^. •iu #. '^'^ ^ ,%. V^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) y A %^ :/ 1.0 l!-»^ I.I 1.25 IIIM 1.8 14 II 1.6 V] efl gratitude. I take this opportunity to tender my cordial thanks to thofe who have thus obliged and aided me. And, while I cannot fpread the names of all upon thefe pages, I haften to mention, firfl: of all, my friend. Dr. Otis, with whom I have been fo clofel) affociated, and whofe courteous man- ner and kindly fuggeflions have rendered my tal"k always an agreeable one. I defire, likewife, to mention Mr. George Lamb, of Bofton, who has gratuitoufly ext uted and con- tributed a map, illuflrating the explorations of Champlain ; Mr. Juftin Winfor, of the Library of Harvard College; Mr. Charles A. Cutter, of the Bofton Athenceum ; Mr. John Ward Dean, of the Library of the New England Hifloric Genealogical Society ; Mrs. John Carter Brov.n, of Provi- dence, ,1- M VUl Preface. dence, R. I.; Mifs S. E. Dorr, ot Bofton ; Monfieur L. Dclifle, Dire(5leur General de la Bibliotheque Nationale, of Paris ; M. Mcfchinet De Richemond, Archiviftc de la Cha- rente Infericure, La Rochelle, France ; the Hon. Charles H. Bell, of Exeter, N. H.; Francis Parkman, LL.D., of Bullon ; the Abbe H. R. Cafgrain, of Riviere Quelle, Can- ada; John G. Shea. LL.D., of New York; Mr. James IVL LeMoine, of Quebec ; and Mr. George Prince, of Bath, Maine. I take this occafion to flate for the information of the members of the Prince Society, that fome important fads contained in the Memoir had not been received when the text and notes of the fecond volume were ready for the prefs, and, to prevent any delay in the completion of the whole work, Vol. H. was iffued before Vol. L, as will appear by the dates on their refped've title-pages. f % E. F. S. Boston, 14 Arlington Street, November 10, 1880. Ik TABLE OF CONTENTS. hi Page Preface v-viu Memoir of Samuel de Champlain . . , ,„, i~ZU4 Annotationes Postscript.k .... ,^. . 20^—214 Preface to the Traxslation 2i---'m Dedication to the Admiral, Charlls dk Montmorfxcv . . 227 Extract from the Licexse ok the Kixc; 220 The Savages, or Voyage of Sif.ur de Champlain, 1603 . 231-291 Champlain's Explanvtion of the Carte df, la Novvelle France, 16^2 ^ 293-304 The Prince Society, its Constitution and Members . . 305-318 ILLUSTRATIONS. Engraved Portrait of Champlain on Wood, after the En- graving of Moncornet by E. Ronjat, hcliotypc. Map illustrating the Explorations of Champlain, Iieliotype. Engraved Portrait of Champlain, after a Painting by Th. Hamel from an Engraving of Moncornet, /led Illuminated Title-page of the Voyage of 1615 et 1618, hdio- type. Carte de la Novvelle France, 1632, heliotype. \\ :H'( Index 12\ ■rt ( { .» /'.i-, }. ,T t MEMOIR OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN. u I • ',/ * i CHAPTER I. Paren'tage. — Birth. — Home AT Brouage. — Its Situation'. — A Mili- tary Station. — Its Salt Works. — His Education. — Early Love OF THE Sea. — Quarter-.Master in Brittany. — Catholics and Huguenots. — Catherine de Medicis. — The League. — Duke ue ]\Iercceur. — Marshal d'Aumont. — De Saint Luc. — Marshal de Brissac — Peace of Vervins. HAMPLAIN was defcended from an anceflry whofe names are not recorded among the re- nowned families of France. He was the fon of Antoine de Champlain, a captain in the marine, and his wife Marguerite LeRoy. They lived in the little village of Brouage, in the ancient prov- ince of Saintonge. Of their fon Samuel, no contempora- neous record is known to exifl indicating either the day or year of his birth. The period at which we find him engaged in adlive and refponfible duties, fuch as are ufually affigned to mature manhood, leads to the conje6lure that he was born about U. Memoir of 1567. about the year 1567. Of his youth Httle is known. The forces that contributed to the formation of his character are moftly to be inferred from the abode of his early years, the occupations of thofe by whom he was furrounded, and the temper and fpirit of the times in which he Hved. Brouage is fituated in a low, marfliy region, on the fouth- ern bank of an inlet or arm of the lea, on the fouthweft- ern fliores of France, oppofite to that part of the I Hand of Oleron where it is feparatcd from the mainland only by a narrow channel. AlthouQ-h this little town can boafl a cfreat antiquity, it never at any time had a large population. It is mentioned by local hiflorians as early as the middle of the eleventh century. It was a feigniory of the family of Pons. The village was founded by Jacques de Pons, after whofe proper name it was for a time called Jacopolis, but foon re- fumed its ancient appellation of Brouage. An old chronicler of the fixteenth century informs us that in his time it was a port of great importance, and the theatre of a large foreign commerce. Its harbor, capable of receiv- ing large fhips, was excellent, regarded, indeed, as the fineft in the kingdom of France.' It was a favorite idea of Charles VIII. to have at all times feveral war-fhips in this harbor, ready againfl any fudden invafion of this part of the coafl. At the period of Champlain's boyhood, the village of Brouage had two abforbing interefls. Firfl, it had then re- cently ^ The following from Marfhal de duqnel ddpenu celui de Brouage. qui eft Montluc refers to Brouage in 1568. le plus beau port de mer de la France." Speaking of the Huguenots he fays: — Coin/iietitaires, Paris, 1760, Tom. III., " Or ils n'en pouvoient choifir un plus a p. 340. leur advantage, que celui de la Rochelle, II I % "8* ■:5 i I I 1567. Samuel de Chmnplain. x I cently become a military post of importance; and fecond, it '% was the centre of a lai-ge manufacture of fait. To thelc two interelb, the whole population gave their thoughts, their energy, and their enterprife. In the reign of Charles IX., a fhort time before or per- haps a little after the birth of Champlain, the town was fortified, and diftinguiihed Italian engineers were employed to defign and execute the work.^ To prevent a Hidden at- tack, it was furrounded by a capacious moat. At the four angles formed by the moat were ele\-ated aruc^ures of earth and wood planted upon piles, with baflions and projecling angles, and the ufual devices of military architecture for the attainment of ftrength and facility of defence.^ During the civil wars, ftretching over nearly forty years of the laa half of the fixteenth century, with only brief and fitful periods of peace, this little fortified town was a poft ardently coveted by both of the contending parties. Situ- ated on the fame coafl, and only a few miles from Rochelle, the fironghold of the Huguenots, it was obviouHy exceed' ingly important to them that it ihould be in their poffelllon, both as the key to the commerce of the furrounding country and from the very great annoyance which an enemy holding it could offer to them in numberlefs ways. Notwithi^anding its llrong defences, it was ncverthelefs taken and retaken feveral times during the ftrugoles of that period. 'tJO' 2 vay to Broiiage by land, and having Ouit up the Defendants treating with him concerning other bufi- nelTes, and forced him to deliver up Brouage into his hands, a Fort of great importance, as well for that it lies upon the Coail: of tiie Ocean-sea, as becaufe it abounds with fucli llore of falt-pits, which yeeld a great anci conRant reve- nue ; he made the Sieur de Montaut Governour, and put into it a flrong Garrifon of his dependents, furnidiing it with ammunition, and fortifying it with exceeding diligence." — His. Civ. IVarres of France, Ijy Henrico Caterino Davila, London, 1^147, p. 455. '" " The Duke of Mayenne, having without difficulty taken Thone-Charente, and Marans, had laid fiege to Broiiage.a place, for fituation, llrcngth, and tlie profit of the falt-pits, of very great im- portance ; when tlie Prince of Conde, having tryed all pofliiile means to relieve the befieged, the Hugonots after fome difficulty were brougiit into fuch a con- dition, that about the end of Auguft they delivered it up, faving only the within the circuit of their walls, ftraight- ned I ;? ■e u ■^^ 1586. Samtiel de Champlain, prince unwifely drew off a part of his command for the relief of the caftle of Angiers;' and a month later the fiege was abandoned and the Huguenot forces were badly cut to pieces by de Saint Luc,^ the military governor of Brouage, who purfued them in their retreat. The next year, 1586, ';he town was again threatened by the Prince of Conde, who, having colleckd another army, was met by De Saint Luc near the ifland of Oleron, who fallied forth from Brouage with a itrong force ; and a confli6t ensued, lafling the whole day, wuth equal lofs on both fides, but with no decifive refults. Thus until 1589, when the King of Navarre, the leader of the Huguenots, entered into a truce with Henry HI., from Champlain's birth through the whole period of his youth and until he entered upon his manhood, the little town within whofe walls he was reared was the fitful fcene of war and peace, of alarm and conllidl. But ned the Siege very clofely on that fide." — D(xvila, p. 582. See alfo, llijloire de Thoit, i\ Londres, 1734, Tom. IX., p. 3S3- The ''locking up the harI)or at tliis time appears to have been more effective tliir. convenient. Twenty boats or rafts filled with earth and Hone were funk will) a purpofe of dellroying the harbor. De Saint Luc, the governor, fucceeded in removing only four or five. The entrance for veffels afterward remained di^Ticult except at high tide. Subfe- quently Car'linal de Richelieu expended a hundred thoufand francs to remove the relt, but did no' fucceed in removing one of them. — l\ii' Hijloire de La Ro- chelle, par Arcere, Tom. I. p. 121. ' The Prince of Cond^. " Leaving Monfieur de St. Mefmes with the In- fantry and Artillery at the Siege of Brouage, and siiving order that the Fleet ihould continue to block it up by fea, hee departed upon the eight of October to relieve the Caflle of Angiers with 800 (Gentlemen and 1400 Harqucbuz'crs on horfehack." — /A?'7'Ar, p. 5S3. See alfo Memoirs of Sjilly, I'hila.. 1S17. Vol. L, p. 123 ; Hijloire de Thou, h. Londres, 1734, Tom. I.X., p. 385. ^ '• .SV. Liu- fallying out of Broiiage, and following thofe tiiat were fcatterecl foverall wayes, made a great (laughter of them in many places : whereupon the Commander, defpairing to rally the Army any more, j^ot away as well as they could porfilily. to fecure their own flrong holds." — J/is. Civ. IP'inres of Fraiire, by Henrico Caterino Davila, London, 1(14?' P' 588. r i ii' \ (1 Mcvioir of 15S9. T>ut in t1io intcn'als, wIkmi tho \va\-os of ri\-il llrit'i* fctiKHl into the calm of a temporary {hmi-o. iho cili/i'iis returned with alacrity to their iifual employment, the nianiifactmv of fait, which was the ahkn-bini; article <- It- u- ,A. or * a white, iMvaniy ajipraiMnro, cxhalini;- an aL;Tooal)lo pcrfunu' rcrcniblini;' that of vioKls. This was the lincll and nioll dt'hcatc laU, wliilc that precipitated, or faUiii;^ to the bottom of the bafiii, was of a chirher hue. When the crylhilH/.ation was completed, the fait was Leath- ered up, (h"ained, and piled in conical heaj)s on the platforms or paths along the fides of the bahns. At the height of the feafon, wl eh began in May and ended in September, when the whole marlh region was covered with countlefs white cones of lalt, it prefented an interelling picture, not unlike the tented camji of a va(l army. The lalt was carried from the marlhes on pack-horfes, ec[uippcd each with a white canvas bag, led by boys either to the cjuay, where large vclTels were lying, or to fmall barcpies which could be brought at high tide, by natural or artificial inlets, into the very heart of the marlh-fields. When the period for removing the fait came, no time was to be loft, as a fuddcn fall of rain might dellroy in an hour the ))rodu(;:ls of a month. A fmall quantity only could be tranfported at a time, and confequcntly great numbers of animals were employed, which were made to haften over the fmuous and angulated paths at their higheft fpccd. On reaching the fliips, the burden was taken by men Rationed for the purpofe, the boys mounted in hafle, and galloped br.ck for another. The fcene prefented in the labyrinth of an extenfive falt- marfli was lively and entertaining. The pi6turefque drefs of the workmen, with their clean white frocks and linen tights ; the horfes in great numbers mantled in their fnowy falt-bags, winding their way on the narrow platforms, moving in 8 Me7noir of 1589. in all cUrc(5Hons, turning now to the right hand and now to the left, doubling almofl; numberlefs angles, here advancing and again retreating, often going two leagues to make the diflance of one, main.aining order in apparent confufion, altogether prefentcd to the diflant obferver the afped of a grand cqueftrian mafquerade. The extent of the works and the labor and capital inverted in them were doubtlefs large for that period. A contempo- rary of Champlain informs us that the wood employed in the conflrudtion of the works, in the form of gigantic fluices, bridges, beam-partitions, and fieves, was fo vaft in quantity that, if it were deflroyed, the forefls of Guienne would not fufifice to replace it. He alfo adds that no one who had feen the fait works of Saintonge would efiimate the expenfe of forming them lefs than that of building the city of Paris itfelf. The port of Brouage was the bufy mart from which the fait of Saintonge was diflributed not only along the coart: of France, but in London and Antwerp, and we know .lot what other markets on the continent of Europe.' The • An old writer gives us foine idea of Traxslation. — The)- import in fine the vaft quantities of fait exported from 6000 centenarii of fait, each one of France by the amount fent to a fingle which contains 100 bufheis, weighing country. at leaft 225 or 230 pounds, according "Important denique fexies mille vel to the purity and whitenefs of tiiefalt; circiter centenarios faiis, quorum finguli therefore fix thoufand centenarii, com- conftant centenis modiis, ducentenas ut puting each at thirty golden nummi, minimum & vicenas quinas, vel & tri- amount to 180,000 aurei. cenas, pro falls ipfius candore purita- It may not be eafy to determine the teque, libras pondo pendentibus. fena value of this importation in money, igitur ilia centenariorum millia, compu- fince the value of gold is conftantly tatis in fingulos aureis nummis tricenis, changing, but the quantity imported centum & octoginta referunt aureorum may be readily determined, which was millia." — Bel^^icce Dcfcriptio, a Lud. according to the above Itatement, Gvicciardino, Amftelodami, 1652, p. 244. 67,500 tons. i % '589 Savuiel de Ckaviplain. 'he fine of The early years of Chaniplain wciv of nocefTity intiniatcly alTociatcd with tlic flirring fcenes thus prcfcntccl in tliis prof- perous little fcaport. As \vc know that he was a careful obferver, endowed by nature with an active temperament and an unalual degree of practical ienle, we are fure that no event elcaped his attention, and that no niyllery was per- mitted to go unfolved. The military and commercial enter- prife of the place brought him into daily contact with men of the highell: character in their dei)artments. The falt- faclors of Brouage were perfoni'i of experience and activity, who knew their bufinefs, its methods, and the niarkets at home and abroad. The fortrefs was commanded by dillin- guiflied officers of the French army, and was a rendezvous of the young nobility ; like other fmiilar places, a training- fchool for military command. In this alTociation, whether near or remote, young Champlain, with his eagle eye and quick ear, was receiving lelTons and influences which were daily fliaping his unfolding capacities, and gradually com- pacling and cryllallizing them into the hrmnefs and ftrength of chara6ter which he fo largely dilplaycd in after years. His education, fuch as it was, was of courfe obtained dur- ing this period. He has himlelf given us no intimation of its A treaty of April 30. 1527, between De Witt, writinij about the year 1658, Francis I. of France and Henry VIII. fays they received in Holland of " f dt, of Enijiand. provided as follows: — yearlv, the ladint; of 500 or 600 fhips, " And, helides, fhould furnilh unto the exported from Kochel, Maran, Brouaoje, faid //t'«n'. as lonu; as hee lived, yearly, the Ifland of Oleron, and Ree." — Re- of the .Salt of Broiia^e, the value' of fif- fiub/ick of }Iolland, by John De Witt, teene thoufand Crowncs."' — Life and London, 1702, p. 271. But it no longer Knii^nc of Hony Mil., by Lord Her- holds the pre-eminence which it did three bert of Cherhury, London, 1649, p, 206. centuries ago, Saintonge long fince Saintonge continued for a long time yielded the palm to Brittany, to be the fource of large exports of fait. ii lU «-t! h lO Memoir of 1589. its charadler or extent. i\ careful examination of his nu- merous writings will, however, render it obvious that it was limited and rudinientary, fearcely extending beyond the fun- damental branches which were then regarded as neceffary in the ordinary tranfae'tions of buiinefs. As the refult of in- flruc^ion or alfociation with educated men, he attained to a good general knowledge of the French language, but was never nicely accurate or eminently fkilful in its ufe. He evi- dently gave fonie attention in his early years to the fludy and practice of drawing. While the r))ecimens of his work that have come down to us are marked by grave defe6ts, he ajjpears neverthelefs to have acquired facility and fome (kill in th'j art, which he made exceedingly uleful in the illuflra- tion of his difcoveries in the new world. During Champlain's youth and the earlier years of his manhoc^d, he appears to have been engaged in practical navi- gation. In his addrefs to the Queen "" he lays, " this is the art which in my early years won my love, and has induced me to expofe myself almofl all my life to the impetuous waves of the ocean." That he began the pra6tice of naviga- tion at an early period may likewife be inferred from the fadrt that in 1599 he was put in command of a large French (hip of 500 tons, which had been chartered by the Spanilh au- thorities for a voyage to the Weft Indies, of which we fliall fpeak more particularly in the fequel. It is obvious that he could not have been intrufted with a command fo difficult and of fo great refponfibility without practical experience in navigation ; and, as it will appear hereafter that he was in the w Vide (Euvres de Champlain, Quebec ed., Tom. III. p. v. 1592- Savmel dc Cka7}?/'/iiin. II the army fcvcral years duiiiig tlic civil war, probably from 1592 to 1598, his cxiicrioncc ill navigation mull have been obtained anterior to that, in the years of his youth and early manhood. Hrouayie offered an excellent op^jiortunity for fuch an em- ployment. Its port was open to the conmierce of foreii^n nations, and a large number of velTels, as we iiave already feen, was employed in the yearly dillribution of the fait of Saintongc, not only in the feaport towns of France, but in Enirland and on the Continent. In thefe coafling cxpedi- tions, Champlain was acquiring Ikill in navigation which was to be of very great fervice to him in his future career, and likewife gathering up rich flores of experience, coming in conta(5t with a great variety of men, obferving their manners and cuftoms, and quickening and flrcngthening his natural tade for travel and adventure. It is not unlikely that he was, at leall during fome of thefe years, employed in the na- tional marine, which was fully employed in guarding the coafl againfl: foreign invafion, and in retraining the power of the Huguenots, who were firmly feated at Rochelle with a fufficient naval force to give annoyance to their enemies along the whole weflcrn coafl of France. In 1592, or foon after that date, Champlain was appointed quarter-mafter in the royal army in Brittany, difcharging the office feveral years, until, by the peace of Vcrvins, in 1598, the authority of Henry IV. was firmly eflablilhed throughout the kingdom. This war in Brittany conflituted the clofing fcene of that mighty flruggle which had been agitating the nation, wafling its refourccs and its beft blood for more than half a century. It began in its incipient ftages as far back i \i \ \ \\ It IJI ii ii \ ) ! > 1 I . 12 Memoir of 1562. back as the decade following 1530, when the preacliing of Cah'in in the Kinoxlom of Navarre becian to make known his tranfcendent power. The new faith, whieh was making rapid llrides in other countries, eahly awakened the warni heart and active temperament of the b'rench. The principle of private judgment which lies at the foundation of Protef- tant teaching, its fpontaneity as oppofed to a faith impofcd by authority, commended it efpecially to the learned and thoughtful, while the fame principle awakened the quick and impulfive nature of the maffes. The effort to ])ut down the movement by the exterminati(..n of thofe engaged in it, proved not only unfuccefsful, but recoiled, as ufual in fuch cafes, upon the hand that flruck the blow. Confifcations, im- prilbnments, and the flake daily increafed the number of thofe which thefe i'evere meafures were intended to dimin- ifli. It was impoffible to mark its progrels. When at inter- vals all was calm and placid on the furface, at the lame time, down beneath, where the eye of the detective could not penetrate, in the clolet of the fcholar and at the firefide of the artifan and the peafant, the new gofpel, filently and with- out obfervation, was Ipreading like an all-pervading leaven." In 1562, the reprelTed forces of the Huguenots could no longer be reflrained, and, burlting forth, ailumed the form of 11 In 155S. it was cflimated tliat tlicre tliat God liridlcd tliem in furli manner V'cre already 400.000 iierfons in France that we were preferved nndcr I! is pro - wlio were declared adlierents of the tection.'' — In-Diard l\jlilTy.\^?>o. I'idc Reformation. — Rankcs Civil Wars in Morlays Life of Paliff\\ \'ol. II., p. Fiaiiit\ \'o\. T.. p. 234. 274. "AlthouLih our alVemblies were mofl Wlicn Tlenry W. l)efieixed Paris, its frequently held in the depth of mi(hiii;ht, population was more gne qui le re- gardoit comme fnn pere. le Roi, tout le Royaunie enfin, furcnt e.xtrcme- ment touchez de fa mort. Malgre la haine mutuelle des factions qui divi- foient la France, il etoit fi efiimc dans les deux partis, que f'il fe fut agi de trouver un chevalier Francois fans reproche, tel que nos peres en ont autrefois eu. tout le monde auroit jettd les yeux fur d'Aumont." — Hijloire Utih'ciJ'elle de yacquc-Aiigtiflc de Tlioii, h, Londres, 1/34, Tom. XII., p. 446. Viae alfo, Larouffe; Ca7iideiCs His. Queen Eliza- be thXon(lor\,i6-j ^. pjx 486, 487 ; Memoirs of Sully, Philadelphia. 1817, pp. 122, 210; CEuvres de Branioine, Tom. IV., p]5. 46-49; Hisfoire de Brefai^ne, par M. riaru, Paris, 1826, Vol. III. p. 319; Freer'' s His. Henry IV., Vol. II., p. 70. 1596. Sa7mtel de Chaiuplain. 17 command of one of the three great divifions of the French army. He received a wound at the fiege of the Chateau de Camper, in Brittany, of which he died on the 19th of Auguil, 1595. De Saint Luc, already in the fervice in Brittany, as lieu- tenant-general under D'Aumont, continued, after the death of that officer, in fole command. '^ He raifed the ficge of the Chateau de Camper after the death of his fuperior, and pro- ceeded to capture feveral other poffs, marching through the lower part of the province, repreffing the licenfe of the fol- diery, and introducing order and difcipline. On the 5th of September, 1596, he was appointed grand-mafter of the artillery of France, which terminated his fpecial fervice in Brittany, The king immediately appointed in his place Marflial de Briffac,'^ an officer of broad experience, who added other ^^ Franqois d'Efpinay de Saint-Luc, fometimes called Le Bra'i'e Saint Luc, was born in 1554, and was killed at the battle of Amiens on the Sth of Sejitem- ber. 1507. He was early appointed governor of Saintonire, and of the P'^or- trefs of Broua.2;e, which he fuccefsfully defended in 1585 aijainfl: the attack of the King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde. He affifted at the battle of Coutras in 1 587. He ferved as a lieuten- ant-general in Brittany from 1592 to 1596. In 1594, he planned with BrilTac, his brother-in-law, then governor of Paris for the League, for the furrender of Paris to Henry IV. For this he was offered the baton of a IVIarflial of France by the king, which he modeltly declined, and begged that it might be given to BrilTac. In 157S, through the influence or authority of Henry III., he married the great heirefs, Jeanne de CofTe-Briflac, filter of Charles de ColTe- BrilTac, mentioned in note 16, pcjka, a lady of no perfonal at- tractions, but of excellent underllanding and character. — Vide Cource/les^ Hif- toirc Cicnealoi^iqite dcs Pairs de France, \'ol. II.; Bircli's Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, Vol. I., pp. 163, 191 ; Freer s Henry I//., p. 162 : De Mezera/s His. France, 1683, p. 861. 1*^ Charles de Cone-BrilTac, a Mar- flial of France and governor of Angiers. He was a member of the League as early as 1585. He conceived the idea of making France a republic after the model of ancient Rome. He laid his views before the chici Leaguers but none of them ai)i)roved his plan. He delivered up Paris, of which he was governor, to Henry IV. in 1594, for which he received the Marfhal's baton. He died in 1621, at \ \ \ij A wmmmmmm : i 4 i8 Memoir of 1598. great qualities to thofe of an able foldier. No cHflinguifhed battles fignalized the remaining months of the civil war in this province. The exhauflcd refources and faltering cour- age of the people could no longer be fuftained by the flatter- ies or promifes of the Duke de Mercoeur. Wherever the fquadrons of the marfhal made their appearance the flag of truce was raifed, and town, city, and fortrefs vied with each other in their hafle to bring their enfigns and lay them at his feet. On the feventh of June, 1598, the peace of Vervins was publiflied in Paris, and the kingdom of France was a unit, with the general fatisfaction of all parties, undei the able, wife, and catholic fovereign, Henry the Fourth.'^ CHAPTER 11. at the fiege of Saint Jean d'Angely. — Vide Davila, pp. 538, 584, 585 ; Sully, Philadelpliia, 1817, Vol. I., p. 420; B rati tome, Vol. III., p. 84 ; His. Col- lections, London, 1598, p. 35 ; De Thou, a Londres, t724, Tome XII,, p. 449. 1' " By the Articles of this Treaty the king was to reftore the County of Cliaro- lois to the king of Spain, to be by him held of the Crown of France j who in exchange reftor'd the towns of Calice, Ardres, Montbulin, Dour lens, la Capelle, and le Catclct in Picardy, and Blavet in Britanny : which Articles were Ratifi'd and Sign'd by his IMajelty the eleventh of June [1598] ; who in his gayety of humour, at fo happy a concluiion, told the Duke of Efpernon, That with one da/It of his Pen he had dofie greater things, than he could of a long time have perforni'd -with the befl Sivords of his Kingdom." — Life of the Duke of Efpernon, London, 1670, p. 203 ; Hif- toire du Roy Henry le Grand, par Pre- fixe, Paris, 1681, p. 243. T,-^ A 1592. I I :* M 3 Sanmel de Ckamplain. 19 1 i CHAPTER II. Quarter-master. — Visit to West Indies, South America, Mexico. — His Report. — Suggests a Ship Canal. —Voyage of 1603. — Earlier Voyages. — Cartier, De la Roque, Marquis de la Roche, Sieur DE Chauvin, De Chastes. — Preliminary Voyage. — Return to P'rance. — Death of de Chastes. — Siicur de Monts obtains a Charter, and prepares for an Expedition to Canada. HE fcrvice of Champlain as quarto r-maftcr in the war in Brittany commenced probably with the appointment of JMarflial d'Aumont to the command of the army in 1592, and, if we are right in this conjecture, it covered a period of not far from fi.x years. The activity of the army, and tlie difficulty of obtaining fupplies in the general deflitution of the province, impoied upon him conftant and perplexing duty. But in the midfl: of his embarraffments he was gath- ering up valuable experience, not only relating to the con- du6l of war, but to the tranfaClions of bufinefs under a great variety of forms. He was brought into clofe and intimate relations with men of character, ftanding, and influ- ence. The knowledge, difcipline, and felf-control of which he was daily becoming maftcr were unconfcioufly fitting him for a career, humble though it might feem in its feveral ftages, but neverthelefs noble and potent in its relations to other generations. At the dole of the war, tlie army which it had called into exigence was diibanded, the foldiers departed to their homes, the office of quarter-marter was of neceffity vacated, and Champlain was left without employmen.. Cading 1 ■'! (I I If I I' A tm \\l ,■ I ■•! i J. ii. 20 Memoir of 1598. Carting about for fome new occuintion, following his in- flindtive love of travel and adventure, he conceived the idea of attempting an exploration of the Spanifh Weft Indies, with the pur})ofe of bringing back a report that should be uleful to I*"rance. But this was an enterprile not ealy either to inaugurate or carry out. The colonial eflablilhments of Spain were at that time hermetically fealed againft all inter- courfe with foreign nations. Armed fliips, like watch-dogs, were ever on the alert, and foreign merchantmen entered their ports only at the peril of confilcation. It was necef- fary for Spain to fend out annually a fleet, under a convoy of fliips of war, for the tranfportation of merchandife and fupplies for the colonies, returning laden with cargoes of almoft pricelels value. Champlain, fertile in expedient, pro- pofed to himfelf to vifit Spain, and there form fuch acquaint- ances and obtain fuch influence as would fecure to him in fome way a paffage to the Indies in this annual expedition. The Spanifli forces, allies of the League in the late war, had not yet departed from the coaft of France. He haftened to the port of Blavet,'^ where they were about to embark, and learned to his furprife and gratification that feveral French fliips had been chartered, and that his uncle, a diftinguiflied French mariner, commonly known as the Provencal Cappi- ^aiue,hu.d received orders from Marflial de Briffac to con.du6t the fleet, on which the garrifon of Blavet was embarked, to Cadiz in Spain. Champlain eaflly arranged to accompany his ^8 Blavet was fituated at the mouth of other places held by the Spanifli, was the River Blavet, on the Ibutliern coart furrendcred by the treaty of Vervins, in of Brittany. Its occupation had been June, 1598. it was rebuilt and fortified granted to the Spanilli by the Duke de by Louis XIII., and ie now known as Mercceur during the civil war, and, with Port Louis. 1 M '^m v^V •m I599- Savmel de Champlain, 21 his uncle, who was in command of the " St. Julian," a (Ironp^, well-built Ihip of five hundred tons. Having arrived at Cadiz, and the objecfl; of the voyage having been accomplifhed, the French (liips were difmirfcd, with the exception of the " vSt. Julian," which was retained, with the Provincial Captain, who had accepted the office of pilot-general for that year, in the lervice of the King of Spain. After lingering a month at Cadiz, they proceeded to St. Lucar dc Barameda, where Cham plain remained three months, agreeably occupied in making obfervations and drawings of both city and country, including a vifit to Se- ville, Ibme fifty miles in the interior. In the mean time, the fleet for the annual vifit to the Weft Indies, to which we have already alluded, was fitting out at Saint Lucar, and about to fail under the command of Don Franciico Colombo, who, attracted by the fize and good failing qualities of the "Saint Julian," chartered her for the voyage. The fervices of the pilot-general were required in another direction, and, with the approbation of Colombo, he gave the command of the "Saint Julian" to Chami)lain. Nothing could have been more gratifying than this appoint- ment, which alTured to Champlain a vifit to the more important Spanilli colonies under the moft favorable cir- cumflances. He accordingly fet fail with the fleet, which left Saint Lucar at the beginning of January, 1599. Paffmg the Canaries, in two months and fix days they fighted the little ifland of Defeada,"^ the vcjUbule of the great '* Defeada, fignifyini; in Spanifh the defired land. \ K % -I w 8***!^"; ^m I I ^ \i 22 Memoir of 1600. great Caribbean archipelago, touched at Giiadaloiipc, wound their way among tlie group called the Virgins, turning to the Ibuth made for Margarita,'" then famous for its pearl filheries, and froni thence failed to St. Juan de Porto-rico. Here the ileet was divided into three Iquadrons. One was to go to Porto-bello, on the Ifthmus of Panama, another to the coaft of South America, then called Terra Firma, and the third to Mexico, then known as New Spain, This latter fquadron, to which Champlain was attached, coafted along the norlliern fliore of the illand of Saint Domintjjo, other- wile Hifpaniola, touching at Porto Platte, Mancenilla, Mof- quitoes, Monte Chrifto, and Saint Nicholas. Skirting the Ibuthern coaft of Cuba, reconnoitring the Caymans,' they at length cafl: anchor in the harbor of San Juan d'Ulloa, the ifland fortrefs near Vera Cruz. While here, Champlain made an inland journey to the City of Mexico, where he remained a month. He alfo failed in a patachc, or advice- boat, to Porto-bello, when, after a month, he returned again to '^^ 3far!^artta, a SpnniOi word from the Greek fidfyyaiiirrji, fmnifying a pearl. The following account by an eye-witnefs will not be uninlerellini!; : '* Kfpecially it yieldeth Hore of pearls, thofe gems which the Latin writers call UhIohcs^ becaiife ;////// (hio repcriimtur difcrcti, they always are found to grow in couples. In this Ifland there are many rich Mer- chants, who have thirty, forty, fifty Dlackviore flaves only to fi(h out of the fea about the rocks thele pearls. . . . They are let down in bafkets into the Sea, and fo long continue under the water, until by pulling the rope by which they are let down, they make their fign to be taken up. . . . From Margarita are all the Pearls fent to be refined and bored to Car/htij^ouj, where is a fair and goodly (freet of no other fliops then of thefe Pearl drelTers. Commonly in the month of yiify there is a Oiip or two at moll ready in the Ilkand to carry the King's revenue, antl the Merchant's pearls to Carfkai^cna. One of thefe (hips is valued commonly at three fcore thoufiind or four fcore thoufand ducats and fometimes more, and therefore are reafonable well manned ; for that the Spam'art/s much fear our Eiii^liJJi and the Ilol/aiiii i\\v^s." — Vide New Survey of the IVeJt Indies, by Thomas Gage, London. 1677, p. 174. ^^ Caymans, Crocodiles. I « 4 ifioi. Samtiel de Cha7nplain. 23 to San Juan d'Ulloa. The fquadron then failed for Ha- vana, from which place Chaniplain was conimiffioned to vifit, on public bufinefs, Cartagena, within the prelent limits of New Grenada, on the coaft of South America. The whole armada was finally collected together at 1 lavana, and from thence took its departure for Sj^ain, paffmg through the channel of Bahama, or Gulf of Florida, fighting Her- muda and the Azores, reaching Saint Lucar early in March, 1 601, after an abfence from that port of two years and two months.-' On Champlain's return to France, he prepared an elabo- rate report of his obfervations and difcoveries, luminous with fixty-two illuHirations fketched by his own hand. As it was liis avowed purpofe in making the vo}'age to procure information that fliould be valuable to his government, he undoubtedly communicated it in fome form to Pienry IV. The document remained in manufcript two hundred and fifty-feven years, when it was firfl printed at London in an Englifh tranflation by the Hakluyt Society, in 1859. It is an exceedingly intereiling and valuable tract, containing a lucid defcription of the peculiarities, manners, and cufloms of the people, the foil, mountains, and rivers, the trees, fruits, and plants, the animals, birds, and fiflies, the rich mines found at different points, with frequent allufions to the fyftem of colonial management, together with the character and fources of the vafl wealth which thefe fettlements were annually yielding to the Spanifli crown. The ^2 For an interefting account of the Englifh corfairs, see Notes on Giovanni bed route to and from the Well Indies da Verrazano, by J. C. Brevoort, New in order to avoid the vigilant French and York, 1 874, p. 1 1 . I \ r I \ 24 Memoir of 1601. The reader of this little trc.itife will not fail to fee the drift and tendency of Chaniplain's mind and character un- folded on nearly every page. His indomitable perfeverancc, his careful obfervation, his honeft pur[)ole and amiable fpirit are at all times apparent. Although a Frenchman, a foreigner, and an entire ftranger in the Spanilh fleet, ho had won the confidence of the commander ib completely, that he was allowed by Ipecial permilTion to vifit the City of Mexico, the Illhmus of Panama, and the coaft of South America, all of which were prominent and important centres of intereff, but ncverthelels lying beyond the circuit made by the Iquadron to which he was attached. For the mofl: part, Champlain's narrative of what he faw and of what he learned from others is given in fimple terms, without inference or comment. His views are, however, clearly apparent in his defcription of the Spanifh method of converting the Indians by the Inquifition, reducing them to Havery or the horrors of a cruel death, together with the retaliation praftifed by their furviving comrades, refulting in a milder method. This treatment of the poor favages by their more favage maflers Champlain illuftrates by a graphic drawing, in which two flolid Spaniards are guarding half a dozen poor wretches who ar-; burning for their faith. In another drawing he reprefenls a miferable victim receiving, under the eye and diredlion of the priefl;, the blows of an uplifted baton, as a penalty for not attending church. Champlain's forecafl: and fertility of mind may be clearly feen in his fuggeffion that a ship-canal acrofs the Iflhmus of Panama would be a work of great pra6tical utility, faving, in the % ■is I 4 AW \\ iS a 1601. Samuel de Chain plain. 25 the vovacfc to tlic Pacific fide of the Klhmus, a dif^mce of more than fifteen hundred leat;iies.'^ As it was the poHcy of Spain to withhokl as much as pof- fiblc all knowledge of her colonial fyQem and wealth in the Wefl: Indies, we may add, that there is pr()bal)ly no work extant, on this fiibjed, n-ritten at that period, lb full, impar- tial, and truthful as this tra6l by Champiain. it v;ls un- doubtedly written out fron'' notes and (ketches made on the fpot " At tlie time tliat CIiini,ila!n was at tlie ilUimus, ill I5■ (il 26 Memoir of 1602. ; I f! ^ li 1 r fpot, and probably occupied the early part of the two years that followed his return from this expedition, during which period we arc not aware that he entered upon any other im- portant cnterprife.-'' This tour among the Spanilh colonies, and the defcription which Champlain gave of them, information fo much de- fired and yet fo difificuli to obtain, appear to have made a ftrong and favorable impreffion upon the mind of Henry IV., whose quick comprehenfion of the charac?tcrof men was one of the great cjualities of this diftinguilhed fovereign. He clearly faw that Champlain's chnraCler was made up of thofe elements which are indifpeniable in the fervants of the executive will. He accordingly afligned him a penfion to enable him to refide near his perfbn, and probably at the fame time honored him widi a place within the charmed circle of the nobility. ^^ While Champlain was refidlng at court, rejoicing doubt- lefs in his new honors and fuh of the marvels of his recent travels, he formed the accjuaintance, or perhaps renewed an old one, with Commander de Chafles,^^' for many years gov- ernor 2* A tranflation of Champlain's Voy- age to the Welt Indies and Mexico was made by Alice Wilmcre. edited by Norton Shaw, and publilhcd by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1S59. '^^ No pofitive evidence is known to exifl as to the time when Cliamplain was ennol)led. It feems molt Hkely to have been in acknowledgment of his valuable report made to Henry W . after his vifit to tlie Welt Indies. '^^ Amyar de Challes died on the 13th of -May, 1603, greatly refpected and be- loved by his fellow-citizens. He was charged by his government with many important and refponlible duties. In 1 583, he was lent by Henry II I ., or rather by Catherine de Medicis, to the Azores with a military force to fuftain the claims of Antonio, the Prior of Crato, to the throne of Portugal. He was a warm friend and fupporter of Henry IV., and took an active part in the battles of Ivry and Arques. He commanded tlie French fleet on the coalts of Brittany; and, during the long Itruggle of tliis monarch with internal enemies and ex- ternal foes, he was in frequent communi- cation ,1 -I I f ill lis % '5 »■• ' ■ l6o2. Samncl de Champlain. 27 cmor of Dieppe, who had given a long life to tlie Icrvice of liis countiy, both by iea-^ and by land, and was a warm and attached friend of Henry IV. The enthufiafm of the young voyager and the long experience of the old commander made their interviews mutually inftruclive and entertaining. De Chaltes had obferved and lludied with great intereft the re- cent efforts at colonization on the coall of North America. His zeal had been kmdled and his ardor deepened doubtleis by the glowing recitals of his young friend. It was eafy for him to believe that France, as well as Spain, might gather in the golden fruits of colonization. The territory claimed by r^rance was farther to the north, in climate and in foureej of wealth widely different, and would require a different m.an- agenient. He had determined, therefore, to fend out an expedition for the purpofe of obtaining more definite infor- mation than he already poffeffed, with the view to furren- dcr fubfequently his government of DiejDpe, take up his abode in the new world, and there dedicate his remaining years to the fervice of God and his king. He according!)' obtained caiion witli the Ensilifli to fecure their co-Ojieration, particuhirly at^ainll the Sjjanilh. He accompanied the Duke di' lioullon. tlie dillinmiillicd Humienot noiilcman, to Kivj;land, to lie ])relent and witnefs the oath of (^iieen KHzabeth to the treaty made with France. On this occafioii he received a vaUi- abk' jewel as a prflent from the Kn^lifh queen. He afterwards directed die cere- monies and entertainment of tile Earl of Shrewfbury. who was deputed to receive the ratification of the before-mentioned treaty by Henry IV. Vide BiijFx J lis. Spain and Poriiiiial, London. 1S33, ]>. 129 et pajjim; Denis His, P'lrtugal^ Paris, 1846, p. 296 ; Freer' s Life of Henry //'., Vol. I. p. 121. et paffini; JMenioirs of Sully. Philadeljihia. 1S17, \'ol. I. 1). 204; lUrcIis Menuiirs Queen Elizi belli, London. 1754, \'ol. H. pp. 121, 145, 151, 154, 155 ; AJfelini MSS. Chron., cited by Shaw in Nar. Voya^^e to ll'ejt Ind. and Mexieo, Hakluyt Soc, IS59, p. XV. ^" "' Au nieme terns les nouvelles vinrent que le Commandeur de Challes dreffoit une j^rande Armce de Mer en IJretafrne." — Journal de Henri HI. (isSG), Paris, 1744, Tom. IIL p. 279. w 1! ■ I'll II ill " » ■:i0'A iPin 28 Memoir of 1603. f 'I 5 1* i if I |i ^ J; ^ ■1^ 'Mr i I' : obtained a commiffion from the king, alTociating with himfelf fome of the principal merchants of Rouen and other cities, and made preparations for defpatching a pioneer fleet to re- connoitre and fix upon a proper place for lettlement, and to determine what equipment would be neceffary for the con- venience and comfort of the colony. He fecured the fervices of Pont Grave,'^ a diftinguiflied merchant and Canadian fur- trader, to conduct the expedition. Having laid his views open fully to Champlain, he invited him alio to join the ex- ploring party, as he defired the opinion and advice of fo careful an obferver as to a proper plan of future operations. No propofition could have been more agreeable to Chani- plain than this, and he expreffed himfelf quite ready for the enterprife, provided De Chaftes would fecure the confent of the king, to whom he was under very great obligations. De Challes readily obtained the defired permiffion, coupled, however, wiMi an order from the king to Champlain to bring back to him a faithful report of the \oyage. Leaving Paris, Champlain haftened to Honfieur, armed with a letter of in- ftructions from M. de Gefures, the fecretary of the king, to Pont Grave, directing him to receive Champlain and afford him every facility for feeing and exploring the country which they were about to vifit. They failed for the flio'- '^ of the New World on the 15th of March, 1603. The reader fliould here obferve that anterior to this date no colonial fettlement had been made on the northern coafhs of America. 28 Du Pont Gravd was a merchant of He was greatly reri)ected by Champlain, St. Malo. He had been alTociated with and was clofely aflbciated with liim till Chauvin in the Canada trade, and con- 1629. y\fter the En<;li(h captured Que- tinued to vifit the St. Lawrence for this bee, he appears to have retired, forced purpofe almoft yearly for thirty years, to do lb by the infirmities of age. |!fj 5 ■ I- 1497- Samuel de Champlain. 29 America. Thcfe regions had, however, been frequented by European fifhermcn at a very early period, certainly within the decade after its dilcovery by John Cabot in 1497. Hut the Balques, Bretons, and Normans,"^ who vifited tliele coafts, were intent upon their employment, and conlequently brought home only meagre information of the country from whofe lliores they yearly bore away rich cargoes of fifli. The firft voyage made by the French for the puipofe of difcovery in our northern waters of which we have any authentic record was by Jacques Cartier in 1534, and an- other was made for the fame purpofe by this diftinguiflied navigator in 1535. In the former, he coafled along the fhores of Newfoundland, entered and gave its prefent name to the Bay of Chaleur, and at Gafpe took formal poffeffion of the country in the name of the king. In the fccond, he afcended the St. Lawrence as far as Montreal, then an Indian villaire known by the aborigines as Hochelaga, fituated on an iOand at the bafe of an eminence which they named Mont-Royal, from which the present commercial metropolis of the Domin- ion derives its name. After a winter of srreat fufferins:, which they paffed on the St. Charles, near Quebec, and the death of many of his company, Cartier retarned to France early in the fummer of 1536. In 1541, he made a third voyage, under the patronage of Fran9ois de la Roque, Lord de Ro- berval, a nobleman of Picardy. He failed up the St. Law- rence, 2» Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe, ;iuthor of tlie Difiorfo dun ^ran capitano in Ramulio. \'ol. III., p.'423, wrote in tiie year 1539, and lie fays the T'.retons and Normans were in our nortiiern waters thirty-fiveyearsiiefore, wiiich wouldbein 1504. Vide Mr. Parkman's learned note and citations \n Pioneers of r^rance in the A'ew World, pp. 171. 172. Tlie alcove isdciulitlefs the authority on which tlie early writers, such as i^ierrc P>iaril, Champlain. and others, make the year 1504 the period when the French voy- ages for fiiliing commenced. t f. 'J H H 'I i \ 1 1 ■ I ly i • a ! >u. ! -1 il I I 30 Me7noir of 1542 il rencc, anchoring probably at the mouth of the river Cap Rouge, aljout four leagues above Quebec, where he built a fort which he named Charkjhoiirg-Royal. Here he paffed another dreary and dilheartening winter, and returned to France in the fpring of 1542. His patron, De Roberval, who had failed to fulfil his intention to accompany him the preceding year, met him at St. John, Newfoundland. In vain Roberval urged and commanded him to retrace his courfe ; but the refolute old navigator had too recent an experience and law too clearly the inevitable obftacles to fuccefs in their undertaking to be diverted from his purpofe. Roberval pro- ceeded up the Saint Lawrence, apparently to the fort juft abandoned by Cartier, which he repaired and occupied the next winter, naming it Roy-Fran^ois ;^° but the dilaflers which followed, the ficknefs and death of many of his com- pan}^ foon forced him, likewife, to abandon the enterprile and return to France. Of these voyages, Cartier, or rather his pilot-general, has left full and elaborate reports, giving interefting and detailed accounts of the mode of life among the aborigines, and of the character and producT;s of the country. The entire want of fuccefs in all thefe attempts, and the abforbing and wafting civil wars in France, paralyzed the zeal and put to reft all afpirations for colonial adventure for more than half a century. But in 1598, when peace again began to dawn upon the nation, the fpirit of colonization revived, and the Marquis de la Roche, a nobleman of Brittany, obtained a royal com- miffion 80 Vide Voyage of lohn .iiphonfc of Xanctoigne, Hakluyt, Vol. III., p. 293. i "4 V A ,598. Samncl de Cliamplain, 31 miffion with extraordinary and cxclufivc powers of govern- ment and trade, identical with thofe granted to Roberwal nearly fixty years before. Having fitted out a veffel and placed on board forty convicts gathered out of the priibns of France, he embarked for the northern coafls of America. The firft land he made was Sable Illand, a mull forlorn fand- heap rifing out of the Atlantic Ocean, fome tliirty leagues foutheaft of Cape Breton. Here he left thele wretched crim- inals to be the ftrength and hope, the bone and finew of the little kingdom which, in his fancy, he piftured to himlelf rifing under his foflering care in the New World. While reconnoitring the mainland, probably fome part of No\a Scotia, for the purpole of felefting a fuitable location for his intended fettlement, a furious gale fwept him from the coall, and, either from neceffty or inclination, he returned to France, leaving his hopeful cclonills to a fate hardly fur- paffed by that of Selkirk himfelf, and at the fame time dif- miffins: the brijrht vifions that had fo lon^: haunted his mind, of perfonal aggrandizement at the head of a colonial eilab- lifliment. The next year, 1599, Sieur de Saint Chauvin, of Nor- mandy, a captain in the royal marine, at the fuggeflion of Pont Grave, of Saint Malo, an experienced fur-trader, to whom we have already referred, and who had made feveral voyages to the northweft anterior to this, obtained a commif- fion fufiiciently comprehenfive, amply providing for a colo- nial fettlement and the propagation of the Chrifi:ian faith, with, indeed, all the privileges accorded by that of the Mar- quis de la Roche. But the chief and prefent obje(5l which Chauvin and Pont Gravb hoped to attain was the monopoly of 11 f i li'n I ^•; i i4 !! :!'■ Ill i 32 Memoir of 1600, of the fur trade, which they had good reafon to beHeve they could at that time condudl with fuccefs. Under this com- miffion, an expedition was accord'ngly fitted out and failed for TadoulTac. Succefsful in its main object, with a full cargo of valuable furs, they returned to France in the au- tumn, leaving, however, fixteen men, fome of v'hom periflied during the winter, while the reft were relcucd from the fame fate by the charity of the Indians. In the year 1600, Chau- vin made another voyage, which was equally remunerative, and a third had been proje6ted on a much broader fcale, when his death intervened and prevented its execution. The death of Sieur de Chauvin appears to have vacated his commiffion, at leaft pradically, opening the way for an- other, w^hich was obtained by the Commander de Chaftes, whofe expedition, accompanied by Chaniplain, as we have already fecn, left Honfleur on the 15th of March, 1603. It confifted of two barques of twelve or fifteen tons, one com- manded by Pont Grave, and the other by Sieur Prevert, of Saint Malo, and was probably accompanied by one or more advice-boats. They took with them two Indians who had been in France fome time, doubtlefs brought over by De Chauvin on his laft voyage. With favoring winds, they foon reached the banks of Newfoundland, fighted Cape Ray, the northern point of the Ifland of Cape Breton, Anticofti and Gaspe, coafting along the fouthern fide of the river Saint Lawrence as far as the Bic, where, croffing over to the northern fliore, they anchored in the harbor of Tadouffac. After reconnoitring the Saguenay twelve or fifteen leagues, leaving their veffels at TadoulTac, where an a6live fur trade was in progrefs with the Indians, they proceeded up the St. Lawrence 1603. Savmcl de Cliaviplain. 33 Lawrence in a light boat, palTcd Quebec, the Three Rivers, Lake St. Peter, the Riclielieu, whicli they called the river of the Iroquois, making an excuriion up this llream five or fix leagues, and then, continuing their courfe, paffing Mon- treal, they finally call anchor on the northern fide, at the foot of the Falls of St. Louis, not being able to proceed further in their boat. Having previoufly conftruded a fki ff for the purpofe, Pont Grave and Champlain, with five lailors and two Indians with a canoe, attempted to pafs the falls. But after a long and perfevering trial, exploring the fliores on foot for Ibme miles, they found any further progrels quite impoffible with their prefent equipment. They accordingly abandoned the under- taking and fet out on their return to Tadouffac. They made fliort flops at various points, enabling Champlain to purfue his inveftigations with thoroughnefs and deliberation. He interrogated the Indians as to the courfe and extent of the St. Lawrence, as well as that of the other large rivers, the location of the lakes and falls, and the outlines and general features of the country, making rude drawings or maps to illuftrate what the Indians found difficult otherwife to ex- plain.^' The favages alfo exhibited to them fpecimens of native crpper, which they reprefented as having been obtained from the diftant north, doubtlefs from the neighborhood of Lake Superior. On reaching Tadouffac, they made another ex- curfion in one of the barques as far as Gafpe, obferving the rivers, ^1 Compare the refult of thefe in- La Hontan, 1684, ed. 1735, Vol. I. p. quiries as dated by Champlain. p. 252 of 30. this vol. and New Voyages^ by Baron 5 \k:\ ii t;' 'J if I 'i li t ! ! m\ i f I 11 H \ f ' f I : i i< ) U i ^ I 34 Memoir of 1603. rivers, bays, and coves along the route. When they had completed their trade with the Indians and had fecured from them a valuable collection of furs, they commenced their re- turn voyage to France, touching at Icveral important points, and obtaining from the natives Ibme general hints in regard to the exigence of certain mines about the head waters of the Bay of Fundy. Before leaving, one of the Sagamores placed his fon in charge of Pont Grave, that he might fee the wonders of France, thus exhibiting a commendabl ' appreciation of the advantages of foreign travel. They alfo obtained the gift of an Iroquois woman, who had been taken in war, and was foon to be immolated as one of the vi6lims at a cannibal fealt. Befides thele, they took with them alfo four other na- tives, a man from the coaft of La Cadie, and a woman and two boys from Canada. The two little barques left Gafpe on the 24th of Augufl; on the 5th of September they were at the fifliing llations on the Grand Banks, and on the 20th of the fame month arrived at Havre de Grace, having been abfent fix months and fix days. Champlain received on his arrival the painful intelligence that the Commander de Chaftes, his friend and patron, under whofe aufpices the late expedition had been con- du6led, had died on the 13th of May preceding. This event was a perfonal grief as well as a ferious calamity to him, as it deprived him of an intimate and valued friend, and caft a cloud over the bright vifions that floated before him of dif- coveries and colonies in the New World. He loft no time in repairing to the court, where he laid before his fovereign, Henry IV., ,1 1603. Samuel de Chaviplain. 