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 iDISCOURSE 
 
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 THE 
 
 CHARACTER 
 
 or 
 
 Kins: George the Third. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE 
 
 INHABITANTS OF BRITISH AMERICA, 
 
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 BY THE REV. «OHN STRACHAN, 
 RECTOR OF CORNWALL^ UFPER CANADA*^ 
 
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 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 
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 ^ FINISHED piaiire of King George the Third 
 can only be dra'wn by one nvho has lived near hitn^l 
 awl enjoyed the honor of knowning him pcrfonally y 
 fuch a writer will b» able to -enliven his narrative 
 with a thoufand amiable anecdotes to which the 
 prtfent author has no accefs* Living in the woods ^ 
 at a dijlance from hooks and from literary fociety^ 
 his ftuation is not favourable for the compofition of 
 a work of this kind^ he is therefore very fenfible 
 that he has not done iiiflicQ to a chara^er which . 
 po/ttrity will revere, ^v 
 
 But he is induced toprefenty it^ imperfeEl as it is^ 
 to the inhabitants of Brit fh America for fever al 
 important reafons. The ftuation of this Country . 
 in refpedi to the United States is fomewhat critical ; j 
 we ought therefore to be prepared for the worjl^) 
 And this preparation will be more cheerfully madcy 
 when we recollcEt what precious advantages we- 
 enjoy y and to what evils our fubje&ion^ even for a 
 Jhort timcy to that unprincipled government ^ would 
 expofe us. The ruling party in the neighbourittg ' 
 States think it Orthodox to execrate our Constitu^ 
 tion and to vilify the character of our venerable 
 fovereign. As fander is more aElive than truths 
 thoufands have never heard the name of our good 
 king coupled *with any thing but tyranny and op^ 
 prejjion. Even the bulk of our own popidation in 
 thefe colonies y are but very impffeElly acquainted 
 with his true chara&ery nor have they any opportU" 
 
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nity of acquhing the nccejfary information* H'bh 
 tract is intended tofupply^ in fome degree^ this defi- 
 ciency^ and it is hoped that it will enable tbcm^ in 
 future^ to judge more correctly of our fovercign^ he^ 
 caufe it prefents his true likencfs, 
 "' I am alfo flattered with the hope that r'^y pam- 
 phlet^ if carefully read^ will affijl in quieting the 
 'minds of my fellow fubjetls^ and difjipatc murmufs 
 and difcontent by proving them totally unfounded. 
 Our aged fovereign Jlatids at the head of a confti- 
 tion which requires only to be knowft to be beloved ; 
 its different parts are fo harmoniously combined 
 and incorporated as to produce the greateji pojjible 
 good ; for it not only infures the mojl extenfve 
 civil liberty to every individual^ but preferves all 
 the other properties of a good government^ cMf- 
 patchy fecrecy^ energy ^ wifdom and union. 
 
 If any fuppofe that Thave fpoken too harjhly of 
 the American Government^ I have no apology to 
 offer. It is obvious that I have chief y in view the 
 dominant fa&ion^ among the people in general ^ there 
 are many individuals of high refpeElability and mor- 
 al worth ; religious^ humane^ hofpitable and friend- 
 ly ^ men who are an honor to human nature, I know 
 feveral of this ev^alted character ^ but the reputation 
 of the nation is fn king, :;^:;.,'>^ 
 
 / have added a number of notes ^ fome of whick. 
 will be found interefltng, 
 
 Cornwall, Upper Canada, 17 May, 1810. ' 
 
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 A DISCOURSE. ^1*' 
 
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 •n^/'" ,;;•■ >..,^;7. ,:.^'Sii;:rP>::'i^'^»^«^ 
 
 
 
 TT^HE acccflion of his prefent Majefty to the 
 Jl^ throne was attended with many pleafing an- 
 ticipations. He was the liift prince of the illuftri- 
 pus houfe of Brunfwick born and educated in Eng- 
 land. To him our language, cur manners and 
 cuftomsj our laws and conftitution, were early fa- 
 miliar, and it was reafonably fuppofed that he 
 would be more attached to his native country 
 than to his eledoral dominions. It mull not be 
 concealed that although the Britiih nation fecured 
 the moft ineftimable advantages by calling the 
 elc(ftor of Kanover to the throne, fome very con- 
 fiderable inconveniences refulted from that happy 
 arrangement. George the Firft was a foreigner, 
 unacquainted v/ith the genius of his new,fubje<£ts, 
 and too far advanced in life ever to become well 
 acquainted with their true intcrefts. His advance* 
 ment to the fovcteignty of the Briti(h empire ap- 
 peared fomcwhat precarious, and it was therefore, 
 jiatural for him to retain his predlledion for his 
 hereditary dominions. In the double capacity of' 
 elector of Hanover and king of Great Britain, 
 he frequently found himfelf very awkv/ardly fit- 
 uatcd, and unable to a^St in fuch a manner as to 
 pleafe both his Br'iilh and German fubjedts. His 
 
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 abilities wcreinde d excellent, and he came with 
 the beft intentions to the throne, but he had the 
 misfortune to fall into tbe hands of a vigorous but 
 implacable fadlion, and rather appeared for fome 
 time the head of the Whig party than the illuf- 
 triouschief of a united, powerful and loyal nation. 
 George the Second, with lefs ability, was ftill more 
 attached to his eledlorate, and during his reign, 
 the Britifh thought that they were involved, with- 
 out any neceifity, in every continental difpute. 
 From being auxiliaries, tley commonly bee me 
 the principals in different wars, and were obliged 
 to l>ear the moft enormous burdens in order to pay 
 nations for hghting their own battles. 
 
