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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. by errata ned to ent une pelure, fagon d 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 TEMPO WITH REI A LKCTUKJ WITH ADDJ Th±; Rk r-ATIiOLIC THE TEMPORAL SOVEREIGNTV oy THE 3^ OPE, HUH RELATION TO THE STATE OF ITALY; A LKCTUKE DKLIVERED TN ST. ANDREW "6 CATHOLIC CHURCH, OTTAWA, WITH ADDITIONAL FACTS AND OBSERVATIONj ^ BY Thk Rkv. ZEJST. MC^D. DAA^^SON, LONDON : fATIlOLlC rUBLlSHlNG AND BOOK-SKLLD. 1 COMPANY, 01 NEW BOND STREET. liALTlMOKlJ OTTAWA ; ieea Who] is thert nieii. iiig to The contain perliapl 111 b c iiol weia" jiari'o\1 in rcat been set lb Ic an P R E F A (^ E . Whoever is possessed of any knowledge, is thereby a debtor to his fellow couiitry- nieii. This must be my apology for oiVer- iiig to the public the following pages. — The importance of the information they contain, which, to many will be new, may, perhaps, atone for imperfection of style. In what belongs to History, there (;an be no claim to originality. Authors of weight and name will recognise, within the narrow compass of this duodechno^ the great historical facts, which they have been the first to place on record, or have set forth with all the interest that attaches te an important narrative. vi. The reasoning employed aims at being sound and conclusive, without pretending to be novel, startling, or brilliant. The delay in publishing, with its addi- tions, a discourse which was delivered so many weeks ago, is accounted for by the necessarily slow process of printing, in a city, which, although now the metropolis of British North America, was, only some thirty years back, a portion of the unbro- ken forest. Ottawa, April, I860. 1£ .#4. i Introductory re^ General view ol Liberty of Gregory X Prospect aflford< Accession of Pi Sketch of the li Pius IX. in An:^ Pius IX. Direct Pius IX. Archt Mastai, Cardini The real enemi ConciHatory cl Public rej Cardinal Gizzi, Pius IX. recei" Pius IX. and ] ation . . . • Popular demo The Pope's S Cardinal Ferr< tion of t] to the w forms. — Council Constitutions The war agil Revolutionar Parties.— Th CONTENTS. Pagi. Introductory remarks. — State of parties 3 General view of the Papal Government as regards the Liberty of Italy and of Europe. — Noble effortti of Gregory XVI. — The end of his reign 4 Prospect afforded by the New Pontificate G Accession of Pius IX 7 Sketch of the life of Pius IX „ 9 Pius IX. in America 10 Pius IX, Director of an Hospital 13 Pius IX. Archbishop of Spoleto 14 Mastai, Cardinal, 17 The real enemies of reform unmasked 18 Conciliatory character of Pius IX.— The Amnesty. — Public rejoicings 25 Cardinal Gizzi, Minister. — Further reforms. — The Press. 30 Pius IX. receives the Ambassador of the Sultan 32 Pius IX. and Daniel O'Connell— Father Ventura's Or- ation 34 Popular demonstration at Rome 40 The Pope's Sermon 43 Cardinal Ferrctti, Minister. — Extraordinary manifesta- tion of the Austrian Government. — Its deference to the wishes of the Holy Father. — Further Re- forms. — A Municipal Council instituted. — The Council of State. — A Constitution projected 46 Constitutional Government established 53 The war agitation 54 Revolutionary tendencies. — Count Mamiani, Minister. 59 Parties. — The Italian Radicals. — Count Rossi, Minister. 62 I ! CONTESTS. Tho Spirit of the Age 81 Enlightenment HI Justice 8^^ Ilmuanity RO Tho Papal Government eminently characterized by ity humanity *^^^ The Temporal Power originating in the wistloni and humanity of the Papal Rulers. — Opinion of the celebrated writer, Balmcs Oo Enquiry continued. — The Papal Government essentially humane i)(> Tlumanity of the Pontifical Government in the puniifh- ment of politic^al offenders 97 llinnanity of the Popes in the administration of Justice 100 riumanity ol' the Papal Rule. — War. 101 The Spirit t)f the Age.— Education.— The Arts and Sciences encouraged by the Popes. — The Poor, as well as the higher classes, educated by their care. — Remarkable testimony of Mr. Laing and Baron Geramb. 107 Wisdom and Humanity of the Papal Government, us manilestcd by its numerous Institutions for the . ... relief of human misery ; . . .' . . 117 The Spirit of the Age. — Liberality ........'....■..... 127 Tho Papacy essentially liberal 132 Liberality of the Papacy farther considered. — Political Institutions 14o Origin of Civil Power. — Doctrine of a learned Jesuit and other eminent Divines 153 Whether in any ease, established power can be consci- entiously resisted 157 Liberty of Speech 164 The argument against Papal Rule, founded on the alleged state of the popular mind, considered. . . . 171 Ilights of p(!oples. — Pretended rights of factions and inconsiderable sections. — Opinions ol'' The dimes''. — Numbers and extraordinary increase of Catholics. — Enlightened opinion and noble conduct of Greeks and Protestants 187 L— Count R( IL— Princi re' bj III.— Origir IV. — Mcrcil v.— Tho tr VI.— Scienc ol Hi VII.— Value rr P I VIII.— Popi] IX.— The V ( X.— The ; XI.— Adni C0NTEKT8. APPENDIX. 81 81 8G 1 'JO 05 U() 107 117 127 132 ■»««^k^W^^k^>bM I. — Count Rayneval's report. — Roronn porsevcreil in Rt Rome after the events of 1848. II. — Principles and Practice of the Papal Church with relation to Slavery and Liberty, — from Lectures by the Rev. JE. McD. Dawson. III. — Origin of the Pope's Temporal Sovereignly. IV. — Merciful character of the Pontifical Government. V. — The truth about Perguia. — The Hon. Mrs. Rovss' letter. VI. — Science not unfavorable to the progress of the Cath- olic Church. — Numbers of Protestants })robably not increased. — Opinion of Baron Macaulay. VII. — Value of the popular vote for annexation to Pied- mont. — Foreign Intervention. — ItaHan corres- pondence shewing that the revolted and annexed Provinces have been coerced. VIII. — Popularity of Pius IX. — Letter from Rome. IX. — The popular vote for annexation. — Foreign Inter- vention. — Note from the Holy See to the French Government. X. — The Marquis of Normanby. — Value of his testimony. XI. — Admirable sentiments of good Protestants. — Two remarkable letters quoted. 14a 153 157 104 171 187 TlIK TJ WITH llF.T INTO In coiiside that tlu-ro ui political <;lin culled, who their ally th tiff, Pius U and to prorr t he eiijoyme that there it !Mid the hap r«,'vulutionui Mazzini. uii sions, at th means. I'^ must 1)0 sw the lied ll< their numt the only fri the case, countrv. Other anc Italy, when theii raiist it be only been of the rasl it be auiv men of th and who its cause, professioi THE TEMPOIIAL SOA^EREIGNTY (S>i il)c Jpopc, WITH IlKLATION T(» TllH 8TATK OF ITALY, .to. INTIlOnitCTOUV Khnf.AUk'H. A'tVtV: OF I'AHTIKH. In considpriim' tlio stnU^ ollUiiv. it iihimI Im* horno in nn*ii!ievin^-. in all sincerity, that there is no surer giianintee for the peace, the prosperity, i'.nd the happiness of nations. The socialist, rod-repnhlirari, or revolutionary faction, who own as their chief thf lawyer Mazzini. aim also, if credit may l)c given to their loud prole^j- .sions, at the establishment of liberty, but by very difTerei-.t means. P^very existinc^ institution, vvhotlur civil or religioiifi, muat 1)0 swept awr.y, in order to nmke room for their Utopia, the lied Republic. The l.jaders of Wm party endeavruu' l)y their numerous writingfs to make it appear that thoy are the only friends of Italy and of Pialian freedom. Ifsuch vver« the case, hopeless, indeed, would be the state of that distracted country. It is not, however, left, to their tender mercies. — Other and more benellcent jxeiiii wulch over the destini.'^s of Italy. And the hour is now, to all appearance, near at hanfl. when their guardian care will meet with its reward. Nor must it be supposed that the true friends of rt.iliau liberty have only been aroused from the sleep of ajros by the wild clamour of the rash and desperate men who lal)or so ze.aloiisly to make it be universally believed thnt they, and they nlone, are the men of the times, — the only m^n who can save their country, and who devote themselves with self-sacrificing patriotism to ita cause. Let us not be dazzled, far less won to Ihcm by their professions. By their works only caa we judge them. CKNKRAL Vr^CW OF TITK PAI'AL GOVEIIXMENT AB RKOAHHS THE LIBERTY OF ITALY AND EUROPE. — NOIILE EFFORTS OF ORK- OORY XVT. — THE END OF UTS RKION. But Krst, let us look, as is meet, to those purer regions, where wisdom and moderation have ever been in the ascend- ant. It is no new thin^^ with the Popes to exert their talents, their influence, their power n the? cause of Italy. 3y their mild but Grm rule thoy at fii-st mitigated, and, finally, over- came the tyranny of the early Emperors. At a later day, who could have struggled or who was there to struggle as did the Popes, against a more recent but no less fatal oppression ? — who else than the Popes could have taught the Emperors of (irerraany, who labored so perseveriugly to establish their power in Italy, that no foreigner should lord it over that lovely land? What other influence than that o. the Papacy could have ra'sed up and fostered to maturity that more modern Germanic Empire, which has scarcely ever ceased to make its return of grateful duty to the Holy See ? And where, we may well en- (juire, would be Italy, its people, its religion, and its hope of liberty to-day, if the Roman Pontiffs, tie if moved by the voice of Heaven, had not marshalled around them the chivalry of Europe, to resist and to repel the barbarism and infidelity of the Moslem invader ? And later still, almost in our own day, who, of all Europe's sovereigns, alone stood erect, the cham- pions of liberty, amid the vanquished and prostrate nations ? Those holy pontifls of imperishable memory — Pius VI. and Pius VII. No sword >vas drawn in their defence. No armed men were near to guard them, and yet, they held their ground. Even more, in their panoply of moral steel, like the martyTsof the early times, they fought the battle of their day. They conquered as the murtyrs conquered, and with the weapons of the martyrs. By the extraordinary reaction which followed the fever of the great French or rather European revolution, power all but absolute was everywhere established, — such arc the triurapha of the sword. Liberty will not thus bo won. The haughty goddess will not soil her robes by sullering herself to be drag- ged inUe vl is of heaven] abhors blcc It need n| liberty was volutionistsl by the battl had struggll of all politi(f Revolutil restraints o In due tin liberty, wh counsels, selves. Bi trace out nations shs are discuss Sovereign ' them. Tl encourage] he has in need than * Eome ■« Let the mo will questU eight mont 1846, l^avei told, how wt How the ( certain me thus to less Alluding reign of G with Eon: Dooeri, 1 judgraeut! l)a88ionat( Several good; an< irreligion elements midst of luetual P' generoBil intelligeT iuhabitai :ii Heavens, gcd in*tlic victor'^ train. 'J'he violent need n( is of heavenly origin, and like the ruler of t abhors blood. It need not surprise us, therefore, if the sacred cause of liberty was not advanced by the sanguinary career of the re- volutionists ; and if only some impediments were swep .way by the battles and the victories of the formidable armies that had struggled so valiantly and so long against the most terrible of all political convulsions. Revolutionary excess ends at length, and the necessary restraints of authority are once more recognized in the world. In due time the depositories of this authority invoke that liberty, which appeared to have tied, and for ever, from their counsels. Of her powerful aid, they would fain avail them- selves. But the Pontiff Sovereign must lead the way — must trace out by his example, the path of safety, in which the nations shall be called to walk. Certain measures of reform are discussed and sanctioned in the cabinets of Europe. The Sovereign ot the Church's States will be the first to undertake them. The other sovereigns offer their support and their encouragement. They even urge the necessity of the reforms he has in view. Not, indeed, that his State stood more in need than other states, of political improvement.* But, all * Eome was not quite in a desparatc state in the time of Gregory XVI. Let the most celebrated man of tlie liberal school bear witness. Few will question the testimony of Silvio Pellico. It was a follows: "The eight months I have spent at Eome, (under Gregory XVI.,) in 1846 and 1846, have abounded in dclightftil impressions. It can never be sufficiently told, hoioweU this venerable city deserves to be visited, and not in passing only. How the good and beautiful abound in it! whilst notwithstanding, certain men write and speak about Ronie with hostile prejudices, hoping thus to lessen its authority ! " Alluding to this same visit of eight months toward* the close of the reign of Gregory XVI., Pellico writes : " I continue to be quite deligted with Bome both as regards men and things. In the small book Dei Dooeri, 1 have shewn my inclination to avoid being absolute in my judgments, a too common error, especially with minds that dogmatize passionately. By such Eome is often unjustly judged. Several types of social customs must be considered as moderately good ; and we cannot condemn as decidedly bad anything but barbarism, irreligion, and a superabundance of knaves and fools. These odious elements are by no means over-abundant in this country ; and in the midst of evils that are unavoidable overywliere, I observe great intel- lectual power, much goodness, oultivated minds, graciouo and sincere generoBuy. Whoever comes to Home will bo morally well off as regards •• intelligence; he will be so likewise on account of the sociability of the inhabitants. The Romans are a jovial people. Jiut even their joviality 'I states are alike subject to time and circumstaucea ; and all of them must, as period succeeds period, remodel themselves — adapt themselves anew to the new wants, tho »iew wishes, and the new habits of men. Of this the voneral)]e Pontiff is not ignorant. Nor is courage wanting to him. He commences in good earnest, although nf)t without hesitation and misgiving, and in part accomplishes the important task. But "pericu- losa plenum opus ahxcclradnt, mperposKo cincrc dolono." His path is beset with dangers. True liberty has more enemies than despotism itself ; and these its enemies — the enemies, as well, of all social progress — will take care that it shall not yet prevail. Pope Gregory is unable to proceed. Age now lays its chilling hand upon him : and he who had laboured long and zealously and successfully in the cause of humanity ; — he who more than once by his irresistible influence, had enforced the adoption of salutary reforms, oven in the most despotic States ;~he who.' urged by the cry of the afflicted, had stayal the arm of tyranny, and bid the mightiest Poten- tates desist from jjcrsecutiou, — the venerable Gregory, — sinks at last under the weight of his many years. His long day of toil draws rapidly to its close ; and he leaves to the vigorous hands of his successor, the great — the stupendous work, that could not in his own time have been accomplished. I'ROSPECr AFKOIIDKI) UV THE NEW rON'TIFIOATB. And now commences that Pontificate which will be ever memorable in the world's amials. Already it reflects, even at its birth, the new glory that awaits it. The hopes and aspirations ot millions crowd around its cradle. Will these hopes be disappointed ? Will this glory Ix' dimmed ? So IS as aJm'rably subject lo good order as U is gmcehil. and does not impair the natural goodness of tiieir disposition. But perhaps, I am wrong, and it were better 1 should assume a frowning aspect, and behold only attempts on life, importunate beggary, useless priests and monks, and reserve my praises- for those happv nations, where there are no crimes, no inequality of fortune, no miserj'. Impassioned men declaim, o\aggerate, disfigure, lie. For my part, I am neither an optimist nor a pessimist. It is impossible to speak with certainty of the moral of a country, if we speak of it too soon. I know that hi^re at Borne, 1 find amiability, scionco, and good sense. It aeemt to me that everything is much the same as in other clvillaed countriM." pray its ene them; numl Pontiff Sov( hosts that gi of the great than gold, t Pontiff; an( appendage > more numer to be, they ( would inevi institution cannot peri passing hur as well nov reignty — tl will flouris scheme of paceatonui^ The ace was no an ordinal conclave, i who will r improvemi Papal Sta opinion, i some men: tive. alth( orciiter lu iitors. let than to pi chiefly di' body, wh had crow pray its enemies. But they will not be gratified. Weigh them ; number them. Their influence as against that of the Pontiff Sovereign, is a nullity. Compared to the countless hosts that guard and uphold all that appertains to the honour of the great Pontificate, they are as a grain of sand. Dearer than gold, to his people, is the least privilege of the Holy Pontiff ; and sacred in their sight is the most inconsiderable appendage of his temporal state. Were the hostile factions more numerous by tens of thousands than they dare pretend to be, they could not be favoured with success. Their designs would inevitably be frustrated, and their hopes blasted. An institution dear to humanity throughout so many centuries, cannot perish in our time— cannot yield to the violence of a passing hurricane. The Providence of God watches over it as well now as in the trials of former ages. 1 he model sove- reignty — the object of Heaven's care, will be sustained. It will flourish as in the days of old ; and the wish and the scheme of the wicked shall be confounded. Desiderivm pnceatoru))} perihit. ACCK.SSION OK riUS IX. be ever even at >es au(] 11 these 1? So loes not suroe R happy misery. part,'l »k with I know t aeema tttriea." The accession of the reigning Pontiff' to the Papal Chair, was no ordinary event. Nor was it brought about in an ordinary manner. The (/ardinals aHScmbled in solemn conclave, are anxious to elect a cliicf Pastor and Sovereign who will not be disinclined to curry out certain changes and improvements— improvements in the civil government of the Papal States that appear to bo called for as well by public opinion, a? by the wants of the times. There are, indeed, some nwrnbert; of the sjicrcd college who incline U) tnmserva- tivc, althou;»h not extreme conservative principles. But the •greater number, and, tu the utter confusion of their calumni- ators, let the fact be ])rochiinied, have nothing more at heart, than to place ut their head, a reformer Pope. The votes are chiefly divided, at first, betwwn an eminent membL^r of their boellion which rages so fiercely in the States of the Church, and which has already wrested from the Sovereign Pontiff a third part of his territory. Are we to look for the cause of this unnatural strife, in the conduct of the Cardinals who surround the Papal throne, and who are the legitimate advisers of the Sovereign ? Of their own free choice, as has been shewn, they raised to the Pontifical chair, one of their number, who, they were not ignorant, would not fail to in- troduce into the Government, every necessary measure of reform. And, besides, the Counsellors of the Ruler are not to be confounded with the Ruler himself. To the chief, then, we must look. And, may there not be in the character or policy of the Poixs, good reason for the conduct of his people, — for the extraordinary efforts which some, at least, of his subjects, and not without foreign aid. have made, in order to subvert his temporal dominion ? Or, might it not Ikj the unanimous wish of his people, let his rule be nerer so paternal, that he should no longer reign over them as their temporal Prince ? And, to what extent, if at 1^11, would the alleged change in the popular mind, l)ear out and justify the violence by which a few men are endeavor- ing to rob of his inheritiince, the successor of St. Peter and of so many Pontiffe ? SKKTCII OK TlIK MFK OF PIl'S IX. Not only from what has been said, but, also, from the in- formation you were already possessed of, you will have formed an idea of tho character of Pius IX. A few < raits of hici 10 early life, as well a« of his Pontifical and political career, wil! show more clearlv sjill, what opinion we ought all to ciucrtain of the man. v.h(>sc onicc, in the estinmtion of three millii'Ms at leat't. df I ho niont civilized portion of the human feniily, is of such hit,'h importance, and \s necessarily calcula- ted to fiwuy tht' destinies of mankind. ^Vhi!>,t the young- Count Mastai wa.s pursuing" his atudioi at the ecclesiastical academy, the celebrated Theologian. Gro.riofjj. moved l.y the charity, tlie gentleness, and the piety of the future Pontifi, was heord one day to exclaim, "that the Al»he Mo«tai l.ad the henrt of a Po))e." No sooner is he elevated to the office and dignity of the christian Priesthood, than he verifies to the full, the words of his learned professor. Hfc devotes himself to the service of the poor. The truly christian zeal of Giovanni Borgi, had founded out of his own resources alone, an hospital for destitute orphans, with a view to rescue them from blijjhtincr idleness and crime, tho insepnrable attendaiit :f extreme poverty. Mastai, in his (iarlv vouth had laboured in the cause of this industrial school. Now that he is a Pastor of souls, he devotes himself without reserve. The charge of this interesting establish- ment is conferred on him by Pope Pius VIl. During five years, he ceases not to bestow his fortune, his care, and all his energy in promoting the material and spiritual prosperity of an institution to which, by means of salutary reforms, and the well directed impulse imparted to professional education, he gives a new existence ; he. becomes the idol of these little children to whom he is more as a father than a master. He lives with them, and knows them all by name. Nor does h? lose sight of them v,'hen they are engaged in the various pur- suits of life. riL'S IX. IN AMUKfOA. Abbe Mastai is now called to more arduous duties ; he isi appointed jnember of a mission to the recently erected and yet untamed republics of the new world. W^t embarks on the .5th October, 1823, together with Monseigneur Muzzi, the Bishop Yicar Apostolic of Chili, Peru, Mexico, and the other Fitates that had succeeded in emancipating themselves from the yoke of Legation, i exposed i And not oi winds a\id \ are taken, time, for a another the allow to pa: tc reach the the Pampa be ctMiceivc the privat all day, at: ing sands, America. Ciod, no o which is t' the most hiingei' an reciting v whilst it fatigue, calling to V)y thus tl\eir sorr his comp! toils and length ill means ca lican aus Such ' But, nnl capricio public 1! and to ? rttate. t dieputec 11 career, all to )f three I human balcula- studie* log-ian. e pietj" " that r is ho thood. )fea.sor. truly is own w'ith ft ne, tho in his ustrial limseJf abiish- g- five ind a!I perltv i, and ation, little He ca h? pur- he ia and ^ on the thor ronj the yoke of Spain, and the Abbe Sallusti, Secretary of th« [iegation. The He/nise, whicli boars the important freight* i exposed during three months to all the perils of the ocean. And not only are the pious voyagers 'n danger from the winOs and waves. When near the Ooast of America, they arc taken, notwithstanding their sacretl charectcr, at one time, for accomplices in the rebellion against Spain ; at another tiicy arc attacked by a ship of fil'busters who cannot allow to pass unmolested, the Italian flag. And now iu order tc reach their place of destination, Santiago, they must traverse the Pampas and the vast ranges ot the Audes. It may easily 1)0 «;« Mice! ved how great are their exertions, and how severe the privations they are reduced to I They travel on foot, all day, and sometimes even during the night, amid the burn- ing sands, and through the great untrodden forests of South America. They have no other comfort, than their trust in God, no other recreation than that ine.\haustible chcerfuiness, whicli is the bover failing privilege of a good conscience. Iti the most terrible sufferings, when almost jxirii-hing ''roni hunger and thirst, the pious travellers edify one another, by reciting verses of the ]>salms, and this prayer in common, whilst it sustains their minds, alleviates also their bodily fatigue. At other times they lighten their toilsome path by calling to mind the fmer passages of Virgil or of Tasso ; and by thus charming the imagination, they sometimes forget their sorrows. For three months the V^icar Apostolic and his companions submit, with ])atience truly exemplary, to the toils and privations of this peril ious journey. They enter at length the territory of fhili, disguised in a maimer by no means calculated, as has been well observed, to offend repub- lic;in austeritv. . Such devotedness to a ciiuso. ought not to pass uureward^xl. Kut. unlooked for dilViculties arise, not tiio least of those is the c.ipricioiis disposition of the people. Tlu' newly erected re- public is jealous of its recently acqainHl power and priviiege<> ; and to such lengths does it carry its views of the rights of the State, that a conroxhil \}Qco\ao^: fiuptK'*ible. livery jjoint is disputed ; and to this is added a m(;aii and contemptible sys- 12 1 torn of ftnnoyancc ; they evon grmlge and (\my to the legation the costs of subsistence, which thoy had eiigiiged to del'my. These unworthy proceedings reduce the representatives of the Sovereign Pontiff to tlie moat Ininible resources. Tiiey arc obh'ged to rely upon the alms of the charitable. A new scruple occurs to the chief's ol the State. 'J'hey pretend to take the Bi.shop Yicar Apostolic for an adventurer, and several months are spent in idle verifications. The Bishop [)re.serve.H his equanimity, and the Abbe ^[astai setts an cxanjj)le, and is as it were, a living counsel of resignation. Wearied out with this continual war, the legation resolves to leave ; and just one year after their departure from Italy, its eminent members set sail from the shores of America, without having concluded anything, or having obtained any result. Ilow happy were not those republics in their enjoyment of unbounded liberty I There wa^s only wanting to them a prin- ciple of life. They are fallen, u!id no process known to men can galvr.nize them into new existence. Well would it have been for them if. at the opportune moment, "the acceptable time" that comes once to all, but may come a second time to none, they had listened to the voice of truth and reason, and had availed themselves, if only for their temporal good, of an influence which raised up the thrones and republics of PJurope, and completely renewed its social state. This mission, otherwise so fruitless, was not lost to the Reverend Count Mastai. It had been the means ot develop- ing the admirable qualities which he possessed. It had afford- ed him the opportunity of 9eein,i>' many cities, as well as the manners and customs of many peoples. These lessons of travel were not addressed to an ordinary mind. His views were enlarged, elevated and refined by contact with so many rising or fallen civilizations, so many different peoples, and by the spectacle of nature, that admirable handmaid of the Divinity, with her varied splendors and her manifold wonders, astonish- ing no less in the immensity of the ocean than in the vast (brests of the new world The mind appears to grow as the sphei-c of material life extends. Vast horizons are adapted to great souls, and pre- pare Ihem received ii wanting t lesson of t of his voc disengage Both of i stood. On his recr of ec pavticula he had g Canon o dignity c more thf of hira The 1 renderc( Rome : things, Pope I V)uried, which Grand •which dwells retreat school for ch learn i at the This 1 an est At til the h capa( ^ffation (leli'ay. f? of the liey arc A new lend to aevcral cservoH lie, and |ied out ; and Iniinent liiiA'ing 13 pare them for great thingy. 'I'he Abbe Matstai had tnus received in his youth two most saUitary lessons, whicl^ are ol'tcn wanting to the bo.sc tried virtues of the sacerdotal state : — the lesson of the world which Mastai had received before th" time of his vocation to holv orders, and the lesson of travel, which disengages: *he mind from th-; Sondage of local prejudices. — Both of these wonderful teachings he had admirably under- stood. On his return from Chili- Count Mastai entered on the ca- reer of ecclesiastical preferments. Leo XII., who had been particularly struck by the penetration and good sense of which he had given proof in this difficult mission, appointed him Canon of Lancia Maria in via lata, and raised him to the dignity of Prelate. The Roman piu'ple Wi ^ on this occasion more than ever adorned by the solid virtue and the learnirj^ of him on whom it was conferred. PIUS IX. DIRE(!TOR OF AN HOSPITAL. The humble but important services the Count Mastai had rendered to the hospital Tata Giovanni; were not forgotten at Roine : and he who had been faithful in his charge over a few things, is now called to a more extended sphere of duty. Pope Leo XII., unwilling that such rare talents should lie buried, nominated Canon Mastai, president of the commission which governed the great hospital of St. Michael a Ripa Grande. This is one of the greatest i.^stitutions of charity which Rome or the world is possessed of. A whole people dwells within its vast precincts. It is at once a place of retreat for aged and infirm men, an immense profcBsional school for poor girls, and a sort of workshop on a great scale for children that have been forsaken. The greater number learn trades. Some who give proof of higher talents, apply, at the expense of the hospital, *to the ""tudy of the fine arts. This hospital is in itself a world, and the government of such an establishment requires almost the {}ualities of a statesman. At the time Mtistai was named to this charge, the budget ^of the hospital stood in need of unremitting care, and the utmost capacity of a financier. Nor were these qualitifte wanting. !ki if 14 At the end of two years, fll the resources of the institution were in aduirablu order : bankruptcy was far from its doort ; the deficits iu its income made up. its receipla abundant. — And fur from impoverishing tiie hospital by giving to the apprentice workmen a shun; in the fruil ' his hibour, Mastai had shewn by this moasuro, tliat jusi 's in i dmirablo accordance with economy, and that the best houHCs are not those which make Ihe most of (he labour of their inmates, but those which encourage industry by allowing it what is just. In the space of two years, the orphans had amassed a small sum which guaranteed to them an alleviation of their misfortunes, whilst the proceeds of the hospital had doubled. Mastai thus acquired a reputation for adminisfralivc talent of the highest order. AKCllBTSHUl* OF SI'OliKTO. in the Consistory of 21st May, 1827, Canon Count Mastai was named Archbishop of Si)oleto. This city was the birth- place of Leo XII. No other present the Holy Father could have made to his country, would have better marked bis solicitude and affection. The sojourn of Archbishop Mastui at Spoleto, will be ever memorable there. During that stormy period of five year*, his presence appeared to draw down upon the people the visible protection of Heaven. Wratli was treasured in every mind. Some exclaimed against abuses, whilst others dreading reform, clung pertinaciously to the j)a8t. Civil war wa« raging in the people's minds, before it had yet appeared in the streets. Spoleto divided into two hostile camps, resem- bled one of those Italian cities of the middle age, where stood in presence, and armed from head to heel, the undying enmi- ties of the Ghibellins and the Cuelphs. 'i'hc lire of civil war was smouldering within its bosom, leady on the slightest occasion, to burst into a liame. Thanks to Ma«tai, oppor- tunity was wanting. Spoleto may not remember without emotion, what diplomacy his Christian zeal induced him to employ in order to appease wild passions ; how delicately and perseveringly he laboured to reconcile those Italian feuds, to calm the dire spirit of revenge, to bury the sense of wrong Id tht obllTion ble robollion o bloody insurrec wliich ensued, with which vir him. Once ai walls of Spole by a whole am Archbishop, n Without a ni .iud prayed hi rebels, and tl recourse to us Ueturning immediately s trian troops c men who bon Goodness \ trait displays hibited one d the principal preparing it, of his labour! with a mag behold such still rejoicing late read ov( choly catalo a smile to h nes8 ;" said he takes cai moment a fl disappears i Archbishoi Sovereign. are gnilty c years later hour of tr saved ? 1 11^ 1$ Id tht obllrion of forgi renew. And on occaiion of the terri- ble rebellion of 1H31 iind 1H32. it was well men >t sliwp. NVithout a moment's delay, he went to the Austri>in j^enerul .iud prayensi«lenible, Imt the dioeeae is more po- pulous and rieher. Xornination to the Kpiscopal chair of linola leada din^ctlv to the ('ardinulate. It has alHo thrice giv(>n to the Catholic Church its chief pustor. 'I'he people of Tniolu still cherish the most ploisiiig memories of their Uishop. The numerous institutions, which owe to him their existence, arc the best monuments that bear witncsa to his Kpiscopal zeal ami Christian charity. 'I'he virtue, of which the most revcrcnlth Dec, 1840, tho greatest honors were spontaneously heaped upon him. Congratulations in prose and in verse, illuminations, fire\vorks, demonstrations of every kind marked the joy that everywhere prevailed. This popularity, how- ever great, was but a prelude to that which, at a later ixjriod, it was his fortune to enjoy. These details of the history of Pius IX are by no means* foreign to our subject. The Pope, it has been said, is unfit to roigu as a temporal Prince. Is this unfitness to he looked for, granting, for the sake of argument, that it exists, in the person of the reigning Pontiff? Let any one who reads the foregoing sketch of his life, reply. What high administrative talent does it not evince*? what goodness ? what kindly con- sideration for, even, the least of the jjeople ! — what love for all ? Was it possible that such a man should not be an enemy to every abuse, that tended to lessen the people's hap- piness, or impede the march of their material prosperity ? Have we not seeii how anxious ho was to reform, wherever i:^H 18 reform was oftlled for, tiod how auCcessfully he laboui'ed in every office which lie held, to renew the face of things ; to round DOW institutions, suited to the circumstances, the ideas, and the necessities of tlie age, or to adapt what ah'eady ex- isted, to tlie wants and exigencies that had arisen ? These (juallties, and above all, this determination to re- form, were not unknown to the most learned (.'ardinals, when as we have seen, they elected Count Mastai to the highest olficc in the Catholic Church, and to that temporal Sove- reignty, by which it is accompanied. Reform was loudly called for, in the Roman State, 'j'he (,'ardinals, by choosing Mastai, decided for reform. Who then shall say, that, in the sacred college, is to be found that hostility to the (^auso of reform — the cause of Rome. — the cause of Italy, which ha.s been such a fruitful source of ev'l in oiir time? THE KKAI, KNK.MIL? OK KKKORM rXMASKKU. Who then, are the real enemies of reform? What if it were those very men, who so loudly call for change, and claim to be the only reformers of the age ? We have just rea in the hosi lecret tril the assoc whom it : these 8tai waa foun 1* louj'ef] in f'lgs; to 10 Mens, ?ad}' ex- j> to re- |ls, when liighest il Sovo- loudly -lioot^iug It in the ■aiisc of ieh has at if it ?e, arnl ivc jiiat and ask ? ])art3' of thh n some lat are Br and which ociety somn ioino. r the vhich ah'sLs thoir d at length to a s«ns« of tlicir degradation. Such a clamoiir for change, for progress, for lay government, arisci, that half the norld must needs believe that the Romans are thoroughly tired of their Priest Ruler, and have unanimously resolved to ])ear with him no longer. At another time, we hear of great popular commotions at 'J'urin, to which the secret societiea have resorted in great numbers. With those commotions, of course, the good socialists have nothing to do. It is the peo- ple — the emancipated people rcjtjicing over their new found liberty, and encouraginijf their young king, whom experience has not yet tnught its salutary lesr-^ons. to inakc war upon the Pope, sei?:e upon his territory, usurp all his temporal rights, cast his Religion, root and branch, out of the Sardinian States, in the first place, and in due course; of time, out of every province of Italy. In these associations which, if we may believe them, aim at nothing less than the regeneration of society, we are entitled to look for high principles of government, superior statesman- ship — political views, at least in harmony with, if not in advance of the spirit of the age. What their principles are, will best be learned from the mod.; of government, pursued among themselves. An important, perhaps the principal, section of the socialist bodv — ''voung Italv," which owns for its chief, the lawyer Muzziiii. enjoins its members to carry firearms and a poniard. Doo niiy one refuse obedience to the head of the societv, or divulge his seei-ets, he is mercilesslr put to death. A secret tribunal condcnuis the victims, and appoints the executioners. The member who should refuse to execute the decrees of the socMoty, would bo punished with death, as a violator of his oath. If a victim, marked out for vengeance, escapes, he will be evei-ywhei-o pursued, and sacri- ficed by ail inv/)iiblc hand, even although lie should take refuge in the bosom of his mother, or in the sanrtiuirif (f God. Each lecret tribunal !>• eompotent »iol only to judge the members of the association, but. also, to cause to bo put to death, all whom it shall have condemned. Numerous tacts attest, that these statutes are not an empty threat. "Young I'^urope" waa founded on the, loth April, 1834, It was composed o^ 20 =1 '' Young Italy," •• Young Gerimvn;-," "Youug Poland/' and, somewhat later, of " Young Switzerland," also. Two of ita first founders were massacred that same year, by order of the society. These were Nast and Stromayer, the former for unfaithfulness in the trajisaction of their financial affairs ; the latter, for indiscretion. In 1835, a student, named Lessing, was likewise assassinated at Munich. More recently, four Italian refugees, who were (juite willing to fight against tlie Italian Princes, would not accept the sanguinary doctrines of the Mazzinian sect, and openly delared that they would not. The secret tribunal assembled at Marseilles, under the presi- dence of lawyer Mazzini, condemned two of the four to the lash and the galleys, and the two others to death. A copy of this judgment was seized, and still exists. As the condemned parties were domiciled at Rhodez, to the sentence was added the following clause : *' The President of Rhodez will make choice of four members who shall execute the present sentence, and who shall be under strict orders to do so, within twenty days. He who should refuse, would incur death, ipso facto." A few days afterwards, one of those who had been condemned, M. Emiliani, passing along the streets of Rhodez, was attack- ed by six of his fellow-countrymen, who struck him several times with a poniard, and made their escape. The assassins were arrested, and condemned, by a French Jury, to five years' imprisonment. M. Emiliani, still suffering from his wounds, was leaving the Court of Assizes, with his wife, when both he and the lady were stabbed to death, by a wretch named Gaviati. This murderer was arrested, although not without difficulty. He was tried, condemned, and made to suffer the punishment due to his crime. Meanwhile, the advocate Mazzini returned to Switzerland, as the satiated tiger, after a scene of carnage, returns to his den, and coolly resumed his w-ork of social destruction. (Wars and Revolu- tions of Italy, in 1848 and 1849, by Count Edward Lubienski and M. Rhorbacher.) In the middle age, there was in the mountains of Lebanon, a Mahommedan sect of assassins, under the orders of a chief called, tho 014 Man of the Mountain. In these our times. even, the gr Thugs. Bt obliged to c in the very noon-day lij But, in this end, gether witl These weaj classes of s Thus did t in Nov'r, 1 must be g "In grei iteneration Italians) b our side, sue the ca king of P the Grant tion ; the! have othe of the lea! were it oi lie meetii different \ and to ir and rend uecessar form, ir you, mii crushed these p still wi fore, ht great 1 may al so lon$ 21 and,' aod, wo of its 'tier of the ormer for fairs; the i Lesaing, iitiv, four gainst tlie )ctriDes of vould not. the presi- ur to the !^ copy of ondeiuned vas added kvill make sentence, in twenty so facto." odemnetl, IS attack- n several assassins to five Vom his fc, when I wretch igh not made to ilc, the id tiger, coolly ievolu- bienski banon, I chief times. even, the grossly pagan tribes of India have had their sects of Thugs. But, the mind is lost in horror and amazement, when obliged to contemplate an association of political murderers in the very centre of Euroi^ean civilization, and amid the noon-day light of the nineteenth century. But, in order to rule they must be constituted rulers. For this end, the weapons of flattery and misrepresentation, to- gether with every species of falsehood, are at their command. These weapons they use skilfully and without scruple. To all classes of society they hold out the moat fallacious hopes. — Thus did the socialist chief, in a document brought to Turin in Nov'r, 1846, set lorth the principles by which his followers must be guided : — "In great countries by the people only can the work of re- generation be carried out. In yours (he is addressing the Italiaiis) by the princes. They must absolutely be gained to our side. And, they can easily be won. The Pope will pur- sue the cause of reform by principle, and from necessity. The king of Piedmont from the hopeof wearing the crown of Italy ; the Grand Duke of Tuscany by inclination no less than imita- tion ; the king of Naples by force ; and the lesser princes will have other things to think of than reform. Avail yourselves of the least concession, in order to gather together the masses, were it only to express your gratitude. Festivals, songs, pub- lic meetings, numerous relations, established between men of different shades of opinion, are calculated to bring out ideas, and to impart to the people the knowledge of their strength, and render them exacting. The concurrence of the great is necessary, indispensable, in order to originate fiotions of re- form, in a feudal country. If you have only the people with you, mistrust will arise at the very outset, and they will be crushed. If they be under the guidance of men of high rank these persons will be as a passport to the people. Italy is still what France was before the revolution. It must, there- fore, have its Mirabeau, its Lafayette, and so many others. A great Lord may be won to the cause by material interests. He may also be gained by vanity. Let him play the foremost part so long as he cliooses to remain with yon. There are few who 32 wt)ul perserere with you to the eud. It is essential that thi final object. of the great revolution be concealed from theii. — Let thein never see more than the first step. In Italy, the clergy is rich in property and the faith of the people. They must be dealt with as regards these two interests, and, as far JM! possible, their influence must be turned to account. If you could in each capital create a Savonarola, we should Oflvancie with giant steps. The clergy are not averse to liberal institu- tions. Endeavour, therefore, to associate them in this first work, which uuist be considered as necessarily the porch of the temple of equality. Without them the entrance, — the sanc- tuary, itself, remains closed. Do not attack either the pos- Ressions or the orthodoxy of the clergy. Promise them liberty and they will, at once, join your ranks. It is now nearly two thousand years since a great philosopher, Christ, preached fra- ternity, which the world is still in quest of. The clergy hold only one-half of the socialist doctrine. Like us, they profess fraternity, which they call charity. But their hierarchy and Its habits make of them a pillar of authority, that is, of des- potism. AVe must take Avhat is good in their docti-ine, and leave aside what i.s evil. Manage to make equality prevail in the church, and everything will prosper. Clerical power is personified in the Jesuits. The odium attaching to this name is already a power for the socialists ; — make use of it.''* Such are the doctriiies of the secret societies of Italv, as set forth by their chief, two years, only, before the accession to the Popedom of Pius IX. They had already their ramifieationn all over the Peninsula, seeking everywhere to extinguish reli- gion, prosperity, and every existing right. Mazzini says dis- tinctly, in the two first articles of the anti-social society, 1st, That the society is instituted in order to bring about the indis- pensable destruction of all the govcrinnonts of the Peninsula, and to erect into one state the whole of Italy, with a republi- can government. 2iid, That on account of the evils arising (Voni absolute govermuent, and those still o;rcater crih which fiowfrom cuastitutiimal monarch I/, we nuint labor with united * Guerres et revolution critalle ; par Je Cc.njtt- E liberty rJy two bed fra- ry hold profess % and of dcs- ne, and cvail in ower is is name !r , as Het J to the ■atlonii ih reJi- 7s dis- \ 1st, indis- nsulu. piibli- risiug vhf'ch nited efiorta to coastitute a republic, one and undivided."— (Bailey- dier.) Thus, no existing form of government will be allowed to remain. What, then, will be the nature of the Mazziniau republic? Another socialist chief, Ricciardi, will inform us. "In order to govern the people,*' says he, 'there can be no question of a popular assembly , which is fluctuating, undecided, and slow in its deliberations. But there must be a hand of Iron, which ulone is capable of I'uling a people hitherto ae- <'ustomed to divergencies of opinion, to discord, and what is still woi'se, a people corrupt^ enervated^ degraded hy slavery'^ — (Bailey dier. ) What an exchange ! The mild sway of the reforniing Pope, the gentle rule of tlie G-rand Dukes, must give plaee, not {o a constitutional monarchy.' nor yet to a rational republic, but to a hand of Iron! Alas for Italy! if ever it should fall into the grasp of this goverrmient of the Iron hand ! It may not be out of place now to enquire as to the practice of the men who are so anxious to renew the face of society. We have seen that within their own body they have no hesitation in acting as they teach. They hold the doctrine, as false as it is rigid, that the least offence against established laws ought to be punished, even as are tlie greatest crimes, — with death. Mismanagement of their funds, want of prudence or of care in keeping their counsel, the leaving of their society for better courses, are crunes, which, the history of the time assures us, can only be expiated in the blood of the perpetrators. Of this terrible practict?, — this ruling with a '' hand of iron," in their own community, numerous instances might be adduced. But the fearful examples already noticed, may well sufl&ce. In the world, they aspire to remodel, they find occasional victims. Does a prince fall beneath their " hand of iron," it is no doubt to encourage other princes, to place himself and his people under their yoke, and so learn by experience how preferable is their peculiar form of government, as well r.0 the best constitutional monarchy, as to the most admir- ably organized repubUc. How many sacrifices have they not offered in these our days, to the Moloch of their idolatry ! In vain will they plead that it ia the blood of tyrants and m 24 ofpressora only, that they have sought. Of what tyrrany was the young Duke of Parma guilty ? — Avhat steps in the way o^. oppression, was it possible that so youthful a sove- reign should have taken, when without a moment's warning he was consigned by these cowardly assassins to anuntmiely grave ? What had tlie late King of Naples done, to incur their wrath ? He was not so imbecil, as to be le^by vanity to second their plans, and for this crime of omission, perhaps, his life v/as aimed at. He who had spared so many lives, the lives of traitors and conspirators who had compassed the death of so many of his people and brave soldiers, was doomed to lose his own life. But an unseen hand averts the cowai'dly blow, and as if in defiance of tiie ever-living conspiracy against all states, a monarch, dear to his people, is permitted to reign until tlie natural term of his career on earth. The heir of the house of Hapsburg, young and cliivalroua though he was, could not hope to escape their mean at- tempts. The ?iand of iron fain would smite him, too. But the generous son of a generous land is near, and the dagger of the coward falls powerless. The great Emperor of the French, in like manner, impervious to vanity, as yet, must be removed from the political arena. With what care are not the instruments of destruction prepared! All the talent of the secret government, one would say, is employed to compass the death of one man. But, whilst many perish by his side, he remains unhurt, amid the ruin and the blood that surrounded iiim. In what cause was this blow struck ? In the cause of the people ? But Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was the people's choice. In the cause of the fallen constitutional monarchy ? But that monarchy was gone. And can it, for a moment, be supposed, that they who were the enemies alike of monarchy and constitu- tions, would have endeavoured to recall it into being ! In what interest, then, were the deadly grenades .thrown ? In no other, surely, than that of anarchy, confusion, ruin. From the midst of this political chaos, it was hoped, would arise the Red Republic] and it* authors, mounting the- whirlwind they with ''iron ham That such wt running Pope, iUnstration can public, than th revolution of l' that event. ^ that time, are tricks before and rendering constitutional < COKCIIJATOKY The first th Papal throne, morh than pol discontented \ their country Cardinals is a] The Pope cor when asked \ ofhisHolincs ness. When found in the prompt soluti small skull a that "they ai and feeling, all criminal were at onc( as well, as i from prison, dition, that and faithfu to their fair 25 whiilwind they had ovokod, would ride tiiuinphant, suid with ''iron hand," direct the stonn. That such was their aim, their conduct towards tlie re- lorming- Pope, hut too well shews. And, as no better illustration (;an be found of the principles of the Hed Re- public, than the part its supporters bore, in the Roman revolution of ISKS, it may not be uninstructivc to revert to that event. The chief a(;tor8 in the melancholy scenes of that time, are the very men who "pla; audi fantastic tricks before High Heaven" to-day, distnrbing all Italy, and rendering abortive, every plan for the establishment of constitutional government. COKCILIATOnY CIIARACTKR OF PIUS IX. — THE A\fNESTY, PUB- LIC REJOICINGS. The first thoughts of Pius IX, on his accession to the Papal throne, are thoughts of mercy. From inclination, morh than policy, but, not without a view to conciliate the discontented portion of nis people, he resolves to recal to their country, all political offenders. A congregation of Cardinals is appointed to investigate this important matter. The Pope convenes them at the Quirinal. Each of them, when asked what he thought, appeared to share the opinion of his Holiness, admired his benevolence, praised his kind- ness. When the votes were taken, black balls only were found in the urn. This unexpected difficulty meets with a prompt solution. The Pope takes off his white calotte^ (a small skull cap,) and placing it on the black balls, observes that "they are now all white i" By this fine trait of wit and feeling, the amnesty became law. By this amnesty, all criminal proceedings, on account of political offences, were at once suppressed. Persons accused of such offences, as well, as all who were already condemned, were liberated from prison, or restored to their country, on the sole con- dition, that they should henceforth fulfil the duties of good and faithful subjects. Fifteen hundred exiles returned to their famihes, who had long since lost all hopes of seeing 96 them again. The ''.ises of a small number of ofieaders only were resorved. To them even, hope was not forbidden. The preamhit? of the ileereo rvas all in the Poi)e'a own handwriting. The followitiy- quotations from it will shew what n nob'e additss it was, — how worthy the sovereign, and the Pontiff ! '• At the time when the public joy oeeasioned by our accession to the of'ice of iSovereigii i 'on I ill, caused ua to experience in our nunoHl soul, the most lively emotion, we could not avoid entertaining a {oe!ing of sorrow when we remembered that a great number of families amongst our people, could not take part in the general rejoicing, deprived, as they were, of tlomestic happiness. * '*■ '•' On the other hand, we cast a look of compassion on the numerous and inexixjrienced youth, which, although carried away by deceitful flatterers, in the midst of political troubles, appeared to ub guilty rather of allowing itself to bo led astray, than of deceiving others. On this account, it was, that from that moment, we cherished the thought of extending a friendly hand, and offering peace to such of these dear, but misguided children, as should come to us, and give proof of their sincere repentance." These generous words were not lost upon the people. They were fully appreciated, no less than the great act of grace, by which they were accompanied. The evening was far advanced, when the decree was posted up. It is, nevertheless, observed amid the increasing darkness. No sooner is the word amnesty read, than a cry of joy — of triumph — of enthusiasm is heard. People hasten from their houses, — the passers-by stop in crowds, to read by torch light the CAbalistic words. The citizens assemble in masses. — There is but One feeling : they embrace, and even weep for joy. Deeply moved, intoxicated with delight, their gratitude must find expression, and the cry is heard : " To the Quirinal !" Arrived at Mouate Cavallo, with one acclaim, they hail the Pontiff : " Long live Pius IX. 1 Long live our holy Father I" And this heartfelt acclamation redoubles, when the noble figure of th« Pontiff is seen advancing amid the blaze of innumerable Bpringa from immense spa ever rencwiii his benedict crowds are moving forv joyous accia to the Uoly lute ; and F had wilhdrj bosom of hi happiness, respectful a speak. At Court, he .scene : " Sudden understood tion to th( blinds at th had observi ment, in or open, and mantle, ma Excellency king, Loui$ place, a sui moved witl and reverei you will n( general en thing that Just as I ] crowd witl have calle< Anothe f ^ the < >if- dors only )idden. jpe'a own will shew rei|;ii, ftiid d by our scd us to otiou, we when we ongst our deprived, the other rous and 7 deceitful ared to ub , than of 'roni that n friendly misguided ^\r gincere le. Ther grace, by as posted darkness, if joy—of •om their >rch light maaaes. — weep for gratitude •uirinal !" 