35 Henry IV., a map conllrucled by his own hand of the re- gions which he had jull vifited, together with a very particu- lar narrative of the voyage. This " petit dilcours," as Champlain calls it, is a clear, conipa6l, well-drawn paper, containing an account of the character and produces of the country, its trees, plants, fruits, and vines, with a deicription of the native inhabitants, their mode of living, their clothing, food and its preparation, their banquets, religion, and method of burying their dead, with many other interefting particulars relating to their habits and culloms. Henry IV. manifefled a deep intereft in Champla.n's nar- rative. He liftened to its recital with great apparent latif- fa6lion, and by way of encouragement promiled not to abandon the undertaking, but to continue to beftow upon it his royal favor and patronage. There chanced at this time to be rcfiding at court, a Hu- guenot gentleman who had been a faithful adherent of Henry IV. in the late war, Pierre du Guafl, Sieur de IMonts, gen- tleman ordinary to the king's chamber, and governor ui" Pons in Saintonge. This nobleman had made a trip for pleafure or recreation to Canada v/ith De Chauvin, leveral years before, and had learned fomething of the country, and efpecially of the advantages of the fur trade with the Indians. He was quite ready, on the death of De Challes, to take up the en- lerprife which, by this event, had been brought to a fudden and difaftrous termination. He immediately devifed a fcheme for the eftablifliment of a colony under the patron- age of a company to be compoied of merchants of Rouen, Rochelle, and of other places, their contributions for cover- mo- f II \ I I ::.! 'ii % I 11, !^ ; '> i [ i f ji . \. 4 ■; 3' Alemoir of 1603. ing the cxpcnfe of the entcrprifc to be fupplcmentcd, if not rendered entirely unnecelTary, by a trade in furs and peltry to be condiicled by the company. In lefs than two months after the return of the laft expe- dition, i)e Monts had obtained from Henry IV., though contrary to the advice of his moll influential minifter,^' a char- ter conllituting him the king's lieutenant in La Cadic, with all neceffary and deHrable powers for a colonial fettlement. The grant included the whole territory lying between the 40th and 46th degrees of north latitude. Its fouthern boundary was on a parallel of Philadelphia, while its north- ern was on a line extended due weft from the moft eafterly point of the Illand of Cape Breton, cutting New Brunfwick on a parallel near Fredcricton, and Canada near the junc- tion of the river Richelieu and the St. Lawrence. It will be obferved that the parts of New France at that time bcft known were not included in this grant, viz., Lake St. Peter, Three Rivers, Quebec, Tadouffac, Gafpe, and the Bay Cha- leur. Thefe were points of great importance, and had doubtlefs been left out of the charter by an overfight arifing from an almoft total want of a definite geographical knowl- edge of our northern coaft. Jullly apprehending that the places above mentioned might not be included within the limits of his grant, De Monts obtained, the next month, an extenfion of the bounds of his exclufive right of trade, fo that *2 The Duke of Sully's difhpproba- tion is exprufled in the following words ; " The colony, that was fent to Canada this year, was among the num- ber of thole things that had not my ap- probation ; there was no kind of riches to be expe6f ed from all thofe countries of the new world, which are beyond the fortieth degree of latitude. His mnjelty gave the conducl of this expedition to the Sieur du .Mont." — Memoirs of Sully, Philadelphia, 1817, Vol. III. p.' 185. i \ \ 1604. Samuel do Chaniplain, 37 that it fliould comprehend the whole region of the gulf and river of St. Lawrence." The following winter, 1603-4, was devoted by De Monts to organizing his company, the collection of a luitable band of colonills, and the necelTary preparations for the voyage. His commiffion authorized him to leize any idlers in the city or country, or even convicts condemned to tranr})()rtation, to make up the bone and fmew of the colony. To what extent he reforted to this method of fillino: hi^ ranks, we know not. Early in April he had gathered togethc- about a hundred and twenty artilans of all trades, laborers, and iol- diers, who were embarked upon two lhii)s, one of 120 tons, under the direction of Sieur de Pont Grave, commanded, however, by Captain Morel, of Ilonfleur; another of 150 tons, on which Ue IMonts himfelf enibarked with feveral no- blemen and gentlemen, having Captain Timothec, of Havre de Grace, as commander. De IMonts extended to Champlain an invitation to join the expedition, which he readily accepted, but, ncvcrtheleis, on the condition, as in the previous voyage, of the king's affent, which was freely granted, nexerthclefs with the com- mand that he fliould prepare a faithful report of his obfer- vatlons and difcoveries. CHAPTKR III. 23 " Frequenter, nec:ocier, et cominu- quemin, TndoufTac, ct hi riviere de niquer durant iedit temjis de dix ans, Canada, tant d'un cote que d'autre, et depuis le Cap de Raze jufques au qua- toutes les ISaycs et rivieres qui entrant ranticmedeurc. comprenant toute lacute au dedans delilites cotes." — Extract of de la Cadie. terre et Ca]> Breton. Hayes Commiffion, Hijtoirc lii: hi Xoiccllc- de Sainct-Cler, de Chaleur. He Percce, Fraiicr. \yxx Lelcarbot, Paris, iS66, \'ol. Gachepii, Chinfchedec, Mefamichi, Lef- II. p. 416. % u .M :t ' j5 ;• / V « V, il .. i.sm II I I 38 Memoir of 1C04. X \\ CI I AFTER III. Die Mdnts i.kavf.s fok La Cadik — 'I'm; Coasts of Nova Scotia. — Tiir. Bay of I'"irNi)Y. — Si:ak( 11 fok Coim-fk Mink. — Cuampi.ain kxflokfs TIIF I'FNOIISCOT. — Die MONTS'S ISLAND. — SUFFFUINGS OF Till: Col.ONY. — Kxi'i.ouATio\ OF TIIF Coast as far as Nauset, on Cai'IC Cod. \\i iMONTS, with Champlaln and the other no- blemen, left Havre de Graee on the 7th April, 1O04, while Pont Grave, with the other velVel, followed three days later, to rendezvous at Can- leau. Taking a more Ibutherly courfe than he had originally intended, De Monts came in light of La Heve on the 8th of May, and on the 1 2th entered Liverpr ' harbor, where he found Captain Roffignol, of Havre de c, carrying on a contraband trade in furs with the Indians, whom he arrefled, and confifcated his vcilel. The next day they anchored at Port Mouton, where they lingered three or four weeks, awaiting news from Pont Grave, who had in the mean time arrived at Canfeau, the rendezvous agreed upon before leaving France. Pont Grave had there dilcovered leveral Bafque fliips engaged in the fur- trade. Taking polTeffion of them, he lent their mailers to De INIonts. The fliips were fublequently confifcated and fent to Rochelle. Captain Fouqucs was defpatched to Canfeau in the veffel which had been taken from Roffignol, to bring forward the fupplies which had been brought over by Pont Grave. Having tranflhipped the provifions intended for the colony, Pont Grave ' i6o4> Savmel dc Chaviplain, 39 Pont Grave procucdctl through the Straits of Caiileau up the St. Lawrence, to trade witli the Indians, upon the lirofils of which the company reHed largely for replenilhing their t re a fury. In the mean time Champlain was font in a l)ar(|ue of eight tons, witli the iccrctary Sieur Ralleau, Mr. Simon, the miner, and ten men, to reconnoitre the coall towards the welt. Sailing along the fliore, touching at numerous jjoints, doub- ling Cape Sable, he entered the Bay of Inmdy, and after exploring St. Mary's Bay, and difcovering leveral mines of both iilvcr and iron, returned to Port Mouton and made to De Monts a minute and careful report. De Monts immediately weighed anchor and (ailed for the Bay of St. Mary, where he left his veffel, and, with Cham- plain, the miner, and Ibme others, proceeded to explore the Bay of Fundy. They entered and examined Annapolis harbor, coafled along the wellern fhores of Nova .Scotia, touching at the Bay of Mines, paffing over to New Brunf- wick, fkirting its whole foutheaflern coaft, entering the har- bor of St. John, and finally penetrating Paffamaquoddy Bay as far as the mouth of the river St. Croix, and fixed ' pon De Monts's Ifland ^^ as the feat of their colony. The veiTel at ^•' Dc Monisms TJland. Of this ifland la riviere de Pentn^oiiet. jufques h celle Champlain fays: "This place was named de faint Jean, il pent y avoir quarante c\ by Sieur De Monts the Ifland of St. quarante cinq licues ; la premiere riviere Croix." — Vide Vol. II. p. 32, note - ber, in a barque of leventeen or eighteen tons, with twelve Tailors and two Indian guides. The inevitable fogs of that region detained them nearly a fortnight before they were able to leave the banks of PalTamaquoddy. Palling along the rugged Ihores of Maine, with its endlels chain of illands riling one after another into view, which they called the Ranges, they at length came to the ancient Pemetiq, lying dole in to the Ihore, having the appearance at lea of leven or eight mounti^ins drawn together and Ipringing from the fame bafe. This Champlain named Monis Dcfcvls, which we have anglicized into Mount Delert,'' an a})i)ellation which has llirvived the viciffitudes of two hundred and feventy-five years, and now that the ifland, with its lalubri- ous air and cool fliades, its bold and piclurefquc Icenery, is attracting thoufands from die great cities during the heats of fummer, the name is likely to abide far down into a dif- tant and indefinite future. Leaving Mount Defcrt, winding their way among numer- ous illands, taking a northerly direction, they foon entered the Penoblcot,^^ known by the early navigators as the river Norumbegue. '5 Champlain hurl, by liis own explom- and defcriptive name. \ldi'\'o\. II. p. tions and by coiirultin;; the Indians, ol)- 30. Dr. Edward Ballard derives the tained a very full and accurate knowl- Indian name of this ifland, Pemetiq, edjje of this iiland at his firll vifit. on the from poiic'tc, \\v.\n\\%. and ki, land. He 5th of September. 1604, when he named adds that it prol)ably denoted a fmgle it Moiits-dcferts, which we prcferve in locality which was taken by Biard's the English form, MnrxT Desekt. company as the name of the whole He obferved that the diftance acrofs the ifland. Vide Report of U, S. Coajl Snr- channel to the mainland on the north vey for 1868, p. 253. fide was lels than a hundred paces. The ^''' Penobfcot is a corruption of tlie rocky and barren fummits of this duller Abnaki pa")tay.a''hjkck. A nearly cxucl; of little mountains obvioully induced tranllation is '"at the fall of the rock." him to give to the illand its appropriate or "at the deicending rock." Vide A TnonbaWs 42 Mi cvioir 0. ?/ 1604, 1 Norunibegue. They proceeded w\) the river as far as the mouth of an aflluent now known as the Kendulkeag," whicli was then called, or rather the place where it made a junci-lion with the Penobfcot was called by the natives, Kadcfquit, lit- iiated at the head of tide-water, near the prelent tite of the city of Ixmgor. The falls above the city interce})ted their further prt)greis. Tlie river-banks about the harbor were friiiiied with a luxurious irrowth of foreft trees. On one fide, lofty jMues reared their gray trunks, forming a natural paliiade along the Ihore. On the other, malTive oaks alone were to be leen, lifting their llurdy branches to the Ikies, gathered into clumps or ftretching out into long lines, as if a landlcape gardener had planted them to pleale the eye and gratify the tafte. i\\\ exploration revealed the whole furroundinc: reirion clothed in a fmiilar wild and primitive beauty. After a leifurely furvey of the country, they returned to the mouth o{ the river. Contrary to what might have been expected, Champlain found icarcely any inhabitants dwelling on the borders of the Penobfcot. Here and there they law a few delertcd wigwams, which ^vere the only marks of hu- man occupation. At the mouth of the river, on the borders of TninibiXirs fnd. Gfi\\ X<7;>/i:f, Collcc- by thofe who only vilitcd the mouth of tions Conn. His. Society. Vol. II. p. u). tlie river would leem to favor the former This name was oriijinallv given probably fupijofition. to Ibme part of the river to whicli it's ^' Dr. Edward Rallard fuppofes the meaning was particularly applicable, original name of this Itream, Kadcfqiiit, This may have been at the' mouth of the to be derived from kaht. a Micmac word river a Fort Point, a rockv elevation not for ev/, denoting eel Jlrea)i!. now cor- lels than eighty fe;,t in 'height. Or it rujUed into Kcmhtfkea}:,. The prefent may have been t'he " fall of water coming fite of the city of IJangor is where Biard down a Hope of leven or eight feet." as intended to ellablilh his miffion in 1613, Champlain exprdTes it, a (hort dillance but he was finally induced to fix it at above the fite of tlie prelent city of Ban- .Mount Defert. — Vide Relations dcs Je- gor. That this name was tirst'obtained fuites, Quebec ed.. Vol. I. p. 44. f 1604. Savmcl de Ckaviplain. 43 of Pcnoblcot May, the native inhabitants \v. re numerous. They were of a friendly difpoiition, and ^ave their vilitors a cordial welcome, readily entered into nej^otiations for the lale of beaver-lkins, and the two parties nuitually agreed to maintain a friendl)' intercourle in the future. Ilavin''' obtained from the Indians fome valuable informa- tion as to tlie Iburce of the l^enobfcot, and obferved their mode of life, which did not differ frcjm that wliich tliey had ieen Hill further call, C]iamj)lain departed on the 20th of September, direclins^ his courle towards the K( nneljec. But, encountering bad weather, he found it necelTary to take ihelter under the lee of the iiland of iMonheiran. After failing three or four leagues farther, finding that his provifions would'not warrant the continuance of the vo3-age, he determined, on the 23d of September, to return to the fettle- ment at Saint Croix, or what is ncnv known as De Monts's Ifland, where they arrived on the 2d day of October, 1604. Ue Monts's Iiland, having an area of not more than fix or feven acres, is fituated in the river Saint Croix, midway be- tween its oppofite fhores, directly u})on the dividing line between the townfliips of Calais and Robinflon in t;ie State of Maine. At the ncjrthern end of the iiland, the buildings of the fettlemcnt were cindered together in the form of a cjuadrangle with an open court in the centre. Firil came the magazine and lodgings of the foldiers, then the manfion of the governor, De Monts, furmounted by the colors of France. Houfes for Champlain and the other gentlemen,^^ for the cure, the artifans and workmen, filled up and 8** The other gentlemen whofo names Champdorc. I5e:uimont. la Motte Bou- wt have learned were Meffieursd'Orville, ricli, Fougeray or Foulgere de Vitre, Genellou, u I . ! ' ' i .,(•1 f'l (U l'.' ' f ! I ■ \' \l i • % j ,'• 1/ ?j 1 ij ii III .'El Ml ! 44 Memoir of 1604. and completed the quadrangle. Below the houfes, gardens were laid out for the feveral gentlemen, and at the fouthern extremity of the ifland cannon were mounted for protection aG:ainfl: a Hidden alTauIt. In the ample forefls of Maine or New Brunfwick, rich in oak and maple and ]3ine, abounding in deer, partridge, and other wild game, watered by cryflal fountains fpringing from every acre of the Toil, we naturally picture for our colonifls a winter of robuft health, phyfical comfort, and focial enjoy- ment. Tlie little ifland which they had chofen was indeed a charming fpot in a fummer's day, but we can hardly com- prehend in what view it could have been regarded as fuitable for a colonial plantation. In fpace it was wholly inade- quate ; it was deftitute of wood and frefh water, and its foil was fandy and unproductive. In fixing the location of their fettlement and in the conffruction of their houfes, it is obvi- ous that they had entirely mifapprehended the character of the climate. While tlie latitude was nearly the fame, the temperature was far more rigorous thar that of the funijy France which thev had left. The fnow jes^an to fall on the 6th of October. On the 3d of December the ice was feen floatincc on the furface of the water. As the feason ad- vanccd, and the tide came and went, huge floes of ice, day after day, fwept by the ifland, rendering it impracticable to navigate the river or pafs over to the mainland. They were therefore imprifoncd in their own home. Thus cut off from the game with which the neighboring forefts abounded, they were compelled to fubfift almofl exclufively upon falted meats. Genellou, Sourin. and Boulay. The mentioned from time to time, is vari- ortliograpliy of tlie names, as they are ous. I I 1605. Samuel de Champlain. 45 meats. Nearly all the forefl: trees on the ifland had been iifed in the conflruction of tlieir houfes, and they had confe- quently but a meagre fupply of fuel to refift the chilling winds and penetrating frofts. For frefli water, their only reliance was upon melted Ihow and ice. Their ftore-houfe had not been furnifhed with a cellar, and the frofl left nothing untouched ; even cider was dilpenfed in folid blocks. To crown the gloom and wrctchednels of their fivuation, the colony was vifited with difeaie of a virulent and fatal char- acter. A'6 the malady was beyond the knowledge, ib it baf- fled the ilvill of the furgeons. They called it mal dc la icrre. Of the feventy-nine perfons, compoling the whole number of the colony, thirty-five died, and twenty others were brought to the verge of the grave. In May, hax'ing been liberated from the baleful influence of their winter prifon and revived by the genial warmth of the \ernal iun and by the frefli meats obtained from the favages, the dileafe abated, and the furvivors gradually 1 gained their flrength. Diflieartened by the bitter experiences of the winter, the governor, having fully determined to abandon bis prcfent eflablifliment, ordered two boats to be confl:ructed, one of fifteen and the other of fcvcn tons, in which to traniport his colony to Gafpe, in cafe he received no llipplies from France, with the hope of obtaining a paffage home in fome of the fiflilng veffels on that coaft. But from this difagreeable al- ternative he was happily relieved. On the 15th of June, 1605, Pont Grave arrived, to the great joy of the little col- ony, with all needed fupplies. The purpofe of returning to France was at once abandoned, and, as no time was to be loft, on the i8th of the fame month, Dc Monts, Champlain, feveral *( f I I I 46 Alemoir of 1605. fcveral gentlemen, twenty failors, two Indians, Panounias and liis wife, fet fail for the purpofe of dilcovering a more eli- gible fite for his colony fomewhere on the fliores of the pref- ent New England. Faffing (lowly along the coafl, with which Champlain was already familiar, and confequently without extenlive explorations, they at length reached the waters of the Kennebec,^'^ where the furvey of the previous year had terminated and that of the prefent was about to begin. On the 5th of July, they entered the Kennebec, and, bearing to the right, paffed through Back River,^° grazing their barque on the rocks in the narrow channel, and then fweeping down round the fouthern point of Jerremifquam Ifland, or Weffport, they afcended along its eaftern fliores till they came near the prefent fite of Wifcaffet, from whence they returned on the weflern fide of the ifland, throuG:h Monfeatj: Bay, and threading the narrow paffage between Arrowfick and Woolwich, called the Upper Hell-gate, and again enter- ing the Kennebec, they finally reached Merrymeeting Bay. Lingering here but a fliort time, they returned through the Sagadahock, or lower Kennebec, to the mouth of the river. This exploration did not yield to the voyagers any very interefling or important refults. Several friendly interviews were held with the favages at different points along the route. Near the head waters of the Sheepfcot, probably in Wifcaffet Bay, they had an interview, an intereffing and joy- ous ^^ Kenutbcc. Biard, in the Relation probably equivalent in meaninc; to <77««- de Id A\ni7>eUc France, Relations des «/-/A(;//'/{v'. meaning " long water jilace," Jefiiites, ()iiebec ed., Vol. I. p. 35, derived from tlie Abnaki, A'x w-A'-Zv. writes it '(Juiniliecjiii, and Cliamplain — Vide Ind. Geog. A'aines, Col. Conn, writes it (2!iiiii/h'(/iiy and (2uinehequi ; His. Hoc. Vol. II. p. 15. hence >.Ir. Trumball infers that it is *° Vide\o\- II. note no. \i 1605. Saiimel de Champlain, 47 ous meeting, with the chief Manthoumerme and his twenty- five or tliirty followers, with whom they exchanged tokens of friendlhip. Along the Ihores of the Sheepfcot Iheir atten- tion was attradted by feveral pleafant llreams and fine e\- panfes of meadow; but the foil oblerved on this expedition generally, and elpecially on the Sagadahock,^' or lower Kennebec, was rough and barren, and offered, in the judg- ment of De Monts and Champlain, no eligible fite for a new fettlement. Proceeding, therefore, on their voyage, they ftruck direcT:ly acrofs Calco Bay, not attempting, in their ignorance, to enter the fine harbor of Portland. On the 9th of July, they made the bay that flretches from Cape Elizabeth to Fletcher's Neck, and anchored under the lee of Stratton Ifland, directly in fight of Old Orchard Beach, now a famous v.atering place during the fummer months. The favages having feen the little French barque ap- proaching in the diflance, had built fires to attract its atten- tion, and came down upon the fliore at Front's Neck, formerly known as Black Point, in large numbers, indicating their friendlinefs by lively demonfirations of joy. From this anchorage, while awaiting the influx of the tide to enable them to pafs over the bar and enter a river which they faw flowing into the bay, De Monts paid a vifit to Richmond's Ifland, *^ Sagadahock. This name is par- Vol. II. p. 30. Dr. Edward Ballard ticularly applied to the lower part of derives it from /anktai-i-iui, to finifli, the Kennebec. It is from the Ai^naki, and('«/(', a locative, " the finifhing place," fa'^ghede'aki, "land at tlie mouth." — which means the mouth of a river. — Vide Indian Geographical Names, by I'ide Report of U. S. Coajl Survey, J. H. Trumball, Col. Conn. His. Society, 1868, p. 258. \ P'i A \'. ! 1 J ■ i ' , r ' i 1 ' '^l III i \ 1 ! 1 J \ \\\ ' ^ I <\s 1 i ^: f ..^■jiIw.^.'jT'c^S-. ,,— : 48 Memoir of 1605. h '! \ : 1 1 1 < Idand, alDout four miles diftant, with which he was greatly delighted, as he found it richly Hudded with oak and hickory, whofe bending branches were wreathed with luxuriant grape- vines loaded with green cluflers of unripe fruit. In honor of the god of wine, they gave to the idand the claffic name of Bacchus." At full tide they paffed over the bar and caft anchor within the channel of the Saco. The Indians whom they found here were called Almou- chiquois, and differed in many refpecis from any which they had feen before, from the Sourequois of Nova Scotia and the Etechemins of the northern part of Maine and New Brunfwick. They fpoke a different language, and, unlike their neighbors on the cafi:, did not fubfist mainly by the chafe, but upon the products of the foil, fupplemented by filh, which were plentiful and of excellent quality, and which they took with facility about the mouth of the river. De Monts and Champlain made an excurfion upon the Ihore, where their eyes were refrefhed by fields of waving corn, and gardens of fquafhes, beans, and pumpkins, which were Here they saw in cultivation the then burfling into flower.'*^ 42 Bacchus //land. This was Rich- mond's I Hand, as we have Hated in Vol. II. note 123. It will be admitted that his loLal map of the bay of the Saco. By reference to the large map of 1632, it will be feen that 13acchus Ifland is the Bacchus Ifland of Champlain was reprefented by the number 50, which is either Richmond's Illand or one of thofe placed over againll: the largell ifland in in the bay of the Saco. Champlain does the neighborhood and that farthell to the not give a fpecitic name to any of the eall, which, of courfe, muft be Rich- iflands in ihe bay, as maybe feen by mond's Ifland. It is, however, proper to referring to the e.\])lanations of his map ftate that thefe reference figures are not of the bay, Vol. II. p. 65. If one of in general fo carefully placed as to enable them had been Bacchus Ifland, he would us to rely upon them in fixing a lomlity, not have failed to refer to it, according particularly if unlupported by other evi- to his uniform cuftom, under that name, dence. But in this cafe other evidence Hence it is certain that his Bacchus Is not wanting. Ifland was not one of thofe figured on ^^ Vide Vol. II. pp. 64-67. i6o5. Samtccl dc Champlain. 49 the rank narcotic pcfun, or tobacco/* juft beginning to fpread out its broad velvet leaves to the fun, tlie fole luxury of ravage life. The forefls were thinly wooded, but were neverthelefs rich in primitive oak, in lofty alh and elm, and in the more humble and flurdy beech. As on Richmond's IHand fo here, along the bank of the river they found grapes in luxurious growth, from which the Tailors bufied themfelvcs in making verjuice, a delicious beverage in the meridian heats of a July fun. The nativ^^s were gentle and amiable, graceful in figure, agile in movement, and exhibited unufual tafle, dreffing their hair in a variety of twifls and braids, intertwined with ornamental feathers. Chaninlain obfcrved their method of cultivating Indian corn, which the experience of two hundred and feventy-five years has in no effential point improved or even changed. They planted three or four feeds in hills three feet apart, and heaped the earth about them, and kep the foil clear of weeds. Such is the method of the fuccefsful New England farmer to-day. The experience of the favage had taught him how many individuals of the rank plant could occupy prolifically a given area, how the foil mufl be gathered about the roots to fuflain the heavy flock, and that there mufl be no rival near it to draw away the nutriment on which the voracious plant feeds and grows. Civilization has invented implements to facilitate the proceffes of culture, but the ob- fervation of the favage had led him to a knowledge of all that is rbfolutely neceffary to enfure a prolific harvefl. Aiier lingering two days at Saco, our explorers proceeded on " Nicotiana rujlica. Vide Vol. II. by Charles Pickering, M.D. Bofton, note 130. chronological His. Plants, 1879. P- 74^ et pa£lm. , 'mvs'SMitf^itiii'i^Ai: I il (■ s i 50 Memoir 0/ 1605. on their voyage. When they had advanced not more than twenty miles, driven by a fierce wind, they were forced to cafl; anchor near the fait niarfhes of Wells. Having been driven by Cape Porpoife, on the fubfidence of the wind, they returned to it, reconnoitred its harbor and adjacent iflands, together with Little River, a few miles flill further to the eafl. The fhores were lined all alons; with nut-trees and grape-vines. The iflands about Cape Porpoife were matted all over with wild currants, fo that the eye could icarcely dif- cern anything elfe. Attracted doubtlefs by this fruit, clouds of wild pigeons had affembled there, and were having a mid- fummer's feflivai, fearlefs of the treacherous fnare or the liunt- er's deadly aim. Large numbers of them were taken, which added a coveted luxury to the not over-flocked larder of the little French barque. On the 15th of July, De Monts and his party left Cape Porpoife, keeping in and following clofely the finuofities of the fliore. They faw no favages during the day, nor any ev- idences of any, except a rifmg fmoke, which they approached, but found to be a lone beacon, without any furroundings of human life. Thofe who had kindled the fire had doubtlefs concealed themfelvcs, or had fled in difmay. Polfibly they had never feen a Ihip under fail. The filhermen who frequented our northern coafl rarely came into thefe waters, and the little craft of our voyagers, moving without oars or any ap- parent human aid, feemed doubtlefs to them a monfler glid- ing upon the wings of the wind. At the fetting of the fi.m, the)' were near the flat and fandy coaft, now known as Wal- lace's Sands. They fought in vain for a roadftead where they might anchor fafely for the night. When they were oppofite I i6os. Samuel de Chainplain, 51 ojjpofitc to Little Boar's Head, with the Iflcs of Shoals di- rectly ealt of theni, and the reflecled rays of the fun were ftill throwing; their light upon the waters, they faw in the dillaiice the dim outline of Cape Anne, whither they di- rected their courfe, and, before morning, came to anciior near its eallern extremity, in fixteen fathoms of water. Near them were the three well-known iilands at the apex of the cape, covered with forefl-trees, and the woodlefs clufter of rocks, now called the Savages, a little further from the lliore. The next morning five or fix Indians timidly approached them in a canoe, and then retired and fet up a dance on the Hiore, as a token of friendly greeting. Armed with crayon and drawing-jjaper, Champlain was defpatched to feek from the natives fome important geographical information. Dif- penfing knives and bifcuit as a friendly invitation, the fav- ages gathered about him, affured by their gifts, when he proceeded to impart to them their firll leffon in topograph- ical drawing. He pidured to them the bay on the north fide of Cape Anne, which he had jufl traverfed, and fignify- ing to them that he defired to know the courfe of the fiiore on the fouth, they immediately gave him an example of their apt fcholarfiiip by drawing with the fame crayon an accurate outline of MalTachufetts Bay, and finifiied up Champlain's own fketch by introducing the Merrimac River, which, not having been feen, owing to the prefence of Plum Ifland, which firetches like a curtain before its mouth, he had omitted to portray. The intelligent natives volunteered a bit of hiflory. By placing fix pebbles at equal difiances, they intimated that MalTachufetts Bay was occupied by fix tribes, 1' I \ ' l:^\i ■in T rt****'^'"' #*-flWl«terr«iii ■ 52 Memoir of 1605. i Mil il ui I tribes, and governed by as many cliiefs.-*^ He learned from tlicm, likewile, tliat the inhal)itants of tliis region llibfilled by agrieulturc, as did tliofe at tlic mouth of the Saco, and that they were very numerous. Leaving Cai)e Anne on Saturday, tlie 16th of July, Dc Monts entered MalTachufetts Bay, failed into Boflon harbor, and anchored on the wcftern fide of Noddle's I (land, now better known as Eafl Boflon. In imffing into the bay, they obferved large patches of cleared land, and many fields of waving corn both upon the i Hands and the mainland. The water and the iflands, the open fields and lofty foreft-trees, pre- fentcd fine contrafts, and rendered the fcenery attradlive and beautiful. Here for the firlt time Champlain oblerved the log canoe. It was a clumly though ferviceable boat in flill waters, neverthelcfs unflablc and dangerous in unfkilful hands. They law, iffuing into the bay, a large river, coming from the weft, which they named River du Guall, in honor of Pierre du Gualt, Sieur de Monts, the patentee of La Cadie, and the patron and diredor of this expedition. This was Charles Ri^"::r, feen, evidently jufl at its conliuence with the Myftic*' On Sunday, the 17th of July, 1605, they left Boffon har- bor, threading their way among the illands, palFmg Icifurely along '"' Daniel Gookin, who wrote in 1674, 70omul\ which we have converted into fpeaks of the following i'Libdivifions Sliawmiit, means, ''where there is amonsj the MatTachufetts Indians : going-by-boat." The French, if they "Their ciiief fachem lield dominion heard the name and learned its mean- over many other petty governours : as ing, could hardly have failed to fee tiie thofe of VVeechagafkas, Neponfitt, Pun- appropriatenefs of it as applied by the kapaog. Nonantam, Nalhaway. and fome aborigines to Bofton harbor. — Vide of tlie Nipnuick people."— V'ide Gook- Tritmball in Connecticut Hillorical So- iiCs His. Col. ciety's CoUedions, Vol. II. p. 5. *' VideVoX. II. note 159. Mujhau- I 1 1605. Samuel do Chainplain, 53 aloiiL; thu fouth fliorc, roiindlni; Point Allcrton on the pc- ninfuhi of Nimlalkct, glldinL; alon^i; near Cohaffct and Scitii- atc, and finally call anchor at Hrant Point, upon the foutluTn borders of Marlhfield. When they left the harbor of I^ollon, the illands and mainland were fwarming with the native pop- ulation. The Indians were, naturally enougli, intenlely ia- terclled in this vifit of the little l-'rench barque. It may have been the firil that had ever made its appearance in the bay. Its fize was many times greater than any water-craft of their own. Sjjrcading its white wings and gliding filently away without oarfmcn, it filled them with lurprile and admi- ration. The whole population was aftir. The cornfields and fiihing flations were deferted. Every canoe was manned, and a flotilla of their tiny craft came to attend, honor, and fpeed the parting guefts, experiencing, doubtlels, a fenfe of relief that they were going, and filled with a painful curiofity to know the meaning of this myflerious vifit. Having paffed the night at Brant Point, they had not ad- vanced more than two leagues along a fandy ihore dotted with wigwams and gardens, when they were forced to enter a fmall harbor, to await a more favoring wind. The Indians flocked about them, greeted them with cordiality, and in- vited them to enter the little river which flows into the harbor, but this they w'cre unable to do, as the tide was low and the depth infufiicient. Champlain's attention was attracted by fevcral canoes in the bay, which had jufl com- pleted their morning's work in fifhing for cod. The fifli were taken with a primitive hook and line, apparently in a manner not very different from that of the prefent day. The line was made of a filament of bark flripped from the trunk I \{ i, t/f m V 1 ; I "' V >;iii4aSS^**i.3J-^^,;:;aSs!*a»ii«sua'^tsi^^ bLU 1(1 ' P 54 < i Me7noir of 1605. trunk of a tree ; the hook was of wood, having a fliarp bone, forming a barb, lalhed to it with a cord of a graffy fibre, a kind of wild hemp, growing TpontaneouHy in that region. Champlain landed, diitributed trinkets amoncr the natives, examined and Iketched an outline of the place, which identifies it as Plymouth harbor, which Ci Lain John Smith vifited in 16 14, and where the IMay Flower, ftill lix years later, landed the firft permanent colony planted upon New England foil. After a da) at Plymouth, the little barque weighed anchor, fwept down Cape Cod Bay, approaching near to the reefs of Billingfgate, defcribing a complete femicircle, and finally, with fome difficulty, doubled the cape, whofe white fands they had i^^w in the dillance glittering in the funlight, and which they appropriately named Cap Blanc. This cape, however, had been vifited three years before by Bartholomew Gofnold, and named Cape Cod, which appellation it has re- tained to the prefent time. Paffing down on the outfide of the cape fome diflance, they came to anchor, fent ex- plorers on Ihore, who, afcending 01 i of the lofty fand- banks '' which may ftill be feen there filently refitting the winds and the waves, difcovered, further to the fouth, \vhat is now known as Naufet harbor, entirely furrounded by Indian cabins. The next day, the 20th of July, 1605, they effeded an *^ It was probably on tliis very bluff, from wbicli was feen Naufet harbor on the 19th of July, 1605. that, after the lapfe of two hundred and feventy-four years, on the r7th of Novemlier, 1879. the citizens of the United .States, with the flags of America, France, and Eng- land gracefully waving over their heads, addrefied their congratulations by tele- graph to the citizens of France, at Bred, on the communication between the two countries, that day completed, through fuljniarine wires, under the aufpices of the '• Compaguie Frangaife du Tel^- graphe de I'aris c\ New York." ^ \ 1605. Sa7miel de Champlain, 55 an entrance without much difficulty. The bay was fpacious, being nine or ten miles in circumference. Along the bor- ders, there were, here and there, cultivated patches, inter- fperfed with dwellings of tlie natives. The wigwam was cone-Hiaped, heavily thatched with reeds, having an orifice at the apex for the emiffion of fmoke. In the fields were growing Indian corn, Brazilian beans, pumpkins, radifhes, and tobacco ; and in the woods were oak and hickory and red cedar. During their ftay in the harbor they encoun- tered an eaflerly ftorm, which continued four days, fo raw and ch'Ming that they were glad to hug their winter cloaks about them on the 22d of July. The natives were friendly and cordial, and entered freely into converfation with Cham- plain ; but, as the language of each party was not under- ftood by the other, the information he obtained from them was moflly by figns, and confequently too general to be hif- torically interefting or important. The firft and only a61: of hoflility by the natives which De Monts and his party had thus far experienced in their explorations on the entire coaft occurred in this harbor. Several of the men had cjone afliore to obtain frefli water. Some of the Indians conceived an uncontrollable defire to capture the copper veffels which they faw in their hands. While one of the men was flooping to dip water from a fpring, one of the favages darted upon him and fiiatched the coveted veffel from his hand. An encounter followed, and, amid fhowers of arrows and blows, the poor Tailor was bru- tally murdered. The victorious Indian, fleet as the rein- deer, efcaped with his companions, bearing his prize with him into the depths of the forefl. The natives on the fliore, who '\\ .'ll i ill '^^m I S6 1 * rl 5 1 Me7noir of 1605. who had hitherto fliown the greatefl friencIHnefs, foon came to Dc INIonts, and by figns difowned any participation in the adl, and affured him tliat the guilty parties belonged far in the interior. Whether this was the truth or a piece of adroit diplomacy, it was neverthelels accepted by De Monts, fince punilhmcnt could only be adminiltered at the rifk of caufmg the innocent to luffer inftead of the guilty. The young Tailor whofe earthly career was thus fuddcnly terminated, whofe name even has not come down to us, was doubtlefs the firft European, if we except Thorxald, the Nortliman, whofe mortal remains flumber in the foil of Maffachufctts. As this voyage of difcovery had been planned and pro- vifioned for only fix weeks, and more than five had already elapfcd, on the 25th of July DeMonts and his party left Naufett harbor, to join the colony ftill lingering at St. Croix. In paffing the bar, they came near being wrecked, and confequently gave to the harbor the fignificant appella- tion ot Port dc Mallcbarre, a name which has not been loft, but neverthelefs, like the fiiifting fands of that region, has floated away from its original moorings, and now adheres to the fandy cape of Monomoy. On their return voyage, they made a brief flop at Saco, and likewife at the mouth of the Kennebec. At the latter point they had an interview with the fachem, Anaffou, who in- formed them that a fiiip had been there, and that the men on board her had feized, under color of friendfliip, and killed five favages belonging to that river. From the defcription given by Anaffou, Champlain was convinced that the fhip was Englilb, and fubfequent events render it quite certain that I 'l. 1605. Samuel de Champlain, 57 that it was the " Archangel," fitted out by the Earl of South- ampton and Lord Arundel of Wardour, and commanded by Captain George Weymouth. The delign of the expedition was to fix upon an eligible fite for a colonial plantation, and, in purfuance of this purpofe, Weymouth anchored off Mon- hegan on the 28th of May, i6oj, neiujlyle, and, after fpend- ing a month in explorations of the region contiguous, left for England on the 26th of June.^^ He had feized and car- ried away five of the natives, having concealed them in the hold of his Hiip, and Anaflbu, under the circumflances, natu- rally fuppofed they had been killed. The ftatement of the fachem, that the natives captured belonged to the river where Champlain then was, namely, the Kennebec, goes far to prove that Weymouth's explorations were in the Kenne- bec, or at lead in the network of waters then comprehended under that appellation, and not in the Penobfcot or in any other river farther eail;, as fome hiflorical writers have fup- pofed. It would appear that while the French were carefully fur- veying the coafts of New England, in order to fix upon an eligible fite for a permanent colonial fettlement, the Englifh were likewife upon the ground, engaged in a fimilar invefti- gation for the fame purpofe. From this period onward, for more than a century and a half, there was a perpetual con- flict and ffruggle for territorial poffeffion on the northern coafl of America, between thefe two great nations, fome- times adlive and violent, and at others fubfiding into a femi- flumber, but never ceafing until every acre of foil belonging to ** Vide Vol. II. p. 91, note 176. 8 M 1 ' S >'i>l ill I ifi In ■>'■ ! ■'■!' 58 Memoir of 1605. to the French had been transferred to the Englifh by a fol- emn international compacSl. On this exploration, Champlain noticed along the coafl from Kennebec to Cape Cod, and defcribed feveral objeds in natural hifljry unknown in Europe, fuch as the horfe-foot crab,-*^ the black fkimmer, and the wild turkey, the latter two of which l\ave long fince ceafed to vifit this region. 'I i 1 ' ■ H CHAPTER IV. Arrival of Supplies and Removal to Port Royal. — De Monts Re- turns TO France. — Search for Mines. — Winter. — Scurvy. — L.A.TE Arrival of Supplies and Explorations on the Coast of Massa- chusetts. — Glocester Harbor, Stay at Chatham and Attack of the Savages. — Wood's Holl. — Return to Annapolis Basin. N the 8th of Auguft, the exploring party reached St. Croix. During their abfence, Pont Grave had arrived from France with additional men and provifions for the colony. As no fatisfac- tory fite had been found by De Monts in his recent tour along the coafl:, it was determined to remove the colony temporarily to Port Royal, fituated within the bay now known as Annapolis Bafm. The buildings at St. Croix, with pf m S^ ^ u 1 i 1 ^ ta tk C *9 The Horfefont-crab, Liniulus poly- phej/tus. Cliamplain gives the Indian name, fii^uenoc. Hariot faw, while at Roanoke I Hand, in 1585, and delcribed the fame cruftacean under the name of fcekanauk. The Indian word is ob- vioully the fame, the differing French and Engliih orthography re])refenting the fame found. It thus appears tiiat this flieli-fi(h was at that time known by the aborigines under the fame name for at lealt a thoufand miles along the Atlantic coafl, from the Kennebec, in Maine, to Roanoke lOand, in North Carolina. Vide Hariofs Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of l'irij;inia, Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 334. See alfo Vol. II. of this work, notes 171, 172, 173, for fome account of the black fkimmer and tiie wild turkey. i6os. Sa7iiuel de Champlain. ith the exception of the ftore-houfc, were tal 59 and 1 clown traniportca to tne Day. L^nampiam and ront Grave were fent forward to felect a place for the lettlement, which was fixed on the north fide of the bafin, direclly oppofite to Goat Ifland, near or upon the preient fite of Lower Granville. The fituation war protcdted from the piercing and dreaded winds oi' the northwefl by a lofty range of hills,^' while it was elevated and commanded a charming view of the placid bay in front. The dwellings which they ereded were arranged in the form of a quadrangle with an open court in the centre, as at St. Croix, while gardens and pleafiire-grounds were laid out by Champlain in the immediate vicinity. When the work of the new fettlement was well advanced, De Monts, having appointed Pont Grave as his lieutenant, departed for France, where he hoped to obtain additional privileges from the government in his enterprife of planting a colony in the New World. Champlain preferred to re- main, with the purpofe of executing more fully his office as geographer to the king, by making difcoveries on the Atlan- tic coafl: ftill further to the fouth. From the beginning, the patentee had cheriflied the defire of difcovering valuable mines fomewhere on his domains, whofe wealth, as well as that of the fur-trade, might defray fome part of the heavy expenfes involved in his colonial en- terprife. While leveral invefiigations for this purpole had proved abortive, it was hoped that greater fi.iccels would be attained by fearches along the upper part of the Bay of Fundy. Before the approach of winter, therefore, Cham- plain ^^ On Lefciirliot's map of 1609, this elevation is denominated ^Tont de la Roqtie. Vide alfo Vol. II. note 180. if M i^M (1 ',!» M' i w \ (3 • I i *' I 6o Memoir of 1605. n t^ 'i V plain and the miner, Maftcr Jaqiies, a Sclavonian, made a tour to St. John, where they obtained the fervices of the Indian chief, Secondon, to accompany them and point out the place where cojjper ore had been diicovered at the Bay of Mines. The learch, thorough as was pradicable under the circum- ftances, was, in the main, unfuccefsful ; the few fpecimens which they found were meagre and infignificant. The winter at Port Royal was by no means io fevere as the preceding one at St. Croix. The Indians brought in wild game from the forefts. The colony had no want of fuel and pure water. But experience, bitter as it had been, did not yield to them the fruit of practical wifdom. They referred their fufferings to the climate, but took too little pains to protecl themfelves againft its rugged power. Their dwellings, haftily thrown together, were cold and damp, arifmg from the green, unfeafoned wood of which they were doubdefs in part conflrucled, and from the ffanding rain- water with which their foundations were at all times inun- dated, which was neither diverted by embankments nor drawn away by drainage. The dreaded mal de la tej've, or fcurvy, as might have been anticipated, made its appearance in the early part of the ieafon, caufmg the death of twelve out of the forty-five comprifing their whole number, while others were proftrated by this painful, repulfive, and depreff- inii difeafe. The purpofe of making further difcoveries on the fouthern coaft, warmly cheriflied by Champlain, and entering fully into the plans of De Monts, had not been forgotten. Three times during the early part of the fummer they had equipped their barque, made up their party, and left Port Royal for this A"; i6o6. Savmel de Champlain. 6i this undertaking, and as many times had been driven back by the violence of the winds and the waves. In the mean time, the fupplics which had been promifed and expc6led from France had not arrived. This naturally gave to Pont Grave, the lieutenant, great anxiet", as without them it was clearly inexpedient to venture upon another winter in the wilds of La Cadie. It had been llipulated by De IMonts, the patentee, that if iliccors did not arrive before the middle of July, Pont Grave fhould make arrangements for the return of the colony by the filhing veffels to be found at the Grand Banks. Accordingly, on the 1 7th of that month, Pont Grave let fail with the little colony in two barques, and proceeded towards Cape Breton, to leek a paffage home. But De IMonts had not been remifs in his duty. He had, after many difficulties and delays, delpatched a velTel of a hundred and fifty tons, called the "Jonas," with fifty men and ample provifions for the approaching winter. While Pont Grave with his two barques and his retreating colony had run into Yarmouth Bay for repairs, the " Jonas " paffed him unobferved, and anchored in the balin before the de- ferted fettlement of Port Royal. An advice-boat had, how- ever, been wifely defpatched by the " Jonas " to reconnoitre the inlets along the Ihore, which fortunately intercepted the departing colony near Cape Sable, and, elated with frefli news from home, they joyfully returned to the quarters they had fo recently abandoned. In addition to a conliderable number of artifans and la- borers for the colony, the " Jonas " had brought out Sieur De Poutrincourt, to remain as lieutenant of La Cadie, and likewife Marc Lefcarbot, a young attorney of Paris, who had already ■ 'I -,| Ti, ' ! ' il-iir^** *>-' 62 ll Memoir of 1606. already made fome fcholarly attainments, and who fubfc- quently dillinguiilicd himfclf as an author, elpecially by the publication of a hillory of New France. De Poutrincourt immediately addreffed himfclf to putting all things in order at Port Royal, where it was obvioully expedient for the colony to remain, at leall for the winter. As foon as the "Jonas " had been unladen, Pont Grave and moft of thole who had ihared his recent hardfhips, departed in her for the ihores of F"rance. When the tenements had been cleanfed, refitted, and reiurnilhed, and their provifions had been lafely flored, De Poutrincourt, by way of experi- ment, to tefl the character of the climate and the capability of the foil, defpatched a fquad of gardeners and farmers five miles up the river, to the grounds now occupied by the village of Annapolis,^' where the foil was open, clear of foreft trees, and eafy of cultivation. They planted a great variety of feeds, wheat, rye, hemp, flax, and of garden efculents, which grew with extraordinary luxuriance, but, as the feafon was too late for any of them to ripen, the experiment failed either as a tefl of the Ibil or the climate. On a former vifit in 1604, I^^ Poutrincourt had conceived a great admiration for Annapolis bafm, its proteifled fituation, its fine fcenery, and its rich foil. He had a ftrong defire to bring his family there and make it his permanent abode. With this defign, he had requeued and received from De Monts a perfonal grant of this region, which had alfo been confirmed to him ^' by H'^nry IV. But De Monts wiihed to plant ^^ Lefcarbot locates Poutrincourt's Franc^ois eflans reuenus (ainfi qu'a fort on the fame fpot which he called eltd dicl» le Sieur de Potrincourt pre- Maricfort, the fite of the prefent village fenta k feu d'immortelle memorie of Annapolis. Henry le Grand la donnation a luy 6' " Doncques I'an 1607, tous les faifte \ i6o6. Samuel de Chaviplain, 63 plant his La Cadian colony in a milder and more genial cli- mate. He had therefore enjoined upon De Poutrincourt, as his lieutenant, on leaving France, to continue the explorations for the relcfti(Mi of a fite Hill farther to the fouth. Accord- ingly, on the 5th of vSeptember, 1606, De Poutrincourt left Annapolis Bafin, which the P""rench called Port Royal, in a barque of eighteen tons, to fulfil this injunction. It was Champlain's opinion that they ought to fail direclly for Naufet harbor, on Cape Cod, and commence their explo- rations where their fearch had terminated the preceding year, and thus advance into a new region, which had not already been furvcyed. But other counfels prevailed, and a large part of the time which could be fpared for this in- vefligation was exhaufted before they reached the harbor of Naufet. They made a brief vifit to the illand of St. Croix, in which De Monts had wintered in 1604-5, touched alfo at Saco, where the Indians had already completed their harveft, and th . grapes at Bacchus Illand were ripe and lufcious. Thence failing dire611y to Cape Anne, where, finding no fafe roadflead, they paffed round to Gloucefler harbor, which they found fpacious, well protected, with good depth of water, and which, for its great excellence and attraftive fcenery, they named Beaiiport, or the beautiful harbor. Here they remained feveral days. It was a native fettlement, com- prifing two hundred favages, who were cultivators of the foil, which was prolific in corn, beans, melons, pumpkins, tobacco, and grapes. The harbor was environed with fine forcft trees, as hickory, oak, afli, cyprefs, and faffafras. Within the faicle par le fieur de Monts. reque- di(ft:e Requefle," iSic. Relatiinis dcs rant humblement Sa Majelld de la ra- Jefuites, 1611, Quebec ed., Vol. I. p. tifier. Le Roy eut pour agreable la 25. Vide Vol. II. of this work, p. 37. ■ I' I ■ ill II V \ .isr , I \m iiRii n,,,-.--:- ?i! , t a 64 Memoir of 1606. the town there were feveral patches of cultivated land, which the Indians were gradually augmenting by felling the trees, burning the wood, and after a few years, aided by the natural procefs of decay, eradicating the flumps. The French were kindly received and entertained with generous hofi)itality. Cirapes jufl gathered from the vines, and fquLilhes of feveral varieties, the trailinc: bean flill well known in New England, and the Jerufalem artichoke crifp from the unexhaufled foil, were prefented as offerings of welcome to their guefls. While thefe gifts were doubtlefs tokens of a genuine fiiendlinefs fo far as the favages were capable of that virtue, the lurking fpirit of deceit and treachery which had been inherited and follered by their habits and mode of life, could not be reftrained. The French b. jue was lying at anchor a Ihort diflance northeafl of Tnw Pound Illand. Its boat was undergoing repairs on a peninfula near by, now known as Rocky Neck, and the failors were walhing their linen jufl at the point where the peninfula is united to the mainland. While Cham- plain was walking on this caufeway, he obferved about fifty favages, completely armed, cautioufly fcreening themfelves behind a clump of buflies on the edge of Smith's Cove. As foon as they were aware that they were feen, they came forth, concealing their weapons as much as poffible, and began to dance in token of a friendly greeting. But when they dif- covered De Poutrincourt in the wood near by, who had approached unobferved, with eight armed mufketeers to dif- perfe them in cafe of an attack, they immediately took to flight, and, fcattering in all dire(5lions, made no further hof- tile demonllrations." This ferio-comic incident did not in- terfere ^8 This fcene is well reprefented on Champlain's map of Beauport or GIou- cefter Harbor. Vide Vol. II. p. 114. I . ( 1606. Savnicl de Chainplain, 6s terfcrc with the interchange of friendly offices between the two parties, and when the voyagers were about to leave, the ravages urged them with great earneilnefs to ren.ain longer, alluring them that two thoufand of their friends would pay them a vifit the very next day. This inviuxtion was, how- ever, not heeded. In Champlain's opinion it was a ruje contrived only to furnifh a frelh opportunity to attack and overpower them. On the 30th of September, they loft the harbor of Gloucef- ter, and, during the following night failing in a Ibutherly diredlion, palling Brant Point, they found themfelves in the lower ])art of Cape Cod Bay. When the fun role, a low, fandy Ihore ftretched before them. Sending their boat for- ward to a place where the fliore feemed more elevated, they found deeper water and a harbor, into which they entered in five or fix fathoms. They were welcomed by three Indian canoes. They found oyfters in luch quantities in this ba}-, and of fuch excellent quality, that they named it Le Port mix Huiflrcs,"'^ or Dyfler Harbor. After a few hours, they weighed anchor, and directing their courfe north, a quarter northeaft, with a favoring wind, foon doubled Cape Cod. The next day, the 2d of 06tober, they arrived off Naufet. De Poutrincourt, Champlain, and others entered the harbor in a fmall boat, where they were greeted by a hundred and fifty favages with fmging and dancing, according to their ufual cuftom. After a brief vifit, they returned to the barque and continued their courfe along the fandy fliore. When near the heel of the cape, off Chatham, they found themfelves imperilled among breakers and fand-banks, fo dangerous as to " Le Portanx Hmjlres, Barnflable Harbor. Vide Vol. II. Note 208. 