submit to a subordinate jjlace among commercial 
 nations, and its people are too honest to be <'ontent with unredeemed 
 and irredeemable promises, and in the name of all the producing 
 Classen and of every honest workingman, we demand a currency that 
 is not only worth its face all over the Union, but will command 
 respect, recognition and its full value in every market in the world. 
 
 Mi<'higan Rejiublicans were the only ones in the West that wer» 
 entirely aggressive in their flght a«?ainst every form of financial heresy. 
 The New York Times said editorially, the day after the Convention: 
 "The Michigan Republicans have done well. Their ])latform has 
 aJout it the clear ring of honest conviction, undulled by any half 
 hearted or halting compromise. So lucid and courageous an enun- 
 ciation of the financial creed of the Republican party has ct rtainly 
 not been made this year, nor has the irreconcilable hostility of the 
 party to all forms of tampering with public credit and National 
 honor been so resolutely and judiciously stated as by the Detroit 
 Convention." 
 
 The campaign that followed was in keeping with the platform. 
 Mr. Chandler's Confidential Secretary, George W. Partridge, was 
 appointed Secretary of the State Central Committee, He was admir- 
 ably equipped for the detailed work of that organization, leaving Mr. 
 Chandler free to take the stum]), which he did, with good results, in 
 all the leading cities of the State. Many joint debates were arranged, 
 among them a series between General Samuel F. Cary, the "father of 
 the Greenback party," and William Williams of Indiana, which 
 attracted wide attention. A number of distinguished speakers from 
 outside the State were enga^^ed for single meetings, including James 
 Q. Blaine, James A. Garfield and Stewart L. Woodford. The restilt 
 was a magnificent victory, the Republicans electing their State ticket 
 by over 47,00(1 plurality, with an entire Congressional delegation, and 
 large majorities in both houses of the Ijegislature. As one result of 
 this victory the Democrats and "Nationals," as the Greenbackers 
 then called themselves, fused, or rather, it might be said that the 
 Nationals absorbed the Democrats, in the next spring campaign. But 
 even at that, the splendid organization of the Republicans enabled 
 them to win, electing Supreme Court Justice and two Regents of the 
 University by majorities ranging from 5,381 to 6,143. 
 
 In 1880 the fusion between the Democrats and Nationals was off 
 again. The two parties nominated separate tickets for Governor, 
 
 ■vl 
 
B32 
 
 HIKTORV OFTIIr" RKITHLICAN I'AKTY. 
 
 and tliat guvr th<> Ui'publicaiiH aHHiinince of an catt.v caiupaiKii. At 
 thj'ir <N)nven<HU) there wan a v»*rv pretty ra<'e for the (j^ubernatorial 
 nomination between David H. .Jerome, Tliomat* W. I'alnier, Rice A. 
 Itt'al, Jolin T. Rieli and FraneiH H. Stoekbridge. The eonteHt wan 
 eloHe and the <-anvaRNinf; a<'tive, but entirely g<»od natnred. The ('<»n- 
 vention waH held at JackMon, Au^iiHt 5, with Rohw<>II d. Horr an 
 Temporary rhairnmn, and Colonel licnry M. iMitlleld aH I'ermanenI 
 Chairman. A lon^ time waH taken a'mU the variouM nominatin^j; and 
 Hecondinj^ HpeeeheB. and the firHt ballot, when, at last it whh reached, 
 g«,ve the following very even reHult: 
 
 John T. Rich 115 
 
 '< Rice A. Real 107 • 
 
 w ThonuiB \\. Palmer 105 
 
 Francis R. Stockbridge 103 
 
 David H. Jerome 102 
 
 Charles T. Gorhatn 16 
 
 K. G. 1). Holden 1 '-' 
 
 The Hecond ballot wan about the Hame. Stockbridge began to fall 
 off on the third ballot, Pnlnu'r on the sixth, and Real on the eighth, 
 leaving the contest virtually between Rich and Jerome. It termin- 
 ated on the tenth, when Jerome had IMS, Rich 238 and Heal 4. The 
 candidates w.'ie all on tl.e ground, and as they were called out, one 
 after the other, they gaA'e very good examples of varied convention 
 oratory. Senator Palmer especially captivated the audience with a 
 witty and philoso[>hic speech, commencing with "One by one the 
 martyrs come before you." It was remarked by many that if he had 
 been afforded a chan<'e to make such a si)ee<-li early in the Conven- 
 tion he would have been nominated. The ticket was tilled out with 
 Moreau S. Crosby, for Lieutenant (Jovernor; Secretary of State, 
 William Jenney; Treasurer, Renjamin 1>. Pritchard; Auditor Gen- 
 eral, W. I. Latimer; Land Commielsioner, James Neasmith; Attorney 
 Gen3ral. Jacob J. Van Riper; Sui)erintendent of Public Instruction, 
 Cornelius A. Ctower; Member of the State Roard of Edncalion, Kdgar 
 Rexford. H. P. Raldwin was (^hairman of the State Central Com- 
 mittee, and W. R. Rates was Secretary. The campaign was well con- 
 ducted, and the opposition was divided. A handsome plurality for 
 the whole ticket was the result, that for Jerome being 41,273. 
 