7 hail the Father!" he noble blaze of innumerable torches, lighted up with that sublime joy, which springs from consciousness of noble deeds. Twice over, the immense space in front of the Quirinal Palace is filled with an ever renewing throng ; — twice over, the Holy Father imparta his benediction to the devout and grateful people. These crowds are succeeded by the more distant population, now moving forward in dense masses, rending the air with their joyous acclamations, and hastening to express their gratitude to the Holy Father — the Father of his people. But, it was late ; and Pius IX., worn out — overwhelmed by his emotions, had withdrawn to his oratory, and was pouring into the bosom of his (xod, the overflowing of a heart inundated with happiness. Meanwhile, without the palace were waiting with respectful anxiety, ten thousand men. But, let Count Rossi speak. At that time Ambassador from France to the Papal Court, he was the witness and the historian of this great scene : , " Suddenly the acclamations are redoubled. I had not yet understood on what account, when some one called my atten- tion to the light, which was shining through the window blinds at the farthest end of the Pontilical Palace. The people had observed that the Holy Father was traversing the apart- ment, in order to reach the balcony. It was speedily thrown open, and the Sovereign Pontiff, in a white robe and scarlet mantle, made his appearance, surrounded by torches. If your Excellency (M. Guizot — at that time — minister of the French king, Louis Philippe) will only figure to yourself a magnificent place, a summer night, the sky of Rome, an immense people moved with gratitude, weeping for joy and receiving with love and reverence, the benediction of their Pastor and their Prince, you will not be astonished, if I add, that we have shared the general emotion, and have placed this spectacle, above every thing that Rome had as yet offered to cur contemplation. Just as I had foreseen, as soon as the window was closed, the crowd withdrew peacefully and in pertcct silence. You would have called them a people of mutes ; they were satisfied." Another ovation awaited the Pontiff' next day, on his return f ^ the church of the Lazarists whither he had gone to cele- 'i'l 98 brate the feaat of St. Vincent de Paul. The coreo was carpetr ed with clothe richly decorated with the Papal colora, hung with Bilk, with velvet, and strewn with flowers. A crowd of young men in the place Colonna hastened to unyoke the horses of the Pope's carriage. And it was no slight shock to the modesty of the Holy personage, to see men and Christians drawing his chariot, in something like the style of a Pagan triumph. But it would have been in vain to endeavor to stay the full tide of popular feeling. Its source, besides, was pure and unexceptionable. "The amnesty was not everything," wrote M. Hossi ; "but it was an important step. The new furrow has been opened, and the Holy Father will assuredly continue it, notwithstand- ing the obstacles that will not fail to be thrown in his way." These diflBculties were indeed formidable. The influence of the extreme conservative party, the unscrupulous proceedings of the socialists, must be alike contended with. Meanwhile, the demands of the time are urgent. Concessions are neces- sary. The condition of the people must be improved, while anarchy has to be carefully guarded against Revolution must be discouraged by wise reforms, and a new and self-sustain- ing political system established. To this end, there must be created in the Pontifical States a sound public opinion, which will render them proof against the vicissitudes incident to newly-emancipated populations, and will at the same time se- cure the existence of the temporal sovereignty of the Holy See, and enable it to keep its ground without the aid of foreign arms. Such were the objects the enlightened and liberal Pon- tiff" had in view. The state of Italy, the peculiar position of the Pontifical states, the character of modern civilization, the spirit of the age, — all conspired to produce new wants, and, at the same time, made it a matter of the greatest diflBculty to meet them. "This difficulty," observes Balmes, "it was im- possible to surmount by chaunting patriotic hynrns, any more than by having recourse to Austrian bayonettes." By none was this better understood than Pius IX. It is related that long before his accession, he had prepared and sent to Gregory XVI., a programme of the necessary measures of Pope than h< vigor and rea general mcas practicable. and humane, distinguished debts is in tli and odious, than the gri coutiibution of the capit relieve indig< in the form families, wl: difficult, am amnestied p« financial rel revenue was; ruin is iuev should mak( hear it, ev( each parish He himself well by red retrenching engrafted o possible, at >ympathy f< and intellec logy, natii Nor was li of the kno\ tion to ro-c! By such is( as yet to c\ in which reform wit the wants < was carpet- colors, hung A crowd of e the horses hock to the Christians of a Pagan CDdearor to besides, was Rossi ; "but 3een opened, otwithstand- n his way." influence of proceedings Meanwhile, t are neces- Iroved, while I Revolution 1 self-sustain- ere must be •inion, which incident to ime time ec- ho Holy See, d of foreign liberal Pon- position of lization, the ants, and, at diflSculty to "it was im- IS, any more TX. It is epared and i necessary 39 meaauree of reform. 13c this a« it may, he was no sooner Pope than he commenced the salutary work with no ordinary vigor and resolution. At the connneiicemcnt of his reign, no general measure, with the exception of the amnesty, was practicable. But by uU that characterizes a wise, and just, and humane, and liberal government, was this early perio«l distinguished. The punishment "ympathy for all the sciences, which contribute to the material and intellectual well-being of the populations, such as physio- logy, natural hi?*ory, political economy, atid mathematics. Nor was he unwilling that his people should avail thei..3elve8 of the knowledge of foreigners. He even intimatal his inten- tion to re-establish the celebrutod scientific academy, Di Limei. By such isolated acts as these, only, was it possible for him. as yet to evince the elevated and liberal tendencies of his mind- in which were blendetl boldness with moderation, views of reform with all that became his position, and was adapted to the wants of the country and the age. ^\-' 30 CARDINAL OlZri, 3UI.NWTKK— KUIH HKK REFORMS— THK PRBHB, It is not the least euiisi«lcial)k' merit of oonstitutional monarchies, that Ihoy seeure lo n couiilry the services of the moHt populnr Rttitesmen. l*\m TX., alliicufjih not yet, in Uk strict sense of the term, a constitutional monarch, wasresoivoil that \\\h peoph^ should enjoy all the benenta ol u free uiid lilieral government. Actinuf on this principle, lie called tu his counsels a memljer of the sacred college, whom real liberality had rendered ])0])ular. "When Lepvte of Forli, ('ardinal CJizzi had oitposed the estuhlishinn' of an arbitrary court, and thus won for himself the sympathies of all rational reformers. I fe was looked upon as a pattern of loyalty, of sincerity, cf patriotism. Nor was he wanting in any other quality of the statesman. Of a patient and enquiring mind, he was incapable of comin^i; hastily to a determination. Hut, when once reaolvc.'d, he could nf>t easily bo moved from his ])urpose. 'I'hr only fault of .■nce bv forminrr such a body. This does i)Ot appear reasonable The materials were wanting. The old conservatives were coniirmed in their principles, by the radical faction, which sought the immediate destruction (»f every existing- riL-'ht : and these hist, by opposing and preventing- the formation (.fa reform pavly, which, like drizzi and Pius the Ninth, would have been an imi)ersonation of clemency and justice, became as a uraj;' on the ;ireat engine of the State, actually supporting f all i-alioiml 'f loyalty, of in any otlier I'liring mind, lation. But. \'e(l from his fault it could in a position acli of thciii a Hufficientlv nl moderate of Pins IX.. l)0(]y. This ere wanting, rinciples, by ^ flestructioii I)l)Oslng and 1», like (ifizzi Jrsonation of .^reut eiifrino policy of uii 'h a .state of vhilst. at the md salutary measure of liflleulties.. is ienccd— and Ml the history of the tiiiir \\{iM'i^ witness, thai he often did ex[X!rii'ncc — thiit interior and secret anirnish which, in a well rogiduted mind, dare not find expression, and is no sooner felt than it is eontentled with, ;uid overcome. Tranquil and liereno, he proceeds with enerfify and perseverance?. In no city is the education of the peoph* fo abundantly pro- vided for. as in Home. Tins l\.. nevertheless, dis<'(»vers that still greater hieilitics for instruction may yet be called into existence, lie CHtal)lishes in the eilva central school for thi^ education of the youth of l.iie operative; classes. It is a school them a |s as were them and this age one, that itizens, of mind to aws, and Who but murmur re itt his ise of Lis ►m, which r, to pay appreci- Pontiff, isiderate, Hie chief 3nour of tition, iu fether in ifided to >n8, and not yet that for 1 in the on the 33 20th of February, 1847, the portals of the Quirinal were thrown open to the Ambassador of the Sublime Porte. To the Jews, the Rome of Pius IX. was as a new Jerusalem. Islamism from its tottering throne at Constantinople, looked towards it, with rapture and with hope. One object of the Embassy was, to come to an understand- ing with the Pope, as to placing the Christians of the Levant under his Pontifical protection. This guardianship the Government of the Sultan would have infinitely preferred to the armed intervention of the great Powers. Whatever may have been the secret purpose of the Embassy, it was something quite extraordinary, to behold Chekif Effendi at the Quirinal. No wonder if all Europe was in ecstacy. The presentation was very solemn. The Ambassador saluting the Pope in oriental style, addressed to him a magnificent oration, richly ioterapersed with metaphors, the Diamonds and the Pearls of his country's eloquence. The Sublime Porte was compared to the Queen of Sheba, and Pius IX. to King Solomon. Whatever may have been the style, the sentiments expressed in his speech were appropriate and affecting. Pius IX. replied by assuring him that he was anxious to cultivate friendly relations with the Sultan, his master. Three days later, Chekif Effendi took his departure from Rome, carrying with him on his breast, as a nishun, (decoration,) the portrait of the Holy Father. In consequence of the embassy, which was more than mere show, or an interchange of friendly sentiments, Pius IX. lost no time in re-establishing the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem. This was nothing less than a revolution in the traditions of European diplomacy in the Levant. The Latin Patriarch, iu compliance with the request of the Porte, was bound to re- side in the city of Jerusalem. In this confidential position, he was the natural protector of the Catholics of the Eastern world. He was, if it may be so expressed, a consul, appoint- ed by the Holy See, to defend the interests of Religion,- interests as important, surely, as those of trade. The first Patriarch, named by the Pope, was Monsignor Vaiergo, who had formerly been a missionary iu Persia. 34 PIUS IX. AND DANIKI, o'cONNELl,. ( Tlie most Eloquent of Italian Preachers, Father Ventura.) The greatest tidvocate of Liberty moderu times have produced,— that iUustrious Irishman J)aniel O'Conaell,— attracted by the magnetic power of kindred feeling, resolves to visit Rome. Not only is he anxious, whilst kneeling reverent- ly at the shrine of the apostles, to participate before the close of his earthly career in tliose abundant benedictions Avhich have never ceased to be poured forth, in that sacred spot ; but he desires also, with a fervor which can find place only in the nobly moulded soul, whose love of liberty, and whose patriotism are unfeigned and pui-e, to hold communing with one who was, no less than himself, a friend of liberty, and whose exalted ' atiou, and whose high duties towards mankind at large, hindered him not from labouring, as did Ireland's patriot, to liberate his country, not, indeed, from such cruel bondage i.s that under which the land of O'Connell had for so many ages groaned, but from the no less dangerous tyranny of abusas, which, like weeds that grow most luxuriantly in the richest soils, must needs be frequently rooted out. But the last hope of the Patriot was doomed to disap- poiutment. Scarcely had he set foot on the shores of Italy, when the strength of bis once herculean frame dechning rapidly, forbad him to proceed. Genoa received his par- ting breath, .ind Rome will gatlier up as a lehc of incom- parable price, tliat heart which, cold and inanimate? though it be, is eloquent in death, and grandly emblematic, as iti.s borne by friendly hands to commingle with the consecrated (hist of Heroes, Patriots, Saints and Martyrs, of all that he liad been io whom it was the centre of material life, and to whose generous impulses it had so long and so faithfully beat responsive. That son of '"'the Liberator" who bore his name, to- gether with the Reverend Doctor Miley, who had so kindly ministered to him in his last hours, now hasten to R(»me, and seek the presence of the Holy Father. " The Imlls and ante-chambers of the Quirinal "are filled with groups of personages in every style of costume, from the guttering nnifoj order for recj word !— brongll presence of his I longed for," sal behold and emj have the consc Dr. Miley, drel embraced hinj father and a frl ,jur hearts ^^^ poured out his which proved of Heaven int( the Pontiff sai which his last consolation." Liberator, as Church, asth whole Christi: Cullen, now t present, ''cou done, even if tor, as well a It would b what terms t sion, referrec one with tha 1)0 parted, before bini, expression t Miley, "wW their fidelity it was beau' cribe, to ol reflects the with a hun dormant w 35 entura.) s have noelJ,— olves to evereut- close of cli have but he only in whose with , and unkind eland '« 1 crucJ '11 had gerous riantiv disap- ' Italy, "lining ! par- iconi- lough IS it is rated lat ho and ifully , to- i so 'n (.0 Tho tvith the glittering uniform to the cowl, and all before them, in the order for reception." Tho name of O'Connell — magic- word ! — brought them, notwithstanding, at once into the " presence of his Hohnes-;. " Since that happiness, I had so longed for," said the Pontiil', "was not reserved for me, to behold and embrace tlie hero of Christianity, lot me at least have the consolation to embi-ace his son." Tie th(m, writes Dr. Miley, drew the son of O'Connell to his bosom, and embraced him, not unmoved, with the tenderness of a father and a friend. Then, witli an emotion which stirred our hearts within us. tliis great Father of the Faithful ])Oured out his benign and loving soul in words of comfort, which proved that it was not new to him to pour the balm of Heaven into broken and wounded hearts. '" His death," the Pontiff said, ''was blessed. I have read the letter in vvliich liis last moments wore described, with tlie greatest f'onsolation." The Pope then proceeded to eulogize tho Liberator, as the great ehampi(jn of Religion and the Church, as the Father of his people, and the glory of the whole Christian world. "How else" ol)served Mousignor CuUen, now the eminent Archbishof) of Dublin, who was present, "could the Pope have spoken of him, than he has done, even if he had been the bosom friend of the libera- tor, as well as the ardent admii-er of his careci-." It would be an omission, if we failed to call to mind in what terms the venerable Pontiflj on this memorable occa- sion, referred to Ireland. The thought of O'Connell was one with that of Ireland. In death, even, the}'- could not he parted. The living image of grief and bercHveraent siJll before him, the Holy Father eannol refrain from giving expression to his paternal sympathy. " And," writes Dr. Miley, "while he spoke of the sufierings of the Irish, of their fidelity, of his solicitude and liis hopes regarding them. it was beautiful and impressive beyond my power to des- cribe, to observe that countenance, which, like a mirror, reflects the charity, the compassionate care, the fortitude, with a hundred other sentiments Divine, which are never dormant within his breast." ?i» m 36 Pius IX, anxious that nothing should be wanting that was calculated to honor the memory of O'Connell, gave orders himself for the celebration of the funeral obsequies, and intimated his will and command that they ^ould be celebrated in liis name. " The achievements, also, of his wonderful existence, I wish to be celebrated, and made known to the world — not that this is necessary, because," (said the Pontiff with a sublime look and gesture) "his grand career was ever in the face of Heaven — he ever stood up for legality — he had nothing to hide ; and, it was this, with his unshaken fidelity and reverence for religion, that secured his triumphs." It would be unjust towards the people of Rome to omit saying, that they vied with the chief Pastor, and the^Mag- nates of their country and of Europe, in doing honor to the memory of O'Connell. "From the Campus Martius, and the Roman Forum, — from both sides of the Tiber, — and from all the seven hills, and their interjacent valleys, tliis people, who grow up from infancy, with the trophies of thirty cen- turies of greatness round them on every hand, assembled with enthusiasm to supplicate for the eternal happiness of Ireland's liberator, and to exult in the; wonders lie had achieved, as if he had been their own." (Dr. Miley). But the greatest homage of all, was the incomparable oration delivered in his praise, by the Bossuet of Italy, the friend and fellow-student of Pius IX., — the most illustrious preacher, Father Ventin-a. A passage or two may convey some idea of a panegyric, which was all so eloquent, — which was listened to with rapture by the vast congrega- tion that had gathered round the cenotaph of the immor- tal Patriot. " It is, then, because these two loves, — the love of reli- gion, and the love of liberty, — common to all good Princes, to all great minds, to all truly learned men, to all elevated souls, to all generous hearts, might be said to be personified in Daniel O'Connell, — because in him they manifested them- selves in all the perfection of their nature, — in all the energy of their deeply felt conviction.— in all the potency of their strength,—- all the glor this singuU distance fr( you, as if it is that awakened In allud tory, the c epoch in t eyes mon its death-^ that base by the gr: beneath a a scaffold, his own "V were virt atheism " Goddes cognized tomb^i o oppresse beneath universa the mosi lowest 1; "Nov nell sho ted and history, ror for there is pernici( upon t ruins o passioi] finally, religloi 87 Dg that 11, gave sequies, ould be of his made acause," e) ''his er stood ras this, >n, that to omit le^Mag- r to the us, and nd from people, rtj cen- sembled iiiess of ^-e had parable ily, the Jstrious convey uent, — igrega- immor- of reli- Vinces, levated onified [ tliem- energy )f their strength, — in all the splendour of their magnificence, and in all the glory of their triumph ; it is because of all this, that this singular man, who was born, and has lived at such a distance from Rome, is now admired, — is now wept for by you, as if he had been born in the midst of you. Hence it is that this great character, this sublime nature, has awakened all your sympathies." In alluding to the lessons O'Connell derived from his- tory, the orator spoke in the following terms, of the darkest epoch in the annals of France : "He saw with his own eyes monarchy compelled to degrade itself, and to inflict its death-wound with its own hand ; he saw the throne that base courtiers had dragged through the mire, defiled by the grip of parricidal hands, and buried, fathoms desp, beneath a sea of blood ; he saw the best of kings expire upon a scaffold, the victim, not less of other men's crimes than of his own weakness ; he saw that vice was haued, as if it were virtue, wickedness uplifted, as if it were morality, — atheism proclaimed aloud, as if it were religion ; that the " Goddess of reason" (or rather a vile strumpet) was re- cognized as the only Deity, and honored with heca- tombahi of human victims ; the people decimated and oppressed by vile tyrants, in the name of the people ; whilst beneath the shade of the tree of liberty was instituted universal slavery ; and that the most christian, as well as the most civilized of all nations, had fallen down to the lowest limits of impiety and barbarism. "Now, God having so disposed that the young O'Con- nell should be witness of these events, — the most celebra- ted and the most instructive to be found in the annals of history, — they served to inspire him with the greatest hor- ror for tumults and rebellion; they persuaded him that there is nothing more insane, and, &t the same time, more pernicious than to proclaim the rights of man, in trampling upon those of Heaven, — in establishing liberty on the ruins of religion, — in making laws, under the dictation of passion, or through the inspiration of sacrilege, — and, finally, they convinced him, that to regenerate a people, religion is omnipotent — ^philosophy of little or no avail ' 38 u This celebrated oration was not only a tribute offered in the temple of the most High, to liberty and O'Connell, — it was at the same time, the noblest homage to religion. '• What more moving spectacle, than to see the greatest man in the united kingdom, — to see him, who was the object of Irelimd's devotion, of England's fear, and of the world's admiration, kneeling with the people, before the altar, practising the piety of the people, with that humble simplicity, that recollection, that devoutness, and that modesty, which supercilious science, and stolid pride abandon, as things fit only to bo followed, by those whotn they disdain, as the people ?" In alluding to the insolent abuse, poured out upon (3'Connell, by an intolerant, upstart, ignorant, and may we now hope, utterly defunct Toryism, which assigned to him the title of "king of the beggars." The Orator admirably says: "Poor, miserable, and most pitiful fatuity, which, while intending to mock, actually did him honor. For, what Sovereignty is more beautiful, than that, whose tri- bute is not wrung trom unwilling fear, but that is a volun- uiry, love-inspired offering? What Sovereignty is mor<* glorions, than that, whoso sword is the pen, and whose only artiller3', the tongue ; whose only courtiers are the poor, and, its sole body guard, the affections of the people ? What Sovereignty more beneficent than that, which, far from causing tears to flow, dries them; which, far from shedding blood ; stanches it, which, fai- from immolating life, preserves it; which, far from pressing down upon the people, elevates them; which, far from forging chains, breaks them; and, which always maintains order, har- mony, and peace, without ever inflicting the slightest ag- gression on liberty ? Where is the monarch, who would not esteem himself happy, in reigning thus ? Of such a Sovereignty, we may with truth say that, which was said of Solomon's, that none can equal its grandeur, if^ glory, and its magnificence." * All in doing homage to O'ConneU, the learned orator, gives the most admirable lessons to his fellow coimtryraen' lAlluding to tho jcausing so mucli Reform, Father "But these dege who meditate i\ people, howeve spirit of order, have become tl They regard su( whicih compels as with a mask, arid of blood. prevents them I luded by the h] leads the Roma regard as separ; I'or their own g fealty and obcd joined with the love. It seeks by a legal agit passions, as the grafted upon, constitution of stitution which other order an( the language o not be underst people : since tual affection s then, we may for thyself the if men do not progress, cam then canst tho which posterit hast been able quest, true Lil 39 Alluding to the ultra-radical faction, which was ah-eady causing so much alarm it Rome to the cause of Liberty and Reform, Father Ventura spoke these incomparable words: "But these degenerate citizens, if citizens they can be called. wlio meditate the ruin of their country, are very few. The people, however, the true, real, Roman people, by their spirit of order, of obedience, and of love for their Prince, have become the admiration of Eui-ope and the world. They regard such ideas and principles with horror, a horror \vhi(!h compels these occult fabricators of rebellion to cover, as with a mavsk, themselves and their doctrines of disorder and of blood. The exquisite good fti youth. The Lord himself, in the Holy Gospel, assures us, that only by prayer and fasting is it possible to overcome this demon, who poisons the sonnies of life, and works tho ruin of immortal aonW The Jloly Father eonduded a ser- mon which, in lew but expres.sive words, embraced the great dutiea of a christian life, by a fervent prayer for Rome and the State. '' Look down npon tliis vine, Lord, which thy right hand iiath planted! Look upon it in mercy, and re- move Irom it the hand of iron which wc'ighs so heavily npon it. Pour into the bosom of i\w rising generations those two most precious attril)ntes of youth, modesty and a teachable mind. LisUm to my prayer, i)\\\ Lord I and bestow upon this congregation, on this citv. and on all j)eople, thy most gracious blt\Hsitigs!" This noblt! and pious language, sustained as it was by the most appropriate gesticulation, and rendered, if possible, still more expressive, by that indescribable expression of good- ness which lighled up the coimtonance of the Holy Father moved even to tears and siglis this finely feeling people. The occasion, also, came to tho aid of eloquence. The whole congi'egation were tilled with enthusiasm. The Holy PontilT had n(;ed of the consolation such a scene afforded. Assailed by two parties, each of them extreme in its views, he must have often despaired of the cause he had in hand. The ultra-conservatives, holding in horror the very idea of reform, made it their study to confound, in the popular mind, th»; beneficial measures which the Pope was introducing into the Government of the State, with radical changes in the very essence of religion itself. The socialist faction, on the other hand, excited the people, and increased their impatience, by representing that the ministry, by studied delays, were only abusing the confidence of the Sov- ereign, and betraying the cause of reform. To the former party was ascribed an infamous libel, in which the Holy Pontiff was designated as an intrude}^ an enemy of religion^ the chief of young Italy. This publication was seized in the hands of a co^yorieur, and only showed too plainly who those secret and cowardly enemies were, whose valour was con- spicuous oi ofifered at o IX. decline and even V to induce h Whilst k of these tw the efforts friends of ' carrying oi faithftd an< never be b« excited pc Rome, en the Borghi the A Idol order in tl niversary threatene party of i keep its g arise so s( CARDINAL TION THE A Ml A The dt necessar day bee anotlier ' to the R and gres straight! scourge Cardinal he poss raained Pius IX tl, 46 w^ti aiii '. spicuous only in tho war of calumny. The miserable porter offered at once to disclose the names of the authors. Pius IX. declined his offer, gonorously forgave the wretched man. and even bestowfd upon him sunie pecuniary aid, in order to induce him to rclinciuish his detestable trade. Whilst Irtuicntin}^ tiie great evils arising from the existence of these two extreme p^rtiun, it is pleasing to have to recount the eflbrtH inadni, for once forgetting its illiberal prejudices, rc-ocliocs whh enthusiasm the warm vivats of reformed Italy. I'ius IX, Tiu'anwhilc, en- joys his reward ; not in the flattering echo of the myriad voices that sound his praise, but in the one still voice of approving conscience. He is consoled, moicover. by the consciousness that the cause ho hm in hand, will one day prove triumphant. Every new concession, meanwhile, appeared only to excite a desire for further change. True, the people ssere satisfied, c: $0 ■1 ner;* and {V«qaently expressed their gratitude with uo less sincerity than enthusiasm. But there were those among them who, whilst they took part in the tumultuous expi-essions of satis- faction which 80 frequently occurred, were far from being sin- cere. This socialist faction, which aimed at nothing less than the republic, me and undivided, over which should prevail for ever Vie hand of Iron, availed themselves of the numerous assemblages that could not now be regulated or lessened in number, to gain new friends, to increase the popular excite- ment, to discipline it, so as to bring it, through some favorite demagogues, completely under their control. We shf i! see, in the sequel, with what a dangerous weapon they were thus pro- vided. But for their machinations, and the power they were every day acquiring, there can be no doubt that Pius the IX. would have established a system of government as free as was at all compatible with the existence of his sovereignty, which he was not at liberty to abdicate. And what greater freedoni could nny people aspire to ? Does not history proclaim the truth I hat liberty is more fully enjoyed, and more securely and more permanently, under the fostering auspices of a con- stitutional monarchy, than in the best regulated republics ? — And yet, this form of government does not cease to be a mon- archy. It does not cease to possess such privileges and pre- rogatives of kingly dignity, as are essential to it, as are neces- sary elements in its constitution. Anut this belief was only an idle, even a cul" pable dream. It could not be guiltless, surely, to resolve on sacrificing thousands upon thousands of precious lives for an 52 Utopia, — a system of things that could never be realised. — Events have since shewn that in France itself, which was en- tirely free to make whatever political arrangement it pleased, a republic was not possible,— even a rationrJ Republic, such as was established at the downfall of the citizen monarch?, in pre- ference to the Red Republic. How, then, should it be possible to build up in Rome an extreme system, in opposition to tho wishes of the whole Christian world, — in opposition, even, to the people of Rome themselves, who, when free from undue excitement, were the firm supporters of the sovereign, who had already granted them so many liberal institutions, — insti- tutions that were in perfect harmony with their ideas, and ad- mirably adapted to the exigencies of the time ? There was no need as yet, that the Catholic nations should coiae to the aid of their chief. They had only, in defence of his sovereignty, to appeal from Home drunk to Rome sober, — from Rome intox- icated with unwonted draughts of liberty, to Rome in its nor- mal state, — to Rome, cool and calm, and intellectual, even as in the days of her ancient glory, when her sages and grave senators sat by her gates, sorrowing but dignified, even in de- feat. With the like countenance ought modern Rome to have met the tide of republican invasion, far more destructive than the war of mighty legions, which could only cast down her material walls. At Rome, the city of the Popes, a socialist republic was impossible. It never would have been able to obtain the coun- tenance, or even the recognition of European governments. — Not Austria and France only, but also every other Catholic nation would have exerted all their influence against it. Nor in doing so would they have acted unjustly. But for the resi- dence of their chief Pastor there Rome would long ago have ceased to exist, or would be known only as an insignificant village, scarcely perceptible on the map of Europe. How often has not the celebrated city been rescued from destruction by the direct agency of the Popes ? How long have they not governed it with wisdom, and blessed it with prosperity? If there be any such thing as prescriptive right, undoubtedly it is theirs. If there be any right, better founded and more strong, thai longs to the Chiistian w property, shall bid th liberty. Should it solves awav nantly prot tion to com the present gratitude t( they are in( existence in ruler who 1: liberty, and -the tyrai; times, snati A^j yet, ' t!ie rcprose we have s institute, theirs shou (Mayor,) the munici wishes to declaring asked for, inatmer, t of the mo " Events,' address tc Rome. I. to the G( most in hti the same t 53 alised. — was cn- plcased, ;, such as V, in prc- possible n to tho even, to m undue ign, who s, — insti- , and ad- •e was no t the aid creignty, ne intox- Q its nor- even as ind grave 2n in de- le to have tive than iown her iblie was the coun- ments. — Catholic it. Nor * the rcsi- igo have gnificant How struction they not rity? If btedly it md more strong, than that of conquest, such right unquestionably be- longs to the saviours of Rome. They have saved it for the Chiistian world, for mankind, for the church. It is no man's I)roperty. It cannot be let, like a paltry farm, to those who shall bid the higliest, in vain promises and delu.sive hopes of liberty. Should its people of this generation pretend (o give them- selves away, their forefathers of all [>reccding ages would indig- nantly protest against their act ; their children of the genera- tion to come would curtc their momorv ; all reflecting men of the present time, would accuse them of black ingratitude, — in- gratitude to the mighty dead among their Pontiffs, to whom they are indebted for their name, their city's fume, its very existence in mcdcrn times ; — ingratitude, above ail, to that ruler who has offered them, who has bestowed upon them, liberty, and who would only rescue tliem to-day from tyranny, -the tyranny of faction, even as his predecessors, in In-gone limes, snatched them from the cruel grasp of barbarism. < ;oxsTrri:TioNAL < ;o vkrnmkni' io^ta r.Li.sm-; n. As yet, the people of Home had no idea ofanytlnng beyond the representative and constitutional government, which, as we have seen, the Holy Father had made up his mind lo institute. They are anxious, however, that his views and theirs should be carried into effect. Accordin^lv, tiio" Senator, (Mayor,) Prince Corsini, and the eight principal ujt mbers of the municipal council, are commissioned to make known their v/ishes to the Pope. His reply was dignified and (.-andid. In declarinij his intention to "^rant the constitution which thev asked for, he took care to intimate, in the most decided manner, that he was not making a concession to the urgency of the moment, but accomplishing his i)rcmeditated purpose : " Events,"' said he, "abimdantiy justify the request which you address to me in the name of the (.'..unci! ami Magistracy of Rome. All are aware, that it. is my constant study, to give to the Government that form which appears to me to bt; most in harmony with the times. But, none are ignorant, at the same time, of the difTiculties lo which he la t'\pose<1, who 54 unites in his own person two great dignities, when endeavoring to trace the line of demarcation between these two powers. What, in a secular goveriinicnt, may be done in one day, in the Pontifical can only be accoiupli.shed after nuitnre delibera- tion. T flatter myself, iiovertlielcss, that, the preliminary labours having bueri C()riii)letcd, 1 shall be able, in a few days, to impart to you the result of my reflections, and that this result will meet the wishes of all reasonable people." On the I4tli of March, accordingly, I'ius IX. published the fundamental sttitutc for the temporal government of the Holy See. This was a straiglilforward and most C(»mplete iuauguration of constitutioiiiil llulo. It was according to the model of the French liberal monarchy of 1830, modified, so as to rcjider it ca[)able of adii}>tatioii to the Pontifical Govern- ment. It consisted of a resi)onsiblH ministry and of two chambers, one appointed during the iifeiime of its members, — the other elective. The function of these Chambers was to vote laws, which were to be ])repareU by a (Niuncil of Stale. The college of Cardinuls was to he a permanent Council, whose duty it sliould he to smetion, iu the last instance, the decisions of the Legislative Chambers. Such was the princi- ple of the Statute, by which the subjects of the Pope were brought by undisputed right within the sphere of constitutional States. X few days later was pronnilgated the nomination of a ministry, three-fourths <»l which were laymen, under the Presidencv of the Secretarv of State. Cardinal Antonelli. This was. indeed, reform, and a constitution. What more could Pius IX. have done, to advanci' the interests and meet the wants and wishes of his people ? THi; WAR AGITATJON. fiut n w, at tlio moment the excellent Pontiff was entitled to a rich reward, in the ^iratitudc and devotedness of his people, his real diflicully began. Diplomacy at the close of the European war in 181 ;>, had subjet^ted to German rule, as is well known, certain ])ortions of Italy. liy war, only, some populations thought, could this fact of diplomacy be recalled. How little did they consider, that by such a course, they set themselves i all the pow( told them,- what diploi would with a new and that in whi existed. J the skill of appealed t( that all tht 80 betwcGi ought not bayonets conduct m of Italian result obt treaties, d: case, the have been only, but Italy? I hard to d exquisite Religion the Pont every sol that ma marched was it, I to sacri amity tli become France 1 to yield fatal bu shattere indeed, 55 IdeavoriDg |o powers. \g day, in delibera- t'eliniinarv few days, tliut this published eiit of the complete ing to the ifled, so as xl Goveni- id of two lembers, — 'rs was to of State, t Council, tanco, the the princi- Pope were istitutional loniinatioii under the Antonelli. liat more and meet IS entitled ess of his e close of in rule, as )nly, sonic 3 recalled. , they set themselves in opposition, not to one great power only, but to all the powers of Europe. Experienced statesmen would have told them, — and one .statesman, at least, did tell them, — that what diplomacy, in obedience to circumstances, had done, it would with its wonted pliancy, have undone, when uryed by a new and extraurdiiiiiry state of things, dillering widely from that in which it had decided upon the arrangements that still existed. New emergencies having arisen, the learning and the skill of statesmen ought, in the first instance, to have been appealed to. As between individuals, right reason requires that all the moans of adjusting a quarrel should bo employed ; so between nations, there is no device of .statesmanship that ought not to be had recourse to before an appeal is made to bayonets and blood. How successiul sueh a course of conduct might have proved, and how beneticial to the eause ot Italian liberty, is more than sufficiently shewn by the great result obtained by diplomacy, when Austria, insisting on treaties, displayed the flag of war at Ferrara. ! but in that case, the Pope was the chief diplomatist. And would he not have been so again, when there was (juestion, not of one city, only, but of many of the greatest cities, and fairest States of Italy ? Nor would he have found " the Barbarians " more hard to deal with. Austria, barbarous enough to ignore that exquisite refinement which deems it fashionable to despise Religion and its Priests, would have shewn her reverence lor the Pontiff ; and if he had required it, would have withdrawn every soldier from Italian soil. What was it, a little later, that made Austria forbear, when the French Republic marched its troops to the bunks of the Tiber ? And what was it, later still, that induced the chief of that great Empire to sacrifice the richest of Italian provinces, and grasp in amity the hand of him who had, so needlessly and so recklessly, become his enemy? Was it the superior diplomacy of France ? In diplomacy, the land of Metternich had no need to yield the palm. Was it the carnage of Solferlno ? That fatal but honourable day brought to his tents the head of a shattered army, to sue for peace. What, then, was it ? If, indeed, anything, in addition to his horror of shedding blood, M It wiiH, uiidoubteillv. his rovcreiicci lor the llumun Pontiflf. Was it not an essential noM(litior> of the peaco. tliat the Holy Father should remain in undisturbed iiosscasion of all his States? Mut. even before the warlike operatiouK of 184ft. and the field of Xovara, was there not eur.i^h to shew with what 8ucc(s.^ a wise diplomacy might, even 1 n, have been attended? But, the voice of Italy is for wa.'. The Italians will have war at any price. The people, even, who own the sway of the Tontificate, although governrd by a prince who can conquer without war, must give buttle to '-the barbarians." The socialist agitators luwe persuaded them, and no other eounsiil v.'ill prevail. On the 23rd of March, the Colyscum presented an unwonted spectacle. It was a grand but ill-omened scene. The entire people had assembled in the ancient arena, under the leadership of their tribunes, who had decided on agitatini>- in so great an assembly, tlie question of war. 'J'hey were resolved that it should be settled by acclamation, hoping thus to inlluen^u: the Holy Father, — to induce him to abandon his system of neutrality, by this immense display of opinion and excitement, l)y this popular enthusiasm — this intoxication of patriotism. At an early hour, the great meeting was congregated.— N'obles, burghers, soldiers, princes, everybody. Priests, even, were there, in tolerable numbers, — monks of every order, ecclesiastics of every college, members of every congregation. It was a monster club in the open air, in which the question of the " crusade " was to be solemnlv discussed. What a grand spectacle would it not have been, had it not been arranged before-hand by skilful demagogues who were masters in the art of preparing revolutionary displays! Whatever sincerity there may have been in the assembly, there was none in the actors of this great scene. If this had been really an improvisation of public opinion, nothuig could have been more grand. As it was only a theatrical display of parts, learned to order, there could have been nothing more con- temptible. There was in it, moreover, something sad atid sinister — a set of actors, practising on the popular mind to-day, in order to discover what they might safely attempt to-morrcT. A rostra observed a a later peri Among th puerile vai already dis style, con( limits of o He was tl shepherd young Fr< (iencrals afterward Oicerruat Pope, bu the rcvoii sympathii modelled to war, demonstr volunteer the city threaten! intended expeditic The I His orde were at of revere they tra the enrc distinetl the exp prf'tect Nitwit ol in 01 r( bellic a rivin 67 n Ton tiff. tho TIolv >f all hii of I84ft. 'hew with lave been Itah'aiis own the ince wlio •barians." no otljcr uinvontC(J I 'he entire endorahip > great an (] that il induen'jt! system ol* citemcnt, tatriotisni. egated. — 33ts, even, sry order, jrcgation. ! question What a not been e masters Vhatover was none really arj ive been of parts, lore con- sad and ar mind ' attempt A rostrum or tribune overlooks the arena. Near it, were observed all thos^e agitators who were destined to become, at II later period, so notorious in tho commotions of the time. Among thorn was Padre Gavazzi, a liarriubitc monk, whose puerile vanity made him aspire to distinction, and who was ah'oady distinguished by his pretentious eloquence, bombastic style, confused ideas, and a mind still undecided us to the limits of orthodoxy, which, a little later, he stepped beyond. Ife was the groat preacher of the Crumde. Next came the shepherd poet, llosi ; Prince Canino's Secretary, Masi ; a young French monk of the order of Conventualists, Uumaine ; (iencrals Durando and Ferrari; the JournuH.^t. Sterbiui, afterwards so fatally popular, and of course, the demagogue, Cicerruacho, who was at first enthusiastic in the cause of the Pope, but who now burned for war, and ere long imparted to the revolution a character of shifting fanaticism and absurd sympathies. The day was spent in magniliceMt addresses, modelled according to the antique types, urgent exhortations to war, poetical orations, rounds of applause, rapturous demonstrations. The result was, lists for the enrolment of volunteers, the establishment in the difierent quarters of the city of tables for receiving patriotic offerings, and a threatening demonstration against the Quirinai, where it was intended to force the Pope to bless tlie colours for the expedition against Austria. The Holy Father could no longer coutroul the movement. His orders were still respected, but not obeyed. The people were at heart rebellious, although jjresorving as yet a stiow of reverence. They were no sooner out of his presence, than they transgressed his most saercd commands, fn aulhoiizing the enrolment and the departure of volunteers, Pius IX. had distinctly specified that it was his intention and his will, that the expedition should be exclusively defensive, that it should prctect the territory, but avoid pai-sing the frontier. — Notwithstanding these formal orders, his name was made use ol in order to deceive the populations, 'i'hls was worse than rbellioQ—it was perfidy. General Durando's fir?t act, oq a riving at Bologna, was to issue a proclamation, in which, ii i 68 fulsiryinq; Mio wishes of Pius fX.. \ui luldiiceil the iiutljority of the l*(»Mtifi' ill onloi" to give a colour to tho war. "IladotHky, " said hc!, " (ij^'hts ajifninst tho (^-oss (»f ('hrist. Pius IX. has blessod your swords, in union with those of ('harlcs Albert. * * "TiiiH war of civilisation aj^ainst barbarism, is not iiioroly national, it is a Christian war. * *• •» With the ('ross, and by the Cross, we shall be victorious : (jfod wills it." By such perlidious conduct, the character of the PontitV was seriously compromised. I fence, it became necessary to publisih that Fad m Ira ble document, the cncvclicnl letter of 29th April, 1848. •' Men are endcavorinj,'," said the Jloly I^'ather, '• to disseminate suspicions that are injurious to tlic temporal administration of our States. It is our duty to [U'cvcnt the scandal that might thus be given to the simple and unreflect- ing." Pius IX. tlicn proceeds to declare that he :a resolved to expose clearly, and to proclaim loudly, the origin of all the facts ol his Government. He refers to the memnrniidum of 1831, which was the collective counsels of the European Cabinets to the Apostolic See, in llivour of the necessary relorms. Gregory XVI. adopted some of these reforms. Circumstances, and the danj,'er of the times, caused the rest to be adjourned. Pius IX. considered that it was bis duty t:> complete what his predecessor had begun. On other pointy, ho doe;j not dis(;!aim having taken the initiative. He had pardoned extensively, and he congratulates himself upon it. Hc repels the calumny which would ascribe to these reforms the general movement of Italy towards its enfranchisement. He attributes this agitation to events that were accomplished elsewhere, and which became facts of overwhelming influence for the whole of Europe. Finally, ho protests that he gave no other order to his soldiers, than that whi(;h required that they b..ould defend tho Pontifical territory. IIo cannot be held responsible, if amongst his subjects there a~c some who arc influenced by the example of other Italians. He had given his orders distinctly. They had been transgressed. In this same document, alluding to the war with Austria, the Pontiff says : " They would have us declare war against Austria, against hu( our unwort tho author to tho Div countricH, nal love, all nations ttic Roma: new repul ••Moreo Italian p' these trea votedly a exporienc their dnt) As rcgai thoughts increase Church, cignty, w See, for tolatc." ThcE the essei is the c possible Italian ] of friend revoluti( perished REVO A ps around proved skilful Pontifi An ore 59 luliorily of Ka(l(!lv.lvy," IS IX. has \cn Albert. ^"1, is not \Vith the tl wills it." lie l»oiitiir fcc.«Jsai"y to letter of (her, '• lo temporal i'C\'cnt the i unreflect- is resolved of all the a •id am of European necessary ic reforms. J the rest jis duty Xu icr points, He had f upon it. se reforms ishiscment. omplished ■ infiuence t he gave iiirod that annot be ome who lad given Austria, 1* against Austria. We have thought it our duty to protest fornmlly uj^ainst Huch »i resolution, considering^ that, notwithstundin;,'' our unworthinesiJi, wo hold on earth tlje place of llini who is the author of peace — tiie friend of charity ; and that, fallliful to the Divine oliligations of our ApoHtolatc, we embrace all countricH, all i)coi)le.s, all nations, in a like sentiment of pater- nal love. Nor can we refrain from rejK'llinjr, in the face of all nations, the perfidious assertions of those who desire that tlTo Roman I'ontifl should be the chief of the government of a new republic, consisting of all the peoples of Italy." "Moreover, we earnestly exhort, on this occasion, these same Italian i)eoples to keej) partiiularly on their guard against tliese treacherous counsels. We conjure them to remain de- votedly attached to their princes, whose aflection they have experienced. To act otherwise would be not only to fail in their duty, but also to expose Italy to discord and factions. — As regards ourselves, we declare once more that all the thoughts and all the eObrts of the Iloman Pontiff tend only to increase every day the kingdom of Jesus Christ, which is the Church, and not to extend the limits of the temporal sover- eignty, with which Divine Providence has endowed the Holy See, for the dignity and the frcii exereise of the sublime apos- tolate." The Holy Father could not have vindicated more eloquently the essentially pacific character of that Religion, of which he is the chief, and the n^prcsentative on earth. Nor was it possible to offer ^yiser or more au1horita,tive counsel to the Italian population.!. But, it was already too late. The voice of friendly warning was unheard, amid the din of strife and revolution. And, need it be ad«led, the cause of liberty perished for a time, the victim of its own excess. REVOLUTIONARY TENDENCIES — COUNT MAMIANI, MINIHTEK, A party at Rome had succeeded in rallying the populace around them. This civic power, whatever it might have proved Mn the field, was formidable at home. Under the skilful management of its leaders, it now gave law to the Pontifical Government, and yet, was not the Pontiff powerless. An ordinary sovereign would have been crushed ; abdication do would have beeu his only resource ; but to Buch a pas8 the Pope is not yet reduced. Does the socialist party endeavour to thrust upon him unacceptable measures, he repels them. Do they and their myrmidons vociferate for war with Austria, the Pope is able still to say, there shall be no war ; and his people do not engage in the crusade. A few, indeed, of the more excitable of the Roman youth, like the field. But, effeminate as they arc ardent, at the first sight of a Barbarian tent, their courage cools, and they return to their hearths, to discourse in magniloquent terms, of the tented fields that they have traversed, the savage hordes they have encountered, the dangers they have escaped. In one thing, however, the party who had the command of the people succeeded : they forced a ministry on the reluctant Sovereign. This, however unreasonable in the circumstances it unquestionably was, does not shock so much our constitu- tional ideas. Of the principle of this net. we may not be entitled to complain. But neither ean we approve the conduct of a faction which, being anything but cnnstitutional, imposed a minister of their I)rinciples on a prince who had, of his own accord, become constitutional. Count Mauiiani was one of those whom the clemency of Pius IX. had restored to their country. Of al) the parties thus favoure.1, he alone refused to bind himself, in honour, to the Holy Father, never to abuse the favour, and to remain alwtvys good and faithful subjects. His abilities were considerable. He was well informed, cool, and resolute, but without any fixed principle in politics. He would have been svs ready to set up a red republic, as a constitutional monarchy. His political conduct was guided more by events and circum- stances, than by any well-conceived idea of what is right and fittihg'. He was one of those liberals of Italy who might be truly compared to the Nccker of the French Revolution. Mazzini and his followers were the ultra-radicals — the Robespierre of Italian politics. The Mamianl ministry was a necessary result of the popular commotions. It was also a protest of the excited populace against the Encyclical of the 29th April. In the troubled 61 > pass the jndeavour els them. Austria, and his d, of the d. But, barbarian earths, to that they ered, the ninand of reluctant imstanccs constitu- ly not be on which, r of their , become whom the '. Of a!) limself, in ir, and to itics were )lute, but lave been lonarchy. d circum- right actl might be (volution, als—thc I popular populace troubled days that preceded his nomination to tlie ministry, Mumiani had formally declared, in his harangues to the people, that no priest should be called to public functions; that Pins IX. should, indeed, remain at the head of the Covernmfiit, but that they should obtain from him the recall of his encyclical address, and a declaration of war against Austria ; that a new expedition should speedily set out, and tliat un official bulletin of the great war should be publi.slied every day. These warlike and revolutionary declarations, po pompously made, could not fail to excite the enthusiasm urtlic multitude, already in such a state of excitement. But in such things, it is more easy to speak than to act : and this the popular Tribune found to be the case, when ho was elevated to the ministry, lie then forgot the fine le^-sons ho h.ad stndied to impress upon the people. Whether sincerely or not, l;c still, however, insisted on the Austrian war. 