9 'l^^iMt.xAA^.i^'--,. C^HTJ. .\TK:'^.-f- \i-f!i' trezrsr" 66 Memoir of 1606. M 1^ I i to render it inexpedient to attempt to land, even with a fniall boat. The la /ages were oblerving them from the (hore, and foon manned a canoe, and came to them with finging and demonftrations of joy. From them, they learned that lower down a harbor would be found, where their barque might ride in ilifety. P''oct'oding, therefore, in the fame direction, after many difficulties, they fucceeded in rounding the penin- fula of Monomoy, and finally, in the gray of the evening, caft anchor in the offing near Chatham, now known as Old Stage Harbor. The next day they entered, paffing between Harding's Beach Point and Mcrris Ifland, in two fathoms of water, and anchored in Stage Harbor. This harbor is about a mile long and half a mile wide, and at its weftern extrem- ity is connedled b\' tide-water with Oyfter Pond, and with Mill Cove on the eafl: by Mitchell's River. Mooring their barque between thefe two arms of the harbor, towards the wefterly end, the explorers remained there about three weeks. It was the centre of an Indian fettlement, containing five or fix hundred perfons. Although it was now well into Odo- ber, the natives of both Icxes were entirely naked, with the exception of a flight band about the loins. They fubfifted upon fifli and the produ(51:s of the foil. Indian corn was their flaplc. It was fecured in the autumn in bags made of braided grafs, and buried in the fand-banks, and withdrawn as it was needed during the winter. The favages were of fine figure and of olive complexion. They adorned them- felves with an embroidery fkiltully interwoven with feathers and beads, and dreffed their hair in a variety of braids, like thofe at Saco. Their dwellings were conical in fhape, cov- ered with thatch of r iflies and corn-hufks, and furrounded by 1 i6o6. Savittcl dc Chaviplain, 67 \ by cultivated fields. Each cabin contaitied one or two beds, a kind of matting, two or three inches in thicknels, fpread upon a platform on which was a layer of claflic ftaves, and the whole railed a foot fnjm the ground. On thele they fecured refrelhing rej)()re. Their chiefs neither exercilL'd nor claimed any fuperior authority, except in time of war. At all other times and in all other matters complete equality reigned throughout the tribe. The Hay at Chatham was neccffarily pnjlonged in baking bread to ferve the remainder of the voyage, and in repairing their barque, whofe rudder had been badly (battered in the rough palTage round the cape. For thele purjiofes, a bakery and a forge were let up on Ihore, and a tent pitched for the convenience and protection of the workmen. While thele works were in progrels, De Poutrincourt, Champlain, and others made frequent excurfions into the interior, always with a guard of armed men, fomctimes making a circuit of twelve or fifteen miles. The explorers were falcinated with all they faw. The aroma of the autumnal forefl and the balmy air of October Simulated their lenfes. The nut-trees were loaded with ripe fruit, and the rich clufters of grapes were hanging temptingly upon the vines. Wild game was plentiful and delicious. The fifli of the bay were sweet, del- icate, and of many varieties. Nature, unaided by art, had thus fupplied fo many human wants that Champlain gravely put upon record his opinion that this would be a most ex- cellent place in which to lay the foundations of a common- wealth, if the harbor were deeper and better protected at its mouth. After the voyagers had been in Chatham eight or nine days, t!' Ci/i \ 'l- IK i'i '1^ ■ m 1:1 U: \ til M \i . •) Hi' ::iil ill ( h I • if 6S Memoir of 1606. days, the Indians, tempted by the implements which they faw about the forge and bakery, conceived tlie idea of taking forcible poffeffion of them, in order to appropriate them to their own ule. As a preparation for this, and particularly to put themlelves in a favorable condition in cale of an attack or reprilal, they were leen removing their women, children, and effe6ls into the forells, and even taking down their cabins. De Poutrincourt, obferving this, gave orders to the workmen to pafs their nights no longer on fliore, but to go on board the barque to allure their perfonal lafety. This command, however, was not obeyed. The next morning, at break of day, four hundred favages, creeping foftly over a hill in the rear, furrounded the tent, and poured Inch a volley of arrows upon the dcfencelels workmen that elcape was im- poflibie. Three of them were killed upon the fpot ; a fourth was mortally and a fifth badly wounded. The alarm was given by the fentinel on the barque. De Poutrincourt, Champlain, and the reft, aroufed from their flumbers, ruflied half-clad into the fliip's boat, and haftened to the refcue. As loon as they touched the fliorc, the favages, fleet as the greyhound, elcaped to the wood. Purfuit, under the cir- cumrtances, was not to be made ; and, if it had been, would have ended in their utter deftvuclion. Freed from immedi- ate danger', they cohecled the dead and gave them Chriftian burial near the foot of a crofs, which had been ere6ted the day before. While the fervice of prayer and fong was offered, the favages in the diftance mocked them with derifive atti- tudes and hideous howls. Three hours after the French had retired to their barque, the mifcreants returned, tore down the crofs, difinterred the dead, and carried off the garments i^^^._ I 1606. I Samuel de Champlain, 69 garments in which they had been laid to reft. They were immediately driven off by the French, the crofs was rell;ored to its place, and the dead reinterred. Before leaving Chatham, Ibme anxiety was felt in regard to their lafety in leaving the harbor, as the little barque had fcarcely been able to weather the rough feas of Monomoy on their inward voyage. A boat had been fent out in fearch of a fafer and a better roadway, which, creeping along by the fhore fixtecn or eighteen miles, returned, announcing three fathoms of water, and neither bars nor reefs. On the i6th of October they gave their canvas to the breeze, and failed out of Stage Harbor, which they had named Port Fortune,'''^ an appellation probably fuggefted by their narrow efcape in entering and by the bloody tragedy to which we have juft re- ferred. Having gone eighteen or twenty miles, they fighted the ifland of Martha's Vineyard lying low in the didance before them, which they called La So2ip^onnc2ifi\ the fufpi- cious one, as they had leveral times been in doubt \vh(.^ther it were not a part of the mainland. A contrary wind forced them to return to their anchorage in Stage Harbor. On the 20th they let out again, and continued their courfe in a fouthweflerly direftion until they reached the entrance of Vineyard Sound. The rapid current of tide water flowing from Buzzard's Bay into the found through the rocky chan- nel 66 Port FortuHL'. In pjivintj this name there was doubtlefs an alliilion to the gocklefs FoKTUNA of tlie anciimts, vvliofc office it was to difpenfe riclies and jioverty, ])Ieafures and pains. hlelT- ings an>l calamities. They had ex- Eerienced oood and evil at her fickle and. They had entered the harlior in peril and fear, but neverthelefs in fafety. Tliey had fiiffered by the at- tack'of the fava^es. but fortunately had efcaped utter annihilation, which they miu'ht well have feared. It had been to them eminently the port of hazard or chance. ridc'\o\. II. Note 231. La S,iHp-mncul\' Vide WA. II. Note 227. ;l. I ,' If ^■ t ( I i V II i 'I ill It 1; '( 70 AIe7noir of 1606. nel between Nonamcffet and Wood's Holl, they took to be a river coming from the mainland, and named it Riviere de C/ianiplain. This point, in front of Wood's Holl, is the fouthern limit of the French explorations on the coaft of New England, reached by them on the 20th of October, 1606. Encountering a ftrong wind, ajjproaching a gale, they were again forced to return to Stage Harbor, where they lingered two or three days, awaiting favoring winds for their return to the colony at the bay of Annapolis. We regret to add that, while they were thus detained, under the very fhadow of the crofs they had recently erecfted, the emblem of a faith that teaches love and for2;ive- nefs, they decoyed, under the guife of fricndlhip, feveral of the poor favages into their power, and inhumanly butchered them in cold blood. This deed was perpetrated on the bafe principle of lex talionis, and yet they did not know, much lefs were they able to prove, that their viclims were guilty or took any part in the late affray. No form of trial was ob- ferved, no witneffes teitificd, and no judge adjudicated. It '^-as a fmiple murder, for which we are fure any Chriflian's cheek would mantle with fliame who fliould offer for it any defence or apology. When this piece of barbarity had been completed, the little French barque made its final exit from Stage Harbor, palled luccefsfully round the flioals of Monomoy, and an- chored near Naulet, where they remained a day or two, leav- ing on the 28th of 0(5lober, and failing diredlly to Ifle Hr.Lic in Penobfcot Bay. They made brief flops at fome of the iflands at the mouth of the St. Croix, and at the Grand ill 'I « w ^V I 1606. Sarmtel de Chaviplam. 71 Grand Manan, and arrived at Annapolis Bafin on the 14th of November, after an exceedingly rough pafiage and many hair-breadth elcapes. CHAPTER V. Reception of the Explorers at Annapolis Basin. — A Dreary Win- ter RP iVED BY THE OrDER OF BoN TEMPS. — NEWS FROM FRANCE. — V>n\ H OF A Prince. — Ruin of De Monts's Company. — Two Ex- cursions AND Departure for France. — Champlain's Explorations COMPARED. — De Monts's New Charter for One Yi:ar and Cham- plain'': Return in 1608 to New France and the Founding of Que- bec. — Conspiracy of Du Val and his Execution. ITH the voyage which we have defcribed in the lafh chapter, Champlain terminated his explora- tions on the coaft of New England. He never afterward ftepped upon her foil. But he has left us, neverthelcls, an invaluable record of the char- a61er, manners, and cufloms of the aborigines as he faw them all along from the eaftern borders of Maine to the Vineyard Sound, and carefully fludied them during the pe- riod of three confecutive years. Of the value of thefe explo- rations we need not here fpeak at length. We fliall refer to them again in the lequel. The return of the explorers was hailed with joy by the colonifls at Annapolis Bafm. To give eclal to the occafion, Lefcarbot compofed a poem in French, which he recited at the head of a proceffion which marched with gay reprefen- tations to the water's edge, to receive their returning friends. Over the gateway of the quadrangle formed by their dwell- ings. I. • I I I' V\\ ''l\ r I i I 72 Memoir of 1606. ings, dignified by them as their fort, were the arms of France, wreathed in laurel, together with the motto of the king : — DVO PROTEGIT VNVS. Under this, the arms of De Monts were dilplayed, overlaid with evergreen, and bearing the following infcription : — Dabit Devs his qvoqve finem. Then came the arms of Poutrincourt, crowned alfo with garlands, and infcribed : — In via virtvti nvlla est via. When the excitement of the return had paffed, the little fettlement fubfided into its ufual routine. The leilure of the winter \vas devoted to various objedls bearing upon the future profperity of the colony. Among others, a corn mill was erected at a fall on Allen River, four or five miles from the fettlement, a little eaft of the prefont fite of Annapolis. A road was commenced through the forefl; leading from Lower Granville towards the mouth of the bay. Two fmall barques were built, to be in readinefs in anticipation of a fail- ure to receive fuccors the next fummer, and new buildings were ere6\ed for the accommodation of a larger number of colonifts. Still, there was much unoccupied time, and, fhut out as they were from the ufual affociations of civilized life, it was hardly poffible that the winter fliould not feem long and dreary, efpecially to the gentlemen. To break up the monotony and add variety to the dull routine of their life, Champlain contrived what he called L'Ordre de Bon Temps, or The Rule of Mirth, which was introduced and carried out with fpirit and fuccefs. The fifteen gentlemen who fat at the table of De Poutrincourt, the gov- ernor. i6o6. Samuel de Chaviplain. n ernor, comprinng the whole niiml3cr of the order, took turns in performing tiic duties of (leward and caterer, each holding the office for a fingle day. With a laudable ambition, the Grand IVIafter for the time beinij: laid the foreft and the lea under contribution, and the table was conrtantly furniOied with the mort delicate and well lealbned game, and the Iwecteft as well as the choiceft varieties of fi.^h. The frequent change of office and the ingenuity difplayed, offered at every repafl, either in the viands or mode of cookinc:, fomcthinu: new and tempting to the appetite. At each meal, n ceremony be- coming the dignity of the order was ftridly obferved. At a given fignal, the whole company marched into the dining- hall, the Grand Mafter at the head, with his napkin over his fhoulder, his flaff of office in his hand, and the glittering collar of the order about his neck, while the other members bore each in his hand a difh loaded and fmokino: with fome part of the delicious rcpaft. A ceremony of a Ibmewhat fimilar character Avas obferved at the brin^ine: in of the fruit. At the clofe of the day, when the lafl: meal had been ferved, and grace had been faid, the mafter formally com- pleted his official duty by placing the collar of the order upon the neck of his fucceffor, at the fame time prefenting to him a cup of wine, in which the two drank to each oth- er's health and happinefs. Thefe ceremonies were generally witneffed by thirty or forty favages, men, women, boys, and girls, who gazed in refpeclful admiration, not to fay awe, upon this exhibition of European civilization. When Mem- bertou,^'^ the venerable chief of the tribe, or other fagamores were ^^ Membertou. See Pierre Biarcl's account of his death in 1611. Relations des Jiftiites. Quebec ed., Vol. I. p. 32. 10 iAwi>^ifltoli^^i>S M AM I 1'! y" ■' tl I ! ; » I. 1 ( ii J t i i i »j ■' . ■ 'W \ 1^ > • i f 74 Meviou of 1607. f 1 1 1 \ ■' i !f i ■ V i 1 y ■[ ■ 'iilf ^i, ' : i t v- \ H were prefent, they were invited to a feat at the table, while bread was gratuitoufly dillributed to the refl. When the winter had paffed, which proved to be an ex- ceedingly mild one, all was aflir in the little colony. The preparation of the foil, both in the gardens and in the larger fields, for the fpring fowing, created an agreeable excitement and healthy activity. On the 24th May, in the midll of thefe agricultural enter- prifes, a boat arri\'ed in the bay, in charge of a young man from St. Malo, named Chevalier, who had come out in com- mand of the " Jonas," which he had left at Canfeau engaged in fifhing for the purpofe of making up a return cargo of that commodity. Chevalier brought two items of intelligence of great intereft to the colonics, but differing widely in their character. The one was the birth of a French j)rince, the Duke of Orleans; the other, that the company of De Monts had been broken up, his monopoly of the fur-trade with- drawn, and his colony ordered to return to France. The birth of a prince demanded expreffions of joy, and the event was loyally celebrated by bonfires and a Te Deum. It was, however, giving a fong when they would gladly have hung their harps upon the willows. While the fcheme of De Monts's colonial enterprife was defective, containing in itfelf a principle which mufl fooner or later work its ruin, the difappointment occafioned by its fudden termination was none the lefs painful and humiliating. The monopoly on which it was bafed could only be main- tained by a degree of feverity and apparent injuflice, which always creates enemies and engenders ftrife. The feizure and confifcation of feveral fliips with their valuable cargoes on y';^^ -.::?^.'-.'a_gip "■■,v 1607. Samuel dc Chaviplain. 75 on tlie fliorcs of Nova Scotia, had. awakened a perfonal hof- tility in influential circles in France, and the lufferers were able, in turn, to llrike 1)ack a daniaL^ing blow upon the author of their loffes. They eaiily and perhaps juflly rcpre- fented tliat the monopoly of the fur-trade fecured to De Monts was lapping the national commerce and diverting to perfonal emolument revenues that properly belonged to the Hate. To an impoverilhed Ibvereign with an empty trcaf- ury this appeal was irrefillible. The lacrednefs of the king's commilTion and the lofs to the patentee of tlie property al- ready embarked in the enterprile had no weight in the royal Icales. De Monts's privilege was revoked, with the tantalizing lalvo of fix Hiouiand livres in remuneration, to be collected at his own expcnic from unproductive fources. Under thcfe circumftances, no money for the payment of tjie workmen or provifions for the coming winter had been fent out, and De Poutrincourt, with great reluctance, pro- ceeded to break up the ellablilhment. The goods and utenfils, as well as fpecimens of the grain which they had raifed, were to be carefully packed and fent round to the harbor of Canfeau, to be Ihipped by the " Jonas," together with the whole body of the colonics, as foon as fhe lliould have received her cargo of filli. While thefe preparations were in progrefs, two excurfions were made ; one towards the weft, and another northearterly towards the head of the Bay of Fundy. Lefcarbot accom- panied the former, paffmg feveral days at St. John and the illand of .St. Croix, which was the wefterly limit of his ex- plorations and perfonal knowledge of the American coaft. The other excurfion was conducted by De Poutrincourt, accompanied ' « ! ts' w Si w I I . ,1 {. . I ' \ Si )! II; u 76 Mcjnoir of 1G07. accompanied by Cliamplain, tlic objc6t of which was to Icarch for ores of the precious metals, a fpecies of wealth earneftly coveted and overv^alued at the court of France. They failed along the northern fhores of Nova Scotia, en- tered Mines Channel, and anchored off Cape Fendu, now Anglicifed into the uneuphonious name of Cape Split. De Poutrincourt landed on this headland, and afcended a fteep and lofty fummit which is not lefs than four hundred feet in height. Mofs feveral feet in thicknefs, the growth of centuries, had gathered upon it, and, when he flood upon the pinnacle, it yielded and trembled like gelatine under his feet. He found himfelf in a critical fituation. From this giddy and unffable height he liad neither the Ikill or courage to return. After much anxietv, he was at lensjth refcued by fome of his more nimble failors, who managed to put a hawfer over the fummit, by means of which he fafely defcended. They named it Cap dc Poutrincourt, They proceeded as far as the head of the IJafm of Mines, but their fearch for mineral wealth was fruitlefs, beyond a few meagre fpccimens of copper. Their labors were chiefly rewarded by the difcovery of a mofs-covered crofs in the lafl; ftages of decay, the relic of fifliermen, or other Chrillian mariners, who had, years before, been upon the coaft. The exploring parties having returned to Port Royal, to their fettlement in what is now known as Annapolis Bafin, the bulk of the colonics departed in three barques for Can- feau, on the 30th of July, v»hile De Poutrincourt and Champlain, with a complement of failors, remained fome days longer, that they might take with them fpecimens of wheat ilill in the field and not yet entirely ripe. On t 1607. Samuel de Champlaiit. n On the I ith of Augufl; they likcwife bade adieu to Port Roya! amid the tears of the affembled lavages, with wliom they had lived in friciidlhip, and who were dilappointed and grieved at their departure. In paffing round tiie iKMiinlula of Nova Scotia in their Htlie ihallop, it was necelTary to keep clole in upiui the Ihore, which enabled Chaniplain, who had not before been upon the coail eafl of La Ilevc, to make a careful I'uwey {\\n\\ that point to Canleau, the rellilts of which are full) Uated in \\\^ notes, and delineated on bis map o( 1013. On the 3d of SeptemUjr, the " fonas," bearing away the lUlle French colony, failed out of the harbor of Canfeau, and, direftinj^' its courfe towards the fhores of France, ar- rived at Saint IVIalo on the ifl of October, [607. Chamjjlain's explorations on what may be itriclly called the Atlantic coalt of North America were now completed. He had landed at La I leve in Nova Scotia on the 8th of May, 1604, and had confequently been in the country three years and nearly four months. During this period he had carefully examined the whole (liore from Canfeau, the eaffcrn limit of Nova Scotia, to the Vineyard Sound on the fouth- ern boundaries of Mafiachufetts. This was the niofl: ample, accurate, and careful furvey of this region which was made during the w^hole period from the difcovery of the continent in 1497 down to the eftabliiliinent of the Hnglilh colony at Plymouth in 1620. A numerous train of navigators had paffed along the coafl of New England : Sebaflian Cabot, Ellevan Gomez, Jean Alfonfe, Andre Thevet, John Haw- kins, Bartholomew Gofnold, Martin Pring, George W^cy- mouth, Henry Hudfon, John Smith, and the reft, but the knowledge ,' i ;' - S'. 1 J S ^-^r^.f^^va^'iv^i'txi* 'iim \ I m 78 1 ilf^|iM' Memoir of 1607. kiiowlodcce of the coafl wliich \vc oljtain from IIilmti is ex- ceedinfjjly meagre and unfatisfaclory, efpecially as compared witli that containetl in the full, fpecific, and detailed deirrij)- tioiis, majis, and drawings left us by this dillinguilhed pio- neer in the lludy and illuflration uf the geography of the New England coalt." " Had tlie clilHni^uiflicil nnvitrntors who e.irly vilitfd the co.ills of Nortli America illulh-.ited their narratives by drawinjfs and maps, it would have a(l(ied greatly to their value. Caj)!. John Smiili's map, tiioiii^li in'cell'irily indcrniite and i;eneral. is indifpcnlahle to the fatisfactory lludy of his tlill more indefinite " Dei'eription of New Eny;- land.'' It is, perhaps, a hifficient aj)!)!- oijy for the vaiiuenefs of SmitlTs flatements, and therefore it out,dit to l)e borne in mind, tliat his work was origi- nally written, proliably, from memory, at leatt for the moll jiart, wiiile lie was a ])rifoner on board a French man-of- war in 161 5. This may bo inferred from the foliowins^ llatenient of Smith himfelf. In fpeakini; of the movement of the r>ench ileet, lie fays : '• Still we fj)cnt our time about the lies ncere Fyall : where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too nuicli meditation of my mifcrable ollate, I writ this dif- courfe." Vide Definition of Nciu Eni^r/and hy Capt. "John Smith, Lon- don. 16 16. While the defcriptions of our coafl, left by Champlain are invalua])Ie to the hillorian aiul cannot well be overelli- mated, the procefs of making thefe fur- vey.s, with his p.rofound love of fuch explorations and adventures, mult have given him great perfonal fatisfaction and enjoyment. It would be difficult to find any region of fimilar extent that could offer, on a fummer's excur- fion, fo much beauty to his eager and The critical eye as this. The following de- icription of the (lulf of Maine, which comprehends the m.ajor part of the field furveyefl by Champlain, thit lying be- tween the headlands of Ca|)e .Sai)le and Cape Cod, gives an excellent idea of the infinite variety and the unexjiectetl and marvellous beauties that are ever revealing themfelves to the voyager as he p.ilfes along our coafl : — •' This Ihoreland is alfo remarkable, being fo battered and frayed by lea and llorm, and worn perhaps by arctic cur- rents and glacier beds, that its natural t'ront of fome 250 miles is multiplied to an extent of not lefs than 2.500 miles of falt-water line ; while at an average dil>ance of about three miles from the mainland, flrclches a chain of outpolts confiding of more than three hundred illands, fragments of the main, flriking in their diverlity on the well ; low, wooded and gralty to the water's edge, and rifing eaflward through bolder types to the crowns and cliffs of Mount Defert and Quoddy Head, an advancing feries from beauiy to fublimity : and behind all thefe are deep bafins and broad river-mouths, affording conveni- ent and fpacious harbors, in many of which the navies of nations might fafely ride at anchor. . . . Kipecially attradlive was the region between the I'ifcataqua and Penobfcot. in its mar- vellous beauty of fliore and fea. of iflantl and inlet, of bay and river and harbor, furpaffing any other equally extenfive portion of the Atlantic coalt, and com- pared ifioy. Samuel de Champlain. 79 \^ Tlic winter of i6o7-S Champlain palled in France, wiiere he was pleafantly occnpied in focial recreations which wi'ie clpecially agreeable to him after an ablence of more than three years, and in recounting to eager lilleners his cxpiTi- cnces in the New World, lie took an early opportimil\' to lay before Monfieiir de Monts the relults of the explorations whicli he had made in La Cadie fince the departure of the latter from .Annaijolis l^aHn in the autumn of 1605, illullrat- ing his iiarrativc by maps and drawings which he had pre- pared of the bays and harbors on the coall; of Nova Scotia, New Brunfwick, and New England. While moft men would have been didieartcned by the op- pofition which he encountered, the mind of De Monts was, neverthelefs, rekindled by the recitals of Champlain with frclh zeal in the enterprife which he had undertaken. The vifion of building up a vafl territoiial ellablilhment, contem- plated by his charter of 1604, with his own jxM-fonal aggran- dizement and that of his familv, had undoubtedlv vanilhed. But he clung, neverthelefs, with extraordinary tenacity to his original purpofe of planting a colony in the New World. This he refolved to do in the face of many obllacles, and notwithftanding the withdrawment cf the royal jjrotection and bounty. The generous heart of Henry IV. was by no means infenfible to the merits of his faithful fubjecl, and, on his folicitation, he granted to him letters-patent for the ex- clufive right of trade in America, but for the fpace only of a fmgle year. With this fmall boon from the royal hand, I)e Monts haflcned to fit out two veffels for the expedition. One pared hy travellers earliefl: and latefl, Hi/?i>ry, by Jofluia L. Chamberlain, with the famed archipelago of the LL. I)., Prefident of Bowdoin College, ^gean." Vide Maine, Her Place in Augulla, 1877, pp. 4-5. I ( , ; . \ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. ,^ A^<^ I 1.0 I.I 1.25 1^ 12.8 |50 "*^ - 1^ IIIIM IIIM IIIIIM 1.4 1.6 6' Photographic Sciences Corpomtion •^^ I'V ^qv \\ % .V <*.. ^N 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 i^. I I h h I t I t I' If J!r' 80 Memoir of i6o8. One was to be commanded by Pont Grave, who was to de- vote his undivided attention to trade with the Indians for furs and peltry ; the other was to convey men and material for a colonial plantation. Champlain, whofe energy, zeal, and prudence had im- preffed them lei ves upon the mind of De Monts, was ap- pointed lieutenant of the expedition, and intruded with the civil adminiftration, having a fufficient number of men for all needed defence againft favage intruders, Bafque fiflier men, or interloping fur-traders. On the 13th of April, 1608, Champlain left the port of Honfleur, and arrived at the harbor of TadoufTac on the 3d of June. Here he found Pont Grave, who had preceded him by a few days in the voyage, in trouble with a Balque fur-trader. The latter had perfifted in carrying on his traffic, notwithftanding the royal commiffion to the contrary, and had fucceeded in difabling Pont Grave, who had but little powe • of refiftance, killing one of his men, ferioufly wound- ing Pont Grave himfelf, as well as feveral others, and had forcibly taken poffeffion of his whole armament. When Champlain had made full inquiries into all the cir- cumflances, he faw clearly that the difficulty mufl be com- promiled ; that the exercife of force in overcoming the intruding Bafque would effe6lually break up his plans for the year, and bring utter and final ruin upon his undertaking. He wifely decided to pocket the infi.ilt, and let juftice fium- ber for the prefent. He confequently required the Bafque, who began to fee more clearly the illegality of his courfe, to enter into a written agreement with Pont Grave that neither fhould interfere with the other while they remained in the country, -Isi.,-::, i6o8. Saimtel de Clunn^ lain. 8i country, and that they fliould leave their differences to be fettled in the courts on their return to France. Having thus poured oil upon the troubled waters, Cham- plain proceeded to carry out his plans for the location and cftablKhmcnt of his colony. The difficult navigation of the St. Lawrence above Tadouffac was well known to him. The dangers of its numberlels rocks, land-bars, and flu6lu- ating channels had been made familiar to him by the voyage of 1603. He determined, therefore, to leave his veffel in the harbor of Tadouffac, and conffrucl a fmall barque of twelve or fourteen tons, in which to afcend the river and fix upon a place of fettlement. While the work was in progrefs, Champlain reconnoitred the neighborhood, collecting much geographical information from the Indians relating to Lake St. John and a tradi :on- ary fait fea far to the north, exploring the Saguenay for forne diffance, of which he has given us a defcription fo accurate and fo carefully drawn that it needs little revifion after the lapfe of two hundred ar d feventy years. On the laft of June, the barque was completed, and Cham- plain, with a complement of men and material, took his departure. As he glided along in his little craft, he was exhilarated by the fragrance of the atmofphere, the bright coloring of the foliage, the bold, picturefque fcenery that conftantly revealed itfelf on both fides of the river. The lofty mountains, the expanding valleys, the luxuriant forefts, the bold headlands, the enchanting little bays and inlets, and the numerous tributaries burfting into the broad waters of the St. Lawrence, were all carefully examined and noted in his journal. The expedition feemed more like a holiday excurfion M ' II J0I 82 Memoir of 1608. %H ^ '\ 'S if \ cxcurfion than the grave prelude to the founding of a city to be renowned in the hiftory of the continent. On tlie fourth day, they approached the lite of the prefcnt city of Quebec. The expanle of the river had hitherto been from eight to thirteen miles. Here a lofty headland, ap- proaching from the interior, advances upon the river and forces it into a narrow channel of three-fourths of a mile in width. The river St. Charles, a fmall flream flowing from the northweft, uniting here with the St. Lawrence, forms a bafm below the promontory, fpreading out two miles in one direction and four in another. The rocky headland, jutting out upon the river, rifes up nearly perpendicularly, and to a height of three hundred and forty-five feet, commanding from its fummit a view of water, foreft and mountain of lur- paffing grandeur and beauty. A narrow belt of fertile land formed by the crumbling debris of ages, ftretches along be- tween the water's edge and the bafe of the precipice, and was then covered with a luxurious growth of nut-trees. The magnificent bafin below, the prote6ling wall of the headland in the rear, the deep water of the river in front, rendered this fpot peculiarly attra(5live. Here on this narrow plateau, Champlain refolved to place his fettlement, and forthwith began the work of felling trees, excavating cellars, and con- llrucling houfes. On the 3d day of July, 1608, Champlain laid the founda- tion of Quebec. The name which he gave to it had been applied to it by the favages long before. It is derived from the Algonquin word quebio, or quebec, fignifying a narrow- ing, and was defcriptive of the form which the river takes at that place, to which we have already referred. A •■•*s'^ 1608. % Savmel de Cha^nplain. 83 A few days after their arrival, an event occurred of exciting intercft to Champlain and his Httle colony. One of their number, Jean du Val, an abandoned wretch, who poffeffed a large fliare of that ftrange magnetic power which fome men have over the minds of others, had fo ikilfully pradlifed upon the credulity of his comrades that he had dravv'n them all into a fcheme which, afide from its atrocity, was weak and ill- contrived at every point. It was nothing lefs than a plan to alTaffinate Champlain, feize the property belonging to the ex- pedition, and fell it to the Bafque fur-traders at Tadouffac, under the hallucination that they fhould be enriched by the pillage. They had even entered into a folemn compact, and whoever revealed the fecret was to be vifited by inftant death. Their purpole was to feize Champlain in an unguarded mo- ment and ftrangle him, or to (hoot him in the confufion of a falfe alarm to be raifed in the night by themfelves. But before the plan was fully ripe for execution, a barque unex- pededly arrived from Tadouffac with an inftalment of uten- fils and provifions for the colony. One of the men, Antoinc Natel, who had entered into the confpiracy with relu61ance, and had been retrained from a difclofure by fear, fummoned courage to reveal the plot to the pilot of the boat, firft fecur- ing from him the affurance that he fhould be fhielded from •the vengeance of his fellow-confpirators. The fecret was forthwith made known to Champlain, who, by a flroke of fineffe, placed himfelf beyond danger before he flept. At his fuggeflion, the four leading fpirits of the plot were in- vited by one of the failors to a focial repafl or: the barque, at which two bottles of wine which he pretended had been given him at Tadouffac were to be uncorked. In the midft of n < I Ji ii . ■«t:-i«if*>'» s *.-e.-^*-->^ '-Wai-M'.^ 8+ Mefnoir of 1608. of the feftivities, the " four worthy heads of the confpiracy," as Champlain fatirically calls them, were fuddenly clapped into irons. It was now late in the evening, but Champlain never- thelels fummoned all the refl of the men into his prefence, and offered them a full pardon, on condition that they would dilclofe the whole Icheme and the motives which had induced them to engage in it. This they were eager to do, as they now began to comprehend the dangerous compact into which they had entered, and the peril which threatened their own lives. Thefe preliminary invefligations rendered it obvious to Champlain that grave confequences mufl follow, and he therefore proceeded with great caution. The next day, he took the depofitions of the pardoned men, carefully reducing them to writing. He then departed for Tadouffac, taking the four confpirators with him. On confultation, he decided to leave them there, where they could be more fafely guarded until Pont Grave and the principal men of the expedition could return with them to Quebec, where he propofed to give them a more public and formal trial. This was accordingly done. The prifoners were duly confronted with the witneffes. They denied nothing, but freely admitted their guilt. With the advice and concurrence of Pont Grave, the pilot, furgeon, mate, boatfvvain, and others, Champlain condemned the four con- fpirators to be hung ; three of them, however, to be fent home for a confirmation or revifion of their fentence by the authorities in France, while the fentence of Jean Du Val, the arch-plotter of the malicious fcheme, was duly executed in their prefence, with all the folemn forms and ceremonies ufual on fuch occafions. Agreeably to a cuflom of that period, i6o8. Samuel de Champlain, 8s period, the ghaftly head of Du Val was elevated on tlic highefl pinnacle of the fort at Quebec, looking down and uttering its filent warning to the bufy colonics below; the grim fignal to all beholders, that "the way of the tranfgrelTor is hard." The cataflrophe, had not the plot been nipped in the bud, would have been fare to take place. The final purpofe of the confpirators might not have been realized ; it mufl have been defeated at a later flage ; but the hand of Du Val, prompted by a malignant nature, was nerved to flrike a fatal blow, and the life of Champlain would have been facri- ficed at the opening of the tragic fcene. The punifliment of Du Val, in its characfler and degree, was not only agreeable to the civil policy of the age, but was neceffary for the prote6lion of life and the maintenance of order and difcipline in the colony. A confpiracy on land, under the prefent circumftances, was as dangerous as a mu- tiny at fea ; and the calm, careful, and dignified procedure of Champlain in firmly vifiting upon the criminal a fevere though merited punifliment, reveals the wifdom, prudence, and humanity which were prominent elements in his mental and moral conftitution. CHAPTER VI. M. 1(1* TeiilSW*-! A 1 1 ', ■ 1; :i I.! 'A \ !• 1 1 I i I i! , 1 ! 86 Memoir of i6o3. CHAPTER VI. Ekf.ctiom of Buildings at Ol'kkfx. — Tiik Scurvy and the Starving Savaof.s. — DiscovKKY OF Lakk Chami'lain, and the Uattle at.Ti- CONDEROGA. — CRUELTHCS INFLICTED f)N PRISONERS OF WaR, AND THE Festival after V'ktokv. — Cha.mi'Lain's Ki.tukn to France and his Interview WITH Henry IV. — \'()VA(iE to New France and Plans of Disccjvery. — Battle WITH the Iroquois near the Mouth of the Richelieu. — Repair of Buildings at (juehec. — News of the As- sassination OF Henry IV. — Cha.mi'lain's Return to France and his Contract of Marriage. — Voyage to (^uicuec in i6h. N the 1 8th of September, i6o8, Pont Grave, having obtained his cargo of furs and peltry, failed for France. The autumn was fully occupied by Cham- plain and his little band of colonifts in complet- ing the buildings and in making fuch other provifions as were needed againfl the rigors of the approaching winter. From the forefl: trees beams were hewed into fliape with the axe, boards and plank were cut from the green wood with the faw, walls were reared from the rough ftones gathered at the bafe of the cliff, and plots of land were cleared near the fettlement, where wheat and rye were fown and grape- vines planted, which fuccefsfully tefted the good qualities of the foil and climate. Three lodging-houfes were ere6led on the northwefl angle formed by the jundlion of the prefent ftreets St. Peter and Sous le Fort, near or on the fite of the Church of Notre Dame. Adjoining, was a ftore-houfe. The whole was fur- rounded by a moat fifteen feet wide and fix feet deep, thus giving ■mm mtmc^t . i6o8. Savmcl de Chaviplain, 87 giving the fcttlcmcnt the cliaracflcr of a fort ; a wife precau- tion aijainll a fudcien attack of tiie treacherous favaiies.''* At length the funny J.ays of autumn were gone, and tlie winter, with its fierce winds and its penetrating frolls and deep banks of fnow, was ujion theni. Little occupation could be furniflied for tiie twenty-eight men that compofed the colony. Their idlenefs foon brought a defj)ondency that hung like a pall upon their fjjirits. In I'"ebruary, difeafe made its approach. It had not been expecled. Every de- fence »v'ithin their knowledge iiad been provided againfl it. Their houfes were clofely fealed and warm ; their clothuig was abundant ; their food nutritious and plenty. But a diet too cxclufively of fait meat had, notwithflanding, in the opin- ion of Champlain, and we may add the want, probably, of exercife and the prefence of bad air, induced the mal dc la tcrrc or fcurvy, and it made fearful havoc with 'lis men. Twenty, five out of each feven of their whole number, had been carried to their graves before the middle oi April, and half of the remaining eight had been attacked by the loathfome fcourge. While the mind of Champlain was oppreffed by the fuf- fering and death that were at all times prefent in their abode, his fympathies were fiill further taxed by the condition of the favages, who gathered in great numbers about the fettle- ment, in the mofl abjed mifery and in the lafl ilages of flarvation. As Champlain could only furnifh them, from his limited flores, temporary and partial relief, it was the more painful to fee them flowly dragging their feeble frames about in " Tlie fituation of Quebec and an may I)e feen by reference to Vol II. pp. engraved reprefentation of the buildings 175, 183. ■W. J . ■ t: \ li fl -^mmmm^' tl f , I I i '1 Ml I 88 Mevioir of 1609. in the fnow, gathering up and devouring with avidity dif- cardcd meat in which the procefs of decompofition was far advanced, and which was already too potent with the flench of decay to be approached by his men. Beyond the ravages of difeafe ^'^ and the flarving Indians, Champlain adds nothing more to complete the gloomy pic- ture of his firft winter in Quebec. The gales of wind that fwept round the wall of precipice that protected them in the rear, the drifts of fnow that were piled up in frclh inftal- ments with every florm about their dwelling, the biting frofl, more piercing and benumbing than they had ever experi- enced before, the unceafmg groans of the fick within, the femi-weekly proceffion bearing one after another of their diminifliing numbers to the grave, the myftery that hung over the difeafe, and the impotency of all remedies, we know were prominent features in the pi(fturc. But the imagina- tion feeks in vain for more than a fingle circumftance that could throw upon it a beam of modifying and foftening light, and that was the prefence of the brave Champlain, who bore all without a murmur, and, we may be fure, without a throb of unmanly fear or a fenfation of cowardly difcontent. But the winter, as all winters do, at length melted reluc- tantly away, and the fpring came with its verdure and its new life. The fpirits of the little remnant of a colony be- gan to revive. Eight of the twenty-eight with which the winter began were ftill furviving. Four had efcaped attack, and four were rejoicing convalefcents. On the 5th of June, news came that Pont Grave had ar- rived from France, and was then at Tadouffac, whither Champlain 5^ Scurvy, or mal de la terre. — Vide Vol. II. note 105. i6o9- Satnuel de Chaniplain, 89 Champlain immediately repaired to confer with liim, and particLila-ly to make arrangements at the earlieft poffible moment for an cxi)k)rinu; expedition into the interior, an un- dertaking which Do IMonts had enjoined upon him, and which was not only agreeable to his own willies, but was a kind of enterprife which had been a paffion with him from his youth. In anticipation of a tour of exploration during the ap- proaching fummer, Champlain had already afcertained from the Indians that, lying far to the fouthweft, was an extenfive lake, famous among the favages, containing many fair iflands, and furrounded by a beautiful and produdlive country. Having exprelTed a defire to vifit this region, the Indians readily offered to acl as guides, provided, neverthelefs, that he would aid them in a warlike raid upon their enemies, the Iroquois, the tribe known to us as the Mohawks, whofe homes were beyond the lake in queftion. Champlain without hefitation acceded to the condition exaded, but with little appreciation, as we confidently believe, of the bitter confe- quences that were deftined to follow the alliance thus inau- gurated ; from which, in after years, it was inexpedient, if not impolTible, to recede. Having fitted out a fliallop, Champlain left Quebec on his tour of exploration on the i8th of June, 1609, with eleven men, together with a party of Montagnais, a tribe of Indi- ans who, in their hunting and fifhing excurfions, roamed over an indefinite region on the north fide of the St. Law- rence but whofe headquarters were at Tadouffac. After afcending the St. Lawrence about fixty miles, he came upon an encampment of two hundred or three hundred favages, Hurons 12 It n : I It ! 1 ! .III ' ' 90 Memoir of 1609. Hurons*" and Algonqulns, the former dwelling on the bor- ders of the lake of the fame name, the latter on the upper waters of the Ottawa. They had learned fomething of the French from a ion of one of their chiefs, who had been at Quebec the preceding autumn, and were now on their way to enter into an alliance with the French againfl the Iroquois. After formal negotiations and a return to Que- bec to vifit the French fettlement and witnefs the effe6l of their firearms, of which they had heard and which greatly excited their curiofity, and after the ufual ceremonies of feaft- ing and dancing, the whole party proceeded up the river until they reached the mouth of the Richelieu. Here they remained two days, as guefts of the Indians, feafting upon fifh, venifon, and water-fowl. While thefe feftivities were in progrefs, a difagreement arofe among the favages, and the bulk of them, including the women, returned to their homes. Sixty warriors, how- ever, fome from each of the three allied tribes, proceeded up the Richelieu with Champlain. At the Falls of Chambly, finding it impoflible for the fliallop to pafs them, he diredled the pilot to return with it to Quebec, leaving only two men from the crew to accompany him on the remainder of the expedition. From this point, Champlain and his two brave companions entrufled themfelves to the birch canoe of the favages. For a fliort diftance, the canoes, twenty-four in all, were *° Hurons. " TV. e word Huron comes from the French, who feeing thefe Indi- ans with the hair cut very fhort, and (landing up in a ftrange fafliion, giving them a fearful air, cried out, the firf them Hurons." — Charlevoix's His. New France, Shea's Trans. Vol. II, p. 71. Vide Relations des Jifuites, Que- bec ed. Vol. I. 1639, p. 51 ; alfo note 321, Vol. II. of this work, for brief time they faw them, Quelle hiires / notice of the Algonquins and other what boars' heads ! and fo got to call tribes. ■|iiin|i Samuel de Champlain, 93 I both fides the whizzing arrows filled the air. The two French arquebufiers, from their ambufcadc in the thicket, immediately attacked in flank, pouring a deadly fire upon the enemy's right. The explofion of the firearms, altogether new to the Iroquois, the fatal effe6ls that inltantly followed, their chiefs lying dead at their feet and others faff falling, threw them into a tumultuous panic. They at once aban- doned every thing, arms, provifions, boats, and camp, and without any impediment, the naked favages fled through the forefl with the flectnefs of the terrified deer. Champlain and his allies purfued them a mile and a half, or to the firfl fall in the little llream that connects Lake Champlain ^' and The vidory was complc e. The allies irathered Lake George.^^ *- This lake, difcovered and explored b}' Champlain. is ninety miles in length. Through its centre runs the boundary line between the State of New York and that of Vermont. From its difcov- ery to the prefent time it has appro- priately borne the honored name of Champlain. For its Indian name, Caniadcrii:;ua?unte, fee Vol. II. note 349. According to Mr. Shea the Mo- hawk name of Lake Champlain is Cani- atas^aronte. — l^ide Shears Charlevoix^ Vol. II. p. 18. Lake Champlain and the Hudfon River were both difcovered the fame year, and were feverally named after the diftinguirtied navigators by whom they were explored. Champlain com- pleted his explorations at Ticonderoga, on tlie 30th of July, 1609, and Hudibn reached the higheit point made by him on the river, near Albany, on tlie 22d of September of the fame year. — / Ide Vol. II. p. 219. Alfo The Third Voym^e of Majier Henry Hudfon. written i)y Rob- ert I vet of Lime-houfe, Collcnions of New York His. Society, Vol. I. p. 140. "^ Lake George. The Jcfuit Father, Ifaac Jogues, having been fummoned in l64Ci to vilit the Moiiawks, to attend to the formalities of ratifying a treaty of peace which h.ad Ijeen cc'icluded with them, paffing by canoe up the Riche- lieu, through Lake Cham])lain, and ar- riving at the end of Lake ("icorgeon the 29th of May, the eve of Cor|)US Chrilli, a feltival celebrated by the Roman Cluirch on the Thurfday after Trinity Sunday, in honor of the Holy Eucha- rift or the Lord's Supper, named this lake Lac nu Saint SAnu-MiAX. The following is from the Jefuit Relation of 1646 by Pere Hierofme Lalemant. lis arriuerent la veille du S. .Sacrement au bout du lac qui efl ioint au grand lac de Champlain. Les Iroquois le nomment Andiatarocte, comme qui diroit, la oil le lac fe ferme. Le Pere Ic nomma le lac du S. Sacrement. — Relations des Jefuites, ()uebec ed. Vol. II. 1646, p. 15' Two important facts are here made perfectly |)iain ; viz. tliat the original In- dian name of the lake was AndiatarociiK and I .»; t I) •' ;*; i . ilii iWr w?»=5 94 Memoir of 1609. \\ 'I % Wi \% I :1 1 gathered at the fcene of conflict, danced and fang in tri- umph, colleded and appropriated the abandoned armor, feafled on the provifions left by the Iroquois, and, within three hours, with ten or twelve prifoners, were faihng down the lake on their homeward voyage. After they had rowed about eight leagues, according to Champlain's eftimate, they encamped lor the night. A pre- vailing charadleriflic of the favages on the eaflern coaft, in the early hiflory of America, was the barbarous cruelties which they inflicted upon their prifoners of war.'^'* They did not depart from their ufual cuftom in the prefent in- flance. Having kindled a fire, they felected a victim, and proceeded to excoriate his back with red-hot burning brands, and to apply live coals to the ends of his fingers, where they would and that the French named it Lac du Saint Sacrcjnent becaufe they arrived on its fliores on the eve of the fellival celebrated in honor of th: Eucharill or the Lord's Supper. Notwithftandino; this very plain Itatement, it has been affirmed without any hiftorical founda- tion whatever, that the original Indian name of this lake was Horican, and that the Jefuit miffionaries, having felefted it for the typical puriiication of baptifm on account of its limpid waters, nam.ed it Lac du Saint Sacrcment. This per- verfion of hiftory originated in the ex- traordinary declaration of Mr. James Fenimore Cooper, in his novel entitled "The Laft of the Mohicans," in which thefe two erroneous flatements are given as veritable hiflory. This new difcovery by Cooper was heralded by the public journals, fcholars were deceived, and the bold impcfition was fo fuccefsful that it was even intr duced into a merito- rious poem in whic the Horican of the ancient tribes and he baptifmal waters of the limpid lake are handled with (kill and effeft. Twenty-five years after the writing of his novel, Mr. Cooper's confcience began ferioufly to trouble him, and he publicly confelTed, in a preface to " The Laftof tlie Mohicans," that the name Horican had been firft applied to the lake by himfelf, and with- out any hiflorical authority. He is fdent as to the reafon he had afllgned for the French name of the lake, which was probably an affumption growing out of his ignorance of its meaning. — Vide The Lajl of The .^fohicansy by J. Fen- imore Cooper, Gregory's ed., New York, 1864, pp. ix-x and 12. "* " There are certain general cuftoms which mark the California Indians, as, the non-ufe of torture on prifoners of war," (S:c. — Vide The Tribes of Califor- nia, by Stejihen Powers, in Contribu- tions to North American Ethno/ot;y, Vol. III. p. 15. Tribes of IVafJiint^ton and Oregon, by George Gibbs, idem, Vol. I. p. 192. lVI V „!,Hi*»w--wW*,t .'rf,;,^uvtiW P*IM«U|«r4 i6o9* Samziel de Champ lain. 95 . would give the mofl: exquifite pain. They tore out his finger-nails, and, with (liarp (livers of wood, pierced his wrifls and rudely forced out the quivering finews. They flayed off the fkin from the top of his head,*^^ and poured upon the bleeding wound a flream of boiling melted gum. Chamjilain remonflrated i.i vain. The piteous cries of the poor, tormented vi6tim excited his unavailing compaffion, and he turned away in anger and dilgufl. At length, when thele inhuman tortures had been carried as far as they defired, Champlain was per- mitted, at his earnefl requeft, with a mufket-fliot to put an end to his fufferings. But this was not the termination of the horrid performance. The dead victim was hacked in pieces, his heart fevered into parts, and the furviving prifon- ers were ordered to eat it. This was too revoltinc: to their nature, degraded as it was ; they were forced, however, to take it into their mouths, but they would do no more, and their guard of more compaffionate Algonquins allowed them to cafl it into the lake. This exhibition of favage cruelty was not extraordinary, but according to their ufual cuftom. It was equalled, and, if poffible, even furpaffed, in the treatment of captives generally ^ " It has been erroneoufly afTerted that the praftice of fcalping did not prevail among the Indians before the advent of Europeans. In 1535. Cartier faw five fcalps at Quebec, dried and ftretched on hoops. In 1564, Laudon- ni^re faw them among the Indians of Florida. The Algonquins of New Eng- land and Nova Scotia were accuflomed to cut off and carry away the head, which they afterwards fcalped. Thofe of Canada, it feems, fometimes fcalped the dead bodies on the field. The Al- gonquin praftice of carrying off heads as trophies is mentioned by Lalemant, Roger Williams, Lefcarbot. and Cham- plain.'' — I'icie Pioneers of France in the New World, by Francis J'arkman, Boston, 1874, p. 322. The pra6lice of the tribes on the Pacific coafl is differ- ent. " In war they do not take fcalps, but decapitate the fiain and bring in the heads as trophies." — Contributions to Am. Ethnology, by Stephen Powers, Wafliington, i'b77, Vol. III. pp.21, 221. I'ide \'ol. I. p. 192. The Yuki are an exception. Vol. III. p. 129. . \\ \ wmm 'i*- \\ ' 1 "1 !!11 I il i^ 96 Memoir of 1609. generally, and efpecially of the Jefuit mifTionaries in after 66 years When the party arrived at the Falls of Chambly, the Hu- rons and Algonquins left the river, in order to reach their homes by a fliorter way, tranfporting their canoes and effects over land to the St. Lawrence near Montreal, while the reft continued their journey down the Richelieu and the St. Lawrence to Tadouffac, where their families were encamped, waiting to join in the ufual ceremonies and rejoicings after a great victory. When the returning warriors approached Tadouffac, they hung aloft on the prow of their canoes the fcalped heads of thofe whom they had flain, decorated with beads which they had begged from the French for this purpofe, and with a favage grace prefented thefe ghaftly trophies to their wives and daughters, who, laying afide their garments, eagerly fwam out to obtain the precious mementoes, which they hung about their necks and bore rejoicing to the fliore, where they further teftified their fatisfadion by dancing and fmging. After a few days, Champlain repaired to Quebec, and early in September decided to return with Pont Grave to France. All arrangements were fpeedily made for that purpofe. Fif- teen men were left to pafs the winter at Quebec, in charge of Captain Pierre Chavin of Dieppe. On the 5th of Sep- tember they failed from Tadouffac, and, lingering fome days at Ifle Perce, arrived at Honfleur on the 13th of 06lober, 1609. Champlain " For an account of the fuffi^rings of Hi/lory of Catholic Miffions, by John Br^beuf, Lalemant, and Jogues, fee Gilmary Shea, pp. 188, 189, 217. i ,:£iSSX-:^il^e^:ih^i!u:S.z^^^,-V3:.*,m-.S mei 1609. Sa7miel de Champlam. Champlain haftened immediately to Fontainebleau, to make a detailed report of his proceedings to Sieur de Monts, who was there in official attendance upon the king.