 Hefore the campaign of 1882 opened the temperance qut»stion 
 had become a disturbing factor in Republican politics. There was 
 a very strong demand for the submission of a I'rohibitory Amend- 
 
 
'n 
 
 Y. 
 
 KEPIJHLH'AN HTATK CONVKNTIONK. 
 
 '>:{:{ 
 
 unipuiKn. At 
 ffiibernutorial 
 Inier, Rice A. 
 • conteHt WHH 
 •ed. The Con- 
 II (}. Hon' iiH 
 UH IVriimiieiil 
 )iiiinatiufi: and 
 WHH reached, 
 
 ... 107 • 
 
 . .. 105 
 
 . .. 103 
 
 . .. 102 
 ... 16 
 
 I' bejjaii to fall 
 
 an the eighth, 
 
 e. It termin- 
 
 Heal 4. The 
 
 ailed out, one 
 
 ?d convention 
 
 lience with a 
 
 by one the 
 
 hat if he had 
 
 the Conven- 
 
 lled out with 
 
 ivy of State, 
 
 Vuditor Oen- 
 
 itli; Attorney 
 
 luHtniction, 
 
 aiion, FMgar 
 
 'entral Ooni- 
 
 wa» well <'on- 
 
 plurality for 
 
 ,273. 
 
 nee question 
 There was 
 tory Auiend- 
 
 HLent to the ('ouHtitudou and the lic]»ublicanH in the hiHt Le((iBlature 
 wer« committed aliiioHt unaniiriouHly t(* that. Ooveruor Jerome, 
 althou}{h not at all ohtruHive in <'X|>reHMinK Imh o|(ini(»n on the Hub 
 ject, waH known to be oppoHed to the aiiicndment. and even to the 
 
 HubmiHsion of it. HIh adminiHtratiou had I ii dean and able, but 
 
 he had made H<tme enemicH by IiIh auHteiit,\ of numner, and there 
 were ||;iave doubtH anion^ obHervin^ I{ei>ubli('anH of IiIh ability to 
 carry the Htate again. When the <'oiivention im-i in Kalaniiuoo, 
 AugUHt 30, lhS:i, tliere wan a decide<l in<-lination to depart from the 
 two-term, rule (»f the party and to nominate Home oilier man. The 
 preference turned toward ThonuiH W. I'almer, and when li mitively 
 refiiHed the uhc of IiIh name, there waH a diHpoHitioii aniouK Home to 
 place him in the tlMd, even againnt IiIh prot«'Ht. TIiIh movement whh 
 finally HuppreHHed, i hough nearly one hundred delegaten Htill inHititeti 
 up<m voting for him. .1. W. French wan temporary Chairman of the 
 Convention and ThonuiH W. i'aimer Permanent Chairnum. The ))lat- 
 forni, \)'hich waH long, heartily indorned Governor Jerome's adniiu- 
 iBtration, gave attention t<» a numliifr of State and National affairM, 
 and had the following upon the pndiibition <]ueHtion: 
 
 it Ih a fundamental right «»f the people to alter, from time to 
 time, tile organic law of the State, an new circuniHVanceH or growing 
 evils may retjuire, laying itH foundatiouH on hucIi principles and 
 organising its powers in such a form as to them shall seem most 
 likely to efl'ect their safety and happiness. The evils of intemper 
 ance have beiome so great that, in the name of patriotism, most 
 efficient measures ought to be taken to reduce those evils to a mini- 
 mum, and as members of no political pairty are wholly agreed as to 
 whether this can be best be done by prohibition or regulation of the 
 traffic in intoxicating liquors; and as the peojile are and ought to be 
 the final arbitrators of this question; and as more than a hundred 
 thousand among the moral and intelligent people of the State have 
 aslied by petition that that (|uestion be put to the i)eople by sub- 
 mission to them of a prohibitory (Constitutional Amendment; we 
 declare that we believe it would be wise and patriotic for the next 
 Legislature to submit such amendment to the direct vote of the 
 Iieople, and we denuind tliat it be so subntitted. 
 
 Wlien the time came for nominations, Governor Jerome's name 
 was presenti»d by Captain E. P. Allen, of Washtenaw, and supported 
 by half a dozen other counties. The vote stood as follows: 
 
 David H. Jerome 561 
 
 Thomas VV. Palmer 07 
 
 Franiis B. Stockbridge 14 
 
 Henjamin F. Pritchard 10 
 
 Scattering 10 -^ 
 
t': 
 
 ''■ .: ('.', 
 
 
 f 
 
 n:t4 
 
 iiisTouY oft:' hkithijcan tauty. 
 