'I'his may have been necessary for his popularity. But it \va.s chimerical in the face of two powerful adversaries— the Pope, on the one hand, who by his name, his character, his virtues, v.'as si ill powerlul ; and, on the other hand, the representative body, v.hich was appointed to assemble in the beginning ot June. When the Parliament met, there wan an end, indenl, to tlie govornment ol' the streets; but nev,- difficulties arose. Cardinal Altic-ri delivered, on the part of the Sovereign Pontijf, an enr-rgetic und moving exhortation in support ol' unity and concord. lie also expressed his hope that the deputies would .sh^jw tlieir good will, by concurrency with the ministry, in rendering this new adaptation of the couHlitntion compatible with tlic Pon- tifical Government. Next day, 0th June, Count Mumiani came to the Tribune, wilh an oration which e\prc.sr-od more the ideas of the ministry, as individuals, than as the represent- atives of their sovereign. Such conduct may have l>een the result ot inexperience. They had but little knowledge of constitutions. But when they gave out that the opinion they expressed in favour of war, was also that of the Pontiif, thus endeavouring to give the sanction of a venerated name to designs that were highly detrimental to the Pontificate, we look in vain for an excuse. It was their policy. But what of that? if IH: I 62 Tho now constitution, in more judicious and honest hands, might have proved^succcssful. Sucli was the thought, as well as the wish, of many well-informed men. But the war question proved its ruin. It was the idea of Italian patriotism at the time, that all true patriots must fight for their country. The ]\lamiani ministry must reconcile this warlike spirit, with the pacific cliaracter of the Pontificate. The Pope can defend himself. But sound theology and the traditions of his sovereignty forbid hira to wage war on any people. His ministry will solve the difficulty. As Pope, they insist, he may still decide for peace, condemning the shedding of blood ; whilst, as temporal sovereign, he will let his ministers do as they please, and they will declare for war. It was, indeed, a weak government that had need to rely on such wretched sophistry. Were the Pontiff and the temporal sovereign two distinct persons? Or, when ministers wage war, can the Prince, whose representatives they are, be considered as neutral ? During the few months that this ministry remained in power, they were in constant opposition to the sovereign, whose re pugnance to war could never be overcome. Popular demonstrations of the most threatening kind were frequently made, in favour of war. But as regarded the sovereign, they were powerless : '' Justum, et tenacem propositi virum Non civiuin ardor prava jubentium. Mcnte quatit solida." The mind of the Pontiff could not be moved from its rightful purpose. But the ministry was shaken. Sophistry and inconsistency were its only remaining bulwarks, and, as was for sometime obviously inevitable, it fell. PARTIES— THE ITALIAN RADICALS — COUNT ROSSI, MINISTER. Before entering upon the last scene in which, according to the plan of this discourse, we shall be called upon to witness the efforts of Pius IX. in the cause of reform, it may not be superfluous to consider the political opinion of the time. Although differing widely in many important matters, from the distinguished writers, Gioberti, Balbo, D'Azeglio, it would be unjust to deny them the credit of having imparted new vigour, if n They did greatest de aspire to, a be best atl such instit Italian p( forms, she Nothing ( the peopl precious 1 reform bj deserving those whii Why thei the " Bar they not onlycoulc length, w formed a seen, wai offered r occasion to interf threaten( represen arms. Solat these CO little fau Italy. ' in numl at that everythi Talent, moderal commat perhaps 63 [est hands, ought, as it the war Ipatriotisin ir country. Ipirit, with [Pope can ions of his le. His insist, he of blood ; Iters do as iS, indeed, wretched reign two can the idered as remained sovereign, Popular requently ign, they from its sophistry , and, as IINISTEK. rding to ) witness may not le time. rs, from it would ;cd new vigour, if not its first impulse, to the cause of reform in Italy. They did not rashly hasten to the wished-for goal. The greatest degree of political liberty they thought it in vain to aspire to, all at once. The wished-for end they conceived would be best attained, by judicious and well-timed reforms, and by such institutions as might be afterwards developed, when the Italian populations, unaccustomed ns yet to constitutional forms, should be capable of a larger measure of freedom. Nothing can be conceived wiser than their view of educating the people for liberty, before conferring upon them the precious boon. Their idea of commencing their career of reform by waging war upon Austria, does not appear so deserving of praise. Was not the Cabinet of Vienna one of those which joined in recommending reform to the late Pope ? Why then reject so powerful an ally ? But, the Germans — the " Barbarians"— were odious to the Italian people. Might they not have been disabused of this prejudice ? Education only could do this. And as they were to be politically educated at length, would not the eradication of illiberal prejudices have formed a profitable branch of study ? Pius IX., as we have seen, was a reformer in practice, as well as theory. Austria offered no impediment to his patriotic labours. On one occasion only, did that powerful Empire shew a disposition to interfere. It was when Rome and its sovereign were threatened by popular commotions. And then, even, on the representation of the Holy Father, Austria laid down her arms. So lately as the early part of the year 1848, the opinions of these constitutional reformers, with whom, as politicians, so little fault can be found, were shared by almost the whole of Italy. They were, at the same time, the most powerful party, in numbers, in authority, in talent. The Republicaris were, at that time, an imperceptible minority. In a few mouths everything was, in appearance at least, completely changed. Talent, respectability, authority, were still on the side of the moderate reformers. The Red Republic, meanwhile, had the command of numbers. How this came to pass, it may not, perhaps, be impossible to explain. 64 lo all populous countricB there are numerous people who, being without lixccl principles in politics, or without any political principle at all, depend on other men for the opinions by which, for the moment, they shall be guided. Such was the case with the Romans, as well as many other Italian populations. It was not then, difficult for skilful leaders to lashiou for such people, as they pleased, principles of policy and political programmes. Even thoso who were tolerably well grounded in constitutional ideas, but not wholly decided, the Radical leaders tried to gain to their side by persuading them to compromise certain points, to adopt new designations, modify their opinions, agree to coalitions, enter into ingenious arrangements. The result was, that, as is usual in such circamstances, the most extravagant views came to prevail with the multitude!. The French Revolution of February 1848, which overthrew the constitutional monarchy, came opportunely to the aid of the Italian Red Republic. A little reflection would have shewn them the extreme peril to which France exposed herself, by her most unconstitutional proceed- ing, in tearing down by violence a system in many respects so good, and which, simply because it was a constitution, was capable of new developments, new adaptatioiis, and greater excellence in every way, than without the constitutional element, it can ever hope to attain to. But, they beheld only a new step towards liberty, and the Italians, they declared, must follow in the v^'ake of enlightened France, and seize the glorious prize that was at length within tlieir reach. Thus were the people advised, and thus wore the^' led astrav. The moderate reform party, themselves excited by the enthu- siasm which events had inspired, observed not the snares which the radical leaders had laid for them, and were com- pletely caught in their toils, whilst they conceived that they were only working out their own idea, 'i'liey even thought to gain Mazzini, whilst, in reality, ]\[azzii>I was proselytizio"- them. Gioborti and his more inmiediate friends, not certainly without faults on their side, were abandoned by the crowd. We have already bestowed some notice on Mazzini and his views. Calling to mind what has been already said regarding him, there genius of m with Liber France, wh that " Yoi any deci8i\ He treated ideas and republic, o of unity, was the id were also And such countrymi could not He was i only; he of a new were enu from his peninsulc Allusi Pius IX violated may hav were, at is usual they ren goodnes: It has e nobly r( Italy. del Po^ populai mistrus more tl ''Un dietar 66 leople who, ithout any lie opinions Such was |her Italian leaders to of policy tolerably lly decided, persuading- 'signations, ingenious |al in such to prevail Fcbruarv thy, came A little to which al proceed- respects so ution, was ind greater istitutional liey beheld ians, they ranee, and lieir reach, led astrav. the enthu- Jie snares «'ere com- that they hought to •selytizing certainly crowd. li and his I'egarding him, there need be no hesitation in pronouncing him the evil genius of modern Italy. In his book, " Italy in its Relations with Liberty and Moral Civilization," which was published in France, where he was an exile, in 18 A7, he formally declared that " Young Italy " was the only party that could exercise any decisive influence on the destiny of the country (Italy). He treated, at the same time, with sovereign contempt, the ideas and the hopes of the reform party. In his mystic republic, only, waH to be found, he conceived, the principle of unity, the ideal formula of actual progress. This theory was the idol at whose shrine he offered sacrifice. His followers were also his fellow-worshippers. He was their High Priest. And such was the nervous excitement of some of his fellow- countrymen, that he exercised over them a control which they could not resist. They were fascinated ])y his brilliant Utopias. He was no longer a legislator, a politician, a philosopher, only ; he was a man of inspiration, a prophet, the Mahomet of a now Hcgira. His sayings were oracles. His doctrines were enunciated in intentions and poetical language ; and from his place of exile, they were disseminated over the Italian peninsula. Allusion has already been made to the generosity of Pius IX., in recalling from banishment so many who had violated the laws of their country. However well these men may have appreciated the boon, and there is no doubt they were, at one time, sincerely gratefu" it is not surprising if, as is usual in the case of persons circumstanced as they were, they remembered more the severity which punished than the goodnfess which forgave them. Mazzini dissembled for a time. It has even been suggested thath*^ was sincere at first, and had nobly resolved to sacrifice his peculiar views to the cause of Italy. It was not long, however, till the newspaper, Italia del Popolo, revealed the sectarian and the fanatic. The popular mind was poisoned by its ravings, and filled with mistrust. Sects and parties were raised up anew, to be once more the ruin of ill-starred Italy. ^^Unita e non unione. Assemblea del Popolo Italiano e nan dieta." Unity; not union. The assembly of the Italian 66 people ; not a Federal Diet." Such was the daily theme of Mazzini's jonrnal. The multitude ceased not henceforth to vociferate, as directed by the revolutionary leader, " Live the Constituent Assembly " ! as they had formerly shouted for Pius IX., and reform. What this meant, they did not very well understand ; but it was believed to be something extreme — a boundless measure of liberty ; and for the populace, this was enough : it could mean nothing less, they conceived, than unity, the most complete, and a republican government. But could there have been anything more impracticable and more preposterous? How subject to the yoke of a popular conven- tion so many different peoples ? They were all Italian, it is true ; but each had for ages past, possessed its distinct nation- ality, its national laws, customs, manners, prejudices, predilec- tions and antipathies. Nor were their interests the same. What would be for the good of one state, might prove ruinous to another, or even to all the other states. The Liberal Government of the Grand Dukes had endeared their rule to the Tuscan people. Piedmont and Naples were devotedly attached to their respective monarchies. The people of the Papal States, with the exception of the populace of Rome, whose numbers were so much increased in 1848, by the influx of strangers- -men of republican opinions, industriously culled from foreign populations — were devoted to the mild and clement rule of their Pontiff-Sovereigns, and they had been favored of late with signal proof that the sacred monarchy itself was capable, without detriment to its real power and dignity, of the most extensive popular reforms. Must all these moderate and well regulated monarchies which wore constitutionalizing themselves every day more and more, be overthrown ? The Mazzinian idea required nothing less than this. At the time of which we are speaking, the sacrifice of so many rights would have cost torrents of blood, and would not, perhaps, have been accomplished. The torch of civil discord would have blazed from end to end of unfortunate Italy. And if the ancient monarchies weie destined to fall, new and more despotic forms of kingly rule would, in all probability, have arisen m their place. At this t sing attitud might have of their po\ tutions as constitutior were far fr< lar demons reason" wj their war I its soverei,! tence. The pla party, was adapting i been atter have com by recomi the more ( the idea establishii they woul was redu( 'J^he Pop and the offensive arrangen could in Sovereig pies, in ; of the 1 Laboul: " It wa: an intci by forn powcrl'i many. which ly theme of iceforth to "Live the |houted for id not very bg extreme 'ulaee, this iived, than lent. But and more far conven- tlian, it is ict nation- ;, predilec- tlie same. )ve ruinous le Liberal leir rule to devotedly )ple of the of Rome, the influx «sly culled Jd clement favored of itself was :lignity, of moderate ioualizing i^n? The t the time hts would lave been TO blazed B ancient 'tic forms ill their 67 At this time the Italian populations, by assuming an impo- sing attitude — by acting in concert and with united influence, might have obtained not only the forbearance, but the aid even of their powerful neighbours, in developing such of their insti- tutions as already contained germs of fi-eedom, in extending constitutional rights which already existed in monarchies that were far from being despotic. But in the confusion of popu- lar demonstrations and party cries, the " still small voice of reason" was unheard. The revolutionary leaders reiterated their war harangues, and Italy, by directing its arms against its sovereigns, inflicted a fatal blow on its own political exis- tence. The plan for uniting Italy, proposed by the moderate reform party, was much less open to objection, and with modifications adapting it to each state, might, if carried into effect, have been attended with the best results. They would firet of all have cemented the union between the rulers and the people, by recommending to the former moderation, and to the latter the more difficult virtue of patience, they would have adjourned the idea of absolute unity, and of a popular convention for establishing and maintaining it instead of such an assembly they would have had a federal diet, an admirable plan of whicli was reduced to writing by the Reverend and learned Rosmini. 'J'he Pope, the King of Sardinia, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the other Princes, would thus have been united in an offensive and defensive league. Such were the bases of this arrangement, and if there were nothing in its details which could interfere with the sacred character and office of the Sovereign Pontiff, few of those who hold constitutional princi- ples, in politics, would have objected to it. Eminent writers of the liberal school have expressed their approbation. M. Laboulaye, in his learned comments on Count Balbo, saya : " It was necessary that the Princes should be induced to take an interest in the independence which concerned them so much, by forming a confederation, like the Zoli-erein, which has so powerfully contributed to the union and the greatness of Ger- many. A confederation is undoubtedly that organization which is most suited to the character and the history of Italy, 66 iind it is also the best menn, of reviving Italian nationality and of cbecking Austria." It is scarcely necessary to add, that when there should be question of restraining Austria, there would be at hand an influence Avhich Austria rc&pectt:, and to which that raiji,dity Eini)irc iind its disciplined legions would have sooner yielded than to all Italy in arms. Without some yueh arrangement, there was no bettor lot lor Italy than civil war and national disgrace. l^^vents, meanwhile, hasten on with alarming rajjidity. The Red Republic maintains its idea. The danger with which Italy is threatened IVom without, docs not, ii' the Jensl, moderate its elTorts. Its labours, too, are attended with the only results they we-.e .alculated to produce. Italy remains divided. 'I'hc '^.1 >^ Charles Alberr cannot alone copo with the forniidi e [O'.sr of Austria. An united people might have stayed ihe tide > battle. Thj imposing spectacle ol their union would even have influenced a foreign cabinet : and the legions oi" ]Iadetsky wuuld never have marched across the Mincit). Hut it was otherwise ordained. 2klen rushed into every excess. Terrible chastisement followed in their track. Perish Italy, rather than our idea, f^aid the socialist leaders; and. as if fate had combined with the phrenzy of the Red Republic to destroy a people, Italy was crushed l.ty th(^ invader. But what cared they? What was it to them, that their 'iountry was brought low, and its princes humbled in thu field of Xovara? This downfall of the Sardinian monarch— this defeat of Italy, was to them a victory. One more impediment was icmovcd. - The var of Kings is at an emL — iiuit of the people convneucea," said PJazzini ; and he declared himself a soldier. But (jiavibaldi did not Ion'' comnjaud him. His warlike enthusiasm was soon exhausted. The tear of the people also ended in defeat ; and Mazzini, tired of the sword, resumed his pen, and attacked once more the moderate reformers, who alone had fought like brave men iu the Austrian war. ^i'he war of words was more congenial U> the revolutionist : and he made haste to issue a new publica- tion. In this writing he raged against the moderate reformers as a " set of traitors, as anti-chamber Machiavels who had muzzled the cracics." who had g M. d'Azegl who had h defending twelve tho from his w< politicians, title of "1 those club waged wa under the jiamphlet, Your agiti The predi( M. Migne with rem: desires an possessed and whici anything country \> nionarcbj was territ wcakene(3 to arise I reconcile ing agah deliverai] an insun the poin to give ( march, became beheld t themsel' bardv." 69 natloQality ary to add, Austria, lii rc&pecti;. ncd legions U'ithoiit Italy than rapidity, with whieli !iie jen.sl, d with the 'dy remains alone copo iled poop](} g spectacle ill cabinet : L'hed across it'll rnshed ;d in their le socialist «nzy of thi.' lied Ijy tlu^ them, that bled in thi; nonarch— One more at an end, ] and lie not Jony exhausted, izioi, tired more the 'X' men in Jifeniai Id r publica- reformers who had muzzled the popular lion for the benefit of kin^js and arista cracies." These Marhiavels were such men as Count Balbo, who had ^^iven his five sons to the war of independence ; >r. d'Azeglio, who had been in the campaign with Durund". who had had a leg broken by a ball at "N'icenza, whilst defending Monte Benico with two thou.=>and men against twelve thousand Austrians. .M. D'Azeglio, still smarting from his wounds as well as from the insults of these reckless politicians, replied in a pam])hlct, which appeared under tlie title of "Fears and Hopes." He was at no pains to .spare those club soldiers, those tavern heroes and intriguers, who waged war so cleverly against the men who were standing under the enemy's guns. " For my i)art," he says in this ])amphlet, "I do not fear your Republic, but despotism. Your agitation will end with tlin Croatf--." And so it fell out. The prediction was but too well realized. A French writor. M. Mignet, expresses these sentiment.'; at some length, and with remarkable eloquence : '• A party as extreme in its desires as in its doctrines, and which believes that it is possessed of nothing f^o long as it does not possess everything, and which, when it has everything, knows not liow to makt- anything of it ; imagined the establi.shing of a republic in a country which is scarcely capable of attaining to representative monarchy, and where the only thing to be thought of, as yet. was territorial independence. This parly divided the thoughts, weakened the efforts of the count rv, and cau.sed nmtual mistrust to arise between those governments and peoples, which weiv reconciled under constitutional liberty, and hud an understand- ing against the common enemy. They thus compromised the deliverance of the land. The king of Naples, threatened by an insurrection in his ciipitnl, retained his troops that were on the point of n)arching to the theati-e of war ; the Pope ceased to give encouragement ; the king of Piedmont already in full march, hesitated ; and Italy, agitated, without being free, became once more powerless, because she was disunited, and beheld the Austrians rcayipear as conquerors, and re-establish themselves anew as masters, in the recovered plains of Lora- bardy." These striking words confirm the view I have always 70 i , il fentertttiiied,— that the extreme party have, all along, been th» ruin of Italy. Kadetski, thanks to their sinister operations, having reconquered upp<^r Italy, the socialists hastened towards Rome, spreading terror us they a[»proached, even as if they had been an array of Guths or Vandals. Adding themselve.^ to men of the same opinions, who were dissatisfied, and whom nothing could satisfy, they occasioned an inconctiivably great agitation of the people, causing continual disquietude, and exciting inordinate hopes. They inoculated the masses with their baneful principles, which forbade all transaction with the Papal Government. They brought every thing that could be- thought of, in aid of the fatal work of dispossessing the Holy Father, as they had already done all that lay in their power to overthrow monarchy in Piedmont. Many mo<]crate reform- ers became their dupes. We have already seen what popular manifestations were organized at Rome, in the commencement, in honor of Pius IX. The extreme party succeeded in obtain- ing possession of this powerful machine, and they worked it with consummate skill. The masses, once under agitation, ari; at the disposal of the most resolute. The reformers allowed themselves to be ensnared. They continued singing their patriotic hymns, the Roman Marseillaises, without observing that Radicalism was imperceptibly taking the crown of the causeway, and that the popular demonstrations had entirely changed their character. These, *' Young Italy," had at first employed as a threat, — latterly they were an arm in its hands. It now governed in the streets, nraking a tribune of every inile- stofle. There was only wanting to them a centre, or general iiead-quarters of insurrection, from which should go forth the word of command, — the signal for every rising of the people. This was the celebrated Roman circle, — a sort of convention without commission, — a travelling cohort of two or three hun- dred agitators, who carried from town to town, the dread and dismal flag of the Red Republic. It was this mob-power, as we have seen, that had, against the inclination of the Holy Father, brought into power the Mamiani ministry. Weak and irresolute, this minister broke the ranks of his own party and passed over to " Young Italy." They dictated to him on every occasi him, knowii by his rcfusi at an end. doors, and i titical authf reality no V jind now oi when it she ment, in th death agon rigible per by rcpeato ready, like with all tV thcv wen* and taken bravely bi warriors c WW. and ii was evidc tho Holy disisters. opportun the Oglio the Picdi Piedmor humilial In lh( nioro s(M ministri statesnv. sador o NT. Mif thnllini •' M. Pv Icms tl tional li |k. l^wjn tin oiHTatioiis, [jcd towards as if thoy tliemselvfts uiid wLoni ably great [etude, and lii.SHCS with |<'n with the it could he 8' the Holy heir power ate reform- at popular neuceiiieut, J iu obtain- J worked it itation, an; 3rs allowed ging their t observiug Dwn of the ad entirely iad at first I its hands. J very mile- or general ) forth the he people. !ouvention three hun- dread ami ob-power, ' the Holy . Weak •wn party to him on n every occasion. War with Anstria they x"»8pecially urged upon him, knowing well that the Pope would nev*^r agree to it, and by his refusal would lose his popularity. The constitution was at an end. The minister was at the orders of a jmrty out of doors, and no longer the organ of the Sovereign. The Pon- tifical authority, however much it was still venerated, was in reality no bettor than an empty nanio. The Republic reigned, and now only waited for the moment, but too certain at last, when it shouln be oj)enly n-cognizrd. The Mamiani Govern- incnt, in the meantime, was daily losing ground, and now in its death agony and impotent for good, it persisted, with incor rigiblc pcrversonoss, in adding to the confusion that prevailed, by repeated declarations of wur against Anstria. They were ready, like patriots and heroes, to fight for their country; but with all their vanity they hastened not to be enrolled. Whilst they were thus vainly boasting, the few who had volunteered anil taken the field, returned from Yiconza, which had been bravely l)ut frtjitlessly defiMided during two days. The Forum warriors only setting out in time to nior;t their wounded bi-eth- rci). and give them the honors of a triumj)hal entry. The war was evidently nothing else than a weapon of offence against tho Holy See. Kvcry day, besides, brought the news of fresh d.isi sters. The war-cry was becoming every moment niore in- opportune. King Ohavles Albert, driven from the Mincio to the Oglio. thence to the Adda, thence to Milan, was rccrossing the Piedmontesc Irontior, humbled, despairing and heart-broken. Piedmont, nieanwhile, was preparing, in the silence of her humiliation, for a last effort. Tn those trying circumstances, and with a sad foreboding of more s(M'ious evils vet to come, Piun TX., who had triecJ several ministries without success, had recourse to the well known statesmanship of M. Rossi, and proposed to the former Ambas- sador of Frame, that lie should become the chief of his council. VT. Mignet, the eloquent biographer of Count Tlossi, gives a thrilling account of the dilliculties anrl dangers of the position : •• M. llossi at first hesitated : he knew what formidable proV)- loms tluM-e were to solve. To conduct according to constitu- tional principles, a government that had been heretofore ftbeolute ; to admiiiister by the baiid« of laymen, the uffairs of a country that had l)ecii hitherto subject to Ecolctjiastics ; lo unite in an Italian lca;;?uc, a sfnte that had been ahno8t always opposed lo a political union of tlu» IVninsula; in a word, to cstubli.sh all at the 8anie tinio, a Cuuhtitutional Oovcrnment. a Civil A(hninistnUit»n. a National Federation, were not \hv only dlfliculties that ho would have to overcome. Tho minia- tcrofa Prince, whose conlidcnce others would diaputc with him, a stran^^er in a country, where he would exercise public authority, he would be liable to be left without support nct- withstandiiif;' hia devoted nes^s. and without apja'obation not- withstanding,' his services; to be attacked as a revolutionist by the blind advocates of abuses, and disavowed us an enemy of liberty by the impassioned parlisr.ns of chimeras, lie con- tinued to decline for a considerable time. The (conditions which heat first proposed to the Sovereign Pontiff, not having been accepted, y\. Rossi thought that he had escaped tho lot tiiat was in store for him. But the Pope, after having essayed in vain <\ now ministry, pressed him more urgently, in tho month of September I8'i8. to come to his aid, offering him at the same time !iis lull confidence and unlimited authority. M. Rossi accepted." At this period. Count Rossi was sixty years of age. His life had been spent in the midst of political agitation, lie had suffered much, and also learned much at the severe school of experience. More than once he had been an exile, and had thus acquired a claim to several countries. Banished the Peninsula in 1815. on account of tho part he bore in the cause of Italian libeitv, he had resided at Geneva and at Paris, aiul had left ii» each of these cities a bright repu- tation. As a writer on |)oritioul economy and jurisprudence, hedisplayed the most extraordinary knowledge of these sciences, great intellectual power, and superior penetration. Relying upon principles and theories, he did not, however, ignore facts, nor refuse to aeccmmiodate the lofly forms of science to prac- tical requirements. Nor was the knowledge of mankind wanting to hinj. Me was not one of those rigid theorists who would make nature itself yield to their opinion. To Pius IX. he wan an invaluable counsellor, when the affairs of Italy were at 80 terribh these rare en of RoR.si, th favor for the His keen ly nient. Fan imprinted o of 8upcrcili< preferring t( of superior (lualitica am of tho Btati which fascir own famil} even whilst and rcpulsi Count R of tho llol the last liv' plied with 1 which he \ he was ab there was i at first chi inent of See, and t Pontifical three milli from all d importaut tious, of legal exis he prcpar mine witli and BO c( popular 1 re-organi good law 7t lie uflfairs of iastlca; ((» iioat iilwavs a word, (o oveniment. ^erc not the J'l'hfi ininis- fsputo with [cisc public pport ncl- )iition not- voiutioiiiMt < ari enemy He con- <>'on(]itions not having [hkI tJio lot ing essayed ■'y, in tlie ■ing- him at oiily. M. iixty years r political d much at ! had been countries. 10 part he it Geneva ight repu- piudence, !> sciences, Relying ore facts, to prac- niankiuil 'ists who Pius IX. ftly were at 80 terrible a crisis, and anarchy prevailed at Rome. With these rare endowments, there w»'ro not conjoined in Ihc person of Ros.si, those outward graces which tend so much to win favor for the public man. His niunnor was cold timl reserved. His keen lynx-like gx-io cuu.sed no inconsiderable cmbarruss- luent. Familiarity with science, and diplomafie 'nablLs, had imprinted on his foivlit'tid gnivity Ihiit bore the iip[)earanci' of superciliousness and disdain. ITc studied not to please, preferring to command by strength of will and \\\c authority o( superior intellt.'ct, rather than by the attraeUon of annal>le (jualitics and the charm of the affection?, llis mind wu.s that of the statesman, but, lie p()3i^cs.sed not that seductive exterior which fascinates the crowd and disarm.s hostility — noniibuthis own family knew how really good he wa;s. how tender minded, even whilst these admirable ((ualities were conceale»l by a cold and repulsive exterior. Count Rossi was firmly resolved to preserve the Sovereignty of the Holy See : '• The Papu'-y," he wrote at the time, " is the last living glory of Italy!" IFis great abilities were ap- plied with incredible zeal and ardor to the important work with which he was entrusted. We read with astonishment whal he wa-s able to accomplish in less than two months. And there was still more in preparation. 'I'he things to which he at first ehieliy devoted his attention, were the interior govern- ment of Rome, the state of the finances o!' the Holv See, and the territorial independence of Italy, lie saved the Pontifical treasury from all danger of bankruptcy by obtaining three millions of ecus from the Rounui Clergy. Th\is relieved from all disquietude as to finance, he applied his mind to the important task of adapting the (government to the t)e\v instilu- tious, of causing that to become a fact, which had already a legal existence, — a constitutional Pontificate. To ihis end. he prepared a series of legislative measures, in order to dctei- mine with precision the -phere »>f action of the difTerent powers, and so confine within n-tain limits the disorderly force of popular movements. He at the same tinic projected the civil re-organization of ihc Roiu.m States, bearing well in mind that good laws are the best guarantee for freedom, and th.e strongest 74 check to arbitrary power. An Italian in feeling as well as in blood, his patriotism led him to consider how he should best introduce into the political machinery which he was building up, the sound and liberal theories of (j'oberti and Rosmini, by negotiating at Turin, at Naples, and at Florence, a confeder- ation which should unite all the Italian States, respecting the forms and institutions peculiar to each state, but fixing between them certain relations in time of peace, determining their military contingents, and regulating their common action in case of war. He gained for this great unvlertaking the favor of the Pope, and thus to Pius IX. belonged the glory ;.. an important initiatiun, from which might have proceeded one day, with time, the emancipation and rsgeneration of Italy. Time, however, was wanting ; and anarchy again held sway. Hitherto the IjCgislative Chambers had only wasted time in unprofitable debat<^s. For their meeting of the 15th of November, 1848, Count Rossi prepared u bold but conciliatory address. They were now no longer to he^^r the ambiguous and factious words of a maniac, but the true language of constitutional government. Rossi assumed the attitude of a grave and resolute minister, the counsellor of his sovereign, and the exponent of his views ; not the slave of the people, and the organ of their passions. This address was never delivered. It conunenced with the following words :— " Scarcely had his Holiness ascended tiic r*ontifical throne when the Catholic world was filled with admiration at his clemency as a Pontiff and his wisdom as a temporal sovereign. ■'**■* The uiost important iacts have shewn to mankind the fallacy of the jiroundlcss predictions of that pretended philosophy which had declared the P.ipaey to be, from the nature of its constitutive principle, the enemy of constitutional liberty. In the cdurso r)f a few nionths, the Holy Father, of his own accord, and without aid, accomplished a work which would ha -e sufficed fur the glory of a long reign. History, impartially sincere, will repeat, — and not without good reason, — as it records the acts of this Pontificate, that the Church, immovable on her Divine foundations, and inflexible in the sanctity of her dogmas, always intelligently considers i. and encour suitable in oration wai the policy appealed concurrenc the Consti But the should no which suat the schem< the most a i*epublicai reach the body.' odious to Congress order to ( decreed t published should di( casting 1 murder o practicet on whicl the time reached conspira others 1 oppress! to avoi solemn, could a hoped 1 bearing Palace a stat should 76 w well OS in should best as buildinir Uosmiiii, by a coiifeder- ipecting the but fixlojT detcrmininff iimon action irtaking the the glory .. ■ocecdcd one on of Italy, held sway, wasted time the 15th of conciliatorv ambiguous language of ttitude of a s sovereign, ' the people, was never ? words :— fical Ihronc ition at his il sovereign, to mankind t pretended 0, from the nstitutional Father, of ivork which . History, hout good 5, that the J iu flexible y considers and encourages with admirable prudeuce, such changes as are suitable in the things of the world." The remainder of the oration was h bold and luminous exposition of the ideas and the policy which M. Rossi had it in charge to carry out. He appealed to the Chamber for the necessary aid of their loyal concurrence, and bound himself in honour to observe faithfully the Constitution. But there were men who had sworn that the Constitution should no longer exist. This Constitution and the ministry which sustained it were, in^leed, formidable impediments to the schemes of the radical faction. Both were the objects of the most violent attacks, as well in street meetings as in the republican journals. The minister rcmaiiicd undaunted. " To reach the Holy Father," said he, "they must pass by my lifeless body." Such u noble determination only rendered him more odious to the revolutionists. On their return from a scientiuc Congress at Turin, where the name of science was abused in order to conceal their plots, '.' "> leaders of the Red Republic decreed the death of Rossi. l..azzini, in a letter which was published, had declared that it was indispensable that he should die. In one of the Clubs of Rome, they selected, by casting lots, the assassins who should bear a hand in the murder of Rossi ; and the principal actor in this crime actually practiced on a dead body in one of the hospitals. The day on which the parliament was to meet, 15th November, was the time fixed for the foul deed. Meanwhile repeated warnings reached the cars of the intended victim. Some of the conspirators, struck with remorse, had made revelations ; others boasted cynically, that they would soon be rid of the oppressor. The Duchess de Rignauo conjured the Minister to avoid leaving the house. Words of warning equally solemn, from other quarters, were alike slighted. Nothiiij could alarm the Minister. If he indeed believed iu a plot, he hoped to disarm the fury of the conspirators by his courageous bearing. He now hastened from his house to the Quirinal Palace, and spoke words of comfort to the Pope, who was in a state of great anxiety. Pius IX. recommended that he should keep on his guard, and imparted to him his benediction, 4 76 which he then received for the last time. At the door of the Pope's ajartments he met an aged priest who beseeched him to remain : "If you proceed," cried he, "you will be murdered." M. Rossi paused a moment. " The cause of the Pope," he said, " is the cause of God ;" and he proceeded. A guard of carabiniers, contrary to orders, were treacherously absent from the approach to the Representative Chamber. As the Minister ascended the stairs he was surrounded by a group of conspirators. At first they offered insult ; then one of them struck him on the shoulder. Turning indignantly towards this assassin, lie exposed his neck to the poniard, which, waiting for the opportune moment, now dealt the fatal blow. The minister felJ, deluging with his blood the steps at the very threshold of the Legislative Hall. The Chamber listened in silence to the account of the murder that was committed at its doora. Not one of all Rome's secular representatives raised his voice in condemnation of this monstrous crime. They passed at once td the order of the day. In the place at the foot of the stairs the civic guard was in arms on duty ; but nobody arrested — nobody shewed the least intention to arrest the murderer. The criminal, Qnpnnished, was led in triumph through the city by his accomplices, who were joined by some dragoons and carabin- iers or gendarmes. They sang a ne"- hymn — " Blessed be the h>»nd that slew Rossi." The dagger of the assassin was exposed to public veneration, crowned with flowers, in the Caf6 of the fine arts. The populace in their phrensy insulted the widow of the murdered Minister. By an excess of irony, they called upon her to illuminate her house. The newspapers expressed their approval of the crime, as the necessary manifestation of the general sentiment. The whole population by its silence, if not by actual participation in these demoniac rejoicings, became accomplices in the foul deed. Together with the noble Rossi perished, and perhaps for ages, the cause of Rome, the cause of Italy. What might they not have gained if the minister had been allowed to fulfil Lis task ? Constitutional government would have been estab- lished on a solid and lasting basis ; the wild agitation of the streets w( lution wo the sound tutions. stigmatizi talents ar of bnildii down, anc recoils in had long zeal for h of her el began, to liberty, tl results th by assass The hum the die w and by t due time It was same bio well-regu Meanv crime. ' tation to the repre and prev ♦ In 181 J where the: on them ni A member always shi upon hi:n Lucinn's H' father. U him: "V ceUine Po attetiiTing ConcilinBi fame, th« le had of feet of Or 1847 and 1 marched i 77 oor of the «ched him nurdered." Pope," he guard of sly absent As the a group of of them y towardi, rd, which, fatal blow. 5ps at the int of the one of all ideronation le order of tivic guard )dy shewed 3 criminal, ty by his id carabin- ised be the jassin was ;rs, in the sy insulted 3 of irony, ewspapers necessary population demoniac ;rhap8 for liat might Jd to fulfil >een estab- ioD of the Btreetfi would have subsided, the excited passions of the rm'o- lution would have been awed into composure, on beholding the sound, regular and beneficial workiiij^ of free political insti- tutions. But, by an sict which history will never cease to stigmatize, the only man whom the authority of hif? name and talents and experience rendered equal to the stupendous work of building up, on new principles, the social fabric, is struck down, and Europe which had hitherto looked on with sympathy, recoils in horror. Liberal men throughout the civilized world had long been deeply inten\sted in the state of Italy. Tn their zeal for her cause they couki pardon t!ie ill-ccntrol!ed agitation of her children, their greatest excesses, even, when they first began, to enjoy — to enjoy belV»re they knew how to use it, liberty, that was so strange to them. But with crime and its results they had no sympathy. A state of thing8,'iiiaugurated by assassination, could only be perpetuated by violent means. The humanity of Eni-ope was shocked. As regarded Rome, the die was cant. She had rejoiced in unhallowed violence; and by the legitimafe violence which Divine Providence in due time brought to bear against her, she was punished. It was in vain now to think of the constitution. By the same blow which struck Kossi down, was the great cause of well-regulated liberty overthrown. Meanwhile the conspiritors made haste ♦o profit by their crime. There v»as question in the chamber of sending a depu- tation to the Pope, in order to express to him the reuret of the representatives for what had happened. 'J'his was opposed and prevented by Prince ('anino.* The revolutionists now * In 1815, the Bonaparte family were without ii riamo in that Kiirope, where they had pusocssed so many .hnmes. One man iiad connpassion on them and acted generously. I'ius VI 11. welcomed them to Ula .-tatfs. A memberof this family, Luclan Bonaparte, Napoleon's Itrotlicr, liavinc always shown great faithlulntBS to the Holy See, Pius Vlll. eonlerred upon him the title of a Uomnn Prince and the principality of Cunino. Lucian's son has not been pil'lerl lo walk in the footsteps of his honorable father. Ualleydier in his history of the Roman revolution, thus portrays him: " Versed in diHsimulation, Charles Bonaparte had under the pre- ceding Pontificate, acted two very opposite characters. lu the morning attending in the ante-chambers of the Cardinals, in the eveninf.' at the ConciiiaDulK of the secrel Societies, he laboured to secure, by a double fame, the chances of the present, and the probabllltiea of the future. [e had ofien been soon, going piously, to (he Vatican even, to lay ul the feet of Gregory XVI., homiigu which his heart belied.'' ^'o doubt in 1M7 and 1848, he thought himself an abler man than his father, as bo marched poniard In iiaud, at the head of the malcontents of P.otnc. 98 fonned a sort of permanent club, which was nnxious t j fuaKe a great demcnstr&tioD, and required that the civic guard .lori the army phoi Id join them. Wheu ull was in rendiuess, a raoi> that had "jeen for some time organized for the purpose, luarchefl to the Quirinal, the Pope's residence, and pointed tbeii taiiuun uguiust the gates. From the neighbouring houses muskets were discharged. A ball struck Mousiguor Palnm, who ex- pired at the feet of the Holy Father. One of the gates was set on fire, but the Swi«s guards succeeded in extinguishing the flames. They threatened to put to death all the inmates of the Palace, with the exception only of Pius IX. himself, if he would not yield to the requirements of the revolution. Balls which fell in his chamber, proved but too well that the J^jpe, even, would not have been sparetl. Ileduced to this extremity. Pius IX., who had hitherto refused to accept a ministry, the mere naming ot which was an insult to him, at last, but only with a view to save the lives of the j)eople around him, sub- mitted. Mamiatii with his former programme, and in addition to it, the constituent assembly, consisting of the representatives all Italy; Doctor Sterbini, Gaoetti, and some four other names equally unacceptable, ccnistituted this radical administration. IMiey wished to add the venerated name of Rosmini ; but tliis learned divine refused to take any part in their proceeding.s. When, on the ITth November, several deputies propose*! that a deputation of the Representatives should be :sent t Pius IX. in order to exjjress to him their devoteduess and their gratitude. Prince de Cunino pr^^vtnted so laudable a thing from being done, deelaring tliut it would be imprudent, and that they might have reason \u repent it. " Citizen Bonaparte," as he delighte> .iiC idol of his pnople and the hope v * wmKind. la this all but desperate condition he ne\er loat confidence. He was all along self-possesse^l a>id ^erene. He wav pained only by the ingruutude of his people. The ministry of subversion had scarcely extorted from the Pope his reluctant con.^ent to their existence when the Holy Father, solemnly, and in the face of Christian Europe, as represented by itf ambassadors,^ protested against this ministry and all its acts. The multitude, intoxicated witli their delusive success, and the leaders who aspired to guide them, were still celebrating their victory • th** frequent discharge of firearms and the loud vociferations of the crowd were still reverberating through the venerable edifices of Rome, when the Holy Father addressed the following words — speaking the while with indescribable emotion — to the ambas« sadoi-s, by whom he was surrounded : " Gentlemen, I am a prisoner here. Now that I am deprived of all support and of all j)0wer, my whole conduct will nave only one aim — to prevent any, even one drop of fraternal blood from being uselessly shed in my cause. I yield everything to this principle ; but at the same time, I am anxious that you, gentlemen, should know, that all Europe should be made f * Theso umbaHsadors and diplomatists werb Martixoz Delia Rosa, the ambasandor of Spai; , with the Secretary of the Embassy, M. Arnao; the Duke d'llarcour, ambassador of France ; the Count de Spaur, ambassador of Bavaria; the Baron Venrke of Holland, and several other diplomatists, of whom not one was an Italian. There was at liomc also on the occasion, although not in the appartments of the Pope, a British Statesman, who was not an ambassador, inasmuch, whatever may have been his business .it Home, he had no recognized mission, if any mission at nil, to the Sov> erelgn of Rome. He was rather officious, than ofHcial, and, whether ho had commission or not, he held, as is well known, serious conmunications with the enemies of tlie Pope. Lonl Minto was enthusiastically received by the secret societies of Korae. The people, forgetting at the time the way to the Quirinal, went to serenade him. Lord Minto frequented " the popular circle," (u band of three hundred chosen agitators, whose office It was to carry the torch ot discord into all the cities of the Papal States, and of Italy,) and the offices of the socialist newspspcr. He went so far as to receive courteously Cicervacchio, and made verses for his son Clcer- vacchietto. (RonaBACiiKR.) The Earl of M Into was not, however, a faithful exponent of the opinions of British Statesmen. Few of them, fortunately, hold the 8Ul*»versive doctrines that \vere countenanced by his lordship, when representing at Rome, the least respectable portion of the Whig party. m 8P aw^re that I take no part, ev<.>i; nomiDally, io thia gorernmeDt, and tbnt I am resolved to remain an absolute stranger to it. I have forbidden them to abuse my name ; I have ordered that recourse should not be had even to the ordinary formulas.'' Thus did the PontiflT abdicate provisionally until more happy days should dawn upon his country. The representatives of the powers received with respect and emotion which found expression in tears, the protestation of Pius IX., who was reduced to be a prisoner in his own palace, and a hostage of the Revolution. Thus ended for the time, and to his inexpressible regret* the career of the f>iatesman Pope. What he may yet be able to accomplish in the belter days which, may we hope, are yet in store for him, riouc cnn venture to foretell. But if Rome and the Roman States — if all the kingdoms, principali- ties, and republics of Italy, have not yet been favoured with the wished-for measure of liberty, uo blame can be imputed to the Pope of our time, who as we learn so clearly from the study ofhia political career, has nothin}^ more at heart, as a temporal sovereign, than to reign as the constitutional head of a constitutional government.* ♦ Vldo Appendix. THE 1 WITH R It woul character i to the coi ought to g republic, the spirit ( men who i What t taught to informed which w< knowledg and hurai fair-dealir then, are in accordi so genera rules, ac( and hum: throw br darkest blood, in Europe ? This a period, time wa tageousl; mankind But at >^ ■■'-': ernment, fer to it. ordered rmulas.'' re happy atives of ch fOQDd who was )stage of regret* IT yet be we hope, . But if rioclpali- red with puted to rom the irt, as a I head of THE TEMPORAL SOVEREIGNTY (Df ll)e pope, WITH RELATION TO THE STATE OF ITALY, Ao. THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE. It would, indeed, be difficult to find anything in the character or political career of Pius IX., which could lead to the conviction that the Pontifical sovereignty of Borne ought to give place to a red, or any other form or colour of republic. But, it may not perhaps be in accordance with the spirit of the age, that the Pope should reign, whilst the men who are so anxious to fill his place remain in obscurity. What then is the spirit of the age, from which we are taught to expect so much? Will any intelligent well- informed man call in question the reply, that the time in which we live is characterized by its greater love of knowledge, its moderation, its liberality, its spirit of peace and humanity, no less than by the desire that justice and fair-deahng should everywhere prevail ? At whose hands, then, are we to look for the government that shall be most in accordance with these views and sentiments which now so generally obtain ? Will it be found with the Pope, who rules, according to knowledge, with wisdom, moderation, and humanity ; or with the retrograde faction, that would throw back the world of the nineteenth century to the darkest epoch of Pagan barbarism, and in characters of blood, inscribe the laws of Draco on the tablets of modern Europe ? I. ENLIGHTENMENT. This age of the world, more, perhaps, than any preceding period, is distinguished by its love of knowledge. At what time was science so generally, so earnestly, and so advan- tageously cultivated? None will pretend, indeed, that mankind have aa yet even made the conquest of all science. But at what earlier epoch was more progress made, greater H« W if iB9 success achieved ? Was there ever a period wheii tlu* pursuit of knowledge was held to be so honorable, or wheu its votaries were universally encouraged, and crowned with rewards ? That science, above all, as difficult in its acquinj- ment as it is important in its results, — the science of man — is now more than ever an object of study ; and with good reason, assuredly : for is it not the groundwork of poHtical science, the science of government, upon which depends the happiness of nations ? Now, who in past ages, as well as the present time, have shown themselves the friends of science ? None more than the Popes. Deny this, and you blot out, not pages, not volumes only, but all history. Not (»nly have the Popes in every age encouraged science. They have themselves excelled in many of its branches. The woH.'