*^' On this occafion he fought an audience alfo with Henry IV., who had been his friend and patron from the time of his firfl voyage to Canada in 1603. In addition to the new difcov- eries and obfervations which he detailed to him, he exhib- ited a belt curioufly wrought and inlaid with porcupine-quills, the work of the favages, which cfpecially drew forth the king's admiration. He alfo prefented two fpecimens of the fcarlet tanager, Pyranga rubra, a bird of great brilliancy of plumage and peculiar to this continent, and likewife the head of a gar-pike, a fifli of fingular characleriflics, then known only in the waters of Lake Champlain.^^ At this time De Monts was urgently feeking a renewal of his commiffion for the monopoly of the fur-trade. In this Champlain was deeply interefled. But to this monopoly a powerful oppofition arofe, and all efforts at renewal proved utterly fruitlefs. De Monts did not, however, aban- don the enterprife on which he had entered. Renewing his ens:a2:ements with the merchants of Rouen with whom he had already been affociated, he refolved to fend out in the early fpring, as a private enterprife and without any fpecial privileges or monopoly, two veffels w-ith the neceffary equip- ments for flrengthening his colony at Quebec and for carry- ing on trade as ufual with the Indians. Champlain was again appointed lientenant, charged with the ®^ He was gentleman in ordinary to the king's chamber. " Gentil-homme ordinaire de noftre Chambre." — Vule Cotnmijfion du Roy an Sieur de Monts, Hijloire de la Notivelle France, par Marc Lefcarbot, Paris, 1612, 432. ®^ Called by the Indians chaoufarou. For a full account of this cruftacean vide Vol. II. note 343. 13 -*&*•!•*.■!. 98 Memoir of 1610. ( I w Sr I-. i'i! i 4 1 v\ \ the government and management of the colony, with the expe6tation of paffing the next winter at Quebec, while Pont Grave, as he had been before, was fpecially entrufted with the commercial department of the expedition. They embarked at Honfleur, but were detained in the Englifh Channel by bad weather for fome days. In the mean t'-ne Champlain was taken ferioully ill, the veffel needed additional ballaft, and returned to port, and they did not finally put to fea till the 8th of April. They arrived at Tadouffac on the 26th of the fame month, in the year 16 10, and, two days later, failed for Quebec, where they found the commander. Captain Chavin, and the little colony all in ex- cellent health. The eflablifhment at Quebec, it is to be remembered, was now a private enterprife. It exifted by no chartered rights, it was proteded by no exclufive authority. There was con- fequently little encouragement for its enlargement beyond what was neceffary as a bafe of commercial operations. The limited cares of the colony left, therefore, to Champlain, a larger fcope for the exercife of his indomitable defire for ex- ploration and adventure. Explorations could not, however, be carried forward without the concurrence and guidance of the favages by whom he was immediately furrounded. Friendly relations exifled between the French and the united tribes of Montagnais, Hurons, and Algonquins, who occu- pied the northern fliores of the St. Lawrence and the great lakes. A burning hatred exifled between thefe tribes and the Iroquois, occupying the fouthern fhores of the fame river. A deadly warfare was their chief employment, and every fummer each party was engaged either in repelling an in- vafion ■Ml 'V MjMti'^iriiiiiBiyjiCfr.iOd m)S^^-^aiJtwi)iSk-MSS^4^ i6io. Samuel de Champlain. 99 vafion or in making one in the icrritory of the other. Thole friendly to Champlain were quite ready to a(5t as pio- neers in his explorations and difcoveries, but they expelled and demanded in return that he Ihould give them a6tive per- fonal affiftance in their wars. Influenced, doubtlels, by pol- icy, the fpirit of the age, and his early education in the civil conflicts of F"rance, Champlain did not hefitate to enter into an alliance and an exchange of lervices on thele terms. In the preceding year, two journeys into dillant regions had been planned for exploration and difcovery. One be- ginning at Three Rivers, was to furvey, under the guidance of the Montagnais, the river St. Maurice to its fource, and thence, by different channels and portages, reach Lake St. John, returning by the Saguenay, making in the circuit a diflance of not lefs than eight hundred miles. The other plan was to explore, under the direction of the Hurons and Algon- quins, the vaft country over which they were accuftomed to roam, paffmg up the Ottawa, and reaching in the end the region of the copper mines on Lake Superior, a journey not lefs than twice the extent of the former. Neither of thefe explorations could be undertaken the prefent year. Their importance, however, to the future pro- grefs of colonization in New France is fufi[iciently obvious. The purpofe of making thefe furveys fliows the breadth and wifdom of Champlain's views, and that hardfliips or dangers were not permitted to interfere with his patriotic fenfe of duty. Soon after his arrival at Q'lebec, the favages began to as- femble to engage in their ufual fummer's entertainment of making war upon the Iroquois. Sixty Montagnais, equipped in % I h- ' ^ ' i; iJHHI Hi. IJi i' P " 1 1 » .■ : - -.;---j» -Tf 7«i-j; ■ \ ■'% (•I : ii ,Ji "' 'it i 1:1 -' i I'] lOO Memoir of 1610. in their rude armor, were haftcning to the rendezvous which, by agreement made the year before, was to be at the mouth of the Riclielieu/"' Hither were to come the three alHed tribes, and pals together up this river into Lake Champlain, the "gate" or war-path through which thefe hoflile cLans were accuftomed to make their yearly pilgrimage to meet each other in deadly confli6t. Sending forward four barques for trading purpoles, Champlain repaired to the mouth of the Richelieu, and landed, in company with the Montagnais, on the Ifland St. Ignace, on the 19th of June. While prep- arations were making to receive their Algonquin allies from the region of the Ottawa, news came that they had already arrived, and that they had difcovered a hundred Iroquois ftrongly barricaded in a log fort, which they had haflily thrown together on the brink of the river not far diflant, and to cai^ture them the affiflance of all parties was needed without delay. Champlain, with four Frenchmen and the fixty IVIon- tagnais, left the ifland in hafle, paffed over to the mainland, where they left their canoes, and eagerly ruflied through the marfhy forell a diftance of two miles. Burdened with their heavy armor, half conlumed by mofquitoes which were fo thick that they were fcarcely able to breathe, covered with mud and water, they at length ftood before the Iroquois fort.^° It was a fl:ru(5lure of logs laid one upon another, braced and held together by pofls coupled by withes, and of the ufual circular form. It offered a good protection in favage war- fare. '* The mouth of the Richelieu was '"' Champlain's defcription does not the uiual place of meeting. In 1603, the enable us to identify the place of this allied tribes were there when Champlain battle with exadnefs. It will be ob- afiended the St. Lawrence. They had ferved, if we refer to his text, that, leav- a fort, which he defcribes. — Vide pojiea, ing the ifland of St. Ignace, and going p, 243. ^. half ^^^ aiiiTg,'! » w>-^vjjHaJVJj Bj iigt^.^iU><.a w^^ i6io. Samuel de Champlain, lOI fare. Even the French arquebus difcharged through the crevices did flow execution. It was obvious to Champlain that, to enfure vi6tory, the fort mull be dcmolifhed. Huge trees, fevered at the bafe, falling upon it, did not break it down. At length, directed by Champlain, the favages approached under their fhiclds, tore away the fupporting p fls, and thus made a breach, into which ruflied the infuriated befiegers, and in hot hafte fin- ifl^iCd their deadly work. Fifteen of the Iroquois were taken prifoners ; a few plunged into the river and were drowned ; the reft periflied by mufket-fhots, arrow-wounds, the toma- hawk, and the war-club. Of the allied favages three were killed and fifty wounded. Champlain himfelf did not efcape altocfether half a league, crofTing the river, they avenue tlirouc:h which the Iroquois landed, when they were plainly on the were accullomed to come, and tliey mainland near tiio mouth of the Kiche- would naturally encaniij here where lieu. They then went half n icaiiia\ they could choofe their own ground, and findiuii themfelves outrun by their ancl where their enemies were lure Indian guides and loll, they called to to approach them. If we refer to two favages, whom they faw going C'hamplain's illullration of J'ort t/vs through the woods, to guide them. Go- / ro// tio/s, Yo\. II. p. 241. we fliall ob- ing :i y/iorf ifl/?afui\ they were met by a ferve that the river is i)ictured as com- meflenger from the fcene of conflict, to paratively narrow, which could hardly urge them to haften forwards. Then, be a true rei)refentation if it were in- after going /e/s tlian an ct'i^/iih of a tended for the St. Lawrence. The ef- leao^iie, they were within the found of caping lroquoi.s are reprefented as the voices of the combatants at the fort, fwimming towards the right, which was Thefe diilances are eflimated without probably in the direclicn of their homes meafurement, and, of c.nirfe, are inex- on the fouth, the natural courfe of their a(5l : but, putting the ditlances men- retreat. The fliallop of Des Prairies, tioned altogether, the journey through who arrived late, is on the left of the the woods to the fort was apparently a fort, at the exact point where he would little more than two miles. Had they naturally difembark if he came uj) the followed the courfe of the rivef, the dif- Richelieu from the .St. Lawrence, from tance would probably have been fome- a iludy of the whole narrative, together what more : perhaps nearly three miles, with tiie map, we infer th;it the fort was Champlain does not pofitively fay that on the weltern hank of the Kiclielieu, the fort was on the Richelieu, but the between two and three miles from its whole narrative leaves no doubt that mouth. We are confident that its lo- fuch was the fact. This river was the cation cannot be more definitely fixed. m m !f: i I' If i M.I ; \ ■ ^.mmm --'. I02 Alemoir of 1610. altogether unharmed. An arrow, armed with a (harp point of (lone, pierced his ear and neck', which 1''^ drew out with his own hand. One of his companions received a fimilar wound in the arm. Tiie vidors fcalped the dead as ufual, ornamenting the prows of their canoes with the bleeding heads of their enemies, while they levered one of the bodies into quarters, to eat, as they alleged, in revenge. The canoes of the lavages and a French Ihallop having come to the fcene of this battle, all Ibon embarked and re- turned to the IHand of St. Ignacc. Here the allies, joined by eighty Huron warriors who had arrived too late to par- ticipate in the conflict, remained three days, celebrating their vidlory by dancing, fmging, and the adminiflration of the ufual punifhment upon their prifoners of war. This confiflcd in a variety of exquilitc tortures, fimilar to thofe inflicfled the year before, after the victory on Lake Cham- plain, horrible and fickening in all their features, and which need not be fpread upon thcfe pages. From thefe tortures Champlain would gladly have fnatched the poor wretches, had it been in his power, but in this matter the favages would brook no interference. There was a folitary excep- tion, however, in a fortunate young Iroquois who fell to him in the divifion of prifoners. He was treated with great kind- nefs, but it did not overcome his exceffive fear and diflruft, and he foon fought an opportunity and efcaped to his home.'' When the celebration of the vi(5lory had been completed, the Indians departed to their diftant abodes. Champlain, however, ■" For a full account of the Indian treatment of prifoners, vide antea, pp. 94, 95. Alfo Vol. II. pp. 224-227, 244-246. i6io. Sainted de Champlain, 103 however, before their clcparturc, very wifely entered into an agreement that they Ihould receive for the winter a young Frenchman who was anxious to learn their lan^uat^e, and, in return, he was himfclf to take a young Huron, at their fpecial requeft, to pafs the winter in Prance. This judicious arrangement, in which Champlain was deeply interefted and which he found fome difficulty in accomplilhing, proniifcd an important future advantage in extending the knowledge of both parties, and in ftrengthening on the foundation of perfonal experience th'.ir mutual confidence and friendlhip. After the departure of the Indians, Champlain returned to Quebec, and proceeded to put the buildings in repair and to fee that all neceffary arrangements were made for the fafety and comfort of the colony during the next winter. On the 4th of July, Des Marais, in charge of the veffel belonging to De Monts and his company, which had been left behind and had been expected foon to follow, arrived a!: Quebec, bringing the intelligence that a fmall revolution had taken place in Brouage, the home of Champlain, that the Proteflants had been expelled, and an additional guard of fol- diers had been placed in the garrifon. Des Marais alfo brought the ftartling news that Henry IV. had been affaffmated on the 14th of May. Champlain was penetrated by this an- nouncement with the deepeft forrow. He fully faw how great a public calamity had fallen upon his country. France haa loft, by an ignominious blow, one of her ableft and wifeft fovereigns, who had, by his marvellous power, gradually united and compared the great interefts of the nation, which had been fhattered and torn by half a century of civil con- flids and domeftic feuds. It was alfo to him a perfonal lofs. The \ I w , u .1 : I ■ ' : " ■"mSh - I04 Memoir of 1610. •! I [I ■• The king had taken a fpecial intereft in his undertakings, luid been his patron from the time of his firll voyage to New France in 1603, had fullained him by an annua! penfion, and on many occafions had Ihown by word and deed that he fully appreciated the great value of his explorations in his Ameri- can domains. It was difficult to fee how a lofs lb great both to his country and himfelf could be repaired. A cloud of doubt and uncertainty hung over the future. The condition of the company, likewife, under whole aufpices he was a6l- ing, prefented at this time no very encouraging features. The returns from the fur-trade had been fmall, owing to the lofs of the monopoly which the company had formerly en- joyed, and the exceffive competition which free-trade had Simulated. Only a limited attention had as yet been given to the cultivation of the foil. Garden vegetables had been placed in cultivation, together with fmall fields of Indian corn, wheat, rye, and barley. Thefe attempts at agriculture were doubtlefs experiments, while at the fame time they were ufeful in fupplementing the flores needed for the colony's confumption. Champlain's perfonal prefence was not required at Quebec during the winter, as no a6tive enterprife could be carried forward in that inclement feafon, and he decided, therefore, to return to France. The little colony now confifted of fix- teen men, which he placed in charge, daring his abfence, of Sieur Du Pare. He accordingly left Tadouffac on the 13th of Auguft, and arrived at Honfleur in France on the 27th of September, 16 10. During the autumn of this year, while refiding in Paris, Champlain became attached to Helene Boulle, the daughter of i6io. Savmel dc Chaviplain, I OS of Nicholas noulle, fccrctary of the king's chamber. She was at that time a mere child, and of too tender years to aft for herfclf, particularly in matters of fo j^reat importance as thofe which relate to marital relatioiis. However, ai^reeably to a cuftom not infrequent at that period, a marriaijje con- tra6l ^' was entered into on the 27th of December with her parents, in which, neverthelefs, it was (lipulated that the nuptials (hould not take place within at leaff two years from that date. The dowry of the future bride was fixed at fix thoufand livres tournois, three fourths of which were paid and receipted for by Champlain two days after the figning of the contradl. The marriage was afterward confummated, and Helen Boulle, as his wife, accompanied Champlain to Quebec, in 1620, as we fhall fee in the fequel. Notwithflanding the difcouragements of the preceding year and the fmall profpe6t of future fuccefs, De Monts and the merchants affociated with him Hill perfevered in fending an- other expedition, and Champlain left Honfleur for New France on the firfl day of March, 161 r. Unfortunately, the voyage had been undertaken too early in the feafon for thefe northern waters, and long before they reached the Grand Banks, they encountered ice-floes of the moft dangerous chara61er. Huge blocks of cryftal, towering two hundred feet above the furface of the water, floated at times near them, ^' Vide Contrat de mariage de Sa- muel de Champlain^ CEuvres de Chant- plain, Quebec ed. Vol. VI., Pikes Jujlificatives, p. 33. Among the early marriages not un- common at that period, the following are examples. C^far, the fon of Henry IV., was efpoufed by public ceremonies to the daughter of the Duke de Mer- cosur in 1598. The bridegroom was four years old and the bride-eleft had juft entered her fixth year. The great Condd, by the ursrency of his avaricious father, was unwillingly married at the age of twenty, to Claire Clemence de Maill^ Brdz^, the niece of Cardinal Richelieu, when fhe was but thirteen years of age. 14 m rl.'ti v.lj B>|tljWl>^l^ri»iyaii|Wy»ljj li ^^1 i6ii. Samuel de Champlain, 109 gonquin warriors, came to the rendezvous. They brought, however, but a fmall quantity of furs, which added Httle to the lucrative chara6ler of the fummer's trade. The reader will bear in mind that Champlain was not here merely as the fuperintendent and refponfible agent of a trading expedition. This was a fubordinate purpofe, and the refult of circumftances which his principal did not choofe, but into which he had been unwillingly forced. It was neceffary not to overlook this interefl in the prefent exigency, neverthelefs De Monts was fuftained by an ulterior purpofe of a far hiciher and nobler chara(51er. He flill entertained the hope that he fliould yet fecure a royal charter under which his alpirations for colonial enterprife fliould have full fcope, and that his ambition would be finally crowned with the fuccefs which he had fo long coveted, and for which he had fo affiduoufly labored. Champlain, who had been for many years the geographer of the king, who had carefully reported, as he advanced into unexplored regions, his furveys of the rivers, harbors, and lakes, and had given faithful de- fcriptions of the native inhabitants, knowledge abfolutely neceffary as a preliminary flep in laying the foundation of a French emj ire in America, did not for a moment lofe fight of this ulterior purpofe. Amid the commercial operations to which for the time being he was obliged to devote his chief attention, he tried in vain to induce the Indians to condudl an exploring party up the St. Maurice, and thus reach the headwaters of the Saguenay, a journey which had been planned two years before. They had excellent excufes to offer, and the undertaking was necelTarily deferred for the prefent. He, however, obtained much valuable information from ':. I i 1!''! ill:'- I ■ % 11 J^:^^ I > 1 1 ]■ i i i- Vi ■4 i. I 'Im ! I 10 Memoir of 1611. from them in converfatlons, in regard to the fource of the St. Lawrence, tlie topography of the country which they inhabited, and even drawings were executed by them to ilkiftrate to him other regions which they had perfonally vifited. On the 1 8th of July, Champlain left the rendezvous, and arrived at Quebec on the evening of the next day. Having ordered all ncceffary repairs at the fettlement, and, not unmindful of its adornment, planted rofe-buflies about it, and taking fpccimens of oak timber to exhibit in France, he left for Tadouffac, and finally for France on the nth of Auguft, and arrived at Rochelle on the i6th of Septem- ber, 161 1. Immediately on his arrival, Champlain repaired to the city of Pons, in Saintonge, of which De Monts was governor, and laid before him the fituation of his affairs at Quebec. De Monts flill clung to the hope of obtaining a royal com- miffion for the exclufive right of trade, but his aflbciates were wholly diflieartened by the competition and confequent loffes of the laft year, and had the fagacity to fee that there was no hope of a remedy in the future. They accordingly declined to continue further expenditures. De Monts pur- chafed their interefl in the eflablifliment at Quebec, and, notwithftanding the obftacles which had been and were ftill to be encountered, was brave enough to believe that he could flem the tide unaided and alone. He haftened to Paris to fecure the much coveted commiffion from the king. Impor- tant bufmefs, however, foon called him in another dire(5tion, and the whole matter was placed in the hands of Champlain, with the underftanding that important modifications were to be ivW;? 1611. Samuel de Charnplain, 1 1 1 be introduced into the conftitution and management of the company. The burden thus unexpectedly laid upon Champlain was not a light one. His experience and perfonal knowledge led him to appreciate more fully than any one ellc the diffi- culties that environed the cnterprife of planting a colony in New France. He law very clearly that a royal commil- fion merel}', with whatever exclufive rights it conferred, would in itfelf be ineffectual and powerlefs in the prefcnt complications. It was obvious to him that the adminiflration mufi: be adapted to the ftate of affairs that had gradually grown up at Quebec, and that it muft be fuftained by pow- erful perfonal influence. Champlain proceeded, therefore, to draw up certain rules and regulations which he deemed neceffary for the manage- ment of the colony and the protection of its interefls. The leading chara6teriftics of the plan were, firft, an affociation of which all who defired to carry on trade in New France might become members, fliaring equally in its advantages and its burdens, its profits and its loffes : and, fecondly, that it fhould be prefided over by a viceroy of high pofition and commanding influence. De Monts, who had thus far been at the head of the undertaking, was a gentleman of great refpe(^ability, zeal, and honelly, but his name did not, as fo- ciety was conflituted at that time in France, carry with it any controlling weight with the merchants or others whofe views were adverfe to his own. He was unable to carry out any plans which involved expenfe, either for the exploration of the country or for the enlargement and growth of the colony. It was neceffary, in the opinion of Champlain, to place kf- I ■i .1 I I . lui J! ■.'"••^mfttm* ' I 12 Memoir of 1612. \ V t II- li place at the head of the company a man of fuch exalted official and focial pofition that his opinions would be liftened to with refpecl and his wifhcs obeyed with alacrity. He fubmitted his plan to De IMonts and likewife to Prcfi- dent Jeannin," a man venerable with age, dillinguifhed for his wildom and probity, and at this time having under his control th: finances of the kingdom. They both pronounced it excellent and urged its execution. Having thus obtained the cordial and intelligent affent of the higheft authority to his fcheme, his next ftcp was to fe- cure a viceroy whole exalted name and ffanding fliould con- form to the requirements of his plan. This was an object fomewhat difficult to attain. It was not cafy to find a noble- man who poffcffed all the qualities defired. After careful confideration, however, the Count de SoilTons " was thought to ■^3 Pierre Jeannin was born at Autun, in 1540, and died about 1622. He be- p->i the practice of law at Dijon, in .jOQ. Thouirh a Catliolic, he always coinifelled tolerant meafures in the treatment of the Protellants. By his in- fluence he prevented the malTacre of the Proteltants at Dijon in 1572. He was a Councillor, and afterward Prefident, of the Parliament of Dijon. He was the private advifer of the Duke of May- enne. He united himfelf with the party of the League in 1589. He negotiated the peace between .Mayenne and Henry IV. The king became greatly attached to him, and appointed him a Councillor of State and Superintendent of Finan- ces. He held many offices and did great fervice to the State. After tiie death of the king, Marie de ^Iedicis, the regent, continued him as Superintendent of Finances. ''^ Count de Soiflbns, Charles de Bour- bon, was born at Nogent-le-Rotrou. in 1556, and died Nov. i, 161 2. He was educated in the Catholic religion. He acted for a time with the party of the League, but, falling in love with Cather- ine, the fifter of Henry IV.. better to fecure his object he abandoned the League and took a military command under Henry III., and diftinguifhed himfelf for bravery when the king was befieged in Tours. After the death of the king, he efpoufed the caufe of Henry I\'., was made Grand Mafler of France, and took part in the uege of Paris. He attempted a fecret marriage with Catherine, but was thwarted; and the unhappy lovers were compelled, by the Duke of Sully, to renounce their matrimonial intentions. He had been Governor of Dauphiny, and, at the time of his death, was Governor of Normandy, with a penfion of 50,000 crowns. i«*iilf«r!-.'W*"l-' t; ' l6l2. Sa7miel de Chaviplain, \\\ to unite better tlian any other the cliaracleriilics which the office required. Champlain, therefore, laid before the Count, throu2[li a member of the kin, t I i ) :jr<^: %^: - ■ t 7 ^U ,;. » V • V ill II ' 'I ' i! U 128 Me7noir of 1615. of Lake Simcoc, ten or twelve miles from this body of water, furroundccl by a country rich in corn, fquaflies, and a great variety of fmall fruits, with plenty of game and fifli. When the warriors had moflly affembled, the motley crowd, bearing their bark canoes, meal, and equipments on their flioulders, moved down in a fouthwefterly dire6tion till they reached the narrow flrait that unites Lake Chouchiching with Lake Simcoe, where the Hurons had a famous filhing wear. Here they remained fome time for other more tardy bands to join them. At this point they defpatched twelve of the mofl flalwart favages, with the interpreter, Etienne Brule, on a dangerous journey to a diflant tribe dwelling on the wefl of the Five Nations, to urge them to haflen to the fort of the Iroquois, as they had already received word from them that they would join them in this campaign. Champlain and his allies foon left the fifliing wear and coafted along the northeaftern fliore of Lake Simcoe until they reached its mofl: eaflern border, when they made a port- age to Sturgeon Lake, thence fweeping down Pigeon and Ston} Lakes, through the Otonabee into Rice Lake, the River Trent, the Bay of Quinte, and finally rounding the eaftern point of Amherfl: Ifland, they were fairly on the wa- ters of Lake Ontario, jufl. as it merges into the great River St. Lawrence, and where the Thoufand Iflands begin to loom into fight. Here they croffed the extremity of the lake at its outflow into the river, paufmg at this important geo- graphical point to take the latitude, which, by his imperfedl inftruments, Champlain found to be 43° north.^^ Sailing 82 The latitude of Champlain is here was taken. It could not, however have far from correft. It is not poffible to been at a point much below 44°7'. determine the exact place at which it i6is. Samuel de Champlam. I2< Sailing clown to the fouthcrn fide of the lake, after a dif- taace, by their edimate, of about fourteen leagues, they landed and concealed their canoes in a thicket near the fhore. Taking their arms, they proceeded along the lake Ibnie ten miles, through a country diverfified with meadows, brooks, ponds, and beautiful forefts filled with plenty of wild game, when they ftruck inland, apparently at the mouth of Little Salmon River. Advancing in a foutherly direction, along the courle of this flream, they croffed Oneida River, an out- let of the lake of the fame name. When within about ten miles of the fort which they intended to capture, they met a fmall party of favages, men, women, and children, bound on afifliing excurfion. Although unarmed, neverthelefs, accord- ing to their cuftom, they took them all prifoners of war, and began to infiicl the ufual tortures, but this was dropped on Champlain's indignant interference. The next day, on the loth of October, they reached the great fortrefs of the Iro- quois, after a journey of four days from their landing, a dif- tance loofely eflimated at from twenty-five to thirty leagues. Here they found the Iroquois in their fields, induflrioufly gathering in their autumnal harvefl of corn and fquaflies. A fkirmifli enfued, in which feveral were wounded on both fides. The fort, a drawing of vvhich has been left us by Cham- plain, was fituated a few miles fouth of the eaflern terminus of Oneida Lake, on a fmall flream that winds its way in a northwefterly direction, and finally lofes itfelf in the fame body of water. This rude military ftruclure w^as hexagonal in form, one of its fides bordering immediately upon a fmall pond, while four of the other laterals, two on the 17 right ♦mJ. .r I I i'q ', ./,'>; !l r« hi ' 130 Memoir of 1615. right and two on the left, were waflied by a channel of water flowing along their bafes.'*^ The fide oppofite the pond alone had "' There has naturally been fome difficulty in fixinsi fatisfactorilv the lite of the Iroquois fort attacked by Cham- plain and his allies. The fourccs of information on which we are to rely in identifyini;; the (ite of this fort are in j;encral the fame that we refort to in fixinif any locality mentioned in his explorations, and are to be fouml in Champlain's journal of this expedition, the map contained in what is commonly called his edition of 1632, and the en- graved picture of the fort executed by Champlain himfelf, which was publiflieu in connection with his journal. The information thus obtained is to be con- fdered in connetlion with the natural features of the country through which the expedition pafied, with fuch allow- ance for inexactness as the hillory, na- ture, and circumltances of the evidence render necefl'ary. The map of 1632 is only at bed an outline, drafted on a very fmall scale, and without any exact meafurements or aftual furveys. It pictures general features, and in connection with the journal may be of great fervice. Champlain's diltances, as given in his journal, are eftimates made under cir- cumrtances in which accuracy was fcarcely poffible. He was journeying along the border of lakes and over the face of the country, in company with fome hundreds of wild favages, hunting and fithing by the way, marching in an irregular and defultory manner, and his ftatements of diftances are wifely ac- companied by very wide margins, and are of little fervice, taken alone, in fix- ing the lite of an Indian town. But when natural features, not fubject to change, are defcribed, we can eafdy comprehend the meaning of the text. The engraving of the fort may or may not have been fketched by Champlain on the fpot : parts of it may have been and doubtlufs were fupplied by memory, and it is decifive aulliority, not in its minor, but in its general features. With thefe obfcrvations, we are pre- pared to examine the evidence that points to the fitc of the Iroquois fort. Wiien the expedition, emerging from C)uinte Bay, arrived at the eallcrn end uT Lake Ontario, at the point where the lake ends and the Kiver .St. Lawrence begins, they crolTed over tiie lake, pair- ing large and beautiful illands. Some of thefe idands will be found laid down on the map of 1632. They then pro- ceeded, a diftance, according to their eltimation, of about fourteen leagues, to the fouthern fide of Lake Ontario, where they landed and concealed their canoes, 'i'lie diilance to the fouthern fide of the lake is too indefinitely Hated, even if we knew at what precife point the meaf- urement began, to enable us to fix the exatt place of the landing. They marched along the fandy fliore about four leagues, and then flruck in- land. If we turn to the map of 1632, on which a line is drawn to rudely repre- fent their courfe, we fhall fee that on fi riking inland they proceeded along the banks of a fmall river to which feveral fmall lakes or ponds are tributary. Little Salmon River being fed by numerous fmall ponds or lakes may well be the flream figured by Champlain. The text fays they difcovered an excellent coun- try along the lake before they Itruck in- land, with fine foreft-trees, elpecially the cheftnut, with abundance of vines. For feveral miles along Lake Ontario on the north-eall of Little Salmon River the country anfwers to this defcription. — Vide I i6is Saviucl de Chaviplain. 131 I had an unobftru61cd land approach. As an Indian military work, it was of groat llrcngth. It was made of the trunks of trees, — Vide MS. Letters of the Rev. James Cross, D.I)., I.I..JJ, and otW. J). Smith, Efq.,ol Mexico, N.Y. The text fays tliey continued tlieir cniiife ajjout twenty -five or tliirly lea.mies. Tiiis af^ain is indefinite, al- lowing a marj,'in of twelve or fiftei.'n miles ; but the text alfo fays they crolVetl a river flowini; from a lake in which were certain beautiful idands, and more- over that the river fo croffed difciiarged into Lake Ontario. The lake here re- ferred to mull be the Oneida, fince that is the only one in the region which con- tains any idands wliatever, and there- fore the river they crolfed mull be the Oneida River, flowing from the lake of the fame name into Lake Ontario. Soon after they crolVed Oneida River, they met a banc! of favages who were going fifliing, whom they made prifon- ers. This occurred, tlie text informs us, when they were about four leagues from the fort. They were now fome- where fouth of Oneida Lake. If we confult the map of 1632, we fliall find reprefented on it an expanfe of water from which a ftream is reprefented as flowing into Lake Ontario, and which is clearly Oneida Lake, and fouth of this lake a llream is reprefented as flowing from tlic eall in a northweflerly direc- tion and entering this lake towards its wellern extremity, which mull be Chit- tenango Creek or one of its branches. A fort or enclofed village is alfo figured on tlie map, of fuch huge dimenfions that it fubtends the angle formed by the creek and the lake, and ajipears to relt upon both. It is plain, however, from the text that the fort does not red; upon Oneida Lake ; we may infer therefore that it relied upon the creek figured on the map, which from its courfe, as we have already feen, is clearly intended to rcp- refent Chittenango Creek or one of its brandies. A note explanatory of the maj) informs us that tiiis is the village where Champiain went to war againll the '• Antouhonorons," that is to f.iy, the Iroquois. The text informs us that tlie fort was on a pond, which furnifhed a per|)etual fupply of water. We there- fore look for the lite of the ancient fort on fonie fmall body of water connected with Chittenango Creek. If we examine Champlain's engraved reprefentation of the fort, we (iiall fee that it is fituated on a peninfula, that one fide rells on a pond, and that two llreams pals it, one on the rigiit and one on the left, and that one I'ule only has an unobllructed land -apiiroach. Tliefe channels of water courfing along the fides are fuch marked characteril- tics of tlie fort as reprefented by Cham- plain, that they mull be regarded as im- portant features in the identification of its ancient file. On Nichols's Pond, near the north- eaftern limit of the townfliip of Fenner in Madifon County, N.Y., the fite of an Indian fort was fome years fince dif- covered, identified as fuch by broken bits of pottery and Hone implements, fuch as are ufually found in localities of tliis fort. It is fituated on a peculiarly formed peninfula, its nortiiern fide rell- iiig on Nichols's Pond, while a fmall flream flowing into the pond forms its wefiern boundary, and an outlet of the pond about thirty-two rods eall of the inlet, running in a fouth-eaflerly direc- tion, forms the eaftern limit of the fort. The outlet of this pond, deflecting to the eall and then fweping round to the north, at length fin< its way in a wind- ing courfe into Cow.:;halon Creek, thence into M |l 132 Memoir of 1615. ,' \ trees, as large as could be conveniently tranfported. Thefe were let in the ground, forming four concentric palifades, not more than fix inches apart, thirty feet in height, interlaced and bound together near the top, fupporting a gallery of double paling extending around the whole enclofure, proof not only againft the flint-headed arrows of the Indian, but againfl the leaden bullets of the French arquebus. Port-holes were opened along the gallery, through which effe(5live fervice could be done upon alTailants by hurling ftones and other miffiles with which they were well provided. Gutters were laid along between the palilades to conduf^l water to every part into the Chittenango, throui^h which it flows into Oneida Lake, at a point north- well of Xiciiols's Pond. If we compare the <,'eos,Tapliical fitua- tion of Ciiamplain's fort as fiuurcd on his map of 1632, particularly with refer- ence to Oneida Lake, we (hall obferve a remarkable correfpondence between it and the fite of the Indian fort at Nichols's Pond. Both are on the fouth of Oneida Lake, and both are on ftreams which flow into that lake by runniny; in a north-wellerly diretlion. Moreover, the fite of the old fort at Nichols's Pond is lituated on a peninfula like that of Champlain ; and not only so, but it is on a peninfula formed l)y a pond on one fide, and by two rtreams of water on two other oppofite fides; thus fulfilling in a remarkable degree the conditions contained in Champlain's drawing of the fort. If the reader has carefully examined and compared the evidences referred to in this note, he will have feen that all the dillinguifliing circumrtances con- tained in the text of Champlain's jour- nal, on the map of 1632. and in his dr.iwing of the fort, converge to and point out this fpot on Nichols's Pond, as the probal)le fite of the palifadcd Iroquois town attacked by Champlain in 1615. VVc are indebted to General S. Clark, of Auburn, N.Y., for poi) rit and identifying the peninfula ai Nich- ols's Pond as the fite of the Iroquois fort. — l'i(/e Shea's A'o/cs on Cliain- pl(nn''s Expedition into Wcjlern A'ew York in 161 5, and the /decent Identifi- cation of the /'ort, by General Joiin S. Clark, Pennfylvania Mai^azinc of Jlif- tory, Philadelphia, Vol. II. pp. 103-108; alfo A Lofi Point in Hifioy, by L. VV. Ledyard, Cazenovia Republican^ Vol. XXV'. No. 47; Champlain^ s Invafion of (hiondai^a, by the Rev. W. M. Beau- cham]3, Baldwinfinlle Gazette, for June 27. 1S79. We are indebted to Orfamus H. Mar- fliall, Efq., of Buffalo, N.Y., for prov.ng the fite of the Iroquois fort to be in the neighborhood of Oneida Lake, and not at a point farther weft as claimed by ieveral autiiors. — Vide Proceedinjrs of the iVezu \'ork Hijtorical Society for 1849, p. 96; i\faQazine of American Hiftory, New York, Vol. I. pp. 1-13, Vol. II. pp. 470-483. i6is. Samuel de Chavi plain. 133 part of the fortification for cxtinguiHiing fire, in cafe of need. It was obvious to Champlain that tliis fort was a complete protection to the Iroquois, unlefs an opening could be made in its walls. This could not be eafily done by any force which he and his allies had at their command. I lis only hope was in fetting fire to the palilades on the land fide. This required the dillodgement of the enemy, who were polled in large numbers on the gallery, and the proteclion of the men in kindling the fire, and fliielding it, when kindled, againfl; the extinguifliing torrents which could be jjoured from the water-fpouts and gutters of the fort. He confe- quently ordered two inftruments to be made with which he hoped to overcome ihefe obftacles. One was a wooden tower or frame-work, dignified by Cham})lain as a cavalier, fomewhat higher than the palilades, on the toj) of which was an encloled platform where three or four Iharp-fliooters could in fecurity clear the gallery, and thus defiroy the effec- tive force of the enemy. The other was a large wooden fliield, or mantelet, under the protection of which they could in fafety approach and kindle a fire at the bafe of the fort, and prote6l the fire thus kindled from being extinguiflied by water coming from above. When all was in readinefs, two hundred favages bore the fraried tower and planted it near the palilades. Three ar- quebusiers mounted it and poured a deadly fire upon the defenders on the gallery. The battle now began and raged fiercely for three hours, but Champlain firove in vain to carry out any plan of attack. The favages ruflied to and fro in a frenzy of excitement, filling the air with their difcordant yells, I 134 Memoir of x6is. i-i I ;■ ?l : i \\ \ I r 1^ yells, obferving no method and heeding no commands. The wooden fliields were not even brought forward, and the burn- ing of the fort was undertaken with fo little judgment and flvill that the fire was inftantly extinguiflied by the fountains of water let loofe by the Ikilful defenders through the gut- ters and watcr-fpouts of the fort. The fliarp-Hiooters on the tower killed and wounded a large number, but neverthelefs no effective impreffion was made upon the fortrefs. Two chiefs and fifteen men of the allies were wounded, while one was killed, or died of wounds received in a fkirmilh before the formal attack upon the fort began. After a frantic and defultory fight of three hours, the attacking- favaq-es loff their coura2:e and becjan to clamor for a retreat, l^^o perfuafions could induce them to renew the attack. After lingering four days in vain expe6lation of the ar- rival of the allies to whom Brule had been lent, the retreat began. Champlain had been wounded in the knee and leg, and was unable to walk. Litters in the form of bafkets were fabricated, into which the wounded were packed in a conftrained and uncomfortable attitude, and carried on the Ihoulders of the men. As the tafk of the carriers was lightened by frequent relays, and, as there was little bag- gage to impede their progrels, the march was rapid. In three days they had reached their canoes, which had re- mained in the place of their concealment near the fliore of the lake, an eflimated diftance of twenty-five or thirty leagues from the fort. Such v(;as the charadler of a great battle among the con- tending favages, an undifciplined hoft, without plan or well- defined I6I5. Samuel de Champlain. 135 defined purpofe, rufliing in upon each other in the heat of a fuddcn frenzy of paflion, ffriking an aimlefs blow, and follow- ing it by a haffy and cowardly retreat. They had, for the time being at leaft, no ulterior defign. They fought and ex- peded no fubflantial reward of their confli6l. The fwcet- nefs of perlbnal revenge and the blotting out a few human lives were all they hoped for or cared at this time to attain. The invading party had apparently deffroyed more than they had themfclves lofl, and this was doubtlefs a fuitable reward for the hazards and hardfhips of the campaign. The retreating warriors lingered ten days on the fliore of Lake Ontario, at the point where they had left their canoes, beguiling the time in preparing for hunting and fifliing ex- curfions, and for their journey to their diflant homes. Cham- plain here took occafion to call the attention of the allies to their promife to condu61; him fafely to his home. The head of the St. Lawrence as it flows from the Ontario is lefs than two hundred miles from Montreal, a journey by canoes not difficult to make. Champlain defired to return this way, and demanded an efcort. The chiefs were relucftant to grant his requeft. Maffers in the art of making excufes, they faw many infuperable obffacles. In reality, they did not defire to part with him, but wiflied to avail themfclves of his knowledge, counfel, and perfonal aid againfl; their enemies. When one obftacle after another gave way, and when volun- teers were found ready to accompany him, no canoes could be fpared for the journey. This clofed the debate. Cham- plain was not prepared for the expofure and hardfliip of a winter among the favages, but there was left to him no choice. He fubmitted as gracefully as he could, and with fuch 1, .., i f » i I w \l \ ; f i 'ST^ M' ■I ^i^r m m r-'! It ilit#i 136 Memoir of 1615. fuch patience as necelTity made it pofTible for him to com- mand. The bark flotilla was at length ready to leave the borders of the prefent State of New York. According to their ufual cuflom in canoe navigation, they crept along the fliore of the Ontario, revifiting an ifland at the eaftern extremity of the lake, not unlikely the fame place where Cham plain had flopped to take the latitude a few weeks before. Croff- ing over from the ifland to the mainland on the north, they appear to have continued up the Cataraqui Creek eaft of Kingflon, and, after a fliort portage, entered Loughborough Lake, a flieet of water then renowned as a refort of water- fowl in vaft numbers and varieties. Having bagged all they defired, they proceeded inland twenty or thirty miles, to the objedive point of their excurflon, which was a fa- mous hunting-ground for wild game. Here they conflru6l- ed a deer-trap, an enclofure into which the unfufpe6ling animals were beguiled and from which it was impofflble tor them to efcape. Deer-hunting was of all purfuits, if we except war, the moft exciting to the Indians. It not only yielded the richeft returns to their larder, and fupplied more fully other domeflic wants, but it poffeffed the element of fafcination, which has always given zeft and infpiration to the fportfman. They lingered here thirty-eight days, during which time they captured one hundred and twenty deer. They purpofely prolonged their flay that the froft might feal up the marfhes, ponds, and rivers over which they were to pafs. Early in December they began to arrange into convenient packages their peltry and venifon, the fat of which was to ferve as butter i6is. Samuel de Champlain. ^11 butter in their rude huts during the icy months of winter. On the 4th of the month they broke camp and began their weary march, each favage bearing a burden of not lefs than a hundred pounds, while Champlain himfelf carried a pack- age of about twenty. Some of them conflructed rude fledges, on which they eafily dragged their luggage over the ice and fnow. During the progrels of the journey, a warm current came fweeping up from the fouth, melted the ice, flooded the marfhes, and for four days the overburdened and weary travellers ftruggled on, knee-deep in mud and water and flufli. Without experience, a lively imagination alone can picture the toil, fuffering, and expofure of a journey through the tangled forefts and half-llibmerged bogs and marflies of Canada, in the moft inclement feafon of the year. At length, on the ?3d of December, after nineteen days of exceffive toil, they arrived at Cahiague, the chief town of the Hurons, the rendezvous of the allied tribes, whence they had fet forth on the firft of September, nearly four months before, on what may fucm to us a bootlefs raid. To the fav- age warriors, however, it doubtlefs feemed a different thing. They had been enabled to bring home valuable provifions, which were likely to be important to them when an unfuc- cefsful hunt might, as it often did, leave them nearly deftitute of food. They had loft but a fingle man, and this was lefs than they had anticipated, and, moreover, was the common fortune of war. They had invaded the territory and made their prefence felt in the very home of their enemies, and could rejoice in having infli6ted upon them more injury than they had themfelves received. Though they had not cap- tured \.\^ r ' If', i ill ?;; Ii lit ■■ 1 '.( i I ' I ! I I («' & '. \ < ' : I ;i I- 138 Memoir of 1615. tured or annihilated them, they had done enough to infpire and fully fuftain their own grovelling pride. To Champlain even, although the expedition had been ac- companied by hardfliip and fuffering and fome difappoint- ments, it was by no means a failure. He had explored an interefting and important region ; he had gone where Euro- pean feet had never trod, and had feen what European eyes had never feen ; he had, moreover, planted the lilies of France in the chief Indian towns, and at all fuitable and important points, and thefe were to be witneffes of poffeffion and ownerfliip in what his exuberant imagination faw as a vaft French empire rifmg into powder and opulence in the weft- '^rn world. It was now the laft week in December, and the deep fnows and piercing cold rendered it impoffible for Champlain or even the allied warriors to continue their journey further. The Algonquins and Nipiffmgs became guefls of the Hu- rons for the winter, encamping within their principal walled town, or perhaps in fome neighboring village not far re- moved. After the refl of a few days at Cahiague, where he had been hofpitably entertained, Champlain took his departure for Carhagouha, a fmaller village, where his friend the Recoi- led!: Father, Jofeph le Caron, had taken up his abode as the pioneer miffionary to the Hurons. It was important for Le Caron to obtain all the information poflible, not only of the Hurons, but of all the furrounding tribes, as he contem- plated returning to France the next fummer to report to his patrons upon the chara(5ter, extent, and hopefulnefs of the miffionary field which he had been fent out to explore. Champlain i6is. Samuel de Champlain. 139 ii/i Champlain was happy to avail himfelf of his company in executing the explorations which he dcfired to make. They accordingly fet out together on the 15th of January, and penetrated the tracklels and fnow-bound forefls, and, pro- ceeding in a weflern direction, after a journey of two days, reached a tribe called Pctiins^ an agricultural people, iimilar in habits and mode of life to the Hurons. By them they were hofpitably received, and a great fefl;i\'al, in which all their neighbors participated, was celebrated in honor of their new guefts. Having vifited leven or eight of their villages, the explorers puflied forward flill further wefl:, when they came to the fcttlement of an interefling tribe, which they named Chevctix-Relcves, or the " lofty haired," an appellation fuggeffed by the mode of dreffing their hair. On their return from this expedition, they found, on reach- ing the encampment of the Nipiffings, who were wintering in the Huron territory, that a difagreement had arifen be- tween the Hurons and their Algonquin g. fls, which had already affumed a dangerous character. An Iroquois cap- tive taken in the late war had been awarded to the Algon- quins, according to the cuftom of dividing the prifoners among the feveral bands of allies, and, finding him a fkilful hunter, they refolved to fpare his life, and had adtually adopted him as one of their tribe. This had offended the Hurons, who expe6ted he would be put to the ufual torture, and they had commiffioned one of their number, who had inflantly killed the unfortunate prifoner by plunging a knife into his heart. The affaffin, in turn, had been fet upon by the Algonquins and put to death on the fpot. The perpe- trators of this lafl ad had regretted the occurrence, and had done M » 111 I IV ) ,• '! . {•? ■'" ^ l.\ ', ' ' \' 140 Memoir of 1616. done what they could to heal the breach by prefents : but there was, neverthelefs, a fmouldering feeling of hoitility ftill lingering in both parties, which might at any moment break out into open confli6t. It was obvious to Champlain that a permanent difagree- ment between thefe two important allies would be a great calamity to themfelves as well as dilaflrous to his own plans. It was his purpofe, therefore, to bring them, if poffible, to a cordial pacification. Proceeding cautioufly and with great deliberation, he made himfelf acquainted with all the facts of the quarrel, and then called an affembly of both parties and clearly fet before them in all its lights the utter foolifli- nefs of allowing a circumflance of really fmall importance to interfere with an alliance between two great tribes ; an alliance neceffary to their profperity, and particularly in the war they were carrying on againfl their common enemy, the Iroquois. This appeal of Champlain was fo convincing that when the affembly broke up all profeffed themfelves entirely fatisfied, although the Algonquins were heard to mutter their determination never again to winter in the territory of the Hurons, a wife and not unnatural conclufion. Champlain's conflant intercourfe with thefe tribes for many months in their own homes, his explorations, obfervatlons, and inquiries, enabled him to obtain a comprehenfive, defi- nite, and minute knowledge of their chara6ler, religion, government, and mode of life. As the fruit of thefe invef- tigations, he prepared in the leifure of the winter an elabo- rate memoir, replete with difcriminating details, which is and mufl; always be an unqueftionable authority on the fubjedl of which it treats. CHAPTER IX. i6i6. Samtcel de Champlain. 141 CHAPTER IX. Champlain's Return from the Huron Country and Voyage to France. — The Contracted Views of the Comp\ny of Merchants. — The Prince de Conde sells thk Viceroyaltv to thk Duke de Mont- morency. — Cha.mplain with his Wife returns to Qleuec, where HE remains Four Years. — Having repaired the Buildings and erected the Fortress of St. Louis, Champlain returns to France. — The Viceroyalty transferred to Henry de Levi, and the Com- pany OF THE Hundred Associ.'Vtes organized. BOUT the 20th of May, Champlain, accompa- nied by the miffionary, Le Caron, elcortcd by x delegation of favages, fet out from the Huron capital, in the prefent county of Simcoe, on their return to Quebec. Purfuino: the fame circuitous route by which they had come, they were forty days in reaching the Falls of St. Louis, near Montreal, where they found Pont Grave, jufl arrived from France, who, with the reft, was much rejoiced at feeing Champlain, fince a rumor had gone abroad that he had periflied among the favages. The party arrived at Quebec on the nth of July. A pub- lic fervice of thankfgiving was celebrated by the Recolle6t Fathers for their fafe return. The Huron chief, D'Arontal, with whom Champlain had paffed the winter and who had accompanied him to Quebec, was greatly entertained and delighted with the eftablifhment of the French, the buildings and other acceffories of European life, fo different from his own, and earneflly requefled Champlain to make a fettle- ment at Montreal, that his whole tribe might come and refide [ 1 1 V III.' % -' ':'^ i 156 Me^noir of 1627. ■ I I I I I M ^ ( 1' 1 < i ' l| ^ 1 : I lit; BroLiage, Champlain, and others well known in public cir- cles. The new company had many chara61crifl;ics which fcemed to affure the folid growth and enlargement of the colony. Its authority extended over the whole domain of New France and Morida. It provided in its organization for an actual capital of three hundred thoufand livres. It entered into an obligation to fend to Canada in 1628 from two to three hundred artilans of all trades, and within the fpace of fif- teen years to tranlport four thouland colonifls to New France. The colonilts were to be wholly lupported by the company for three years, and at the expiration of that pe- riod were to be affigned as much land is they needed for cultivation. The fettlers were to be native-born Frenchmen, exclufively of the Catholic faith, and no foreigner or Hugue- not was to be permitted to enter the country.''