 ; I 
 
 ;; ^ 
 
 I m- 
 
 Till- ticket wiiH coiiiph'U .i ai* followM: liicntciiaiit Governor. 
 Morcaii H. t'roHbv. of K«Mit; Sccretai-.v of Htate, llariy A. Conanf, of 
 Moiiroo; TivaHiirtT, Kdward II. Butler, of Wa.vne; Auditor Oeneral, 
 William ('. HteveuH, «*f Iohco; liaiid ('ouiniiHHioner, Minor H. Newell, 
 of tJeneKee; Attorney (leneral, Jacob J. Van Riper, of HerrJcn; HuiH?r 
 intendent of I'uhlic luHt ruction, Varnuni It. ('o<-liran, of Ai.'.rquette; 
 Member of the Htate Hoard of Education, Hela W. Jenkn, of St. Clair. 
 
 The DeniocratH and Nationals nominated a FuHion ticket, headed 
 b}' JoHiah \V. Ke^ole, u fornuM' Uepublican Mendier of CongresiUs and 
 iifterwanlH one of the . .iderH in the Clreenback movement. They w.iA^ 
 the contettt a bitterly j- rHonal one jigaiuHt (lovernor Jerome, a^ ; 
 were aided by Boni« KepublicanH. The Htraight [Prohibition vote, 
 which waH dr-iwn chieHy from the Ue)Mil>lican8, alHo increuHed from 
 1,114 in IHMt) I : 5,864 in thlH campaign. Tnder theHc t-oiiibined intia- 
 ences Oover^Mu- Jerome wuh defeated by 4,572 voten. The rest of the 
 Republican ucket was elected by pluralitien ranging from 7,772 to 
 14,237. 
 
 In spUe of tlie defeat of a part of the ticket in the taW >f 1882, 
 and of tht' whole tic! > ' in the Hpring of IHHIJ, the Republicans '•»)me 
 together at Detroit, '-.unjust 1J{, 1884, in one of the largest and moa' 
 enthusiaBtic gatherings ever held in the Htatc. Early in the Heawor^ 
 Cyrup G. Luce was counted on generally as the noniint:> for liovernor, 
 bat iJVifuer late in the canvaas General R. A. Alger entered the field 
 Geaer^ul Al^er was comparatively new in |)olitics, but put up a cam- 
 pa*^.* that had enough of the cavalry dnoh in it to soon make him an 
 imponaut ).;< tor in the contest. When the Convention met it was, 
 by no i;\eon8. anybody's fight, but by the time the preliminaries were 
 oven, t'?e r.'esidentia! Electors were named, the platform adopted 
 an'* ! he nominating speeches made, it was clear that General Alger 
 ' fiH in the lead. It required only one ballot to settle the matter, 
 Alger having 371 votes and Luce 243. Mr. Luce was then nominated 
 for Lieutenant Governor by acclamation, but declined, and the ticket 
 was completed as follows: Lieutenant Governor, Archibald Buttars, 
 of Charlevoix; Secretary of State, Harry A. Conant, of Monroe; State 
 Treasurer, Edward H. Butler, of Wayne; Auditor General, W^illian* 
 C. Stevens, of Washtenaw; I^and (Commissioner, Minor S. Newell, of 
 Genesee; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Hersehel R. Gass, of 
 Hillsdale; Attorney General, Moses Taggart, of Kent; Member of the 
 State Board of Education, James F. Ballou, of Allegan. Jay A. Hub- 
 bell, of Houghton, was Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and 
 Edward B. Lacey, of Eaton, was Permanent Chairman. 
 
 ^■'■'•?ft"' £;-S'*'1':*:V-*-:'r''^ 
 
 
^ 
 
 RTV. 
 
 t«'iinnt Oovernor. 
 rry A. Conunf, of 
 Auditor OtMieral, 
 Minor H. N»*w('ll, 
 if Herifi'ii; Kiiimm- 
 in, of Ai..r«nH«fte, 
 I'nlcH, of St. Cluir. 
 on tickot, headed 
 of CongresM, and 
 iiient. They wuid^ 
 nor Jerome, aiU 
 Prohibition veto, 
 i> Increased from 
 I' c-oikibined infiu- 
 The rest of the 
 ig froM 7,772 to 
 
 the /«;i .)f 1882, 
 epublicanH fftme 
 urgent and moiB< 
 ly in the seanor^ 
 t*' for iixivernor, 
 iitered the field 
 It put up a cam- 
 on make him an 
 tion met it wag, 
 ilimJnarieB were 
 atform adopted 
 t General Alger 
 ttle the matter, 
 then nominated 
 1, and the ticket 
 hibald Buttars, 
 f Monroe; State 
 eneral, William 
 jr 8. Newell, of 
 hel R. GasB, of 
 Member of the 
 a. Jay A. Hub- 
 convention, and 
 
 ■'J^: ■ 
 
 i^ 
 
 M:. 
 