. is indebted to them for important discoveries. Tlie reformation of the Kalendar, alone, would add histre to any ordinary dynasty. But, on the other hand, what has science to expect from the men who are so anxious to overthrow the venerable Sovereignty ? Just as muoli as in a by-gone age was gained, or could now be hoped for, from a reign of terror — from the reign of "the hand of iron." This much we know, that these men are delicient in the knoAvledge of man, in the science of government. Who but such politicians could for a moment suppose that the world of to-day would submit (.0 a ruk- of tyranny and fear ? In .some of the lessei- Stiites such iv system may be established, anil may for a time prevail. But they read not aright the signs of the times — they understand not the spirit of tlie age, -who maintain that a goverinnent of this extreme and ferocious character is adapted to the wants, the feelings, tlie state of progress, the habits, or even the prejudices of the men and nations of our epoch. In an important and vital matter, therefore, the science of the so(.'ialist faction is at fault. That knowledge which, above all others, lliey ought to possess who aspire to rule mankind — the knowledge of the true principles of government, of sound political economy — they hare learn it. 1 the age ; b Another is the desii prevail. I the history there is nc distinguisl and barrel be describ recommer speak, fori though n That love character which k: moniti," and creei abdicate together temporal carefully upon rec or ever, armamei * A vor of the dlfl saya 'It not sufflcl of the gr< Btates. "^ tempting conquere( occupant, But this, countries incontostl overwhlc whtch 801 which th< Book ti., S3 vheii tilt' or wheu ned with H acquiro- of man — and with idwork of on whicli past ageK, elves the Deny y, but all loourageii any of its important ne, would pect from venerable ago wa.s if terror — wo know, ^ man, in ians oould ly would the lesser may for a :n» of the ige, who ferocious e state of men and .1 matter, at fault, ought to ge of the onomv — they hare not yet mastered ; nor are they likely soon to learn it. They are at the wrong school. Not the school of the age ; but a school which the age condemns. TUK SPIRIT OF THE AGE — II. JUSTICK. Another manifest and striking chai'acteristic of the age, is the desire, as general as it is laudable, that justice should prevail. Now, to all who are in the least conversant with the history of the Civil Government of the Roman States, there is nothing better known thai tliat it has always been distinguished by its love of justic^e. Nor was this a vain and barren theory. The rule of the Popes, in all ages, may be described as, justice in action. What was it, that lirst recommended it to the favor of mankind — that, so to speak, forced it into political existence ? that constrained it, though reluctant, to assume t'uo Government of E,ome? That love of justice, which is inseparable from its spiritual character ; that stern irni)artiality which accepts not persons, which knows not man from man. '' Discite Justitiam, moniti," said the Pagan sage.''> to the rulers of their time and creed. But sooner than take the lesson, these rulers abdicate their power, and abandon Rome. And thus, together with the reign of justice, is established the temporal authority of the Christian High Priest. How carefully these new sovei-'^igns refrain frorii wai- ! It is not upon record, that they ever engaged in a war of aggression, or ever, consequently, in an unjust war,* if wc except the armaments Ihey encouraged and promoted, not for their * A vorv profound Statesman, Count Joseph de Maistre, in speaking of the difference between tho Koman and other European governments says: "It is a very reinarlcable circumstance, but either disretr^rded or not sufficiently attended to, that the Popes Imve never talien advantage of the great power in their po.aaesslon, for the aggrandizement of their States. What could have been more natural, lor instance, or more tempting to human nature, than to reserve a portion of the Provinces conquered from the Saracens, and which they gave up to the first occupant, to repel the Turkish ascendency, always on the Increase y But this, however, they never did, not even with regard to the adjacent eouniries, as m the instance of the Two Sicilies, to which they hau incontcstiblc rights, at least, according to the ideas tiien prevailing, and over which they were, nevertheless, contented withan empty sovereignty, which soon ended in the haquente, a slight tribute, and merely nominal, which the bad taste of the age •till disputes with them."— i>?i Pope : Book 11., Chap. 6. 84 '™ own protection only, but for the safety, the Ubcrty, and the Religion of all Europe. They have no place, whatever, in the annals of carnage and devastation. More than once have they saved their people from war and its attendant horrors. But where is the people who can say that the dread scourge waa ever inflicted on them by the Pontid' Rulers ? Examine more closely still the Government of the Popes. In their internal administration, how «trictly just ! Tho nation cannot be named, in the tribunals of which greater pains are takun to distribute justice with an equal hand. And. does the government, at any time, stand in need of extraordinary pecuniary aid, there is no iniquitous anrj violent seizing of the property of any class or corporation in the ccmniunity, no undue incn'asing of the taxation, no extortion, no cruelty, no injustice in the collection of tlu- existing taxes. A voluntary grant is at hand, as well to meet the exigency cf the time, as to render more firm and indissoluble the bond fhzt uiiius the people to their sovereign. Ju.«tice in the Roman States is practiced even to scruple. Who will not say that it wa.s justice, and mon; than justice, on the part of the Papal Government, to pay from its own resources, the debts of the unauthorized and revolutionary governments nf 18-18, debts incurred for llic most p;a't in s-tting at defiance — in waging war against the legitin ite Ruler of tlie country? In merely temporal States, no dou'-t, justice has prevailed, and does prevail ; but in no otiier State has its practice been for many centnriea—eveu from the [bundation of the State to its latest hour, the invariable rule. Under no other constitu- tion, however liberal, has the nccc?saryseverity of justice been 80 wisely moderated by mercy, but without diminution of its rightful privilege. " Earthly power duth th( n shew likes; God's when mercy scayons justice." Such is the perfection of jusiice. Let it now be decided (the deliberative elVort v/ill not be great) who they are who approach nearest to this standard, — whether the Popes, who have been so cruelly reviled, or the socialist repubUcan party, who, whilst th< their views of , inoilern Rome their secret ju the object of tl ofliismot/ur, ( It must not, foreign to thes^ interests, thej their own. 11 the tibsence of they \iu',\\ hoi In speaking ol the Euiilian V in which rebel to the revolt " Scarcely we he at once di month, (£214 his monthly ti moreover, he sterling) by indeed, could himself, wriu sold uuhapp^i Prelate, who of the Chief of forbidding 3ays the san arra).d in th cudgel in hat liulogna I B( done to prov thus bent lov cruel despoti And you dooe that y worda youi 9« hy, and the [hatever, in than once attendant ly that the |the Pontifl' tlie Popes. just ! The ich greater Kjual hand, ill need of |uitoux anrl .'orporatioii ixation, no tion of the ns well to more firm lie to their .cticed even a, and mor(; lent, to pay lorized and rrod for the against tlic IS prevMiled, actico been he State \o ler constitti- justirc been ution of iu shew like: i be decided lev are who Popes, who l?.Cftn party, who, whilst they lay claim to snperior political wisdom, carry their views of justice far beyond anything of which ancient or modern Rome bears record, pursue to extremity the victim uf iheir secret judgment, and injlict thefutol blow, even should ike object of Ihir vengeance have sought refuge in the bosom of his mothtr, or in the Sanctuary of God. It must not, however, be supposed that justice is altogether ti»reign to these gentlemen. When there is question of certain interests, they pay court to the Goddess, and make lier all their own. If when they are in power, parties complain of the iibsence of justice, or groan under its excess' ve application, they ko'-vv how to make amends. They do themselves ^'i«//cc. In speaking of Siguor Cipriani, the socialist and rebel ruler of the Emilian Provinces — that portion of the Pope's territory in which rebellion is temporarily triumphant— journals friendly ro ilie revolutionary cause have been pleased to say : — " Scarcely were his pov.ers contiimcd by the assembly, when he at once doubled his salary, which is now 1000 ecus i)cr month, (£214 sterling,) and allowed himself 70 6eua more for his monthly travelling expenses. In the couree of a few days, moreover, he caused to be paid to him .'{0,000 francs (£1200 sterling) by way of secret service money." Little better, indeed, could bo expected of the son of a slave merchant, who himself, writes the same journal, " in his youth, bought and sold unhappy negroes." Thus has the meek and learned Prelate, who so lately represented at Bologna the sovereignty of the Chief Pastor, given place to the slave-dealer, the man of forbidding manners and cruel habits. "I think I see him," says the same writer, '• stripped i of his embroidered robes, arra} d in the white costiune of the remote Islands, and with cudgel in hand, driving, as of old, hi^ wretched negroes. 0, liulogna I Bologna ! learned and noble city ! what hatit thou done to provoke the wrath of Heaven, that thou shouldst be thus bent low beneath the degrading yoke of an ignorant and cruel despotism I" — [ApvxJI Courrier du Canada.) And you, constitutionalists of Italy, what ^^ve you doQe that you should be thus reduced to vent m empty words your indignation and your sorrow? How long, w lAAAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I IA£12.8 150 ^^" ■" 116 li us Si 22 Huu 1^ ^IIIM im 1-25 III 1.4 1.6 ■* 6" ► m v^ % 07% ^t> Photographic Sciences Corporation ^ 4 •^ i\ i\ V ^ \ 1^ <^^^' 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 i 86 O Italian people! iatellectual and powerful aa you are, how long will you allow to reign over you, this red republic and ha justice ? The systematic injustice of the party — now provisiouully only, it must be hoped — in power is already producing its fruit. No real, honest election to any office is possible. The unfortunate inhabitants must vote as the powers that be direct them. AVhether there be question of choosing a representa- tive or p municipal magistrate, the suffrages are taken at the point of the bayonet. This reign of terror has not yet been sufficiently powerful to do more than cause about one-third of the populations of the alienated Papal territory to concur, or rather, to make a shew of concurring, in sending represent- atives to the Legislative Assembly. Meanwhile the Assembly is constituted ; and whatever abuses it may establish, whatever crimes it may perpetrate, must be charged to its own account, not to the people, whom it by no means represents. Its forced loans, not only shock the sense of justice, so deeply rooted in the popular mind, but cause the greatest discontent, and put an end to trade and businesss of every kind. This is calcu- lated to drive capital from the cities, together with all other sources of prosperity. We learn from authentic documents that it has already done so, and that among the operative and commercial classes, in consequence, the greatest distress prevails. We are informed, at the same time, — talent and merit being placed in abeyance, — that persons of the lowest condition, as devoid of knowledge as of character, are promoted to offices of trust.* This may be necessary to keep the slave-driving Governor in countenance; but it is just, only, according to Ked Rcj^n jlican views of justice. THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE — III., HUMANITY. If this age justly claims superiority, it is chiefly on the ground of its greater humanity. In Pagan times, everything conspired to render men cruel and ferocious. Religion and social usages tended alike to maintain the reign of cruelty and * An Inauspicious sign of the times. The Alcoran, which contniiis many v"luable maxims of worldly wisdom, says, " that one of the signi ' >': o! the end of the world will be, the advancement of persons of low condition to the highest dignities." 87 lf>- = ferful a3 jou r you, this red :>w provisioiiully y producing its 3 possible. The rs that be direct ng a representa- are taken at the as not yet been about one-third 'itory to concur, nding represent - le the Assembly ablish, whatever its own account, ents. Its forced [Jeeply rooted in intent, and put This is caicu- er with all other entic documents le operative and :reatest distress me, — talent and is of the lowest character, are ecessary to keep ; but it is just, ustice. rANITY. i chiefly on the iiijes, everything . Religion and n of cruelty and n, which contnins latoneofthesigni of persons of low barbarism. And thoae peoples became the greatest and most powerful in the end, who were characterized not by superior learning and refinement, but by their pre-eminence in sternness and ferocity. Thus did Pagan Rome, celebrated by her bards as " Roma ferox," the people of hard, cruel, and unbending mind, whom no considerations of humanity could ever fur a moment stay in their career of conquest, obtain dominion over all the nations of the world r* Nor with tl. attainment of her ends did the rigid character of ancient Rome pass away. She reached at the same time the height of her ambition and the extreme of cruelty. Not only is this manifest in her relations with vanquished states, whose kings she dragged in all the humiliation of defeat at the chariot wheels of the savage warriors, whom she deified, but more still in her inhuman treatment of the Christian people. With an instinctive hatred of that religion which by meekness and self-sacrifice was destined so soon to triumph over her ferocity, she exhausts her ingenuity in devising new tortures for such of her children as, untrue to her traditions of war and blood and superstition, renounce her false gods and embrace the Christian faith. Rome is yet in all the pride and glory of Empire, when the Religion she laboured so anxiously and so mercilessly to destroy ascends her capitol and displays on her imperial crown its imperishable emblem. And now begins the mighty war which throughout all time will not cease to rage — the war of meekness against cruelty — of the mild and humanizing influence of the Cross against the unbending sternness of worldly power — of that new civilization which shall encourage science, foster art, and promote by a thousand means the happiness of mankind, — against the untamed despotism which knows no other law than that of strength overwhelming weakness. Important conquests are now gradually achieved. Whole peoples come under the mild sway of the Heavenly influence. But never at any one time has it been given to all the populations of the world to enjoy this reign of peace. It gains ground, nevertheless, and every day obtains new victories. What progress do we not behold at length in our favoured age ! Nations that only half a century ago yielded 88 r'"t to Pagan Rome, in their thirst for unlawful conquest, and bore in their national character the same mark of barbarism —a stern, cruel and unrelenting mind, now, as if moved by some overpowering influence, assume an entirely new mode of being. War there is still, and rumour of war. But, hard and savage as it ever must be, war, even, puts on a new face. It is no longer the war of Pagan days, inspired, fostered, and sustained by mutual hate. It is the work of sad necessity — deplorable, melancholy work, which all men regret, mourn over, and encloavour to bring to an end. Are its terrors let loose upon a people, they are confined to the hour of deadly striCe, almost to the comparatively narrow limits o( the battle- field. There, even, war is not what it was wont to be. Just as ill the Caxys of glorious chivalry among a few peoples, so now, in all civilized nations, it respects its victims. It will not trample on Uie fallen. The brave soldier who has been first in the field of battle, to lay low his country's foes, beholding only in ine vanquished and prostrate enemy, his fellow-beings in distress, hastens to bind up their wounds, dispel their fears, and give comfort to their sorrow. Instances might be adduced, indeed, when, at moments of extreme excitement, the spirit of revenge has blazed forth in all its hideous forms ; but. such occurrences, unusual as they are, only bring into stronger relief that humanity which, it must be acknowledged, is a feature of the age, as general as it is remarkable. And it remains an uncontroverted fact that war, even, in obedience to the s[)irit of the time, has changed its character. Whatever may be, in regard to such an alternative, at certain times, the position of Governments, the people are ever ready to make sacrifices — to cast into the scales their treasures, and forfeit, if need be, not only their property, but their life also — everything, except national honour, rather than engage in deadly strife. Such was the disposition of the British" people when on the eve of the terrible confiict with Russia. Nor do they resolve on war until every resource of diplomacy has been exhausted. And, when state-craft can do no more, *.od the nation has made up its miod, an influeotial association makes a final effort in the t cause I The mi of agg from pacific war h with d Noi ing, ai battle than when Anstr: inviisl( chival 89 juest, aod |arbarism loved by mode of |ut, hard lew face. Jred,and 36831 ty — mourn jrrors let f deadly . e battle- e. Just ►pies, so It will as been ^'s foes, my, his wounds, lents of forth in as they tiich, it erai as ct that lianged ch an ts, the to the 1 their tional IS the )f the 3 war And, 3e up Q the Cause of peace ; but in vain : the demon of discord rules. The mighty potentate — the man of a by-gone age, whose views of aggrandizement had made war inevitable — is withdrawn from the scene, and the man of the time succeeds.* This pacific Emperor, brave as he is generous, weeps over the ruin war has made. He stays its cruel arm ; and mankind hail with delight the new reign, the reign of progress and of peace. Nor are othoi* nations of a warlike niitid, although possess- ing, as of old, all the qualities that purchase victory in the battle field. Of this no better proof could be adduced than the noble protest of the Representatives of the French, when their Emperor, erewhile, decided on hostilities with Austria. No doubt there was much in the character of that invasion of the States of Italy, that was not acceptable to a chivalrous and Christian people. But how much ot their opposition, and to their credit, it was as great as could be made in the face of Imperial .power, may we nut ascribe to the growing dislike to strife and bloodshed, which so decidedly characterizes the civilization of the age? In the administration of justice, also, there is more humanity than in by-gone times. Who would think it reasonable now-a-days that petty faults shonld be visited with the same chastisements, as great and destructive crimes ? And yet, in former ages, it was the received practice in many states to punish with the severest penalties known to Iiuraan laws, the most inconsiderable violations of property. A very opposite spirit now prevails. With the greatest reluctance only will a jury convict of murder even, lest capital punishment migi. ensue. And is it not a very general opinion tha.- there should be no such punishment ? And is it not the practice of the most enlightened governments, to have recourse to it only rarely, and v/hen tliere is question of the worst and most execrable crimes'? * Recent corresnonclcnco liaa given rise to doubts whether Alexanuer ofKussiawill realize, especially in regard of Polaud, the high promise with which his reign so auspiciously began. In the meantime, may it still be hoped, that Alexander II. will continue to be a second Alexander. His illustrious Predecessor was sometimes, in opposition to bis own sounder views, under the necessity of sacrificing to popular prejudice. Such oolicy might be carried too far, and retard, if not finally prevent, many proposed improvements. 90 With regard to political offences, what a change !— Anciently, it may be said, for such crimes there was no forgiveness. The axe, the gibbet, the rack, and the faggot were in daily requisition . Temporary exile, fines, and limited terms of imprisonment, arc the severest penalties that in most countries are now inflicted on offenders against the State. IC among any people a more rigid policy is at any time followed, it meets with universal reprobation, whilst it frustrates the very end it has in view. If in any one thing more than another the superior humanity of the age be manifest, it is in the conduct of civilized nations towards slavery. With a few exceptions that can never be sufficiently regretted, they all look upon it as a blot, wherever it exists, that cannot be too speedily wiped out. Long after slavery has flee irom her shores, the British nation beholds it with pain in her colonial empire. She resolves that it shall cease, and there ensues a stupendous sacrifice of treasure, together with the temporary ruin of rich colonies. But the slave is at liberty, and the nation is satisfied. It is no slight indication of the improved feeling of the time that the great peoples all concur in discouraging slavery wherever it is found, and in setting their bann on the cruel and infamous practice of trading in slaves. One powerful people whilst claiming to be the most free, if not the most enlightened, of any in the world, still countenance and uphold the detested slave system. Amongst them, even, a sounder public opinion and a feeling more in harmony with the humane spirit of the age, are beginning to prevail. May such sentiments increase ! May they every day gain strength, until by opinion, and opinion alone, the foul stain be blotted out ! THE P4PAL (iOVERNMEN ' EMINENTLY CHARACTERIZED BV ITS HUMANITY. The height of reasonable men's ambit ion is undoubtedly a government conformable to the spirit of the age. None will deny that this age is characterized by a greater degree of hu- manity than was generally known at any former epoch. If this be so, and I think it has been satisfactorily shewn, the Government of the Roman Pontlf!s has more than an ordi- a change !— there was no itJ the fag-got s, and limitetl that in raost he State. U ;ime followed, Tustrates the or humanity ized nations can never be as a blot, wiped out. British nation resolves that sacrifice of rich colonies. fied. g of the time ging slavery 1 on the cruel most free, if countenance them, even, irmony with evail. May ain strength, blotted out ! iiRl) BV ITS donbtediy a ^oue will gree of hu- epoch. If shewn, the n an ordi- 8i nary claim on the attention of statesmen and politicians. We have only to consider what a state of barbarism the world was reduced to, in order to understand how opportunely the benevolent rule of the Popes came to the relief of mankind. To such lengths had the selfishness of Pagan governments been carried, that no considerations of mercy and humanity could divert them from purposes and enterprises, however wicked, that were calculated to extend their power, increase their wealth, or in any way promote their material well-being. For this end were whole Provinces and Kingdoms merciless- ly sacrificed. The most vexatious systems of taxation were resorted to, and unfeelingly put in practice. No office, no place, no dignity, v/as sacred in the estimation of the people — who believed that they were made to rule, and who, cost what it would, were resolved to rule. That admirably framed material form on vi'hich the Divinity has stamped the impress of mind — even the eternal mind, inspired them with no res- pect. Nor did they reverence the temple of God itself, — that Holiest of all Holy places, at the portals of which the con- querors of a former age had stood awe-struck and trembling. The very amusements of the people of those times were bar- barous and cruel. ^Vhat more savage than the gladiatorial fights in which they took such delight ? Nor was it enough in order to satisfy the depraved appetite of a blood-thirsty populace, that men should contend with men in deadly strife, the trained pugilist, the wrestler, the gladiator must prove his skill, his strength, and his contempt of death, in the un- equal contest with more deadly foes, and when the mortal blow is struck a shout of triumph resounds through the crowded amphitheatre. No matter though the victor be an infuriated lion, or a famished tig(!r. The awful death agony of the strong man struck down in his strength, awakens no kindred feeling, no sympathetic emotion, no salutary thought. In the midst of these horrors, arises the nev.' power. It is, at first, resisted, as every other power had been. Frequent- ly, even, it is brought, in appearance, at least, to the lowest ebb. The starved tigers, thr t shall next arrive from the African desert, will devour its last remnant. But, it is not 92 to be thus put down. It will yet live, and ere many days, will shut the tiger's mouth, bid the roaring of the lion cease, and the still more savage cry of '"the christians to the lions,'* that has so long resounded in tlie thoroughfares of Heathen Rome. To the Romans of old, the shedding of blood was a pastime. The life of man was of no value in their sight. That of an Emperor, however, they held to be of some con- sequence, and, in order to save it, any number of unimpor- tant lives might laudably be sacrificed. Hence, it was, that when Constantine was ill of leprosy, and in imminent danger, it was recommended that he should have recourse to a bath of human blood, — even the blood of infants. The victims are aheady selected, when a vision appals and warns the heathen potentate. He seeks the presence of Pope Sylvester, whom the dread of Roman cruelly has driven to the mountains. The holy Pontift pronounces impious, as it is inhuman, the re- medy of blood. '' Let the soul first be cleansed," said he, "in the baptismal font, and your leprosy will need no other heal- ing." The lOmperor obeys, — becomes a Christian, and, to- gether with the regenerating water, receives his first great lesson of Christian teaching, — that, to shed innocent blood, is a violation of the laws of God and nature. Nor is this lesson to b «on forgot. The mighty Monarch, to whom, through .nedium of the Apostolic Pontiffs, it has been given, as a revelation from on High, will bear well in mind, a doctrine, so completely in accordance with unvitiated reason, and will moreover, cause it to be universally respec- ted. Thus is the Roman Empire, by the ministry of its first Christian Sovereign, and tli -oiigh the influence of the Chief Pastor, already divested of halt its barbarism. So charmed are mankind with this new and betier statesmanship, that, ere many more years have passed away, they will have no other ruler than the Pontiff. In vain does he repel the honor. With all its burthens, he must bear it. The Emperors, therr- selves, concur with the rest of men in giving up the Govern- ment of Rome to its Bishops, whose office will henceforth be twofold. Even, as to the Imperial dignity, had been added the honors of the chief sat ,f dotal function, so to the ofiBca of Viigh PJ temporal doca he ac( the new chl leas than b| he protest? ju the nar the subjeel the days ot[ cution to Rome, real It matters this domin were ackn Weary of the sceptr transferrer Urged by confiding to the nev content to world.* Thus, ' temporal has never to be the long care How I influence the tyra absence establish succeedt not giv moderat and hui Heruli, * VW< "lany days, iie lion cease, |to the lions,'* of Heathen blood wns a their sight. |of some con- of unimpor- [Jt was, that nont danger, to a bath of victims are the heathen ester, wliom intains. The nan, the re- said he, -'in other heal- tin, and, to- first great cent blood, N'or is this to whom, has been '" in mind, unvitiated J'y respoc- of its first the Chief > charmed sliip, that, I have no the honor. ors, their- 5 Clovern- ^eforth be =cu added the oflSw d8 of Fiigh Priest, dues the christian Pontiflf add the cares of temporal Sovereignty. Not, however, without reluctance, doc:} he accept, if he can be said to have accepted, as yet, the new charge, as in compliance with the people's wish, no leas than by th ) Imperial act, he continues to fulfill its duties, he protest? that he is only in the place of another power, and in the name of the Emperor, he dispenses justice to Rome and the subject Provinces. That the Chief Pastor, so early as the days of Constaulinc, no longer compelled by savage perse- cution to look for safety in the wilderness or the catacombs of Rome, really governed the Westernempire — is beyond dispute, ft matters not, it does not in the least diminish the reality ol this dominion, that the CjEsars still bore their high title, and were acknowledged, as well by the people, as by the Pontiff. Weary of the cares of empire, tliey beheld without jealousy the sceptre they had wielded, with such power and terror, transferred at length to less terrib'e but more vigorous hands. Urged by such considerations, the magnanimous Oonstantine, confiding in the superior wisdom of Pontifical rule, wiUidrew to the new city he had built, his own Constaotinople, and was content to reign over the Eastern portion of the vast Roman world.* Thus, with a most humane and humanizing act did the temporal rule of the Popes commence. The like humanity has never failed to wait upon its progress. It has never ceased to be the distinguishing characteristic, the chief glory of its long career. How often do wo not behold the Pontifical authority and influence saving Rone, Italy, the whole Western empire from the tyranny of Barbarians who, availing themselves of the absence of the emperors, endeavored one after another to establish their power at Rome. The Heruli, under Odoacer, succeeded in overthrowing ilie empire of the West. But it is not given to them, to displace the Roman Pontiff who moderates the fury of these savage hordes, and causes justice and humanity to be still respected. The Coths succeed the Heruli, and the Lombards the Coths. But whilst all these * Vide APPKMDXX. I 94 warlike nations, intbeirtnrn, become masters of Italy ; tonooe of them is it permitted, to hold permanent dominijn. They are driven to Milan, to Pavia, to Ravenna, and arc made to resiMJct the donation of sovereignty over Rome and the sur- rounding countries, nmde by ihc first Christian Emperor to the Roman Pontiff. This was, indeed, a victory—a victory in the cause of ijeacc, in the cause of mankind. The powei- that achieved it was more than that of arms ; it was the power of the unseen but mighty hand, which was slowly but surely and irresistibly accompli;shiuj; the greatest of revolutions, changing, remodelling all things, renewing the face of the earth, creating in the moral order a new world. With Italy must the work begin. There, in the very centre of civilization, had barbarism taken np its abode. It is contended with, and it is tamed. Its innumerable errors — its sins against human policy as well as against the laws of nature and of God — are held up and exposed as in the light of the noon-day sun. Its cruelties at first are mitigated ; finally done away with; and its crimes chastised. Ere all this was brought to pass, what evils was not Italy a prey to whilst yet prevailed the rule of those rude and discord- ant tribes, if rule that could be called, which was spoliation and anarchy rather than government, to what a mel ncholy state was not the conquered territory reduced. No order, no peace, no progress, no prosperity. It was as a sad chamber of horrors — dark, dismal and repulsive. "The state of those beautiful countries," writes de Maistre, "cannot be described, and still excites pity as we peruse their history. Laid waste by the barbarians, abandoned by its sovereigns, Italy no longer knew to whom it belonged, and its people were reduced to despair. In the midst of these calami- ties, the Popes were the only refuge of the unfortunate, and ' without desiring it, by the force of circumstances alone, were substituted for the Emperor, and all eyes were fixed upon them. Italians, Heruli, Lombards, French, were all agreed in thi? respect." Need it be added that the government which could thus command the submission, the affection, the reverence of so many warrior pe superior which, ab ment impc iimph of c of a barba THE te; Hl'M "Such power, ag pose the who, by t universal their spir sary to < drengtlit as yctrec fore, is n the genei the irru races, la solid fo'j and refi chaos, c regeneri ity pred religion in the < darknei Barl conqu( that g' a bod^ lofty I eious dancy >f Italy ; to nobe ominiju. They nd arc made to ne and the sur- an p]raperor tu tory—a viutory d. The power t wus th(; power owly but surely of revolutionx, Iio face of the With Italy e of civilization, oritended with, ts siua a[faiii8t ture and of God e noonday sun. no away with; was not Italy a :ide and discord- was spoliation t a mel ncholy No order, no t sad clunnbef tos de Maistrc. f(i peruse their ndoned by its (longed, and its •r these calami- ^ortunate, and s alone, were ed uj)on them, i^reed in this 5h could thus ice of 80 many 96 warrior peoples, must have been characterized not only by its superior wisdom, but also by that humanity, the absence of which, above all other things, had made every other govern- ment impossible. It is the victory of peace ov(.;r war, the tri- umph of christian love over the tierce and contending passions of a barbarous age and a crumbling empire. THE TEMFOIUL I'OWEFC OUIOINATING IN TUE WISDOM AND III'MANITY OK THK PAPAL Kri.KRS — OPINION* OF THE CFJ.EBRATKD WHITKK HAI.MES. "Such have been the outcries raised against the colossal power, against this usurpation of rights, that we might sup- pose the Popes to have been a sue<.'essi(»n of deep conspirators, wlio, by their intrigues and artifices, aimed at nothing short of universal monarchy. As our opponents plume themselves on their spirit of observation and historical analysis, I felt it neces- sary to observe that the temporal power of the Popes tms drengthencd and extended at a time when no other power was as yet really constituted. To call that power usurpation, there- fore, is not merely an inaccuracy ; it is an anachronism. In the general confusion brought upon all European society by the irruptions of the barbarians, in that strange medley of races, laws, manners and traditions, there remained only one solid foundation for the structure of the edifice of civilization and refinement — only one luminous body to shine upon the chaos, only one element capable of giving life 1o the germ of regeneration that lay buried in bloodstained ruins. Christian- ity predominant over and annihilating the remains of other religions, arose, in this age of desolation, like a solitary column in the centre of a ruined city, or like a bright beacon amid darkness. Barbarians, and proud of their triumphs as tlioy were, the conquering people bowed their head beneath the Pastoral staff that governs the flock of Jesus Christ. The spiritual pastors, a body of men quite new to these barbarians, and speaking a lofty and divine language, obtained over the chiefs ot the fero- cious hordes from the North a complete and permanent ascen- dancy, which the course of ages could not destroy. Such was ' I )l 96 tbt fonndation of tho temporal power in the Church ; and it will be easily conceived that as the Pope towered above all the other pastors in the ecclesiastical rdifirc. like a Huperb cupola over the other parts of a magnificent temple, his temporal power must have risen far higher than that of oidiimry Bish- ops ; and nmst also have had a fleepfr, nif)re solid, and mnro lasting foundation. All tho principles of Ie8;is!alion, all tlic foundations of society, all the elcmenls of intellectual culture, all that remained of the arts and pciences, all wuh in the hands of religion ; and all very nalurally sought ])rotcction from tlin Pontifical throne, — the only power acting with concert, order and regularity, and the on!y one that olli'icd any guarantee for stability and perse venuifc. Wars stuM-ei'ded to wars, con- vulsions to convulr^ions, tho forms of society were continually changing ; but the one great, general and dominatjt fact, the stability and influence of religion, remained still the same; and it is ridiculous in any man to declaim against a phenomenon so natural, so inevitable, and above all, so advantageous, desig- nating it "a succession of usurpations of temporal power." ENQUIRY C0NTINUP:D — THE PAPAL GOVEKNMEXT ESSENTIALLY HUMANE. In none of those th'ngs in which it is in the power of govern- ments to exercise influences beneficial to the cause of humanity, has the government of the Popes ever shewn itself inferior to the best systems of human policy. On the contrary, it has not only equalled but surpassed them all. Its advevparies, even, acknowledge that none of them are at least so worthy of attention, And that Protestant writer spoke truly who said "There is not, and there never was on this earth, a work of human policy so well deserving of examination." As far as the Papacy is a work of human policy — a temporal g'Vern ment — we find, on enquiring into its merits, tliaton the ground ofhumanity alone no other sjstem can at all ct^npare with it. It is of the very nature of the Pontifical power to be ab'e to exercise the functions of government with more humanity than other governments. Its spiritual and sacred character can never be separated from its temporal attributes, and hence, it must always be capable of maintaining order, and administer- iDg jastic than any being unr the t-cmp( which, { without accomplif titled 10 fidence, civil gov mand. that the enabled i with mor the work its functi 2nd. It I le^s just, occasiont shewn m peace an< to it. 4 arts, witi governm society, i the peop useless, to be as ment of lisbing ( more fr^ industry ated or than m( ever th< BUUANl The 97 hnrch ; and it (h1 above nil the Htipcrl) cupola }. his temporal idiniiry Bish- »l"l, and mnro shiLioii, ul] the t't!t.niil onltiiro. •'''1 in the hands ction from tho concert, order Jiny ;,niarantH' il to wars, COD- I't' continuaIl3' nant fact, the ho sa trie; and I phonomenoji ta,'4eoiis,dc8ig- U power." • ESSENTIALLY wer of ^overn- J of humanity, ?lf inferior to itrary, it has I adverparies, so worthy of ily who said I, a work of As far as oral g-'Vern n the ground pare with it. ) be able to niaiiity than aracter can nd hence, it administer- ing jastico with leas Boverity, althongh not less jficceMfnlly, than any other government whatever. ItvS temporal siilijects being unable to abstract the idea of the Hpiritnal from that of the t4}mporul rule, will pay to tlie latter in part that rcveronce which, strictly speaking, \t^ dun only to t'v5 former, Thus, without the terrors of i>ower, does the Pontifical government accomplish the work of power, attracting, a-; it is -• well en- titled lo do, by its twofold character, that afti^etion, that con- fidence, that obedience, which ail the punishments that merely civil governments are wont to have recoiu'se to never can c(mi- mand. It will easily be shown that this is no vain tlioory, but that the idea of the two-lbld character of tht; Papal rule huv-* enabled it to govern with more mildne.s:^and, at thesanio lime, with more advantage to society than any other ainh"rily in the world. 1st. It has been more hunu\ne in \h' exoieisc of its functions as regards the maintaining of peaee tuul order. — 2nd. It has been more moderate and merciful, aUhoi ^h not less just, in the admini.'^tration of justice, i'rd. On the few occasions in which it has reluctantly engaged in war, it has shewn more consideration for human life, more of the Rpirit of peace and forgiveness, whilst revenge has been vvh''!'y unknown to it. 4th. Not only has it encouraged learijiiig and the fine arts, with all their civilizing influences, but more than any other government, it has always promoted education in all orders of society, and that at times when to educate certain classes of the people was, in many great nations, consideroil wurse than useless. 5th. A.nd whilst, as yet, the unfortuuaie were held to be as accursed beings by the mass of mankind, the govern- ment of the Popes cherished the poor and the lowly, estaV)- lishing every day new institutions for their relief, and doing more from its own limited resources for the encourij^icuhnt of industry and every useful art by which misery couid be obvi- ated or relieved, and the condition of its victim- improved, than most other nations with larger means at thei:- disposal, ever thought of undertaking. HUMANITY OF THE PONTIFICAL GOVERNMENT IN THE PUNLSIIMKNT OF POLITICAL OFFENCES. The demands of humanity as regards offenders against the 98 state are at length recognized by the great civilized nations. But this recognition is of very modern date, and it may well be doubted whether it would stand the test of any serious or- deal. The comparative weakness of all merely civil govern- ments drives them to extremes. In moments of great peril they take counsel with fear, and resort to cruelty. If great powers of late, and it is only of late, have acted with magna- nimity and shewn mercy, it was only when their power was not really threatened, and when the spirit of the age required seme degree of homage at their hands. But the Papal govern- I ment has not been wont to act like one seized with panic. From the first moment it held civil rule in the world it has been con- sistently humane. In vain shall we search in the long history of its dominion for the record of iinyact of cruelty it has deemed it necessary to perform against a State offender, But say its enemies, it has other and more efficacious motJcs of punish- ment. We grant them that it has. Its spiritual thunder is still formidable. But at the same time, we claim tor the Pa- pal rule a source of excellence and efficiency which no other government can pretend to. This may be the reason why it ought to be dispensed with. Nations that would now do away with all punishments, and rule only by kindness, would be sat- isfied with the precedents they find in the past history of the Popedom, They are too enlightened to require the model it offers to them in the present age. But let us not mistake it, it is not, it cannot be a model government. It is now, as it has been in all time past, unique. Other states may behold it, may admire it, may study its ways and learn wisdom ; nay, and as far as their position will [idmit of it, meekness and clemency, too. But there will always be this difference ; — whilst they, by the powor oi '-'e sword, enforce reluctant obedience, willing homage will be rendered to the Popes. — Whilst purely civil rulers will quell rebellions by their victorious aims, or be overwhelmed by the tide of success- ful insurrection, he wiioee sceptre is the Pastoral staff, pressed by the temporary disaffection of his people, and involved in a labyi inth of difficulties, no mortal eye can see the clue to, will to a certain extent, withdraw from the 'S9 vilized nations, nd it may well any serious or- ' civil govern- I of great peril lelty. If great ed with magna- icir power was he age required Papal govern- -h panic. From it has been con- he long history by it has deemed r. But say its 0(ics of punish- tual thunder is aim tor the Pa- rthich no other e reason why it lid now do awav )3, would besat- ; history of the ire the model it not mistake it, rt is now, as it s may behold it, wisdom ; nay, meekness and is difference ; — force reluctant :o the Popes.— Ilions by their tide of sncccss- Fastoral staff, is people, and tal eye can see Iraw from the struggle, and to all appearance vanquished, will take reftigo in his spiritual dignity. But soon the season of storms and overloaded skies will pass away, and the Sovereign Pontiff and Pontiff Sovereign will be enabled as if by some unseen but irresistible power, to renume the exalted place which, even from the ' ■ginning of civilization, Divine Providence appears to have irrevocably assij^-ned to him. More than once have such events been witnessed. But, by what scenes of chastisement wei-e they followed ? What scaffolds were seen, spreading terror and creating slaves? What patriot or rebel lilood was made to flow, staining the earth and crying t(.) Heaven for vengeance ? If to this great rule some cxccptionH may be discovered in the ample page of Papal history, they are only such as doubly confinn it. What if at a time there should arise a Pope who, in extrono circumstances, has recourse to the sword with which he is entrusted. However decidedly such views may show the qualities of an individual Pontiff, they alter not the character of the Papacy. And who will say that such a Pontiff gi,;es beyond his rights ? Is he not a temporal Prince ? Ayd to wiiat prince do we deny the privilege of defending not only his person, but his throne? Generally, as we have seen, the Prince Pontiff finds means of guarding his sceptre, more ill harmony with his sacred and greater ofHce. But who shall condemn that Jalins, who though a most pious Bishop, believed that lie held not the sword in vain, and used it so far as to bring to obedience some rebel cities? This once effected, the "ord gives place to the Shephcid's Crook, and the vigorous hand that has been put forth to fpiell rebellion, is now raised only to invoke benedictions on a repentant people. Tiie poetry of his time and country has done justice to the character of this excellent Pope. He was far in advance of the age in which he lived, whether as regards the greatness of his views or the singular humanity by which his policy was distinguished. "Scarcely," tiays the poet, — and he only celebrates the facts of history, — "is war declared when you are victorious ; but you are as ready to pardon as to coiKiuer. Three things are 5 100 fts one to you — battle, victory, and forgiveness. One day brought us war ; the morrow, its termination ; and your anger outlived not the hour of strife. The name of Julius bears in it something Divine, and leaves us in doubt whether valor or clemency predominate."* The very fact that the conduct of a Pope who could have recourse to the civil sword even to remedy intolerable evils, requires to be justified in the eyes of mankind, proves beyond question, that there is inseparably connected with the princely power of the Sovereign Pontiff, a moral influence which has quelled more rebellions, established peace more generally at various epochs, and done more in every way for the cause of humanity, than could have been accomplished by all the arms of all the conquerors whose frequent victories have fillet! the world with their fame. HUMANITY OF THE POPES IN THE ADMINISTRATION OP JUSTICE. When we hear the oft repeated cry for reform ; when we read the volumes of abuse a corrupt press unceasingly pours forth against every branch of administration in the States of the Pope, and that especially which is not the least important — the dispensing of justice — parties unaccustomed to inquire for themselves, and who derive all their information from those poisoned sources, that are termed as if in derision, " the best possible public instructors," can scarcely resist the belief that there are no regular tribunals at Rome, and that justice even, sacred justice, depends entirely on the arbitrary will of one man. Far, however, is this from being the case. There is no state where there are more wisely constituted tribunals. Everything conuected with the administration of justice comes under their cognizance. And where men of the highest merit fill the judgment seat, whether they be laymen or ecclesiastics, there is every guarantee for sound decision. Men of character, of position, ajd dignity, they are above corruption, and decide according to their conviction — according to justice. The prerogative of mercy, as in all civilized countries, lies with the * CASSANOYA--a2>u(2 J>t Maittre on th$ Pope, p. 148, English Edition. — ppiJiAK^ London. Chief of occur, tl condemn, philosoph No. It those whi Pope air is but of as the Pj if splendi is of no nineteent if it were Nor d( Papal S Canon I anything best inst have Ion who refui learned < has giver abolished not suite was pres Luther, it, and e been sole promulgi upon the But w the midd excommu such nn\ * This ft in Englan the wHole i DtMo less. One day and your anger Julius bears in lether valor or rho could have ;olerable evils, proves beyond th the princely ince which has •e generally at for the cause led by all the ries have filled N OP JUSTICE. rm ; when we easingly pours I the States of )Q8t important led to inquire ;ion from those on, " the best the belief that t justice even, y will of one se. There is ted tribunals, justice comes highest merit : ecclesiastics, 1 of character, m, and decide justice. The , lies with the Ingliah Edition. 101 Chief of the State. And if in the few^ criminal cases that occur, the holy Pontiff inclines rather to pardon than to condemn, is humanity the loser by his clemency ? Ask the philosophy of the age, and it will answer most emphatically, No. It would rather there were no such punishments as those which, from their terrible and revolting character, the Pope almost always remits. With philosophy this doctrine is but of yesterday. Its praclice by the Popes is as ancient as the Papacy. Now that the lesson has been taught, and, if splendid declamations prove anything, learned too, the Pope is of no more use. Ho has intoned his last anthem. The nineteenth century takes it up, and will prolong the strain, as if it were all its own, till the end of ages. Nor does it derogate from the purity of the tribunals of the Papal States, that they inquire and decide according to the Canon Law. Human ingenuity has not yet discovered anything superior to this law. It is still interwoven with the best institutions of great and highly civilized countries that have long been separated from the See of Rome. " Those who refuse to do justice to the Canon Law," says the most learned Count de Maistre, " have never read if. This code has given a form to our judicial proceedings, and corrected or abolished numerous subtleties of the Roman law, which were not suited to us, if ever they were good. The Canon law was preserved in Germany, notwithstanding all the efforts of Luther, by the Protestant Doctors, who taught it, eulogized it, and even expounded it. In the thirteenth century it had been solemnly approved by a decree of the Diet of the Empire, promulgated under Fiederick II., an honor never conferred upon the Roman law."t But what shall be said in defence of those PopQs who in the middle age.s, so recently as the fourteenth c<'ntiiry, actually excommunicated criminals? What could humanity gain by such unwonted ledslation ? No doubt it was unusual — it * This fact is stated on good authority : "'doro murders aro committed in Eneland and Ireland in the course of a few months, than throughout the whole of Italy in as many years." — Lady Morgan's Italy, London, 1821. t Dt Maistre on the Pope, page 221, English Ed., London.— Dolman. 102 was now thai, the criniea ofmon should be so dealt with. IJul what was there in the l^apacy or in the Religion which il promulgated, that was not new? It wiis an ever-iiviiifi contradiction of cvcrytliing it {'oiuhI in the benighted world. Its canons took the place of llie old iluniun laws, even as its truth and purity replueed the errors and the corruption o! Paganism. Its corrective discipline and its anathemas weiv .substituted for those awful punishments which the })hilosophc'rs of our age hesitate not to stigmatize as judicial murders. And yet it was not an enlightened system. It only tended iv perpetuate ignorance aid barbarism! Consider the crinuh which it anathematized, and then say whether this extraordi- nary jurisprudence of the Popes contained anything that was the growth of ignorance — anything that could foster bai- barous and cruel usages. In the police regulations of that celebrated Bull, " in (Jetrators *»!' ci'inies ^uch as ihvs'' enumerated in the J5ull : 'I'he Pope exconnnunicatcs, — Art. 3 — All pirates ranging the seas without letters of nraniuci Art. 4.-- ship\ Art. f).- shall excej of ob Art. 6.— Art. 7.— any Art. 8.- wn tl Art. 9.- persi Art. 10.- whoi Art, 11.- viok Bisl) Art. 12.- acco Art. 20.- thei It is n to the pc have bee by the p bloodshe dreaded, despotic Let it to suppi' the time I'oturnet may wel would h ♦ CatlK that hei-e the Chui When in 1)0 (U'orn lealt with. Uiil telij^ion wliicli it i an ever-livinji jeiiightod world. a\v3, even as its ic corruption o! anathemas were the })hilosophers dicial murders. t only tended to sider the crimLs )r this extraordi- lything that wtu- idd foster bai - >akitions of that on the contrary barbarism and B'tll, in all the ic law of Europe iiid it not be i\v lid drive pirates 'dercrs from thi> 3 pronounced it /," would rejoice, lable of any real ivisioris, in sucli I punishment ol' othing shamefni. !ws, or torture ol ed, 1 shall even crimes which it No man »l L'l' of the great exercised by tlie ■iglit to uut oil •lu.'h as thcij'' ilters of mar(|uc i 103 Art. 4. — ■Every man who sh.all dare to steal anyliiing IVoii! a shipwrecked vessel. Art. f). — All who sliall establish in their lands new taxes, or shall take it upon them to increase those already existing, excejjt in cases provided for by the law, or in the event of obtainin;^' the expifv^s permission of l,h(^ Uoly Sec. Art. 6. — The (alsificrs o!' Apostolic Letters. Art. T. — All who shall furnish arms or munitions of war of any kind to Turks, Saracens, or heretics.'