^ The char- ter accorded to the company the exclufive control of trade, and 8* This exclufivenefs was cliaracter- iftic of the a,sj;e. Cardinal Richelieu and his alTociates were not qualified by education or by any tendency of their natures to inaugurate a reformation in this diroction. The ex])eriment of amalgamating Catholic and Huguenot in the enterprifes of the colony had been tried but with ill fuccefs. Contentions and bickerings had been inceffant, and subverfive of peace and good neiuhbor- hood. Neither party had the fpirit of practical toleration as we underllanl it, and which we regard at the prefent day as a pricelefs boon. \or was it under- ftood anywhere for a long time after- ward. Even the Puritans of Maflachu- fetts Bay did not comprehend it, and took heroic meafures to exclude from their commonwealth thofe who differed from them in their religious faith. We certainly cannot ccnfure them for not being in advance of their times. It would doubtlefs have been more manly in them had they excluded all differing from them by plain legal enactment, as did the Society of the Hundred Affo- ciates, rather than to imprifon or banifh any on charges which all fubfequent gen- erations mult pronounce unfultained. — Vide Aft'.uoir of the Rev. John Wheel- li'n'i^hf, by Charles H. Bell. Prince So- ciety, ed. 1876, pp. 9-31 et pajjlni; Hutehinfon Papers. Prince .Society ed., 1S65, Vol. I. pp. 70-11,"?. American Criininac Trials, by Peleg W. Chandler, Boilon, 1841, \'ol. I. p. 29. HI 1627- Samuel de CkamJ>lcim. 157 and all goods manufaclured in New France were to be free of impofts on exportation. Befides thefe, it fccured to the corporators other and various excUifive privileges of a femi- feiidal character, fuppofed, however, to contribute to the profperity and growth of the colony. The organization of the company, having received the for- mal approbation of Richelieu on the 29th of April, 1627, was ratified by the Council of State on the 6th of May, 1628. CHAPTER X. The Favorable Prospects of the Company of New France. — The English Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Quehec. — Captaln Daniel plants a French Colow near the Grand Cuuiu. — Champlalv in France, and the Territorial Claims of the French and English still unsettled. HE Company of New France, or of the Hun- dred Affociates, loft no time in carrying out the purpofe of its organization. Even before the ratification of its charter by the council, four armed veffels had been fitted out and had al- ready failed under the command of Claude de Roquemont, a member of the company, to convoy a fleet of eighteen tranfports laden with emigrants and ftores, together with one hundred and thirty-five pieces of ordnance to fortify their fettlements in New France. The company, thus compoled of noblemen, wealthy mer- chants, and officials of great perfonal influence, with a large capital, and Cardinal Richelieu, who really controlled and fhaped 1 i '1 \ 'i 1 ' 1 :/ ! :l ' yl i % Mi h 158 Memoir of 1627. fliajDCcl the policy of I'rance at that period, at its head, pof- f,.'lTcd fo many elements of flrei\Lj;th tliat, in the reafonable judgment of men, fuccefs was affnred, failure impoffible.'' To Champlain, the vifion of a great colonial eftablilhment in New France, that had fo long lloated before him in the diflance, might well feem to be now almoft within hisgrafj). But difapijointment was near at hand. Events were al- ready tranfpiring which were defined to cafl a cloud over thefe brilliant hoi)es. A lleet of armed veffels was already croffing the Atlantic, bearing the Engliih flag, with hnllile intentions to the fettlements in New P^-ance. Here we mull: paufe in our narrative to explain the origin, characfer, and purpofe of this armament, as m \pecled to Champlain as it was unwelcome. The reader muft be reminded that no boundaries between the French and Englifh territorial poffeffions in North America at this time exifted. Each of thefe great nations was putting forth claims lb broad and extenfive as to utterly exclude the other. By their refpeclive charters, grants, and conceffions, they recognized no fovereignty or ownerfliip but their own. Henry IV. of France, made, in 1603, a grant to a favorite nobleman, De Monts, of the territory lying between the for- tieth and the forty-fixth degrees of north latitude. James I. of England, three years later, in 1606, granted to the Vir- ginia '"' The aflbciation was a joint-flock For a full ftatement of the n-!r,iniza- company. Each 'nrj^orator was hound tion and conllitution of the Conijany of to pay in three thjufand livres ; and as New France. Vide Meirnre Frc7iii;iii. thirty-fecond degree of latitude, to the polar circle, and in longitiide from Newfoundland to Lake Huron. It will, therefore, oe feen that each nation, the Englilh and the French, claimed at that time fovcreigntyover the fame territory, and over nearly the whole of the continent of North America. Under thefe Lircumflances, either of thefe nations was prepared to avail itlelf of any favorable opportunity to difpolTefs the other. The Englifli, however, had, at this period, particular and fpecial reafons for dcfiring to accomplilh this important ob- jcd. Sir William Alexander,'^' Secretary of State for Scot- land at the court of England, had received, in 162 1, from James I., a grant, under the name of New Scotland, of a large territory, covering the prefent province of Nova Scotia, New Brunfwick, and that part of the ])rovince of Quebec lying eaft of a line drawn from the head-waters of the River St. Croix in a northerly diredion to the River St. Lawrence. He had affociated with him a large number of Scottilh no- blemen and merchants, and was takino: active meafures to eftablifh Scottifli colonies on this territory. The French had made a fettlement within its limits, which had been broken ^^ Vide Sir William Alexander and American Colonization, Prince Society, Bofton, 1873. :i'l I : \ i6o Memoir of 162S, \\\ broken up and the colopy clifpcrfed in 161 3, by Captain Samuel Argall, under the i?uthority of Sir Thomas Dale, governor of the colony at Jamcflown, Virginia. A dcfultory and ftraggling French population was flill in occupation, un- der the nominal governorfhip o'" v3laude La Tour. Sir Wil- liam Alexander and his affociates naturally looked for more or lels inconvenience and annoyitnce from the claims of the French. It was, therefore, an obje6l of great pcrfonal im- portance and particularly defired by him, to extinguifh all French claims, not only to his own grant, but to the neigh- boring fettlement at Quebec. If this were done, he might be fure of being unmolefled in carrying forward his colonial enterprile. A war had broken out between France and England the year before, for the oftenfible purpofe, on the part of the Englifli, of relieving the Huguenots who were fliut up in the city of Rochelle, which was beleaguered by the armies of Louis XIII., under the direction of his prime minifler, Richelieu, who was refolved to reduce this laft flronghold to obedience. The exigence of this war offered an opportu- nity and pretext for difpoffeffmg the French and extinguilh- ing their claims under the rules of war. This objecft could not be attained in any other way. The French were too deeply rooted to be removed by any lefs violent or decifive means. No time was, therefore, loft in taking advantage of this opportunity. Sir William Alexander applied himfelf to the formation of a company of London merchants who fliould bear the ex- penfe of fitting out an armament that fhould not only over- come and take poffeffion of the Frei ch lettlements and forts wherever iGaS. S aimed do Champ la in. i6i wlicrcvcr they flioulcl be found, but plant colonies and erc(fi fuital)!^ defences to hold them in the future. The comj^any was Ipeedily ori^anized, confidini; of Sir William Alexander, junior, Gervafe Kirke, Robert Charlton, William Herkeley, and perhaj)s others, dillinj^uilhed merchants of London.*^^ Six (hips were equipped with a luitable armament and letters of marque, and defpatched on their holtile errand. Capt. David Kirke, afterwards Sir David, was appointed admiral of the fleet, who like wife commanded one of the IhiiJS.'* His brothers, Lewis Kirke and Thomas Kirke, were in com- mand of two others. They Tailed under a rtjyal patent exe- cuted in favor of Sir William vYlexander, junior, Ton of the fecretary, and others, granting exclufive authority to trade, feize, and confifcate French or Spanilh fliips and deflroy the French fettlements on the river and Gulf of St. Lawence and parts adjacent. Kirke " Vide Colonial Papers, Vol. V. 87, III. We do not find tlie mention of any otliers as belonging to the Company of Merchant Adventurers to Canada. ^* Sir David Kirke was one of fi%'e brothers, the fons of Gervafe or Gervais Kirke, a merchant of London, and his wife, Elizal)etii Goudon of Uiepjie in France. The grandfather of Sir David was Tluirflon Kirke of Norton, a fm ill town in the nortliern part of tlie county of Derliy, known as tlie birtliplace of the fculptor Chantrey. This little ham- let had been the home of the Kirkes for feveral generations. Gervafe Kirke had. in 1629, refided in Dieppe for the molt of the forty years preceding, and his chil- dren were proljably born there. Sir David Kirke was married to Sarah, daughter of Sir Jofeph Andrews. In early life he was a wine-merchant at Bordeaux and Cognac. He was knighted by Charles I. in 1^33, in recognition of his fervices in taking Queijec. On the 13th of Noveml)er, 1637. he received a grant of "the whole continent, illand, or region called Newfoundland." In 1638, he took uj) his relidence at Ferry- land, Newfoundland, in tlie Iio-.fe liuilt by Lord Hallimore. He was a friend and correfpondent of Archbirtiop Laud, to whom he wrote, in 1639, "That tlie ayre of Newfoundland agrees perfectly well witli ail (iod's creatures, e.xccpt Jefuits and fchifmatics." He remained in Newfoundland nearly twenty years, where he died in 1655-56, having expe- rienced many difappointments occa- fioned by his loyalty to Charles I. — Vide Colonial Papers, Vol. IX. No. 76 ; The Firjl Emrlijh Conquejl of Canada, by Henry Kirke, London, iSji, pajft /it ; Les Voyae^es dv Sievr de Champlain, Paris ed. 1632, p. 257. 21 M ' ! /} ', i\ r.i '\ A 1 1 • i i i \ I ).i >i 1 1 i! T ?; ^ 162 Meinoir of 1628. Kirkc failed, with a part if not the whole of his fleet, to Annapolis l^afin in the Bay of Fundy, and took poffefrion of the dcfultory French Icttlement to which we have already referrr 1. He left a Scotch colony there, under the com- mand of Sir William Alexander, junior, as governor. The fleet finally rendezvouled at Tadouffac, capturing all the French filhing barques, boats, and pinnaces which fell in its way on che coall of Nova Scotia, including the Illand of Cape Breton. From Tadoulfac, Kirke despatched a fliallop to Quebec, in charge of fix Bafque filTiermen whom he had recently cap- tured. They were bearers of an official communication from the admiral of the Englifh fleet to Champlain. About the fame time he fent up tiie river, likewife, an armed barque, well manned, which anchored off Cape Tourmente, thirty miles below Quebec, near an outpoft which had been eftab- lilhed by Champlain for the convenience of forage and paf- turage for cattle. Here a fquad of men landed, took four men, a woman, and little girl prifoners, killed fuch of the cattle as the) defired for ufe and burned the reft in the fta- bles, as likewife two fmall houfes, pillaging and laying wafte every thing they could find. Piaving done this, the barque haflily returned to Tadouffac. We mufl now afk the reader to return with us to the little fettlement at Quebec. The proceedings which we have jufl narrated were as yet unknown to Champlain. The fummer of 1628 was wearing on, and no fupplies had arrived from France. It was obvious that fome accident had detained the tranfports, and they might not arrive at all. His provi- fions w^ere nearly exhaulled. To fubfill without a refupply was r- — '■* i638. Samuel de Champlain. i6 wa^^ "mpofrible. Eacli weary day added a new kecnnels to his anxiety. A winter of dellitution, of flarvation and deatli for his little colony of well on towards a hundred perlbns was the painful picture that now conflantly haunted his mind. To avoid this catallrophe, if poffible, he ordered a boat to be conftrucled, to enable him to communicate with the lower waters of the gulf, where he hoped he might ob- tain provifions from the filhermen on the coafl, or traniporta- tion for a part or tiie whole of his colony to P^-ancc. On the 9th of July, two men came up from Cape Tour- mente to announce that an Indian had brouirht in the news that fix large ihips had entered and were lying at anchor in the harbor of Tadouffac. The fame day, not long after, two canoes arrived, in one of which was Toucher, the chief herdf- man at Cape Tourmente, who had cfcaped from his captors, from w^hom Champlain fird learned what had taken place at that outpoft. Sufficiently allured of the characT:er of the enemy, Cham- plain haflened to put the unfiniflied fort in as good condition as poffible, appointing to every man in the little garrifon his poft, fo that all might be ready for duty at a moment's warning. On the afternoon of the next day a fmall fail came into the bay, evidently a flranger, direding its courfe not through the ufual channel, but towards the little River St. Charles. It was too infignificant to caufe any alarm. Chamjilain, how- ever, fent a detachment of arquebufiers to receive it. It proved to be Englifli, and contained the fix Bafque fifliermen already referred to, charged by Kirke with defpatches for Champlain. They had met the armed barque returning to Tadouffac, and had taken off and brought up with them the *!,/ '\ /I, mm h' ti I' I 1 1 . , $ I f 164 Memoir of 1G28. the woman and little girl who had been captured the day before at Cape Tourmente. The defpatch, written two days before, and bearing date July 8th, 1628, was a courteous invitation to furrender Que- bec into the hands of the Englifli, affigning leveral natural and cogent realbns why it would be for the intereft of all par- ties for them to do lb.. Under different circumflances, the reafoninGf minht have had weii^ht ; but this Enu:lilh admiral had clearly conceived a very inadequate idea of the character of Champlaiii, if he fuiipolcd he would furrender his poll, or even take it into confideration, while the enemy demanding it and his means of enforcin": it were at a diftance of at leaft a hundred miles. Champlain fubmitted the leticr to Pont Grave and the other gentlemen of the colony, and we concluded, he adds, that if the Englilh had a delire to lee us nearer, they muft come to us, and not threaten us from lb great a dilfance. Champlain returned an anfwer declining the demand, couched in language of refpcclful and dignified politenefs. It is ealy, licvever, to dete6t a tinge of larcafm running through it, lb delicate as not to be offenfive, and yet fufifi- ciently obvious to convey a ferene indifference on the part of the French commander as to what the Enolifli mifjht think it befl to do in the fequel. The tone of the reply, the air of confidence pervading it, led Kirke to believe that the French were in a far better condition to refift than they really were. The Englilh admiral thought it prudent to withdraw. He deilroyed all the French fifliing velTels and boats at Tadou.la*., and proceeded down the gulf, to do the fame along the ':oaft:. We 1628. Samttel de Chaviplain. 165 We have already alluded, in the preceding pages, to De Roquemont, the French admiral, who had been charged by the Company of the Hundred ylUociates to convoy a fleet of tranlports to Canada. Wholly ignorant of the impor- tance of an earlier arrival at Quebec, he appears to have moved leilurely, and was now, with his whole fleet, lying at anchor in the Bay of Gafpe. Hearing that Kirke was in the gulf, he very unwilr^v prepared to give him battle, and moved out of the ba^ for that purpofe. On the iSth of July the two armaments met. Kirke had fix armed veffels under his command, while De Roquemont had but four. The conflict was unequal. The Englifh veffels were unen- cumbered and much heavier than thofe of the French. De Roquemont '''^ was foon overpowered and compelled to fur- render. His whole fleet of twentv-two veffels, with a hun- dred and thirty-five pieces of ordnance, together with fupplies and coloniffs for Quebec, were all taken. Kirke returned to England laden wiih the rich fpoiis of his conquefl, having practically accomplifhed, if not what he had intended, nev- erthelefs that wb.ich fatisfied the avarice of the London mer- chants under whofe aufpices the expedition had failed. The capture of Quebec had from the beginning been the objective purpofe of Sir William Alexander. The taking of th.is fleet and the cutting off their fupplies was an important ftep in this undertaking. The conqueft was thereby affured, though not completed. Champlain, ^'•' Cliam])lnin criticifes witli merited fevcrity tlio condutt of De Roquemont, and clofes in the followint: words : •■ Le inerite d"un bon Capitaine n'ell jias feulemct au coura,c;e, niais il doit el!re accopa^nd de prudece, qui ell ce qui les fait cdimcr, come ellat fuiuy de rules, llrataueliiu's. & d'inventios : plu- lieurs auec pen ont l)eaiicoiip fait, & le font redus jrlorieux tS: redoul, tallies. "" - ]'ii{c l.cs {'oynia i/v ."-'/Vt'/- ertvrcs de la Nouuelle emhalTador in London. 1"" It is dilTKult to conceive on what ground this ranlbm was demanded, lince the whole proceedings of the Englilh and con- l''raiici\ tant de ce que nous auons def- couuert coDune nujjl les .1 iii^lois, depuis les Virilities iusqu'au Freton Dauis^ St* de cequ^eux &^ nous pouuons pre- tendre fuiuant le rapport des Hijtoriens trary to tiie articles of peace which q7ii en ont defcrit, que ie rapporte cy had ju(t been concluded. That fuch a deJTousy quiferont ius;er ii rn c/uk im du demand was made would lie regarded as againlt ()uebec were illegal tout fans pajfion. — /7c/t'ed. 1632,1). 200. In this ]mper he narrates luccinctly the early difcoveries made both by the French and Englifli navigators, and en- forces the doctrine of the fuiierior claims of the French with clearnefs and incredible, did not the tact relt upon documentary evidence of undoubted authoritv. — Vide I.(7Trrdiere's citation from Slate Papers Office, Vol. V. No. 33. CEuvres de Champlain, Qi^t^bec ed., Vol. VI. p. 1413. \ I ,:( IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I m 1^ 1.8 I- 1^ II II 1.25 1.4 1.6 < 6" ► ^ '/ m ^l o / Photographic Sciences Corporation i\ «^ S>^ A ^'' Vide Relation dv Voyage fait par Society of New France or the Hundred le Capitaine Daniel de Dieppe, ann^e Affociates, as Carolvs Daniel, nauticus 1629, Les Voyages du Sieur de Cham- plain, Paris, 1632, p. 271. Captain Daniel was enrolled by Creuxius in the Capitaneus, Vide Hijloria Canadenfis for the names of the Society of the Hundred AfTociates. 1630. Samuel de Champlain, 175 Baleine, demolifhed it, and, failing to the north and f\veei> ing round to the weft, entered an eftuary which he fays the favages called Grand Cibou,"^ where he eredled a fort and left a garrifon of forty men, with provifions and all nccef- fary means of defence. Having fet up the arms of the King of France and thofe of Cardinal Richelieu, ereded a houfe, chapel, and magazine, and leaving two Jefuit miffion- aries, the fathers Barthelemy Vimond and Alexander de Vieuxpont,he departed, taking with him the Britifh colonifts, forty-two of whom he landed near Falmouth in England, and eighteen, including Lord Ochiltrie, he carried into France. This fettlement at the Bay of St. Anne, or Port Dauphin, accidentally eftabliflied and inadequately fuftained, lingered a few years and finally difappeared. Having received the above narrative from Captain Daniel, Champlain foon after proceeded to Paris, and laid the whole fubjedl of the unwarrantable proceedings of the Englifli in detail "' Ciboti. Sometimes written Chi- bou. " Cibou means," fays Mr. J. Hammond Trumball, " fimply river in all carter n Algonkin languages." — MS. letter. Nicholas Denys, in liis very full itinerary of the coafl of the ifland of Cape Breton fpeaks alfo of the entree du petit Chibou on de Labrador. This petit Chibou, according to his defcrip- tion, is identical with what is now known as the Little Bras d'Or, or fmaller paf- fage to Bras d'Or Lake. It feems prob- able that the great Cibou of the Indians was applied originally by them to what we now call the Great Bras d'Or. or larger paflage to Bras d'Or Lake. It is plain, however, that Captain Daniel and other early writers applied it to an eftuary or bay a little further weft than the Great Bras d'Or, feparated from it by Cape Dauphin, and now known as St. Anne's Bay. It took the name of St. Anne's immediately on the planting of Captain Daniel's colony, as Cham- plain calls it, V habitation Jainne Anne en njle du Cap Breton in his relation of what took place in 163 1. — Voyages., ed. 1632, p. 298. A very good defcrip- tion of it by P6re Perrault may be found in Jefuit Relations, 1635, Quebec ed. p. 42. — P'ide, alfo, Defer iption de PAmerique Septentrionale par Afon- fieur Denys, Paris, 1672, p. 155, where is given an elaborate defcription of St. Anne's Harbor. Granfibou may be feen on Champlain's map of 1632, but the map is too indefinite to aid us in fixing its exaft location. ^'!^^ lli ''i il f ■ Pf I' 'mitmmiuwmmTC.. 176 Memoir of 1630. ;Ut ! I detail before the king, Cardinal Richelieu, and the Company of New France, and urged the importance of regaining pof- fefTion as early as poffible of the plantation from which they had been unjuftly ejedled. The Englifh king did not hefi- tate at an early day to promife the reftoration of Quebec, and, in fa6t, after fome delay, all places which were occupied by the French at the outbreak of the war. The policy of the Englifli minifters appears, however, to have been to poft- pone the execution of this promife as long as poffible, prob- ably with the hope that fomething might finally occur to render its fulfilment unneceffary. Sir William Alexander, the Earl of Stirling, who had very great influence with Charles I., was particularly oppofcd to the refloration of the fettlement on the fliores of Annapolis Bafin. This fell within the limits of the grant made to him in 162 1, under the name of New Scotland, and a Scotch colony was now in occupation. He contended that no proper French planta- tion exifled there at the opening of the war, and this was probably true ; a few French people were, indeed, living there, but under no recognized, certainly no adual, authority or control of the crown of France, and confequently they were under no obligation to reftore it. But Charles I. had given his word that all places taken by the Englifh fhould be reflored as they were before the war, and no ar- gument or perfuafions could change his refolution to fulfil his promife. It was not, however, till after the lapfe of more than two years, owing, chiefly, to the oppofition of Sir William Alexander, that the refloration of Quebec and the plantation on Annapolis Bafin was fully affured by the treaty of St. Germain en Laye, bearing date March 29, 1632. The 163: Samticl de Chaviplam. 177 The reader miifl be reminded that the text of tlie treaty juft mentioned and numerous contemporary documents fliow that the reftorations demanded by the French and granted by the Englifli only related to the places occupied by the French before the outbreak of the war, and not to Canada or New France or to any large extent of provincial territory what- eyer 109 When the reftorations were completed, the boundary lines diflinguifhing the Englifh and French poffeffions in America were ftill unfettled, the territorial rights of both nations were flill undefined, and each continued, as they had done before the war, to claim the fame territory as a part of their refpe6l:ive poffeffions. Hiflorians, giving to this treaty a fuperficial examination, and not confidering it in connec- tion with contemporary documents, have, from that time to the prefent, fallen into the loofe and unauthorized ftatement that, by the treaty of St. Germain en Laye. the whole do- main of Canada or New France was reftored to the French. Had the treaty of St. Germain en Laye, by which Que- bec was reftored to the French, fixed accurately the boun- dary lines between the two countries, it would probably have faved the expenditure of money and blood, which continued to be demanded from time to time until, after a century and a quarter, the whole of the French poffeffions were tranf- ferred, under the arbitration of war, to the Englifh crown. CHAPTER XI. 109 Yidg Sir William Alexander and ters, and Trails relating to the Coloni- American Colonization, Prince Society, zation of New Scotland, Bannatyne 1873, PP- 66-72. — Royal Letters, Char- Club, Edinburgh, 1867, p. 77 et paj/t.-;:. •1 23 178 Memoir of 1632. CHAPTER XI. fiMERic DE Caen takes possession of Quebec. — Champlain publishes HIS Voyages. — Returns to New France, repairs the Habitation, and erects a Chapel. — His Letter to Cardinal de Richelieu. — Champlain's Death. N breaking up the fettlement at Quebec, the loffes of the De Caens were confiderable, and it was deemed an a6l of juflice to allow them an opportunity to retrieve them, at leaft in part; and, to enable them to do this, the monopoly of the fur-trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence was granted to them for one year, and, on the retirement of the Englifh, Emeric de Caen, as provifional governor for that peiiod, took formal poffeflion of Quebec on the 13th of July, 1632. In the mean time, Champlain remained in France, devot- ing himfelf with chara6leriftic energy to the interefts of New France. Befide the valuable counfel and aid which he gave regarding the expedition then fitting out and to be fent to Quebec by the Company of New France, he prepared and carried through the prefs an edition of his Voyages, com- prifmg extended extradls from what he had already pub- lifhed, and a continuation of the narrative to 1631. He alfo publiflied in the fame volume a Treatife on Navigation, and a Catechifm tranflated from the French by one of the Fathers into the language of the Montagnais."° On ^10 This catechifm, bearing the fol- dois, autre que celuy des Montagnars, lowing title, is contained on fifteen pages pour la Conuerfion des habitans dudit in the ed. of 1632 : Doctrine Chrcjli- enne, dv R. P. Lcdefme de la Compagnie de le/vs. Tradui^e en Langage Cana- pays. Par le R. P. Breboeufde la me/me Compagnie. It is in double columns, one fide Indian and the other French. 1633. Samuel de Champlam, 179 On the 23d of March, 1633, having again been commif- fioned as governor, Champlain failed from Dieppe with a fleet of three veffels, the " Saint Pierre," the " Saint Jean," and the " Don de Dieu," belonging to the Company of New France, conveying to Quebec a large number of colonics, together with the Jefuit fathers, Enemond Maffe and Jean de Brebeuf. The three veffels entered the harbor of Cue- bee on the 23d of May. On the announcement of Cham- plain's arrival, the little colony was all aftir. The cannon at the Fort St. Louis boomed forth their hoarfe welcome of his coming. The hearts of all, particularly of thofe who had remained at Quebec during the occupation of the Englifli, were overflowing with joy. The three years' ab- fence of their now venerable and venerated governor, and the trials, hardfliips, and difcouragements through which they had in the mean time paffed, had not effaced from their minds the virtues that endeared him to their hearts. The memory of his tender folicitude in their behalf, his brave example of endurance in the hour of want and peril, and the fweetnefs of his parting counfels, came back afrefli to awaken in them new pulfations of gratitude. Champlain's heart was touched by his warm reception and the vifible proofs of their love and devotion. This was a bright and happy day in the calendar of the little colony. Champlain addreffed him.felf with his old zeal and a re- newed flrength to every interefl that promifed immediate or future good refults. He at once dire6ted the renovation and improvement of the habitation and fort, which, after an oc- cupation of three years by aliens, could not be delayed. He then inflituted means, holding councils and creating a new trading-pofl;. \i fi'. \y\ II 1.1 !■( >■ \s- i8o Memoir of «633- '■ :\ « . trading-poft, for winning back the traffic of the allied tribes, which had been of late drawn away by the Englifli, who continued to fleal into the waters of the St. Lawrence for that purpofe. At an early day after his re-eflablilliment of himfelf at Quebec, Champlain proceeded to build a memo- rial chapel in clofe proximity to the fort which he had ere6tcd fome years before on the crefl of the rocky eminence that overlooks the harbor. He gave it the appropriate and fig- nificant name, Notre Dame de Recouvrance, in grateful memory of the recent return of the French to New France.'" It had long been an ardent defire of Champlain to eftablifli a French fettlement among the Hurons, and to plant a mif- fion there for the converfion of this favorite tribe to the Chriflian faith. Two miffionaries, De Brebeuf and De Noue, were now ready for the undertaking. The governor fpared no pains to fccure for thern a favorable reception, and vig- oroufly urged the importance of their miffion upon the Hurons affembled at Quebec.'" But at the laft, when on the eve of fecuring his purpofe, complications arofe and fo much hof- tility was difplayed by one of the chiefs, that he thought it prudent '" The following extrafls will fhow ayent eftd bien receues, et la Chapelle that the chapel was erefled in 1633, that qu'il a fait diefler prochedu fort a Ihon- it was built by Champlain, and that it neur de nollre Dame, &c. — Idem, 1634, was called Notre Dame de Recouv- p. 2. ranee. La troifidme, que n us aliens habiter Nous les menafmes en noftre petite cette Autome, la Relidence de Nortre- chapelle, qui a commencd cefte annde \ dame de Recouurance, a Kebec proche f'embellir. — Vide Relations desjilftiites. du Fort. — Idem., 1635, p. 3. Quebec ed. 1633, p. 30. *'■* According to Pere Lejeune, from La fage conduitte et la prudence de five to feven hundred Hurons had al- Monfieur de Champlain Gouuerneur de fembled at Quebec in July, 1633. bring- Kebec et du fleuue fain6t Laurens, qui ing their canoes loaded with merchan- nous honore de fa bien-veillance, rete- dife. — Vide Relations des Jejttites, nant vn chacun dans fon deuoir, a fait Quebec ed. 1633, p. 34. que nos paroles et nos predications 1635. Samuel de Cha7ftplain, 181 prudent to advife its poftponemcnt to a more aufpicious mo- ment. With thefe and kindred occupations growing out of the refponfibilities of his charge, two years loon paffed away. During the fummer of 1635, Champlain addreffed an in- terefting and important letter to Cardinal de Richelieu, whofe authority at that time fliaped both the domeflic and foreign policy of France. In it the condition and impera- tive wants of New France are clearly fet forth. This docu- ment was prop' oly the laft that Champlain e\er penned, and is, perhaps, the only autograph letter of his now extant. His views of the richnefs and poffible relburces of the coun- try, the vafl miffionary field which it offered, and the policy to be purfucd, are lb clearly ftated that we need offer no apology for giving the following free tranflation of the let- ter in thefe pages.'" Letter of Champlain to Cardinal df. Richelieu. MoNSEiGNEUR, — The honor of the commands that I have received from your Eminence has infpired me with greater courage to render to you every poffible fervice with all the fidelity and affe6lion that can be defired from a faithful fer- vant. I fliall fpare neither my blood nor my life whenever the occafion fhall demand them. There are fubjecfls enough in thefe regions, if your Emi- nence, after confidering the character of the country, fhall defire to extend your authority over them. This territory is more than fifteen hundred leagues in length, lying be- tween the fame parallels of latitude as our own France. It is **' This letter was printed in (Euvres nal is at Paris, in the Archives of For- de Champlain, Quebec ed. Vol. vi. eign Affairs. Pieces yujlificatives. p. 35. Tiie orij;i- f! ( I 1 '!i I. /I l82 Memoir of i63S' is watered by one of the finefl; rivers in the world, into which empty many tributaries more than four hundred leagues in length, beautifying a country inhabited by a vaft number of tribes. Some of them are fedentary in their mode of life, poffefTmg, like the Mufcovites, towns and villages built of wood ; others are nomadic, hunters and fifliermen, all long- ing to welcome the French and religious fathers, that they may be inflru6led in our faith. The excellence of this country cannot be too highly efti- mated or praifed, both as to the richnefs of the foil, the diverfity of the timber fuch as we have in France, the abun- dance of wild animals, game, and fifli, which are of extraor- dinary magnitude. All this invites you, Monfcigneur, and makes it feem as if God had created you above all your pre- deceffors to do a work here more pleafmg to Him than any that has yet been accompliflied. For thirty years I have frequented this country, and have acquired a thorough knowledge of it, obtained from my own obfervation and the information given me by the native in- habitants. Monfeigneur, I pray you to pardon my zeal, if I fay that, after your renown has fpread throughout the Eaft, you fliould end by compelling its recognition in the Weft. Expelling the Englifli from Quebec has been a very im- portant beginning, but, neverthelefs, fmce the treaty of peace between the two crowns, they have returned to carry on trade and annoy us in this river ; declaring that it was en- joined upon them to withdraw, but not to remain away, and that they have their king's permifTion to come for the period of thirty years. But, if your Eminence wills, you can make them feel the power of your authority. This can, further- more, 1635. Savitiel de Champlain, 183 more, be extended at your pleafurc to him who has come here to bring about a general peace among thefe peoples, who are at war with a nation holding more than four hun- dred leagues in fubjediion, and who prevent the free ufe of the rivers and highways. If this peace were made, we (liould be in complete and eafy enjoyment of our polTeffions. Once eftablifhed in the country, we could expel our enemies, both Englifli and Flemings, forcing them to withdraw to the coaft, and, by depriving them of trade with the Iroquois, oblige them to abandon the country entirely. It requires but one hundred and twenty men, light-armed for avoiding arrows, by whofe aid, together with two or three thoufand favage warriors, our allies, we fliould be, within a year, abfolute maflers of all thefe peoples, and, by eflablifhing order among them, promote religious worfliip and fecure an incredible amount of traffic. The country is rich in mines of copper, iron, fleel, brafs, filver, and other minerals which may be found here. The coft, Monfeigneur, of one hundred and twenty men is a trifling one to his Majefty, the enterprife the mofl noble that can be imagined. All for the glory of God, whom I pray with my whole heart to grant you ever-increafing profperity, and to make me, all my life, Monfeigneur, Your mofl humble, Mofl faithful, and Mofl obedient fervant, Champlain. At Quebec, in New France, the isth of Auguft, 1635. In k!^ '» < ■ 1 I' ', J 1/ '*Si i I-. 184 Memoir of 1635. In this letter will be found the key to Champlain's war- policy with the Iroquois, no where elfc fo fully unfolded. We fliall refer to this fubject in the Icquel. Early in 06tober, when the harvefl of the year had ri- pened and been gathered in, and thv. Ijaves had faded and fallen, and the earth was mantled in the fymbols of general decay, in fympathy with all that furrounded him, in his chamber in the little fort on the creft of the rocky promon- tory at Quebec, lay the manly form of Champlain, fmittcn with difeafe, which was daily breaking down the vigor and ftrength of his iron conllitution. From loving friends he re- ceived the miniftrations of tender and alliduous care. But his earthly career was near its end. The bowl had been broken at the fountain. Life went on ebbing away from week to week. At the end of two months and a half, on Chriflmas day, the 25th of December, 1635, his fpirit paffed to its final refl. This otherwife joyous feflival was thus clouded with a deep forrow. No heart in the little colony was untouched by this event. All had been drawn to Champlain, fo many years their chief magiflrate and wife counfellor, by a fponta- neous and irrefiftible refpedl, veneration, and love. It was meet, as it was the univerfal defire, to crown him, in his burial, with every honor which, in their circumflances, they could beflow. The whole population joined in a mournful procefTion. His fpiritual advifer and friend. Father Charles Lalemant, performed in his behalf the lafl folemn fervice of the church. Fathc" Paul Le Jeune pronounced a funeral difcourfe. reciting his virtues, his fidelity to the king and the Company of New France, his extraordinary love and devo- tion '635- Savwel dc CIunuJ^IaiiL tion to the families of tlic colony, and his lafl counfcls for their continiu'd happincls and welfare."^ W'lien IIkII' ceremonies were over his body was jiinufly and tenderly laid to red, and Ibon after a tonih was con- flru(ftcd for its rcccj^tion cxpreffly in his honor as the bene- fac'^tor of New I^'rancc."' The place of his burial " ' was within the little chapel riibfequently creeled, and which was reverently called La Chapdlc de M. dc Clunnhlaiu, in grate- ful memory of him whole body repoied beneath its Ihelter- ing walls. "« Vidr Relations des J.'fuih's. Que- bec ed. 1636, p. 56. Creiixius, //ijioria CiiitmLiiJis, pp. 183-4. "^ Monfieiir le (ioimernfiir. qui elH- moit i"a vertu, defira qu il full entcrre prt5s du corps de ivw Monlicur de Cliam- plain, qui ell dans vn fepnlchre p.ir- ticulier, erigd express pour lionorer i.i memoire de ce fignald perfonnaije c|in" a tant obligcMa Nouuelle Fr.ince. — I'ii/e Relations desjcfnitcs, Quebec ed. 1^)43, p. 3- ^"'' Tlie exacl fpot where Champlain was buried is at this time unknown. Hiflorians and antiquaries have been much interefled in its difcovery. In 1866, the Abbe's Laverdicre and Cafgrain were encouraged to lielieve that their fearches had been crowned with fuc- cefs. They publiflied a ftatement of their difcovery. Their views were con- troverted in Veveral critical pamphlets that followed. In the mean time, addi- tional refearches have been made. The theory then broached that his burial was in the Lower Town, and in the Re- colle<5l chapel built in 161 5, has been abandoned. The Abbe Cafirrain, in an able difcuflion of this fubjedl, in which he cites documents hitherto unpub- lifhed, (hows that Champlain was buried CHAPTKR XII. in a tomb witldn the walls of a chapfl ereded by his fucrelliir in the rpi)er Town, and that tliis < hapel was fiiuatrd fonu'wlicre within llie court v.nrd of the pn-lent poll-olficc. I'cre Le Jeunc, who ri'cords ti;e fie.ith of Champlain in liis Relatii)n of i6j6, does not men- tion tlio place 01 his buri.d : but the Pore V'imont, in his Relation of 1643, in Ipeaking of the burial of Tore Ciiirles Raymb.uilt, fiys, the "Ciov- enior ciclired that he liould be buried nc.ir tlie body of the . itc Monfietir de CluDiiplain, which is in .1 particular tomb erected exiireflly to honor the memory of that dillipiruiflieil perfonagc, who had placed New France under fuch great obligation. " In the Parifh Ret;- ifler of Notre Dame de Quebec, is the following entry : '• The 22d of October (1642). was interred in the Chapel of M. De Champlain the I'6re Charles Rimljault." It is plain, therefore, that Champlain wns buried in what was then commonly known as the Chapel of M. de Champlain. By reference to ancient documents or deerls (one bearing date Feb. 10, 1649, and another22dApriI,i652, and in one of which the Chapel of Champlain is mentioned as contiguous to a piece of land therein defcribed). the Abbtf «4 1 ^ 1 11 •■u i . « 11 »l (*■ 1 ■ 1 ■■ \ ij fl 1 86 Memoir of '635- CHAPTER XII. Champlain's Religion. — His War Policy. — His Domestic and Social Life. — Champlain as an Explorer. — His Literary Labors. —The Results of his Career. S Champlain had lived, lb he died, a firm and con- fiftent member of the Roman church. In harmony with his general chara6ter, his religious views were always moderate, never betraying him into exceffes, or into any merely partifan zeal. Born during the profligate, cruel, and perfidious reign of Charles IX., he was, perhaps, too young to be greatly affected by the evils chara(51;eriftic of that period, the maffacre of St. Barthol- omew's and the numberlefs vices that fvvept along in its train. His youth and early manhood, covering the plaftic and formative period, llretched through the reign of Henry III., in which the llandards of virtue and religion were little if in any degree improved. Early in the reign of Henry IV., when he had fairly entered upon his manhood, we find him clofely AbW Cafgrain proves that the Chapel that when the chapel was deftroyed, of M. de Champlain was within the which was at a very early period, as no l^uare where is fituated the prefent poll- reference to its exiftence is found fub- office at Quebec, and, as the tomb of fequent to 1649, the body of Champlain Champlain was within the chapel, it fol- and the othc-s buried there may have lows that Champlain was buried fome- been removed, and no record made of where within the poft-office fquare above ' ~ mentioned. i I the removal. The Abbd Cafgrain ex- prefTes the hope that other difcoveries Excavadons in this fquare have been may hereafter l)e made that ihall place made, but no traces of the walls or this interefting queftion beyond all foundations of the chapel have been doubt. — Vide Docutnmts Inidits Rela- found. In the 'excavations for cellars tifs an Tc-nbeau de Champlain, par of the houfes conflruded along the I'Abbd H. R Cafgrain, LOpinion Pub- fquare, the foundations of the chapel lique, Montreal, 4 Nov. 1875. may have been removed. It is poflible Samuel de Champlazn, 1635- clofely affociatcd with the moderate party, which encouraged and fuftained the broad, generous, and catholic principles of that diflinguifhed fovereign. When Champlain became lieutenant-governor of New France, his attention was naturally turned to the religious wants of his diflant domain. Proceeding cautioufly, after patient and prolonged inquiry, he feled:ed miffionaries who were earneft, zealous, and fully confecrated to their work. And all whom he fublequently invited into the field were men of chara6ler and learning, whofe brave endurance of hardfhip, and manly courage amid numbcrlefs perils, Ihed glory and luflre upon their holy calling. Champlain's fympathies were always with his miflionaries in their pious labors. Whether the enterprife were the eflablifliment of a miffion among the diftant Hurons, among the Algonquins on the upper St. Lawrence, or for the enlargement of their accommodations at Quebec, the pririt.- ing of a catechifm in the language of the aborigines, or if the foundations of a college were to be laid for the educa- tion of the favages, his heart and hand were ready for the work. On the eftablifhment of the Company of New France, or the Hundred Affociates, Proteftants were entirely excluded. By its conftitution no Huguenots were allowed to fettle within the domain of the company. If this rule was not fuggefted by Champlain, it undoubtedly exifted by his decided and hearty concurrence. The mingling of Catholics and Huguenots in the early hiftory of the colony had brought with it numberlefs annoyances. By lifting the wheat before it was fown, it was hoped to get rid of an otherwife inevitable caufe r I'i I'ij 'M i'l i88 Memoir of 1635- !|' ; f" ^ f ?; • M caufe of irritation and trouble. The corredlnefs of the prin- ciple of Chriftian toleration was not admitted by the Roman church then any more than it is now. Nor did the Prot- eftants of that period believe in it, or pradtife it, whenever they poffeffed the power to do otherwife. Even the Puri- tans of Maffachufetts Bay held that their charter conferred upon them the right and power of exclufion. It was not eafy, it is true, to carry out this view by Iquare legal ena6l- ment without coming intoconfli6l with the laws of England ; but they were adroit and Ikilful, endowed with a marvellous talent for finding fome indirect method of laying a heavy hand upon Friend or Churchman, or the more independent thinkers among their own numbers, who defired to make their abode within the precin6ts of the bay. In the earlier years of the colony at Quebec, when Proteftant and Catholic were there on equal terms, Champlain's religious affociations led him to fwcrve neither to the right hand nor to the left. His adminiftration was charadlerized by juftice, firmnefs, and gentlenefs, and was defervedly fatisfaflory to all parties. In his later years, the little colony upon whofe welfare and Chriftian culture he had beflowed fo much cheerful labor and anxious thought, became every day more and more dear to his heart. Within the ample folds of his charity were likewife encircled the numerous tribes of favages, fpread over the vaft domains of New France. He earneffly defired that all of them, far and near, friend and foe, might be infl:ru6lcd in the do6lrines of the Chriftian faith, and brought into will- ing and loving obedience to the crofs. In its perfonal application to his own heart, the religion of Champlain was di iinguifhed by a natural and gradual progrefs, l!\, 1635- Samuel de Champlain, 189 progrefs. His warmth, tcnderncfs, and zeal grew deeper and (Ironger with advancing years. In his reHgious Hfe there was a clearly marked feed-time, growth, and ripening for the harveft. After his return to Quebec, during the lad three years of his life, his time was efpecially fyflematized and appropriated for intelledlual and fpiritual improvement. Some portion was given every morning by himfelf and thofe who conftituted his family to a courfe of hiftorical reading, and in the evening to the memoirs of the faintly dead whofe lives he regarded as fuitable for the imitation of the living, and each night for himfelf he devoted more or lefs time to private meditation and prayer. Such were the devout habits of Champlain's life in his later years. We are not, therefore, furprifed that the hiflo- rian of Canada, twenty-five years after his death, fhould place upon record the following concife but comprehenfive eulogy : — " His furpaffmg love of juftice, piety, fidelity to God, his king, and the Society of New France, had always been con- fpicuous. But in his death he gave fuch illuflrious proofs of his goodnefs as to fill every one with admiration." "^ The reader of thefe memoirs has doubtlefs obferved with furprife and perhaps with difappointment, the readinefs with which Champlain took part in the wars of the favages. On his firfl vifit to the valley of the St. Lawrence, he found the Indians dwelling on the northern fhores of the river and the lakes engaged in a deadly warfare with thofe on the fouth- ern, the Iroquois tribes occupying the northern limits of the prefent '" Vide Creuxius, Hijioria Canadenfis, pp. 183, 184. :lt. ? ' !'}" ,■ 'A. m-. ,1 '1 11 i 'I far * ; n 1 I i i 190 Memoir of 1635- prefent State of New York, generally known as the Five Nations- The hoflile relations between thefe favages were not of recent date. They reached back to a very early but indefinite period. They may have exilled for feveral centu- ries. When Champlain planted his colony at Quebec, in 1608, he at once entered into friendly relations with all the tribes which were his immediate neighbors. This was emi- nently a fuitable thing to do, and was, moreover, neceffary for his fafety and prote6lion. But a permanent and effective alliance with thefe tribes carried with it of neceffiiy a folemn affurance of aid againft their enemies. This Champlain promptly promifed without hefitation, and the next year he fulfilled his promife by lead- ing them to battle on the fliores of Lake Champlain. At all fubfequent periods he regarded himfelf as committed to aid his allies in their hoftile expeditions againft the Iroquois. In his printed journal, he offers no apology for his condudl in this refpe6t, nor does he intimate that his views could be queftioned either in morals or found policy. He rarely affigns any reafon whatever for engaging in thefe wars. In one or two inftances he ftates that it feemed to h'm neceffary to do fo in order to facilitate the difcoveries which he wifhed to make, and that he hoped it might in the end be the means of leading the favages to embrace Chriftianity. But he no- where enters upon a full difcuffion of this point. It is enough to fay, in explanation of this filence, that a private journal like that publifhed by Champlain, was not the place in which to forefliadow a policy, efpecially as it might in the future be fubjecfl to change, and its fuccefs might depend upon its being known only to thofe who had the power to fliape and dire6t I 1635. Samuel de Champlatn, 191 direcfk it. But neverthelefs the filence of Champlain has doubtlefs led fome hiftorians to infer that he had no good reafons to give, and unfavorable criticifms have been bellowed upon his condud by thofe, who did not underftand the cir- cumftances which influenced him, or the motives which con- trolled his aftion. The war-policy of Champlain was undoubtedly very plainly fet forth in his correfpondence and interviews with the vice- roys and feveral companies under whofe authority he aded. But thefe difcuffions, whether oral or written, do not appear in general to have been preferved. Fortunately a fingle doc- ument of this chara6ler is flill extant, in which his views are clearly unfolded. In Champlain's remarkable letter to Cardinal de Richelieu, which we have introduced a few pages back, his policy is fully flated. It is undoubtedly the fame that he had adted upon from the beginning, and explains the franknefs and readinefs with which, firfl and laft, as a faithful ally, he had profeffed himfelf willing to aid the friendly tribes iiT their wars againfl the Iroquois. The objedl which he wifhed to accompli fli by this tribal war was, as fully ftated in the letter to which we have referred, tirfl, to conquer the Iroquois or Five Nations ; to introduce peaceful relations be- tween them and the other furrounding tribes ; and, fecondly, to eflablifli a grand alliance of all the favage tribes, far and near, with the French. This could only be done in the order here flated. No peace could be fecured frr m the Iroquois, except by their conquefl, the utter breaking down of their pov/er. They were not fufceptible to the influence of reafon. They were implacable, and had been brutalized by long- inherited habits of cruelty. In the total annihilation of their power I A tl iVi i sam 192 Me^noir of '^'35- power was the only hope of peace. This being accompliflied, the furviving remnant would, according to the ufual cuflom among the Indians, readily amalgamate with the vi6lorious tribes, and then a general alliance with the French could be eafdy fecurcd. This was what Champlain wiflied to accomplifli. The pacification of all the tribes occupying both fides of *^he St. Lawrence and the chain of north- ern lakes would place the whole domain of the American continent, or as much of it as it would be defirable to hold, under the eafy and abfolute control of the French nation. Such a pacification as this would fecure two obje6ls ; objedls eminently important, appealing ftrongly to all who defired the aggrandizement of France and the progrefs and fupremacy of the Catholic faith. It would fecure for ever to the French the fur-trade of the Indians, a commerce then important and capable of vaft expanfion. The chief ftrength and refources of the favages allied with the French, the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Hurons, were at that period expended in their wars. On the ceffation of hoftilities, their whole force would naturally and inevitably be given to the chafe. A grand field lay open to them for this exciting occupation. The fur-bearing country embraced not only the region of the St. Lawrence and the lakes, but the vaft: and unlimited expanfe of territory ftretching out indefinitely in every diredlion. The whole northern half of the continent of North America, filled with the moft valuable fur-producing mammalia, would be open to the enterprife of the French, and could not fail to pour into their treafury an mcredible amount of wealth. This Champlain was far-fighted enough to i63S- Samuel de Champlain, 193 to fee, and his patriotic zeal led him to dcfire that France fhould avail herlelf of this opportunity."" But the conqueft of the Iroquois would not only open to France the prorpc6l of cxhauftlefs wealth, but it would ren- der acceffible a broad, extcnfivc, and inviting field of niiffion- ciry labor. It would remove all external and iihyfical obflacles to the fpeedy tranfmiffion and offer of the Chriftian faith to the numberlefs tribes that would thus be brought within their reach. The defire to bring about thefe two great ulterior pur- pofes, the augmentation of the commerce of France in the full development of the fur-trade, and the gathering into the Catholic church the favage tribes of the wildernefs, explains the readinefs with which, from the beginning, Champlain encouraged his Indian allies and took part with them in their wars againfl the Five Nations. In the very lafl year of his life, he denianded of Richelieu the requifite military force to carry on this war, reminding him that the coft would be trifling to his Majefly, while the enterprife would be the mofl noble that could be imagined. In regard to the domellic and focial life of Champlain, fcarcely any documents remain that can throw light upon the ^" The juftnefs of Champlain's con- ception of the value of the fur-trade has been verified by its fubfequent hiftory. The Hudfon's Bay Company was organ- ized for the purpofe of carrying on this trade, under a charter granted by Charles II., in 1670. A part of the trade has at times been conduced by other alTociations. But this company is ftill in aftive and vigorous operation. Its capital is $ro,ooo,ooo. At its reor- ganization in 1863, it was eftimated that it would yield a net annual income, to be divided among the corporators, of $400,000. It employs twelve hun- dred fervants befide its chief factors. It is eafy to fee what a vaft amount of wealth in the (liape of furs and peltry has bee.' pouring into the European markets, "or more than two hundred years, from this fur-bearing region, and the fources of this wealth are p.obably little, if in any degree, diminilhed. 