 P 
 
 ¥*. 
 
 '^»f?.-i^»-i.>tf 
 
 SJKSiilOTWSTWRBswi 
 
 W//W; 
 
 iBBSaB?" 
 
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CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
^j^^l 
 
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVEXTIOXS. 
 
 r^'M 
 
 i 
 
 as introduced, and the next Legislature passed such an Act as is liere 
 indicated. But by this time the Prohibition wave liad begun to 
 recede, and only a few counties availed themselves of the law. The 
 straight Prohibition vote also began to fall off, and the Temperance 
 (juestion, except so far as it affected the vote for (Governor in 1890, 
 ceased to have very great influence upon Michigan elections. 
 
 The first day and evening of the Convention which met August S, 
 1888, constituted more of a ratification meeting for the I'resideutial 
 nominations than a meeting for the pushing of business, though the 
 District caucuses completed their work. Major Charles W. VVatkins, 
 of Kent, was Temporary Chairman and George A. Farr, of Ottawa, 
 was Permanent Chairman. The Governor, Ijieutenant Governor, 
 Secretary of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Land Commissioner 
 and Superintendent of Public Instruction were all renominated. 
 Stephen V. R. Trowbridge, of Ionia, was nominated for Attiirney Gen- 
 eral, and Perry P. Powers, of Wexford, for Member of the State 
 Board of Education. In this campaign the Republicans, both in State 
 and Nation, were confident from the start. The Cleveland Adminis- 
 tration had given great dissatisfaction, while the Republican 
 candidates were entirely acceptable to the party. The result was a 
 fair plurality for the whole Republican ticket, both Electoral and 
 State, that for Governor Luce being 17,145. 
 
 The Convention of 1890 met in Detroit, August 27, and was 
 called to order by Major George H. Hopkins, Chairman of the old 
 State Central Committee. Judge P. T. Van Zile was Temporary Chair- 
 man, and Austin Blair was Permanent Chairman. It had been 
 generally expected that John T. Rich, of Lapeer, would receive the 
 nomination for Governor, but James M. Turner, of Lansing, made a 
 sharp six weeks' canvass, and took the nomination by 499 votes to 455 
 for Mr. Rich. The rest of the ticket was: Lieutenant Governor. 
 William S. Linton, of Saginaw; Secretary of State, Washington 
 Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, Joseph B. Moore, of Wayne; 
 Auditor General, Theron P. Giddings, of Kalamazoo; Attorney Gen- 
 eral, Benjamin W. Huston, of Tuscoia; Commissioner of State Land 
 Office, John G. Berry; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Orr 
 Schurtz; Member of the State Board of Education, James M. Ballon. 
 James McMillan was appointed Chairman of the State Central Com 
 mittee, of which W. R. Bates was Secretary. The platform was very 
 short, and the temperance plank in it was narrowed down to this: 
 "We reaffirm the position of the Republican party heretofore 
 
 ■- 'te'. 
 
 rw iw^T' '' ' ' ^^ ' 
 
^r-r 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 expressed in its State platforms of 1886 and 1888 upon the Temper- 
 ance question." Previous to the nomination Mr. Turner had not 
 been conspicuous in politics. The mass of the Republicans linew but 
 little of him, but their oppoi^nts took pains that they should speedily 
 And out a great deal too much. His record did not prove satisfactory 
 to the temperance people, and in some other respec-ts the campaign 
 became a defensive one. The Prohibition vote went up to 28,681, the 
 largest ever polled, and most of the third party vote, which at this 
 time went under the names of Patrons of Industry, was cast for the 
 Democratic ticket. On the strength of this A'ote the Democratic can- 
 didate for Ooverno;- was elected by 11,520 plurality, and the other 
 candidaies on the ticket by pluralities ranging from 887 on Treasurer 
 to 3,636 on Member of the Uoard of Education. The Democrats had 
 a clear majority in the House of Representatives. In the Senate, at 
 the opening of the session, there were 14 Republicans, 14 Democrats 
 and 4 who were elected as Patrons of Industry. Of the latter one 
 generally voted with the Democrats and the other three maintained 
 an independent position. In order to secure control of the Senate 
 the Democrats took advantage of the absence of eight Republicans 
 at the State Convention in February, to unseat two of the Republican 
 Senators, and seat Democrats in their places. A promise had been 
 given by the Democratic leaders that no matters political should be 
 brought up during the absence of the Republicans at Convention, but 
 the majority claimed that this promise was not binding upon them. 
 Aside from this breaking of a pledge the proceedings in the unseating 
 movement were in violation of half a dozen rules of parliamentary 
 procedure. In both cases do«'uments were presented to the Senate 
 as reports of committees which the committees had never seen nor 
 authorized ; in some part of the proceedings in each case the minority 
 were denied recognition by the presiding officer; in the last case 
 Senators were recorded as present and voting when they were not in 
 the Senate Chamber, and the Journal was afterward falsifled in order 
 to sustain the bogus vote; throughout the whole proceedings an 
 officer of the Democratic State Central Committee, but not a member 
 of the Senate, stood at the elbow of the presiding officer and prompted 
 his rulings. The next day an attempt was made to deprive the minor- 
 ity of the right of protest guaranteed by the (Constitution to every 
 Senator, and the Senate refused the request made by six of the Sena- 
 tors that their names be stricken off the Journal where they 
 erroneously appeared as voting in one of the cases. Finally the two 
 