^^' Art. 8. — All who intercept provisions of any kind whatsoever »>n their way to Home, for the use of the Pope, Art. 9. — Those who s'lail kill, mutilate, rob, or imprison persons on their way to the Pope, or returning from him. Art. 10. — Thase who shall treat as above described, pilgrims whom devotion induces to visit Rome. Art, 11. — Those who should be guilty of the like acts of violence towards Cardinals, Patriarchs, Archbisho[)S, Bishops, and Legates of the Holy See. Art. 12. — Those who strike, rob, or maltreat any person on account of causes he is pursuing at the Court of Home. Art. 20. — Those who usurp the countries or territories under the sovereignty of the Pope. It is not our object here to inquire how conducive it was to the peace of the world, that many precious rights should have been secured and rendered sacred in the eyes of mankind by the publication of a Papal Bull, rather than by war and bloodshed. Later, when excommunication was not so much dreaded, such valuable privileges could only be extorted from r. It is just 'opes, though *r side. The 7 he incurred pie. And it this people, s, to rescue ms reduced. The ancient e. The real lid over the 7 of destruc- , intervened great and weapons of the Holy Pontiff, is crushed beneath its blows. "What means the Pope by ifis excommunication ? Does he think it will make the arms fail from the hands of my -.oldiers ?' The Russian winter made reply, as it tore the dread implements of war from the firm grasp of his strongest warriors, and left ihem a prey to the enemy he had go deeply wronged. Nor was it on this memorable occasion only, that the Popes fought their battles with the arms of peace. It has in all ages been their custom. What although one or two in so great a number, (there have been two hundred and fifty-five Popes in regular succession,) should have met war with wars own weapons 1 This would not alier the character of the Papacy. This would not rob it of the praise of having been always eminently pacific and humane. In looking into the long history of Rome's temporal sovereignty, I meet with only one instance of a Pope who actually waged war. And what were the wars of Julius II. ' Merely aflairs of internal police. His direct and prompt interference in these matters, although it may have derogated somewhat from the sacred dignity of the Pontiff, was peculiarly serviceable to the cause of humanity. The Venetians enter the Papal territc, v in the capacity of robbers, and as robbers they are punished by the Pope. They seize and unjustly keep possession of some of the Pontifical towns, and for once Rome's material thunders are levelled against oflenders. In this I, for my part, can see no injustice, no inhumanity. It is only to be desired that all robbers met with the like treatment. One can almost see vinegar and gall oozing from the starched visage of Abbe Feller, as he exclaims : " Julius allowed the sublime of his position to escape him. He saw not what his wise successors now see so well, that the Roman Poutifi" is the common Father, and that he ought to be the arbiter of peace, not a kindler of war." We have yet to learn, for there arc some things that cannot be learned from M. Feller's dictionary, that even Julius II was a "kindler of war." That ho found it neces- sary to quell rebellion in some portions of his states, is no proof that he enkindled war. Nor is the allegation proved by the fact that he obliged certain rebellious cities to surrender. This 100 ouly sliows lliiit hu uuulo uso of \hv toinporal s\v'. And yet, what was the conduct of all merely tent]ioral princes in circum- stances similar to those in which the part borne l>y .Julius is so mercilessly criticised? Invariably did they avail t.hemselves of their privilege. It belonged to kings to punish rcUils. Ajid aecordinj^ly a rebellious city, when conquered, had little mercy to look ibr at their hands. Even the best of monnrclis would have considered it a breacli of duty to forgive. Their cueniies they inig'ht pardon, but their rebel subjects never. In cases of suppressed rebellion, it was a custom never to be departed from to put all the ringleaders to death. No dignity, no virtue. »io merit could rescue from this cruel sentence. How pleasing is it not, to turn from the consideration of sucli cruelties, and the; stern sovereignties which required them to the contemplation of the l*of>e's temporal rule ; — that rule which, softened and Immanized as it necessarily is. by its union with the mild au- thority of the Pontiff, is merciful even in the vigorous liands of a Julius. It is necessary, he conceives, for the integrity of his states, the peace and the happiness of his people, that rebellion should be vanquished. But ho has only pardon for the rebels. Here " the sublime of his position'' is recovered. "What, indeed, (!Ould be more grand, tlian to behold a sovereign, at a time when humanity was so little imderstood, especially by Princes, dispensing mercy with as liberal measure, as others were wont to inflict justice! The rebel city of Mirandola is no sooner brought to obedience, than he no longer has an enemy within its walls. Well might the])oet say thtit lie was -'as ready to pardon as to conquer," and " that his anger outlive moniUst, IK led to show r niiracl(M' of :ter!^, ofrofiiip- comont. Th(! 2;. AikI vot, Wf; io circuni- l»y Julius is so lil tlieniselves I rcbcis. And .(1 little mercy )n{irciis Vvouid rhoir euemii's . ]n canes of Lli'purted from no virtue, no nv plcasinn- is pities, and the :;ontemplation softened and I the mild aii- u'otis hands of itegrity of his that rebellion for the rebels. vVhat. indeed, gn, at a time y by Princes, irs were wont is no sooner 3nemy within "as ready to iive<] not the ie. But lest e discovered ines und the amazing tolegrapli, it Is but proper they shoidd bo told who lirst gave tho lesson. It would be difficult, indeed, to lind just ground for assert- ing that the l\")pes have enkindled the flames of war. Their enemies can have no better reason for makini; the assertion than the desire to lessen the I'onilHcal (tharaetcr, Ly represen- ting it as being allied, more or less, with tin tcroeious mind which thirsts after war and bloful. Jjut, as has been observed, one Pope is not all the Popes. One l*opc does not constitute the Papacy. If even the one Pope who engagetl in war was wholly p-uiltlesa of war's cruelties, and shewed his dislike to the sad game by a most speedy termination of hostilities ; it this sam') Pope was never knowii to stir uf) strife, nor to per- form any act nor utlc>' any speech that could be considered a provocation to war, what becomes of the hostile accusation? The chiefs of all other dynii?;ties have been warlike princes. — That some of them have been pacific by no means disproves this assertion. So neither is i*" reasonable to maintain that tiie Papacy has been a ceaseless cause of wa:.\s because that one Pontiff found it necessary for the pacification of his States to put forth the arm of his tempor'U power. "If it be obser- ved," writes that learned statesman, M. de Maistre, "in regard to war in particular, that they (the Popes) have been engaged in it less than otlie? princes, that t/tcij have carried it wi with, more huinaniti/, Ihatt/icij luice never sought it nor provoked it, and that from the time when princes, by a sort of tacit con- vention, which ought not to bo overlooked, appear to have agreed to recognize the neutrality of the Popes, we no longer find the latter mixed ui) with political intrigues or warlike operations ; it is impossible not to acknowledge that even in civil affairs they have alwtys maintained that superiority which men have a right to e.xpect from their religious charac- ter." THE SPIRIT OP THE AfiE. — EDUCATION. — THK ARTS AXI) SCIE.N'CJES ENCOURAGED BV THE POPWS. — TIIE POOR AS WELL AS TIIE HIGHER CLASSES EDUCATED V,\ THEIR CAUE. — REMARKABLE TESTIMONY OP M ^. LAING AND BARON GERAMD. There never w\as a time when i>reater zeal was shewn, or 108 more general efforts made in the cause of cd^.eation. Educate, instruct, enlighten. Such is now the device of every civilized people. You cannot more grievously insult a nation than by a.«serting that it is Avell pleased to remain in ignorance, and takes no pains to educate its children. Andyct.amc irhat people can such views as these lay claim to antiquity he learning and civilization of ancient Rome once swept away, ignorance everywhere prevailed, and to such an extent that men knew not that they were ignorant. The new civilization had already done battle for many centuries with the barbarism it found in possession of the world, when, even in the higher orders of society, it was still the privilege of rank to be igno- rant. Kings and great lords were above learning, as they were by their rank above the rest of men. And, simply because they were potent personages, they claimed exemption from the task of learning to read and write. That expiring barbarism should have clung to ignorance, as its last hope, need not as- tonish us. But it is, indeed, surprising that the Christian Church, and, above all, the Popes, should have been accused of fostering ignorance, and even of exerting their great influ- ence to retard the work of education, the march of intellect, the development of the human mind.* If sucJi were the case, how strangely have the Popes misun- derstood their true interests ! Who does not know how favour- able knowledge is to the religion of which they are the chiefs? From its first appearance in the world science has been a de- vout worshipper at its shrine. No sooner is it announced than men versed in all the learning of their time make haste to pay it homage and proclaim its truth to mankind. A generation has not yet passed away when not a few among the votaries of science become not only its ardent admirers, but its most fervent disciples. AVho was that Paul whom "zeal consumed ?" Undoubtedly, a man possessed of great knowledge. That he was so his very enemies bore witness when they declared that "much learning had ma.ie him mad." All were "mad," in the estimation of the vulgar, who in those days embraced the reli- gion of the cross. No reputation of learning could save them <'Yld9 Arrvxmx. m 109 ion. Educate, every civil iased latioi) than by gnorance, and t, aoK irhat itiqult)* he swept away, in extent that Jw civilization the barbarism in the higher ik to be igno- g, as they were mply because Jtion from tho ing barbarism !, need not as- the Christian i been accused Jir great influ- :h of intellect, Popes misun- w how favour- are the chiefs? las been a de- mounced than e haste to pay A generation ? the votaries but its most il consumed?" Ige. That he declared that "mad," in the raced the reli- uld save them from this stigma. And yet the learned, in dcfianco of tljo scoff of ignorance, press around its banner. The physician, Luke, the statesman of Athens, Dionyslus, are followed by many highly educated men, whose minds wore nh*eady prepa- red and adapted by science for the reception of Unit truth which contains within itself the knowledge- of all tliin/js, whe- ther of this world or of that which is to come. It would be an error to suppose that true science could be opposed to revealed truth. AH falsesysteuisofreligioninpast times have invariably fallen before the light of science. Such men as Socrates and Plato necessarily rejected the vulgar super- stitions of their age. They held up the lamp of science to ex- pose them, and false religion, panic-struck, put Socnitcs to death. Without farther discussiorj, therefore, it may be con- sidered as proved, for all history is the witness, that whatever is false, whether in Religion, in philosophy, or in politics, must abhor the presence of true science. No false system has been able, hitherto, to pass through this ordeal. In modern times only the sects that have accused the Popes of fostering igno- rance have shewn an instinctive dread of knowledge. Some of them will not allow that men of any learning should be min- isters of religion. The more powerful, as, for instance, the great Anglican sect, have actually forbidden the diffusion of letters. During the palmy days of this sect in Ireland ii was penal to teach even the alphabet. Any priest or schoolmaster who dared so to teach was treated pretty much in the same way as Socrates was by the mob, or if you will, the people of Athens. In England, even, knowledge was, as regarded the great body of the people, proscribed by this puissant sect. It was the idea of the time, and the true religion was not at hand to correct the error, that it was unsuitable to educate the lower classes. They remained in ignorance, therefore, whilst science kept its cour^ in the two great universities of the land. It could not long shed its light there in vain. It delights to be the hand-maid of the true religion. Whilst, therefore, all erroneous systems necessarily grow dim and vanish in its presence, that religion which alone claims to be tho one true revelation from OQ high, only shines brighter in the light which true c oieuce M .m"1 no throws arouiul it. And tlins it has appeared in tho ctos of many of iho most luarnnd men of those cclebnitrd tniivri'siticH in whi<*h Iho hv.np of Hoicnn^ had never censed to burn, altho' that ot'true laith had, in iin evil hour, beon utterly ex tingiiinhod. The religion of the rojK's, it need not bo ftnthfM'iimistedoji. has no reason to dread know!e<1ue,* It can only ^ain l»y its diffusion. It is well known that in AVestcrn Hurope, where letters iiavc been more cultivatt'd, chielly under the auspices or the Roman J'ontiffs, the Catholic religion hos been main- tained in its purity. Wiiy should tliis relip;ion, then, or its Jtishops, be the enemies of science ? They have never been 80. And one cannot but marvel at the simplicity of those ji:ood Protestant people who really believe that the I'opes have made it their study to check the si^rowth of knowledj^e, and to throw im})ediments in the way of intellectual develoi)uie!it. — 'I'he liishops of Rome have unilbrudy encouniij:ed all liberal studies, and have themselves frequently been distinj^uislied by their profound investig'ations of the secrets of nature ; and that at all times alike, — as well when science was held in honor as when men of great learning were looked upon as worse than mad, and even dreaded and shunned as magicians, necroman- cers, and ominous persons having relations with the evil spirit. "Who could have been more emincijt for science, — who by his great attainments could have been more in advance of his age than the illustrious Pope Sylvester, — that holy Pontiff, who was the minister of Divine mercy in bringing into the one fold the Emperors of the mighty Roman world, who linked together, in his own pei-son, the two great eras of the Church's life, coming forth, the successor of the martyr Popes of three centuries, and the first of a long line of sovereign Pontiffs, from his mountain lurking place, and from the catacombs of Rome, to proclaim, in the light of day, that truth of which he Avas .•s well the divinely constituted guardian as the most eloquent Apostle ? It ia not disputed that the Popes have in all ages of their * Mr. Laiiig, an ominont Scottish Presbyterian writer, says : — "The Popish clergy have, in reality, less to lose by the progress of education than our own Scotch clergy." — Notes qt' a traveller. "Education is not only not repressed, but is encouraged in the PopMt Chit rah, and is a mighty inntrunieii t in its handstand ahl>/ used, " Idem long II Mcquin enligh in lIlO ('?0S of iinivri'siticH luirri, altlio" extinguished. riDsistedoii. jy^aiii by its iropo, where the auspices > been luain- thcn, or its never been ^ity of those c I'opes have It'dj^e, and to ^X'loimient. — id all liberal nj^nished by ire ; and that ill ijonor as I worse than !, necromau- lie evil spirit, -who by his CG of his age .'ontiff, who nto the one who linked ;ho Church's 5es of three 'ontiifs, from bs of Rome, licli he was ost eloquent Lges of their says :— "The > of education n the PojHiih used, " u(em ItMi}^' liiHiory, iidorned their high Htalion by great lidents and :>('(|nirem?nts. Hut. say their eneniieH, these treasures of genius iind knowledge Ihev have reservetl for themselves. Tlioy have kept their light under a liushe]. In respect of learning, what has liumanitv, what has eiviliziition to thank Iheni for? It is indeed true, that letters were for a long time thf' e.vcluslvc possessinn of the Popes and of the CMergy. liut this by no means sliow.s that they took no pains to disseminate knowledge — to instruct numkind. fn their endeavours to enlighten the world, they met with formidable opposition. Oustom, opinion, prejudice, — every thing was against them. War and pleasure engaged, in turn^, the time and the thoughts of men. Thev coidd not afford to be idle. And tlie noble leisure of learning wa.s in their estimation, idleness. AVitli exceptions suffi(;icntly nmnerous to show that tlje clerical order had no wish to make a monopoly of knowledge, the study of letters, the pursuit of science, was left almost entirely to the care of the clergy. Meanwhile religion, which was gaining ground so rapidly, eoidd not be diffused among men, and deeply rooted in their minds, without communicating along witli its more precious spiritual gifts, some portion of the outward garb in whicli it necessarily clothed itself, and without whicli it was impossible that it should reach tlie mind. It was not indeed a matter of absolute necessity that the apostles of the new law, should be endowed with elofpience ; and yet how often were they not so? I Tow often from the days of St. Paul, who although he professed not to have come on his mission to man- kind, " with the persuasive words of human wisdom," was nevertheless in an eminent degree, po.ssessed of that powerful eloquence which moves the soul to its dej)ths ; have there not been accomplished orators in the church ? and whilst, like St. Paul announcing truth to Governor Felix and King Agrippa, they preached with more than the power of human language, to a rude and unbelieving world, they could not fail to impart some idea of that more refined and noble literature which arose, so early, together with the sublime religion of which it is designed to be the handmaid. The preachers of clu'istianity, as they convers(>d with men, 112 uot only taught them religion, but in like manner also, " the humanities" *' humaniores litteras." But, as this was only an incidental teaching, and of incalculab'o less importance than that to which it minititered, public schools and universities were founded, in which all branches of letters and of science were taught, not only to those who were destined to hold the sacred ofTice of the priesthood, and to fulfil the high duties of apostolic teachers, but to all who cbose to come to quench their thirst for knowledge at these great, and pure, and never failing fountains. As time advanced these temples of learning were more and more frequented, and from their ever open por- tals, was constantly pouring forth a stream of truth, which, in due time, renewed the face of the world, causing the stern and unconquered warrior oven to sigh for the happy time, when he too could share the repose, the elegance and tiie honors of a learned life. It would be little to the purpose to enumerate here tSe noble universities the Poi)es have caused to be founded throughout christian Europe. The number merely of universities in any country, is no test of its facilities for acquiring knowledge. It would be rash, for instance, to assert that there exist for the class of persons who study at college, greater opportunities of learning in Scotland, which for many centuries has possessed five universities, than in England, which, until a recent period, enjoyed only two. Oxford and Cambridge in England consist of so many colleges, all richly endowed, — their endowments rating from the days of Papal ascendancy, — that it would be difficult to decide whether these two seats of learning be not equal '> several others of less extent. It is of more importance to observe, that of almost all these celebrated British univer- sities, the Popes have been the chief founders. Glasgow, Aberdeen, St. Andrew's, and in part Edinburgh, owe their academic honors to their fostering care. The most Catholic Empire of Austria has no fewer than nine univerpities, — Vienna, Prague, Pesth, Padua, Pavia, Lemberg, Gratz, Innspruck, and Olmutz, In these seats of learning, four hundred and nineteen Professors hold chairs and give lessons to sixteen thousand students. Was there ever a country in which liter- inner also, « the this was only an tnportance than ind universities 3 and of science ined to hold the e high duties of come to quench ■>ure, and never iples of learning r ever open por- truth, which, in g the stern and y time, when he tae honors of a B here t'le noble ^ed throughout iversities in anv knowledge. It ire exist for the opportunities of (S has possessed a recent period, England consist nr endowments hat it would be 3arning be not ore importance British univer- ers. Glasgow, irgh, owe their raost Catholic ities,— Vienna, tz, Innspruck, ' hundred and ons to sixteen in which liter- 113 uture and science were so flourishing as in Poland, whilst that unhappy land remained, as yet, in full communion with the Pope? The state of College or University education in all Catholic nations, evinces the like zeal for the diffusion of knowledge, on the part of the Popes and the people who res- pect their authority. This educational policy, if policy it may be called, of the Papacy, is, as may be supposed, still more efficiently carried out, in those countries over which the Popes hold temporal sway. In Rome, accordingly, and in all parts of the States of the Church, there exists the greatest facility for attaining proficiency in the higher departments of study. If on due enquiry, we find also that the common people there are equally well cared for, we shall in this, surely, behold a reason why that temporal rule should be continued, which tends so powerfully to humanize and to improve, than that it should be compelled to give place to a new order of things, of which in modern times the world has had no experience save in the sad and disastrous, but happily short days, of the first French revolution and reign of terror. Under such a regime every humanizing influence would be exceedingly diminished, perhaps entirely done away with, in order that mankind might in time become adapted to the new state of things, — fitted, as only rude, stern, and illiterate men can be, for the works and the wars of an anti-social faction, — a faction whose hand would be against every man, whilst every man's hand, by a forced and cruel reciprocity, would necessarily be against them. But, is it true, that the more humble class of people, under the direct civil sway of the Popes, are so carefully educated? I shall not merely assert that they are, but will show from the writings of distinguished authors, both Catholic and Protes- tant, that there is no nation in the world in which the blessings of education arc more generally and more abundantly dispensed. If it were, indeed, a system with the clergy of the Catholic Church to keep, or to endeavour to keep the people in ignor- ance, the chief of the clergy would unquestionably be at the head of the great conspiracy. And bearing part in such wide- spread iniquity, he would assuredly be unfit to hold the civil government of any civilized people. Classic Borne and learned ;> .■-v-9 1X4 Bologna could ill hear the rule oCti man who considered it liis duty to patronize ignorance and to lioad a conspiracy against intellectual development. But, so far is there from being any sMich conspiracy, that even as the Papal church provides for the education of the more influential classes of society, so does she also, as far as she is able to accomplish so great a taslc. break the bread of knowledge to tlie still more numerous class, who, although individually the world regards them not, are of equally great value in her sight. " This opinion of our church- men, (that the Catholic clergy keep the people in ignorance,) seems," says the learned Presbyterian, Mr. Laing, " more orthodox than charitable, or correct. The Popish clergy have, in reality, less to lose by the progress of education than our own Scotch clergy. Tn (\ithoiic Germany, in France, Italy, and jven Bpain, tiie education of ihc common people, in read- ing, writing, arithmetic, music, manners and morals, is at least, as generally ditliised. and as faithfully promoted by the clerical body, as in Scotland. It is by their ovv'ii advance, and not by keeping bad-: the advance of the people, that the Popish priests of the present day, seek to keep ahead of the intellec- tual progress of the community. Education is, in reality, not only not repressed, but is encouraged in the Popish church, and is a mighty instrument in its hands, and ably used. In every street in Rome, for instance, there arc, at short distances, pub- lic primary schools for the education of the children of tlie lower and middle classes. Rome, with a population of 158,678 souls, has 372 public primary schools, with 482 teachers, and II.OOO children attending them. Has Edinburgh so many public schools for the instruction of those classes? I doubt it. Berlin, with a p ,*pulation double that of Rome, has only 2GI schools. Rome has also her university, with an average atten- dance of G60 students. And the Papal States, with a popula- tion of two and a half millions, (now, 1860, more than three mil- lions,) contain seven universities. Prussia, Avith a population of fourteen millions, has only seven. The statistical fact that Rome has above a hundred schools more than Berlin, for a population little more than half that of Berlin, puts to flight a world of humbug. Is it asked what is taught to the people of Ron\( Berlin,— religious Laing.) age. side red it his •acy af,''ainst in hc'mg any pi'Ovick'R for •■cty, so does rreat a task, iierous class, n not, are of our church- ignorance,) ling, "more clergy have, m than our •ance, Italy, pie, in read- 3, is at least, the clerical and not bv 4/ the Popish the intellcc- reality, not lurch, and is . In every 'ancos, pub- dren of the of 158,678 ichers, and h so many I doubt it. 13 only 2(J4 rage atten- ii a popula- 1 three mil- population il fact that Jrlin, for a to flight u he people 115 of Rome by all the.^o schools? l*recisely what is taught ut Herlin, — reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, languages, religious doclriiu^ of some sort.' — {Notes of n trtiveller JnjMr. Lning.) In the face of these facts, it is still maintained that, even as regards education, the; (Tovernmont of the Pope is behind the ago. l:iut thoy who never cease to represent that it is so, would, no doubt, ti'll the same tale of Berlin too, if they could liope thereljy to overthrow the reigning power, and establish in its place that model of all (jrovernn) :i1s, — the communist Utopia. The learned and pious Baron Geramb, having alludeil to the higher schools of Rome, proceeds to say : •' There are here various secondary establishments where select masters teach the elements of literature. Tlie poor have schools whore they can send their children, so that tlie father of a family who leaves his offspring to remain in ignorance is more culpable in Rome than elsewhere. The number of free schools is almost in^nite, and the proselytism for instruction is become one of the characteristics, not merely of the higher orders, but of all pious piiople. 1 repeat it then, my dear friend, and that with a dee[) conviction of its truth, that Roine is the seat of science as well as of faith. Religion, guided by the Holy Spirit, who is a spirit of light, opens here its sources for both sexes, for all ages and for all conditions. It combats ignorance and refutes errors ; and, although calumniated, it labours not less to form Doctors and literati, than Apostles and Confessors." — {Raron Gemmf/s journeij to Rome, Letter XXV.) It is one of the chief glories of christian Rome, that she educates her poor, — those humble members of the conmiunity whom, because they wore unfortunate, Pagan Rome held in c(xitempt. But this care of the holy city and her government for misfortune, which she studies to console and to elevate, as well by the light of knowledge as^ liy the more immediatt^ blessings of religion, does not divert her attention from the cultivation of scienc(! and the line arts. It was the sublime mission of the Popes to christiani'/o and civilize the world. Without instruction this misblv v/ork could not have Ikhmi ' l\l 116 accomplisbed. But let us hear once more an important wit- ness discoursing on the learning of Italy : " As it ^'as naturally impossible," writes Baron G6ramb, •* to civilize men without instructing them, the city which was chosen to be the centre of Christianity, was also made the de- pository ot human learning. If, then, amidst the darkness of ignorance, Italy preserved the sacred light of science, — if she emitted a bright and steady flame ; if finally, she brought forth new master-pieces of religious art, it is to religion, it is to the Sovereign Pontiffs, that she owes this glory. The writers who distinguished themselves first after the revival of learning, were Dante, Petrarch, and Boccacio. These gifted men made their fellow-citizens sensible of the value of the master-pieces left them by the age of Augustus ; and while they created a taste for Roman literature, they excited a curiosity for that of Greece, which vras its source. Thus the love of learning was already diffused in Italy, at the commencement of the fifteentli century, before Constantinople v/as taken ; when its learned men, aii'righted by the desolation of that city, took refnge#in the West. Many of those fugitives came to Rome, and en- riched her with the literary treasures they had snatched from the ruin of their country. *' Much time was, however, still required to release the human mind from the shackles wherewith ages of ignorance had bound it. First efiPorts are not always successful. But the day which began to dawn, shed a clearer and more diffused light, and finally shone out, with meridian splendour, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, under the Pontificate of IjCO X. ''This Pope, of the illustrious house of the Medici, was only thirty six years of age, when raised to the chair of Peter. Confided from Ms infancy to the care of the most able masters of the tidis, he had enriched his mind with varied science. His court was the most brilliant in Europe. Science and art were his guests, and true merit was sure to find there a flattering reception, and enjoy consideration, honor and reward. The literati were the Pope's friends. He lived with them on terms of familiarity. His liberality animated their labours, which nportant wlt- ron Geramb, ty which was made the de- e darkness of ience,— if she brought forth n, it is to the e writers who earning, were en made their er-pieces left 'Gated a taste for that of learniag was ': the fifteentli n its learned |ok refnge#in ome, and en- latched from » release the of ignorance essful. But (lore diffused idour. at the i Pontificate ici, was only r of Peter, ible masters cioiice. His nd art were a flattering vard. 1'hc! !m on terms >urs, which 117 he appreciated with the judgment of an enlightened connois* seui . This love of the fine arts, these favors conferred ou those who cultivated them, merited for him the honor of giving his name to the age in which he lived. — an honor which, among the crowd of Sovereigns that have reigned, three only enjoy with him, Alexander, Augustus, and Ix)uis XIV. " Most of the successors of IjCo have been animated by the same spirit. If it be true, that to honor talent, is the best means of exciting it, we owe to them a number of great men, who were the lights of their age, and the benefactors of the human race. Where do we find a Prince who recompensed learning with more munificence than Clement VIII., who raised Baronius, Bellarmin, D'Ossat and DuPerron to the Cardinalship, and decreed the honors of a triumph to Tasso ! * * " I do not hesitate to add that all the arts and sciences, all branches of human knowledge are cultivated here, (at Rome,) and that many authors who, in modern times have acquired celebrity in other countries, owe most of their glory to the great men whom Italy produced,' in the ages which have pre- ceded ours. "The ancient Romans believing themselves destined to achieve the conquest of the world, loved nothing but arms and combats. Things are now changed, and the modern Romans confine all their ambition to cultivate the arts their ancestors neglected. They surpass all other people in this respect, and Rome is still the Queen of nations. But it is no longer by arms, — it is by intelligence that she extends her Empire and governs the universe." — {Baron Geta*nb'$ journey to Rome, Letter XII. WISDOM AND HUMANITY OF THE PAPAL GOVERNMENT, AS MANIFESTED BY ITS NUMEROUS INSTITUTIONS FOR THE RELIEF OF HUMAN MISERY. The temporal rule of the Popes is distinguished above all other Governments, by it:^ benevolence. It would be diCBcult to point out the State, where more abundantly than in the States of the Church, provision is made for suffering humanity, as well through the patronage and encouragement, as by the 118 imiticdiuto uclioii of the (Sovcrnineiil. In this wo Ciinnot fail to recognize tlie greac advantage the civil power diirivcs from its alliance, in the person of the Pope, with tiiat anthority which is essentially bciieP.^ont. The enemies of the .Papacy never grow weary in asserting that its spiritual character is lessened in public estimation, and really deteriorated by its connection with an order of things which concerns only the aftair:4 of this world. I shall not pause to show that no such result can be dreaded, and that the temporal, as far as regards the high diaracter of the spiritual power, only serves to show forth its excellence, in some degree, even as the magnificence and splendour of the material universe is necessary for the manifestation of the still greater lustre and glory of the invisi- ble world. I would rather call on those who behold, or pretend to behold, in tlie Pope's temporal sovereignty, a source of weakness to that great Pastorship which is above all earthly things, to consider, in how many ways temporal rule is improv- ed, m'oditied and adapted to Ihe real wants of mankinht are public hospiinls: 1st. One for men suf- fcrin;^ from fevers, scorbutic and chronic disorders. This Hospital has 1 ,G16 beds, and receives annually 1 l,i)0.'J patients, rt possesses .').i;000 crowns of i)ri\'atc revenue, and r"'.ceTves ;Minuai!y from the State, iU),000 crowns. 2nd. The second is for women suffering from fiu'crs. scorbutic, clironic, and con- sumptive diseases. It receives annually 2,:")2H persons, and has an allowance from the State of 1 1.100, and 17,600 crowns of private revenue, v^rd. The third is tor both sexes; wounds, ulcers, and other surgical cases. It accommodates yearly 1 ,(i25 individuals, in addition to its private income of 13,240 crowns, it is allowed bv (Jovcrinnent 16.760 crowns. 4tli. 'Vha R)urth is for both .sexes ; wounds and fractures. It receives iiunually 82() ])ersons. Its private revenue amounts to 8,3.')0 crowns, and the State allows it 3,750. 51,1). The fifth, for lyinu' in v.omen, receives 170 perscjiis annually. Its revenue is I,S00 crowns of jjrivate property, and 690 from the State. 6th. 'I'he sixth for both sexes ; leprosy and other cutaneous diseases, receives annually 349 persons. It has 2,600 crowiis of private income, and 10,000 crowns from the State. 7th. The seventh, for insan.e persons ot both sexes, has 420 beds, a private income of 5,000 crowns, and 10.000 from Government. 8th. The eighth is for pilgrims and convalescent of both sexes. The annual number of convalescent ainounts to 8,390. Its private revenue is 15,600, anse institn- male peni- ler to the 121 patronage and encouragement, or to the direct a;^ency of the Papal Government. Of these there arc six for old men. and orphans of both sexes. The first, for foundlings of both sexes, has 2,073 inmates, and an income from its foundation of 50,000 crowns. The second, for orphan boys, has an income from its foundation of 14,500 crowns, and maintains thirty-eight orphans. The third, " Ospizio Apostolico di 8t. Michele," for orphans, and invalids of both sexes, founded by Sixtus V., and afterwards increased by Innocent XII., 101)3 ; ( 'lenuMit XI.. 1708 ; and Pius YI., 1790; receives 570 ininatts, t)n its foun- dation, which amoiujts to 50,000 crowns per annum, and 140 more persons who pay board. I'he fourth, " Ospizio di Tata Giovanni," founded by Giovanni Borgi, 1784, was augmented by Pius VI. and Pius VII. It receives one hundred toundliug boys on its income, — 1,600 crowns arising from its foundation, and 2,760 crowns granted by the Government, — and twelve more children for whom payment is mado. The fifth, " Casa DTnduatria del' Can. Manfredi," receives orphan boys, only. The sixth, "Ospizio de St. Maria Dcgli Angeli," founded by Pius VII. 1815, and increased by Leo XII. 1824, and Gregory XVI. 1835, maintains 900 poor people of both sexes, on its foundation of 4,000, and a public grant of 35,000 crowrs. There are two houses of refuge for poor persons at night. One of these receives 224 men ; the other 30 women. The city of Eome possesses no fewer than twelve asylums for female orphans. 1st, For femnle Ncoi)l!ytf's. 2nd, For poor orphan girls of good families. 3rd, and Itli, For orphan girls. 5th. For orphan girls of good families. 6th, For adult orphan girls. 7th, and 8th, For orphan girls. 9th, For orphan girls, children of Slate Oflicers. 10th, For orphan girls, llth, For female foundlings. 12th, For poor and virtuous young females. 13th, For young fL-males who pay a small pension. The'incomes of some of these truly philanthro- pic institutions, arising from their foundations, iiiriounts to uk much as 2,000, 2,500, and 4,000 crowns, whilst they are at the same time, liberally endowed by the Government; the grant to some of them being 4,512 crowns annually. There is also a house of refugv- for poor widows. 1^9 Minfortuno, urisinj? Trom nulpable condiict, is not (IoiimmI com- passion and relief, iind lioinc ("ontains tlirco asyhuus for female IKMiitciiN. 1 St. " lli'tirodella Croco," founded by Maria Teresa Sebat^tiatii.!7!)."{.iUid inoroaHodhy I*ius Vll.lS04,veceivcayounj: females, twenty in nnini)or, who l(;avetlieli().spilal of St. .Tameri. Its foinidutioM is .'{(!<) erowns. and tlie (jiovernnient allows il 1 ,'200 yearly. '2n tlie first of 'Id has ever immutable is the spirit ill must be their ways, linion. irality with , men are le religious !ed to them. 111 countries where representative government has been long established, this milder trait of modem civilization is more decided. In Great Britain the conservative no longer looks down upon the reformer as holding opinions that are subversive of social order. And although Whigs and Tories cannot yet agree — in politics, they have no objections to meet and take counsel together, when there is question of any important work for the public good, or any charity for the benefit of the poor. In the great senate of the British nation, even, where every matter of national importance is seriously, and often warmly discussed, the opinions of op- posite parties are alluded to with respect, and at the close of the most keenly contested questions, or even in the midst of the most animated debate, members of all shades of opin- ion, hurry aAvay together from the parliament halls to enjoy, in common, the amuscnients of Derb}' day. In other nations the same spirit more or less prevails. Everywhere it is to be found in proportion to the national meiusure of social and political progress. It need hardly be observed thiit however steadfastly peo- ple adhere noAV-tVdays to their religious principles, difference of opinion in religion, is not, except indeed among the un- educated and ill-informed, held to be a ground of exclusion from the social circle. The Fope receives with his accus- tomed urbanity and kindness, the Protestant, as well as the Catholic visitor; whilst the Catholic gniest or Ambassador is treated with the same courtesy and consideration as other distinguished personages, at the Court of that Sovereign who is the head of the greatest Protestant estabhshment. xYuthority, itself, with all its necessary sternness, in all save one or two remote nations, has the same laws for men of all shades of religious belief A Protestant monarch is the popular ruler of Catholic Belgium. Prussia, in as far as it is a Catholic country, is similarly circumstanced, and as regards the person of the Monarch, to the satisfaction of all parties. The Catholic governments of Euro})e, not excepting that of Austria, not only mete out justice with an equal hand, to the dissenters from the national religion, but even provide for their religious well-being. iU' j^-<^ 132 Nor must we forget, for it is no inconsiderable proof of the superior liberality of the age, that this century has beheld the obliteration from the British statute book, of degrading penal-laws which held in bondage and disgrace one-third of the British people ; and that in France, it has seen the downfall of the scoffing philosophy of Voltaire, which had grown tired at length in labouring to laugh down a religion which, as the experience of past centuries had well shown, the sharpest weapons of ridicule could not even wound. THE PAPACY ESSENTIALLY LIBERAL. In defending the temporal sovereignty of the Pope, it is of the highest importance to show that the spiritual power with which it is aUied, and by which it cannot fail to be influenced, is not that stern despotism over the m'nds of men which its enemies unceasingly represent it to be. If we consider only how the Papacy is constituted, we shall at once see that it cannot be otherwise than liberal. It is in fact, a model constitutional government. As there is no system of rule or constitution in the world that has endured so long, so is there none that can claim to be so perfect. Many governments have followed in its track, and have copied and appropriated what appeared to them good in its constitution, but none have, as yet, surpassed, or even equalled it in excellence. An institution that was not in every way admirably adapted to tlie wants of mankind, — that was not, by its organization and its teaching, calculated to meet the real wishes and aspirations of the human mind, could not, as it has done, have existed and flourished tliroughout so many centuries without any diminution of its original power. The enemies of the Papacy, even, acknow- ledge that in this age of liberahty, this nineteenth century, it exhibits, not as yet, " any sign which indicates that the term of its long dominion is approaching. It saw the com- mencement of all the governments, and all the ecclesiastical establishments, that now exist in the world ; and we feel no assurance that it is not destined to see the end of them all It was great and respected before the Saxon had set foot iu Britain, — before the Frank had passed the Rhine, — ^ble proof of century has ite book, of md disgrace Jrance, it has |of Voltaire, laugh down mturies had luld not even 5 Pope, it is 'itual power ot fail to be he m'nds of it to be. If id, we shall beral. It is 5 there is no has endured 3 so perfect, ', and have good in its id, or even was not in mankind, — , calculated iman mind, flourished utionofits n, acknow- h century, s that the V the com- clesiastical d we feel d of them 3n had set Rhine, — 133 when Grecian eloquence still flourished at Antioch, — when idols -.e still worshipped in the temple of Mecca, and, it may still exist, in undiminished vigor, when some traveller from New Zealand, shall, in the midst of a vast solitude, take his stand on a broken arch of London Bridge, to sketch the ruins of St. Paul's." Second only to the protection of Divine Providence, was the excellence of the church's constitution, in securing to it that vitality and permanency which can never fail to be a subject of astonishment. In an order of things, in every way so admirable, there could not have been any narrow- ness of view, anything mean, and petty, and illiberal. Such things were repugnant to the genius of the Papacy. This great institution contained within itself all the strength and authority of a strong and well consoUdated monarchy, to- gether with all the liberal elements and the vigoious mind of a republic. From the very beginning its Sovereign has been elective. Moreover, he has always been the elect of the elect The body from whom he is chosen consists of mem- bers selected from amongst the higher dignitaries of the church, not only, on account of their superior abiUties and greater learning, but more still in consideration of the high character which eminent virtue confers. His reign is more limited than that of hereditary monarchs. Years and expe- rience have matured his mind before he is called to the cares of G-overnment. Greater authority is vested in his person than in that of any other Sovereign ; and yet no Sovereign avails liimself more of the knowledge and the counsel of other men. His counsellors are the most eminent represen- tatives of the Christian church, and he never decides without consulting them. His enemies have never done descanting on his despotism, and there is no ruler less despotic. By the very nature of his office, it is impossible that he should be a despot. On the contrary, there is no Sovereign so constitutional, for he governs according to established and well known laws. Without him, in all probability, no Uberal government would ever have existed. His mild but firm rule supplanted the incorrigible despotism of ancient Rome, and paved the way for the well regulated monarchies land ■l\ 134 republics of modern Europe. Without hiin, what would these governments have^been ?f If, indeed, they had ever come into being, independently of the reconstituting influ- ence of the Papacy, they would have been nothing better than rigid types of kingly rule on the one hand, and on th<' other, of l;erce, untamed, and untamable democracies. When, accordingly, there was question of reorganizing society, after the effete despotism of Rome had passed away, men found in the Papacy, a mode of government, than which nothing more excellent could be devised. " The christian councils," says a distinguished Protestant writer, " were tlu» first examples of representative assemblies. There, were united the whole Roman world. There, a Priesthood whicli embraced the civilized earth, assembled by means of dele- gates, to deliberate on the affairs of the universal church. When Europe revived, it adopted the same model. Every nation by degrees borrowed the customs of the church, — then the sole repository of the traditions of civilization. It was the clergy who instructed them in the admirable system which flourished in the Councils of Nice, Sardis, and By- zantium, centuries before it was heard of in the Western world, and which did not rise in the "woods of Germany," but in the Catacombs of Rome during the sufferings of the primitive christians."* If remote peoples who, on the dissolution of the Roman Empire, experienced the necessity of establishing for them- selves regular governments, could find no better model than the great spiritual polity of the Papal church, it cannot be supposed that that temporal Sovereignty, which was as the earthly inheritance Divine Providence had assigned to the Popes, remained unmodified by its close proximity to the more important government, whose care is the spiritual well-being of the whole human race. Nor has it been at any time denied the aid ot this better influence. It has experienced it in greater measure, and profited by it more abundantly than any other social organization in the world The Papacy has never ceased to be the soul and life of the I* Sir Archibald Alison.— History of Europe, Volume II. 136 what would hey had ever itutiiig influ- othing better I, and on the jracies. reorganizing; massed away, than whi(3h 'he christian "were tlio There, were thood whicli ans of dele- rsal church, lei. Every 3 church, — ization. It able system and By- 16 Western Germany," ings of the the Roman J for them- nodel than cannot be was as tlie ned to the ity to the 5 spiritual it been at '. It has y it more he world ife of the ••arthly rule Llial has subsisted so long in conjuuction with it. Hence it is not difficult to account for the wisdom, the goodness, the most kindly consideration for the shortcomings of humanity, and to say all. in one word, the liberality by which the temjwral iSovereignty i)f the Popes has ever been distinguished. The church of which the Papacy is the chief oigan and the head, is divinely appointed to bear witness, throughout all time, to certain truths, which it is of the highest impor- tance for mankind to know and believe, t^he can neither add to these truths, nor diminish tliem ; neither can she interpret them in one w^ay to-day, and in another way to- morrow. She is the witness of what has been committed to her keeping. And that she will always be a faithful wit- ness, the word that deceives not, is her guarantee. But beyond the range of revealed truth, tow^nich the church can never cease to bear testimonv, there is a wide lield of en- quiry. And so long as the sacred deposit is not toucrhed, the utmost freedom of discussion may rightlully prevail. Why should charity betAveen disputants be so urgently re- commended, nay, enjoined, if no disputation were permitted? In regard to manifestly essential points of Kevelation, the belief of christians must necessarily be one. hi rtecessariis unitas. But in those things that are not clearly a portion oi' that truth to which the church bears unerring testimony, opinion is at liberty. In duhiis Uhertaa. "Who shall say, that there is not thus presented to the human mind, with the full sanction of that authority which is accused of wish- ing to enchain it, a field of investigation sufficiently exten- sive for the exercise of all its faculties ? Nowhere has this most Uberal doctrine been better understood than at Rome. Opinion, persecuted in other lands, has ever found refuge there. Even when it goes beyond its proper sphere, it meets with consideration. -It is informed, and if possible rectified, but never harshly dealt with. The great maxim is ever kept in mind — '' In omnibus charitaa." Contrasts with other institutions, highly favorable to the Papacy, might here be established. Discarding many fabulous and exploded ac- counts of imaginary persecutions, a few well authenticated 136 facts might be produced which would txhibit, in no amiable light, the heads and founders of opposing systems. Usurpa- tions are necessarily tyrannical. They are often cruel. Since Geneva, herself, now deplores the errors cf her Calvin, it were unnecessary here, to bring into parallel, his cruelty, on the one hand, and on the other, the moderat on, the kind- ness, even, of a tribunal of the Papal church, which, whilst it declared to be contrary to the testimony of all ages, the doctrines, it spared the person of the unfortunate man, who afterwards became the victim of the stern heresiarch. But had not Rome its Inquisition? In the interest of humanity, we rejoice that it had. In scarcely any other state was there ever a religious institution that was not more or less perverted to worldly ends. The Papal Inquisition was never thus tainted. Without stain, itself, it was able to correct whatever there was of evil in similar institutions elsewhere. If in Spain the Inquisition, which was in that country more, much more, a political than a reUgious tribu- nal, at any time used undue severity, Rome was, by univer- sal consent, entitled to apply the remedy ; and in the fulfil- ment of this duty, the Papal Inquisition never failed. In Spain, an illustrious Archbishop incurs the displeasure of his Sovereign. The Inquisition, — more a royal than an eccle- siastical institution, — is made the instrument of persecution. But in those days of Spanish domination, power and glory, it says not a little for che superior influence of Rome, its superior enlightenment, its superior justice, thai Carranza could carry his appeal before its high tribunal, could be heard, without molestation, from his all but omnipotent Sovereign, and hear the strictly impartial sentence, which, whilst it noted some verbal errors in his most learned and energetic writing, elicited from him an explanation, which raises him to the proud position of an eminent champion of the great christian church. But that must have been a terrible instrument of persecu- tion which caused so much annoyance to so eminent and so good a man. This is not the place for a history of the Spanish Inquisition. Let it suffice to say, that this tribunal was erected by the Sovereigns of Spain, — Ferdinand and 137 in no amiable ems. Usurpa- jn cruel. Since her Calvin, it his cruelty, on i on, the kind- which, whilst f all ages, the late man, who resiarch. the interest of 3ely any other t was not more jal Inquisition jlf, it was able lar institutions ch was in that rehgious tribu- i^as, by univer- id in the fulfil- ver failed. In jpleasure of his than an eccle- of persecution, ever and glory, of Eome, its that Carranza iould be heard, 3nt Sovereign, lich, whilst it and energetic ich raises him n of the great ntof persecu- ninent and so istory of the t this tribimal erdinand and Isabella,— as a defence against the Jews and the Moors. The former had become odious in Spain, not only because of their hatred to the christian faith, but on account also of their uaury and extortion. They were the sole money lenders of the country, in an age when regular banking wa.s unknown. The power they thus acquired had become dan- gerous lo the state, and the government for its own protec- tion, was obliged to legislate against them. It warf a common practice with them, the better to mask their designs, to declare themselves christians. Some, no doubt, were sincere in conforming to the christian creed. It was to test their sincerity that the Inquisition was established. Many Jews were glad to embrace the religion of the ruling power, pro- vided that they could still follow, in secret, the practices of their ancient faith. The Inquisition rendered this extremely difficult — almost impossible. The Moors, after the conquest of Grranada, were, in regard of the victorious Spaniards, in the same position as the Jews. Dissimulation and hypocrisy were often had recourse to. But all dang'^r to the state, from their pretended Christianity, would, it was conceived, be obviated by the searching tri- bunal of the Inquisition. Thus did the Sovereigns who had been so successful in war, and had raised their country to the pinnacle of grandeur and renown, hope to prevent the return of Moorish and infidel rule, as well as Jewish mon- opoly and usurpation. In this they completely succeeded. If, on the contrary, they had allowed Jewish and Moorish influence to increase, until the necessity for a renewal of hostilities had arisen, and if new victories had crowned their arms, this age, which now only carps at their persecuting spirit, would celebrate in fine writings and eloquent orations their warlike fame. As Ferdinand and Isabella had erected the tribunal in question, for the purpose of destroying Jewish and Moorish ascendency in their dominions, so did Philip II., not unmind- ful of the policy of his predecessors, employ this mighty engine against the nascent protestantism of his time. By the Inquisition, more perhaps than by any other means, did he succeed in excluding from his territories this modern 138 philosopliy wlucli was, at that tiiuo, not only heresy in tlic church, but also rebellion against tho state. In the loxv countries it triumphed over hi** arms, which so many victo- ries had crowned. In Spain it. quailed and fell before the Inquisition. Tliis may well account for tlie violent writinf,' so I'rccpKMitly indiiljrcd in by protestant authors. If thoy would only conliiie thonisclves to facts, we nii^'ht, perhaps, discover grounds lor sharing in tiieir indignation. But this Avould only bo tho spirit of the age in which wt^ live, waging' war against tho genius of a long departed era. The Spanish hKjuisition wa.