25 1 if « 1 M" ii' |t^ ''1I I", t' I, M \ 'J * / .ill \ V- tMiiMM 194 Memoir of ^^z^- M i the fubje(5l. Of his parents we have little information beyond that of their refpe(fl:able calling and ftanding. He was probably an only child, as no others are on any occa- fion mentioned or referred to. He married, as we have feen, the daughter of the Secretary of the King's Chamber, and his wife, Helene Boulle, accompanied him to Canada in 1620, where flie remained four years. They do not appear to have had children, as the names of none are found in the records at Quebec, and, at his death, the only claimant as an heir, was a coufm, Marie Cameret, who, in 1639, refided at Ro- chelle, and whofe hufband was Jacques Herfant, controller of duties and imports. After Champlain's deceafe, his wife, Helene Boulle, became a novice in an Urfuline convent in the faubourg of St. Jacques in Paris. Subfequently, in 1648, (lie founded a religious houfe of the fame order in the city of Meaux, contributing for the purpofe the fum of twenty thoufand livres and fome part of the furnifliing. She entered the houfe that flie had founded, as a nun, under the name of Sifter Helene de St. Augujlin^ where, as the foundrefs, certain privileges were granted to her, fuch as a fuperior quality of food for herfelf, exemption from attend- ance upon fome of the longer fervices, the reception into the convent, on her recommendation, of a young maiden to be a nun of the choir, with fuch pecuniary affiftance as (he might need, and the letters of her brother, the Father Euf- tache Boulle, were to be exempted from the ufual infpe6lion. She died at Meaux, on the 20th day of December, 1654, in the convent which flie had founded."' As *^' Vide Doctifnents inidits sur Sa- ravay, archivifte paldographe, Paris, muel de C/tamplain, par fitienne Cha- 1875. i635- Samuel de Champlain, 195 As an explorer, Champlain was unfiirpafrcd by any who vifited the northern coafts of America anterior to its perma- nent fettlement. He was by nature endowed with a love of ufeful adventure, and for the difcovery of new countries he had an infatiable thirfl. It began with him as a child, and was frefli and irrepreffible in his latefl years. Among the arts, he affigned 10 navigation the 'ligheft importance. His broad appreciation of it and his ftrong attachment to it, are finely ftated in his own compad and comprehenfive defcrip- tion. •' Of all the mofl ufeful and excellent arts, that of navigation has always feemed to me to occupy the firfl place. For the more hazardous it is, and the more numerous the perils and loffes by which it is attended, fo much the more is it efleemed and exalted above all others, being wholly unfuited to the timid and irrefolute. By this art we obtain a knowledge of differ- ent countries, regions, and realms. By it we attra6l and bring to our own land all kinds of riches ; by it the idolatry of paganifm is overthrown and Chriftianity proclaimed through- out all the regions of the earth. This is the art which won my love in my early years, and induced me to expofe myfelf almoft all my life to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the coafts of a part of America, efpecially thofe of New France, where I have always defired to fee the Lily flourifli, together with the only religion, catholic, apo- ftolic, and Roman." In addition to his natural love for difcovery, Champlain had a combination of other qualities which rendered his explorations pre-eminently valuable. His intereft did not vanifh with feeing what was new. It was by no means a mere 196 Memoir of ^^Zh- » mere fancy for fimple fight-feeing. Reftleffnefs and volatility did not belong to his temperament. His invelligations were never made as an end, but always as a means. His under- takings in this diredion were for the moft part Ihaped and colored by his Chriftian principle and his patriotic love of France. Sometimes one and fometimes the other was more prominent. His voyage to the Weft Indies was undertaken under a twofold impulfe. It gratified his love of exploration and brought back rare and valuable information to France. Spain at that time did not open her ifland-ports to the com- merce of the world. She was drawing from them vaft reve- nues in pearls and the precious metals. It was her policy to keep this whole domain, this rich archipelago, hermetically fealed, and any foreign veffel approached at the rifk of cap- ture and confifcation. Champlain could not, therefore, explore this region under a commiffion from France. He accordingly fought and obtained pcrmiifion to vifit thefe Spanifh polTeffions under the cvuthority of Spain herfelf. He entered and perfonally examined all the important ports that furround and encircle the Caribbean Sea, from the pearl- bearing Margarita on the fouth, Defeada on the eaft, to Cuba on the weft, together with the city of Mexico, and the Ifth- mus of Panama on the mainland. As the fruit of thefe jour- neyings, he brought back a report minute in defcription, rich in details, and luminous with illuftrations. This little bro- chure, from the circumftances attendant upon its origin, is unfurpaffed in hiftorical importance by any fimilar or com- peting document of that period. It muft always remain of the higheft value as a truftworthy, original authority, without which Jii »635- Samuel de Chaviplain, 197 which it is probable that the hiftory of thofe iflands, for that period, could not be accurately and truthfully written. Champlain was a pioneer in the exploration of the Atlan- tic coaft of New England and the eaHern provinces of Can- ada. From the Strait of Canfeau, at the northeaftern extremity of Nova Scotia, to the Vineyard Sound, on the fouthern limits of Maffachufetts, he made a thorough furvey of the coaft in 1605 Lnd 1606, perfonally examining its moft important harbors, bays, and rvers, mounting its headlands, penetrating its forefts, carefully obferving and elaborately defcribing its foil, its produds, and its native inhabitants. Befides lucid and definite defcriptions of the coaft, he exe- cuted topographical drawings of numerous points of intereft along our ftiores, as Plymouth harbor, Naufet Bay, Stage Harbor at Chatham, Glouceftcr Bay, the Bay of Saco, with the long ftretch of Old Orchard Beach and its interfperfed iflands, the mouth of the Kennebec, and as many more on the coaft of New Brunfwick and Nova Scotia. To thefe he added defcriptions, more or Icfs definite, of the harbors of Barnftable, Wellfleet, Bofton, of the headland of Cape Anne, Merrimac Bay, the Ifles of Shoals, Cape Porpoife, Rich- mond's Ifland, Mount Defert, Ifte Haute, Seguin, and the numberlefs other iflands that adorn the exquifite fea-coaft of Maine, as jewels that add a new luftre to the beauty of a peerlefs goddefs. Other navigators had coafted aiong our fhores. Some of them had touched at fmgle points, of which they made mea- gre and unfatisfad;ory furveys. Gofnold had, in 1602, dif- covered Savage Rock, but it was fo indefinitely located and defcribed that it cannot even at this day be identified. Re- folving I ' ^i \ V. iH! .^f l« w 198 Memoir of ^^1%' \'\ i folving to make a fettlcmcnt on one of the bnrren iflands forming the group named in honor of Queen Elizabeth and ftill bearing her name, after fome weeks fpent in erec^ling a ftorehoufe, and in collec^ling a cargo of " furrs, fkyns, faxa- fras, and other commodities," the project of a lettlenient was abandoned and he returned to England, leaving, however, two »''?rmanent memorials of his voyage, in the names which he gave refpedlively to Martha's Vineyard and to the head- land of Cape Cod. Captain Martin Pringcame to our fhores in 1603, in fearch of a cargo of faffafras. There are indications that he entered the Penobfcot. He afterward paid his refpedts to Savage Rock, the undefined bonanza of his predeceffor. He foon found his defired cargo on the Vineyard Iflands, and haflily returned to England. Captain George Weymouth, in 1605, was on the coaft of Maine concurrently, or nearly fo, with Champlain, where he paffed a month, explored a river, fet up a crofs, and took pof- feffion of the country in the name of the king. But where thefe tranfaclions took place is ftill in difpute, fo indefinitely does his journalift defcribe them. Captain John Smith, eight years later than Champlain, furveyed the coaft of New England while his men were col- letting a cargo of furs and fifh. He wrote a defcription of it from memory, part or all of it while a prifoner on board a French fliip of war off Fayall, and executed a map, both valuable, but neverthelefs exceedingly indefinite and general in their charadler. Thefe flying vifits to our (hores were not unimportant, and muft not be undervalued. They were neceffary fteps in the ^(^3S' Samuel de Chatnplain. 199 the progrcfs of the jjjrand liillorical events that followed. But they were meagre and hally and ruperficial, when com- pared to the careful, deliberate, extenfive, and thorough, not to fay exhauftive, explorations made by Chainplain. In the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Cartier had preceded Cham- plain by a period of more than fixty years. During this long, dreary half-century the flillnefs of the primeval foreft had not been dillurbed by the woodman's axe. When Champlain's eyes fell u|)on it, it was ftill the fame wild, un- frequented, unredeemed region that it had been to its firfl; difcoverer. The rivers, bays, and iflands deferibed by Car- tier were identified by Champlain, and the names they had already received were permanently fixed by his added au- thority. The whole gulf and river were re-examined and deferibed anew in his journal. The exploration of the Riche- lieu and of Lake Champlain was pufhed into the interior three hundred miles from his bafe at Quebec. It reached into a wildernefs and along gentle waters never before feen by any civilized race. It was at once fafcinating and hazard- ous, environed as it was by vigilant and ferocious favages, who guarded its gates with the fleeplefs vvatchfulnefs of the fabled Cerberus. The courage, endurance, and heroifm of Champlain were tefted in the ftill greater exploration of 161 5. It extended from Montreal, the whole length of the Ottawa, to Lake NipifTmg, the Georgian Bay, Simcoe, the fyftem of fmall lakes on the fouth, acrofs the Ontario, and finally ending in the interior of the State of New York, a journey through tangled forefts and broken w-ater-courfes of more than a thoufand miles, occupying nearly a year, executed in the face V" j i ^l*, t 1 i ' 1 i 1 ! \ r i III 'i ' I ' I ■■i 3 i* ( 'ih u 1 11 >' t i 200 Memoir of ^(^ii- I I face of phyfical fuffering and hardfhip before which a nature lefs intrepid and determined, lefs loyal to his great purpofe, lefs generous and unfelfifli, would have yielded at the outfet. Thefe journeys into the interior, along the courfes of navi- gable rivers and lakes, and through the primitive forefls, laid open to the knowledge of the French a domain vaft and in- definite in extent, on which an empire broader and far richer in refources than the old Gallic France might have been fuccefsfully reared. The perfonal explorations of Champlain in the Weft In- dies, on the Atlantic coaft, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the State of New York and of Vermont, and among the lakes in Canada and thofe that divide the Dominion from the United States, including the full, explicit, and detailed journals which he wrote concerning them, place Champlain undeniably not merely in the front rank, but at t'le head of the long lift of explorers and navigators, who early vifited this part of the continent of North America. Champlain's literary labors are interefting and important. They were not profeflional, but incidental, and the natural outgrowth of the career to which he devoted his life. He had the fagacity to fee that the fields which he entered as an explorer were new and important, that the afpe6t of every thing which he then faw would, under the influence and progrefs of civilization, foon be changed, and that it was hiftorically important that a portrait fketched by an eye- witnefs fliould be handed down to other generations. It was likewife neceffary for the immediate and fuccefsful planting of colonies, that thofe who engaged in the under- taking fliould have before them full information of all the conditions li» 1635- Samuel de Cha^nplain. 20I conditions on which they were to build their hopes of final fuccefs. Infpired by fuch motives as thefe, Champlain wrote out an accurate journal of the events that tranfpired about him, of what he perfonally faw, and of the obfervations of others, authenticated by the befl tefts which, under the circumflances, he was able to apply. His natural endowments for this work were of the highefl order. As an obferver he was fagacious, difcriminating, and careful. His judgment was cool, com- prehenfive, and judicious. His ftyle is in general clear, logi- cal, and compa(5l. His acquired ability was not, however, extraordinary. He was a fcholar neither by education nor by profeffion. His life was too full of a(5live duties, or too remote from the centres of knowledge for acquifitions in the departments of elegant and refined learning. The period in which he lived was little diftinguifhed for literary culture. A more brilliant day was approaching, but it had not yet appeared. The French language was ftill crude and unpol- ifhed. It had not been difciplined and moulded into the excellence to which it foon after arofe in the reign of Louis XIV. We cannot in reafon look for a grace, refinement, and flexibility which the French language had not at that time generally attained. But it is eafy to fee under the rude, antique, and now obfolete forms which characterize Cham- plain's narratives, the elements of a ftyle which, under early difcipline, nicer culture, and a richer vocabulary, might have made it a model for all times. There are, here and there, fome involved, unfinifhed, and obfcure paffages, which feem, in- deed, to be the offspring of hafte, or perhaps of carelefs and inadequate proof-reading. But in general his ftyle is with- 26 out ",M i L' t ; 1 1 ;'l 1 I, I, ( '■ \\ • \ ii ill 11 ;i l(H \\' 1 i .///V, 202 .! 1 I hm. f * WW Memoir of 1635- out ornament, fimple, dignified, concife, and clear. While he was not a diffufive writer, his works are by no means lim- ited in extent, as they occupy in the late erudite Laverdiere's edition, fix quarto volumes, containing fourteen hundred pages. In them are three large maps, delineating the whole rxOi r!ieafl:ern part of the continent, executed with great care and labor by his own hand, together with numerous local drawings, pi6luring not only bays and harbors, Indian canoes, wigwams, and fortreffes, but feveral battle fcenes, conveying a clear idea, not poflible by a mere verbal defcription, of the favage implements and mode of warfare.'^" His works in- clude, likewife, a treatife on navigation, fiall of excellent fug- geftions to the pradlical feaman of that day, drawn from his own experience, flretching over a period of more than forty years. The Voyages of Cham plain, as an authority, muft always fland in the front rank. In truflworthinefs, in richnefs and fullnefs of detail, they have no competitor in the field of which they treat. His obfervations upon the charadler, manners, cufloms, habits, and utenfils of the aborigines, were made before they were modified or influenced in their mode of life by European civilization. The intercourfe of the ftrolling fur-trader and fifliermen with them was fo infre- quent and brief at that early period, that it made upon them little or no impreffion. Champlain confequently pictures the Indian in his original, primeval fimplicity. This will always ^20 The later (ketches made by Cham- accurate, but fome of them are fkilfully plain are greatly fuperior to thofe which done, and not only do no difcredit to an iic evecuted to illullrate his voyage in amateur, but difcover marks of artiftic the W':ill Indies. They are not only taile and (kill. i635- Samuel de Chainplain, 203 always give to his narratives, in the eye of the hiflorian, the ethnologift, and the antiquary, a peculiar and pre-emi- nent importance. The refult of perfonal obfervation, emi- nently truthful and accurate, their teftimony mufl in all future time be incomparably the beft that can be obtained relating to the aborigines on this part of the American con- tinent. In completing this memoir, the reader can hardly fail to be impreffed, not to fay difappointed, by the fa6l that refults apparently infignificant fhould thus far have followed a life of able, honefl, unfelfifh, heroic labor. The colony was flill fmall in numbers, the acres fubdued and brought into culti- vation were few, and the aggregate yearly produ6ls were meagre. But it is to be obferved that the produdivencfs of capital and labor and talent, two hundred and feventy years ago, cannot well be compared with the ftandards of to-day. Moreover, the refults of Champlain's career are infignificant rather in appearance than in reality. The work which he did was in laying foundations, while the fuperllrudure was to be reared in other years and by other hands. The palace or temple, by its lofty and majeflic proportions, attrads the eye and gratifies the talle ; but its unfeen foundations, with their nicely adjufled arches, without which the fuperftru6lurc would crumble to atoms, are not lefs the refult of the pro- found knowledge and pra6lical wifdom of the archite(5l. The explorations made by Champlain early and late, the organ- ization and planting of his colonies, the refiflance of avari- cious corporations, the holding of numerous favage tribes in friendly alliance, the daily adminiflration of the affairs of the colony, of the favages, and of the corporation in France, to the '\) \- i I'll ;■ ■ ," 204 Memoir of De Champlain, 1635. the eminent fatisfa6Hon of all generous and noble-minded patrons, and this for a period of more than thirty years, arc proofs of an extraordinary combination of mental and moral qualities. Without impulfivenefs, his warm and tender fym- pathies imparted to him an unufual power and influence over other men. He was wife, modeft, and judicious in council, prompt, vigorous, and pra6tical in adminiftration, fimple and frugal in his mode of life, p'^rfiftent and unyielding in the execution of his plans, brave and valiant in danger, un- fclfifli, honeft, and confcientious in the difcharge of duty. Thefe qualities, rare in combination, were always confpic- uous in Champlain, and juflly entitle him to the refpe6t and admiration of mankind. |i * n III! t ANNOTATIONES POSTSCRIPTS. USTACHE BOULLE. A brother-in-law of Champlain, who made his firft vifit to Canada in 1618. He was an active affiftant of Cham- plain, and in 1625 was named his lieutenant. He continued there until the takinc: of Quebec by the Englifli in 1629. He fubfequently took holy orders. — Vide Doc. inedits fur Samuel de Champlain, par Etiennc Charavay. Paris, 1875, p. 8. Pont Grave. The whole career of this diflinguiflied merchant was clofely affociated with Canadian trade. He was in the Gulf of St, Lawrence, in the interefl of Chauvin, in 1599. He commanded the expedition fent out by De Chafte in 1603, when Champlain made his iirfl exploration of the River St. Lawrence. He was intruded with the chief management of the trade carried on with the Indians by the various companies and viceroys under Champlain's lieuten- ancy until the removal of the colony by the Englifli, when his adtive life was clofed by the infirmities of age. He was always a warm and truded friend of Champlain, who fought his counfel on all occafions of importance. The U w ij t ■ % i* !, 1, 'y ( ./?,.,' * li ij t 206 Annotationes Postscriptce, The Birth of Ciiamplain. All efforts to fix the exa6l date of his birth have been unfuccefsful. M. De Richemond, autho.' of a BiograpJiie de la Charente Inferieitrc, inftituted moft careful fearches, particularly with the hop^^ of findi^ig a record of his baptifm. The records of the parifli of Brou- age extend back only to Augufl 11, 161 5. The duplicates, depofited at the office of the civil tribunal of Marennes anterior to this date, were deftroyed by fire. — MS. letter of M. De Richemo7id, Archivijl of the Dcp. of Charente hife- rieiire. La Rochelle, July 17, 1875. Marc Lescarhot. We have cited the authority of this writer in this work on many occafions. He was born at Vervins, perhaps about 1585. He became an advocate, and a refident of Paris, and, according to Larouffe, died in 1630. He came to America in 1606, and paffed the winter of that year at the French fettlement near the prefent fite of Lower Granville, on the weftern bank of Annapolis Bafm in Nova Scotia. In the fpring of 1607 he croffed the Bay of Fundy, entered the harbor of St. John, N. B., and extended his voy- age as far as De Monts's Illand in the River St. Croix. He returned to France that fame year, on the breaking up of De Monts's colony. He was the author of the following works : Hifloire de la Nouvelle France, 1 609 ; Les Ahfes de la Notivelle France ; Tableau de la Siiifje, auqtiel fo7it decrites les Singularites des Alpes, Paris, 1618 ; La Chajfe aux A^iglais dans rifle de Rhe et au Siege de la Rochelle^ et la Reduction de cette Ville en 1628. Paris, 1629. Plymouth Harbor. This note will modify our remarks on p. 78, Vol. IL Champlain entered this harbor on the 1 8th . 1 Annotationes Postscriptcc. 207 iSth of July, 1605, and, lingering but a fingle clay, failed out of it on the 19th. He named it Port St. Louis, or Port du Cap St. Louis. — ViWc antca, pp. 53, 54; Vol. II., pp. 76-78. As the fruit of his brief rtay in the harbor of Plym- outh, he made an outline fketch of the bay which preferves mofl; of its important features. He delineates what is now called on our Coafl: Survey maps Lo)ig Beach and Dnxbury Beach. At the fouthern extremity of the latter is the head- land known as the Gtirnet. Within the bay he figures two iflands, of which he fpeaks alfo in the text. Thefe two iflands are mentioned in Mourt's Relation, printed in 1622, — i^'ide Dexter s ed. p. 60. They are alio figured on an old map of the date of 161 6, found by J. R. Brodhead in the Royal Archives at the Hague ; likewife on a map by Lucini, without date, but, as it has Boflon on it, it mud have been executed after 1630. Thefe maps may be found in Doc. His. of the State of New York, Vol. I. ; Docziments relating to the Colonial His. of the State of Neiu York, Vol. I., p. 13. The reader will find thefe iflands likewife indicated on the map of William Wood, entitled The South part of New- England, as it is Pla7ited this y care, 1634. — Vide Nezu Eng- land ProfpeH, Prince Society ed. They appear alfo on Blafkowitz's "Plan of Plimouth," 1774. — Vide Changes i7i the Harbor of Plymotith, by Prof. Henry Mitchell, Chief of Phyfical Hydrography, U. S. Coafl Survey, Report of 1876, Appendix No. 9. In the collections of the IMafs. Hiflorical Society for 1793, Vol. II., in an article entitled A Topographical Defcription uf Duxborough, but without the author's name, the writer fpeaks of two pleafant iflands within the harbor, and adds that Saquifli was joined to the Gurnet J* r V I' %. •W '1 iJ h} ''si ' mfmm ■hMmi I I i.j, I, ! r I. \ llr f t ; \ \ ; V > 'I fl M 'il I 208 Annotationcs Postscripta^. Gurnet by a narrow piece of land, but for feveral years the water had made its way acrofs and ivfulatcd it. From the early maps to which we have referred, and the foregoing citations, it appears that there were two iflands in the harbor of Plymouth from the time of Champlain till about the beginning of the prefent century. A careful col- lation of Champlaiii's map of the harbor with the recent Coaft Survey Charts will render it evident that one of thefc iflands thus figured by Champlain, and by others later, is SaquiHi Head ; that fince his time a fand-bank has been thrown up and now become permanent, connecting it with the Gurnet by what is now called Saquifli Neck. Prof. Mitchell, in the work already cited, reports that there are now four fathoms lefs of water in the deeper portion of the roadftead than when Champlain explored the harbor in 1605. There muft, therefore, have been an enormous dcpofit of fand to produce this refult, and this accounts for the neck of fand which has been thrown up and become fixed or perma- nent, now conne6ting Saquifli Head with the Gurnet. Mount Desert. This ifland was difcovcred on the fifth day of September, 1604. Champlain having been comif- fioned by Sieur De Monts, the Patentee of La Cadie, to make difcoveries on the coafl; foudiwefl of the Saint Croix, left the mouth of that river in a fmall barque of feventeen or eighteen tons, with twelve failors and two favages as guides, and anchored the fame evening, apparently near Bar Harbor. While here, they explored Frenchman's Bay as far on the north as the Narrows, where Champlain fays the diflance acrofs to the mainland is not more than a hundred paces. The .„,,/„. Annotationes Postscriptcu. 209 The next day, on the fixth of the month, tlicy failed two leagues, and came to Otter Creek Cove, which extends up into the ifland a mile or more, neftling between the fpurs of Newport Mountain on the eafl: and Green Mountain on the weft. Champlain fays this cove is " at the foot of the moun- tains," which clearly identifies it, as it is the only one in the neighborhood anfwering to this defcription. In this cove they difcovered feveral favages, who had come there to hunt beavers and to fifh. On a vifit to Otter Cove Cliffs in June, 1880, we were told by an old fiflierman ninety years of age, living on the borders of this cove, and the ftatement was confirmed by feveral others, that on the creek at the head of the cove, there was, within his memory, a well- known beaver dam. The Indians whofe acquaintance Champlain made at this place condu6ted him among the iflands, to the mouth of the Penobfcot, and finally up the river, to the fite of the prefent city of Bangor. It was on this vifit, on the fifth of Septem- ber, 1604, that Champlain gave the ifland the name of Monts- deferis. The French generally gave to places names that were fignificant. In this inftance they did not depart from their ufual cuftom. The fummits of most of the moun- tains on this ifland, then as now, were only rocks, being defl:itute of trees, and this led Champlain to give its fignifi- cant name, which, in plain Englifli, means the ifland of the defert, wafte, or uncultivatable mountains. If we follow the analogy of the language, either French or Englifli, it fliould be pronounced with the accent on the penult, Mount Defert, and not on the laft fyllable, as we fometimes hear it. This principle cannot be violated without giving to the word a 27 meaning \ * !■ k ' I1: \\'m '] ttmmm I i; 2IO Annotaiiones Postscriptcc, meaning which, in this conncdlion, would be obvioufly inap- propriate and ablurd. Carte de la Novvelle France, 1632. As the map of 1632 has often been referred to in this work, we have intro- duced into this volume a heliotype copy. The original was publifticd in the year of its date, but it had been completed before Champlain left Quebec in 1629. The reader will bear in mind that it was made from Clamplain's perfonal explo- rations, and from fuch other information as could be ob- tained from the meagre fources which exificd at that early period, and not from any accurate or fcientific furveys. The information which he obtained from others was derived from more or lefs doubtful fources, coming as it did from fifliermen, fur-traders, and the native inhabitants. The two former undoubtedly conflruded, from time to time, rude maps of the coafl for their own ufe. From thefe Champlain probably obtained valuable hints, and he was thus able to fupplement his own knowledge of the regions with which he was leafl familiar on the Atlantic coafl and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Beyond the limits of his perfonal explorations on the weft, his information was wholly derived from the favages. No European had penetrated into thofe regions, if we except his fervant, Etienne Brule, whofe defcriptions could have been of very little fervice. The deficiencies of Champlain's map are here accordingly moft apparent. Riv- ers and lakes farther wefl than the Georgian Bay, and fouth of it, are fometimes laid down where none exifl, and, again, where they do exift, none are portrayed. The outline of Lake Huron, for illuftration, was entirely mifconceived. A river-like .:z-. • » !. if Annotationes Postscriptcv, 2 1 1 river-like line only of water reprefcnts Lake Erie, while Lake Michigan does not appear at all. The delineation of Hudfon's Bay was evidently taken from the Tabula Nautica of Henry Hudfon, as we have Ihown in Note 297, Vol. IL, to which the reader is referred. It will be obferved that there is no recognition on the map of any Englifh fettlement within the limits of New England. In 1629, when the Carie de la Novvclle France was completed, an Englifli colony had been planted at Plym- outh, Mafs., nine years, and another at Pifcataqua, or Portf- mouth, N. H., fix years. The Rev. William Blaxton had been for feveral years in occupation of the peninfula of Shawmut, or Bofton. Salem had alfo been fettled one or two years. These lafl two may not, it is true, have come to Champlain's knowledge. But none of thefe fcttlements are laid down on the map. The reafon of thefe omiffions is obvious. The whole territory from at leafl the 40th de- gree of north latitude, flretching indefinitely to the north, was claimed by the French. As poffeffion was, at that day, the mofl potent argument for the juflice of a territorial claim, the recognition, on a French map, of thefe Englifli fettlements, would have been an indifcretion which the wife and prudent Champlain would not be likely to commit. There is, however, a diflin6l recognition of an Englifli fettlement farther fouth. Cape Charles and Cape Henry appear at the entrance of Chefapeake Bay. Virginia is in- fcribed in its proper place, while Jameftown and Point Com- fort are referred to by numbers. On the borders of the map numerous fifli belonging to thefe waters are figured, together with feveral veffels of dif- ferent Ml \{ >!■ 's\\ r % 212 Annotationes Postscriptce, fercnt fizcs and in different attitudes, thus prcfcrving their form and flru(!^ure at that period. The degrees of latitude and longitude are numerically indicated, which arc convenient for the references found in Champlain's journals, but are neceffarily too inaccurate to be othcrwife ufeful. But not- withftanding its defe6ls, when we take into account the lim- ited means at his command, the difficulties which he had to encounter, the vafl region which it covers, this map mufl be regarded as an extraordinary achievement. It is by far the mofl accurate in outline, and the moft finiflicd in detail, of any that had been attempted of this region anterior to this date. The Portraits of Champlain. — Three engraved por- traits of Champlain have come to our knowledge. All of them appear to have been after an original engraved portrait by Balthazar Moncornet. This artift was born in Rouen about 1615, and died not earlier than 1670. He pra6lifed his art in Paris, where he kept a fliop for the fale of prints. Though not eminently diflinguiflied as a fkilful artift, he neverthelefs left many works, particularly a great number of portraits. As he had not arrived at the age of manhood when Champlain died, his engraving of him was probably executed about fifteen or twenty )ears after that event. At that time Madame Champlain, his widow, was ftill living, as likewife many of Champlain's intimate friends. From fome of them it is probable Moncornet obtained a fketch or por- trait, from which his engraving was made. Of the portraits of Champlain which we have feen, we may mention firft that in Laverdiere's edition of his works. This iSil ^LJm 1 "!( '. ! ' ■ \ ir- , ! 1 A.'' 1 " -i i ;' !'!■: iff >! I 111 ^ I ■MMH i: ! I.i ' ( '■' »: 11 ?ff- T^mrrt^rmfmm'f^ Annotationes P ostscriptce, 213 This is a half-length, with long, curling hair, mouftache and imperial. The fleeves of the clofe-fitting coat are flaflied, and around the neck is the broad linen collar of the period, faftened in front with cord and taffels. On the left, in the background, is the promontory of Quebec, with the reprc- fentation of feveral turreted buildings both in the upper and lower town. On the border of the oval, which inclofes the fubje(5l, is the legend, Moncornet Ex c. p. The engraving is coarfely executed, apparently on copper. It is alleged to have been taken from an original Moncornet in France. Our inquiries as to where the original then was, or in whofe poffeffion it then was or is now, have been unfuccefsful. No original, when inquiries were made by Dr. Otis, a fliort time fmce, was found to exifl; in the department of prints in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. Another portrait of Champlain is found in Shea's tranfla- tion of Charlevoix's Hiftory of New France. This was taken from the portrait of Champlain, which, with that of Cartier, Montcalm, Wolfe, and others, adorns the walls of the recep- tion room of the Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, in the Parliament Houfe at Ottawa, in Canada, which was painted by Thomas Hamel, from a copy of Moncornet's engraving obtained in France by the late M. Faribault. From the coflume and general features, it appears to be after the fame as that contained in Laverdiere's edition of Champlain's works, to which we have already referred. The artifl has given it a youthful appearance, which fuggefls that the origi- nal fketch was made many years before Champlain's death. We are indebted to the politenefs of Dr. Shea for the copies which accompany this work. A 111 if 'II % I!' I m 214 Annotationes Posts criptce, A third portrait of Champlain may be found in L'Hiftoire de France, par M. Guizot, Paris, 1876, Vol. v. p. 149. The infcription reads : " Champlain [Samuel de], d'apres un portrait grave par Moncornet." It is engraved on wood by E. Ronjat, and reprefents the fubje6l in the advanced years of his life. In pofition, coftume, and acceffories it is widely different from the others, and Moncornet mull have left more than one engraving of Champlain, or we mufl conclude that the modern artifls have taken extraordinary liberties with their fubje6t. The features are flrong, fpirited, and charaderiflic. A heliotype copy accompanies this volume. i't ii-' M Miii tl I '''\ PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. l^ HE journals of Cham plain, commonly called his Voyages, were written and publiflied by him at intervals from 1603 to 1632. The firft volume was printed in 1603, ^.nd entitled, — 1. Des Savvages, ov. Voyage de Samvel Champlain^ de Brovage, fai6l en la France Nouuelle^ Van mil Jix cens trots. A Paris ^ chez Clavde de Monjlr oeil^ tenant fa ooutique en la Cour du Palais, au nom de Jefus. 1604. Atiec priuilege du Roy. i2mo. 4 preliminary leaves. Text 36 leaves. The title-page contains alfo a fub-title, enumerating in detail the fubjedls treated of in the work. Another copy with flight verbal changes has no date on the title-page, but in both the " privilege " is dated November 15, 1603. The copies which we have ufed are in the Library ot' Harvard College, and in that of Mrs. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R. I. An Englifh tranflation of this iffue is contained in Pvr- chas his Pilgrimes. London, 1625, vol. iv., pp. 1 605-1 61 9. The next publication appeared in 161 3, with the following title : — 2. Les Voyages dv Sievr de Champlain Xaintongeois, Capitaine ordinaire pour le Roy, en la marine. Divifez en devx livres. ou, jovmal tref-fidele des obfervations faites es defcouuertures % v\ Hr<« 2i6 Preface to the Translation. ■J i M. w'\- . defcouuertures de la Nomielle France : taut C7i la defcriptio des IcrreSy cojlcs, tiuieres^ porls, haures, leurs hauteurs^ & plufieurs delmaifons de la guide-aymant ; qtien la creace dcs peuplcs, Icur fuperjlition, /a(on de viure & de guerroycr : enrichi de quanlite de figures. A Paris, c/icz Jean Berjon, rue S. Jean de Bcamtais, au Cheual volant, & en fa boutique au Palais, a la gallerie dcs prifonniers. M.DC. XIII. Avec privilege dv Roy. 4to. lo preliminary leaves. Text, 325 pages; table 5 pp. One large folding map. One fmall map. 22 plates. The title-page contains, in addition, a fub-tide in regard to the two maps. The above-mentioned volume contains, alfo, the Fourth Voyage, bound in at the end, with the following title : — Qvatriefme Voyage dv S*" de Champlain Capitaine ordin- aire povr le Roy en la marine, & Lieutenant dc Monfeigneur le Prince de Conde en la Nouuelle France, fait en fannee 161 3. 52 pages. Whether this was alfo iffued as a fepa- rate work, we are not informed. The copy of this publication of 161 3 which we have ufed is in the Library of Harvard College. The next publication of Champlain was in 1619. There was a re-iffue of the fame in 1620 and likewife in 1627. The title of the laft-mentioned iffue is as follows: — 3. Voyages et Defcovvertvres faites en la Novvelle France, depuis Vannee 161 5. itifqties a la fin de Vannee 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain, Cappitaine ordinaire pour le Roy en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde Edition. A Paris, chez Clavde Col- let, au Palais, en la gallerie des Prifonniers. M. D. C. XX VII. Avec privilege dv Roy. i2mo. 8 preliminary leaves. Text 158 leaves, 6 plates. The title-page contains, in addition, i)tid & dcs 'er : wn^ que \vfc 325 lall [, a rth Un- eur nee pa- fed ere 27. tee,, y le la 7ol' 71. ext on, a i <■. f n.v: I w ■■■■ i! T I I ! 1^ Preface to the Tninslation, 2 1 7 a fub-titlc, crivin!^ an outline of the contents. The edition of 1627, belonging to the Library of Harvard College, con- tains likewife an illuminated title-page, which we here give in heliotype. As this illuminated title-jiage bears the date of 1619, it was probably that of the original edition of that date. The next and lad publication of Champlain was iffucd in 1632, with the following title : — 4. Les Voy(7ges de la Novvcllc France occidcntalc, difle Canada, fait s par le S" de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capi- lai?ie pour le Roy en la Marine du Ponant, & tonics les Defconnertes qiiila faitcs en cc pals dcpnis Van 1603. infqiics en Van 1629. Oh fe voit commc ce pays a cjlc prcmicrcment dcfcounert par les Francois, fous la^ithorite de nos Roys trcf- Chrcjlicns, iiifqucs an regne dc fa Majcflc a prcfcnt rcgnanic Lovis XIII. Roy de France & dc Navarre. A Paris. Chez Clavde Collet an Palais, en la Gallcrie dcs Prifonnicrs, a rEfloille d'Or. M. DC. XXXII. Ancc Priuilcgc du Roy. There is alfo a long fub-title, with a flatement that the vol- ume contains what occurred in New France in 1631. The volume is dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu. 4to. 16 prelim- inary pages. Text 308 pages. 6 plates, which are the lame as thofe in the edition of 161 9. " Seconde Partie," 310 pages. One large general map ; table explanatory of map, 8 pages. " Traitte de la Marine," 54 pages. 2 plates. " Dodtrine Chreft'enne " and " L'Oraifon Dominicale," 20 pages. Another copy gives the name of Seveftre as pub- liflier, and another that of Pierre Le-Mvr. The publication of 1632 is ftated by Laverdiere to have been reiffued in 1640, with a new title and date, but without 28 further !«' I , I.; 1 i ! ■NMM mm .. i 2 1 8 Preface to the Translation. further ■^hanges. This, however, is not found in the National Library at Paris, which contains all the other editions and iffues. The copies of the edition of 1632 which we liavc confulted are in the Harvard College Library and in the Bofton Athenaeum. It is of importance to refer, as we have done, to the partic- ular copy ufed, for it appears to have been the cuftom in the cafe of books printed as early as the above, to keep the type (landing, and print iffues at intervals, fometimes with- out any change in the title-page or date, and yet with alter- ations to fome extent in the text. For inllance, the copy of the publication of 161 3 in the Harvard College Library differs from that in Mrs. Brown's Library, at Providence, in minor points, and particularly in reference to fome changes in the fmall map. The fame is true of the publication of 1603. The variations are probably in part owing to the lack of uniformity in fpelling at that period. None of Champlain's works had been reprinted until 1830, when there appeared, in two volumes, a reprint of the publi- cation of 1632, "at the expenfe of the government, in order to give work to printers." Since then there has been pub- liflied. the elaborate work, with extenfive annotations, of the Abbe Laverdierc, as follows : — CEUVRES DE ClIAMPLAIN, PUBLIEES SOUS LE PATRONAGE DE l'universite Laval. Par l'Abbe C. H. Laverdiere, M. A. Seconde Edition. 6 tomes. 4T0. Quebec: imprime au Seminaire par Geo. E. Desbarats. 1870. This contains all the works of Champlain above mentioned, and the text is a faithful reprint from the early Paris edi- tions. It includes, in addition to this, Champlain's narrative of Preface to the Translation, 219 of his voyage to the Weft Indies, in 1598, of which the fol- lowing is the title : — Brief Difcovrs dcs c/io/vs plvs remarqvahlcs : mm 232 Voyages of I i ing, as we thought, from the Indies. On Eafter clay, the 30th of the fame month, we encountered a great tempeft, which feemed to be more lij^htning than wind, and which lafled for feventeen days, though not continuing fo fevere as it was on the firft two days. During tliis time, we lofl: more than we gained. On the i6th of April, to the delight of all, the weather began to be more favorable, and the fea calmer than it had been, fo that we continued our courfe until the 28th, when we fell in with a very lofty iceberg. The next day wc fightcd a bank of ice more than eight leagues long, accompanied by an infinite number of fmaller banks, which prevented us from going on. In the opinion of the pilot, thefe malTes of ice were about a hundred or a hundred and twenty leagues from Canada. We were in latitude 45° 40', and continued our courfe in 44^ On the 2nd of May we reached the Bank at 1 1 o'clock in the forenoon, in 44° 40'. On the 6th of the fame month we had approached fo near to land that we heard the fea beating on the fliore, which, however, we could not fee on account of the denfe fog, to which thefe coaf.- are fubjedl."^ For this reafon we put out to fea again a few leagues, until the next morning, when the weather being clear, we fighted land, which was Cape St. Mary.'^^ On the 12th we were overtaken by a fevere gale, lafting two days. On the 15th we fighted the iflands of St. Peter."* On the 17th we fell in with an ice-bank near Cape Ray, fix leagues in length, which led us to lower fail for the entire night that 128 The fhore which they approached '^'^* In Placentia Bay, on the fouthern was probably Cape Pine, eafl of Placen- coaft of Newfoundland. tia Bay, Newfoundland. ^'^ Weft of Placentia Bay. Sieuy dc Chaviplain. '^l}^ that we might avoid the danger to which we were expofed. On the next day we fet fail and fighted Cape Ray,"" the iilands of St. Paul, and Cape St. Lawrence."' The hitt'r is on the main- land lying to the fouth, and the dillance from it to Cape Ray is eighteen leagues, that being the breadth of the entrance It) the great bay of Canada.'-** On the fame day, about ten o'clock in the morning, we fell in with another bank of ice, more than eight leagues in length. On the 20th, we fighted an illand fomc twenty-five or thirty leagues long, called An- ticojly,'^'^ which marks the entrance to the river of Canada. The P'wt day, we fighted Gafpe,"" a very high land, and be- gan 1*" Cape Ray is northweft of the iflands of St. Peter. '-'' Cape St. Lawrence, now called Cape Norlli, is the northern e,\tremity of the idand of Cape Breton, and the ifland of St. Paul is a few miles north of it. ^-8 The Gulf or Bay of St. Lawrence. It was fo named by Jacques Cartier on his fecond voyage, in 1535. Nous nom- mafmes ladicte baye la Saincl Laurens. Brief Red t. 1545, D'Ave/.ac ed. ]). 8. The norlhv iltern part of it is called on De Laet's map, "Grand Baye." 129 u 'Phis idand is about one hundred and forty miles long, thirty-five miles broad in its widefl part, w'th an average breadth of twenty-feven and one-half miles." — Le Maine's Clironicles of the St. Lawrence, p. 100. It was named by Cartier in 1535, the Illand of tiie AfTumption, having been difcovered on the 15th of Auguft, the feflival of the AlRimption. Nous auons nommes I'ylle de rAfTumption. — Brief Recit, 1545, D'Avezac's ed. p. 9. Alfonfe, in his report of his voyage of 1542, calls it the Ifle de rAfcenfion. probably by millake. '•The Ifle of Afcenfion is a goodly ifle and a goodly champion land, without 30 any hills, flanding all vpon white rocks and Alaballer, all couered with wild beads, as bears, Luferns, I'orkefpicks." Ilakluyt, Vol. 1 1 1, p. 292. Of this ifland De Laet fays, " Kile ed nommce en Ian- gage dcs Sauuages Nutifotccy--HiJl. (in ,\oiri'Ciiu Mouiie, a Leydc, 1640. |). 42. I'idcalfo W'yefs Voyai^exxi Hakluyt, Vol. II 1. p. 241. Lavertiiere fays the iMontagnais now call it Natnfcoitclt, wiiich fignities, w/tere the bear is caitt^ht. He cites Thevet, who fays it is called by the favages Aaticonfli, by others de I.aifplc. The ufe of the n.ime Anticody by Champlain. now fpelled Anticodi, would imply that its corruption from the original, Xatifotec, took place at a very early date. Or it is poffible that Cham- plain wrote it as he heard it pronounced by the natives, and his orthograpliy may belt reprefent the original. '"*' Gachepc, fo written in the text, fubfequcntly written by the author Gaf- pcv, but now generally (iafpd. It is fuppofed to have lieen derived from the Abna(|uis word A'atfpi zr^i, whicli means what is feparated from tlie rell, anrl to have reference to a remarkable rock, three miles above Cape (iafpd, feparated from the fliore by the violence of the waves. 1! F !, «!,! % lit i 't ! ' /„" !').■ .i'. ^'1 234 Voyages of t w I M t: \ \ iis gan to enter the river of Canada, coafling along the fouth side as far as Montanne,'^' diftant fixty-five leagues from Gafpe. Proceeding on our courfe, we came in fight of the Bic,'^^ twenty leagues tiom Mantanne and on the fouthcrn fliore ; continuing farther, we croffed the river to Tadouffac, fifteen leagues from the Bic. All this region is very high, barren, and unprodu6live. On the 24th of the month, we came to anchor before Ta- douffac,'^^ and on the 26th entered this port, which has tlie form of a cove. It is at the mouth of the river Saguenay, where there is a current and tide of remarkable fwiftnefs and a great depth of water, and where there are fometimes troublefome winds,'^^ in confequence of the cold they bring. It is flated that it is fome forty-five or fifty leagues up to the finl fall in this river, and that it flows from the northwefl;. '1 iic harbor of Tadouflc*c is fmall, in which only ten or twelve veffels waves, the incident from which it takes its name. — Vide Voyai^csdi: Chaiiiplain, ed. 1632, p. 91 ; Chronicles of the St, Lawrence, by J. M. Le Moine, p. 9. 131 ^ nver flowinci; into the St. Law- rence from the fouth in 'latitude 48°52' and in longitude weft from Greenwich 67°32', now lac/ies. — Vide Sdi^ard. Hijloire dii Canada, 1636. Strofs. ed.. Vol. I. j). 150. We naturally a(k wiiy it was called pointe aux vaches. or jjoint of cows. An old French apothegm vp^Mli^ Pe d/able e/l aux Taclics. the devil is in the cows, for whirji in Knglifli we fay, "the devil is to pay.'' M.iy not this proverb have fuggelted vaciies as a '"^Monyme of dia- hles / 1 1 ; 11 '■» 'I, M: I 236 Voyages of ijfi 1*1 %\ ■'' iVi < L ■;■ \ CHAPTER II. Favorable Reception given to the French hy the Grand Sagamore of THE Savages of Canada. — The Banquets and Dances of the latter. — Their War with the Iroquois. — The Material of which their Canoes and Cabins are made, and their Mode of Construction. — Including also a Description of St. Matthew's Point. N the 27th, we went to vifit the favages at St. Matthew's point, diftant a league from Tadouf- fac, accompanied by the two favages whom Sieur du Pont Grave took to make a report of what they had feen in France, and of the friendly reception the king had given them. Having landed, we proceeded to the cabin of their grand Sagamore'" named Anadabijou, whom we found with fome eighty or a hundred of his companions celebrating a tabagie, that is a banquet. He received us very cordially, and according to the cuftom of his country, feating us near himfelf, with all the favages arranged in rows on both fides of the cabin. One of the favases whom we had taken with us beofan to make an addrefs, fpeaking of the cordial reception the king had given them, and the good treatment they had received in France, and faying they were affured that his Majefly was favorably difpofed towards them, and was defirous of peo- pling their country, and of making peace with their enemies, the Iroquois, or of fending forces to conquer them. He alfo told them of the handfome manors, palaces, and houfes they had "^^ Sagamo, thus written in the Moritao;nais language, is derived iVom French. According to Lafl^che, as tc/ii. great, and okimau, chief, and cited by Laverdi^re, this word, in the confequently fi^jnifies the Great Chief. rsas7~nv«igg aa Sieur de Champlain. 237 had feen, and of the inhabitants and our mode of living. He was liflened to with the greatefl poffible filence. Now, after he had finiilied his addrefs, the grand Sagamore, Anadabijou, who had liflened to it attentively, proceeded to take fome tobacco, and give it to Sieur du Pont Grave of St. Malo, myfelf, and fome other S-xgamores, who were near him. After a long fmoke, he began to make his addrefs to all, fpeaKing 'th gravity, flopping at times a little, and then refuming and faying, that they truly ought to be very glad in having his Majefly for a great friend. They all anfwered with one voice, Ho, ho, ho, that is to fay yes, yes. He con- tinuing his addrefs faid that he fliould be very glad to have his Majefty people their land, and make war upon their enemies; that there was no nation upon earth to which they were more kindly difpofed than to the French : finally he gave them all to underhand the advantage and profit they could receive from his Majcfly. After he had finiflied his addrefs, we went out of his cabin, and they began to cele- brate their tabagie or banquet, at which they have elk's meat, which is fimilar to beef, alfo that of the bear, feal and beaver, thefe being their ordinary meats, including alfo quantities of fowl. They had ight or ten boilers full of meats, in the middle of this cabm, feparated fome fix feet from each other, each one having its own fire. They were feated on both fides, as I flated before, each one having his porringer made of bark. When the meat is cooked, fome one difirilnitcs to each his portion in his porringer, when they eat in a very filthy manner. For when their hands are covered with fat, they rub them on their heads or on the hair of their dogs, of which they have large numbers for hunting. Before their meat 11 i ml . ■ I, ^ '•'I 238 Voyages of V ' ' meat was cooked, one of them arofe, took a dog and hopped around thefe boilers from one end of the cabin to the other. Arriving in front of the great Sagamore, he threw his dog violently to the ground, when all with one voice exclaimed, Ho, ho, ho, after which he went back to his place. Inftantly another arofe and did the fame, which performance was con- tinued until the meat was cooked. Now after they had iiniflied their tabagic, they began to dance, taking the heads of their enemies, which were flung on their backs, as a fign of joy. One or two of them fing, keeping time with their hands, which they flrike on their knees : fometimes they flop, exclaiming, Ho, ho, ho, when they begin dancing again, pufifing like a man out of breath. They were ha\ing this celebration in honor of the vi(5lory they had obtained over the Iroquois, feveral hundred of whom they had killed, whofe heads they had cut off and had with them to contribute to the pomp of their feflivity. Three nations had engaged in the war, the Etechemins, Algonquins, and Montagnais.'^^ Thefe, to the number of a thouf-^nd, proceeded to make war upon the Iroquois, whom tliey encountered at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois, and of whoni they killed a hundred. They carry on war only by furprifmg their enemies; for they would not dare to do fo otherwife, and fear too much the Iroquois, Vv-ho are more numerous than the Montagnais, Etechemins, and Algonquins. On ^^^ The Etechemins may be faid in The Montasfnais occupied the re':;ion on general terms to have occupied the ter- both hdes of the Sajiuennv. havini,^ their ritory from St. John, N. B., to Mount trading centre at Tadoutlac War had Defert Ifland. in Maine, and pcriiaps been carried on for a jjeriod we know ftill further welt, but not fouth of Saco. not how long, perhaps for feveral cen- The Algonquins here referred to were turies, lietween thefe allied tribes and thofe who dwelt on the Ottawa River, the Iroquois. I t \ ' \ '•). Sieur de Champlain. 239 On the 28th of this month they came and creeled cabins at the harbor of TadoulTac, where our veffel was. At daybreak their grand Sagamore came out from his cabin and went about all the others, crying out to them in a loud voice to break camp to go to Tadouffac, wIvm-c their good friends were. Each one immediately took down his cabin in an incredibly fliort time, and the great captain was the firft to take his canoe and carry it to the water, where he embarked his wife and children, and a quantity of furs. Thus were launched nearly two hundred canoes, which go wonderfully faft; for, although our fliallop was well manned, yet they went fafter than ourfelves. Two only do the work of propelling the boat, a man and a woman. Their canoes are fome eight or nine feet long, and a foot or a foot and a half broad in the middle, growing narrower towards the two ends. They are very liable to turn over, if one does not underfland how to manage them, for they are made of the bark of trees called bouille,'^'^ ftrengthened on the infide by little ribs of wood ftrongly and neatly made. They are fo light that a man can eafily carry one, and each canoe can carry the weight of a pipe. When they wifli to go overland to fome river where they have bufinefs, they carry their canoes with them. Their cabins are low and made like tents, being covered with the fame kind of bark as that before mentioned. The whole 189 Bouille for bouleau, the birch- tree. Betula papyracea, popularly known as the paper or canoe birch. It is a large tree, the bark white, and fplit- ting into thin layers. It is commcn in New England, and far to the north. The white birch, Betula allnx, of Eu- rope and Northern Afia, is ufed for boat-building at the prclent day. — Vide Chronological Hi/tory of Plants, by Charles Pickering, M.U., Bollon, 1879, P- 134- (I ;l' I J I i /ii W. ' II V' vn ur Ml If i I ■1 ■; » ! ! ! h\\l 240 Voyages of whole top for the fpace of about a foot they leave uncovered, whence the light enters ; and they make a number of fires directly in the middle of the cabin, in which there are fome- times ten families at once. They fleep on fkins, all together, and their dogs with them.'