 v^V 
 
 
 ■■. 'f. 
 
T|i 
 
 rY. 
 
 >n the Temper- 
 
 urner had not 
 
 icans knew bur 
 
 nhould speedily 
 
 ve satisfactorv 
 
 I the campaign 
 
 p to 28,681, the 
 
 which at this 
 
 as cast for the 
 
 •emocratic can- 
 
 and the other 
 
 7 on Treasurer 
 
 Democrats had 
 
 the Senate, at 
 
 14 Democrats 
 
 the latter one 
 
 •ee maintained 
 
 of the Senate 
 
 it Republicans 
 
 he Republican 
 
 aiise had been 
 
 ii'pA should be 
 
 onvention, but 
 
 ig upon them. 
 
 the unseating 
 
 parliamentary 
 
 to the Senate 
 
 ever seen nor 
 
 i the minority 
 
 the la«t case 
 
 y were not in 
 
 iifled in order 
 
 oeeedings an 
 
 lot a uiember 
 
 ind prompted 
 
 ve the minor- 
 
 tion to every 
 
 of the Sena- 
 
 where they 
 
 mlly the two 
 
 RKIMHLICAN 8TATK CONVENTIONS. 
 
 5.S«) 
 
 Senators who had been fraudulently declared entitled to seats were 
 surreptitiously sworn in early in the morniui;, and the same day 
 they voted on questions relating directly to their own cases. 
 
 With the majority thus obtained the Democrats passed an appor- 
 tionment Bill that- was declared unconstitutional, and other exti-eme 
 partisan measures. The record, taken as a whole, waH so unsavory 
 that the people wanted no more of the party. The spring election 
 went Republican again, and the State kept going Republican by 
 majorities which in six out of the next eight years were larger than 
 ever before. From 1852 to the present time the State has had only 
 **'«ne Democratic Legislature, and one branch of that was made so by 
 ■; fraud. 
 
 With the rtmvention of 1892 conunenced Uazen S. Pingree'« 
 meteoric career in State politics, though it did not reach its zenith 
 till four years later. The Mayor's political and administrative sue 
 cesses in Detroit had been such as to warrant the expectation of a 
 notable career in a wider field, and with the solid backing of Wayne 
 County he appeared as a candidate for Governor at the (Convention 
 which commenced its sessions at Saginaw, July 20. He was too 
 late, however, (or that campaign, as John T. Rich was decidedly in 
 the lead. The only ballot taken at the Convention gave Rich 5791/2, 
 Pingree 2101/2, Jp.mes O'Donnell 5, and Washington Gardner 1. The 
 ticket was completed by the nomination of J. Wight Giddings, of 
 Wexford, for Lieutenant Governor; John W. Jochim, of Marquette, 
 for Secretary of State; Joseph F. Hambitzer, of Houghton, for Treas- 
 urer; Stanley W. Turner, of Roscommon, Auditor General; Gerrit 
 J. Diekema, of Ottawa, Attorney General; H. R. Pattengill, of Ingham, 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction; E. A. Wilson, of Van Buren, 
 Mennber of the Board of Education. Mark S, Brewer was both Tem- 
 porary and Permanent Chairman, and James McMillan was Chairman 
 of the State Central Committee. In the election Rich's plurality 
 was 16,090. 
 
 In 1894 Mr. Rich was a candidate for renomination, and Mayor 
 Pingree again appeared in the field against him. The Convention 
 was held at Grand Rapids, July 31, with Philip T. Colgrove as Tem- 
 - porary and Permanent Chairman. Mr. Pingree had the Wayne 
 delegation of 106 votes entirely devoted to him, but did not make as 
 much headway in other coanties as he had anticipated, and the night 
 before the Convention it was decided that his name should not be 
 presented, and that the Wayne delegation should vote blank. This 
 
 m 
 
 ■'''■'•vi 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
m » mm\ i 9 ' \ m^ m\ ' V.fl ' m" y % ' ' 
 
 ~ jM > l yii ^iL Pi , ji " i M i j.iiiy.j;jjj i p.j^.ii | i ! H ' )M i , i ;, ii .iw.«M i« . r. 
 