^, indeed, a terrible uistitutiou. The IVotestantisni of the sixteenth century was more terri- ble still. Tlie I'rotcslantism of to-day, is all sweetness, all compassion, all philaiitlu-opy. Its tender syni[)athy with tho unfortnnate race of Israel, can only be equalled by its foUow-foeliug with the good people? of the Turkish empire and their reforming Sultan. The dreadful incpiisition of Spain pursued and punished Jews, who professed Christian- ity, and j)raeticed Judaism ; Moors, who publicly renounc(Ml their iniidelity, and folloAved in .secret, the superstition of their Prophet. Protestantism, whilst yet in its primitive excellence, before it had degenerated into the mild and inof- fensive philosophy which men are so anxious now to con- sider it, was intolerant alike of all Jews. Hear its chief teacher, the Prophet, the very Mahomet of its creed. "Their synagogues ought to by destroyed, their houses pulled down, their prayer-books, the Talmud, and even the books of the Old Testament, to be taken from them ; their Rabbis ought to be forbidden to teach, and be compelled to gain their livelihood by hard labour." Such was the teach- ing of liUther, as related by Seckendorf, one of his apologists. Protestants who read this, will remember, when meditating on the severities of the Spanish Inquisition, that, not indeed, in the time of the moi'o humane protestantism of this age, but in the palmy days of grand Inquisitors, — there was a Protestant Torquemada. The conduct of the Spaniards towards Jewish converts who relasped into Judaism, rigid though it was, contrasts favorably with the barbarity of the early Protestants towards all Jew: dictated danger 139 y heresy in the In the low <() many victn- (ell be lore the k'iolcnt writin-' horn. If thoy li^'lit, perhaps, ion. Bnt this ' live, wugiii;.' >le ni8titnli.ni, 'as more tcrri- sAveetness, all empathy with •qmilled by its urkisli empire inquisition of m'i\ christian- ely renounced superstition ol' its primitive mild and inof- s now to con- Icar its cliief of its creed. their iiouses and even the 1 them; their compelled to 'as the teach- lis apologists, n meditating t, not indeed, 1 of this age, THERE WAS A ish converts as, contrasts ants towards uU Jews whomsoever. The severity of Spain, was no doubt, dictated by the jiolicy of tin time Avhich beheld imminent danger to the state, in the numbers, the wealth, the influence and the hostile mind of the Jewish people. It was reported moreover, and generally believed in Spain, that the obnox- ious raeo were guilty of many crimes against the ehri.Htian poptjlation, such as {loisoning, sacrilege, con«i>iraey. They went so far, it was l»elieve(i, ks to orucily chi'istian children, and, the more to show Iheiv eontciinpt for religion, they |)(M'])et rated these atiQeities oi. occasion of the greatest of the christian festn'ities. A Spanish knight, of the family of Guz- man, actually l)eheld acrhild crucified in the house of a Jew, when the christians were celebrating the Eucharistic sacri- fice. No wonder if the resentment of the people was enkindled. The very thought of such atrocities causes, at this length of time, a thrill of horror, and wo cease to be astonished at Spanish cruelty, and can marvel only that the Si>aniards and their Sovereigns should have been able to restrict themselves to the punishment of convicted hypocrites and a{, -estates. If we look now to Rome, we shall lind that there, instead of vcngeanc^e and indignation,' thcro prevailed the true SjUrit of the Gospel. This was well understood, and especially by all who were in dread of being pursued by the Spanish Inquisition. Such persons fled, if it were possible, to Rome. Many availed themselv(!s of the right of ap])eal to the Holy See. And t\u) Papacy, as it had power, never failed tp en- force this right. During the first fifty years of the existence of the Inquisition, innumerable cases were summoned from Spain to Rome ; and in every case the condition of tlie ac- cused was ameliorated. The Roman tribunal, nnder the mild influence of tlu; Papacy, ahvays inclining to tlie side of mercy and indulgence. It was the constant study of the Popes to restrict th«> Inquisition — to cause it to respect the laws of justice and humanity. On this account they had to contend with the most powerftd monarchs. The Cathohc Sovereigns anxious tliat all cases coming under the cognizance of the Inquisition, should be finally decided in Spain, urgent- ly requested that the Holy Father should name a judge of 140 appeal in that country. To this he consented ; and the tirst of these Judges was the Archbishop of Seville. A great number of appeals from the Spaniards of Seville were still, however, carried to Rome. In a bull of 2nd August, 1483, the Pope formally alluded to these appeals which were made by the appellants on account of the danger they incurred of being arrested by having recourse to the Arch- bishop of Seville. Some of those who thus appealed to the justice of the Holy Father, had ah-eadj , the Bull stated, re- ceived the absolution of the Apostolic penitentiary, and otliers were about to receive it The Pope complained, moreover, that indulgences granted to divers accused per- sons, liad not been sufficiently respected at Seville. He then proceeded to admonish, in a manner worthy of the chief Pastor, the illustrious Sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isa- bella, observing to them, among ot..ev things, that mercy towards the guilty was more pleasing to God than the sev- erity which it was desired to use. He urged, as an example to them, the good Shepherd who follows the sheep that has gone astray, and concluded by exhorting them to treat with mildness those who voluntarily confessed their faults, and by desiring that they should be permitted to reside at Sev- ille, or any other place they might choose, and that they should be allowed to enjoy their property as if they had nc*; bee*' guilty of the crime of heresy. The Pope, who address- ed these sublime lessons to the most powerful monarchs of the time, was in advance of his age, no doubt, and in dia- metrical opposition to it. But he was not in advance of thr Papacy, nor at variance with its teaching. The enlighten- ment, the humanity, the philanthropy of the nineteenth centur}-^, one would say, had shed tlieir radiance upon him. But no. It was the genius of the Papacy ; — that spirit of knowledge and christian love which was the same yesterday, as it is to day, the same in the first, and second, and third centuries, when it preached justice and benevolence to the persecuting Ceasars, as in the fifteenth, when correcting the perverse mind of the time, it preached clemency to kings, and mutual charity to christian peoples ; and, as when now, in the nineteenth, the tide of pubUc opinion no longer flow- The always pardon ' popular 141 ; and the tirst ^ille. A great Seville were f 2nd August, ippeals which e danger they to the Arch- jpealed to the ull stated, re- itentiary, and 3 complained, i accused per- Seville. He vorthy of the nand and Isa- js, that mercy than the sev- as an example jheep that has I to treat with sir faults, and reside at Sev- nd that they they had net who address- monarchs of t, and in dia- dvance of thr le enlighten- e nineteenth ce upon him. :hat spirit of le yesterday, d, and third alence to the )rrecting the icy to kings, i when now, longer flow- ing in opposition to it, but rather pretending to guide it, and bear it along in its mighty current, it proclaims aloud that unchanging truth, of which it is the faithful depository, — that justice and tliat humanity of which it is now, as it has ever been, the unerring witness — the perfect model. The model, un(loul)tedly ; for have not its deeds been always in accordance with its words of peace and love and pardon ? In Spain, at the close of the I5th century, when popular indignation ran high against the Jewish race, in- stances occured, although not so frequently as has been iilleged, of extreme sentences having been put in execution on the persons of Jewish converts who had returned to Judaism, or v/ho praeticed it in secret. But Rome was never doomed to witness such awful scenes. It would, indeed, have been a profanation of the Holy City. " It is a re- markable thing," says the most learned Spanish writer, Balmes, " that the Roman Inquisition was never known to pronounoo the execution of capital punishment, although the Apostolic See was occupied during that time by Popes of extreme rigor and severity in all that relates to the civil administration. We find in all parts of Europe scafiblds prepared to punish crimes against religion. Scenes which sadden the soul were every where witnessed. Rome is an exception to the rule ; Rome, which it has been attempted to represent as a monster of intolerance and cruelty. It is true that the Popes have not preached, like Protestants, uij^> ersal toleration; but facts show the difference betwe6n the Popes and the Protestants. The Popes, armed with a tribunal of intolerance, have not spilled a drop of blood; Protestants and Philosophers have shed torrents. What advantage is it to the victim to hear his executioners pro- claim toleration ? It is adding the bitterness of sarcasm to his punishment The conduct of Rome in the use she made of the Inquisition, is the Ix-i-t apology of Catholicity against those who attempt to stigmatize her as barbarous and san- guinary. In truth, what is there in common between catho- licity and the excessive severity employed in this place or that, in the extraordinary situation in which many rival races were placed, in the presence of danger which menaced I . l4j2 one of them, or in the interest which the kings had in main- taining the tranquility of their states, and securing their conquests from all danger ? T will not enter into a detailed exaniination of the conduct of the Spanish Inquisition with respect to Judaizing chri;:tiana ; and I am far from thinking that the rigor whicli it employed against them, was prefer- able to the mildness recommended and displayed by the Popes, What I wish to show here is, that rigor was the I'csult of extraortlinary circumstances, — the effect of the national spirit, and of the seTcrity of customs in Europe at that time. Catholicity cannot be reproached with excesses committed for these diOferent reasons. Still more, if we pay attention to the spirit which prevails in all the instructions of the Popes relating to the Inquisition ; if we observe their manifest inclination to range themselves on the side of mild- ness, and to suppress the marks of ignominy with which the guilty, as well as their families, were stigmatized, we have a right to suppose that if the Popes had not feared to displease the kings too nuich, and to excite divisions which might have been fatal, their measures "would have been carried still further." — (BaJmes' Protestantism and Catholicity in thd"' effects on the civilization of Europe.) The Moors, a savacre African race, had maintained a ft r- 7 O 7 rible war against the christian monarchy of Spain, for the long period of eight centuries. They were conquered at last. But their hatred to tlmir ancient enemies, whom they had doGed so long, was not exthiguished. They could not be reconciled to their defeat. A proud and warlike nation, they could but ill brook the state of subjection and humilia- tion to which the fortune of arms had reduced them. But they found it expedient to temporize, — they disguised their wrath and their resentment. Many of them even assumed the mask of the })rofession of Christianity. Their hypocrisy must be unveiled. And the conquering people directed against all who were of Moorish blood, whether floors, or Mooriscoes, the terrors of the Inquisition. The more humane spirit of the nineteenth century exclaims against such cru- elty, even as it has protested against the savage and useless massacres, which were lately had recourse to, by one of the highly who I same Spaniii be su}; such them, centui bosom the v: Ik. ■ 1^ s had in main- securing their into a detailed qnisition with from thinking rt, was prefor- ilaycd by the rip-or was the effect of the in Europe at with excesses lore, if we pay e instructions i observe their e side of mild- 7 with which grnatized, we not feared to visions whicli Id have been md Catholicity ntained a tf.r- Spain, for the conquered at s, whom they liey could not arlike nation, and humilia- i them. But isguised their ■ven assumed nr hypocrisy >ple directed er floors, or nore humane nst such cru- e and useless 3y one of the ..hi- 143 highly civilized nations of modern Europe, against a race who stood in regai-d to them, as nearly as possible, in the same position as did the Moorish people in relation to tlie Spaniards after the conquest of Granada, It cannot even be supposed that the Hindoo tribes were animated with such deep-rooted hatred to the nation that had governed them, during a com[)aratively short time, as that which eight centuries of barbarous war had implanted in every Moorish bosom. The Spanish people \ver(; deeply exasperated against the vanquished nation, llx.^ results of this deijlornble leel- ing were the severitie;". of the Inquisition. Our age con- demns such things. But it caimot boast that this su})erior wisdom is peculiar to the preiicnt time, ^ r that a special revelation has at lenglii been made of the great lessons of humanit3\ In favor of the vanquished, but still dreaded and hated Moors, the Papacy was heard to urge the dictates of humanity, when no other voice could be raised in their support. In the fifteenth century it was not the custom or the fashion anywhere to advocate mercy towards Pagan offenders, or to maintain that r(:'lation8 of peace and amity, might safely be held with Jews and Infidels. Nevertheless the Roman I'ontilf, although with as little hoj»e perhaps of being heard as he is now when proclaiming truths that do not happen to be in harmony with the ephemeral notions of the time, exhorted, in truly christian language, the Sover- eigns and the people of Spain, to refrain from measures of severity against the unibrtunate Moors. The ii ruin. The constitutionalism of modern Europe, so dear to Christianity, to the church, und to the Popes, preserved civilization and maint^iincd the social stjite throughout ages of barbarism, of civil strife and politic il turmoil. Absolutism could not have lived amid so many perils. The christian monarchies not only existed, but progressed and flourished. shaking away w frame w monarcl what w« editary, a repub 20vernn immedia It wo arose ur ar^ all e.ro /lent frequent tendenc that the other b afforded die ages which i ascendei —the re Butii maintaii matter preache that wh as laid < the mo now to arated preache than or at the J were ii "Th edly. Society jossible system ame praises for )ut check, and absolutism and very safeguard and bless, not >n wisely con- Avith the same piness of everv 1 has its origin ilaiming aloud f man, endea- le benefit of a ling in human Papacy. But whether it be in abhorrence, constitutional I to incur the fore its power ity, of liberty, rannies, have lespotic rulers !C into insigni- Popes. The Papacy, have ir and of glory, setting reason which they ished utterly, because they constitutional tome proved rope, so dear ^'^j preserved oughout ages . Absolutism I'he christian id flourished, 146 shaking off by degrees the dust and the dross they had borne away with them from the wreck of the ancient lieathen- frame work. To say that the Popes cherished these noble monarchies, is to say that they loved republics too. For what were these monarchies, if not republics, having a her- editary, sometimes an elective chief? Nor was the form of a republic odious to the Roman Pontiffs. Such systems of government have existed for ages, and still exist, within the immediate range of their mighty influence. It would be difficult to call to mind any monarchy which arose under the auspices of the christian church, — and such ar-* all the monarchies of modem Europe — that was not e:nmently constitutional. Monarchs endeavoured, not un- frequently, to extend unduly their prerogatives. But their tendencies to absolutism were invariably met by resistance that they were seldom able to overcome. And when ^very other barrier against oppres'sion was brokeu Jown, that afforded by the Papacy remained — " confronting in the mid- dle i^es tyrants and hostile kings with the same spirit with which it confronted Attila." In the days of its prolonged ascendency it was the surest safe-guard of the people's rights — the recognized and constitutional bulwark of liberty. But is it not said that the Popes encourage despotism, by maintaining the Divine right of Kings ? On this important matter the Roman Pontiffs have never held, have never preached, have never acted upon any other doctrine than that which the church has invariably taught This doctrine, as laid down in the sacred Scriptures and in the writings of the most eminent Theologians, it will not be out of place now to consider. It is somewhat difierent from what sep- arated churches hold, and have at certain epochs loudly preached. The despotism of the Papacy too, has, at more than one period, been their favorite theme. They boasted at the same t'me their own superior liberality, whilst they were in reality less liberal than the Popes. "There is no power that does not come fi-om God." — (St. Paul to the Romans.) — This looks like Divine right undoubt- edly. The Divine right of Power, but not of Princes. Society, like the family, consists of members that are mutu- 146 ally dependent, and must necessarily have numerous rela- tions. As in families, there nmst be order and authority to watch over their preservation; as this authority is founded upon, arises out of essential family relations, — is established by nature, — in other words, is of Divine appointment; so in society which is an aggregation of families, there must be authority to watch over its manifold relations. This author- ity, — tlie civil power,— originates in the very nature of society. It is osential to it. Order, upon which society depends, 'ould not exist without it. Power, tlien, is founded in nature, proved by reason, sanctioned by revelation. Hear Str, John Chrysostoni in a homily on the epistle to the Romans: ""There is no power that does not come from God." Wlint do you say? Is every Prince then, appoint- ed by GodV I do not say that, for I do not speak of any Prince hi particular, but of the thing itself, that is, of the power itself. I affirm that the existence of principalities is the work of the Divine Wisdom, and that to it it is owing that all things are not given up to blind chance. Therefore it is that the Apostle does not say, that there is no Prince who doe.s not come from God; but he says, speaking of tlie thing in itself, ''There is no power which does not come from God." The idea of CathoUcs, therefore, in regard of Divine right, is by no means what the revilers of the church ascribe to them. Instead of imagining that each King or Prince holds his throne for himself and his family by letters patent, as it were, from heaven, wo only recognize a principle which was held sacred bv the k^jrislators and statesmen of antiquitv, which Is agreeable to^ound philosophy and in harmony with the events of history. "We have seen, moreover, that this doctrine is inculcated in the Scriptures, and enforced by the early Fathers of the Church. We find it also in tlie writings of the most eminent Tlie- ologians of more recent times. St. Thomas, of Aquin, has written voluminously on tlie origin of civil power. A short quotation may suffice to show what view of this important question was entertained by this most learned Doctor, whose works have been held to be of the greatest authority. 147 numerous rela- nd authority to )rity is founded — is establishefl ointment; so in there must be ?. This author- very nature ol' I which society then, is founded vclntion. Hear ) epistle to the not come from e then, appoiiit- 3t speak of any ', tliat is, of tli(} principaUties is to it it is owinf' O nee. Therefore ere is no Prince speaking of tlio does not come . of Divine right, lurch ascribe to ■ or Prince holds ters patent, as it principle wdiich nen of antiquity, n harmony with reover, that this enforced by the »st eminent The- 3, of Aquin, has ■)Ower. A short f this important learned Doctor, eatest authority, in aiU schools of Theology, for the last six hundred years. "In natural things it was necessary that inferior things should be brought into their respective operations, by the natural virtue which God has given to superior things. In the same way also, it is necessary that in human things those which are superior should urge on the inferior, by the force of authority ordained by God. To move by means of the reason and the will, is to command ; and, as by virtue of the natural order instituted by God, inferior things in nature are necessarily subject to the motion of superior things, so also in human things, those which are inferior ought, by natural and Divine right, to obey tjiose which are superior." " To obey a superior is a duty conformable to the Dirine order communicated to things." In answer to the question, whether christians are obliged to obey the secular powers, St. Thomas says : " The faith of Christ is the principle and the cause of Justice, according to what is said in the epistle to ihe Romans, chap. III. ' The Justice of God by the fiedth of Jesus Christ.' Thus, the faith of Christ does not take away the law of Justice, but rather confirms it. The law wills that inferiors should obey their superiors ; for without that human society could not be preserved ; and thus the faith of Christ does not exempt the faithful from the obliga- tion of obeying the secular powers." Thus is it obvious that this great Doctor, the Angel of the schools, whilst adhering to a dogma, clearly laid down in the sacred volume, consid- ers the Divine law as a confirmation and sanction of the natural and human law. From the earUest ages until now, all Theologians have taught that civil power— public authority — cpme& from God. St. Augustin in almost all the forty-five books of the "City of Gt>d" bears witness to, and proves the soundness of this teaching. All Doctors are agreed that this doctrine is founded on Scripture. " By me Kings reign" — " By me Princes rule," says the Divine wisdom in the book of Proverbs. The Prophet Daniel, in denoimcing the wrath of Heaven against aoi un&ithful king, declared that his punishment should last 7 j^*' .V ( 148 until he knew " that the most High ruletli over the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will." Cardinal Bellarmin commenting on the above and similar passages of the inspired writings, concludes, that civil power comes from God, and explains in what sense it must be wi- derstood that it does so. " In the first place poUtical power, considered in general and without descending in particular to monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, emanates immedi- ately from God alone ; for, being necessarily annexed to the nature of man, it proceeds from him who has made that nature. Besides that power is by natural law, since it does not depend upon men's consent, since they must have a government, whether they wish it or not, under pain of desiring the destruction of the human race, which is against the inclination of nature. It is thus that the law of nature is Divine law, acd government is introduced by Divine law ; and it is particularly this which the Apostle seems to have had in view when he says to the Romans, chap. XIII. *He who resists authority, resists the ordinance of God.' " Some philosophers of the last century had made thje ingenious discovery, that all government is the result of human convention. Certain heretics have held and taught the equally dangerous and destructive doctrine, that by their christian liberty men were emancipated irom the controul of all authority, thus condemning civil power as an evil, — and, indeed, "making liberty a cloak for malice." Man was created to live in society. The Author of his being has not left him, the sport of blind chance, as to the means by which he shall fulfil this high condition of his existence. He has given to man social rights. He has imposed on him the d ty of preserving these rights. He has made government a law of his nature; and, in imposing on him the obligation of obedience, he has only charged him with the duty of self preservation. This may be servitude. In the estimation of the Atheist philosopher, and the intrac- table heresiarch it is so ; but we shall continue to prefer it to the only other possible state of existence — ^that, which, casting man beyond the pale of civilization, dooms him to ver the kingdom 11." )ove and similar that civil power e it must be v/n- ! political power, ing in particular lanates immedi- T annexed to the has made that iw, since it does jy must have a under pain of which is against le law of nature by Divine law ; seems to have lap. XIII. *He of God.'" had made thjD is the result of held and taught ne, that by their Dm the controul rer as an evil, — alice." ! Author of his ^ance, as to the 3ondition of his 'ights. He has 3se rights. He ind, in imposing ily charged him ly be servitude, and the intrac- nue to prefer it e — ^that, which, , dooms him to ro&m the uncultivated forest, like the wild beast, or the scarcely less wild Barbarian. Civil power is from God. Let us now see how, according to Cardinal Bellarmin, and with him, generally, the Theo- logians of the Catholic church, it pleases the Divine Being to communicate this power to those who represent and exercise it for the benefit of mankind. "In the second place, observe, that this power resides, immediately, as in its subject, in all the multitude, for it is by Divine right. The Divine right has not given this power to any man in parti- cular, for it has given it to the multitude ; besides the posi- tive law being taken away, there is no reason why one should rule rather than another among a great number of equal men ; therefore power belongs to the whole multitude. In fine, society should be in a perfect state ; it should have the power of self-preservation, and, consequently, that of chastising the disturbers of the peace." To the superficial reader, this passage will seem to be in contradiction with what the learned Divine had already stated. He had just said that all power is from God ; and now he makes it reside immediately in the multitude. The eminent Spanish writer, — ^Balmes, — will unveil, if indeed, it requires to be unveiled, the meaning of Cardinal Bellarmin. " His doctrine may be conveyed in this form : Suppose a number of men without any positive law ; there is then no reason why any one of them should have a right to rule the rest Nevertheless, this law exists, nature itself indicates its necessity, God ordains a Govei'nment ; therefore, there exists among this number of men, the legitimate power of instituting one. To explain more clearly the ideas of this illustrious Theologian, let ua suppose that a considerable number of iamilies. perfectly equal among themselves and absolutely independent of each other, were thrown by a tempest on a desert island. The vessel being destroyed, they have no hope either of returning home or of pursuing their journey. All communication with the rest of mankind is become impossible. We ask whether these families could live without government? No. Has any one among them a right of governing the vest? clearly not. Can any indiyid- i5d ual among them pretend to such a right? certainly not. Have they a right to appoint the government of which they stand in need ? certainly they have. Tlierefore, in this mul- titude, represented by the fathers of families, or in som^ other way, resides the civil power, together with the right of transmitting it to one or more persons, according as they shall judge proper. It is difficult to make any valid objec- tion to the doctrine, placed in this point of view. That this is the real meaning of Bellarmin's words, is clearly shown by the observations which follow: "In the third place, observe, that the multitude transfers this power to one per- son, or more, by natural right; for the republic not being able to exercise it by itself, is obliged to communicate it to one, or to a limited number ; and it is thus that the power of Princes, considered in general, is by natural and Divine law ; and the whole human race, if assembled together, could not establish the contraiy, viz: that Princes or Governors did not exist." The church has been loudly accused of favoring servitude, of encouraging despotism. But her Theologians concurring in their interpretation of the written word, as to the origin of civil power, agree also in allowing to society, the full right to choose that form of government whi(!h they may conceive to be the best adapted to their wants. All forms of govern- ment are reconcilable with the fundamental principles which we have just considered. And although learned Theolo- gians may have their predilections, as to the systems of polity that are best calculated to secure i)ermanently the peace and prosperity of the community, there is nothing in their teaching th.'it can be construed as hostile to, or incom- patible with liberty. But let this be still more clearly un- derstood; and so let us hear Bellarmin once more. " Observe, in the fourth place, that particular forms of government are, by the law of nations, and not by Divine law, since it de- pends upon the consent of the multitude, to place over them- selves a King, Consuls, or other Magistrates, as is clear; and for a legitimate reason, they can change Royalty into Aris- tocracy, or into Democracy, or vice versa, as it was done in Rome. iftl certainly not. of which they re, in this mul- !a, or in som^ v^itli the right jrding as they ly valid objec- w. That this clearly shown le third place, er to one per- blic not being municate it to iat the power ral and Divine together, could I or Governors ling servitude, ans concurring LS to the origin Y, the full right ^ may conceive rms of govern- [■inciples which arned Theolo- the systems of rmanently the e is nothing in B to, or incom- Qre clearly un- )re. "Observe, jvernment are, w, since it de- ace over t hem- is is clear; and alty into Aris- it was done in "Observe, in the fifth place, that it follows from what we have said, that this power, in particular, comes from God, but by means of the counsel and election of man, like all other things which belong to the law of nations; for the law of nations is, as it were, a conclusion drawn from the natural law by human reasoning. Thence follows a twofold differ- ence betwen the political and the ecclesiastical power : first, difierence with regard to the subject, since political power is in the multitude, and ecclesiastical, in a man, immediately ^ as in its subject ; second, difference with respect to the cause, since political power, considered generally, is by Divine law, and in particular, by the law of nations, while the ecclesias- tical power is, in every way, by Divine law, and emanates immediately from God." When Theologians say that "it depends on the consent of the multitude, to place over themselves a King, Consuls, or Magistrates;" and that "for a legitimate reason, they can change Royalty into Aristocracy, or into Democracy, or vice vet'sa ;" we must beware of falUng into the mistake, that their teaching tends to justify capricious changes in forms of civil rule, or that " the multitude," to whom they ascribe so much power, is, — in any section or class, however numerous and influential, — not the whole community itself. Thus, in Great Britain, for instance, nothing could be more erroneous than to suppose that any portion of the nation, although claiming to be "the people," could reasonably demand, without the concurrence of the rest, a change in the exist- ing form of the government. The " religious" section of the community alone would not be entitled to obtain such a constitution as they would consider more favorable to their 'views' than the actual state of things. The commercial classes would not have the right to require such alterations in the government, as they might think would be more con- ducive to industrial success. The Aristocracy would have no right to insist upon any new, and, in their idea, better form of poUty, which would have more consideration for their intwests and privileges. Nor would the classes who are commonly called the people, be justified, according to what all the great Theologians have invariably taught, in i ;\i 15^ endeavouring to bring about radical changes in tho British Constitution, however conducive they might conceive that such changes would be to their own interests, without the consent and concurrence of oil the other classes of tho com- unmity. It follows, hower, as a necioasary corollary of The- ologic teaching, founded as it is upon the Word which is incapable of erring, that tho entire community — Sovereign, Lords, and Commons — are comptitent to resolve themselves, in tho event of the existing state of things becoming intol- erably oppressive, into an oligarchy, a republic with univer- sal suffrage for its basis, or a pure and unmitigated despot- ism. This they are free to do. But they are not at liberty to dispense with all government. They are by nature so constituted as to be necessarily subject to civil rule of some kind. God has made it essential to them, — an indis- pensable condition of their existence, — their existence in the social state, their existence as a people, and as a nation. Much more, surely, is the community entitled to select a form of civil rule when there exists no government at all ; either in the ca.se where, as in new communities, it has not as yet been estabhshed; or where, by great political con- vulsions, or other means, it has been done away with. Hence the great nation of the French, if so recent an ex- ample may be adduced, only exercised a right, — an undoubt- ed right, when, being without government, after the failure and the fall of many systems oi civil rule, they chose for themselves the most despotic form of polity it is possible to conceive. Nor does it in the least weaken or invalidate the title on which they acted, that it pleased them, in the exer- cise of the Divine right, of which, by circumstances and the designs of Providence, it became necessary that they should avail themselves, to sei^wCt for their Monarch the very man who had been mainly instrumental in overthrowing the more liberal and democratic form of government, which they themselves had only a short time before established. They were free to choose. God, whilst he has made authority necessary for men and has acco'^ded to them the privilege of choosing the form of rule under which they shall live, has by no means assured them that they will always wisely use ,j.: 153 o in tho Britieh conceive that without tho s of tho com- oUary of The- ^''ord which is Sovereign, e themaelveg, coming intol- with univer- jated despot- not at Hberty by nature civil rule of m, — an indis- existence in d as a nation, ed to select a -nment at all ; ies, it has not political con- ly with, recent an ex- -an undoubt- er the failure ey chose for is possible to n validate the in the exer- nces and the t they should he very man ing the more which they shed. They de authority the privilege hall live, has ^8 wisely use this privilege. Without allusion to tho French, or to any nation in particular, it may bo truly said that, that kind of Legislature which is host adapted to a people, whether on account of their demerits or their deserts, wliether for the purpose of rewarding them with prosperity, or of punishing tliem with political difficulties and national disast-er, generally becomes prevalent. ORIGIN OF CIVIL POWER. — DOCTRINK Ob' A LEARNED JESUIT AND OTHER EMINENT DIVINES. Tt ought to suffice that a Theologian so intimately con- nected with tho Court of Rome, as tho illustrious Cardinal Bellarmin, has been quoted in support of the most liberal and true doctrine in regard to the origin of civil power. This very learned Doctor was not only held in great estimr. tion in his own time at Rome, where ho enjoyed the favor and the friendship of the most distinguished men of the time but throughout the whole christian world, and is even now locked upon as one of the ablest theological writers in the Catholic church. His opinions are of the greatest weight in all schools of Theology. That such a man should have writ- ten and taught, as we have seen, on the Divine origin of Government, is no slight vindication of the Papacy against those revilers who cease not to represent it, as beyond mea- sure, hostile to every liberal doctrine as well as to every liberal institution. But the learned Bellarmin does not stand alone. Theolo- gians of no less celebrity than himself, defend the same doctrine. As we consider their opinions, it will appear that it is not Rome, or her Doctors, who hold extreme views as to the Divine right of Kings, but they who have credit for being more liberal, although on what ground we know not, unless it be their habitual opposition to every thing that emanates from the Holy Sec. The renowned Suarez, a Spaniard and a member of the Order of Jesuits, not only teaches, but, at the same time, bears witness that it is the common teaching of the Divines of the Catholic church, " that God, inasmuch as he is the author of nature, gives the power; so that men are, so to m speak, the matter and subject capable of this powea'; whiki God gives the form, by giving the power." — {De ligilnUf Kb : III, c. 3.) As to the way in which power is communicated, ouarez holds exactly the same opinion as the Doctor? already quoted. "It follows," he says, " from principles he has just laid down, that the civil power, wherever it is found in a man or a Prince, has emanated according to usual and legit- imate law, from the people and the community, either directly or remotely, and that it cannot otherwise be justly possessed." — {Ihib, c. 4.) So decidedly was the learned Suarcz opposed to the doc- trine that royal power proceeds directly from God, that he wrote a book in vindication of his opinion, and in reply to a work by " the most serene .Tamef5,King of England," in which the extreme view of the Divine right of Kings was vigor- ously upheld. In this work, according to Suarez, " the most serene King not only gives a new and singular opinion, but also acrimoniously attacks Cardinal Bellarmin for having affirmed that Kings have not receive'd authority immediately from God, like the Popes. He himsel* (the King) affirms, that Kings hold their power, not from the people, but imme- diately ivom God: and he attempts to support his opinion by arguments and examples, the value of which I shall examine in the next chapter." As our only object here, is to show what opinions are held by learned Divines, and not to enter into a formal dis- cussion, tha following short quotation from Snarez will suffice: "Although this coniroven^y does not immediately concern the dogmas of Faith, for we haiie nothing in reference to it, either in the Scriptures or the Faihei's, it may neverthe- less be well tr» discuss and explain it carefully ; 1st, because it might possibly lead to error in other dogmas; 2nd, because the above opinion of the King, as he maintains and explains it, is new, singular, and apparently invented to exalt the tt>mporal, at the expense of the spiritual power ; and 3i'd, because we consider the opinion of the illusti'ious Bellarmin, ancient, received, true, and necessary." At all periods the same doctrine has been taught, and not poww; while — (De ligihita, 3ated, Juarez )Ctoi-p already les he has just t is found in a iual and legit- lunity, either A'ise be justly d to the doc- (xod, that he i in reply to a .nd," in which j^s was vigor- ez, " the most r opinion, but n for having y immedmiely King) affirms, )le, but imme- t his opinion i^hich I shall opinions are a formal dis- Suarez will ! immediately g in reference ay neverthe- 1st, because 2nd, because and explains to exalt the er ; and 3i'd, js Bellarrain, ight, and not 156 . bj Jesuit Divines only, but by all theologians alike. It has been preached under monarchies the most absolute, and without danger to the throne, no less than in well ordered republics, where the people could be reminded of their in- herent right, without any fear of trouble to the State. Car- dinal Gotti, in the early part of the last century, spoke of it as an opinion that had been long received and established. Hermann Busenbaum, and Liguorio clearly express this opinion: "It is certain that the power of making laws exists among men, but as far as civil laws are concerned, this power belongs naturally to no individual. It belongs to the community, who transfer it to one or to more, that by them the community itself may be governed." In the compendium Salmaticensey — which serves as a text- book to the Professors of ethics in the schools and universi- ties of Spain, — "It is universally admitted that Princes receive this power (the civil legislative power) from God; but at the same time it is maintained with more truth, that that th:*y do not receive it directly, but through the m^ium of the people's consent ; for all men are naturally equal, and there is no natural distinction of superiority or inferiority. Since nature has not given to any individual, power over another, God has conferred this power upon the community ; which, as it may think it more proper to be ruled by one, or by many appointed persons, transfers it to one, or to many, that by them it may be ruled; according to St. Thomas Aquinas. From this natural principle arises the variety in the forms of civil government; * * ♦ Princes, therefore, receive from God the power of com- manding; for, supposing the election made by the whole State, God confers upon the Prince, the power which was vested in the community. Hence it follows that the Prince rules and governs, in the name of God, and whoever resists him, resists the ordinance of God, according to the words of the Apostle." Billuart, a French Divine, who wrote in the early half of last century, when monarchical ideas were highly prevalent in France, inculcates the same opinions. Father Daniel Concina, a Roman writer, who flourished i^6 i^bput th9 middle of la^t qentury, expresses witl^ np le^ con> cision, than perspicuity, tlie importtint opinion, of which th^re i^ question. Having shown how it is to be under- stood, that civil power comes from God, he writes as fpllows: "It is evident, therefore, that the power existing in the Prince, the King, or in many persons, whether nobles or plebeians, emanates from the conimunity itself, directly, or indirectly ; for if it came immediately from God, it would be manifested to us in a particular manner, as in the instances of Saul and David, who were chosen by God. We consider, therefore, erroneous, the doctrine, that God communicates this power immediately and directly upon the King, the Prince, or any other head of supreme government whatso- ever, to the exclusion of the tacit, or expressed consent of the public. This discussion, it is true, is one of words rather than of things, for this power comes from God, the author of nature, inasmuch as he has ordained and appointed, that the public, itself, shall confer, upon one or more, the power of supreme government, for the preservation and defence ot society. The nomination of the person or persons appointed to command, being once made, their power is said to corci from God, because society itself is bound by natural and Divine right, to obey him who commands. In fact, it is the will of God that society should be governed, whether by one individual, or by several. In this manner the several opinions of Theologians are reconciled with each other, and the oracles of Scripture appear in their true sense: 'He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God.' 'There is no power but from God.' ' Be subject, therefore, to every human creature, for God's sake, whether to the King, &c.' " This recognition of Divine power in the affairs of man- kind, does not, by any means, do away with the various media of human acts and institutions, through wliich civil authority is at first communicated and afterwards exercised, On the two points contained in the question of Divine right, — the origin of civil power, and the mode in which it is communicated, — the learned Spanish writer, Bolmes, dis- courses in the following eloquent manner: "The former point — th9 origin of civil pojrer-ria a quw- wit^ UQ le^ con* opinion, of which it is to be under- ! writes as follows: jr existing in the vhether nobles or itself, directly, or n God, it would be IS in the instances od. We consider, od communicates on the King, the vernment whatso- pressed consent of Qe of words rather a God, the author ad appointed, that r more, the power lion and defence ot persons appointed irer is said to coirj id by natural and 3. In fact, it is the erned, whether by lanner the several th each other, and true sense: 'He 2eofGod.' 'There therefore, to every to the King, &c." Lhe affairs of man- y with the various lirough wliich ci\il erwards exercised, juestion of Divine J mode in which it Titer, Bolmes, dis- • pOTijrer-ris a quei- 1 ! r 157 tion of doctrine. No Catholic can entertain any doubt upon it. The second is open to discussion ; and various opinions may be formed upon it without interfering with faith. With regard to Divine right, considered in itself, true philosophy agrees with catholicity. In fact, if civil power comes not from God, to what source can we trace its origin ? Upon what soUd principle can we support it ? If the man who exercises it does not^rest upon God, the legitimacy of hia power, no title will avail him to uphold his right. It will be radically and irretrievably null. On the contrary, supposing author- ity to come from God, our duty to submit to it becomes evident, and our dignity is not the least hurt by the submis- sion ; but, in the other supposition, we see only force, craft, tyranny, but no reason or justice ; perhaps a necessity for submission, but no obligation. By what title does any man pretend to command us? Because he is possessed of super- ior intellect? Who had the right of adjudging to him the palm? Besides this superiority does not constitute a right; in some instances its direction mignt be useful to us, but it will not be obligatory. Is it because he is stronger than we ? In that case the elephant ought to be the king of the entire world. Is it because he is more wealthy than we ? Reason and justice exist not in metal. The rich man is born naked, and his riches will not descend with him into the tomb. Upon earth, they have enabled him to acquire pow- er; but they do not confer upon him any right to exercise it over otliers. Shall it consist in certain fiaculties conferred on him by others? Who has constituted other men our proxies? Where is their consent ? Who has collected their votes? or how can either we or they flatter ourselves that we possess faculties equal to the exercise of civil power? and, if we do not possess them, how can we delegate them?' WHETHER IN ANY CASE ESTABLISHED POWER CAN BE CONSCIEN- TIOUSLY RESISTED. Protestant and philosophical writers admit, indeed, '' that the principle of religious royalty is elevated ; moral uikI sal- utary ; but that it is difficult to combine with it the riglits of liberty «od poUtical guarftutees."— -(6^«><, Lecture /X) V \ 168 Nothing in this wold can be more elevated, or more moral, or more siilutary, or more calculated to secure permanently the peace and well-being of society, than the royalty which the learned statesman thus highly compUments. But history shows, at the same time, that it has proved a better safe- guard to liberty — than any system of civil rule by which it was preceded. The truth is, that before this christian roy- alty was estabUshed, mankind had exliaustcd their ingenuity in devising forms of government, under which society should not only enjoy peace and order, but also liberty. The true principles of government were forgotten or neglected ; and, hence, neither royalty, nor repubhcanism was found adequate to the end in view. Christianity appears. It not only blesses, but instructs the power by which the world must be ruled. It says not Uiat this or that form shall be prefer- red. But it insists that under all formi, the duties of power shall be fulhlled. It says not only that kings must under- stand these duties, but that they must also be the study of all who hold rule among men : "All ye who judge (govern) the world, receive instruction." Ervdimini qui judkatis ierram.'^ Does royalty forget this precept? Does a king, elated by tae success of his arms and the greatness of the people over whom he reigns, pretend that all power centres in his person? He is at once corrected. Religion, although every otlier influence, whether moral or material, may have been subdued, raises her voice in the cause of justice and humauity. " The kingdom is not made for the king, but the king for the kingdom. For Q-od has constituted kings to rule and govern, and to secure to every one the possession of his rights; such is the aim of tlieir institution; but if kings, turning things to their own profit, should act otherwise, they are no longer kings, but tyrants." — {St. Thomas de rege. PrinCj c. II.) In such doctrine as this, there is surely notliing adverse to liberty. It is "elevated," it is ''moral," it is "salutary;" but it is not irreconcilable; with a due mea- sure of human freedom. It combines admirably with " the rights of liberty," and it would be difficult to imagine any surer "poUtical guarantee." Hear this doctiine still more plainly unfolded: "Kings, Priucos, Magistrates," writes 3r more moral, ! permanently royalty which }. But history a better safe- le by which it christian roy- heir ingenuity society should ty. The true iglected; and, )und adequate It not only e world must lall be prefer- ities of power must under- 3 the study of ^^S^ (govern) qtti judkatis Does a king, satness of the power centres [ion, although ial, may have af justice and king, but the ited kings to le possession ; but if kings, ct otherwise, homas de rege. ere is surely t is ''moral," h ft due mea- ily with " the imagine any incS still more ates," writes 031 169 the venerable Palafoa, "all jurisdiction is ordained by God for the preservation of his people, not for their destruction ; for defence, not for offence; for man's right, and not for his injury. They who maintain tliat kings can do as they please, and who estabUsh their power upon their will, open the way to tyranny. Those who maintain that kings have power to do as they ought, and what is necessary for tlie preservation of their subjects and their crown, for the exaltation of faith anfl religion, for the just and right administration of justice, the preservation of peace, and the support of just war, for the due and becoming cdat of regal dignity, the honorable maintenance of their houses and families ; speak the truth without flattery, tlirow open the gates to justice, and, to magnanimous and royal virtues." — {Palafox apud Balmes, cap. 53.) Even in France, at the time of its greatest despotism, these doctrines were fearlessly preached. Louis XIV. was not an absolute monarch. He only imagined he was, when he said that " he was the state." (L'etat cest moi.) He only desired to be so, when ho expressed to Mai'shal d'Estr^es, ., ijhis envy of the Persian Shah. He contrived, nevertheless, to forget, sometimes, that he was a christian, that is, a con- stitutional king. Refusing to accept the elevating^ the moral, the salutary teachhig of the Papacy and of the Catholic church, he acted on occasions, with extraordinary harshness J ..towards portions of his subjects, failing to remember that all were alike his people and the objects of his royal solicitude. But of this enough. Let us only insist that it was not in obedience to the lessons of Massillon and Bourdalone, and Bossuet and Fenelon, that Louis XIV. oppressed and im- poverished his kingdom, by aggressive and extravagant wars, — or that he banished the poor Hugonote. Catholicity instructs kings and all magistrates whatsoever, that tliey, as well as other men, have duties to fulfil. It requires that the people, subject to their authority, should obey them. Without obedien'^e to civil rule, there could be no social order. In regard to this important mntter, the Papal church might be favorably contrasted with all sepa- rated sects. Doctrinally, they all hold that rebellion is jus- * >■•■( 160 tifiable. Many of them, whatever their teaching may be, are content to practice inert and servile submission. These are the exti^mes. Wisdom disowns them. So does the well informed CJatholic. But may not circumstances occur, in which resistance, according to Catholic teaching, would not only be aBov/aWe, but even expedient and laudable? Un- doubtedly. But how rare must not such circumstances be I Tyranny might be carried to such an extent, as, from its excesses, to render opposition lawful, whilst on other grounds it would be highly inexpedient, and consequently criminal, inasmuch as it might occasion blootished and incalculably great national calamity, without any commensurate result. In etiber words, circumstances might arise in which it would be lawfol to oppose, I do not say, the legitimate civil power, but that established government which, from the complete neglect of its duties, and by violating eve^y law of justice and humanity, had degenerated into an intolerable tyranny, and so ceased to be lawful authority. On this most important subject, it is fitting that we should hear a very learned Theologian and eloquent orator, Father Ventura, the fellow student and friend of the reigning Pope, in his own incomparable style, will now instruct us, in the first place, as to what, according to Christian principles, must be avoided. "We must bear in mind, that foreign to, and beyond the pale of Catholic doctrines, there are to be found two distinct and mutually antagonistic systems, by means of which men seek a solace or a remedy for tyranny and oppression. One is submission to them with stupid apathy, — the other, their repulsion by physical force. The former bends to them like a slave, — the latter rises up against them like a rebel. The one is called "passive obedience,'^ the other "active resistance.