^° They were in number a thoufand perfons, men, women and children. The place at St. Matthew's Point, where they were firfl: encamped, is very pleafant. They were at the foot of a fmall flope covered with trees, firs and cypreffes. At St. Matthew's Point there is a fmall level place, which is feen at a great diflance. On the top of this hill there is a level trad; of land, a league long, half a league broad, covered with trees. The foil is very fandy, and contains good paflurage. Elfewhere there are only rocky mountains, which are very barren. The tide rifes about this flope, but at low water leaves it dry for a full half league out. CHAPTER III. ^:.l>i "<• The dog was the only domeftic animal found among the aborigines of this country. "The Auftralians," fays Dr. Pickering, " appear to be the only confiderable portion of mankind delli- tute of the companionftiip of the dog. The American tribes, from the Arftic Sea to Cape Horn, had the companion- Ihip of the dog, and certain remarkable breeds had been developed before the vifit of Columbus (F. Columbus 25); fi.rther, according to Coues, the crofs between the coyote and female dog is regularly procured by our northweftern tribes, and, according to Gabb, " dogs one-fourth coyote are pointed out ; the faft therefore feems eflablilhed that the coyote or American barking wolfe, Caiiis latrans, is the dog in its original wild date." — Vide Chronological Hijlory of Plants, etc., by Charles Pickering, M.D., Bofton, 1879, p. 20. "It was believed by fome for a length of time that the wild dog was of recent introduflion to Aultralia : this is not fo." — Vide Aborigines of Vicloria, by R.Brough Smyth, London, 1878, Vol. 1. p, 149. The bones of the wild dog have recently been difcovered In Auf- tralia, at a depth of excavation, and in circumflances, which prove that his ex- iflenoe there antedates tlie introduction of any fpecies of the dog by P2uropeans. The AuUralians appear, therefore, to be no exception to the univerfal compan- ionfhip of the dog with man. 1' Sieur de Chcwiplain, 24.1 CHAPTER III. The Rejoicings of the Indians after obtaining a Victory over their Enemies. — Their Disposition, Endurance of Hunger, and Malicious- ness. — Their Beliefs and False Oimnions, Communication with Evil Spirits. — Their Garments, and how thev walk on the Snow. — Their Manner of Marriage, and the Inter.ment of their Dead. N the 9th of June the favagcs proceeded to have a rejoicing all together, and to celebrate their tabagie, which I have before defcribed, and to dance, in honor of their victory over their ene- mies. Now, after they had feafled well, the Algonquins, one of the three nations, left their cabins and went by themfelves to a public place. Here they arranged all their wives and daughters by the fide of each other, and took pofition themfelves behind them, all finging in the manner I have defcribed before. Suddenly all the wives and daughters proceeded to tlirow off their robes of fkins, prefenting themfelves ftark naked, and expofing their fexual parts. But they were adorned with mafac/iiais, that is beads and braided firings, made of porcupine quills, which they dye in various colors. After finifliing their fongs, they all faid together. Ho, lu, ho: at the fame inftant all the wives and daughters covered themfelves with their robes, which were at their feet. Then, after flopping a fhort time, all fuddenly beginning to fmg throw off their robes as before. They do not ftir from their pofition while dancing, and make various geftures and movements of the body, lifting one foot and then the other, at the fame time ftriking upon the ground. Now, during the performance of this dance, the Sagamore .31 of I (i I \ ■i ■ i::. ^1-' ■i-ii'T k 242 Voyages of l> |l'>! '- (i '■ !: I .Mi il of the Algonqiiins, named Bcfoiiat, was featcd before thefe wives and daughters, between two flicks, on which were hung the heads of tlieir enemies. Sometimes he arofe and w^ent haranguing, and faying to the Montagnais and Etechcmins : " Look ! how we rejoice in the victory that we have obtained over our enemies ; you mufl: do the fame, fo that we may be fatisfied." Then all faid together. Ho, ho, ho. After return- ing to his pofition, the grand Sagamore together with all his companions removed their robes, making them''^lves flark naked except their fexual parts, which are covered with a fmal? piece of fkin. Each one took what feemed good to him, as matachiats, hatchets, fwords, kettles, fat, elk flefli, feal, in a word each one had a prefent, which they proceeded to give to the Algonquins. After all thefe ceremonies, the dance ceafed, and the Algonquins, men and women, carried their prefents into their cabins. Then two of the mofl agile men of each nation v/ere taken, w'hom they caufed to run, and he who was the faftefi; in the race, received a prefent. All thefe people have a very cheerful difpofition, laughing often ; yet at the fame time they are fomewhat phlegmatic. They talk very deliberately, as if defiring to make themfelves well underftood, and flopping fuddenly, they refle6l for a long time, when they refume their difcourfe. This is their ufual manner at their harangues in council, where only the leading men, the elders, are prefent, the women and children not attending at all. All thefe people fuffer fo much fometimes from hunger, on account of the fevere cold and fnow, when the animals and fowl on which they live go away to warmer countries, that they are almofl conflrained to eat one another. I am of opinion 1:^ :, r Sieur de Champ la in. 243 opinion that if one were to teach them how to live, and in- flru61 them in the cultivation of the foil and in other re- fpeds, they would learn very eafily, for I can teflify that many of them have good judgment and refpond very appro- priately to whatever queflion may be put to them."'*' They have the vices of taking revenge and of lying badly, and are people in whom it is not well to put much confidence, ex- cept with caution and with force at hand. They promife well, but keep their word badly. Mofl: of them have no law, fo far as I have been able to obferve or learn from the great Sagamore, who told me that they really believed there was a God, who created all things. Whereupon I faid to him : that, " Since they believed in one fole God, how had he placed them in the world, and whence was their origin." He replied : that, " After God had made all things, he took a large number of arrows, and put them in the ground ; whence fprang men and women, who had been multiplying in the worid up to the prefent time, and that this was their origin." I anfwered that what he faid was falfe, but that there really was one only God, who had created all things upon earth and in the heavens. Seeing all thefe things fo perfe6l, but that there was no one to govern here on earth, he took clay from the ground, out of which he created Adam our firft father. While Adam was fleeping, God took a rib from his fide, from which he formed Eve, whom he gave to him as a companion, and, I told him, that it was true that they and ourfelvcs had our origin in this manner, and not from arrows, as they fuppofe. He faid nothing, except that he acknowledged what I faid, rather than what "1 Vide Vol. II. of tills work, p. 190. I l|! 'h J/ ii ■\\ M .. % m m u ■ ^'•{'u jr:*.-Jri^^ 244 Voyages of w what he had affcrted. I afkcd liim alfo if he did not believe that there was more than one only God. He told me their belief was that there was a God, a Son, a Mother, and the Sun, making four; that God, however, was above all, that the Son and the Sun vv-ere good, fmce they received good things from them ; but the Mother, he faid, was worthlefs, and ate them up; and tiie Father not very good. I remon- ftrated with bim on his error, and contrafled it with our faith, in which he put fome little confidence. I afked him if they had never feen God, nor heard from their anceflors that God had come into the world. He faid that they had never feen him ; but that formerly there were five men who went towards the fetting fun, who met God, who afked them : " Where are you going .? " th anfwered : " We are going in fearch of our living." God replied to them : " You will find it here." They went on, without paying attention to what God had faid to them, when he took a flone and touched two of them with it, whereupon they were changed to ftones ; and he faid again to the three others : " Where are you going.?" They anfwered as before, and God faid to them again: " Go no farther, you will find it here." And feeing that nothing came to them, they went on ; when God took two flicks, with which he touched the two firll, where- upon they were transformed into fticks, when the fifth one flopped, not wifliing to go farther. And God alked him again : " Where are you going ? " " I am going in fearch of my living." " Stay and thou flialt find it." He ftaid with- out advancing farther, and God gave him fome meat, whicli he ate. After ni'.king good cheer, he returned to the other favages, and rented to them all the above. He Sieitr de Champlain, 245 He told me alfo that another time there was a man who had a large quantity (»f tobatco (a plant from which they obtain what t' y fmoke), and that God came to this man, and afked him where his pipe was. The man took his pipe, and gave it to God, who fmoked much. After fmoking to his fatisfadlion, God broke the pipe into many pieces, and the man afked: "Why haft thou broken my jjipc? thou feefl; in truth that I have not another." Then God took one that he had, and gave it to him, faying: " Here is one that I will give you, take it to your great Sagamore ; let him keep it, and if he keep it well, he will not want for any thing whatever, neitlier he nor all his companions." The man took the ^ '.pe, and gave it to his great Sagamore ; and while he kept it, the favages were in want of nothing whatever: but he faid that afterwards the grand Sagamore loft this pipe, which was the caufe of the feverc famines thev fometimes have. I allied him if he believed all that; he faid yes, and that it was the truth. Now I think that this is the reafon why they fay that God is not very good. But I replied, " that God was in all refpefls good, and that it was doubt- lefs the Devil who had manifefled himfelf to thofe men, and that if they would believe as we did in God they would not want for what they had need of; that the fun which they faw, the moon and the liars, had been created by this great God, who made heaven and earth, but that they have no power except that which God has given them ; that we be- lieve in this great God, who by His goodnefs had fent us His dear Son who, being conceived of tlie Holy Spirit, was clothed with human flc(li in the womb of the Virgin Mary, lived thirty years on earth, doing an infinitude of miracles, raifmg I i\-. M I 'I If ; ■ I'l ^1 'III w !'V m Ml' nil (:i ■ '* ' : f! I :i«i' i n ^i M/ !' I ^i 1 f ■ ] i! ■1 1 ii Ej '11- ■ kX^' 246 Voyages of raifing the dead, healing the fiek, driving out devils, giving fight to the blind, teaching men the will of God his leather, that they might ferve, honor and worlhip Ilim, Ihed his blood, fuffered and died for us, and our fms, and ranfomed the human race; that, being buried, he rofj again, defcended into hell, and attended into heaven, where he is feated on the right hand of God his Father." ''■" i 'told him that this was the faith of all Chrillians who believe in the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit ; that thele, nevertheleis, arc not three Gods, but one the lame and only God, and a trinity in which there is no before nor after, no greater nor fmaller ; that the Virgin Mary, mother of the Son of God, and all the men and women who have lived in this world doiuLj the commandments of God, and enduring martyrdom for his name, and who by the permiffion of God have done miracles, and are faints in heaven in his paradife, are all of them praying this Great Divine Majefty to pardon us our errors and fins which we commit againfl His law and commandments. And thus, by the prayers of the faints in heaven and by our own prayers to his Divine Majefty, He gives what we have need of, and the devil has no power over us and can do us no harm. I told them that if they had this belief, they would be like us, and that the devil could no longer do them any harm, and that they would not lack what they had need of. Then this Sagamore replied to me that he acknowledged what I faid. I afked him what ceremonies they were accuf- tomed to in praying to their God. He told me that they were not accuftomed to any ceremonies, but that each prayed in his heart ^^'^ This fummary of the Chriili:!!! faith is nearly in the woids of the ApolUes Creed. Sictir de Chavipliuii. 247 heart as he dcTircd. Tliis is wliy I Ix-licvo tli.it tliey have no law, not knowing; what it is to worlliip and pray to Ciod, and living, the niofl of them, like brute bealls. lUit I think that they would fpeedily become good Chrillians, if i)eoi)le were to colonize their country, of which moll of ihum were dcfirous. There arc fomc favages among them whom they call Pilo- toua'''^ who have jicrfonal communications with the devil. Such an one tells them what they are to do, not only in re- gard to war, but other things; and if he (hould command them to execute any undertaking, as to kill a I'^renchman or one of their own nation, they would obey his command at once. They believe, alfo, that all dreams which they have are real; and many of them, indeed, fay that they have lecn in dreams things which come to pafs or will come to pals. But, to tell the truth in the matter, thefe arc vifions of the devil, who deceives and mifleads them. This is all that I have been able to learn from them in regard to their mat- ters of belief, which is of a low, animal nature. All thefe people are well proportioned in body, without any deformity, and are alfo agile. The women are wcll- fhaped, full and plump, and of a fwarthy complexion, on account of the large amount of a certain pigment with which they rub thcmfelvcs, and which gives them an olive color. They are clothed in fkins, one part of their body being covered and the other left uncovered. In winter they provide for their whole body, for they are dreffed in good furs, as thofe of the elk, otter, beaver, feal, flag, and hind, which "3 On Pilotoua or Pilotois, vide Vol. II. note 341. («l '{ V 1 I r^W) I" Kflaai 248 l^oyd^es of I' ''; %\ • '■ • i : ■U I ii ; III-:. which they have in large quantities. In winter, when the fnows are heavy, they make a fort of rat/ue/^e,'*'^ two or three times as large as thofe in France. Tbefe they attach to their feet, and thus wali^ upon the fnow without finking in ; for witliout them, they could not hunt or make their way in many places. Their manner of marriage is as follows : When a girl attains the age of fourteen or fifteen years, flie may have feveral fuitors and friends, and keep company with fuch as flie pleafes. At the end of fome five or fix years flie may clioofe that one to whom her fancy inclines as her liufband, and they will live together until the end of their life, unlefs, after living together a certain period, they fail to have chil- dren, when the hufband is at libertv to divorce himfelf and take another wife, on the ground that his own is of no worth. Accordingly, the girls are more free than the wives ; yet as foon as they are married they are chafle, and their hufbands are for the moft part jealous, and give prefents to the father or relatives of the girl whom they marry. This is the man- ner of marriage, and condu6l in the fame. In regard to their interments, when a man or woman dies, they make a trench, in which they put all their property, as kettles, furs, axes, bows and arrows, robes, and other things. Then they put the body in the trench, and cover it with earth, laying on top many large pieces of wood, and eredling- over all a piece of wood painted red on the upper part. They believe in the immortality of the foul, and fay that when they die themfelves, they fliall go to rejoice with their relatives and friends in other lands. CHAPTER IV. ^** Vne maniere de raqucite. Tlie for flrikini b ' % ft; % w ill \i V M I' ♦f ! I II Rl '■I 1 I ji! (-/, i I in Ir 252 Voyages of the water. W'c went to the north of this ifland.'^" which is twelve leagues diflant from Hare Ifland. On the Thurfday following, we fet out from here and came to anchor in a dangerous cove on the northern fhore, where there are fome meadows and a little river,'^' and where the favagcs fometimes eredl their cabins. The fame day, continuing to coafl along on the northern fliore, we were obliged by contrary winds to put in at a place where there were many very dangerous rocks and localities. Here we flayed three days, waiting for fair weather. Both the north- ern and fouthern Ihores here are very mountainous, refembling in general thofe of the Saguenay. On Sunday, the twcnty-fecond, we fet out for the Ifland of Orleans,'''' in the neighborhood of which are many iflands on the fouthern fliore. Thefe are low and covered with trees, feem to be very plcafant, and, fo far as I could judge, fome of them are one or two leagues and others half a league in length. About thefe iflands there are only rocks and fhallows, fo that the paffage is very dangerous. They are diftant fome two leagues from the mainland on the fouth. Thence we coafled along the Ifland of Orleans on the fouth. This is diflant a league from the mainland on the north, is very pleafant and level, and eight leagues long. The coafl on the fouth is low for fome two leagues inland ; the country 150 ryie (Ui Coiidre. — Vide Brief Rent, par Jacques Cartier, 1545, D'Avezac ed. p. 44; alfo Vol. II. of this work. p. 172. Charlevoix fays, whether from tra- dition or on i;ood autliority we know not, that "in 1663 an eartliquake rooted up a mountain, and tlirew it upon the Ifie au Coudres, which made it one-half larger than before." — Letters to the Duchefs of Lefdiguiercs, London, 1763, p. 15. 1^1 This was probably about two leagues from tlie Hie aux Coudres, where is a fmall llream wliich Hill bears the name La Petite Riviere. 16^ IJle d'OrUans. — Vide Vol. II. P- 173- Sieur de Chccrnplain. '^Sl country begins to be low at this ifland, which is pcrhnps two leagues diftant from the foutliern Ihore. It is very danger- ous paffing on the northern ihore, on account of the fand- banks and rocks between the ifland and mainland, and it is almoft entirely dry here at low tide. At the end of this ifland I faw a torrent of water'" which defcended from a high elevation on the River of Canada. Upon this elevation the land is uniform and plealant, al- though in the interior high mountains are leen fome twenty or twenty-five leagues diftant, and near the fiiTt fall of the S ague nay. We came to anchor at Quebec, a narrow paffage in the River of Canada, which is here fome three hundred paces broad.'5^ There is, on the northern fide of this ]:)arfage, a very high elevation, which falls off on two fides. Elfe- where the country is uniform and fine, and there are good trafts full of trees, as oaks, cypreffes, birches^ firs, and af- pens, alfo wild fruit-trees and vines which, if they were culti- vated, would, in my opinion, be as good as our own. Along the fliore of Quebec, there are diamonds in fome flate-rocks, which are better than thofe of Alen9on. From Quebec to Hare Ifland is a diflance of twenty-nine leagues. CHAPTER VI. '^^ On Champlain's map of the harbor of Quebec he calls this ''torrent" le j^: and faut de Montmorency ^ the grand fall of Montmorency. It was named by Champlain himfelf, and in honor of the " nobie, high, and powerful Ciiarles de Montmorency," to wliom thtj jour- nal of tliis voyage is dedicated. The flream is (liallow ; " in fome places," Charlevoix fays, '• not more than ankle deep."' The grandeur or impreflive- nefs of the fall, if either of thefe quali- ties can be attributed to it, arifes from its heigiit and not from the volume of water. — \lde ed. 1632, p. 123. On Bellin's Atlas Maritime, 1764, its height is put down at Jixty-Jive feet. I]ay- tield's Chart more corredly favs 251 feet above high water fpring tides. — Vide Vol. II. of this work, note 308. ^^■* Aons viiijnies mouil/er Pa)icre a (2!ii-bec, qui cjl vn dejiroict de Uulitt liuicre de Canadas. Thefe words very clearly H! ill % !i f tii*f. 254 Voyages of \ \ CHAPTER VI. Of the Point St. Croix and the River Batiscan. — Of the Rivers, Rocks, Islands, Lands, Trees, Fruits, Vines, and fine Country BETWEEN Quebec and the Trois Rivieres. M Monday, the 23d of this month, we fet out from Quebec, where the river begins to widen, fometimes to the extent of a league, then a league and a half or two leagues at mofl:. The country grows finer and finer ; it is everywhere low, without rocks for the moft part. The northern ihore is covered with rocks and land-banks ; it is neceffary to go along the fouthern one about half a leac^ue from the fliore. There are fome fmall rivers, not navigable, except for the canoes of the favages, and in which there are a great many falls. We came to anchor at St. Croix, fifteen leagues diflant from Quebec ; a low point rifing up on both fides.'" The coun- try is fine and level, the foil being the beft that I had feen, with extenfive woods, containing, however, but little fir and cyprefs. There are found there in large numbers vines, pears, hazel-nuts, cherries, red and green currants, and cer- tain little radiflies of the fize of a fmall nut, refembling truf- fles in tafle, which are very good .vhen roafled or boiled. All this foil is black, without any rocks, excepting that there is i!. i clearly define the meaning of Quebec, which is an Indian word, fignifyini^ a narrowing or a contradlion. — I'tJe Vol. II. p. 17s, note 309. The breadth of the river at this point is undereltimated. It is not far from 1320 feet, or three- quarters of a mile. 1"-' The Point of vSt. Croix, where they anchored, mult have been what is now known as Point Platon. Cliamplain's dilhmces are rou^h eilimates, made under very unfavorable circumltances, and far from accurate. Point Platon is about thirty-five miles from Quebec. tl ^ / ! Sieur de Champ lain. 255 a large quantity of flate. The foil is very foft, and, if well cultivated, would be very produ(5live. On the north fliore there is a river called Batifcan,''^ ex- tending a great diflance into the interior, along which the Algonquins Ibmetimes come. On the fame fhorc there is another river,'" three leagues below St. Croix, which was as far as Jacques Carticr went up the river at the time of his explorations.'^^ The above-mentioned river is pleafant, ex- tending a confiderable diftance inland. All this northern fliore is very even and pleafnig. On Wednefday,'" the 24th, we fet out from St. Croix, where we had ftayed over a tide and a half in order to pro- ceed the next day by daylight, for this is a peculiar place on account of the great number of rocks in the river, which is almoft entirely dry at low tide ; but at half-flood one can be- gin to advance without difficulty, although it is ncceffary to keep a good watch, lead iu hand. The tide rifes here nearly three fathoms and a half. The farther we advanced, the finer the country became. After going fome five leagues and a half, we came to anchor on the northern fliore. On the Wednefday following, we fet out from this place, where the country is flatter than the preceding ^^^ Champlain does not mention the rivers precifely in their order. On his map of 1 61 2, he has Contree dc Bajlif- quan on the weft of Trois Rivieres. The river Batifcan empties into the St. Lawrence about four miles weft of the St. Anne. — Vide Atlas Maritime, by Bellin, 1764; Atlas of the Dominion of Canada, 1875. '" River Jacques Cartier, which is in £a6l about five miles eaft of Point Platen. 1^'' Jacques Cartier did, in fact, afcend the St. Lawrence as far as Hochelaga, or Montreal. The Abbd Laverdiere fug- gefts that Champlain had not at this time feen the reports of Cartier. Had lie feen them he would hardly have made this ftatement. Pont Grave had been here feveral times, and may have been Champlain's incorreft informant. Vide LaTerdiire in loco. 159 Read Tuefday. ! ) ' h ■ % :|j^ \ M 1^' !i^aiii ii »i r ^;«ig^^15RKlte « i.l I ! I:', i \ > ^H ' 256 Voyages of j)rccccling and heavily wooded, as at St. Croix. We paffed near a fmall ifland covered with vines, and came to anchor on the foutliern fliore, near a little elevation, upon alcending which we found a level country. There is another fmall ifland three leagues from St. Croix, near the fouthern fhore.'*^" We fet out on the following Thurfday from this elevation, and paffed by a little ifland near the northern fliore. Here I landed at fix or more fmall rivers, up two of which boats can go for a confiderable diflance. Another is fome three hundred feet broad, with fome iflaiids at its mouth. It ex- tends far into the interior, and is the deepeit of all.'*^' Thefe rivers are very pleafant, their fliores being covered with trees which refemble nut-trees, and have the fame odor; but, as I faw no fruit, I am inclined to doubt. The favages told me that they bear fruit like our own. Advancing flill farther, we came to an ifland called St. Eloi ; '^' alfo another little ifland very near the northern fliore. We paffed between this ifland and the northern fhore, the diflance from one to the other being fome hundred and fifty feet ; that from the fame ifland to the fouthern fhore, a league and a half We paffed alfo near a river large enough for canoes. All the northern fliore is very good, and one can fail along there without obflruclion ; but he fliould keep the lead in hand in order to avoid certain points. All this fhore along i*" Richelieu Ifland, fo called by the French, as early as 1635, nearly oppofUe Dechambeau Point. — Vide Laurie's Chart. It was called St. Croi.x up to 1633. Laverdih'e in loco. The Indians called it Ka oiiapaJfuUfkakhi. — Jefiiit Relations., 1635, p. 13. ' ^'^ This river is now known as the Sainte Anne. Champlain fays they named it Riviere Saincte Marie. — Vide Quebec ed. Tome III. p. 175; Vol. II. p. 201 of this work. 1^- An inconliderable ifland near Ba- tifcan, not laid down on the charts. Sieur de Champlain. 257 along which we coafted confifls of fliifting fands, but a fhort diftance in the interior the land is good. The Friday following, we fct out from this ifland, and continued to coaft along the northern ihorc very near the land, which is low and abundant in trees of good quality as far as the Trois Rivieres. Here the temperature begins to be fomewhat different from that of St. Croix, fince the trees are more forward here than in any other place that I had yet ^^^\\, From the Thus Rivieres to St. Troix the diftance is fifteen leagues. In this river '" tliere a.ie fix illands, three of whirh .we very finall, the others being trom five to fix hundred leet 1( ng, very jileal'ant, and fertile fo far as their finall extent goes. There is one of thefe in the centre of the above-mentioned river, confronting the River of Canada, and commanding a view of the others, which are diflant from the land from four to five hundred feet on both fides. It is high on the fouthern fide, but lower fomewhat on the northern. This would be, in my judgment, a favorable place in which to make a fettlement, and it could be eafily fortified, for its fituation is flrong of itfelf, and it is near a large lake which is ouly fome four leagues diflant. This river extends clofe to the River Sague- nay, according to the report of the favages, who go nearly a hundred leagues northward, pafs numerous falls, go overland fome five or fix leagues, enter a lake from which principally ♦ the ^^' The St. Maurice, anciently known plored and reported as fhallow and of as Trois Rivicrs, bec.iiife two iflands no importance. He found ia it four fmall in its mouth divide it ir.tD three clmn- illands. which may afterward have been nels. Its Indian name, accordiiiii to Pi^re Aibdivided into fix. He named it La L.e]eune,vfas Afetah'roii/iu. It appears Riuiere du Foucz. — Brief Recit, par to be the fame river mentioned by Car- Jacques Cartier, D'Avezac ed. p. 28. tier in ids lecond voyage, which he ex- Vide Relations des Jesuites. 1635, p. 13. ! i 1 I Ill '. i I r.-? 258 Voyages of the Saguenay has its fourcc, and thence go to Tadourfac."^* I think, likewife, that the fettlcment of the Trois Rivieres would be a boon for the freedom of fome tribes, who dare not come this way in confeqiience of their enemies, the Iro- quois, who occupy the entire borders of the River of Can- ada; but, if it were fettled, thefe Iroquois and other favages could be made friendly, or, at leart, under the protedlion of this fettlement, thefe lavages would come freely without fear or danger, the Trois Rivieres being a place of paffage. All the land that I faw on the northern (hore is fandy. We af- cended this river for about a league, not being able to pro- ceed farther on account of the ftrong current. We continued on in a fkiff, for the fake of obfervation, but had not gone more than a league when we encountered a very narrow fall, about twelve feet wide, on account of which we could not go farther. All the country that I faw on the borders of this river becomes conflantly more mountainous, and contains a great many firs and cypreffes, but few trees of other kinds. CHAPTER VII. ^'* An eaftern branch of the St. Mau- ent of the Saguenay, may be reached rice River rifes in a fmall lake, from by a land portage of not more than five which Lake St. John, which is anafflu- or fix leagues. TB grtl i Sti yvii Sictir de Chainplain. 2sc 59 ll. i VII. chapti:r VII. Length, Breaoth, and Deith ok a I.aki:. — Ok thk Rivers that klow INTO IT, AND the ISLANDS IT CON lAINS. — CHARACTER OF THK SUR- ROUNDING Country, — Of the River of the Iroquois and the Fcjr- TRESS OF THE SAVA(;ES WHO MAKl'. WaK ll'OV ThK.M. N the Saturday following, we fet out from the Trois Rivieres, and came to anchor at a lake four leagues dillant. All this region from the Trois Rivieres to the entrance to the lake is low and on a level with the water, though fomc- what higher on the fouth fide. The land is very good and the plcafantefl yet feen by us. The woods are very open, fo that one could eafily make his way through them. The next day, the 29th of June,'^' we entered the lake, which is fome fifteen leaq;ues loni^ and feven or eiirht wide."^'''' About a league from its entrance, and on the Ibuth fide, is a river '^^ of confiderable fize and extending into the interior fome fixty or eighty leagues. Farther on, on the fame fide, there is another finall river, extending about two leagues inland, and, far in, another little lake, which has a length of perhaps i"^ They entered the hke on St. plain's diftances, founded upon roii^h Peter's day, the 29th of June, and, for eftimates made on a firll voyage of ditfi- this reafon doul)tlefs, it was fubfe- quently named Lake St. Peter, which name it flill retains. It was at firll called Lake Anjjouleme. — Vide mar- ginal note in Hakluyt, Vol, III. p. 271. Laverdi6re cites Thevet to the fame effedl, ^^^ From the point at which the river flows into the lake to its exit, the dif- tance is about twenty-feven miles and its width about feven miles. Cham- cult navififation, are exceed inp;ly inaccu- rate, and, independent of other data, cannot be relied upon for the identifica- tion of localities, ^^^ The author appears to have con- fufed the relative fituations of the two ri\ ers here mentioned. The fmaller one flinuld, we think, have been mentioned firll. The larger one was pl.iinly the St. F>ancis, and the fmaller one the Nicolelte. \m iii 'I r (1 1 ! I' 'S. o^ '^^^ ^ 6"^ O^ ! I 260 Voyages of ill, perhaps three or four leagues.'*^ On the northern fliore, where the land appears very high, you can fee for fomc twenty leagues ; but the mountains grow gradually fmallcr towards the weft, which has the appearance of being a flat region. The favages fay that on thefe mountains the land is for the moft part poor. The lake above mentioned is fome three fathoms deep where we paffed, which was nearly in the middle. Its longitudinal direction is from eafl: to wefl, and its lateral one from north to fouth. I think that it mufl contain good fidi, and fuch varieties as we have at home. We palled through it this day, and came to anchor about two leagues up the river, which extends its courfe farther on, at the entrance to which there are thirty little iflands.'^ From what I could obferve, fome are two leagues in extent, others a league and a half, and fome lefs. They contain numerous nut-trees, which are but little different from our own, and, as I am inclined to think, the nuts are good in their fcafon. I faw a great many of them under the trees, which were of two kinds, fome fmall, and others an inch long ; but they were decayed. There are alfo a great many vines on the ihores of thefe iflands, mofl of which, however, when the waters are high, are fubmerged. The country here is fuperior to any I have yet feen. The lafl: day of June, we fet out from here and went to the *" This would feem to be the Baic la Valli^re, at the fouthweftern extremity of Lake St. Peter. 169 The author here reiers to the iflands at the weitern extremity of Lake St. Peter, which are very numerous. On Charlevoix's Carte de la Rivifere de Richelieu they are called f/Ies ife Richf- lieu. The more prominent are Monk A*^'''' liland, Ifle de Grace, Bear Hlind. Hie St. Ignace, and Ifle du I'as. Cham- plain refers to thefe iflands again in 1609, with perhaps a fuller defcription — Vide\Q\. n. p. 206. Sieur de Ckamplain, 261 the entrance of the River of the Iroquois,"'" where the fav- ages were encamped and fortified who were on their way to make war with the former. ''' Their fortrefs is made of a large number of flakes clofely prelTed againll each other. It borders on one fide on the fliore of the great river, on the other on that of the River of the Iroquois. Their canoes are drawn up by the fide of each other on the Ihore, fo that they may be able to flee quickly in cafe of a fiirprile from the Iroquois ; for their fortrefs is covered with oak bark, and ferves only to give them time to take to their boats. We went up the River of the Iroquois fome five or fix leagues, but, becaufe of the ftrong current, could not pro- ceed farther in our barque, which we v/cre alfo unable to drag overland, on account of the large numbr- of trees on the fliore. Finding that we could not proceed farther, we took our fkiff to fee if the current were lefs flrong above ; but, on advancing fome two leagues, we found it flill flironger, and were unable to go any farther.'^^ As we could do no- thing elfe, we returned in our barque. This entire river ib fome three to four hundred paces broad, and very unob- ftrudled. We faw there five iflands, diflant from each other a quarter or half a league, or at mofl: a league, one of which, the neareft, is a league long, the others being very fmall. All "0 The Richelieu, flowing from Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence. For defcription of this river, fee Vol. IL p. 210, note 337. In 1535 the Indians at Montreal pointed out this river as lead- ing to Florida. — Vu/e Brief Rccit, par Jacques Cartier, 1545, D'Avezac ed. 1'* The Hurons, Algonquins, and Montagnais were at war with the Iro- quois, and the favages aflembled here were coinpofed of fome or all of thefe tribes. ^''^ The rapids in the river here were too Urong for the French barque, or even the Ikiff. but were not difficult to pafs with tlie Indi.in canoe, as was fully proved in 1609. — l'ide\o\. II. p. 207 oftliis work. Ij ! 1 1 I ! M fit K M! I i m h i) . ' :l *v 262 Voyages of All this country is heavily wooded and low, like that which I had before feen ; but there are more firs and cyprcffcs than in other places. The foil is good, although a little fandy. The direction of this river is about fouthweft.''^ The favages fay that fonie fifteen leagues from where we had been there is a fall "''» of great length, around which they carry their canoes about a quarter of a league, when they enter a lake, at the entrance to which there are three iflands, with others farther in. It may be fome forty or fifty leagues long and fome twenty-five wide, into which as many as ten rivers flow, up which canoes can go for a confidcrable dif- tance.'" Then, at the other end of this lake, there is another fall, when another lake is entered, of the fame fize as the former,'^^ at the extremity of which the Iroquois are en- camped. They fay alfo that there is a river '" extending to the coafl of Florida, a diflance of perhaps tome hundred or hundred and forty leagues from the latter lake. All the country of the Iroquois is fomewhat mountainous, but has a very good foil, the climate being moderate, without much winter. CHArXER VIII. "' The courfe of the Richelieu is nearly from the fouth to the north. "* The rapids of Chambly. *'* Lake Chainplain, difcovered by him in 1609. — Vide Vol. II. ch. ix. "• Lake George. Champlain either did not comprehend his Indian inform- ants, or they greatly exaggerated the compar.itive ilze of this lake. 1" The Hudfon River.— FiV/^ Vol. II. p. 218, note 347. ■:«i***SPt.'i ■ ■— ' Sieur de Champlain, 263 CHAPTER VIII. Arrival AT THE Fall. — Description of tiif. samf. and its Rkmakk- ABLE CHARACTKR. — RkPOKTS OF THE SaVAOES IN REGARD TO THE End of the (^reat River. EtTTING out from the River of the Iroqiioi.s, we came to anchor three leagues from there, on the northern fliore. All this country is low, and filled with the various kinds of trees which I have before mentioned. On the firfl day of July we coalled along the northern (here, where the woods are very open ; more fo than in any place we had before feen. The foil is alfo everywhere favor- able for cultivation. I went in a canoe to the fouthern fhore, where I fiw a large number of iilands,''** which abound in fruits, fuch as grapes, walnuts, hazel-nuts, a kind of fruit refembling cheft- nuts, and cherries ; alfo in oaks, afpens, poplar, hops, afli, maple, beech, cyprefs, with but few pines and firs. There were, moreover, other fine-looking trees, with which I am not acquainted. There are alfo a great many ftrawberries, rafpberries, and currants, red, green, and blue, together with numerous fmall fruits which grow in thick grafs. There are alfo many wild beads, fuch as orignacs, flags, hinds, does, bucks, bears, porcupines, hares, fo.xes, beavers, otters, mufk- rats, and fome other kinds of animals with which I am not acquainted, which are good to eat, and on which the favages fubfift.'^' ^^ "' Ifle Plat, and at leaft ten other "^ The reader will ohferve that the iflets along the (hore before reaching catalogue of fruits, trees, and animals the Verchferes. — Vide Laurie's Chart. mentioned above, includes only fuch as are n W ^!IS '■ J i\ 7i mi i \ ■ \ A I Hill ! ^1 I |i 264 Voyages of We paffed an illand having a very pleafant appearance, fonie are important in ronimcrco. Tliey arc, we tliink, witlioiit an exception, of Amerii'.ui I'pecies, anil, eoiireiiueiitly. tlie names jiivcn l)y Clianipl.iin are not accurately ilelcriplive. We notice iliem in order, and in it.ilics <;ive tlie name atVii^ned hy t"hami>l.\in in tlie text. drapes. /'/i,v/(.v, j.vohahly tiie froll prape, litis cordifoHa. — Pickering's C/uo>io!i>i^iitil I/i/li'iv of Pliints, p. S75. Walnuts. Xoiw this name is i;iven in France to what is known in commerce as the l''.ni;lilh or Knrope.iii w.dnut, Jui^lans rt'i;/(i, a I'crliaii fruit now cul- tivated in moll countries in luirope. For want of a better. Champlain ufed this name to lii;nify jirohahly the butter- nut, Jiti^Lnis liiii'nd, and tive varieties o( the liickory; the ihaii-hark. (.\!>y,i a/lhi, the mucker-nut, Carvu toiiwntofit, the fmall-fruited Carvij tuicrOitu piu the pig-nut, Ciirya glabra, hitter-nut. (.'arvii aiinira. all ot" which are excluliveiy American fruits, and are llill found in the valley of the .St. Lawrence. — MS. Lttitf of y. M. I.i- Afoiiu: of (>uehec ; Jeffrie's Xatura/ Hijtory of Frciuh Do- utinious in Aiiitrica, Lomlon. I7()0, j). 41. Hazel-nuts, noyfcitcx. The American filbert or ha/el-nut, Cory I us Aiitoi- cana. The tlavor is line, but the fruit is Imaller and the fliell thicker than that of the European filbert. " Kind of I'ruit rel'emblins; cheftnuts." This was probably the chelhuit. Cajtanea Americana. The fruit much refembles the European, but is fmaller and fweeter. Cherries, cerifts. Three kinds may hero be included, the wild red cherry, Pruiius Pcnnfvlvanica. the choke cher- ry, Pruniis I'irginiana, and the wild black cherry. Prunus fcrotina. Oaks, ihcfncs. Probably the more no- ticeable varieties, as the white oak, Quer- cus alba-, and red oak, Qucrcus rubra. Afpens. trembles. The American af- pen. /'of>ii/iis treiniiloitiis. I'opl.w, ///'/(•. For />i/ioi(/e, as fu';- gelled by I.averdii^re. a variety of pojjlar. liojjs. houbloii. Huniultis /iif>iilus, found in northern climates, differinjj; fr(Mn the hop of commerce, which was imjiorteil Irom Euroi)e. Alh. frefne. The white alli, Fra.vi- ntts .1 werieana, and black alh, I-'raxi- PUIS f,t»t/'ihif'i>/ia. Alaple, I'rable. 'I"he tree here ob- ferveil was prob.ibly the lock or l"ut;.ir maple. Acer fuihari)iuiii. Sever.al other fpecies belong to this region. ISeech, //<■//;•<'. The .American beech, I'(til!/s f'erriti^inea. of which there is but one fpecies. — / '/'vi//?'.«'. The wilci ilraw- berry. Frai^iU ia T'efa, and /■'rai^aria \'iri^inia>ia,hn\\\ fpecies. are foimd in this region. — I'iiie Pickering's Chrono- /('_(,7((/(• Miiniotit/s, liy SiJfiifcr 1''. iiaird. IJiit the I'l ii^niic of Cliamplain was tlie moofe, .llcr Aiiuii- Ciinii.w pL'( uliar to tlio iiortlicrii latiliidL-s of Amtrica. Moofc is derived finni tin; Indian wurd iiioofoii. 'I'liis animal is tin; rirncll of tin; i'crvus lainily. 'I'lio mails are faid to attain the weiujlit of elc en or twelve iuindred i)<)unds. Its horns fonietinies weii^h lil'ty or lixty pounds. It is exceedingly (by and ditti- ciill to captMro. Staphs, ccrls. This is undouluedly a reference to the caribou, Ccmis tiiiioi- (ius. Sagard (1636) calls it Caribou 011 iifiw Siii/i/(ii^i'.s\ caribou or wilde afs. — /////. (/// ('7iHs taramhts arcticus and the Ccrvns taramius Jylvef'i is. '1 he latter is that here referred to and the larger and finer animal, and is ilill found in the forelts of Canada. Hinds, bichesy the female of cerfs, and does, (tains, the female of daiin, "the fal- low deer. Thefe may refer to the fe- males of the two preceding fpecies, or to additional fpecies as the common red deer, Ceri'us Virginianus, and fome other fpecies or variety. La Hnntan in the palTage cited above fpeaks of three, the elk which we have fliown to be the moofe, the well-known caribou, and the hartf which was undoubtedly the com- mon red deer of this region, Cervus I'aw rir.-iniiuit/s. I learn from Mr. J. M. LeMoine of (Mieliec, that the Wapiti, /•'/,i/>/iii\ Caiiii.iriijis was found in tin- v.dley of the St. l.iwreufe a himdicd and lorty years age, feveral horn- and bones having been dug up in tlie jori'll, efi)eciaily in tlie Ottiwa dilliiit. It is now extinct here, but is llil! lomid in the lU'igiiborhood of Lake Winipeg and further well C.irtier, in 1535, fjjeaks of liiiins and irifs, doubtlefs re- ferring to dilferenl fpet ios. — / 'itic liriif RCiit, r>'Ave/.ac cd. p. 3t lerfo. Hears, ours. The Ameriian bla( k bear, I rfus yliiicrinxitus. 'I'iie griliy bear, Urfus fcrov. was found on the llland of Anticolli. — / ide llift. dti Ca- ihii/a, \^\\■ Sagard, ^.G^d. pp. ipS, 750. I. a J/oii/du's loydgt's, JW7, |). (/). I'oreupincs, por,J-i/ftiiS. The Can- ada jHir! npine. J/vj/rii f)i/ofus. A noc- turnal rodent .f:i i V 266 Voyages of faw on tho fouthcrn fliorc two liigli mountains, which ap- peared to be Ibnie twenty leai^ues in the interior.''*' The favages told me that this was the firll fall of the River of the Iroquois. • 's On Wednefday following, we let out from this place, and made fome five or fix leaijues. Wc faw numerous iflands ; the land on them was low, and they were covered with trees like thofe of the River of the Iroquois. On the following {, day we advanced fome few leagues, and i)arfed by a great number of illands,'''' beautiful on account of the many mead- ows, which are likewife to be {^ilw on the mainland as well as on the illands. The trees here are all very fmall in compar- ifon with thofe we had already paffed. We arrived finally, on the iame day, having a fair wind, at the entrance to the fall. We came to an ifland almoft in the middle of this entrance, which is a quarter of a league long.'^^ We paffed to the Ibuth of it, where there were from three to five feet of water only, with a fathom or two in fome places, after which we found fuddenly only three or four feet. There are many rocks and little iflands without any wood at all, and on a level with the water. From the lov;er extremity of the above-mentioned ifland in the middle of the entrance, the water begins to come with great force. Although we found in America on tlie north-weft "'^ From tlie Verch6res to Montreal, Pacific coalt. the St. Lawrence is full of iflands, Mufkrat, rats mufquets. The mufk- among them St. Therefe and namelefs rat, Fiber sibethecus, fometimes called otiiers. mufquafli from the Algonquin word, ^^^ This was the Ifland of St. Hdl^ne, mvijfk'J:) ^Jf^ , is found in three varie- a favorite name given to feverai other ties, the black, and rarely the pied and places. He fubfequently called it St. white. For a defcription of this animal Hel6ne, probably from Hdl6ne BouUi^, inde Le Jeune, Jhuit Relations, 1635, his wife. Between it and the mainland pp. 18, 19. on the north fi(.ivs tlie Rapide de Ste. "1 Summits of the Green Mountains. Marie. — Vide Luui ir's Chart. \. ^' we Siciir de Chaviplain, 267 we liad a very favorable uiiul, yet we could not, in fpite of all our efforts, advance much. Still, we paffed this illand at the entrance of the fall, l''indinjjj that we could not pro- ceed, we came to anchor on the northern fhore, oppofite a little ifland, which abounds in moll of the fruits before men- tioned.'"* We at once got our fkiff ready, which had been cxpreflly made for paffinj; this fall, and Sieur Du Pont Grave nnd mvfelf embarked in it, toicether with fome favai^es whom we had brought to (how us the way. After leaving our barque, we had not gone three hundred feet before we had to get out, when fome failors got into the water and draQ:u:ed our fkiff over. The canoe of the favages went over eafi'y. We encountered a great number of little rocks on a level with the water, which we frequently flruck. There are here two large iflands ; one on the northern fide, fome fifteen leagues long and almod ai. broad, '^^ begins in the River of Canada, fome twelve leagues towards the River of the Iroquois, and terminates beyond the fall. The ifland on the fouth (hore is fome four leagues long and half a league wide.'^'' There is, befides, another ifland '^' near that on the north, which is perhaps half a league long and a quaiter wide. There is flill another fmall ifland ))etween that on the north and the other farther fouth, whjre we paffed the entrance to the fall.'^^ This being paffed, there is a kind of ■'^^ This landing was on the prefont "' The Ifle Perrot is about feven or fite of the city of Montreal, and the eight miles long and about three miles little ifland, according; to Lavcrdiere, is wide, now joined to the mainland by quays. ''''' Illand of St. Paul, fometimes called 185 Tije ifland of Montreal, here re- Nuns' Illand. ferred to, not including the Ifle Jcfus, ^-^ Round Illand, fituated jufl below is about thirty miles long and nine miles St. Helcne's, on the eart, fay about in its greatelt width. fifty yards dillant. !|i \ I 268 Voyages of : i of lake, in which are all thcfc iflands, and which is fome five Icaofiics lonir and alniofi: as wide, and which contains a larije number of little illands or rocks. Near the fall there is a mountain,''*' vifible at a confiderable diftance, alfo a fmall rive** cornin'': from this mountain and falliiv'; into the lake."" On the fouth, fome three or four mountains are feen, which feem to be fifteen or fixteen leagues off in the interior. There are alfo two rivers; the one'" reaching to the firfl lake of the River of the Iroquois, along which the Algon- quins fometimes go to make war upon them, the other near the fall and extending fome feet inland.'" On approaching this fall "^' with our little fkiff and the canoe, I favv, to my allonifliment, a torrent of water defcend- ing with an impetuofity fuch as I have never before wit- neffed, although it is not very high, there being in fome places only a fathom or two, and at moft but three. It de- fcends 1^' The mountain in the rear of tiie city of Montreal, 700 feet in heiuht, dif- covered in Ocl;ol)er, 1535. by Jaccjues Cartier, to which he gave the name after which the city is called. '' Nous nom- afmcs la tlitte montaijjnc le mont Royal." — />/7VyAV<7/. 1545. D'Avezac's ed. p. 23. When Cartier made his vifit to this place in 1535, he found on or near the fite of the prefent city of Mont- real tiie f.imous Indian town called Hochila(^a. Ciiamplain docs not ipeak of it in the text, and it had of courfe entirely difappeared. — I'ide Cartier's defcription in Brief Ri'cit, .above cited. i»» Rividre St. I'ierre. Tliis little river is formed by two fmall Itreams flowing one from the north and the other from the fouth fide of the moun- tain. Bellin and Charlevoix denominate it La Petite Riviire. Thefe fmall dreams do not appear on modern maps, and have proliably now entirely difap- peared. — Vide CharleviH.v's Carte de I'/Jle (fe Montreal ; Atlas Afar it inn; par Sieur liellin ; likewife At/as 0/ tlie Dominion of Canada, 1^7 $■ '■" The River St. L.aml)ert. .according to Lavcrdiere, a fmall llrcani from which by a fliort portage tlie Indian with his canoe could eafily reach Little River, wl>ich llows into the baiin of Chambly, the lake referred to by Chainplain. This was the route of the Al'^onrptins, at leall on their return froin their raids upon the Iroquois. — I'ide Vol. II. ]). 225. *"- Laverdierc fuppofes this infignifi- cant ftream to be La riviere de la Tortue. 193 The Falls of St. Louis, or the Lachine rapids. Sieiir de Champlain. 269 the fcends as if by flcps, and at each dcfcent tlicre is a remark- able boiling, owing to the force and fwiflnefs with which the water traverfes the fall, which is about a league in lenirth. There are many rocks on all fides, while near the middle there are fome very narrow and long iHands. There are rapids not only by the fide of thofe i (lands on the fouth fliorc, but alfo by thofe on the north, and they are fo danger- ous that it is beyond the power of man to pals through with a boat, however fiiiall. We went by land through the woods a diftance of a league, for the purpofe of feeing the end of the falls, where there are no more rocks or rajjids ; but the water here is fo fwift that it could not be more fo, and this current continues three or four leagues ; fo that it is impof- fible to ima2:ine one's beiny: able to * Lake Ontario. It is one Inindrcd water ami tlic pi-rpendicular fall of i^io and eitflity miles long. — Garneni;. feet render it UMluriiallfd in j,'r.in(Ieiir '^'^ Niajrara Falls. Chami)lain does 1)> any other cataratt in tlie world. .Al- not appear to have obtained from the thoui;h Ch.iinplain appears never to Indians any adecpiatc iilea of the f^ran- have (\:^.'\\ this fall, he iiad vidently deur and magniliccnce of this fall, ohtaiiied a more accurate dofcnption (if The expreffion, qui eft qurlque pen it before 1629. — r;V/(?note No. go to map ileut'y oh il y a pen d'eau, laqucUe de- in ed. 1632. fcend, would imply that it was of mod- "^^ Lake Erie, 250 miles long. — Gar- erate if not of an inferior characler. uertt. This may have arifen from the want of '^^ Detroit river, or the ftrait which a fuitable medium of communication, connects Lake Erie and Lake St. ("lair, but it is more likely that the intenfely — Atlas of the Doniinion of Canada. practical nature of the Indian did not ''^^ Lake Huron, denominated on cirly enable him to apjjreciate or even ob- maps il/tv Awtv, the fweet fea of which ferve the beauties by which he was the knowledge of the Indian guides was furrounded. The immenfe volume of very imperfe I CHAPTER IX. Return from the Fall to Tadoussac. — Testimony of several Sav- ages IN regard to the Length and Commencement of the Great River of Canada, Number of the Falls, and the Lakes which it traverses. jE fet out from the fall on Friday, the fourth of June,'°' and returned the fame day to the river of the Iroquois. On Sunday, the fixth of June, we fet out from here, and came to an- chor at the lake. On Monday following, we came to anchor at the Trois Rivie^ 2s. The fame day, we made fome four leagues beyond the Trois Rivieres. The following Tuefday we reached Quebec, and the next day the end of the ifland of Orleans, where the Indians, who were encamped on the mainland to the north, came to us. We queftioned two or three Algonquins, in order to afcertain whether they would agree with thofe whom we had interro- gated in regard to the extent and commencement of the River of Canada. They faid, indicating it by figns, that two or three leagues after paffmg the fall which we had feen, there is, on the northern (hore, a river in their territory ; that, continuing in the faid great river, they pafs a fall, where they carry their canoes ; that they then pafs five other falls comprifing, from the firft to the lafl, fome nine or ten leagues, and that thefe falls are not hard to pafs, as they drag their canoes in the moft *' As they were at Lake St. Peter on the 29th of June, it is plain that this fliould read July. 35 i ?( ■■) ■ ill'. 1^ ^1 i! il ( :w ^^^^^ :,' I Ih ? I '. ', i 74 Voyages of mofl of them, except at two, where they carry them. After that, they enter a river which is a fort of lake, comprifing fome fix or feven leagues; and then they pafs five other falls, where they drag their canoes as before, except at two, where they carry them as at the firfl ; and that, from the firft to the lafl:, there are fome twenty or twenty-five leagues. Then they enter a lake fome hundred and fifty leagues in length, and fome four or five leagues from the entrance of this lake there is a river ''°* extending northward to the Algon- quins, and another towards the Iroquois,^*^ where the faid Algonquins and the Iroquois make war upon each other. And a little farther along, on the fouth fliore of this lake, there is another river,^'° extending towards the Iroquois; then, arriving at the end of this lake, they come to another fall, where they carry their canoes ; beyond this, they enter another very large lake, as long, perhaps, as the firft. The latter they have vifited but very little, they faid, and have heard that, at the end of it, there is a fea of which they have not feen the end, nor heard that any one has, but that the water at the point to which they have gone is not fait, but that they are not able to judge of the water beyond, fince they have not advanced any farther ; that the courfe of the water is from the well towards the eafl, and that they do not know whether, beyond the lakes they have feen, there is another watercourfe towards the weft ; that the fun fets on the right of this lake; that is, in my judgment, northweft more or lefs ; and that, at the firft lake, the water never freezes, which leads it is I a *" This river extending north from Lake C itario is the river-like Bay of Quintd 209 The Ofwego River. '^i^ The Genefee River, after which they come to Niagara Falls. V\ iv, Sietir de C/imnpIain. 27 leads me to conclude that the weather there is moderate.'" They faid, moreover, that all the territory of the Algonquins is low land, containing but little wood ; but that on the fide of the Iroquois the land is mountainous, although very good and produ6live, and better than in any place they had feen. The Iroquois dwell fome fifty or fixty leagues from this great lake. This is what they told me they had feen, which differs but very little from the ftatement of the former fav- ages. On the fame day we went about three leagues, nearly to the Ifle aux Coudres. On Thurfday, the tenth of the month, we came within about a league and a half of Hare Ifland, on the north fhore, where other Indians came to our barque, among whom was a young Algonquin who had travelled a great deal in the aforefaid great lake. We queftioned him very particularly, as we had the other favages. He told us that, fome two or three leagues beyond the fall we had feen, there is a river extending to the place where the Algonquins dwell, and that, proceeding up the great river, there are five falls, fome eight or nine leagues from the firfl: to the laft, paft three of which they carry their canoes, and in the other two drag them ; that each one of thefe falls is, perhaps, a quarter of a league long. Then they enter a lake fome fif- teen leagues in extent, after which they pafs five other falls, extending from the firfl to the laft: fome twenty to twenty-five leagues, only two of which they pafs in their canoes, while at the three others they drag them. After this, they enter a very large lake, fome three hundred leagues in length. Proceeding 211 w^g j,^j^ eafily recognize Lake Ontario, Lake Erie and Niagara Falls, although this account is exceedingly confufed and inaccurate. i; J. f I *ii u I ii ! 