 ,/rhefc opinions, whether corre<fl or not, were 
 tmiveri'ally believed and lamented by the people. 
 They were lamented even amidfl: that brilliant 
 tra'n of vidories which clofed the reign of the 
 conqueror of Dettingen.* Our prefent fovereiga 
 was hailed at his acceflion with the moft fincere 
 and affe<5tionate congratulations ; his adminiftra- 
 tion was expected to produce a kind of millenium 
 when Britiih interefts alone would fway the meaf- 
 ures of government-— nor have thefe hopes neen 
 difappointed. The blood and treafure, the brave- 
 r}'-, the public fpirit, the enterprife and the virtue 
 of the Britiih nation were no longer facrificed for 
 interefts not their own. Afcending the throne in 
 the bloom of youth, our monarch was animated 
 with the moil tender aiTedion for his mother 
 country, and willing to guide himfelf by the abil- 
 ities and exoericnce of his Parliament, he confi-. ^ 
 
 * See Note I. 
 
 denti 
 man. 
 with 
 fhall 
 ever'5 
 kingi 
 both 
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 mer 
 
dently depended upon the fupport of every honcfl: 
 man. 1 enter, exclaimed this virtuous Frince, 
 with cheej fulnefs, into this arduous fituation, and 
 fhall make it the bufinefs of my life to promote, in 
 every thing, the glory and happinefs of thefe 
 kingdoms, and to ftrcngthen the conflitution m 
 both church and ftate. .. l 
 
 Thefe manly fentiments which have been nobly 
 maintain iidjincreafed the fatisfadion of the people. 
 They, were delighted to behold an Englilhman on 
 the throne infpircd with principles io generous, 
 and who had nothing of that fatal prcdilcdtion for 
 Germany, which had proved, during the two for- 
 mer reigns, fo injurious to the peace and prof- 
 perity of Great Britain, Nor were the people 
 left to conjedure with regard to the finccrity of 
 his attachment, for he boaftcd to his firft Parlia- 
 ment, with an energy that penetrated every heart, 
 that he gloried in the name of Briton, and that 
 the peculiar happinefs of his life would confift in 
 promoting the welfare of a people whofc loyalty 
 and warm affedion he juftly confidered as the 
 greateft and moft permanent fecurity of his throne. 
 In order to give new force and permanence to that 
 ardent gratitude and afFedlion which warms your 
 bofoms towards the beft of fovereigns, I have only 
 to recal, to your recollection, the principal events 
 of his life, devoted as it has been to promote the * 
 welfare and happinefs of his people, by ftrength- 
 ening and extending our excellent conflitution-— 
 by maintaining, with the ftrideft integrity, the ^ 
 civil and religious rights of all his fubjedls, and by , 
 encouraging and promoting the pradice of true 
 
 t'^ 
 
 1 .1 
 
 ■'!k^:i 
 
8 
 
 feligion and virtue. He may be truly faid to have 
 performed his duty who loves that which is rigltt 
 with all his heart, and does it with all his power. 
 How far our ghiclous Sovereign has a6led up td 
 this rule, a view of his chara£ler as a private gen- 
 tleman and as the firft magi ft rate of a powerful 
 nation will fufficiently prove. 
 
 In his private charadcr, we have every thing to 
 jpraife and nothing to condemn. We know that 
 many have fuppoled that a public man may have 
 a double charaiftcr. That he may be lax in his 
 private deportment, that he may even indulge in 
 many vices, and allow himfdf a latitude of ading 
 inconfiftcnt with religion and virtue, and yet iix 
 his public capacity adhere to tht moft rigid integ-J 
 rity. I muft confefs that I am not among the 
 numbetof thofe who can admit that he Who is 
 neither a good hufband nor an affectionate parent, 
 can acquit himfelf uprightly in a public ftation : 
 or that the monarch whole private deportment 
 landions licentioufnefs and diffipation can ever be' 
 a patriot king. Should his public mcafures iflue 
 from the moft corredt principles, he could never 
 do fo much good, becaufe he never will be trufted. 
 It is impolTible to give fuch a perfon our unqual- 
 ified confidence. Doubts will continually intrude 
 themfelves, and the difagreeable imprefliori will 
 be always fuggefting itfelf, that he may prove falfe. 
 His public virtue feems to be affeded ; a deltifion, 
 a borrowed charafter which we never can believe 
 folic). It is at home, we fay, in the bofom of his 
 fumib ^ that a man is properly known it is amidfl 
 Lis Jomtftic ciicle, in the company of his friends 
 
-^ — r- 
 
 and companions that wc difcovcr the fccrct v/ork- 
 ings of hv6 heart. To know people intunatcly, 
 we muft not reft fatisfied with viewing them in 
 piihlic where they may be on their guard to fave 
 appearances, but we mufl: follow tiiem to their 
 fecret recefles, watch their mlnuteft actions, and 
 from thei'e, divine their inmofl; thoughts. Upon 
 this ftridt ground of examination, an examina- 
 tion which few charaders would hear, I claim 
 your waimefl approbation of our beloved fove- 
 
 If we do not find him prefenting, to his people, 
 a pattern of the pur^ll morals, elevating tlicir 
 minds by his aclive piety, and cheri/hing that 
 fplrit of liberty which renders the Britiih nation 
 the envy and the admiration of the world, we 
 fliall not require you to join us in pouring forth 
 our thankfgivings to God for greferving him fo 
 long among us. *•; vm. r..u / -^ 
 
 Our king fupports and encourages the purefl 
 morals by his deportment as an aftedlionate huf- 
 band, and tender parent ; in thefe endearing rela- 
 tions, he prefents an illuflrious example v/orthy 
 of the ftri(^eft imitation. Convinced that mar- 
 riage is a divine inftitution, t]:!at it is a union of 
 hearts, affedlions and interefts, and therefore to he 
 moft religioufly obferved, he difplayed the greateft 
 wifdom in forming fo important a connexion, a 
 connexion on which his future happineft fo much 
 depended. The famous letter which the Princefs 
 Cnarlotte of Mecklenbourg Strelitz wrote to the 
 King of Pruflia had made a lafting impreffion upon 
 his heart. lie thought, and he thought juftly. 
 
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 10 
 
 that a Princefs capable of feeling fo tenderly for 
 
 the diftreflea of others,* and of cxprefTing her 
 
 vjfeelings, in language fo patriotic, fo beautiful and 
 
 pathet;ic muft poflefs, in a very eminent degree, 
 
 the virtues uf the heart and underftanding. This 
 
 "ll convidion of her merit, and this only, induced 
 
 ^him to offer the amiable Princefs his hand and 
 
 ^throne. Nor have his juft expedations been dif- 
 
 .appointed. The tender regard which he has at 
 
 ' all times manifefted for his affectionate confort, 
 
 has been rewarded by the moft fmcere love and 
 
 • efteem. Marriage, producing a cordial union of 
 hearts, becomes the bond of harmony and peace, 
 and of the moft refined and inviolable friendfhip ; 
 
 'and fuch has our beloved Monarch always found 
 
 • it to be. The firm guardian of his confort's hon- 
 
 • our, faithful to the vows which he took at the 
 ^holy altar, he gives a moft valuable leffon to his 
 
 people. Were they to indulge in the fame love 
 and affedion, they would find, in the marriage 
 ftatc, a mutual communication of joys and for- 
 rows, a fruitful fource of folid felicity, inftead of 
 ^thofe 'jealoufies, heart-burnings, and indifference 
 which poifon the peace*^ and comfort of fo many 
 families. 
 