 I 
 
 ._.A . _^_ L . 
 
 540 HISTORY OP THE REPUHLIOAN PARTY. 
 
 plan, which brought no end of lidiiule upon the delegation, wa« 
 carried out the next day, 15 members from other counties joining in 
 it. Tlie one ballot taken for Governor gave Ri»h 7W, Aaron T. BHbh 
 98, Blank 121. The ticket was filled out with the following: Lieu- 
 tenant Governor, Alfred Milnes, of Branch; Secretary of State, 
 Washington (iardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, James M. Wilkin- 
 son, of Marquette; Auditor General, Stanley W. Turner, of 
 Roscommon; Attorney General, Fred A. Maynard, of Kent; Land 
 Commissioner, William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent 
 of Public Instruction, H. R. Pattengill, of Ingham; Member of the 
 State Board of Education, Perry F. Powers, of Wexford. The Silver 
 question appeared in this Convention in a mild resolution, which was 
 reported as follows: "We pledge the Republican party of Michigan 
 to use every effort in its power to restore silver to its historic posi- 
 tion in the United States as a money metal." This, after a long 
 debate, was adopted. James McMillan was again Chairman of the 
 State Central Committee. The campaign resulted in a tidal wave 
 plurality of 106,392 for Rich, on a total vote of 416,838. 
 
 There were those who said that the fiasco of Mayor Pingree's 
 candidacy in 1894 would end his career in that capacity, but he had 
 altogether too much vitality and virility to be kept down by one bad 
 break of his indiscreet supporters. At the Convention which com 
 menced its sessions in Grand Rapids, August 5, 1896, and over which 
 J. Wight Giddings presided, he was the leading candidate from the 
 start, and won the nomination on the fourth ballot, and that in spite 
 of the fact that the party was on a gold platform, and that he had 
 decided leanings toward free silver. The four ballots taken had the 
 
 following result : 
 
 12 3 4 
 
 Hazen S. Pingree, of Wayne 339 358 405 449 
 
 Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw 286 297 308 293 
 
 James O'Donnell, of Jackson 83 78 89 79 
 
 David D. Aitken, of Genesee 56 43 17 17 
 
 A. O. Wheeler, of Manistee 47 34 14 .... 
 
 Harry A. Conant, of Monroe 22 17 5 2 
 
 Whole number of votes 833 827 8:^8 840 
 
 Necessary to a choice 417 414 420 421 
 
 The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu- 
 tenant Governor, Thomas B. Dunstan, of Houghton; Secretary of 
 State, Washingt(m Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, George A. 
 
 ■^JriBltMli 
 
 I.A . .,. M.A... 
 
 •. .v^ 
 
1 
 
 llegation, was 
 lies joining in 
 jaron T. mim 
 )wing: 
 (ir.v of State, 
 les M. Wilkin- 
 Tnrner, of 
 Kent; Land 
 iiperintendent 
 ember of the 
 1. The Silver 
 >n, whith was 
 V of Michigan 
 historic posl- 
 after a long 
 lirnian of the 
 a tidal waA'o 
 
 i.vor Pingree's 
 .V, but he had 
 vn by one bad 
 >n which com 
 nd over which 
 date from the 
 1 that in spite 
 i that he had 
 taken had the 
 
 3 
 
 105 
 
 i08 
 
 8« 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 449 
 
 293 
 
 79 
 
 17 
 
 «38 K4(> 
 t2(> 421 
 
 dates : Lieu- 
 Secretary of 
 n; George A. 
 
 REPIHLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 
 
 541 
 
 Steel, of Clinton; Auditor (ieneral, Koscoe I). l>ix, of Berrien; Attor- 
 ney (leneral, Fred A, Maynard. of Kent: l^and Commissioner, 
 William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
 tion, Jas(m E. Hammond, of Hillsdale; Member of the State Hoard of 
 Education, James W. Simmons, of Shiawasst'e. 
 
 Mr. Pingree's nomination was received with an enthusiasm that 
 had not been seen in a Michigan State <'«>nvention before for many 
 years, and his speech, when he came before the Convention, was 
 received with almost equal favor. The campaign that followed had 
 some curious phases. At the spring Convention for choosing dele- 
 gates to the National Convention, Dexter M. Ferry was elected 
 Chairman of the State Central t'ommittee. He was strongly in 
 favor of a currency based on the gold standard and believed in making 
 the campaign light mainly on that issue. Mr. Pingree did not wish 
 that question to be made prominent. Besides that he classed Mr. 
 Ferry among his political ent'mies on other grounds. The oxitcome 
 of it was that the State Central Committee condu«'ted the National 
 and (Congressional <-ampaign on the gold <'urren«'y and protective 
 tariff issues, and Mr. Pingree and his friends carried on the State 
 campaign mainly on his personal record and on State issues. The 
 opposition had a State {"icket in the Held composed of Democrats, 
 Populists and Silver Republicans. The result was a personal triumph 
 for Mr. Pingree, who had a plurality of 83,409 on a total vote of 
 547.802. McKinley's plurality was 57,078. That of State officers 
 other than Governor ranged from 50,445 to 62,394. 
 