^' The former is the system of Mahommedan fatalism and infi- delity; the latter, that of heretical rationalism. But, oh! how much more disastrous are such remedial means than the evils they pretend to cure ! "The system of pasnve obedience, or the inert resignation to aU that which power may please to do with a people, eonsi^ to the caprice of a tyrant, not only the property, Jhing may be, ission. These does the well nces occur, in ng, would not udable? Un- umstanees be ( Jt, as, from its other grounds mtly criminal, d incalculably nsurate result, v^hich it would te civil power, 1 the complete law o£ justice Table tyranny, that we should orator, Father reigning Pope, met us, in ihe ian principles, 3d beyond the id two distinct of which men pression. One le other, their Is to them like a rebel. The ive reeistanceJ' alism and infi- m. But, oh! il means than rt resignation vith a people, the property, m the honor, and the life of the subject, but still more, his un- derstanding, his heart, his conscience, his thoughts, his rea- ion, his will — all — the entire of that which makes man worthy of the name of man. It degrades man into a brute, which is utterly and completely at the discretion of him who is its owner. It leaves to man nothing of humanity except liie form ; and even in that form, is not long to be found revealed the Divine origin of man, and his innate dignity. " The system of active reskicmce, or of sedition, whether it be adverse or triumphant, is ever fatal. If triumphant, it merely makes a change of persons, and leaves unchanged the circumstances, and untouched the state of things, against which it was directed. The same parts are represented by different individuals; but, the tragedy is still enacted, and precisely in the same manner in which it had been previ- ously performed. The slave plays the tyrant, and he who had been the tyrant, wears the garb and clank!<^ the chains of the slave; and all goes on f<<] before, to its sad and fitting catastrophe. The sovereignty of all is the slavery of all, for the profit of a few. And if at any subsequent period the movement brings forth any advantage, such an event never occurs until a long period has elapsed, and until those who created the movement have paid for it with their lives, and until the traces of those passions which produced its triumph have been obliterated. " But woe ! woe ! to a people if their attempt at resistance has failed. The wounded pride of tyrwmy is no longer to be kept withm any bounds. That which it did ft-om caprice, it then believes that it is bound, as a matter of duty, to per- petrate. Before, it oppressed because oppression was an instinct of its nature; and afterwards it oppresses because oppression is regarded as the necessary means of its own conservation. Distrust changes to hatred, and hatred lashes itself into fury. Judicial forms are no longer attended to. Every thought is punished as an offence, and every word condemned as if it were sedition. Talent, wealth, virtue, are converted into crimes, and suspicion the sole*— the suffi- cient ground for condemnation. Fetters are made more %i I I 'V . heavy, chains are added to chains, to bind the limbs of tbe6- men, whilst sycophants become more ahumeless, courtiers more vile, executioners more cruel, despotism more atroci- , ous, and persecution moro inhuman." Mi, The orator now contrasts with these two systems, two courses of action that are admirably in harmony with the , sublime teaching of Christianity, and which the soundest human policy cannot at the same time fail to sanction. 1 •"/.;. '"Between these two systems which, by opposite paths, lead generally to the same end — the ruin and slavery of the people — stands the system of O-.tholio Christianity; which, condeming rebellions a. n-n'^Us^ teaches us to oppose to oppression, and especial:^ eUj^ii ns oppression, no ij. other species ol' resistance, but those of ^s«. » ;mstanceand active oi "dience. ^^ Passive resistance^ when the subject refuses to obey the commands of man, in matters which would be to the preju- dice of the duties of conscience, or in opposition to the laws of God: but passiveli/y that is, suflFering (and witliout having recourse to Physical force) those pains and penalties which are an honor to Him, when endured for the confession of His Faith. For our Lord Jesus Christ has said, that "all," even those who resist religious oppression, "that take up the sword, shall perish by the sword:" Omnes enim qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt ; (Matt. XXVI., 52.) that is to say, that religious persecution should never be com- batted by the strength of the body, but by the virtues of the soul ; that in a war, which is completely spiritual, we ought never to employ ai-ms that are merely material, and . by which, although we may succeed, yet we may also perish; that w^e should have recourse solely to spiritual and invisible arms, constancy in the faith — meekness — patience — and prayer; arms, of which as the use is noble, so is the success certain. When the maintenance of the true faith is in question, it is easier to overcome and destroy persecution by consenting that our own blood should be shed, than by attempting to shed that of the persecutor. The martyr in his Sepulchre is more terrible to the tyrant^ than the armed rebel who faces him in the field. He who suffers is stronger .it. «•;. 163 ?ss, courtiers more atroci- lyatema, two my with the he soundest inction. by opposite and slavery Christianity ; aches us to )pre8sion, no esisiancemi to obey the o the preju- i to the laws Jiout having alties which confession of that "aU," Jiat take up es enim qui X, 52.) that er be com- le virtues of piritual, we aterial, and 3 may also piritual and i3 — patience e, so is the rue faith is persecution d, than by martyr in the armed is stronger thi^n he who resists; he who receives a blow, than him by whom it is inflicted ; the christian who succumbs, than the insurgent who conquers. The christian children of Calvary were multiplied by being decimated; they received new vigor and fresh life by dying; they triumphed by being humiliated : * Quo pliires metimur, plurea effidmur.' (Tertul- lian.) And while they won for themselves, in Heaven, an immortal crown, they assured to their brethren and the church, an invincible strength, and infallible victory on this earth. Ancient christian Rome, and modern Catholic Ire- land, constitute the clearest proofs of the truth and the suc- cess of this doctrine. " In prescribing, however, a passive resistance to a power oppressive of conscience and of faith, the teaching of Catho- licity intimates that there may be an active obedience. Whilst it preaches the necessity of resisting by snffering, it permits also the practice of obeying by acting, for the purpose of escaping from injustice: the meaning of which is, that in condemn'ng reibellion, the Catholic doctrine does not proscribe action — in forbidding violent re&^istance, it does not prohibit the employment of such means as justice and the laws allow. In requiring the subject to respect the rights of power, it does not require that he should renounce his own. " The self same St. Paul, who so strenuously inculcates obedience to legitimate powers, as in the order of things established by God himself, did nevertheless, himself appeal to Coesar, from an inferior tribunal. Ad Ccesarem appeUo. He did not renounce his rights, nor forego his privileges as a Roman citizen, for such he proclaimed himself: Civis Romanus sum. Thus, the Catholic system, whilst it exacts resignation in the subjects of a tyrannical government, does not mean that they should renounce the personal attributes of humanity, and that, as soul-less inanimate substances, they should abandon themselves to the sanguinary caprices of tyrants. Coincident with the rational obedience of sub- jects, it also recommends a national loyalty from tliem as men : Raiionabile obsequium. (Rom.) While it assures obe- dience to power, it does not sanction every species of power 164 as legitimate; but leaves free the course by which the wise, the prudent, and the just can protest against oppression ; and thus, it reconciles the dignity of mau with social order."* LIBERTY OF SPEECH. That in the Papacy, which to so many, appears only to enchain thoue Signer Gnlit^ugii, who, attlie instiga- tion of MuzzinI, attemi)ted or undertook to assassinate the King of Sar- dinia, Charles A Ibart, in 184S? If, as I havu reason to believe, he is thcsamo person ; some light is thereby thrown un the proceeding of the Rnmagna police. Awaiting an early reply. I am sir, Ycur obe. Garcia do iti will not decline PATTERSON. 8, wtiethor I am i» correspondent, ou lamented in a 10, attlie instiga- tlieKingrofSar- o believe, he is •roceedingrof tbp :R80N, M. a. 169 Loaisa, who was tutor to Phihp III., and subsequently Arch- bishop of Toledo, that Mariana undertook the work. It was, moreover, intended for the instraction of the heir ap- parent It is impossible to speak with more freedom than it does, of kingly power, to condemn tyranny more strongly, or to proclaim more loudly popular rights. Notwithstand- ing the very liberal views it inculcates, this work was puj- lished at Toledo, in 1599, in the printing office of Pedro Rodrigo, printer to the king, with the approbation of the superiors of religious orders of the greatest eminence — those of tl»^ ""ociety of Jesus, in particular, under the generalship of Claude Aquaviva. More important still, there was added the royal sanction, and a dedication to the king himeelf. — Not satisfied with all this, Mariana, on occasion of publish- ing another work, his Spanish version of the history of Spain, which he also dedicated to Philip 111., says, addressing the king : " I last year dedicated to your majesty a work of my own composition, upon the virtues which c" 'it lo exist in a good king, my desire being that all princes ould read it carefully and understand it" If we examine the political opinions of the learned author we shall find that his theory oi civil power is as liberal as any modern democrat could desire. In drawini? a parallel between the king and the tyrant, he says, without hesita- tion or ambiguity : "The king exercises with great moder- ation the power which he has received from his subjects. — Hence, he does not, like the tyrant, oppress his subjects as slaves, but governs them as freemen ; and haviiifr received his power from the people, he takes particular care tliat during his life the people shall voluntarily yield him sub- mission." (Lib i. : cap. 4.) So wrote monks in Catholic .Spain, witli the sanction of their superiors; so wrote the subjects of an aij-;«>iuto mon- arch in the land of the Inquisition, which was jt royal tribu- nal ; and yot, no censure was pronounced, no edict from the crown interdicted the publication of opinions that were so freely expressed. The work of Father Mariana, on the con- trary, was honoured with the <;oinplele anf)roval of both church and state. Many other writings might be quoted, 170 in which the same liberty of expression is employed, the same liberal opinions inci ilcated. They all tend to shew how groundless are the fears, and how unfounded the ideas of those who maintain that the Catholic church is liostile to liberty, and has not only not hastened, but retarded the emancipation of mankind from the state of slavery in which she found them.* The truth is that CathoK i principles are the best safe<;^ard of liberty, and in those countries is free- dom of thought and speech the greatest where these princi- ples are most deeply rooted. Let us now hear how a Spa- nish writer, who was also a distinguished Catholic divine, accounts for the extraordinary liberty of speech which pre- vailed in Spain, without the slighest danger to the church or to the state, and under tlie shadow of the terrible Spanish inquisition. "How does it happen," enquires Balmes, "that at the end of the sixteenth century the Council of Castile was not alarmed at the bold principles of Mariana, in his book de Rege ei Regis Innstitidione, whilst those of the Abbe Speda- lieri, at the end of the 18th centur)', were such a terror to it? The reason of this lies not so much in the contents of the works as in the epoch of their publication. The former appeared at a time when the Spanish nation, confirmed in religious and moral principles, might be compared to those robust constitutions capable ofbearing food difficult of diges- tion. The latter .7as introduced amongst us when the doc- trines and deeds of the French revolution were shaking all the thrones of Europe, and when the propagandism of Paris was beginning to pervert us by its emissaries and books. — In a nation in which reason and virtue prevail, in which evil passions arc never excited, in which the well-being and prosperity of the country are the only aim of every citizen, the most popular and liberal fonns of government may exist without danger. For in such a nation numerous assemblies produce no disorder, merit is not obscured by intrigue, nor are worthless persons raised to the government, and the names of public liberty and felicity do not serve as means to raise the fortunes or f.;atisfy the ambition of individuals. So * Vide Appendix. also ever} word the thori discu theoi civil ritrht TnE r? I 1!--1! employed, the nd to shew how ed the ideas of •ch is Itostile to it retarded the lavery in winch 1 principles are [)un tries is free- ze these princi- ear how a Spa- !!3atholic divine, icch which pre- to the church terrible Spanish "that at the end astile was not in his book de le Abbe Speda- uch a terror to he contents of n. The former confirmed in ipared to those ifficultofdiges- when the doc- •re shaking all Eindism of Paris and books. — i^ail, in which well-being and every citizen, nent may exist 'ous assemblies r intrigue, nor lent, and the *ve as means to idividuals. So 171 also in a country in which Religion and morality rule in every breast, in which duty is not looked upon as an empty word, in Avhlch it is considered really criminal to disturb the tranquility of the state — to revolt against the lawful au- thorities, — in sucli a (;ountry, I say, it is less dangerous to discuss, with more or leas freedom, questions arising from theories on the formation of society, and the origin of the civil power, and to establish principles favorable to popular rights. But when these conditions do not exist it is of little use to proclaim rigorous doctrines. To abstain from pro- nouncing the name o^ people, as a sacrilegious word, is a useless precaution. How can it be expected that he who respects not Divine majesty should respect huni:m power ?" — Bdlmes' civilizaiion. c. 52. THK ARGITMKNT AGAINST PAPAL RULE, FOUNDKD ON THE AL- LEGED STATE OF THE POPULAR MIND, CONSIDERED. It is, no doubt, highly advantageous to the Catholic world that the Pope should be a sovereign prince, and, as such, beyond all danger of coercion by other powers and sover- eignties. But are the Catholics throughout the earth, nu- merous and influential though they be, entitled to require so great a sacrifice on the part of the subject«i of the Pon- tiff as that they, to tho i)rcjudice of their own interests, slioultl submit unwillingly to his authority ? To this ques- tion, to which more importance is ascribed than it deserves, it might be, once for all, replied, that supposing what is al- leged to be the case, the subjects of the Pope would not be in a worse position than other peoples. Where is the people that enjoys that government which it would prefer? Or what people can be named that has been able, in all free- dom, to choose for it-vself a government? If we consider the nations of our time, it will be difhcult to find even one that has been favored to exercise this privilege, or that does not owe its form of government, an'l its position in regard to other nations, to events and circumstances over which it had but little or no control. Some peoples by great, and cer- tainly, not always warrantable eflbrts, have succeeded in destroying the systems of rule which they possessed. But 8 172 in how many cases have these been succeeded by the fomn of government which it was desired to establish ? And,, supposing that now in the Papal States, the civil rule that has subsisted for so many ages, and which has so admirably shown how well it can be adapted to the wants of a people- at every epoch of their exir' -nee, were overthrown, would the popur.t'ons ht consulted &3 to the ruler, or form of rule, under -^hich i.ii^y shoold nenceforth live ? There is not the least p : yaoility that the real wishes of the communities in. question would be at all considered. Everything as regards sovereignty and sovereign, form of government and distri- bution of territory, would be settled according to a pro- gramme slre&dyAecided or>. In what respect, then, would the subjects of the Pope enjoy greater political privileges than, for instance, the people of Poland, when their national government was, against their will, and all the opposition they could make, taken away, and their country partitioned as suited the convenience of foreign potentates ? But, Pons non cadit. It has yet to be shewn that the people of the Papal States wish to do away with the govern- ment under which they and their forefathers have enjoyed so many blessings, and the surpassing honor of possessing in their own capital, the metropolis of the Christian world. They are too happy in being ruled over by the elective monarch whom they, themselves, have chosen, to desire, in prefer- ence to him, the shadow of a king — the satrap of an impe- rial despot. It was not they who, in a patriotic endeavor to shake off the Pontifical yoke, raised the standard of rebel- lion in so many cities and provinces of tlie Papal States. — This was wholly the work of foreigners. A Bonaparte, at- tended by a numerous and well disciplined army, . -^ des Italy. His arms are, to a certain extent, successful. Another Bonaparte, meanwhile, excites to revolt the Pontifical city of Perugia. He succeeds in raising a disturbance, which is speedily settled by a handful of Roman soldiers and the good and loyal sentiments of the people. In other cities, by the like instrumentalities, like movements are occasioned. By the goodwill of the people they are suppressed ; and the Pontifical government warmly thanks the mayors and mu- ® & 173 I by the forxtt. Wish? And,, civil rule that i SO admirably its of a people- irown. would r: form of rule, here is not the •mmuniticB in> ling as regards mt and distri- ling to a pro- , then, would cal privileges . their national :he opposition ry partitioned s? 3wn that the th the govem- ,ve enjoyed so lessing in their world. They tive monarch re, in prefer- p of an impe- tic endeavor to idard of rebel- ipal States. — Bonaparte, at- trmy, ., ■' des sfuL AiiOtlier Pontifical city mce, which is s and the good cities, by the sasioned. By sed; and the iyora and mu- nicipalities of seven or eight eit'es, for their zeal in putting down tho ufc-scent rcvolnHn... At iiolognu, thb capital of i-he Roniagnol oi uBroilian provinces, a cousin of tlie Pona- jittrtta, '.he luarquiS Pfpv.\ti 174 foreign affairs. Consequently, Franco must be held account- able for it t') the Church, and to the rest of Europe." The war which "the skilful but guilty perseverance of Pif'diuon- tese policy" succeeded in occasioning between France and Austria, facilitated not a little the work of revolution in the States of the Church. In order to dispo' the fears that pre- vailed, the following words were jiddressed to the Bishops of France by the minister of the Einpen)r : — "The Prince who restored the Holy Father to his throne in tlie Vatican wills that the head of the Church should be respected in all his rights as a temporal sovereign," A little later, the Em- peror of the French, elated with his military success, issued a proclamation which renewed the ap[)rehensions that had been so happily allayed. " Italians ! — Providence sometimes favors nations and indi\ iduals by giving them the opportu- nity of suddenly springing into tlieir full growth. Avail yourselves, then, of the fortune that is oflered you ! Your desire of independence, su long expressed, so often deceived, will be realii^ed, if you show yourselves worthy ol it. Unite, then, for one sole object, the liberation ol' your country. — Fly to the standards of King Victor Ennnanuel, who has already so nobly shewn }ou the way to honor. Remember that without discipline there can be no army, and, animated w'th the sacred fire of patriotism, be soldiers only to-day, and you will be to-morrow free citizens ofii iTcat country." "The Romaguese," continiie.s Moulalembert, "took the .speaker at his word. Four days iiiler the ap[K!aranee of this pr(x;lamation, they mac agaii^.tthe Papal aiithority, created ft Provisional Govrniment, eo!nokei!'!i tidoj'S ten years ago, now avails himself of oui ree.ntliaid -won victories, to hoast that he will "soon make an end ol elerical despotism." Three months afre;- the revi'iliou had been estabhshed in the Homagna, V. de Montaleniberl wrote: "The Revo- lution triumphant, is si ill asking Europe to sanction its work. icld account- irope." The of Pu'dinun- Frauce and )lution in the bars that pre- » tlie Bishops "The Prince I the Vatican spected in all attM', the Em- uc'cess, issued ons that had ice sometimes the opportu- owih. Avail 1 you ! Your lien deceived, of it. Unite, ;ir country. — uel, who has Remember ukI, animated y to-day, and country." rt, '' took the aranoe of this lority, created ign n.s.sembly, innexution to led uupunij^h- l>y Piedmon- nihaldi, who, II years ago. ories, to lioast despotism." 1 established "ThoRevo- 'ti(m its work. 175 France has to impute to herself all the scandals and all the calamities that will follow. Great nations are responsible not only for what they do, but for what they permit to be done under the shadow of their flu',', and by the incitement of their intlu"nce. The war wliidi France waged in Italy, has cost the Popi; the loss of the third part of his dominions, and the irreparable weakening of his hold on what remains. The eldest daughter of ilu; ( hureh will remain accountable for it, before couteni])oraries, before history, before Europe, and before God. She will not be allowed to wipe her mouth like the adultress in Seri{)ture, '' quoi tergens os auum dicit, non sum operata malum.^ " Another power which was, in the full sense of the term, foreign, in the Roman States, still uiore directly aided the cause of Revolution. Thi.s power was the army of Garibaldi. Consider what troops it wa.^ composed of, and say whether it were not wholly alien in the States of the Church. In this motley corps, there were — G,750 Piednionte.se Volunteers. 3,240 Lombard do. 1,200 Vent!tians. 2,1C0 Neapolitans and Sicilian.-^. 500 Romans. 1,200 Hungarians. 200 French. 30 Enghsh. 150 3ilaltese and lonians. 200 Greeks. 450 Poles. 370 Swi.ss. 100 Spaniards, J3clgians and Americans. 800 Austrian deserters and hberated convicts Could such an army as this, be held to be a representation of the people of the Papal Slates ? One third of it was sup- plied by two hostile nations, one of which, Piedmont, had actually, by the intrigues of its Government and in pursu- ance of a policy which an able statesman, a most candid writer, and an honorable man, Count Moutalembert, has stigmatized as criminal^ caused the rebellion in Romagna, and luiiT since earnestly laboured to avail itself of the state of things, by annexing Central Italy to the territories of the • • # « • • 1^6 I'iedmontese King. It were superfluous to direct attentioia to the numbers of foreigners fi-om various states. It is how- ever, deserving of remark that the whole population of the Papd Slates, dmoimting to 3,000,000, should have shown its alleged sympathy with the " cause of Italy," by sending only 500 men to fight its battles. They did not want courage, as was shown in 1848, when neither the considerate advice and paternal remonstrances of the Holy Father, nor the wise counsel of grave Statesmen and learned Cardinals could moderate the ardour of the Roman youth, believing, as they had been persuaded, that patriotism and duty called them to follow the standard of King Charles Albert. Then, they took up arms, as they conceived, in 'he cau.se of ItaUan liberty. But now, that honorable cause is manifestly in abeyance; and they will not leave their homes and endanger their lives for the phantom of national independence offered them by the revolution. The French are equally wary. They sympathize with Italy. They fight for their Emperor. But they have no admiration for Piedmontese ambition or that of Murats, and Pepolis, and Bonapartea. England is more cautious still. However much her demagogues may exert their oratorical powers at home, they carefully avoid pe-i'.ling either life or limb in the cause of the revolution. A more numerous band of fighting men of Englisli origin, in Garibaldi's ranks, would have shown more synipathy with rebellion in some Italian States, than the proposal made by a right honarble member of the richest peerage in the world, to raise a penny subscription in order to supply the rebels with bayonets and firearms. When we call to mind that this sufjgestion was made by that very Lordly Peer who was ouje Governor General of India, we have little difficulty in understanding Avhy his superiors, the members of the East India Company, dismissed him fiom the high and re.«!ponsiWe office with which he had been entrusted. No nation or community can be fairly represented by a number of its people, insignificantly small, unless, indeed, these few individuals hold commission from their fellow- 177 lirect attention es. It is how- )ulation of the lave shown its y sending only want courage, jiderate advice r, nor the wiae ardinals could ieving, as they ty called them Then, they use of ItaUan manifestly in ) and endanger ndence offered npathize with they have no of Murats, and 'er much her vers at home, ib in the cause r fighting men 1 have shown n States, than r of the richest ption in order arms. When 3 by that very 1 of India, we superiors, the 3sed him fiom he had been resented by a nless, indeed, their fellow- countrynleni We have not read anywhere that the Gari- baldian army was thus honored. Social status, character, respectability, may, on occasions, give to individuals the privilege of representing their country. But on these grounds the motley troop of the revolutionary leader possessed no claim. They were men for whom peace and order has no charms. The powerful corrective of military discipline was applied to them in vain. Their insubordination was notori- ous. To Garibaldi, even, it was intolerable. And this man, daring as he was, withdrew from the command in disgust. He had scarcely retired when many of his men deserted. These, the people refused to recognize, and would not afford them assistance on their journey. Some fifty of them arrived at Placentia, after having been reduced to mendicancy, before they could reach tlieir homes. Tlie Revolutionary Governor, Doctor Fanti, issued an order of the day, requiring that these men, on account of their insubordination and bad conduct, should not be admitted anew into the army of the League. The general in chief also published an order, under date of 26th Nov. 1859, absolutely forbidding to accept any person who had belonged to Garibaldi's force. An army so composed could, by no means, claim to represent the highly refined, intellectual, and moral populations of Italy. Far less did it afford any proof that the people of the Papal States were anxious to forward the work of the Revolution. The inhabitants of Rome and the Roman States, far from showing any inclination to side with the revolutionary party, never let pass an opportunity of manifesting their satisfaction with the Government of the Pope. His Holiness walks abroad without guards: and although he seeks the most retired places, for the enjoyment of that pedestrian exercise which his health requires, numbers of tlic people often con- trive to throw themselves in his way, in order to testify to him iheir reverence and affection, as well as to receive his paternal benediction. Whilst taking his walk on Monte Pincio, not long ago, many thousands came around him, declaring, loudly, their unfeigned loyalty. The following day, still greater crowds repaired to the same place ; but the Holy Father, with a view to be more retired, had gone 178 in another direction. Thor«» 1ms not yet been time to forget, that, when returning last autumn from his Villa at Castcl Gaudolpho, the road was thronged on both .sides, to tht; distance of four miles from Rome, with citizens who h.vd no other view than to give a cordial and loyal welcome to their Bishop and their Prince. Ifad ever conqueror of old, such an ovation, such a triumph? On occasion of the recent progress which the Holy Father made through his States, in order to ascertain, by personal obf^ervation, what improve- ments and reforms were required in the dilVcrent Provinces, he was every where received with the most lively demon- strations of eiithusiasLic loyalty, reverence and allection. So lately as the 18tii of January last, the munici{»al body, or, as it is called, '' the Senate" of R(.)me, presented to the Sover- eign Pontift' as well in their own name, as on behalf of all the people, an address ( xpressive of tlieii' filial duty and loyal sentiments. On the following day, January 10, one hundred and thirty-four of the nobility of Rome, who are, in all, oni' hundred and sixty, a[)proa(!hed the person of the PontilV, in order to present an eciually loyal and dutiful address. The sentiments of this address will be best conveyed in its own plain and energetic language, — lang\inge whirh does honci to the I'atricians of modern Rome. "We, the undersigned, deeply grieved by the publication of various libels which emanating from the revolutionary press, tend to make the world believe that the people subject to the authority of your lloline.^ . are wishing to shake olf tlie yoke, which, as it is i ported, has become insulferaVile, leel necessitated to show lidelitv and lovaltv to vour fioli- ness, and to make known to the rest of Europe, which, at the present moment, doubts the sincerity of our words, the tidelity of our persons towards your Hohness, by a manifes- tation of attaehment and lidelity towards your person, pro- ceeding from our duty as Catholics, and from cm- lawfu; submission as your subjects. '•It is not, however, our intention to vie with the miser- able cunning ol your enemies, — enemies of the faitli, — of that very faith which they jn'ofess to venerate. But }»laeed, as it is our fortime, by your side, and seeing the malignity of those ^s'h we Lhr So^ too the yoi de( n time to forget, I Villa nt Casfcl h sidi's, to tlu! ?ns\vlio Ihul iKt 'clcome to tlioir roi- of old, such of tlio recent h his States, in wiiivt improvc- icnt Provinces. lively demoii- d nlfectioii. So [>.h1 body, or, as I to the Sover- '11 behalf of all fluty and loyal i), one hundred are, in all, one the Tontiir, in address. The yc^ in Its own eh does honoi he publication revolutionary people subject g to shake oil" L' insulieral»lf. to your lioli- >pe. which, at ur words, the by a manite.v- • person, pro- ni our lawfu. til the miser- aith,— ofthal t [)laced, as it mil V of those 119 who attack you, and the disloyal character of tiieir attacks, wc feel bound to gather ourselves at the foot of your twofold tlirone, with vows for the integrity of your independent Sovereignty; and once more oflering you our whole selves, too happy if this nianilestation of our fidelity may sweeten the bitterness with which your Holiness is afflicted, and if you are pleased to accept our olVerings. Thus may Europe, deceived by so many perverse writings, be thoroughly con- vinced that if the nobility have hitherto been restrained from the expression of their desires by resjiect and the fear of throwing any obstacle in the way of a happy solution, so anxiously desired, they have not the hjss retained them, and expressed iheui a.; individuals; and that they, this day, unite to declare them, h(;artily and sincerely pledging to them before all the world, their honor and tlu;ir faith. ''Accept, Iluly Father, Ponthk, and Kix(j, this energetic protest and the unUmited devotedncss, whicli the nobles of Rome oifer in reverence to your Sceptre, no less than to your r;->toral stulf."--(/n iue Wctkhj lieyistero/Jan. 28, 1800, from the Oiornale di lionta.) Nor is this loyal and truly i>atriotic leellng confined to Rome. It is general throughout the cities and Provinces of the Pa})al States. Even at BoIolmui, where the revolution- ary spirit has been most prevalent, scarcely one third of the population could be persuaded, or compelled at the point of the sword, to vote for p '[)ular representatives under the now order of things. Scarcely one in lifty could be induced, as Lord Normanby informs us, to dcrlare for the revolutionary Government. A portion of Mie periodical press labours to keep these important facts out of view. ]Jut they would require better evidence than they have as yet l)cen able to produce, before they succeed in convincing rea.-onable and reflecting men, that populations blessed with such a high degree of material prosperity as the sul»ject- of the Pope and the other Princes of Italy, are anxious to see radical changes introduced into the government^., under which they are so favored. That tliey are prosperous, and but slightly taxed, many distin- guished travellers bear witness. None will question the IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET {MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■« lU 12.2 IIU4 11111^^= 1 1.25 1.4 1 1.6 ^ 6" ► V] VQ •^ v: # ^ # ^ y Hiotographic Sdences Corporation ^1% 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 ^v- '9 // A. IL fA i ^^^ ,<<^.l! ^ '^ 180 i evidence of these facts afforded by the Marquis of Normanby and his excellency the Earl of Carlisle. So lately as the month of August last, a distinguished member of the House of Commons — Mr. Hennesey — stated, in that assembly, "that the national prosperity of the States of the Church " and of Austria, had become greater, year after year, than " that of Sardinia, (where a sort of revolutionary constitution "had been estabUshed,) and that documents existed in the "Foreign Office, in the shape of reports from our own Con- "suls, which proved it, with respect to commercial interests "in Sardinia. Mr. Erskiue, our minister at Turin, in a des- " patch of January 7, 1856, gave a very unfavorable view of "the manufacturing, mining, and agricultural progress of "Sardinia. But from Venetia, Mr. Elliott gave a perfectly " opposite view, showing that great progress was being made "there. The shipping trade of Sardinia with England had " declined 2,000 tons. But the British trade with Ancona "had increased 21,000 tons, and wnth Venice, 25,000 tons, " in the course of the last two years. He attributed these "results to the increase of taxation in Sardinia, through the "introduction of the constitutional (the Sardinian constitu- "tional) system of government, and to the comparatively " easy taxation of Venetia. The increased taxation of Sar- "dinia from 1847 to 1857, was no less than 50,000,000 francs. " With respect to education in the Papal States, he contend- "ed, that it was more diffu. p^. than it was in this country — "(Great Britain)." In countries that were so prosperous, every man literally "sitting under his own vine and his own fig tree," it is diffi- cult to believe that there is wide spread discontent, and a general desire for radical changes. To prove that there is so, it would require evidence of no ordinary weight. All testimony that can bo relied on, shows a very opposite state of national feeling. In reply to the allegation of Lord John Russell in his memorable Aberdeen speech, "that under their provisional revolutionary governments, the people of central Italy had conducted themselves with perfect order, just as if they had bee-^. the citizens of a country that had long enjoyed free institutions;" Lord Normanby says: 'i '1 M li it (I ofNormanby lately as the of the House at assembly, f the Church 3r year, than constitution xisted in the ir own Con- cial interests ^•in, in a des- •able view of progress of 3 a perfectly being made England had ith Ancona 25,000 tons, buted these through the in constitu- nparatively ion of Sar- ,000 francs, le contend- country — an hterally ' it is diffi- ent, and a at there is 'ight. All osite state Lord John hat under i people of feet order, that had 3ays: 181 "I should like to know where the noble Lord found that " information. There is not in central Italy, a single gov- "ernment that has resulted from popular election. They "were all named by Piedmont — which had, as it were, " packed the cards. Liberty of speech there was none, nor "liberty of the press, nor personal liberty. * * * " The Grand Duchess of Parma was expelled by a Pied- " montese army, and restored by the spontaneous call of her "people. She left the country, declaring that she would "suffer everything sooner than expose her subjects to the " horrors of civil war. * * * Numberless atroci- " ties have been committed under the rule of these govern- " ments which, according to my noble friend, are so wise " and orderly. I read to you, the first day of this session, "the letter of a Tuscan, whose character is irreproachable. ^'- Since that time I have received from him another letter, " in which he says : ' You will not be surprised to learn that " ' my letter to you has been the occasion of the coarsest " 'invectives. For what reason I cannot tell, if it was not " ' because it spoke the truth.' " Here is a second letter, which I received a few days ago " from an English merchant of the highest standing at Leg- "horn: ' 'No intervention is allowed in Tuscany; and nev- " ' ertheless, my Lord, intervention appears everywhere ; '"even armed and foreign intervention. The Governor " 'General is a Piedmontese; the Minister of War is a Pied- " 'montese; the Commander of the Armed Police is a Pied- " 'montese; the Military Governor of Leghorn is a Pied- " 'montese; the Captain of the Port is a Piedmontese; with- " 'out reckoning a great number of other functionaries of the " 'same nation. This is what I call armed and foreign inter- " 'vention. Let us be disembarrassed of all this; let us be "'free from the despotic pressure of this government, and " 'the great majority of the country would vote the restora- "'tion of the House of Lorraine. Almost all the army " 'would be for the Grand Duke, and on this account it is " ' kept at a distance from Tuscany. I can say the same of " ' two-thirds of the national guard. All the groat powers " ' have observed strict neutraUty here, inasmuch as they 182 a I u ( " 'have not been present at any ceremony which could be looked upon as a recognition of the existing goA'ernment. 'But since the peace of Villafranca, the English agents have taken part in all the ceremonies, in all the balls.' Assur- "edly, thus to recognize such a government, is far from "being faithful to the assurance given last session, by the " noble Lord at the head of the foreign Department. (Cheers)" Lord Normanby's trustworthy correspondent says, more- over, in the letter referred to, that the Tuscan troops being kept at a distance from Tuscany, the people dread making any demonstration, being well aware that an imprudent word is punished with imprisonment. "At Leghorn, how- ever, some private meetings were held, at which influential persons were present. Public meetings are impossible. — Twenty-three members of the Assembly asked that it should be convened. This was refused them. At the private meeting however, it was decided that Ferdinand IV. should be recalled, on condition of granting a constitution and an amnesty. The people have been dreadfully deceived. All promises have been violated, the price of provisions has risen, the national debt has been enormously increased." Lord Normanby also laid before the House of Peers the testimony of a distinguished Italian writer, Signer Amperi, whom he describes as a man of high character. This gen- tleman addresses the governments of Central Italy in the following terms : — " The false position in which you have placed yourselves has reduced you to the necessity, in times of liberty, as you pretend, but of false liberty, as I conceive, to make falsehood a system of government. Of the promises of Victor Em- manuel that he would sustain before the great powers the vote of the Tuscan Assembly, you have made a formal ac- cepting for himself of this vote, and, in order to deceive the ignorant multitude, you ordered public rejoicings in honour of a fact which you knew to be false. You declared your- selves the ministers of a King who had not appointed you. You administer the government in his , name ; you give judgments in his name ; you plege the pubhc faith of a sovereign who has given you no commission to do any such thi hiri as ha' 'liieli could be ? goA'ei'nment, h agents have 'alls.' Assur- t, is far i'rom ?ssion, by the !nt. (Cheers)" it says, more- troops being Iread making \n imprudent 3ghorn, how- ch influential impossible. — that it should the private id IV. should -ition and an !ceived. All 'ovisions has icreased." f)f Peers the nor Amperi, This gen- Italy in the I yourselves )erty, as you ke falsehood Victor Em- powers the I formal ac- deceive the s in honour lared your- Dinted you. you give faith of a ;lo any such 183 thing; and, although you forced the Tuscans to acknowledge him for King, you despise his authority to such an extent as to impose upon him the choice of a regent. What right, have you to do this, if he be really King, and if he be not, is your right any better founded?" The Marquis of Normanby laughs to scorn the.various at- tempts that have been made to establish a government in Central Italy against the will of the people. First of all, we have a siguor Buoncompagni named Governor General by the King of Sardinia. The Emperor of the French found that the ambitious satrap had exceeded his powers, and Buoncompagni was immediately recalled. The Prince de Carignan was then offered the regency (jf the [)ropose(l kingdom of Central Italy. Pie thought it prudent to de- cline. But unwilling wholly to relinquish a cherished oIj- ject of ambition, he appointed in his ])lace the above named Signor Buoncompagni. What right had he to do so? None whatever. The appointment, as is well known, caused the greatest indignation at Florence, and elicited a protest from the liberal representatives, themselves. Will it be believed, in after times, that the present ministry of Great Britain actually recognized this spurious government, ordering the Queen's representative to pay an official visit to this Signor Buoncompagni ? Whilst all Europe held aloof J anxious to avoid wrong and insult to the Italian populations, whence this zeal and haste on the part of the British Cabinet ? They had, at first, resolved to be neutral. But there o^,. .irs to them the chimerical idea of a great idngdom in Central Italy, and, as Lord Normanby states, in their ignorance they hasten to carry it into effect. * * * "Yts," continued the right lionble. lord, when assailed by the laughter of the more ignorant portion of his lordly hearers, "yes, in com- plete ignorance of the wants, the aspirations and t' e preju- dices of the Italian people." * * * * ''It is a painful duty," said the illustrious statesman, in con- cluding his eloquent appeal to the common sense and hon- orable feeling of the British peerage, "to have to dispel the illusions of public opinion in regard to Italy. I have en- deavored to fulfil this duty by laying before you informa- 184 tion that can be relied on ; and I have the pleasure to ob- serve that light is now beginning to penetrate the darkness which has hitherto enveloped tliis question. There is al- ready a greater chance that Italian independence will be established on a more legitimate basis, free from all foreign intervention, and m such a way as to favor the cause of fidelity, of truth, of honor and general order. (Cheers.)" Let there be no foreign intervention, it is constantly said, and we shall soon see the end of Papal Rule, as well as that of ail the other Ituleto and Bishop of Imola. We have seen also how high he stood in jjopular estimation. It may well be doubted whether any layman in authority was ever so highly considered, and so sincerely beloved. No layman could have ap|)lied with the same freedom of mind to public cares. Nor could any with a family, or relatives, dividing his attention and solicitude, as well as claiming a share in his temporal substance, have shown that generosity which ol'ten led, not only to the sacrifice of his personal income, but on some occasions even of every thing he possessed. The people could not be blamed for this preference,nor accused of narrov, ness of view, in considering the Prelates of the Church more fated by their education and habits of mind, for the important work of civil government, than laymen generally can be, wlio, however highly educated, can never claim exemption from many of those things l^y which the mind, if not Avliolly engrossed, is at least diverted or dis- tracted. It has not, however, been considered advisable, that a great number of the Clergy in the Roman States, should, in addition to the avocations of their sacred office, bear a part in the duties of temporal government. These d\;^'ov, are almost all fulfdled by laymen. Comparatively i atives, dividing' ming a share in Dncrosity whicli ersonal income, g he possessed. 'nce,nor accused Prelates of the iiabits of mind, t, than laymen iated, can never js by whicli the diverted or dis- lered advisable, Roman States, ir sacred office, nnicnt. These Comparatively 11 the cares and able will show rsons, who are its Provinces, v'ledge that the ority, the w ell uul Salery Becvd. CLKS. BY LAYMEN. ),500 ),205 ,320 ),829 !,400 kT55 $ 8,340 637,602 1,824 T30,268 69,803 61,885 $1,490,747 r, Jane, 1869.] 187 All who are here alluded to as ecclesiastics, are not neces- sarily Priopts. Count de Rayneval had occasion to show, '•with proofs in his liaiids, that tlic hall' of these supi»osed Priests were not in orders. ''• "= '■''' The liomnn [^'elates arc not all bound to enter into Holy orders. Foi- the most pui-t tlu>y dispense with them. Can wo. then rail by the name of I^riests those who have nothing- of the Priesi but the uniform? Is Count Spu'ln. u more zealous or a more skilful administrator now, than, when in the costume of a Priest, he ofliciatcd as Minister e)f Wcr? Do Consigner Mattcuci, (AHnister of Police,) Monsijnior Mertel, (Minister of the Interior,) Monsignor Berai'di, (Suk^tituti? of the Sec- retary of State,) and so many others, Avho have liber*^y to marry to-morrow, constitute a religious caste, sacrificing 'ts own interests to Ww. interests of tlie countiy, and would they become, all of a sudden, irreproachaljl(> if they were dressed differentl}' ? If we examine the share given the Prelates, botii Priests and non Priests, in the Roman ad- uiinistration, we shall arrive at some results which it is im- portant to notice. Out of Rome, that is, througliout tlu; whole extent of the Pontifical States, with the exception of the capital, — in the Legations, the Marshes, Umbria and all the Provinces, to the number of eighteen, l^ow many eccle- siastics do you think are employed? Their number does not exceed fifteen, — one for each Province, except three, where there is not one at all. They are delegates, or as we should say, prefects. Tlie councils, the tribunals, and oilices of all sorts, are filled with laymen. So that for oni; ecclesi- astic in office, we have in the Roman Provinces one luui- Jred and ninety-five laymen." RIGHTS OF PKOPLES. — PUETENDED RKUITS Ol' FACTIONS AND INCONSIDERABLE SECTIONS. — OPINION OF '"THE TIMES." — NUMBERS, AND EXTRAORDINARY INCREASE 01' CATHO- LICS. — ENLIGHTENED OPINION AND NOBLE CON- DUCT OF GREEKS AND PROTESTANTS. The public opinion of the time, coinciding with the inva- riable teaching of the churcl>, requires that, genendly, the clergy .should be exempt fi'om temporal cares, in order the 188 beicter to apply, with undivided mind, to the more important duties of their sacred office. The government of the chief Pastor, in admirable harmony v/ith these noble and well founded views, has never ceased to set the example, as we have seen, of allowing to devolve on the lay members of the community, the principal burthen of things temporal and material. It agrees, besides, with the philpsophy of the time, in all those things wherein it surpasses the wisdom of bygone ages, the nineteenth century in fact, having been disciplined by christian teachings, to better modes of thought — to milder habits — to more humane legislation. That great Institution, therefore, of which the Papal temporality is only the Outpost and the earthly bulwark, harmonizing so admi- rably with the spirit that now pervades society, what party or what influence is there that can justly or consistently call for its abolition? It cannot surely be any number of indi- viduals, or any government professing to hold the ideas, and to be animated by the spirit of the age. There exists indeed a party which holds very decided opinions on the system of rule by which mankind ought to be governed. But the wisdom and humanity of the time repel this faction and their doctrines. The British press, which cannot be accused of any predelection for Papal rule, only gives expression to the general voice of Europe and the civilized world, when it stigmatizes the chief of this party as, " An incendiary, whose murderouLS designs expand in pro- ^^ portion to his own sense of security, and who has no such ^^ regard for the safety of his dupes." — (The Times.) Does a monarchy aim at the abolition of the Pope's tem- poral state ? It can only be with a view to its own aggran- dizement. For the Papacy has ever been the stay of well ordered monarchies. Is it a republic, or a constitutional power, that would deal the fatal blow, it could only have a sinister end in view ; for the Papacy, although it may rather lean to monarchy, looks no less with favor on well regulated republics, and lends them its powerful aid. Does despotism, jealous of all power it is unable to control, seek to lessen the influence of the Roman Pontiflf, — to undermine his throne, — its conduct is easily understood. The two powers are essen- tialll appi Bcril star sioil tyrj the hurl I8d more important lent of the chief noble and well example, as we niembers of the s temporal and Ipsophy of the 3 the wisdom of t, having been odes of thought an. That great iporality is only nizing so admi- Jty, what party !onsistently call umber of indi- l the ideas, and re exists indeed 1 the system of ned. But the iction and their ; be accused of pression to the i^orld, when it xpand in pro- has no such mes.) e Pope's tem- i own aggran- e stay of well constitutional d only have a it may rather veil regulated •es despotism, : to lessen the his throne, — ers are essen- tially antagonistic. The one, however, anxious to save appearances, is, when circumstances urge, or ita policy pre- scribes, intolerably oppressive. The other, under all circum- stances, and in (Ictlftiice of liinnany policy, condenms oppres- sion, and in the very face of tyrants, hurls auathenms against tyranny. The former regardless of the improved spirit of the age, makes war on libi-rty, on justice, on honor, on humanity ; the latter, equal to tlie age, and belbre the age, h"ads the van in the great march of human progress, aiding and encouraging every useful eflbrt, guiding and inspiring the toils and meditations of the patriot; not only blessing and consoling the unobtrusive labours of christian love, but opening every day new fields for philanthropic zeal, and promoting well conceived and meritorious plans for the im- provement of mankind, and for the continuance of the wished for reign of peace, order, justice and humanity. Does a family, — does a dynasty seek the ruin of the Papal States, — the mystery may be solved. Ambition has made a new conqnest. Its votaries and its slaves nmst follow in the track it has pointed out. Is new territory within their reach, cost what it Avill they must grasj) the tempting prize. Is more extended influence to be attained, is the new power to be more firmly rooted in the midst of other powers, or above them all, no sacrifice will be spared. Does justice set its bann on certain ambiguous proceedings, — justice is a lion in the path, — it must be battled with, and trampled down. Inordinate ambition holds nothing sacred. Its votaries, once under its control, war with Heaven itself, and they would think little of extinguishing the vital flame, — the vivifying light which Heaven has shed upon the world. Opposed to such influence, is the still greater influence of the whole civilized earth. Shall it be said that the general interest which this mighty power sustains, has no right against the particular interest of undisciplined ambition? For what besides does tlie general interest claim support? For no ideal good, — for no untried system, — no newly devised scheme, — no chimera sprung but yesterday from some fev- ered brain. No such thing as this; but a time hallowed Institution to which humanity has clung for so many cenntu- 190 vies with iiul(!