 .And let not the diflipated, the giddy or the 
 proud confider it a matter of fmall importance to 
 give a faithful example in this the moft interefting 
 of all our relations ; for, by this leffon, our affec- 
 tionate king endeavours, as far as^ in him lies, to 
 maintain tLe purity of morals in their fource, for 
 all the moft valuable virtues begin at home. When 
 
 * See NoTF II. 
 
 
1 
 
 "^ 
 
 XX 
 
 •■;•'.>' .; V 
 
 marriage, that bond of happinefs, that golden 
 chain which foftens and humanizes man, which 
 expands his benevolent afFedlions, and preparcvS, 
 for him, new and more endearing duties, is pol- 
 hited or even tarnilhed,what terrible confequences 
 enfue — -the feeds of perpetual difcord are engen- 
 dered — ^families are rent in funder, the mofl im- 
 placable animofities are produced, children are 
 brought up in vice and infamy, and the pureft 
 fources of felicity are dried up forever. Nor is it 
 enough that the purity of this connexion is en- 
 forced by revelation as well as reafon, if thofe in 
 tjie higher walks of life are found guilty. To 
 them it belongs, in a peculiar manner to enforce 
 the practice of virtue, by example ; it is an im- 
 perious duty which their fituation and intereft ef- 
 pecially demand ; a duty performed by our be- 
 loved fovereign in the moft perfedl manner ; he 
 confiders his royal confort's honour and peace of 
 mind his own, and never .<;^afes to treat her with 
 the moft cordial love. 
 
 Behold him the father of/a' numerous offspring, 
 anxious to form their minds to virtue and religion, 
 to make them ufeful to their country, the guardi- 
 ans of its honour, and the terror of its enemies. 
 Rewarded for his eagernefs to infpire them with 
 the pureft principles of integrity, he has already 
 feen them f^anding forward the ftead pillars of 
 the conftitution,and the pride of th^Britifh nation. 
 
 Is it credible that this beloved monarch would 
 have poflellcd the fame influence over his people 
 that he now enjoys, that he would have been en- 
 fhrinrd in their hearts, and always mentioned 
 
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:: .' p^ 
 
 12 
 
 with the warmcft veneration, had his condu6t heen 
 different Had the outfct of his life been mark- 
 ed with vicious diflipation, had thofe hours which 
 he fpent at home with his children and amiable 
 confort been confumed in difgraceful revelry or in 
 the arr^s of a miftrefs. No, it is impoffible — it 
 is contrary to experience, contrary to the nature 
 of man. Virtue poflefTes an extenfive power 
 over the human mind ; if its diredt force cannot 
 always be traced, it is eafy to viev/ it in the con- 
 traft. In vain is a man endowed with the mod 
 brilliant talents, if his morals are impure. He 
 may fpeak eloquently of ji*ftice, of truth, and of 
 virtue ; — he may attack exifting abufes with the 
 moft pointed energy ; — he may profefs the moll 
 incorruptible integrity, the moft fmcere love for 
 his country, and the greateft anxiety to promote 
 its profperity and glory. But he fpeaks to the 
 winds ; his words are forgotten ; they are never 
 felt — ^they flow from a corrupt fountain, and in 
 his mouth good appears evil. 
 
 It is this coincidence between his public and 
 private charadler, that enables our gracious fove- 
 reign to eftabliih his throne in the hearts of his 
 people. They believe all his profeffions, for his 
 adlions prove their fmcerity and truth ; and they 
 willingly furrender their aifedions to a fovereign 
 whofe greateft ambition is to render them happy. 
 
 What is fo lovely, fo venerable and fc delightful, 
 as the contemplation of fuch a king ? What mon- 
 arch ever defervedfrom his people greater admi- 
 rtation, gratitude and love ? Is it then any wonder 
 that his authority is maintained rather by confi- 
 
 one 
 
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 J 3 "-'v' 
 
 dence, affedlion and efteem, than by his greatncfs 
 and power ? 
 
 Perhaps the difficulties under wliich kings la- 
 bour in acquiring a proper education, and the nu- 
 merous temptations to which they are expofed, 
 render tlieir virtues more confpicuous, and more 
 worthy of veneration. This may be, and cer- 
 tainly is the cafe with other fovereigns ; but our 
 monarch requires no indulgences of this kir.d ; his 
 merits reflecS infinitely more fplendour on his fit- 
 nation than they can pofTibly receive. Penetrated 
 with the moft ardent but rational piety, he re- 
 gards the Supreme Being as the common Father 
 of ail, and mankind the children, the members of 
 one family. He is not therefore puffed up with 
 vain glory as if he were an independent being 
 and his fubjefts beneath his regard ; he looks up- 
 on them as his children who turn to him for pro- 
 tection, and to promote whofe happinefs becomes 
 the firft of his duties ; and it is this conviction 
 that determines him always to prefer the public 
 to private good. 
 
 No wicked king can ever deferve or poffefs the 
 affections of his fubjeCts ; he may govern by fear, 
 but never by love. His people may be loud and 
 fendle in their exterior demonftrations of refpeCt, 
 but thefe are never founded upon confidence and 
 efteem. It is impoffible to venerate a man who 
 degrades himfelf, and who has loft all refpeCt foi: 
 the Supreme Being. If religion and virtue have 
 loft their power over him, what ftiall reftrain him 
 or what (hall prevent him from violating the moft 
 facrcd rights and liberties of his people ? To no 
 
 :i \ 
 
 i ! 
 
 't 
 
 : 
 
 ij:' 
 
 I 
 
 'W 
 
t 
 
 
 , \ 
 
 purpofe will fuch a monarch fubftitute parade and 
 Iplendour, the tinfel of falfe glory and the glitter 
 of unjuft conquefts for the folid virtues of the 
 head and heart ; thefe may dazzle the people^ 
 but can never beget their veneration. 
 