 Governor Pingree, during his lirst term, may be said to have 
 created a new issue in State politics, that of equal taxation of all 
 property, including that of railroad companies, exi>ress companies, 
 telegraph companies and telephone companies. A bill, known as the 
 Atkinson Bill, intended to secure the taxation of corporations of the 
 classes mentioned, passed the Legislature and was signed by him, 
 but the Supreme Court, in a decision on another matter, declared, by 
 implication, that the Act was unconstitutional. That left the sub- 
 mission of a Constitutional Amendment as the only way in which the 
 purpose could be accomplished, and to that end the Governor directed 
 his most strenuous efforts, finally succeeding at a special session of 
 the Legislature, held in October, 1900. 
 
 The 1898 Convention met in Detroit. September 21, with Grant 
 Fellows as Temporary, and E. O. Grosvenor as Permanent Chairman. 
 <TOveruor Pingree was renominated by acclamation with a Lieuten- 
 
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 542 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEPIIKLK^AN PAllTY. 
 
 ant GoveriKir practiiall.y of his own gelectioii. Among the reHolntions 
 adopted was one ooinuiending (Governor Pingree's patriotism and 
 energy in liis efforts to equip and send to the front Michigan's volun 
 teers; and especially commending his unselfish and fatherly devotion 
 to the interests of the sick and dyinjr soldiers of Michigan and the 
 bereaved families of the dead, Anollier was as fcdlows: "We com- 
 mend the present State Administration for its earnest efforts in 
 favor of tlie equal and just taxation of the property of railroad, tele- 
 graph, t( lephone and expr<>ss companies. We favor the immediate 
 repeal of the tax upon the gross earnings of railroad companies and 
 favor a tax to be levied upon the true value of railroad, telegraph, 
 lelephone and express companies' property, this value to be deter- 
 mined by a State board. The taxes collected therefrom shall be paid 
 into the Primary School Fund, We endorse the principles of the 
 Atkinscm Bill and pledge the support of the Republican party 
 thereto," 
 
 The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu- 
 tenant Governor, Orrin W, Robinson, of Houghton; Secretary of 
 State, Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Auditor General, Roscoe D. Dix, 
 of Berrien; Attorney General, Horace M, Oren, of Chippewa; State 
 Treasurer, George A. Steel, of Clinton; Land Commissioner, William 
 A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
 Jason E. Hammond, of Hillsdale; Regents of the University, Eli R. 
 Sutton, of Wayne, and J, Byron Judkins, of Kent; Members of the 
 State Board of Education, E, F. Johnson, of Washtenaw, and F, A. 
 Piatt, of Genesee, Gen, A. F, Marsh, of Allegan, was made Chair- 
 man of the State Central Committee, a majority of which was friendly 
 to the Governor, The campaign was fought largely on the taxation 
 issue, and the election gave Pingree a plurality of 75,o<)7, on a total 
 vote of 412,104, 
 
 The State Convention for 1900 met at Grand Rapids, June 27, 
 with Daniel P. Markey, of Port Huron, in the chair, both as Tempor- 
 ary and Permanent Presiding Offi<>er, There were three active 
 candidates for the nomination for Governor, the friends of each 
 claiming that their favorite had the lead. There were also three 
 others with a smaller following, but each hoping that in case of a 
 deadlock among the favorites he might inherit the strength of one of 
 them. The candidates, in the order in which they stood on the first 
 ballot, were: Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw; Dexter M. Ferry, of Wayne; 
 Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Chase S. Osborn, of Chippewa; James 
 
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 lie reHolntiong 
 Atriotism and 
 lii^nn'B voluii 
 UM'l.v devotion 
 iiKun und the 
 s: "We com- 
 ?8t efforts in 
 railroad, tele- 
 he immediate 
 ompanieB and 
 a.d, telegraph, 
 ( to be deter- 
 flhall be paid 
 leiples of the 
 iblican party 
 
 tidates: Lieu- 
 Secretary of 
 oscoe D. Dix, 
 ppewa; State 
 oner, William 
 ? Instruction, 
 ersity, Eli B. 
 'mbers of the 
 iw, and P, A. 
 I made Chair- 
 <i was friendly 
 I the taxation 
 !>7, on a total 
 
 tids, June 27, 
 :h as Tempor- 
 three active 
 ends of each 
 e also three 
 : in case of a 
 igth of one of 
 d on the first 
 I'y, of Wayne; 
 ►pewa; James 
 