276 Voyages of '1 f ;. Proceeding fome hundred leagues in this lake, they corne to a very large ifland, beyond which the water is good ; but that, upon going fome hundred leagues farther, the water has become fomewhat bad, and, upon reaching the end of the lake, it is perfe6lly fait. That there is a fall about a league wide, where a very large mafs of water falls into faid lake ; that, when this fall is paffed, one fees no more land on either fide, but only a fea fo large that they have never feen the end of it, nor heard that any one has ; that the fun fets on the rigiit of this lake, at the entrance to which there is a river extending towards the Algonquins, and another towards the Iroquois, by way of which they go to war; that the country of the Iroquois is fomewhat mountainous, though very fertile, there being there a great amount of Indian corn and other products which they do not have in their own country. That the territory of the Algonquins is low and fertile. I afked them whether they had knowledge of any mines. They told us that there was a nation called the good Iro- quois,^" who come to barter for the articles of merchandife which the French veffels furnifli the Algonquins, who fay that, towards the north, there is a mine of pure copper, fome bracelets made from which they fhowed us, which they had obtained from the good Iroquois ; ^'' that, if we wiflied to 212 Reference is here made to the Hurons v/ho were nearly related to the Iroquois. They were called by the French the goocf Iroquois in diftinftion from the Iroquois in the State of New York, with whom they were at war. '"s A fpecimen of pure copper was fubfequently prefented to Champliin. — Vol. II. p. 236: Vide a brochure on Pre-hijloric Copper Iiitplciiients. by tiie editor, reprinted from the New England Hiftorical and Genealogical Kegifter for Jan. 1879 ; alfo reprinted in the Collec- tions of Wis. Hirt. Soc, Vol VIII. i8Sj. ,, ',x Sieur de Champlain. 277 to go there, they would guide thofe who might be deputed for this obje6l. This is all that I have been able to afcertain from all par- ties, their ftatements differing but little from each other, except that the fecond ones who were interrogated faid that they had never drunk fait water ; whence it appears that they had not proceeded fo far in faid lake as the others. They differ, alfo, but little in refped to the diflance, fome making it fliorter and others longer ; fo that, according to their ftatement, the diflance from the fall where we had been to the fait fea, which is poffibly the South Sea, is fome four hundred leagues. It is not to be doubted, then, according to their flatement, that this is none other than the South Sea, the fun fetting where they fay. On Friday, the tenth of this month,''* we returned to Ta- douffac, where our veffel lay. I CHAPTER X. Voyage from Tadoussac to Isle Percee. — Description of Molues Bay, the Island of Bonavexture, Bay of Chaleur : also several Rtvers, Lakes, and Countries where there are various kinds of Mines. T once, after arriving at Tadouffac, we embarked for Gafpe, about a hundred leagues diftant. On the thirteenth day of the month, we met a troop of favages encamped on the fouth fliore, nearly half way between Tadouffac and Gafpe. The name of the Sagamore who led them is Armouchides, who is «" Friday, July nth. M.f I ■ li 278 Voyages of li' ': .'.- .!! is regarded as one of the moft intelligent and daring of the favages. He was going to Tadouflac to barter their arrows and orignac meat "^ for beavers and martens ^'^ with the Montagnais, Etechemins, and Algonquins. On the 15th day of the month we arrived at Gafpe, fitu- ated on the northern fhore of a bay, and about a league and a half from the entrance. This bay is fome leven or eight leagues long, and four leagues broad at its entrance. There is a river there extending fome thirty leagues inland."' Then we faw another bay, called Mohics Bay"'^ fome three leagues long and as many wide at its entrance. Thence we come to Ifle Percee,'"' a fort of rock, which is very high and fteep on two fides, with a hole through which fhallops and boats can pafs at high tide. At low tide, you can go from the mainland to this ifland, which is only fome four or five hundred feet diilant. There is alfo another ifland, about a league foutheaft of Ifle Percee, called the Ifland of Bona- venture, which is, perhaps, half a league long. Gafpe, Molues Bay, and Ifle Percee are all places where dry and green fifliing is carried on. Beyond Ifle Percee there is a bay, called Bayede Chaleurs,^'^ extending "^"^^ Orignac. Moofe. — Vide antca, note 179. -'" Martens, martres. This may in- clude the pine-marten, Mujlela tnartes, plied on account of the excellent fifla of the neighborhood. The har'nor of Mai-Bay is enclofed between two points, Point Peter on the north, and a high and the pecan or fiflier, Mujicla Cana- roci 222 Tregate, Tracadie. By a very fhort dians went to the Souriquois or Micmacs portage between Bafs River and the in Nova Scotia. II' I n' I ,1 . I i I W"^ ■' t rt '!;i 11 1 I 280 Voyages of long.**' On the eafl fide of it is an ifland named 6"/. Law- rence"'' on which is Cape Breton, and where a tribe of fav- ages called the Souriquois winter. Paffing the flrait of the Ifland of St. Lawrence, and coafling along the fliore of La Cadie, you come to a bay "" on which this copper mine is fit- uated. Advancing ftill farther, you find a river"* extending fome fixty or eighty leagues inland, and nearly to the Lake of the Iroquois, along which the favages of the coaft of La Cadie go to make war upon the latter. One would accomplifh a great good by difcovering, on the coaft of Florida, fome paflage running near to the great lake before referred to, where the water is fait ; not only on ac- count of the navigation of veffels, which would not then be expofed to so great rifks as in going by way of Canada, but alfo on account of the fliortening of the diflance by more than three hundred leagues. And it is certain that there are rivers on the coafl of Florida, not yet difcovered, extend- ing into the interior, where the land is very good and fertile, and containing very good harbors. The country and coaft of Florida may have a diiferent temperature and be more produ6live in fruits and other things than that which I have feen ; but there cannot be there any lands more level nor of a better quality than thofe we have feen. The favages fay that, in this great Baye de Chaleurs, there is a river extending fome twenty leagues into the interior, at 228 The Strait of Canfeau. "s jhe River St. John by which they 22^ .5"/. Lawrence. This ifland had reached the St. Lawrence, and through then borne the name of the //land of the River Richelieu the lake of the Iro- Cape Breton for a hundred years. quois. It was named Lake Champlain ^" The Bay of Fundy. in 1609. Vide Vol. IL p. 223. : Sieitr de Champlain. 281 at the extremity of which is a lake"'' fome twenty leagues in extent, but witli very little water; that it dries up in fummer, when they find in it, a foot or foot and a half under ground, a kind of metal refembling the filver which I fhowed them, and that in another place, near this lake, there is a copper mine. This is what . learned from thefe lavages. CHAPTER XI. Return from Isle Perc^e to Tadoussac. — Description of the Coves, Harbors, Rivers, Islands, Rocks, Falls, Bays, and Shal- lows ALONG THE NORTHERN SHORE. E fet out from Ifle Percee on the nineteenth of the month, on our return to Tadouffac. When we were fome three leagues from Cape Eveque'^° we encountered a tempeft, which lafted two days, and obliged us to put into a large cove and wait for fair weather. The next day we fet out from there and again encountered another tempell. Not wifhing to put back, and thinking that we could make our way, we proceeded to the north fliore on the 28th of July, and came to anchor in a cove which is very dangerous on account of its rocky banks. This cove is in latitude 51° and fome minutes.'^' The 229 By traverfing the Riftigouche River, the Matapediac may be reached, the lake here defignated. ^ Evefque. This cape cannot be identified. 36 2" On pafling to the northern fhore of the St. Lawrence, they entered, ac- cording to the conjefture of Laverdi^re, Moifie Bay. It feems to us, however, more likely that they entered a cove fome- where .1! n *. s \f liffijiiMMiiP t:^i 282 Voyages of im; ' % ii ill' .ill The next day we anchored near a river called St. Margaret, where the depth is fome three fathoni.-. at full tide, and a fath- om and a half at low tide. It extends a confiderable diftancc inland. So far as I obferved the eaftern fliore inland, there is a waterfall fome fifty or fixty fathoms in extent, flowing into this river ; from this comes the greater part of the water compofing it. At its mouth there is a fand-bank, where there is, perhaps, at low tide, half a fathom of water. All along the eaflern fliore there is moving fand ; and here there is a point fome half a league from the above mentioned river,'^' extending out half a league, and on the weflcrn fhore there is a little ifland. This place is in latitude 50°. All thefe lands are very poor, and covered with firs. The country is fomewhat high, but not fo much fo as that on the fouth fide. After going fome three leagues, we paffed another river,'^' apparently very large, but the entrance is, for the mofl part, filled with rocks. Some eight leagues diftant from there, is a point "^* extending out a league and a half, where there is only a fathom and a half of water. Some four leagues beyond where among the Seven Iflands, pe**- haps near the weft channel to the Seven Iflands Bay, between Point Croix and Point Chafhf, where they might have found good anchorage and a rocl■',' ' f!l i'it 304 Champlains Explanation, Les Yroquois. They unite with the Antouhonorons in making war againfl: all the other tribes, except the Neutral nation. Carantouanis. This is a tribe that has moved to the fouth of the An- touhonorons, and dwells in a very fine country, where it is fecurcly quartered. They are friends of all the other tribes, except the above named Antouhonorons, from whom they are only three days' journey uiflant. Once they took as prifon- ers fome Flemilh, but fent them back again without doing them any harm, fuppofmg that they were French. Between Lac St. Louis and Sault St. Louis, which is the great river St. Lawrence, there are five falls, numerous fine lakes, and pretty iflands, with a pleafing country abounding in game and fifh, favorable for fettlement, were it not for the wars which the favages carry on with each other. La Mer Douce is a very large lake, cc itaining a countlefs number of iflands. It is very deep, and abounds in fifh of all varieties and of extraordinary fize, which are taken at different times and feafons, as in the great fea. The fouthern fhore is much pleafanter than the northern, where there are many rocks and great quantities of caribous. Le Lac des Bijferenis is very beautiful, fome twenty-five leagues in circuit, and containing numerous iflands covered with woods and meadows. The favages encamp here, in order to catch in the river fturgeon, pike, and carp, which are excellent and of very great fize, and taken in large numbers. Game is alfo abundant, although the country is not particularly attradlive, it being for the mofi: part rocky. Note. — The following are marked Fourchu ; 4. Port Royal ; 5. St. Croix ; on the map as places where the French 6. Ifle des Monts Deferts; 7. Port de have had fettlements: i. Grand Ci- Mifcou; 8. TadouflTac ; 9. Quebec ; 10. bou; 2. Cap Naigre; 3. Port du Cap St. Croix, near Quebec. THE PRINCE SOCIETY. il ■'I \\ •> p. ■nvf^ftiUKiimmfi :- -ra^" Wi ? Commonljjealtlj of iHaggarfjugetts* IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR. AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE PRINCE SOCIETY. Be it enabled by the Senate and Houfe of Reprefentatives, in General Court affembled, and by the authority of the fame, as follows ; th Section i. John Ward Dean, J. Wingate Thornton, Edmund F. Slafter, and Charles W. Tuttle, their aflbciates and fucceflbrs, are made a corporation by the name of the Prince Society, for the purpofe of preferving and extending the knowledge of American Hiftory, by editing and printing fuch manufcripts, rare tradls, and volumes as are moftly confined in their ufe to hiftorical ftudents and public libraries. Section 2. Said corporation may hold real and perfonal eftate to an amount not exceeding thirty thoufand dollars. Section 3. This a6l fliall take eiTeft upon its paffage. Approved March 18, 1874. w\ Note. — The Prince Society was organized on the 25th of May, 1858. What was undertaken as an experiment has proved fuccefsful. This Act of Incorporation has been obtained to enable the Society better to fulfil its objedl, in its expanding growth. • ^ THE PRINCE SOCIETY. CONSTITUTION. trt er, on ng ts, Its an Article I. — This Society fhall be called The Prince Society; and it fhall have for its obje(?t the publication of rare works, in print T manufcript, relating to America. Article II. — The officers of the Society fliall be a Prefident, four Vice-Prefidents, a Correfponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary, and a Treafurer ; who together fhall form the Council of the Society. Article III. — Members maybe added to the Society on the recommendation of any member and a confirmatory vote of a majority of the Council- Libraries and other Inflitutions may hold memberfhip, and be reprefented by an authorized agent. All members fhall be entitled to and fhall accept the volumes printed by the Society, as they are iffued from time to time, at the prices fixed by the Council ; and memberfhip fhall be forfeited by a refufal or negledl fo to accept the faid volumes. Any perion may terminate his memberfhip by refignation ad- dreffed in writing to the Prefident ; provided, however, that he fhall have previoufly paid for all volumes iffued by the Society after the date of his ele6lion as a member. Article IV. — The management of the Society's affairs fhall be vefled in the Council, which fhall keep a faithful record of its proceedings, I :wi 3o8 The Prince Society, proceedings, and report the fame to the Society annually, at its General Meeting in May. Article V. — On the anniverfary of the birth of the Rev. Thomas Prince, — namely, on the twenty-fifth day of May, in every year (but if this day fhall fall on Sunday or a legal holiday, on the following day), — a General Meeting fliall be held at Bolton, in Maffachufctts, for the purpofe of eledting officers, hearing the report of the Council, auditing the Treafurer's account, and tran- fadling other bufinefs. Article VI. — The officers (hall be chofen by the Society an- nually, at the General Meeting ; but vacancies occurring between the General Meetings may be filled by the Council. Article VII. — By-Laws for the more particular government of the Society may be made or amended at any General Meeting. Article VIII. — Amendments to the Conftitution maybe made at the General Meeting in May, by a three-fourths vote, provided that a copy of the fame be tranfmitted to every member of the Society, at leaft two weeks previous to the time of voting thereon. -•^JOio^ COUNCIL. i RULES AND REGULATIONS. 1. The Society fhall be adminiftered on the mutual principle, and folely in the intereft of American hiftory. 2. A volume Ihall be iffued as often as pradlicable, but not more frequently than once a year. 3. An editor of each work to be iffued fhall be appointed, who fhall be a member of the Society, whofe duty it Ihall be to pre- pare, arrange, and condu6l the fame through the prefs ; and, as he will neceffarily be placed under obligations to fcholars and others for The Prince Society. 309 for afTiftance, and particularly for the loan of rare books, he fhall be entitled to receive ten copies, to enable him to acknowledge and return any courtefies which he may have received. 4. All editorial work and official fervice Ihall be performed gratuitoufly. 5. All contraas connefted with the publication of any work (hall be laid before the Council in diftincT: fpccifications in writ- ing, and be adopted by a vote of the Council, and entered in a book kept for that purpofe ; and, when the publication of a volume is completed, its whole expenfe fhall be entered, with the items of its coft in full, in the fame book. No member of the Council fliall be a contractor for doing any part of the mechanical work of the publications. 6. The price of each volume fhall be a hundredth part of the coft of the edition, or as near to that as conveniently may be ; and there fhall be no other affeffments levied upon the members of the Society. 7. A fum, not exceeding one thoufand dollars, may be fet apart by the Council from the net receipts for publications, as a working capital ; and when the faid net receipts fhall exceed that fum, the excefs fhall be divided, from time to time, among the members of the Society, by remitting either a part or the whole coll of a volume, as may be deemed expedient. 8. All moneys belonging to the Society fhall be depofited in the New England Trufl Company in Boflon, unlefs fome other banking inflitution fhall be defignated by a vote of the Council ; and faid moneys fhall oe enter'^d in the name of the Society, fubjea to the order of the Treafurer. 9. It shall be the duty of the Prefident to call the Council to- gether, whenever it may be neceffary for the tranfadion of bufinefs, and to prefide at its meetings. 10. It shall be the duty of the Vice-Prefidents to authorize all bills before their payment, to make an inventory of the property of \ msmm i/i II m I ! m m i i m ! ;1» I I M 310 T/ic Prince Society, of the Society during the month preceding the annual meeting and to report the fame to the Council, and to audit the accounts of the Treafurer. 11. It fliall be the duty of the Correfponding Secretary to iffue all general notices to the members, and to condu6l the general correfpondence of the Society. 12. It fhall be the duty of the Recording Secretary to keep a complete record of the proceedings both of the Society and of the Council, in a book provided for that purpofe. 13. It ihall be the duty of the Treafurer to forward to the members bills for the volumes, as they are iffued ; to fuperintend the fending of the books ; to pay all bills authorized and indorfed by at Icaft two Vice-Prefidents of the Society ; and to keep an accurate account of all moneys received and difburfed. 14. No books fhall be forwarded by the Treafurer to any mem- ber until the amount of the price fixed for the fame Ihall have been received ; and any member negledling to forward the faid amount for one month after his notification, fhall forfeit his mem- berfliip. OFFICERS or THE PRINCE SOCIETY. > Frefident. THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . Boston, Mass. Vice-Prefcdents. JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M Boston, Mass. WILLIAM B. TRASK, Esq Boston, Mass. THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, A.M. . . Exeter, N. H. JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M Portland, Me. Correfponding Secretary. CHARLES W. TUTTLE, Ph.D Boston, Mass. Recording Secretary. DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr., A.M. . . . Cambridge, Mass. Trea/urer. ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, Esq Boston, Mass. I. 't U lBl lgHjl i w i iijti... ■ , ..^y r:;;..:^-:^ ■ :, THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 1880. The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Bofton, Mafs. Samuel Agnevv, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M Bofton, Mafs. William Sumner Appleton, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Walter T. Avery, Efq New York, N.Y. George L. Balcom, Efq Clareniont, N.H. Samuel L. M. Barlow, Efq Nev rk, N.Y. The Hon. Charles H. Bell, A.M Ext .H. John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H. Samuel Lane Boardman, Efq Bofton, Mafs. The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D Augufta, Me. J. Carfon Brevoort, LL.D Brooklyn, N.Y. Sidney Brooks, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.L John Marfhall Brown, A.M Portland, Me. Jofeph O. Brown, Efq New York, N.Y. Philip Henry Brown, A.M Portland, Me. Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Bofton, Mafs. George Bement Butler, Efq New York, N.Y. The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs. William Eaton Chandler, A.M Concord, N.H. George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Clarence H. Clark, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. Gen. John S. Clark, Auburn, N.Y. Ethan N. Coburn, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs. I The Prince Society, 313 Jofeph J. Cooke, Efq Providence. R.I. Ddoraine P. Corey, Efq linflon, Mais. Kraftus Corning, Efq Albany. N.Y. Ellery Bickncll Crane, Efq VVorcellcr, Mafs. Abram E. Cutter, Ef.i Charle(t,.vvn, Mafs. 'Ii>e Rev. Edwin A. Dalrymple, S.T.D Baltimore, Md. WiHiam M. Darlington, Efq Pittfbup', Pa. John Ward Dean, A.M ijofton, Mafs.' Charles Deane, LL.I) Cambridge, Mafs. Edward Denham, Efq n^..^ Ij^dford, Mafs. Prof. Franklin 13. Dexter, A.M Now Haven, Ct. The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Hoaon, Mafs. Samuel Adams Drake, Efq Melrofe, Mafs. Henry Thayer Drowne, Efq ^^w York N Y Henry H. Edes, Efq Charleflow'n, Mafs. Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct. Janus G. Elder, Efq Lewifton, Me. Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa. James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y. The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D New York, N.Y. Jofeph Story Fay, Efq Woods Ho'll, Mafs. John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs. The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs. James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs. Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt. The Hon. John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me. Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs. Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs. The Hon. Chief Juftice Horace Gray, LL.D. . . Bofton, Mafs. William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs. Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York. N.Y. Charles H. Guild, Efq Somerville, Mafs. The Hon. Robert S. Hale, LL.D Elizabethtown, N.Y. C Fifke Harris, A.M Providence, R.L III '^ I VH i|.. I i \ f i w ;in 314 T/ie Prince Society, David Greene Haflcins, Jr., A.M Cambridge, Mafs. The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Boflon, Mafs. Thomas Wentvvorth Higginfon, A.M Caml ridge, Mafs. VV. Scott Hill, M.D Augufta, Me. James F. Hunnewell, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y. The Hon. Clark Jillfon Worcefter, Mafs. Mr. Sawyer Junior Nalhua, N.H. George Lamb, Efq Bofton, Mafs. Edward F. de Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y. William B. Lapham, M.D Augufla, Me. Henry Lee, A.M Boiton, Mafs. John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs. Orfamus H. Marfhall, Efq Buffalo, N.Y. William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs. William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs. Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mafs. The Rev. James H. Means, D.D Bofton, Mafs. George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y. The Hon. Henry C. Murphy, LL.D Brooklyn, N.Y. The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M Portfmouth, N.H. The Hon, James W. North Augufta, Me. Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. John H. Oftiorne, Efq Auburn, N.Y. George T. Paine, Efq Providence, R.I. The Hon. John Gorham Palfrey, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs. Daniel Parifli, Jr., Efq . New York, N. Y. Francis Parkman, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M Bofton, Mafs. The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D. Davenport, Iowa. William Frederic Poole, A.M Chicago, 111. George Prince, Efq Bath, Me. Capt. William Prince, U.S. A New Orleans, La. Samuel S. Purple, M.D New York, N.Y. The Hon. John Phelps Putnam, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Edward Afhton Rollins, A.M Philadelphia, Pa. IP The Prince Society. 315 The Hon. Mark Skinner Cliicago, 111. The Rev. Carlos Slafcer, A.M Dcdhani, Mafs. The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Boaon, Mais. Charles C. Smith, Efq Bollon, Mafs. Samuel I'. Snow, Efq Bollon, xMafs. Oliver Blifs Stebbins, Efq Boflon, Mafs. George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs. The Hon. Edwin W. Stoughton New York, N.Y, William B. Tralk, Efq Bofton, Mafs. The Hon. William H. Tuthill Tipton, Iowa. Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D Bollon,' Mafs. The Rev. Alexander Hamilton Vinton, D.D. . . Pomfret, Ct. Jofeph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H. William Henry Wardwell, Efq Bofton, Mafs. Mifs Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa. Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Sr^lcm, Mafs. John Gardner White, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. William Adee Whitehead, A.M Newark, N.J. William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs. Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs. The Hon. Marftiall P. Wilder, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs. Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs. Aftibel Woodward, M.D Franklin, Ct. J. Otis Woodward, Efq Albany, N.Y. LIBRARIES. American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs. Amherft College Library Amherft, Mafs. Aftor Library New York, N.Y, Bofton Athenaeum Bofton, Mafs. Bofton Library Society Bofton, Mafs. Britifti Mufeum London, Eng. Concord Public Library Concord, Mafs. i^^i » Mil 1 . // ,-^' Tv fi ■, i 316 The Prince Society, Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mafs. Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs. Grofvenor Library Buffalo, N.Y. Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mafs. Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa. Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa. Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada. Library of the State Department Wafliington, D.C. Long llland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y. Maine Hiftorical Society Brunfwick, Me. Maryland Hiftorical Society Baltimore, Md. Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs. Mercantile Library New York, N.Y. Minnefota Hiftorical Society St. Paul, Minn. Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . Newburyport, Mafs. New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . Bofton, ISIafs. Newton Free Library Newton, Mafs. New York Society Library New York, N.Y. Plymouth Public Library Plymouth, Mafs. Portfmouth Athenaeum Portfmouth, N.H. Public Library of the City of Bofton Bofton, Mafs. Redwood Library Newport, R.L State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs. State Library of New York Albany, N.Y. State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R.I. State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt. Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs. Yale College Library New Haven, Ct. il i • ; ! m .: PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY. New England's Prospect. Net'Tn;S'dff-r'""?J''i'''"'^'"" °' *'^' P^^' °^ '^--•-- — ""ly called come ^S'p, 'n "'"^ u''' "' ^''' ''''""'"^' '^'^"^ - •' «-ds to ou new- come £uj;/j/, Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By William Wood London, 1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D. i^y William Wood. The Hutchinson Papers. fett-Sv" r" rint?JT"' Papers relative to the Hiflory of the Colony of Maffachu- AM and VViUiam S 1 "I . fT '' ''^^- ^'''^^ "^^ ^^''^^^ «• ^Vhitmore. A.M., ana VVilliam S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. John Dunton's Letvers from New England The Andros Tracts. Being a Collection of Pamphlet, and Official Papers idued during the period be- tween the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eftabliftmen of tl feco'd Wl : Mem f ott^Ed '"''I'T'^ ''7 ''' ^'^''^ ^""-^ ^^^ --' ^'^ - 3 vols. """""^ '^"^'■°'' "^^^ '^' ^^''°'-' W'"*^-" "• Whitmore. A.M. Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. Including three Royal Charters, iffued in ifi"! ifi-r ,f,-,H . -r . Encouragement to Colonies, by Si'r William A^xa t r, 64' a Vllri^^ Z Mre^R:!/:; Irt-irY "°"^ inand.anda;artoVth?prnt'sZe'o Mane, a Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir W.lham Alexander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.m! John Wheelwright. Including his Faft-day Sermon, 1637; his Mercurius Americanus 164c and other i''i \ J^ n '. 3 1 8 Publications of the Society, Voyages of the Northmen to America. Including extra6ts from Icelandic Sagas relating to weftern voyages by North- men in the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an EngliOi tranflation by North Ludlow Beamifh; with a Synopfis of the hiftorical evidence and the opinion of Profeflfor Rafn as to the places vifited by the Scandinavians on the coall of America. Edited, with an Introduaion, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of 1619 ; tranflated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illuftrations, by the Rev. Edmund F, Slafter, A.M. This work confifts of three volumes. Volumes I. and II. have been ilTued; Vol. III. will follow as foon as pra6licable. VOLUMES IN PREPARATION. ■\'\ m WW ! " v\-^ m 1. Captain John Mason, the founder of New Hampdiire, including his Traft on Newfoundland, 1620, and the feveral American Charters in which he was a Grantee ; with a Memoir and hiftorical illuftrations by Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. 2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, including his Tra6t entitled A Brief Narration, 1658, American Charters granted to him, and other papers ; with hiftoricd illuftrations and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3. The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of 1619. Tranflated into Englifli by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illuftrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. Two of the three volumes, of which this work will confift, have already been iffued. 4. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, including his Difcourfe to prove a Paflage by the North- Weft to Cathaia and the Eaft Indies ; his Letters Patent to difcover and pofiefs lands in North America, granted by Queen Elizabeth, June 11, 1578; with hiftorical illuftrations and a Memoir by Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. It is the intention of the Council to iffue at leaft one volume annually, but not neceffarily in the order in which they are placed above. N. B. Communications to the officers of the Society (hould be diredled to 18 Som* erfet Street, Bofton, Mafs. ■1 INDEX. H ^^^ n ■ilili 'III II i> INDEX. A. Abenaquis, 296. Abenaquiuoit, 296. Abercrombie, Gen'l, gr. Abnaki, 41, 46. Advocates' Harbor, 298. Albany, 93. Alderney, 231. Alen^on, 253. Alexander, Sir William, 159, 160, 165, 172, 174, 176, 177, 317. Alexander, Sir William, Jr., 161, 162. Alfonfe or Alphonfe, Jean, 30, -]-], 233. Algommequins, La Riui^re des, 302. Algonquins, 90, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 108, 115, 116, 121, 138, 139, 152,175, 187, 192, 238, 241, 242, 255, 261, 268, 273, 274, 275, 276. 278, 301. Algonquins, River of, 300. All Devils' Point, 335. Allen, Ethan, Gen'l, 91. Allen River, 72. Allouettes, Point aux, 235, 294. Allumet Illand, 118, 119, 121, 301. Almouchiquois, 286. America, 25, 28, 29, 31, 40, 54, 79, 94, 109, 122, 155, 159, 177, 195, 206. America, North, 27, 77, 78, 115, 157, 159. 192. America, South, 22, 23, 24. Amherrt I Hand, 128. Amherft, Lord Jeffrey, 91. Amiens, 17. Amyot, 220. Anadabijou, 236, 237, 291. Anaflbu. 56, 57. Andiatarode, 93. Andrews, Sir Jofeph, 161. Andros, Sir Edmund, 317. Angiers, 5. 17. Annapolis Harbor, or Bafin, 39, 58, 62, 63- 71. l(\ 79- 162. 176, 206. Annapolis. Villas-e of, 62, 72. Annotationes Poftcriptae, 205. Anfe aux Bafques, 284. Anticofti, 32, 233. Anticofty, 233. 265. Antoine, Riui6re. St., 294, 297, Antonio, Prior of Crato, 26. Antouhonorons. 131, 301, 303, 304. Antouoronons, 303, 304. Antwerp, 8. Apoftles' Creed, 246. Arcere, 3, 5. Archangel, 57. : I 1^:: ■if 41 Ji s^" I I i. :i Archives of Foreign Affairs, 181. Ardlic Sea, 240. Ardres, 18. Argall, Capt. Samuel, 122, 160. Argentcnay, 297. Armouchicles, 277. Arms of France, 72. Arquelmfiers, 93. Arqucs, 16, 26. Arrowfwick, 46. Artichoke, Jerufalem, 64. Arundel, Lord of, 57. Afcenfion, ITe of, 233. Afh, 264. Afia, Northern, 239. Afpens, 264. AiTelini, 27. Affiftaqueronons, 303. Affumption, Illand of, 233. Aftrolabe, 118. AulMgnd, D', 220. Auburn, N. Y., 132. Augufta, 79. Aumont, Marfhal d', 16, 17, 19. Aunis, 3. Aurigny, 231. Auftralians, 240. Azores, 23, 26. B. Bacchus Ifland, 48, 63. Bacchus, Ifles de, 299. Back River, 46. Bahama, 23. Bale la Vallitre, 260. Baird, Spenfer F , 265. Baleine, 174, i7S- Ballard, Rev. Edward, 42, 47. Baltimore, Lord, 161. Index, Bangor, 42, \ 22, 209. Bannatyne Club, 177. Bar Harbor, 208. Barnab^, Ifle, S., 294. Barnftable Harbor, 65, 197. Bafque Cove, 284. Bafques, 29, 38, 80, 83, 162, 163, 284. Bafs River, 279. Batifquan, Riuiire, 296. Batifcan, 255. Baturier, Cap, 297. Baye aux Ifles, 299. Baye des Ifles, 293. Baye des TrefpalTez, 293. Baye Franqoife, 297, 302. Baye Longue, 299. Baye Saine. 298. Bayfield, Capt. H. W., 253, 278, 282, 283, 284. Bay of All Ifles, 293. Bay of Fundy, 34, 39, 59- 75. 162, 206, 222, 280, 298, 302. Bay of Mines, 39, 60, 76. Beamifli, North Ludlow, 318. Bear Ifland, 260. Bears, 265, 278. Beauchamp, Rev. W. M., 132. Beaumont, 43. Beauport, 63. Bearers, 265. Bechourat, Sagamore, 291. Bedabedec, 299. Beech, 264. Begourat, Sagamore, 285. Belarmat, 3. Bell, Charles H., viii, 156, 317- Belle Ifle, Straits of, 293. Belles Prairies, 299. Bellin, Atlas, Maritime, 253, 268, 283, 284. Index, 323 Bcphano, 3. Ikrgeroiinettes, Les, 300. Berjon, Jean, 216. Berkeley, William, l6l. Bermiula, 23. Berfimis Point, 283. Biard, I'ierrc, 29, 41, 46, 122. BibliothL-quc Nationale, 213. liic, 32, 234, 294. Billingfgate, 54. Bircii, 15, 17, 27,239. BilTereni, Lake of, 302, 303, 304. BIlTerenis, Lac des, 304. Bhir' Point, 47. Black-fltimmer, 58. Blafkowitz, Plan 01 Plymouth, 207. Blavet, 15, 18, 20. Blaxton, the Rev. William, 211. Blueljerry, Canada, 295, 303. Bon Temps, L'ordre de, 72. Bordeaux, 161. Bofton, 211, 293. Bofton Athenaeum, vii, 218. Bofton Harbor, 52, 197, 199. Boulay, 44. Boulle, Euftache, 147, 151, 152, 1C7, 194, 205. Boulld, Hdl6ne, 104, 105, 194, 266. Boulle, Nicholas, 105. Boullon, Duke de, 27. Bowdoin College, 79. Boyer, 294. B'lntome, 16, 18. Bras d' Jr, Grept, 175. Bras d'Or, T Utie, 175. Brdbeuf, Jean de, 96, 178, 179, 180. Bred, 54. Breton, Cap, 300. Breton, Port, 300. Bretons, 29. Brevoort, J. C, 23. Brigard, 229. BriiTac, ALaraihal de, 16, 17, 20, 117. Brittany, 9, 11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 26, 30, 227, 231. Brittany, Upper, 16. Broadhead, J. R., 207. Brouage, i, 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 17, 103, 123, 155, 225. Brown, Mrs. John Carter, vii, 215, 218. Briild, fitienne, 126, 128, 143. BruflcS Cap, 295. Buffalo, 132. BuilTon, Saut du, 270. Burgoyne, Gen'l John, 91. Burials, Indian, 248. Bulk, 27. Buzzard's Bay, 69. Cabin, Indian, 239. Cabot, John, v, 29. Cabot, Scbaftian, 77. Cadiz, 20, 21. Caen, fimeric de, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154. 155. 169, 170, 178. Caen, William de, 148, 155, r7o, 178. Cahiagud, 127, 137, 138. Calais, 43. Calefme, 293. Calice, iS. California Indians, 94. Calumet, Sault de= Pierres \ 301. Calvin, John, 12, 123. Camden, 16. Cameret, Marie, 194. Camper, Chateau de, 16, 17. Campobello, Ifland of, 294. Campfeau, Baye de, 297. \\ ° iBBBSbS^ i:j-ii"j>;^..i;^!J. ^^■L'vic ^ *.sdm&%»-3^1d»>': . lis ";{ 324 Index. ! IHtS I'' lis Canada, 34, 35, 36, 37, 95, 97, 145. 151, 'S3. 156, 159. '(J5. '77, 189. '94. '96, 200, 205, 213, 225, 227, 232, 265, 273, 280, 301. Canada, (ireat Hay of, 233. Canada, River of, 233, 234, 253, 257, 258, 267, 289. Canaries, 21. Caniaderiguarunte, 93. Caniatagarontc, 93. Canoe, Indian, 52, 239. Canfeau, 38, 39, 74, 75, 76, 11, 1 97, 280, 289. Cap Hlanc, 54. Cap de Levy, 293. Cap de I'outrincourt, 76. Cap Roui,'e, 30. Cape Dauphin, 175. Cape Elizabeth, 47. Cape livcque, 28 1. Cajje Fendu, 76. Cape Gafpc^ 233. Cape Henry, 211. Cape Horn, 240. Capelle, La, 18. Cape Anne, 51, 52. 63, 197, 299. Cape Breton, 31. 32. 36, 37, 61, 162, 174. 175, 233. 2S0, 297. Cape Charles, 211. Cape Chifjneflou, 298. Cape Cod, 54, 58, 63, 65, 78, 198, 235- Cape Cod Bay, 54, 65. Cape North, 233. Cape Pine, 232. Cape Porpoife, 50, 197. Cape Race, 291. Cape Ray. 32. 232, 233. Cape Sable, 39, 61, 78. Cape Salmon, 251. Cape Split, 76. Cape St. Lawrence, 233, 300. Cape St. Mary, 232. Cape Tourmcntc, 151, 153, 162, 163, 104. Carantouan, 143. Carantonanis, 304. Carhagoulia, 127, 138. Caribbean Sea, 22, 196. Carillon, Fort, 91. Caron, Joieph, le, 124, 127, 138, 141, 143. '53- Carte do la Nouvelle F'rance, 210, 211. Carthagcna, 22. 23. Cartier, Jacques, 29. 30, 95, 114, 199, 220, 233, 234, 251, 252, 255, 257, 261, 265, 268, 278, 279, 288. Cartier, Jacques, River, 296. Cafcades, 270. Cafco Bay. 47, 299. Cafgrain. L'Abbc, H. R,, viii, 185, 186. Catamqui Creek, 136. Catechifin, 178. Catelet, le, 18. Cathay. 116. Catholic, 13, 14, IS, 16, 112, 145, 151, 154, 156, 187, 188, 192, 193. Cavalier, 133. Caymans, 22. Cedres, 270. Cerberus, 199. Cdfar. Due de Vendome, 15, 105. Chalour, Bay of, 29, 3^ 37, 279. Chaleurs, Baye de, 278, 279, 280. Chaleu, Riuiere de, 298. Chamberlain, Jofhua L., 79. Chamlily, 262, 268. Chambly, Falls of, 90, 96, Champdord, 43. Champlain, Antoine de, i. Index, 325 Champlain, Samuel de, birth, 206 ; parentage and home at Hiouaije l-il ; quarter-mailer in the army, I-19; his vilit to the Welt Indies, 20-26; his lirll vojML^c to Canada, 26- 35 ; iiis fecond voyage and three years fojourii on the Atlantic co.iil of Amer- ica under De Monts, 35-78; pre- pares for a voyage to Canada, 7S-.S0 ; fettles difficulties at TadoulTac, .:o, 81 ; fails up the St. Lawrence. 81, 82 ; he lays the foundations of Quebec, 82; attempt to alTaffinate him, 83- 85 ; his firll winter at (hiebec, 8^^-88 ; tour of exjjloration and difcovery of Lake Champlain, 89-91 ; battle at Ticonderoga, 91-96: liis return to France, 96, 97 ; returns to Canada, 98 ; battle at the mouth of the Riche- lieu, 9(>-i03 ; he hears of the death of Henry IV. and returns to France, 103, io.| ; his marriage, 105 ; returns to Canada, 105 ; he repairs to the Falls of St. Louis, the rendezvous for Indian trade, 106-110 ; returns to France and reorganizes the company, ilo-n4; returns to New France, 115 ; explores the Ottawa, 11 5-1 21 ; returns to France and takes miffion- aries to Canada, 122-124: his explo- ration of the upper Ottawa, Lake IMiMifling, Lake Huron, Simcoe, On- tario, penetrates the interior of Wert- ern New York and gives battle to the Iroquois, 124-135; n^oes into win- ter quarters with the Hurons. 135- 138; explorations during the winter, 138-140; returns to the Falls of St. Louis, 141, 142: voyages to France, 143 ; efforts to revive the company, 144-147; takes his wife to Canada, 147 ; repairs the buiUlings at Quebec. 148-150; in France two years, 151 ; erects a farmiioufe at Cape Tour- niente, 151 : difficulty with Indians, 152, 153; the peltry and I'ur tr.ide, '54. '55; the company of New France, organi/.cd. 155, 157; the EnglKh attack New France. 15S- 173; receives Capt. Daniel's account of his colony planted in the llland of Cape Breton, 173-175; he lays the fubject of the IJiitilh invafion before the government at I'.iris, 175- 177 ; he attends to the publication of his works at Paris, 178; returns to Quebec, and enters upon feveral new enterprifes, i79-i,Si ; his letter to Richelieti, 181-183: his death, 184, 185 ; fumm.iry of his character, 186- 204: i)ortrait of 212; titles of his publications. 215-219; his dedica- tion to Charles Montmorency. Champlain, Lac de, 297, 300. Champlain, Lake, 93, Champlain, Madame, 212. Champlain Riviere de, 70, 296. Chandler, Peleg W., 156. Chantrey, 161. Chantilly. 146. Chaoufarou, 97. Chapel of M. de Champlain, 185. Chappeau Rouge, 300. Charavay, fitienne, 194. 205. Charente Inferieure. 206. Charlefbourg Royal, 30. Charles I.. i6r, 169, 172, 176. Charles II., 193. Charles VIII., 2. Charles IX., 3, 14, 16, 186. if II i .J 326 Index, h. \ ;.' < diaries Riui6re, S., 296. Cli.irles River, 52. Charlevoix, 90, 123, 149, 158, 213, 252, 253, 2fio, 268. Charlton, Robert, 161. Charolois, 18. ClialTe des Ellans, 297. Challes, Amyar cle, 26, 27, 28. 32, 34, 205. Cliatcau do Hlamly, 113. Cli'itcauneuf, 17.?. Chatham, 65, ()6, 67, 69, 197. Chaudi^re River, 296. Chaudicre Falls, 120. Chaudicre, Saidt de, 300, 301. Chauvin, de Saint, 28, 31, 32, 35, 205. Chavin, Capt. I'ierre, 96, 98. Cherries, 264. Chefapeacq Bay, 299. Chefapeake Bay, 211, Chevalier, 74. Cheveux-Relevds, 139, 303. Cheftnuts, 264. Chinfchedec, 37. Chiltenango Creek, 131, 13^.. Chouacoet, 299. Cibou, 175, 304. Clark, General John S., 132. Coafl; Survey, 41. 47, 207, 208. Cobequid Bay, 297. Cognac, 161. Cohaflet, 53. Collet, Clavde, 216, 217. Colombo, Don Francifco, 21. Columbus, F., 240. Company of Merchant Adventurers, 161, 171. Company of New France, or Hundred Aflbciates, 155. 156, 157, 158, 165, 171, 174, 176, 178, 179. 184,187, 189. Condd, Cap de, 295. Condd, Louis, le Grand, 113. CondtS Prince of, 4, 5, 14, 17, 105, 113, 121, 146, 216. Confort, I'oinclc, 299. Connedicut Hillorical Society, 42, 46, 47. 52. Convent de Notre Dame, 149. Convent, rrfulinc, 194. Cooper, James Fenimore, 94. Copper Inipkments, I're-hiftoric, 276. Corpus Chrilli, 93. Cofle-Briflac, Charles, 17. CoiTe-Brinac. J< anne de, 17. Cotcau (lu Lac. Rapids du, 270. Couciiirhiiig, Lake, 127, 128. Coudre. Ille au, 251, 252, 294, 295. Coues, 240 Couillard, William, 171. Couranle, Baye, 298. Courcelles, 17. Coutras, 17. Cowaflialon Creek, 131. Cramoify, Sebaltian, 155. Creuxius, 159, 174, 185, 189. Crofs, James, D.D., 131. Cuba, 22, 196. Cumberland Strait, 297. Currants, 264. Cutter, Charles A., vii. Cyprefs, 235, 264. D. Dale, Sir Thomas, 160. Daniel, Capt. Charles, 155, 173, 174, 175- Darien, Ifthmus of, 25. D'Arontal, 141. Index* 1^7 '3. 46, 16. 174, Daru, M., 16. Dauphiny, 1 12. D'Avezac, 233, 234, 251, 252, 257, 261, 265, 26X. Davila, Henrico Caterino, 4, 5, 18. Deane, Charles, 317. Dean, John Ward, vii, 306. Dcchamlicau Point, 256. Decr-frap, 136. Deffiat, Marquis, 155. De Laet, Jean, 233. Delifle, L., viii. De Monts, 36. 37, 38, 39. 40, 43, 45, 47» SO, 52, 55. 56, 58. 59. 60. 61, 62, 63. 72, 74. 75. 79. 80, 89, 97, 103, 105, 106, 109. no, irr, 112, r22, 123, 158, 206, 208, 287. De Monts' Ifland, 39, 40, 43, 206, Denis, 27. Denys, Nicholas, 39, 175, 265. Derby, 161. Defbarats, Geo. E., 218. Defdames, 166. Defeada, 21, 196. Detroit River, 271. Deux Bayes, Cap des, 298, 302. De Witt, John, 9, Dexter, H. M., 207. Diamonds, 253. Dieppe, 27, 29, 150, 161, 173, r74, 179, 219. Dijon, 112. Dog, 238, 240. Domingo, St., 22. Dominion of Canada, 29, 200, 301. Dorr, S. E., viii. Dourlens, 18. Dover, Eng., 171. Du Guaft, Pierre, 52. Du Pare, 104, 106. Dutch, r52. Du Val, Jean, 83. 84, 85. Duxhorough, 207. Duxbury 13each, 207. E. Eaft Bofton, 52. Elizabeth. Queen, 15, 27, 198. England and Englifli, n, 13, 22, 27. 54. 57. '58. 159. '60, 162. 164. If. 6. if)7, iM, 169. 170. 171, 173, 173. 174, •75. 17^'. 177. 179- 180. 182, 183, 198, 205, 21 1, 231. 299. Englifli Channel, 98. Kntouhnnorons. 143. Efpcrnon, Duke of, 18. Efpoir, I,c Cap d', 300. Efprit, Baye du Saincl, 300. Eftrdes. Gabrielled', 15. Etechemins, 238, 242, 278. Etechemins, Riui^re des, 296, 299. Europe, 8, 58, 239. F. Falls of St. Louis, 33, 106, 115, 119, 141, 154. 251. 268, 294, 297, 300, 301, 302, 304. Falls of St. Mary, 298. Falmouth. Eng., 175. Faribault, M., 213. Fayall, 198. Fenner, 131. Fdret, M., 219. Ferryland, 161. I'^'''. 235. Fifli-hook and line, 53. Five Nations, 128, 190, 191, 193. 328 Index, Flag, or lilies of France, 138. Flemings, 183. Flemifli, 231, 304. Fletcher's Neck, 47. Florida, 95, 156, 159, 221, 261, 262, 280, 299. Florida, Gulf of, 23. Fontainebleau, 97. Forillon, 300. Fort, Iroquois, in Fenner, N. Y., 130, 131. 132. Fort Saint Louis, 148, 169, 179. Foacher, 163. Fougeray, or Foulger^ de Vitre, 43. Fouques, Captain, 38. Fourchu, Port du Cap, 298, 304. Foxes, 26s. France, French, 8, [i, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, i 8, 20, 27, 29, 31, 34, 40, 43. 45- 52, 54, 58, 59, 61. 62, 63, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, S"!, 90. 96. 98. 103, 104, 107, 110, 113, 116, 121, 122, 141. 142, 143, 144, 146, 151, 152, 155, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 167, 168, 169,170, 171, 172, 173, 174.175- 176, 177. 178, 180,181, 182, 191, 192, 193, 196, 200,203,206, 209, 211, 219, 236, 269, 291, 301, 304. Francis I., 9, 16. Francis II., 14, 16. Franqoife de Mercoeur, 15. Frederidton, 36. Frenchman's Bay, 208. French River, 126, 301. Freer, 16, 17, 27. Fyall, 78. Gachep^, 233. Gage, Thomas, 22. Galops, Rapids, 270. Garneau, Francis Xavier, 271. Gar-pike, 97. Gafpd, 29, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 45. 165, 166, 167, 233, 234, 272, 277, 278, 291, 297. Gafpey, 233. Gafpey, Poin6le de, 300. Gallon, Duke of Orleans, 146. Gafton, Sault de, 298. Genefee River, 274. Georgia, 235. Georgian Bay, 126, 1.44, 199, 210. Germany, 13. Ciefures, M. de, 28. C]ibbs, George, 194. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 318. Giovanni da Verrazano, 23. Gloucefter Harbor, (^t,, 65, 197. Goat Ifland. 59. Goat River, 298. Gomez, Eftevan, 77. Gookin, Daniel, 52. Goroes, Sir Ferdinando, 318. Gofnold, Bartholomew, v, 54, 1^), I97' Goudon, Elizabeth, 161. GoufFre, Baye de, 294. Gougou, 2S9, 290. Grand Banks, 34, 61, 105. Grand Cibou, I7S. 3o4- Grand Sault, 297. Granfibou, 175. Grapes, 49, 264. Green Ifland, 296. Green Mountain, 208. Green Mountains, 266. Greenwich, 234. Grenefey, 231. Grondines, Les, 296, Guadaloupe, 22. Index, 329 Guaft, Pierre du, Sieur de Monts, 35. Guerchville, Marchionefs de, 122, 123. Guernfey, 231. Guicciardino, Ludovico, 8. Guienne, 8. Guizot, M. Francois Pierre Guillaume, 214. Gurnet, 207, 208. H. Higue, Royal Archives of, 207. Hakluyt, Rich, d, 30, 58, 233, 259. Hak-iuyt Society, 23, 26, 27, 219. Hah fax Harbor, 298. Hamel, Thomas, 213. Harding's Beach Point, 66. Hare Ifland, 251, 252, 253, 275, 295. Hares, 263. Hariot, Thomas, 58. Haute Ifle, 70, 197. Hautes, Ifles Affez, 299. Havana, 23. Havre du GrAce, 34, ^^y, 38, 231, 291. Hawkins, John, -j-j. Hazel-nuts, 264. HL 175. 181, 206, 212,213,225, 229. Parkman. Francis, viii, 29. 95. Parmentier, Jean, 29. Paffamaquoddy Bay, 39, 41. Peltry, 154. Pemetegoet, 299. Pemetiq, 41. Penobfcot, 41, 42, 57, 78, 198, 208. Penobfcot Bay, 43, 70, 294. Percde, He, 37, 278, 279, 280, 281, 286, 300. Perrault, P^re, 175. Index, 335 f- :S» 56, Peru, 25 . Petit Paflage de I'Ifle Longue, 298. Petun, Gens de, 303. Petuns, 139. Philadelphia, 36. Philip II., 15. Picardy, 18, 29. Pickering, Dr. Charles, 49, 235, 239, 240, 264. Pieces Juftificatives, 181. Piedmont, 146. Pierre, Brool<, 107. Pigeon La]8o, 185, 256, 257, 264, 266. Religion of the Savages, 243-247. Ribaut, Cap Jean, v, 299. Rice Lake, 128. Rchelieu, Cap de, 297. Richelieu, Cardinal de, 5, 105, 1 13, 155, 156, 157, 160, 174, 175, 176, 181, 191, 193, 217, 219. Riclielieu Ifland, 256. Richelieu River, 33, 36, 90, 93, 96, 100, loi, 199, 222, 260, 261, 262, 2S0, 297. Richemond, Mefchinet de, viii, 206. Richmond's Ifland, 47, 48, 49, 197, 299. Rideau River, 302. Rio Chagres, 25. Rifl;igouche River, 281, 298. River du Guaft, 52. River LelTumen, 284. River of Canada, 273, 278. River of the Algonquins, 270. River Romaine, 284. River St. Lambert, 268. River Trent, 128. Riuifere de Gafpey, 298. Riui^re de S luuages, 296. Riui^re des Eflurgeons & Saulmons, 296. Index. Ill Riviere des Prairies, 126, 300. RiiiiC:re des Puans, 297. Kiuitjre du Gait, 297. Rimi;:re Platte, 295, 298. Riuicre Saincle Suzanne, 297. kivicre du Fouez, 257, Riviere du Loup, 297. Riviere du Slid, 294. Riviere Noire, 283. Riviere Petite, 252. Riviere St. Pierre, 268. Roanoke Ifland, 58. Roljerval, Jean Francois, v, 29, 30, 31. Robinllon, 43. Rochefort, 6. Roche, Marquis de la, 30, 31. Rochelle, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, n, 35, 38, no, 117, 146, 148, 157, 160, 194, 206. Rock River, 282. Rocky Neck, 64. Roman Church, 93, 122, 186, 188. Rome, 17. Ronjat, E., 2* ^. Roque, Francois de la, 29. Roquemont, Claude de, 155, 157, 165, 166. Roflignol, Captain, 38, 40, 298. Rouen, 28, 35, 114, 148, 155, 212. Round Ifland, 267. Roy-Frangois, 30. Sable, Baye de Cap, 298. Sable Ifland, 31. Saco, 48, 49, 52, 56, 63, 66, 197, 238, 286. Sagadahock, 46, 47. Sagamore, 34, 236, 243, 245. Sagard, Gabriel, 150, 153, 235, 264, 265. Saguenay, 33, 81, 99, 109, 124, 221, 234, 235. 238, 249, 250, 252, 253, 257, 258, 301. Saguenay, Sault de RiuiiVe, 297. Saintt Clcr, Baie dc, 37. Saint Anne, Bay of, 175. Saint Anne, River, 255, 256. Saint Bartholomew's, 186. Saint Charles, River, 29, 82, 149, 163. Saint Clair, Gen'l, 91. Saint Croix, in Canada, 254, 255, 256, 257, 296, 304. Saint Croix, Ifland of, 39, 43, 56, 58, 59, 60, 63, 75, 294, 304. Saint Croix, Ifland in Canada, 256. Saint Croix, River, 39, 40, 70, 159, 206, 208, 299. Saint Eloi, Ifland of, 256. Saint Francis, River, 259, 297. Saint Gabriel, 127, 176, 177, Saint Germain, 150. Saint Hel6ne, 266, 267. Saint Ignace, Ifland of, 100, 102. Saint Jacques, 194. Saint Jean Baptifle, 127. Saint Jean d'Angely, 113. Saint John, Ifland of, 288. Saint John, Ifles of, 234. Saint John, Lake, 250. Saint John, New Brunfvvick, 39, 60, 75, 206, 238, 280, 287. Saint John, Newfoundland, 3c. Saint John on the Richelieu, 91. Saint John, River, 40. Saint Lawrence, Chronicles, 233, 234. Saint Lawrence, Gulf of, 123, 161, 166, 178, 199, 200, 210, 233, 298, 303. Saint Lawrence, Ifland of, 280, 289. i 338 Index. % 1 \ f. !) J; Saint Lawrence, River of, 28, 29, 30, 32. 33. 36, 37, 39. 89, 96, 98. 100, loi, 106, 107, no, 126, 127, 12.S, 130, 135. 14S, 154, IS9. 161, 166, 172, 180, 187, 192, 199, 205, 234, 255, 261, 264, 265, 272, 281, 295, 296, 300, 303. Saint Louis, Sault, 304. Saint Luc, dc, 4, 5, 16, 17, Saint Malo, 28 -;i, 32, 74, "j"], 114, 121, 148, 237, 286, 290. Saint ALittliew's Point, 235, 236, 240. Saint Maurice, River, 99, 109, 257, 258. Saint Mary's Bay, 39, 40. Saint Mefmes, 5. Saintonge, i, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 17, 15, 110. Saint Paul's Bay, 294. Saint Paul, Iflands of, :33, 267. Saint Peter, Iflands o^, 232, 233. Saint Peter, Street of, 86. Saint Thcr^se, 266. Salem, 211, 290. Salt-works, 6-10. San Juan d'Ulloa, 22, 23. Saquifli, 207, 208. Safinoa, 294. Sauffaye, Sieur de la, 122. Savage-Rock, 197, 198. Savages, 5 1 , 66, 68. Scituate, 53. Scotland, 159. Scotch Colony, 162. Scoudic River, 299. Scurvy, 45, 60, 87. Secondon, Indian Chief, 60, 287. Seguin, 197. Se'. ridge, Capt., 25. S ;pt !/les, Les, 299. jever Iflands, 282. •=!e' -n Iflands Bay, 282. Severn River, 126, 127. Soveftre, 217. Seville, 21. ShaAHiut, 52, 211. Shaw Norton, 26, 27. Shea, John Gilmary, viii, 90, 93, 96, 123, 132, 149, 158, 213. Shediac Ifland, 279. Shcepfcot, 46, 47. Ship-canal, 24. Shrcwfbuiy, Earl of, 27. Simcoe, 126, 127, 141. 199. Simon, Mr., 39. Sillery, Chancellor de, 117. Slafter, Edmund F., 306, 317, 318. Smith, Captain John, v, 54, 77, 78, 198. Smith's Cove, 64. Smith, S. D., 131. Smyth, R. Brough, 240. Snow-lhoe, 248. Soiflbns, Charles de Bourbon, Count de, 112, 113, 294. SoiiTons, Lac de, 294. Soudis, Madame de. 122. Soupcjonneuse, La, 69, 299. Souricoua, 279. Sourin, 44. Souriquois, 279, 286, 287. Sous le Fort, Street of, 86. Southampton, Earl of, 57. South Sea, 277. Spain, or Spanilh, 10, 13, 15, 18, 20,21, 22, 24, 26,27, 161, 195. Spain, New, 22, 23, 25, 27. Spruce, 235. Stage Harbor, (i(-^, 68, 70, 197. Stags, 265. Stirling, Earl of, 176. Stony Lake, 128. Stratton Ifland, 47. Index, 339 6, |8. nt K 21, Strawberry, 264. Stuart, Sir James, 174. Sturgeon Lake, 128. Sully, Duke of, 4, s, 16, i8, 27, 36, 112. T. Tabajie, 236, 237, 241, 286. Tabula Nautica, 211. Tachd, Dr. J. C, 127. TadoulTac, 32, 33, 36, 37, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88, 89, 96, 9S. 104, 106, 1 10, 115, 124, 147, 154, 162. 163, 164, 166, 168, 169, 170, J31, 234, 236, 238, 239, 249, 250, 251, 258, 277, 278, 284, 285, 286, 291, 295, 296, 297, 300, 304. Talon, Lac du, 126. Tanager, Icarlet, 97. Tdldgraphe, Compagnie du, 54. Ten Pound Ifland, 84. Terra Firma, 22. Tefouac, La Riui^re de, 301. Tefouac, Ifle de, 3or. Tefroiiat, chief, 118, 119. Thdmins, Marefchal, 113. Thet, Gilbert du, 122. Thevet, Andr^, 77, 233, 239. Thone, Chairnte, 4. Thornton, J. Wingate, 306. Thorvald. the Northman, 56. Thou, Jacque-Augufte, de, 5, 16, 18. Thoufand Iflands, 128. Three Rivers, zz, 36, 99, 152, 154, 255, 257, 258,259, 273,301. Ticonderoga, 91, 93. Timothde, Captain, 37. Tiny, 127. Tobacco, 49, 55, 63. Toleration, Chriftian, 188. Tortue, La Riviere de la, 268. Touloufe, 146. Tourmente, Cap de, 295. Tours, 1 12, 146. Tour, Claude la, 160. Tour, I'ort la, 29S. Tour, Sieur de l.i. 298. Tortue, Lac la, 126. Tracadie, 279. Trent, River, 302. TrefpalVc/ I5aye des, 300. Tribes, American, 240. Trois, 153. Trou, Catarafte du, 270. Trumball, J. Hammond, 42, 46, 47, 52, Tuckerman, Edward, 303. Turkey, wild, 58. Tuttle, Charles VV., 306, 318. Two Mountains, Lake of, 294, 300. U. United States, 54, 200. Univerfitd Laval, 218. Univerfity of Paris, 229. Upper Hell-gate, 46, Urbin, Caftritio d', 3. Vaudemont, Nicholas, Count de, 15. Veillanc. 146. Ventadour, Duke de, 150, 154. Vera Cruz, 22. Verch^res, 263, 265, 266. Vermont, 93, 200. Verneuil, Madame de, 122. Verte River, 296. 340 Index, Vervlns, n, i8, 20, ..;o6. V'ierges, Lcs, yxt, Vieuxpont, Alexander de, 175. Vigii;in, Nicholas de, 116, '17, 119, 121. Vimont, BartlKjlcmy, 175, i8j. Vineyard I (land, 198. Vineyard Sound, 69, 71, 77, '97, 222. Virginia, 58, 122, 160, 211, 299. Virginia Companies, 158. Virgin Mary, 246. Virgins, 22. Voltaire, 113. W. Wallace's Sands, 50. Walnuts, 264. Weechagafkas, 52. Wellfleet, 197. Wells, 50. Weftport, 46. Weft Indies, 10, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 196, 200, 219. Weymouth, Captain George, 57, 77, 198, 235. Wheelwright, Rev, John, 156, 3 1 7. Whitmorc. William H., 317. Wigwam or Cabin, Indian, 55, 239, 240. Williams, Roger, 95, Winfor, Juftin, vii. Wilmere, Alice, 26. Winipeg, Lake, 265. Wifcanet, 46. Wifconfin, I lift. Society, 276. Women, Indian, 247. Wood's Holl, 70. Wood, William, 207, 317. Woolwich, 46. Wyct, 233. X. Xaintongeois, 215, 217. Xanftoigne, 30. Y. Yarmouth Bay, 61. York River, 278, 298. Yroquois, 222, 300, 304. Yuki, 95. f University Press : Joh i Wilson and Son, Cambridge. \ ryj* yxpiwu-wvam w ,240. jMMNHW IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 ^1^ 1^4 ^^ 1^. 1^ I.I til m ^ 1^ 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 ^ M 6" — !*■ V] <^ /^ ^r '^ > ''^♦j'^' _^ ^V V /A Photographic Sciences Corporation \ ^\ ^o- .^ ^^^ <^^ <*' 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) S73-4503 ^ ^ n. 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