 Our fovreign is better acquainted with human 
 nature ; he knows that his ftation alone will nev* 
 er procure the love and veneration of his fubjeds ; 
 Thefe muft be derived from his perfonal condu^. 
 We muft be attached to the man, we muft be 
 convinced of his integrity and piety, before we 
 can furrender him our affedlions, and before obe- 
 dience to his commands becomes our honour and 
 delight, as well as our duty. * 
 
 Such, my friends, is our fbvercign in private 
 life ; and were his fubjeds to follow his example, 
 what confequences would enfue. The nation 
 would be virtuous, and a virtuous nation is always 
 powerful. Were the Britilh to imitate the con- 
 du(St of the king, and make a point of fucceeding 
 in that imitation, where ftiould we find a man a- 
 mongthem unworthy of confidence, deftitute of 
 probity, or intemperate in his living ? Juftice and 
 integrity would cover us as a garment ; punctual 
 in our dealings and in the performance of promif. 
 %es : affeclionate hufbands, indulgent parents, not 
 admitting that criminal indulgence fo fatal to chil- 
 dren, but that regular and yet tender difcipline 
 which becomes the foundation of future excel- 
 lence. Pious without hypocrify, more attentive 
 to the fpirit of religion than to idle diftindlions, 
 yet careful to prefervc thofe exterior ordinanceg 
 
 * See NoTS III. 
 
'^hich (he retains as her outworks, but without 
 parade or oitentation. Were we to model our 
 lives by the condudl of our fovereign, corruption 
 and venality would hide their heads, and s}\ would 
 be cheerfully obedient to the laws. Inftead of 
 pride, cruehy and opprefllon, chriftian charity 
 would reign, each would embrace his fellow fub- 
 jedt as a brother deferving of his confidence and 
 friendfhip. As no vicious charader ever had ac- 
 cefs to the king, fuch would be hunted'from foci- 
 ety, and the irreligious fpurned as the corrupters 
 of the public happinefs. AU would be convinced 
 that he who is falfe to God would prove fo to man ; 
 that hatred to religion proceeds from levity or ig- 
 norance, from a corrupted heart or a perverfe un- 
 derftanding. The friend of man muft be the 
 friend of religion, for religion is the moft fruitful 
 fburce of our enjoyments. -^^ 
 
 In becoming chriftians as he is a chriftian, we 
 fhould fuffer no vice to harbour in our fouls, but 
 be forever endeavouring to acquire fuperior wif- 
 dom and purer morals, and to diftinguilh ourfelves 
 by our virtues from thofe who are not chriftians. 
 Then ftiould we love God with fervent devotion, 
 fearing him as a good child fears his father, and 
 cheerfully fubmitting ourfelves to his will. In all 
 our f'^cial relations, we ftiould be diredied by jus- 
 tice, lenity and kindnefs : careful to cultivate 
 meeknefs, forbearance and brotherly love ; and to 
 difcharge, with fidelity, the duties of our particu- 
 lar ftation. 
 
 Such would be the fubjeds of our beloved 
 fovereign, were we to follow his example. He 
 
 
 li-'l 
 
 'i <l 
 
 V 
 
 ^i I 
 » „ J 
 
 Ml 
 
 ])i 
 
i6 
 
 .1 
 
 knows that he is himfelf a fuhj.dl, as well as his 
 people, of a far higher tribunal than his own, and 
 that all mud follow the fame road to virtue, to 
 godlincfs, to immoftality and glory. He knows 
 that if he poflefs mofe power he mud do more 
 good than other men ; that as he enjoys mofe 
 .honour and refpefl, fo ought he to dcferve it by 
 his generofity, his wifclom and his impartial ty — - 
 that he cannot expe(Sl peace and harmony among 
 iiis pcopi', if he be not to them as a father; for 
 if he requires their willing obedience, he muft 
 treat them as children. 
 
 Arduous indeed is the talk which a king has to 
 •perform ; but fifty years experience has proved 
 that our fovercign has performed it well ; he can 
 fay, with truth, that he was never urged on by a 
 lull of power, that he never derided the diftrefles 
 of his people, but that he has been continually 
 'anxious toprefent to the world, a chriftian pr nee 
 guided by the principles of the gofpel. Now the 
 breezes pf gratitude fan him on every fide, and 
 the evening of his days is cheered by the bleffings 
 of a great and generous nation. 
 
 If we have found the private life of our fove- 
 rcign guided by the pureft principles and worthy 
 of our moft unqualified approbation, we fhall find 
 his public adions no lefs deferving of praife. 
 Called to the throne in the midft of an expenfive 
 and dellru<ftive,but fuccefsful war, he did not allow 
 htrafclftobe carried away by the lull of domin- 
 ion, but exhibited uncommon moderation in the 
 terms which he granted to his vanquilhed enemies. 
 He knew that the continuance of hoftilities, how* 
 
T'' 
 
 over fuccefsful and glorious, mud be attended 
 tvith fome facrifices, which humanity and^atriot- 
 ifm,and even poHcy itfelf forbade. In the conchilion 
 of the war he found an excellent opportunity of 
 proving to the nation, that he was not dazzled by 
 thac fpecies of glory, which is fed by human 
 blood, and blafts the hopes of nations ; but that 
 he prefen'ed the happinefs of his fubjedts and the 
 peace of the world, to the empty acclamations of 
 military renown* In order to render the peace ^ 
 permanent, the king was content to make it hon^ 
 ourable ; that his enemy feaing his moderation, 
 might not be induced to nourilh any fecret refent- 
 ment, or be urged by the greatnefs of his lofles 
 and difgrace, to embrace the firft occafion of re- 
 newing the wari i ^.* .^j 
 Before it was pofTible for him to procure peace 
 to the nation, hd had given an immortal pledge of 
 the purity of thofe principles by which his admin- 
 iftration was to be regulated. He mentioned tp 
 his Parliament, foon aftejr his acceffion, the pro- 
 priety offecuring the independency of the judges. 
 ** I look," faid our virtuous monarch, " upon the 
 independency and uprightnefs of the judges of 
 the land, as eflential to the impartial adminiftra- 
 tion of juftice, as one of the beft fecurities tp the 
 rights and liberties of my loving fubjedts, .and as 
 moil conducive to the honour of the crown.'* Such 
 a mark of true public fpirit, fuch a warm regard 
 for the fecurity of the laws, liberty and property 
 of fubjeds, has been fcldom witnefled. It was 
 the fame fpirit that induced him, when advifed by 
 one of his minifters to follow the cuftom of the 
 
 C 
 
 ■ft 
 f 
 
 n 
 
 ii 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 i 
 
t8 
 
 :). 
 
 
 f! 
 
 n 
 
 Jate reign \h fccuriug the elcdtioiis, to fpilrn ihti 
 counfc), and to declare, that as his fole ambition 
 was to render the nation fioiirilhing and happy, 
 he would truft entirely to the loyalty of his peo- 
 ple, not doubting but that their aftedion would 
 fufficiently ftrengfheh the hands of his government. 
 