<;lni('rtiblo afFoction. ('onsidcr it in a merely iitili- tai'ian [loint ofviow ; llio o.\poii(Mi(,'t!ofa}^c.sboai\s vvitncssto its useruliK'Ss. And Avho ilan? siiy, even niiionp: those who carp at tiio nsaj^cs and (hs('ij)lino ol' tho Papacy, tliat it has not been in every ago a l)los.sinj^ to mankind? From tho un- worklly nature of its teaching, it may suiijeet some to incon- vonionco; of others it requires sacrifices; but without offer- ing' injustiei' to any, it never fails to k(.'ep in view tho general {JTood. The men of short vision and narrow mind will see in all this nothing' but evil; just ns these same individuals, if, indeed, tho pursuit of science had any charms for them, would, in searching the earth for proofs of the genial influ- ences ot tho sun's rays, discover only parched deserts and burning sands. The nations jire interested in the great Institution. It is their pos.cs.sion. Time has consccrat(>d this right. They are its people. Let them depose it if they will. But until they do so, it must be considered as unassailable. If the Catholic communities only were its defenders, and alone claimed an interest and a right in its safe and inviola- ble; state, their unanimous voice, now so powerfully raised against the most inifjuitous and unprovoked spoliation of which his'ory bears record, possesses an undoubted title to be heard. These children of the Holy Father inhabit every clime. Their numbers are beyond calculation. Their influ- ence, wherever they dwell, is proportionally greater than their numbers. Without delaying to enquire how it is so, let us now consider how numerous are at this day the cath- olic people, in all those countries and quarters of the globe, whence they are sending forth with such determination of will and purpose, their eloquent and moving, and irresistible appeals in behalf of the rights of tlie chief Pastor. According to researches made by learned men, the result of which was given in " The Scientific Miacellany" some five and twenty years ago, the number of catholics throughout the world, — in Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica, —was 254,G55,000. If we consider how rapidly catholics have increasead du- ring the last quarter of a century, we need have no hesitation n reckoning them, to-day, at 300,000,000. tin II merely uUli- ofti-s witness toils ? those* who carp ', tiiat it has not From tho uu- •t some to ineon- it Avithout offer- view tho general \v mind will see ime individuals, harms for them, the genial influ- lied deserts and stitution. It is is right. They will. But until lablo. defenders, and afe and inviola- )werfully i-aised id spoliation of :loubted title to nhabit every Their influ- greater than e how it is so, s day the oath- 's of the globe, termination of and irresistible itor. nen, the result !«2/" some five cs throughout and Oceanica, ncreasead du- no hesitation r 1 191 Whether we take as a test the numbers of the catholic j)eople, as they are now in the great cities, compaivd with what they were some twtMity-'ive or thirty years ago. or the actuftl attendance in the churches, on Wundavs, we shall lind that there is ample ground for believing that the incrcnse has been fully as great, as, witho\it general and exact statis- tical data, we can suppose it to be. In the city of LiverjHJol, in I8.']l, there wcie only eleven Priests, five churches, two poor schools, and a catholic popu- lation of iJurti) thonsand. In 185!), the number of Priests had risen to sixty, of churches to seventeen, of schools U) fifteen, and of catholic people, to one hundred and JlfUj thou- sand. This catholic [)opuUiLion contains some v.lio have made fortunes almost colossal, and many who, by honest energy, hiive achieved a desirable competence. That portion of society ■which consists of the market dealer, the petty shopkeeper, the skilled artizan, the humble labourer, is in a transition state. The man who but a little while ago was but a rude labourer, now keeps a small and very plain shop. Next year he will improve it, and go on steadily rising. This is beyond question a t-ype of thousands. The attendance at church on Sundays, in this same city of Liverpool, which is unquestionably one of the greatest strong-holds of the Protestant world, is a no less remarkable proof of the extraordinarily rapid increase of the catholic population. It has been ascertained that the Protestants of Liverpool, of all denominations, with 14;] places of worship, show an actual attendance at church on Sunday, of 44,599. The Cfitholics have only thirteen churches, and their atten- dance for the whole Stmday, amounts to 4i,Go2. That the numbers of Catholics, attending church on Sundays, should have come within the last few years to equal, and, even, in a certain degree, to surpass that of the numerous and res- pectable Protestant pojailation of our great cities, is indeed no shght proof that the increased number of Catholics is not over estimated. It is no misrepresentation to speak here of our cities, Liver[)Ool being a type of them all. What has been said of it, may also be said, especially as regards the iucrease of the Cotholic population, of Manchester, Birming- 192 ■■.J 4 4 ham, Glasgow, Newcastle, and other places of commercial renown. But may there not have been in some countries, a falUng ofif in the Catholic population ? In Ireland for in- stance, during the dreadful days of famine and pestilence, there was a visible lessening in the numbers of the Catholic people. Since that disastrous time, howeve;, they have been steadily on the increase. And whatever loss the sweeping scourges may have caused, is abundantly counter- balanced by the rapid growth of Catholic congregations in the new world. There, they arise together with great cities which already vie with those of Europe, in wealth, splendour and population. If, in these cities, large churches and mag- nificent Cathedrals are builr, it cannot be that there are no people to fill them, no hands to aid in their construction. Nothing, however, could show so well the augmentation of the chu-ch, in our time, as the great number of Dioceses it has been found necessary to erect. It is not yet fourteen years since the accession of tlie reigning Pope, and he has already, arged by the want? of the daily increasing Catholic world, established no fewer than fifty-six new Dioceses.* In addition to the great Catholic host, of the numbers, and importance, and influence of which too great an estimate can scarcely be formed, there are some eighty millions of the Greek church who differ so slightly from christians of the Catholic rite ana communion. Of these some sixty milhons, through the enlightened and magnanimous Emperor, who, if not positively the Ruler, is undoubtedly the most influen- tial Protector of the Russo-Grcek church, have protested ♦Db. Gumming.— It is not to be expected timt the notorious Dr. Cum- ming will ever intentionally say anything favonrable to the Catholic Church, yet somehow the truth does transpire in some of hia outpourings. For Instance, in a lecture this month at Brentford, he says :— He would do the priests of the Church of Rome the justice to say that a more earn- CBt, more energetic, a more industrious body, he did not know in any portion of our church; the." 'rvcre labouring incessantly for what they believed to be the trutti, and Uc would that he could say without success, but he was sorry to say, wii/i great success. He saw going over to the Church of Rome, a section of the nobility and many ministers of our Church. These were well, instructed, and ought to have known better. In England, account for it as they could, it had made progress to such an tateni during the last 2^ years that it had douhlat its churches and dcvMed its priests. In Scotland, he regretted to find that the Duchess uf Bucceleuoh, the wife of the most populnr nobleman there, had become a Boman Catholic, and the Dowager Dutciiess of Argyle, a member of his own flock, bttd also Joiqed that church.— If eekly Jiegiater, nth March, 18«0. agai Fat of wor to 193 ?s of commercial some countries, 1 Ireland for in- and pestilence, s of the Catholic ive:, they have atever loss the :idantly counter- congregations in with great cities ealth, splendour irches and mag- liat there are no construction, le augmentation ber of Dioceses lot yet fourteen Dpe, and he has -easing Catholic !W Dioceses.* le numbers, and eat an estimate '■ millions of the hristians of the } sixty millions, Emperor, who, e most influen- have protested otorious Dr. Cnm- e to the Catholic )f Ilia outpourings, says : — He would that a more earn- not know in any itly for what they y without success, BToing over to the ministers of our ve known better. ogress to such an 'is churches and 'hat the Duchess liere, had become !, a member of his iter, nth March, against the unjustifiable attack which has despoiled the Holy Father of a third part of his States, and threatens to rob him of what remains. The Greek churches, in other parts of the world, are known to entertain sentiments no less friendly to the Patriarch of Western Christendom. But what shall be said of the 48,985,000* Protestant christians, who must surely be taken into account when there is question of what concerns the well-being of the christian church ? Do they join in the outcry that has been raised against the *' Pope of Borne" by the less informed and low-bred portion of the British press? Far be it from us to think any such thing. Of the contrary line of conduct we possess the most ample proof. The enlightened Protes- tants of Germany, the children of those people for whom the great Leibnitz wrote, the learned and the high in rank have addressed to the chief Pastor the expression of their sincere and heartfelt sympathy, no less than their detestation of the perfidious blow that has been aimed against his tem- poral sovereignty. Prussia, where the Protestant element predominates, Las entered her protest. The Protestant King and Protestant Government have remonstrated, with a determination of purpose, which, to their imperishable honor, history will record. They were even preparing to draw the sword in vindication of violated right and honor, when the Emperor of the French, wearied with blood and ghry, withdrew from the scenes of carnage he had ordered on the plains of Italy, and for which he alone is responsible to the men of this generation, to posterity, and to God. The Protestant King of Belgium concurs with his people in their energetic denunciation of the wrong that has been done to the chief and Father of their church. Illustrious members of the British peerage, although hon- estly adhering to the Protestant communion, nave not hesi- tated to denounce the Pope's undutifiil children and treach- erous enemies. They have also exposed the calumnies of * Sdeniific Miscellany. Macaalay. -Vide also In appendix, t))« opinion of Baron 194 the infidel press, and laboured to originate throughout the country, a more sound public opinion. British nierchants of high character and status, although Protestants, have dared, whilst by so doing they exposed themselves to the most bitter invective, to write home to their country, iiom the towns of Italy where they are resi- dent, truthful accounts of the state of atl'airs, and have shown, on testimony that ca'mot l)e called in question, that in cen- tral Italy it is not the will of the people, (unless, indeed, an inconsiderable revolutionary faction can be so designated,) nor the vote of the people, that calls for the downfall of the Grand Dukes, and the abolition of the Papal Sovereignty, but Sardinian ambition, Sardinian gold, and Sardinian arms, encouraged and sustained by the power of France, against the IV ill of France. THE END. [ i «~- d & j^ throughout the status, although g they exposed 5 write home to •e they are resi- -nd have shown, on, that in cen- iless, indeed, an so designated,) downfall of the al Sovereignty, Sardinian arms, France, against mso-iDX [Note— page 80.] COUNT RAYNKVAl's REPORT. — REFORM PERSEVERED IN AT ROME AFTER THE EVENTS OF 1848. As the necessarily narrow limits of this work do not admit of any further details regarding the political history of the Papal States, it may not be out of place here, to insert a summary < f that celebrated state-paper, the report of Count Rayneval, French Envoy at Rome, after the restoration of the Pontifical authority, to his Government. It shows that the Holy Father, although at first discomfited by the Revo- lutionary faction, was far from abandoning his plans of refonn and amelioration. He only returned to them with renewed energy when he was restored to his states. The statement of Count Ryneval was never intended for publication, but only for the information of the French Cabinet. It is dated, Rome, May 14th, 185G. "Pius IX. shows himself full of ardour for reforms. He himself puts his hand to the work. From the very day Pius IX. mounted the throne he has made continuous efibrts to sweep away every legitimate cause of complaint against the public administration of affairs. " Already have civil and criminal cases, as well as a code relating to commerce, all founded on our own, enriched by lessons derived from experience, been promulgated. I have studied these carefully, — they are above criticism. The code des Hypotheques has been examined by French juris con- snlts, and has been cited by them, as a model document. Abroad (says this distinguished and able writer), these essential changes that are introduced into the order of things, these incessant efforts of the pontifical government to ame- liorate the lot of the populations, have passed unnoticed. People have had ears onlv for the declamation of the discon- tented, and for the permanent calumnies of the bad portion of the Piedmontese and Belgian press. This is the source from which public opinion has derived its inspiration. And 9 I 196 in spite of well established facts, it is believed in most places, but particularly in England, that the pontifical government has done nothing for its subjects, and has restricted itself to the perpetuation of the errors of another age. I have only yet indicated the ameliorations introduced into the organiz- ation of the administration. Above all, let us remember that never has a more exalted spirit of clemency been seen to preside over a restoration. No vengeance has been ex- ercised on those who caused the overthrow of the Pontifical government; — no measures of rigour have been adopted against them, — the Pope has contented himself with depriv- ing them of the power of doing harm by banishing them from the land. In spite ot considerable burdens which were occasioned by the revolution, and left as a legacy to the pre- sent government — in spite of extraordinary expenses caused by the reorganisation of the army — in spite of numerous contributions towards the encouragement of public works, the state budget, which at the commencement, exhibited a tolerably large de/icU, has been gradually tending towards equilibrium. I have had the honor, recently, of pointing out to your Excellency, that the deficit of 1857, has been reduced to an insignificant sum, consisting for the most part, of unexpected expenses and of money reserved for the ex- tinction of the debt. The taxes remain still much below the mean rate of the different European states. A Roman pays the state 22 francs annually, 68,000,000 being levied on a population of 3,000,000. A Frenchman pays the French government 45 francs, 1,600,000,000 being levied on a population of 35,000,000. These figures show, demonstra- tively, that the Pontifical States, with regard to so important a point, must be reckoned amongst the most favored nations. The expenses are regulated on principles of the greatest economy. One fact is sufficient. The civil list, the expenses of the cardinals of the diplomatic corps abroad, the mainten- ance of pontifical palaces and the museum, cost the state no more than 600,000 crowns (3,200,000 francs). This small sum is the only share of the public revenue, taken by the Papacy, for the support of the pontifical dignity, and for keepihg up the principal estabUshments of the superior 197 ed in most places, fical government •estricted itself to ,ge. I have only into the organiz- let us remember mency been seen nee has been ex- ' of the Pontifical ve been adopted iself with depriv- r banishing them 'dens which were egacy to the pre- T expenses caused •ite of numerous of public works, aent, exhibited a tending towards ntly, of pointing ■ 1857, has been br the most part, 3rved for the ex- much below the A Roman pays eing levied on a )ays the French ig levied on a low, demonstra- i to so important , favored nations. of the greatest ist, the expenses ad, the mainten- cost the state no cs). This small le, taken by the dignity, and for of the superior ecclesiastical administration. We might ask those persons, go zealous in hunting down abuses, whether the appropria- tion of 4,000 crowns, to the wants of the princes of the church, seems to them to bear the impress of a proper economy c::ercised with respect to the public rev enue Agriculture has l)een equally the object of encouragement, and, also, gardening and the raising of stock. Lastly, a commission, composed of the principal landed proprietors, is now studying the hitherto insoluble question of draining the Campagna of Rome, and filling it with inhabitants. There is, in truth, misery here as elsewhere, but it is infi- nitely less heavy, than in less favoured climates. Mere ne- cessaries are obtained cheaply. Private charities are nume- rous and effective. Here, also, the action of the government is perceptible. Important ameliorations have been intro- duced into the administrarion of hospitals and prisons. Some of these prisons should be visited, that the visitor may admire — the terra is not too strong — the persevering charity of the Holy Father. I will not extend this enumeration. What I have said ought to be sufficient to prove that, all the mea- sures adopted by the Pontifical administration, bear marks of wisdom, reason and progress, that they have already pro- duced happy results ; in short that there is not a single detail, of interest to the well-being, either moral or material, of the population, which has escaped the attention ot the govern- ment, or which has not been treated in a favorable manner. In truth, when certain persons say to the Pontifical govern- ment, 'form an administration which mav have for its aim the good of the people,' the government might reply, 'look at our acts, and condem us if you dare.' The government might ask, ' not only which of its acts is a subject of legiti- mate blame, but in which of its duties it has failed?' Are we then to be told, that the Pontifical government is a model — that it has no weakness or imperfections? Certainly not j but its weakness and imperfections are of the same kind as are met with in all governments, and even in all men, with very few exceptions. I am perpetually interrogating those who come to me to denounce what they call the abuses of the Papal government. The expression, it must be remem- 198 bered, is now consecrated, and is above criticism or objec- tion. It is held as Gospel, Now, in what do the abuses consist? I have never yet been able to discover. At least, the facts which go by that name are such, as are, elsewhere, traceable to the imperfection of human nature, and we need not load the government with the direct responsibility of the irregularities committed by some of its subordinate agent?. The imperfections of the judiciary system are often cited. I have examined it closely, and have found it impossible to discover any seriou'5 cau.se of complaint. Those who lose their causes complain more loudly, and more continuously, than is the custom in other places, but without any more reason. Most of the important civil cases are decided in the tribunal of the Rota. Now, in spite of the habitual licence of Itahan criticism, no one has dared to express a doubt of the profound knowledge and the exalted integrity of the tribunal of the Rota. If the lawyers are incredibly fertile in raising objections and exceptions, — if they lengtlien out lawsuits, — to what is this fault to be attributed if not to the peculiarity of the national genius? Lastly, civil law is 'veil administered. I do not know a single sentence the justice of which would not be recognised by the best tribunal in Europe. Criminal justice is administered in a manner equally unassailable. I have watched some trials throughout their whole details; I was obliged to confess that necessary pre- caudons for the verification of facts — all possible guarantees for the free defence of the accused, including the publication of the proceedings, were taken. Much is said of the brigands who, we are told, lay the country desolate. It has fallen to our lot lo pass through the country, in all directions, without .seeing ev^on the shadow of a robber. It cannot be denied that, from time to time, we hear of a diligence stopped, of a traveller plundered. — Even one accident of this kind is too much, but we nmst remember that the administration has employed all the means in its power to repress these disor- ders. Thanks to energetic measures, the brigands ha\ ^ been arrested at all points and punisheu. When in France, a diligence is stopped ; when in going from London to Wind- er, a lady of the Queen's palace, is robbed of her luggage 199 e criticism or objec- vhat do the abuses discover. At least, h, as are, elsewliere. lature, and we need responsibility of the subordinate agent?. n are often cited. I und it impossible to it. Tliose who lose DfiOre continuously, without any more es are decided in the the habitual licence express a doubt of ted integrity of the ire incredibly fertile if they lengtlien out :ributed if not to the itly, civil law is ^vell sentence the justiee the best tribunal in 1 in a manner equally lis throughout their that necessaj-y prc- i possible guarantees ding the publication s said of the brigands ate. It has fallen to 11 directions, without It cannot be denied ligence stopped, of a it of this kind is too ; administration has repress these disor- 3 brigands ha\ 3 been When in France, a rn London to Wind- bed of her luggage and jewels, such incidents pass unnoticed; but when, oti an isolated roac" in the Roman States, 'he least fact of this na- ture takes place, tlio passenger, for a pretext, prints the news in large characters, and cries for v<3ngeancc on the govern- ment. On the side of Rome, the attacks which have taken place at distant in* ^rvals, have never assumed an appearance calculated to excite anxiety. In the Romagna, organised bands have been formed, which taking advantage of the Tuscan frontier, easily escaped pursuit, and were for a time to be dreaded. The government declared unceasing war against them, und after several engagements, in which a certain number of gendarmes were either killed or wounded, these bands have been in a great measure dispersed. The Italians always depend for the completion of their projects on foreign support. If this support Avere to fail, then they would adopt a proper course much more readily than would be necessary. Meanwhile, in England and Sardinia, the organs of the press should cease to excite the passions, and Catholic powers should continue to give the Holy See evi- dent marks of sympathy. But how can o hope that ene- mies, animated with such a spirit as influences the opponents of the Holy See, should put a stop to their attacks when they have been made in so remarkable a manner ?" [Note— page 90.] The following sketch, from the Ottawa Citizen of Sept'r 17th, 1859, of lectures delivered in St. Andrew's Catholic Church, Ottawa, by the Rev. M. McD. Dawson, Sept., 1859, will shew what the principles, as well as the practice, of the Papal Church has always been in regard to slavery and LIBERTY : — SKKTCH OF LECTURE II. AND LECTURE III. The object of these lectures was to shew how important has been the part borne by the !Popes and the Catholic Church in establishing freedom throughout the world. They found the great mass of mankind in a state of slavery. In every nation the number of slaves was incalculably superior to that of freemen. War and other calamitous circumstan- 200 ces were daily adding new victims to captivity. In a few years more not a trace of liberty would have remained, and the wish of the heathen tyrant would Lave been fulfilled, that the people had but one neck in order that he might the more speedily trample them to dcstructirn. But degraded and enslaved as the world was, there were great and good and glorious things in store. The new phi- osophy is proclaimed. Men are no longer to be ruled by the cold and forbidding stoicism which repelled misfortune, and could smile only on those upon whom the world shed its favours. A religion, emanating from the God of love, shall henceforth sway the destinies of munkind, A priest- hood, through whose labors this religion shall pervade every land, and exercise its blessed influence over every people, is established forever. True to its sublime vocation, it knows no difficulty, it dreads no danger, it shrinks from no sacrifice, it neglects no duty, however arduous its fulfilment. — Time only will it require for the accomphshmentofits lofty purposes. And all time is given to it. ''Lol I am with you always, even till the consummation of the world." Vain would have been the attempt to change, all at once, the state of society. Nevertheless, " the face of the earth must be onewed ;" and there shall be a ''new earth" as well as a "new heaven." The fiat is pronounced, and already the great work begins — the changing, the renewing of every- thing under the sun. For some time, as yet, the slave will be still a slave, but no longer the slave of prechristian times. His condition, wherever the Divine influence prevails, is so modified and improved that his fetters, it may be truly said, have already fallen from his hmbs. The master who was wont to hold him as his property, and to exercise over him the most despotic rule, even to the extent of inflicting on him the punishment of death, now treats him as " a most dear brother," beholds in him the image of Gfod, respects and loves him as a member of the same family ransomed by their common Saviour from a captivity more terrible than that of worldly bondage. As one among many proofs that this great moral revolu- tion was proceeding rapidly from the time that the voice of 201 ity. In a few remained, and been fulfilled, atheniightthe 'IS, there were The new phi- I' he ruled hy ed misfortune, i<; world shed God of love, id. A priest- pervade every very people, is tion, it knowa •m no saerifice, fulfilment. — ^ Jit of its lofty >I I am with e world." ?e, all at once, of the earth earth" as well and already ving of e very- the slave will iristiun times, prevails, is so be truly said, er Avho vi^as ise over him infiicting on as "a most od, respects ransomed by errible than 3ral revolu- the voice of the Christian Pontiffs was first heard among the nations, it may bo called to mind that vi modern times, we read not of any such appalling slave rebellions as darken the pages of ancient history. At Rome, Athens, Sparta, and other im- portant places in the Pagan world, the masters, who were as one in ten, lived in perpetual dread of their slaves. War not unfreqnently broke out between them, and was waged with worse than barbarian fury. In order to obviate such evils, it was deemed necessary, strange philosophy I to practice towards slaves the greatest cruelty ; "so many slaves, so many enemies," and systematic oppression every- where prevailed. In the early ages of the Church, ere yet the influ'nce of Christianity became universally prevalent, there coulu have been no such provocation to revolt. The slaves of Christian masters were no longer treated as such ; whilst those who hved under pagan lords were sustained in their misery by the hope of a happy change in their condition. In the days of absolute heathen rule, of undiminished tyranny, no such change could have been looked for. It is even beyond dis- pute, that when Christians became numerous and were not confined, as at the beginning they by no means were, to the more humble classes of society, their conduct, in regard to slaves and slavery, became the rule. The Pagans at first wondered, — perhaps admired, but found it in the '"'.d niore wise, as far a.s heathen prejudices would permit, to imitate. iv^eanwhile, it becomes laudable and worthy of all admi- ration to enfranchise slaves. In this great work the Church, under the guidance of its High Priest, leads the way, and offers to mankind a bright example. So early as the Apostolic age, Pope St. Clement writes : "We have known many of ours who have devo. "d them- selves to captivity, in order to ransom their brethren." — Letter to the Corinthians. Neitner the Church nor its chief pastors, then, were indif- ferent as regards the emancipation of slaves, or rather let us say : they were so inflamed with the love of liberty that they could not enjoy this inheritance, of which the world had been robbed, without extending it to other men. Their 202 zeal in tlio great cause increases from ilny to day ; councila aro assembled ; means arc therein devised for restoring lib- erty to captives ; thence are issued j. Aa the i aa the re- port of the arms became more and more distant, we could judge pretty well of the advance of the troops, knowing as we did the chief points of resistance within. The first gun fired was at three o'clock, p. m., precisely, and at seven, p.m., all was silent a^ain ; the soldiers had reached their barracks. I hear that * * * * have fled out towards A rezzo — all the canaille of the villages of the place were- enlisted to de- fend the city and it was the talk of the country that had the Swiss been beaten, the city was to have been pillaged by that armed mob. They say that had they not had promises of succour from Victor Emmanuel (the * lie Galautuomo') and of encouragement from Princess Valentin! (nee Buonaparte, who resides here), that they would not have resisted aa they did : thus were they deceived ! 'I'here is more in it all than one sees at first ; and clearly it was an affair got up to make out a case against the Pope. Piedmoutese money was circu- lating there just before the revolution. N got it, in change, in ihe shops. June 22. — P.S. — Our servant hiis been to town to-day ; he brings me a letter from the Perkins's, and such news as is the general talk of the cafes. Our poor friends in the Hotel de France (Locanda Storti) suffered much. Deceived to the last, they had not even been told of the actual arrival of the troops, and had just sat quietly to dinner, when the roar of the guns startled them. They strove to go to another hotel, but alas! the gates of their inn were fastened ; they could not stir. — The letter I got from them said that the troops were irritated on account of the firing from the roof. We knew before hand how it would be there ; and in fact they did shoot an of- ficer and two men while passing the door. It was on this that the soldiers infuriated rushed and assailed the house. * * * I hear every one blames the imprudence of these people. They could not afford to be hostile ; for the hotel, if you remember, commands the street from the base up the hill. No troops, therefore, could risk going up tliat hill with a hos- tile house in that position, ready to take them in the rear.— The escape of the poor Perkins's is a perfect miracle; they, I hear, lost everything. The innkeeper, waiter, and stableman, they say, were killed in the fray. The number of deaths 216 among the Swiss were ten, and 33 of the Pcrngians. Several prisoners were made. I went up on this same afternoon (June 22) with the two little boys, to see the Colonel of the rcfjiment. The town is wondcfiilly little injured, only broken windows * * ♦ * j^ftcr ^ niob riot, with the exception of a few houses in tlie suburbs, between the . "ter and inner gates. One was burned by the accident of the falling of a bomb-sheir The other was cannonaded as being a resort of the rebels. There is great talk of how the heads of the revo- lution scampered ofl, betraying thus the tools and dupes of their faction, * ♦ * [Extract from another letter to David Ross, of TJladens- burgh : — " There is great terror here among all the country people, who dread, sooner or later, vengeance being taken upon them by the revolutionary party, because they would have nothing to say to the movement."] [Note page lOS. and page 193, Note.] BARON MACAULAY. — SCIENCK NOT UNFAVOKABLK TO TIIR PRO- GRESS OP THK CATHOLIC CHURCH. — NUMBER OK PROTESTANTS PROBABLY NOT INCREASED. Protestants may have increased, but not considerably, in the course of the last quarter of a century. Let us take the opinion of a very learned Protestant writer. Baron MacCaulay says : — " We often hear it said, that the world is constantly be- coming more and more enlightened, and that the enlighten- ment must be fovorable to Protestantism, and unfavorable to Catholicism. We wisli that wo could think so. But we see great reason to doubt whetlier this is a well-founded expectation. We see that during tl:e last two hundred and fifty years, the human mind has been, in the highest degree, active ; that it has made great ad'; ances in every branch of natural philosophy; that it has produced irnnimerable in- ventions, tending to promote the convenience of hfe ; that medicine, surgery, chemistry, engineering, have been very greatly improved ; that government, police, and law, have been improved, though not to so great an extent as the physical sciences. Yet, we see that during these two hun- «17 ians. Several inju afternoon 'oloncl of the (1, only broken the exception ter and inner ho fallinj^ of a ]g a resort of Is of the revo- und dupes of !3, of Dladens- II the country J being taken they would TO THR PRO- PROTESTANTS isiderably, in d Protestant ")nstai;tly be- hc enlighten- l unfavorable so. But we well-founded hundred and ^•hest degree, ry branch of umerable in- oflife; that '■e been very id law, have xtent as the se two hun- dred fthdjBfky yearB, Protestantism baa made no conquests worth speaking of. Nay, we believo that, aa far as there has been change, that change has, on the whole, been in favor of the Church of Rome We cannot, ihcrcfore, feel confident that the progress of knowledge will necessarily be fatal to a system which has, to say the least, stood its ground, in spite of the immense progress made by the hu- man race in knowledge, since the time of Queen Elizabeth." The more progress is made in knowledge, the fewer dif- culties will the Chureh have to contend with. True religion it may be said, is as much impeded by ignorau(.'e, as by the corruption of mankind. VALUE OF THE POPULAR VOTE FOR ANNEXATION TO PIEDMONT. — FOREIGN INTERVENTION. — ITALIAN CORRESPONDENCR SDEWINa THAT THE REVOLTED AND ANNEXED PROVINCES HAVE IlEEN COEROED. Page 194. THE REVOLUTION IN TUSCANY. Sir, — The enclosed document has been forwarded to me from Florence, with a request to endeavour to get it inserted in the Weekly Registkr. It is too late for the publication of it to affect the election by which the political fraternity of Tuscany is to be decided ; but it will serve to siiow the nature of the machinery by which the imminent annexation to Piedmont has been worked up to its present stage. The document has been forwarded by a Protestant gentleman who, though not over friendly to the late dynasty, con- demns, in the strongest language, the nefarious agencies used by Sardinia, to carry out her ambitious views of self- aggrandisement. He r ays : — " No one that is not on the spot can imagine the tyranny of this government, which certainly keeps things quiet, but panders to all the vile pas- eions of the people — liberty and licenses to all who go with it — terror and imprisonment for those who do not Some of your acquaintances have been in prison for upwards of a month, without being told why or Avherefore ; others have •been forbidden to receive certain persons in their houses. — Lent is no longer what it formerly "was We have got importations of foreign preachers, of all denominations, 818 who do not convert, but only unsettle the minds of the people. The print yhops are full of the most blasphemous publications, and caricatures against religion, the Pope, and all things sacred ; the press in England is bought, and the writers of the articles in the papers here are persons of small respectability." The Weekly Register is admitted into Tuscany, and as no local paper dare publish this document, those who are inte- rested in its circulation, are anxious to get it inserted in the columns of your journal. No doubt, by so doing you will greatly aid the cause of truth and justice. I remain, yours truly, t^c. J. J. B. Leamington, March 13, 18G0. Maucii 0, 1860. — It is notorious to all Europe that the Tuscan Revolution of the 27th April, last year, was not the spontaneous act of the people, but was brought about by the machinations of a neighbouring kingdom, aided by the powerful influence of France, through the agency of an ac- credite vmioin districts. In the moatitime, no ono dni-e broatho n sciitimcut. or express an opinion, in opposition to tlir present order of things, without the oeitainfy, if discioverod, of being inrar- oerated, compelled to leave the country, or otheivvise mal- treated, whilst the state of the press is such that free dii< •■ cussion is not only unknown, but absolutely prohiLited; in fact the newspapers are merely the registers of the decrees and wishes of the Government. Some minor publications, however, have the license to abuse, and hold up to the vilest ridicule the most sacred and highest personages. Foreign journals not in accord with the existing (rovornment are not permitted to outei the country, and persons ))ringing them in are subject to line and imprisonment by virtue of a decree of 23rd Feb,. 1860. We therefore oliject and protest against these so- called elections for the following reasons : — 1st. — Because we ignore and repudiate iho pi-inciplo of the people to dethrone their sovereign. 2n',l. — Because we see the annexation ol" Tuscany to Sar- dinia will be fraught with juany evils, and will reduce our country to a province, and our metropolis, full of pi-oiid ti-a- ditions and historical recollections, to a ijrovincial town. 3rd. — Because the Sardinian system of consci'iption ap- plied to Tuscany, will remove from the soil numbers of th<* young and most active of the country })opulation, and thus the land in many places will lie throAvn out of cultivation, and ultimately become a desert. 4th. — Because the benevolent and paternal Government of the Grand Dukes of Tuscany is so impressed on our minds, that we desire no dynastic change. 5th. — Because the progress of improvement, both social and material, under the auspices of :)hc grand Ducal Govern- ment in all parts of the country, as well as the embellish- ment of the cities, are so manifest, that we cannot view its annexation to a state so overwhelmed with debt as Sardinia, otherwise tlian as a pernicious and retrograde step, which will eventually le-xd to nothing but ruin. 10 ddo We have no means of making ourselves heard in our un- happy (xiuntry, and giving pnbhcity to our names would draw upon us the vengeance of our present rulers. We «i'e therefore obliged to have recourse to he medium of a Ibreign prcsSj in the hope that our sentiments, once in print, will find circulation, and Europe will hear the (ruth from A Voice from Tuscany. [W feMy liegkter, March 17,1860.] POPULARITY OF PIUS IX, — LKTTER FROM ROME. March loth, 1800. ( Weekly Register, March 24, 1860.) It the Romans were left free from all foreign intervention, im\ from tlie deadly influence of the secret societies', the Holy Father would have nothing to fear. Yesterday, as is the custom on the Fridays in Lent, the Holy Father went lo St. Peter's, accompanied by some of the Cardinals and the principal members of his household, to venerate the relics exposed there. This was thought to be a happy mo- ment for the loyal subjects of His Holiness to express their feehngs of love and sympathy for him. Accordingly, with one spontaneous movement, the nobles and gentry of Rome thronged the magnificent Basihca, to the number, of at least, twelve thousand ; these prayed for the prosperity of their sovereign, venerated the sacred relics with him, and then returned quietly to their homes. The Piazza, and in fact the whole space loading to the bridge of St. Angelo, was thronged with carriages, and the Church itself was as full as St. Peter's ever is, — as full, it was remarked by many, as it is, on Christmas or Easter day. Owing to the inconvenience of the hour, the working classes, and the numerous class of employees here, could not attend, otherwise, without doubt, the numbers would have been immensely greater. ^ it^f^7?to* T'.iJs one fact must at once put an end to the idea that this demonstration was a thing got up in any way by the government, and will prove it to be the heartfelt expi-eseion pf loyal sentiments entertained by the people of Rome to- heard in our un- our names woald ?ent rulers. We Ihe mediuin of a nt8, once in print, the truth from (E FROM Tuscany. OM HOME. rch 15th. 1800. sign intervention, ret societies!, tlie Yesterday, as is [oly Father went he Cardinals and to venerate the be a happy mo- to express their iccordingly, witli I gentry of Rome 3 number, of at he prosperity of 3 with him, and ce loading to the larriages, and the er is, — as full, it ristmas or Easter lOur, the working ?s here, could not ibers would have 1 to the idea that any way by the artfelt expi-eseion pie of Rome to- 221 wards the Holy Father, The nuuiber of strangers tliere, WB8 but few, the denionstrai ion being begun and carried out almosit entirely bv Italinn.i. . ■ H. W. W. . VAIiUK UK THK I'Ol'ULAU VOTE EOK ANNKXAllOS TO PIKDMOKT. FORKfGN' ISTERVKNTIOX. EdmrU of the Xotefrom the Holy See to the French Govea-n- inent, of 29/// Fehuary, 18G(>, in rephj to the ch^potch of M. ThouveneJ, addre.ised to the Pajxil .Mincio at Pana. * * « ♦ a j^ J^ siufik'ient to havo resided in Italy for the laKt lour years, or at loasl, to have followed with attention, its various calamitous phases, during that lime, to know by whom and by what means the revolt was prepared, accomplislied and supported, and the cm bono, which is ever a most important guide in penal matters, can be applied heie in a manner the more evident from the patent manceuvres of the party which does all in its power to gain possession of the provinces, of which it is desired to deprive the Holy Fathei-, or rather, which it is desired to abstract from the patrimony of the Catholic Church. From what is intended to be done in the end, it may easily be undei-stood what was intended to be done from the begin- ing ; and long beforehand, were foreseen and prefpared the very difficulties which are now represented as insurmount- able, and beyond ail provision. Nor do I believe myself wanting in due regard towards any one, if, compelled by the necessity of maintaining my assertion, I am obliged to recal facts, and even individual names, but both of which are notorious from one end of the Peninsula to the other, and here, not to go farther back, 1 shall confine uiyself, lor the sake of brevity, to point out that, when Count Cavour, in the Congress of Paris in 1856, issued a kind of Program- me relating to what ought to be done in Italy, and declared afterwards, in the Pidemontese Chamber, that he wished tQ carry out by all means in his power, its execution, then be- gan in Central Italy, an increase of activity in that ."^low working, whioh bad been uudoi'taken long before, and H'hioh ftltn*»d %i preparingf tlie muoh wlsliod for Run^xtttlou 222 It would truly be long uutl tedious to enumerate fcll the means which were adopted for the purpose; but the cmis- .sarii\^ who overran it in every direction, the gold which was amply distributed, the clandestine jn-ints which were circulated, the suborning the military, especially latterly, were among those chielly used. In the same manner as was practised in other towns of the state, by persons em- boldened by important connections, so in Bologna the Marquis Pepoli constituted himself the head of that party, held in his own house their meetings, surrounded himself with some hundreds of assistants, and gathered arms. The Government, who kn("v uU this, was on the point of secur- ing his arrest, when, for considerations easy to be under- stood, it contented iiscll with giving uutice of it to the am- bassador of Frauv." ill this capital, who, subsequently to an interview he liad with Pepoli in Leghorn, gave assurances, not confirmed most certainly by facts, that all could be left at rest, on this uccuunt. Dul what will be a most rare ex- ample, in history, if not the only one, is what the diplomatic agents of Sardinia did to the deti'iment of the other ItaUan .States, to second the ambitious views of their own govern- ment, The conduct of the Commendatorc Buoncompagni in Tuscany either has no name, or deserves such an one as I shall guard myself from using ; and, nevertheless, with the (•xccption of the last of his steps, the action of Messrs. Mig- liorati and Pes Delia Minerva iji Rome, was scarcely differ- ent. The first of these stooped even to going about during the sunnuer months, in some Provinces of the State, to or- ganise there, elubs in favour ol the Piedmontese party. Stimulants so active and constant were necessarily to have their effect, and they lu'oduccd it, in reality, either by creat- ing or by increasing to some extent, the small party which perhaps existed there, and around which were gathered nearly all the di.sall'ecled. who are always iound in every country, without there being any want of individuals under the illusion and seduction of the aspirations for an Italy, one and independent, but, both the former and the latter ever were far from constituting the people, — that people, 80 iuerate ftll the but the cmis- he gold wliich ts which were icially latterly, me manner as jy persons em- i Bologna the of that party, )unclecl himself ed arms. The [)oint oi' secur- ' to be under- ^f it to the ara- Ljquently to an ive assurances, II could be left most rare ex- tlie diplomatic le other ItaUan f own govern - oncompagni in ii an one as I eless, with the )f Messrs. Mig- scarcely differ- about during e State, to or- noutcse party, sarily to have L'itherbycreal- 11 party whicli wove gathered ouiKJ in every lividuals mider :>v an Italy, one the latter ever lat people, go honest, moral, and oliristiau-like, especially in the country, who arose with such exultation, and, in so many thousands, when the Holv Father visited it, hardlv three years as:o. But has not such a class of people, which in substance, forces the immense majority on account of its very honesty and tranquility, found itself and remained, many times, in other parts of Europe also, exposed to the violence of a party, small but audacious, which from circumstances oOcu unforseen, prevailed over and oppi-essed it? Such circum- stances seem not siifRcientlv to have ijeen taken into ac- count, in the above mentioned despatch, when in it it is said that by the mere fact of the Austrians having withdrawn from Bologna, " the population found itself independent without having need of any special impulse." The truth if-, that the population, as in a hundred similar eases, know lit- tle or nothing of it. But the Austrians having retired too suddenly, and that city having remained, almost completely, without troops, the party, which was already prepared from previous intrigues, and rendered the more audaeioujf from certain proclamations of one of the belligerent parties, laid hold of power, and imposed it on the real people, who to its own inestimable injury and grief, has still to .support it, and, perhaps, it would not be too far from the reality, to believe that, were a certain capital suddenly abandoned by the garrison which guards it, something similar would take place, without, nevertheless, tliat any conclusion might be drawn fi*om it, either of bad government or present inca- pacity." * * * TliE VOTE J OR ANNLXATION' TO SARDINIA HY NO M£.\K» THB VOTE OF THE PEOPLE OF TIIK LEGATION'S. * >;= 'i- a \yi([ although the above mentioned party was strengthened by the pronu'ses, the encouragements, the subsidies, .and the thousand other means which camcneces- sarilly from Piedmont, it, nevertheless, on the day of its :*ucce.^8, found itself so small and weak tu^ scarcely to be able to bring together a few hundreds of adepts on the public square of Bologna; and even to these, wlien the Pontifical arms were taken down. Marquis Pepoli was obliged to pre- leud bliHt it was done to loinove these arms>froni any puHsi-ii* ble iiigult,. which, nobody a> the inonient was disposed to inflict, and in the sainu wtiy os it had been prepared out of tho; state, so, a« soon iis the n.-beUion was accomplished^' '• from (Hitside the stale uls<3 came, to mahitain it in strenj^li;.. all thesiipplies of ummunition, money and men, either in a militiuy or a civil capacity ; , and, among the latter was seen to lignre, u,-> Intendaut ol'one of the lour Legations, the very Migliorali, of whom meniion ha!> already been maublic duty, as to entitle him, a,^ a right, to our confidence when he unbosoms himself, either in print or in speech, of that knowledge which he has acquired by long study and expe- rience in official and non-official life, and tells us important trtrthfl which it is necessary for us to knoV/, in order to be able to form a correct judgment upon momentous passin«r ?vents." — Weelely Register, Febvary 11, 1800. ADMIRABLE SENTfMKSTS OF COOP PROTKSTANTS, PAGE 19u. It is no new thing that Protestants should protest against injustice, and in favor of the Pope. John Francis Maguire. M. P., in his eloquently written and tnosi instructive book, wliich I regret not having met Avith until tbo last })ages of this work were in the press, states that when, in 1848, the Pope was in exile at Graeta in tae Kingdoju of Naples. " sympathy conveyed in every living language its sweet consolation to the wounded heart of Pius IX., and perhap> one of the most touching letters received by the Holy Father was one sent to him by a Lutheian Protestant, named Christian Freytag, of Lubec, enclosing thirty Ducats, and concluding in these words : — '• Permit me, Holy Father, wlio am penetrated with the most profound respect for your Holy person, to continue my prayers for you to our Saviour Christ Jesus. Deign, in re- turn, to bless my family, who, although Protestant Lutherans, implore for you the choicest blessings from the hands of our Father in Heaven, who himself is love and holiness." Recent newspapei-s inform us that Protestants join with Catholics in sending subscriptions, as well as verbal expres- sions of sympathy, to the Pope. Let one instance more Huffice. It may not sound .so high a.s the magnificent do- nations of such wealthy Protestwt iiobleman as his Grace the Duke of Hamilton, but, it is equally, and even more significant. At a great meeting held at Cork in the middle of April, for the purpose of raising funds in aid of the Papal treasurVj the Bishop of Cork, who was in the chair, handed md jreneistnisly gens<» of ])ublic )nfidence when speech, of that tudy and expe- ls us imporiant in order to be entous paf^ing IS. PAGE 19u. protest against ancis Maguire, structive book, "■■ last pages of *n, in 1848, the ojn of Naples. »'uage its sweet k., and perhaps I by the Holy an Protestant. ? thirty Ducats. 'uetratcd with ?on, to continue s. Deign, in re- tant Lutherans, lie hands of our oliness." tants join with verbal expres- instanee more lagnificent do- i as his Grace iud even more c in the middle id of the Papal 3 chair, handed 2f7 in ft subscription of £10 which be had received enclosed in the following note : — " London, 24th Feb., 1860. ■' Mv Lord, — I beg leave to enclose XIO towards the fund raising for his Holiness the Pope. Although I sm a heretic, and have no right to oflfer an opinion, yet I cannot help thinking that the good, amiable old gentleman has been rather hardly treated." A Friend. TllK KND. Priuted at the " Ottawa Citifen" ( S(«flni Printing £«^t«b1ithment. \ fK ERRATA. r.ige G, line 8, read thus — Opnn akoe. tmdai. 25, in seventh line, for 1858, — read 1848. 112, line 3, for IncnJatlaNe, — read incalculably. 158, I'ne 22, foi- kie,—ve{\(\ the. 159, line 1, for Palafoa, — read Palafox. IGO, 2d paragraph, 2d line, ior eloquent Orator, Father Ventura^ — read eloquent Orator. Father Ven- tura, &c. &e. 163, 3d line from the end, for national, — read rational. 168, 5th line from end, (Xote) for Rornaf/nn, — read Roman. 176, 2d Paragraph, for Marais, — read Murats.