 REIMBUCAN STATE CONVKNTIONH. Ml\ 
 
 O'Donnell, of Jackson; Mllo I). <'ampbell. of Hranch. It to«»k nine 
 teen ballots to nominate, the following being the figures: 
 
 „ALU>TK' I ^1 J I I 
 
 pq ^ 00 O O y 
 
 First 255) 251 215 01 42 IS 
 
 Second 273 259 201> 52 35 13 
 
 Third 279 271 210 33 35 13 
 
 Fourth 277 272 211 33 34 13 
 
 Fifth 278 274 209 33 33 13 
 
 Sixth 280 279 210 34 25 13 
 
 Seventh 270 28.'$ 210 34 23 13 
 
 Eighth 273 290 20C 34 24 13 
 
 Ninth 280 294 198 30 20 13 
 
 Tenth 280 290 200 27 25 13 
 
 . Eleventh 279 283 202 35 28 13 
 
 Twelfth 281 282 200 29 29 14 
 
 Thirteenth 290 275 203 29 30 13 
 
 Fourteenth 290 203 200 28 39 13 
 
 Fifteenth 283 201 203 28 53 13 
 
 Sixteenth ..'. 293 231 195 29 GO 13 
 
 Seventeenth 299 249 191 20 03 13 
 
 Eighteenth 320 90 181 31 194 13 
 
 Nineteenth 595 95 7 9 135 .. 
 
 Total number of votes in the < Jonveution 841 
 
 Necessary to a choice 421 
 
 The remainder of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, O. W. Robinson, of Houghton; Auditor General, Perry P. 
 Powers, of Wexford; Secretary of State, Fred M. Warner, of Oakland; 
 State Treasurer, Daniel McCoy, of Kent; Commissioner of State 
 Land Office, E. A. Wildey, of Va:; Kuren; Attorney General, Horace 
 M. Oren, of Chippewa; Superintv.t>'?nt of Public Instruction, Delos 
 Fall, of Calhoun; Member of the 8ti.te Board of Education, James H. 
 Thompson, of Osceola. 
 
 The platform, which was short, declared "allegiance to the gold 
 standard, believing that the free and unlimited coinage of silver by 
 this Nation alone would bring about untold disasters." It also had 
 the following upon the- tax question which Governor Pingree had 
 brought so much to the front: "The Republican Party renews its 
 allegiance to the principle of e«iual and uniform taxation. All prop- 
 erty owners in the State, whether individuals, co-partners, or 
 
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 544 
 
 HIHTOUY OF THK KEl'UHLICAN I'AUTY 
 
 <'6r]H»iati(>tiH, iilionld contribiitH tlit^ir Jimt itlinre to the piihlic burden 
 nnd expenw; und we deiiuind that every dolhir of wealth Mhull he 
 taxHl e<]iialiy with every other. We favor the prompt repeal of all 
 special railroad eharterH Krantiiif; to any lailroad in the State Hpecial 
 privilejifeH. We believe that all the railroadH of the State tthonld do 
 biiHineHH tinder the same general lawH." 
 
 Hou. (}errit J. Diekenia, of Holland, Ottawa County, waM ehoHen 
 rhairnian of the State <Vntnil Coniniittee, and 1). E. Alward, of Clare, 
 was again chogen Secretary UoomH for headquartern were secureil 
 in Detroit. The diHtribution of docunientH coniuieuced about August 
 10th, and the speaking campaign a month later. The National and 
 State Central Committees together sent out 105 H]»eakerH who held 
 1,024 political meetings in Michigan, and there was a large distribu- 
 tion of documents. The Pemocrats nominated William C. Maybury, 
 an exceptionally strong candidate, f(u* Governor. He made a |)er- 
 gonal canvass and ke)it the Ke]iublican plurality on that oftlce down 
 to about SO,(IOO. On the other State offleers the [pluralities were in 
 the neighborhood of OS.OOO and on Tresident it was 105,1()8. The 
 defeat of the Democrats wys so sweeping that prominent uumi of their 
 parly began, forthwith, to discui^s plans for a reorganisation, with 
 new leaders and a new de<'laration of principles, before venturing 
 upon another campaign. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 -i) './-Ujiu^.- i j iiii ei 
 
L'AUTY. 
 
 :<) th(> piililic burden 
 of wt'iilth Mhull b(* 
 ii'onipt r«'iM»al of till 
 1 in the State Hpecial 
 tile Ktate ttlioiild do 
 
 Connt.v, wan rlumen 
 E. A 1 ward, of Clare. 
 artei'H were 8e«'ure<l 
 enced about August 
 The National and 
 I H])enkefH who held 
 ^aH a large diHtribu- 
 Villiani ('. Maybury, 
 r. He made a per- 
 on that ottlce down 
 ' pluralities were in 
 I waH lOH.KJS. The 
 tniineut men of their 
 •eorganiscation, with 
 »8, before venturing 
 
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