 It has been by adhering to fuch principles^ by 
 cheriihing and prote^iing the rights of his people^ 
 as much as the mod v. liable prerogativcH of the 
 crown, that our gratious^ fovereign has been 
 «ble to cherifh that fpirit of liberty whieh flour- 
 ifhes in the Bfitifli e.npire, when furrounding na- 
 tions have fallen under the moft intolerable flaVery. 
 
 Thid has been a moft wonderful age of innova- 
 tion—men have miftaken licentioufnefs for'liber^ 
 ty. They have fought for freedom in being re- 
 moved from aH reftraint, although it be a felf-ev- 
 ident maxim, that it is only by the due reftraint 
 of other that I can become truly free, A princi- 
 ple has been adopted by many Writers^ and hejd 
 up as indifputable, that in fociety we iurrcnder 
 part of our natural liberty to fecure the reft. This 
 principle is falfe — we make no fuch furrender— *» 
 we gain every thing, we lofe nothing. The law& 
 proted, warn and enlighten lis ; they are contin- 
 ually deftroying or removing whatever isoffenli ve. 
 In the courts if juftice they diftribute their blef- 
 fmgs like the dews of heaven ; they impart re- 
 freftiment and vigour to all the political body^ 
 and preferve the peace and happinefs of the cot- 
 tage as well as the palace. We no more reftrain 
 our liberty by entering into fociety, than we do 
 in building a houfe to protcd us from the cold— 
 
^0 
 
 a well regulated foclety, that is % juft government, 
 fo far from infringing, cftablilhes and extends 
 our liberty. In a Hate of nature, or before the 
 ellablifliment of aloe ety,if fuch a ftatc ever can be 
 found, there is no liberty, for there are no laws. 
 All laws and regulations prefuppofe the eftablifh- 
 ment of fociety ; they flow fron> the intercourfe 
 Mrhich tlicy regulate, and experience has proved 
 their utility, before they are publicly recognized. 
 To feek for liberty, even in the firft ftages of fo- 
 ciety, is to feek for a calm in tlie mid ft of a tem- 
 peft. Are the barbarians fr^e who a61: by the ca- 
 price of the moment, who are governed by their 
 paflions and the cravings of their appetites ? He 
 then \yho will take the trouble to refled, muft 
 clearly perceive, that without fociety we cannot 
 enjoy liberty. What I poffefs another may take 
 away ; my freedom depends not fo much on my 
 own reftraints as upon the reftraints of others in 
 refped: to me. Now in a good government thefe 
 reftraints are the laws — rand what do I lofe or fiu*- 
 render by becoming obedient to thefe laws ? 
 Nothing : for by them my liberty is extended and 
 fecured. We do not ^njoy what another may 
 take away— and what is fecure in a rude fociety ? 
 but civil liberty cannot be taken away by any in-* 
 dividual, for we have the ftrength of the whole 
 fociety on our fide. The reftraints ti erefore im^ 
 pofed by a good government are only the fove- 
 reignty of good laws, the reftraints of fotjnd prin- 
 cipl^ji, and the commands of duty. 
 
 The word liberty has been fo much proftituted 
 that we are in danger of lofing its true ineaning 5 
 
 
 m 
 
 wi 
 
20 
 
 fi' 
 
 for it 18 a melancholy truth, that the fcience of 
 good government and the principles on which it 
 refts are much lefs known now than they were a 
 century ago, notwithft^nding the empty declama- 
 tions which have diflurbed the world fince tlie 
 American revolution, about freedom and equal 
 rights. Nothing is more ahfurd than to fuppofe 
 a natipn free, becaufe it poflelTes a written conllitu- 
 tion \vhich is ttftle regarded in practice. Before a 
 people can be called free, their freedom muft have 
 been tried. It muft have given permanent proofs 
 of its health. It muft have braved the n^oft ter« 
 rible ftorms — weathered the attacks of tyranny on 
 the one hanc}, and of fadion on the other. An4 
 what is more, this freedom muft have become the 
 foundation of the pyblic manners — it muft have 
 ftamped itfclf on the people who enjoy it. And 
 fuch is the freedom of the Britifti nation ; it has 
 undergone all thefe trials, and it has been trium-. 
 phant. That magnanimity, that opennefs and in- 
 dependence of charader, by which this nation is, 
 diftinguiftied, prove its freedom. That generofi- 
 ty, fmcerity, bojdnefs and energy ihew that op- 
 preflion is unknown ; and that urbanity, harmony 
 and order, free from flavifti fear or den\ocratic 
 barbarity, and anarchy, difcover that this freedxD.m 
 is wifely direded. Does any perfon doubt wheth- 
 er the Britifti be the freeft nation on earth, let him 
 tell me where property and its rights, are fo. well 
 proteded. This is the life and foul of liberty. 
 What ftiall oppreffion feize. when prpperty is. 
 fecure ? Even a tyrant will not he wicked for 
 nothing ; but the motives and bbjeds; are zcy 
 
21 
 
 i(* 
 
 irtoved, and t!ie feed of oppreffion deflroyeJ, 
 when property is fafc. By this, life and liberty 
 are rendered facred. 
 
 And has our gracious fovereign ever endeavour- 
 ed to abridge this liberty or to extend his prerog- 
 ative at th^ expence of the people ? Has he not 
 pn the contrary proved the watchful guardian of 
 their interefts, and holding the balance between 
 the npbility and commons, become their common 
 father, and demonftrated by a reign of fifty years» 
 that a limited monarchy is the beft of govern- 
 pients ? 
 
 . But let us follow him in the exercife of the dif-. 
 ferent branches of his prerogative. As fupreme 
 niagiftrate his firft care is the regular adminiflra- 
 tion of juftice. This power he delegates to the 
 judges, and in the courts over which they prefide 
 every thing is carried on in his name. Has he 
 ever tried to turn this prerogative to the augmen- 
 tation of his power ? So far from this, that we 
 have feen him coming forward voluntarily to 
 make the judges independent of the crown. For- 
 merly they were during plea^fure j now they are 
 during good behaviour. And they have become, 
 to all intents and purpofes, the arbitrators between 
 the king and his people, for they are independent 
 of both. This Angle meafure is fufficient to im^ 
 mortalize George the Third,^had he done nothing 
 elfe, for he has rendered it impoffible for him or 
 his fucceflbrs to have any influence over the judg- 
 es. Neither have thefe judges any power but 
 what is given tb^m by the laws, nor can they pafa 
 apy lentence till the matter of fadt has been fettled 
 
 r 
 
 ■t 
 
 :i;i 
 
 
22 
 
 
 by men chofcn by the parties. All private feel- 
 ings, and confeqiicntly all rcfpedl of perfons arc 
 banifhed from the Biitilh courts of juftice. Thofc 
 who arc accjuainted with human natr»fe are able to 
 appreciate this concefTion of the king. In re- 
 nouncing for himfelf and his poftcrity the power 
 of difplacing the jadgcs at the commencement of 
 a new reign, he put the finifhing hand to the col- 
 ftitution, and by founding it on the pureft jullice, 
 gave it the faircfl chance to become eternal. Such 
 a facrifice has been rarely made. Even virtuous 
 \ kings arc careful to preicrve their authority and 
 influence unimpaired, and rather inclined to aug- 
 ment than diminifh their power. 
 
 In every country except Britain, to be profecut- 
 ed by the government is to be condemned. That 
 this is the cafe under the prefent defpotifm of 
 France, no perfon will have the boldnefs to deny^ 
 And in the United States, which have borrowed 
 all that is valuable in their inftitutions from BritT 
 ain, but which they have poifoned or deform- 
 ed by their crudities, fadtion produces the fame ef- 
 fedls as the eruel tyranny in France. But we Ihall 
 he told that as the purity of Britifh juftice pflcn- 
 tially depend* upon t!:e trial by jury, that pillar 
 of liberty ; and as our neighbours poflefs that tri- 
 al in its full purity, why th^n can we aflert that 
 their adminiflration of juftice is corrupt ? We an- 
 fwer, that in England, generally fpe^king, the peo- 
 ple are pofTefled of moral habits ; they are trem- 
 )t>lingly alive to every thing that can affedt their 
 reputation, and they have a ftroug veneration fo 
 religion. But if there be a nation where neithc 
 
 religi 
 
 wher 
 
 deriOj 
 
 falfeh 
 
 princ 
 
 advan 
 
 the tri 
 
 not n 
 
 the fc 
 
 caufe 
 
 oppon 
 
 dent, J 
 
 Libert 
 
 empty 
 
 or is \ 
 
 fadtioi 
 
 Let 
 
 a jury 
 
 religi o 
 
 will hi 
 
 give it 
 
 or fecn 
 
 amoun 
 
 fubjed 
 
 reded 
 
 this thi 
 
 is no i 
 
 make i 
 
 truit w 
 
 pulous 
 
 ons the 
 
 they 01 
 
23 
 
 fo 
 the, 
 
 religion, virtue nor reputation are much fcgardctl, 
 where democracy has corrupted the heart by ren- 
 dering it famihar with deception, where political 
 falfehoods are confidcrcd meritorious, and the 
 principles of honour and integrity difrcgardcd to 
 advance a friend, or ruin a rival — in fuch a nation 
 the trial by jury has loft its advantages. And is it 
 not notorious that in that unhappy country, hj 
 the foolifli called free, every man confiders his 
 caufe loft, if the jury be compofed of his political 
 opponents? And the judges not being indepen- 
 dent, are or may be as eafily fwayed as the juries. 
 Lil>erty in fuch a country becomrg worfe than an 
 empty name, a mafk for opprcflion j the law lleeps 
 or is wrefted from its purpofe, and the reigning 
 faction becomes irrefiftible.* 
 
 Let it ever be remembered that the excellence of 
 a jury entirely depends upon the purity of their 
 religious principles. If a man fears not God, 
 will his oath bind him, and will he not readily 
 give it up to friendftiip, to intereft, to folicitation 
 or fecret malignity ? In England the laws are par- 
 amount, the king has never oppreflTed any of his 
 fubjedts ; his adminiftration has always been di- 
 re<fied by the purcft juftice and moderation : of 
 this the people are fo much convinced, that there 
 is no facrifice which they would not willingly 
 make in his defence. Confidering his rights as a 
 truft which he is to exercife with the moft fcru- 
 pulous adherence to juftice and religion, he reck-' 
 ons the privileges of the people a property which 
 they ought never to alienate, and which it is nei- 
 
 
 li 
 

 ii 
 
 ther his intereft ilof duty to undermine.-^Abov6 
 party fpirit himfelf^ ht was determined from the 
 firft to abolifli the ridicVilous diftindion o5f Whig 
 and Tory which had fo long diftradted the nation^ 
 and to extend his power and protedion equally 
 to the whole body of the jpeople; This he has at 
 length Accomplifhed, thoUgh not whout miXth 
 trouble and loud complaints froni thb expirinjg; 
 fadions* 
 
 Wiihing ♦b unite all his fubjeds m haifittony 
 and peace, he has gradually removed thofe reli** 
 gious difabilities which the feclufion of thfe Stu- 
 arts from the throne and the prote€lit>ii of the 
 national church had rendered neceffary. Many 
 fevere laws had been ertaded againR the Catholi s, 
 v;ho were fuppofed the friends of the banifhed 
 family, and the DiiTcntiers, by forlaking the eftab- 
 liOied church, deprived themfelves of many valu- 
 able privileges which their fellow fubjeds enjoy- 
 ed. But no foiDtier did thefe dangers diminifh, than 
 the king cheerfully concurred in leflening the re- 
 ftridions. From the reign of king William to 
 that of our prefent Ibvereign, the Catholics of I 
 England had laboured under many privations, 
 with a filenceand patience which at ]?ength excit-j 
 ed the attention of the nation. The parliament 
 therefore, in conjundion with the king, removed 
 thofe grievous penalties which had been impofed 
 for the prefervation of the conftitution, then 
 ftruggling into birth. That liberal fpirit of chrif- 
 tian charity which animates our king, made him 
 rejoice in promoting luch a meafure, and eager 
 to repeal laws which were calculated (now thatl 
 
 rnaje 
 Ar 
 fo rci 
 ures 
 wliic! 
 

 30Vd 
 
 L the 
 
 ^hig 
 
 ticn^ 
 
 Lially 
 
 lad at 
 
 niich 
 
 irinjg 
 
 Aoriy 
 
 Stu- 
 if the 
 Many 
 loU s, 
 liflied 
 eftab- 
 valu- 
 mjoy- 
 ,, than 
 he re- 
 am to 
 OS of 
 itions, 
 excit- 
 ament 
 noved 
 pofed 
 then 
 chrif- 
 le him 
 eager 
 iv that 
 
 I 
 
 ^■5^ . ■ '• ■ 
 
 then* caufe was removed) to deftroy all focial and 
 religious obligations, to poifon the fources of do- 
 meftic felicity, and to exthiguifh evjry principle 
 of honour. The favour which had been (hewa 
 to the Catholics in 1778 was extended to theDif- 
 fenters in 1779. Our gracious fovereign, anx~ 
 loully difpofed to give every relief to h.^s fiihjedts, 
 moft readily affented to the bill prefented by his 
 parliament, for relieving this clafs of citizens from 
 many painful reftridions. The fame chriftiart 
 fpirit of love ftill farther extended the bounds of 
 toleration in 1791* The Pope, fo long the terrour 
 of the world, had now funk into weaknefs and 
 contempt. The Catholics themfelvcs had difa-r 
 vowtc' thofe principles which were moft obnox- 
 ious or dangerous to Proteftant ftates, and it was 
 no longer necefiary to enforce the laws which 
 had been made againft them : on the contrary, 
 the zeal and attachment which they had frequent- 
 ly manifefted for the king and conftitution, mer- 
 ited encouragement and reward. 
 
 In 1793, the Catholics of Ireland were more 
 favoured than even their brethren in England i 
 and except their exclufion from fome confidential 
 places in the executive government, and fitting 
 in parliament, no rcftridion whatever was con- 
 tinued. Indeed the moil generous fyftem of con- 
 ceffion and conciliation hath charaderized his 
 rnajefty's adminillration. 
 
 Ana while we praife our virtuous fovereign for 
 fo readily afientlng to all thofe conciliating meaf- 
 ures which feryed to allay i>",ligious controverfi.es' 
 which, while they left the coijTlItution fecure in 
 
 D 
 
 ^ 
 
 '<! 
 
 '> •' 
 
 tf? 
 
46 
 
 cliurch and ftat.e. added much to the comfort and 
 happinefs of thofe whom they relieved, we are 
 called upon no lefs cheerfully to praife him for 
 refifting a farther conceffion which he conceived 
 dangerous to his government. 
 
 Whatever be the opinion of fome individuals 
 concerning the propriety of Catholic emancipa- 
 tion, the king's firft motive for refofmg his con- 
 currence is in the higheft degree honourable. He 
 confidert*, and perhaps juftly, that fuch a meafure 
 is inconfiftent with h:s coronation oath* This 
 fcrupulous adherence to the fandity of an oath, 
 hath fecured the gratitude and admiration, the af^ 
 fedlion and confidence of all ranks of men, even 
 of thofe who conceive themfelves fufFerers bv his 
 firmnefs, and ail regret the advanced age 6f our 
 venerable fovercign, who rifes in virtue as his^ 
 years increafe. 
 
 Here we have a facred pledge of the excellence 
 of his moral principles and the fervour of his pi- 
 ety ; and to fliew that he was actuated on this 
 occafion by the pureft motives ; on being in- 
 formed many years ago that the Catholics in Scot- 
 land were too poor to fupport their clergy, he be-' 
 flowed upon their priefts a fmall annual penfion, 
 which he quadrupled to the bifhops. 
 
 But the claims of the Catholics to total emanci- 
 pation, may be refufed on the ftrongeft grounds. 
 "While this body acknowledge the fpiritual jurif- 
 didion of the Pope, they ad diredly in oppofi- 
 tion to one of the fundamental dodrines of 
 Britifh liberty, which we ratify with an oath, 
 ** that no foreign prince, perfon, prelate, ftate or 
 
1^ 
 
 
 lirir- 
 
 f 
 
 o 
 
 iath, 
 le cr 
 
 27 
 
 >€.kr 
 
 potentate, hath or ought to have any jurifdidion, 
 power, fiipefiority, pre-eminence or authority ec- 
 clefiaftical or civil within thel'e realms." As long 
 as the Catholics acknowledge a foreign jurifdic- 
 tion, their church may become as much a polit- 
 ical as it is a religious inftitntion. How can they 
 be depended upon in all cales as to the ftate, when 
 their confcienccs are under the direction of a clergy 
 who are bound by oath to obey the Pope ? And is 
 not the prefent Pope the creature, or rather the 
 1 ubjed: of our public and mod inveterate enemy, 
 who exercifes the power of difpenfmg with oaths, 
 and of diflblving people from their allegiance ? 
 This is a formidable objeftion to all further con- 
 ceflions to the Catholics. 
 
 The fame liberality which has been fo merito- 
 rioufly granted to religious feds was alfo extend- 
 ed to political relations. The kingdom of Ireland 
 had always been governed with, a rod of iron ; 
 the jealoufy of the Britifh parliament had impof- 
 ed reftridions on her trade and commerce at once 
 opprelTive, cruel and abfurd ; but durin^^ *his 
 happy reign they have been gradually removed. 
 
 lion, I In 1 778, a fmall beginning was made, but jealoufy 
 choked it in the bud, In 1 780, good fenfe pre- 
 
 Iluci- I vailed,^ a^d the trade of Ireland was placed on a 
 
 liberal footing. It was no longer treated like an 
 
 infant colony, and bound by unnatural reftridtions. 
 
 In 1782, the Britifh parliament renounced all 
 
 [power over that of Ireliund, declaring it free and 
 
 lindependent ; and at the fame time the king fig- 
 
 [nified his intention of furrendering many import* 
 
 mt parts of his prerogative $ and this magnanim- 
 
 S 
 
 n. : ' 
 
 m 
 
28 
 
 l-^'r 
 
 ity was received with acclamation and gratitude 
 by that high minded nation. 
 
 In 1783, thefe conceflions were farther fanc- 
 tioned by a law exprefsly enacted for the purpofe 
 of difclaiming forever all right in the Britifh par- 
 liament to legiflate for Ireland. Other advantages 
 were given to the Irifh ; but fuch was the unhap- 
 py fituation of that people, that they could make 
 no ufe of them. Divided among thcmfelves, and 
 governed by a junto which was equally deaf to 
 the vcice of the government and of the people, 
 no folid relief could be given but by uniting the 
 two kingdoms. This grand raeaiure, which con- 
 folidates the empire, hap/ been at length carried 
 into effedl, and is one of the moft glorious events 
 of his majefty's reign. Indeed no meafure could 
 be mere judicious or neceffary. The inhabitants 
 of the three kingdoms are at length placed on an 
 equal footing, and not feparated as they former- 
 ly were by abfurd regulations. United under 
 one legiflature, mutual jealoufies are deftroyed, 
 and the advantages of fiee trade and commerce 
 are open to all 
 
 Our gracious king appeared determined to 
 bury, if poffible, the laft remains of political ani- 
 mofity ; he had already reftored the forfeited ef- 
 tates inScotlandto the families which had loft them 
 in the rebellion, and, in 1800, with a promptnefs 
 in the higheft degree cordial and generous, he 
 granted a penfion of £ 4000 per annum to Hen- 
 ry Stuart, cardinal of York, (when reduced to ab- 
 folute beggary by the robberies of tjie revolution- 
 ary French) the laft branch of the illuftrious but 
 
 mg 
 
unfortunate family of the Stuarts, although the 
 cardinal had had the weaknefs to aflert his title id 
 the throne. 
 
 But the national profperity, and the comforts 
 and happinefs diffufed by the impartial adminif.* 
 tration of our beloved king, would have received^ 
 a mortal ftab, had not our finances been cured of 
 that decrepitude into which they were finking :i 
 national bankruptcy, a moft dreadful calamity,' 
 was ferioufly apprehended by men of experience 
 and per tration ; numbers thought it unavoidable, f 
 atid many had prophefied the time of its happen-* 
 ing — ^the king therefore united his exertions with > 
 thofe of his miniftry to find out a remedy for this 
 impending evil. It was Mr. Pitt's good fortune 
 to difcover a plan which difpelled the rifmg gloom, 
 and whofe efficacy difplays in the ftrongeft light, ' 
 the greatnefs of his genius ; it infures for him the 
 gratitude of the nation, and clothes him with im-> 
 mortality. By means of a fmking fund provifioii 
 is made for gradually liquidating the former debts 
 in a manner at oiKe iimple and efFe6tuai, and reft- ' 
 ing upon principles certain and uniform in their 
 operation, as has been incontrovertibly proved by 
 an experience of twenty years. But it was not 
 enough to remove the danger arinng from the 
 debts of former wars ; the minifter made it im- 
 poflible to contract a new debt, without at the 
 fame time providing the means of difcharging it 
 iir a moderate period. In thefe judicious arrange- 
 ments, the king moft readily concurred ; and the ' 
 confidence which a fyftem fo perfed has infpired, 
 hath greatly increafed the enterprife and exertion* • 
 
 i 
 
 ; $ 
 
 
p^ 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 J 
 
 I I 
 
 
 3« 
 
 of the people. Our national rcfourccs* being thus 
 improved, every pcfllhle encouragement has been 
 given to trade, navigation and manufadures, and 
 the public ptqfpcrity hath moft wonderfully in- 
 crcafedf 
 
 Thefe and many other judicious regulatioUvS, it 
 is true, may be afaibed to Mr. Pitt ; but the king 
 fhares the merit for feledliug and keeping fuch a 
 minifter. The dread of the national debt feema 
 now tq be fubfiding, though to fome it is Hill a 
 fubjedt of gloom and defpair : but fuch fears are 
 not well founded ; for a ftrid: examination will 
 prove that our enorm^.us taxes are the natural 
 confequences of the greatnefs of our wealth. 
 
 It was referved for the prefent reign to put an 
 end to a trafBc which had long been a difgrace to 
 the nation and to all Europe, a traffic which gave 
 currency to the moft favage opinions, which occa- 
 iioned the moft dreadful crimes, which put all 
 moral law to defiance, and which fubftituted the 
 dominion of force for that of reafon. The blood 
 of the innocent Africans no longer cries to Heaven 
 againft us. Commerce has been taught to refpe<St 
 the laws of humauity, and th? unhappy negroes 
 ate acknowlfxlged to be men. Our fovereign xc-^ 
 joiced in paffing this f^ilutary law ; he rejoiced in 
 the annihilation of a trade at which future ages 
 will be aftonifhed — -a trade which outrages the 
 principles of chriftianity, and tramples on hu-» 
 ii^an nature. 
 
 Though an ardent Ibvcr of peace, our king 
 has had the misfortune to be engaged in feveral 
 
 ■* Se« NoTfe V, 
 
|.>i9£^lll 
 
 lie 
 
 31 ^'^ ■ • ■ 
 
 juft and neceflary wars. He was not able to in- 
 fpire other nations with that moderation and 
 love of order which animated his royal brcaft ; 
 and found it neceflary to maintain the honour of 
 the nation by repelling unjuft and unprovoked 
 aggreffions. The firft of thefe was the Colonial 
 or American war, the origin of which is to be 
 found in the peace of i 763. Had our beloved 
 Sovereign consented to rcftore Canada to France, 
 the dates of America had fiill been colonics.-— 
 Poflefled of the navigation of the lakes, and 
 claiming a paflage to Louifiana, the French would 
 have kept the Americans in continual alarm, bar- 
 railing theif frontiers and making encroachments 
 Upon their territories. Incapable of defending 
 themfelves againft a nation fo powerful, they 
 would I'ave anxioufly maintained their connec- 
 tion with their mother country, and would Have 
 willingly contributed their fhare in the expencc 
 neceflary for their protection. But no fooner 
 are they relieved from impendii-g danger thaa 
 they turn upon their protecStor and fling the hand 
 that faved them from deftrudtioii. It is not ne- 
 ceflliry to enter minutely into the caufe and ori- 
 gin of the American war.* Future hiflorianswill 
 do juftice to Great Brita'yi when the mania for 
 undefined liberty and liccntioufners fliall have 
 paflfed away. It is fufficient for us to remark, 
 that they made a difmal return for tlio miUion$ 
 fpent in their quarrels, and for the blood that bad 
 flowed in torrents. They proved themielvcH nei- 
 ther affedionate children, grateful c^lpnU?, nor 
 
 ■■' ^ii«ii.,. t > 
 
 vv 
 
 :;^ii 
 
 1' 
 1. 
 
 ! ' 
 
 I lil 
 
 ,1^***^^ 
 
t 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 friendly allies. I rejoice however in their fepara- 
 tion ; they had become an intolerable burthen to 
 the Britifh nation ; they drew the attention of the 
 government from internal improvements (of infi- 
 nitely more utility) to the fofterinjc; of infidious 
 colonics ; and fmce this cxcrefccnce has been cut 
 off, the Britifli iflt s have advanced mofl: rapidly in 
 ftrength and prolperity. No Englilhman has 
 canfe to blufli on account of this war ;^ it was 
 excited by faction, and became fuccefsful through 
 treachery. 
 
 But the moft unfortunate event of the prefent 
 reign is of a more general and deftrudtive tendenr 
 cy, and is common to England with all Europe^ 
 The revolution in France has been the i'courge of 
 the world fincc its commencement. This dread- 
 ful convulfion was accelerated, if not entirely 
 produced, by the rebellion in America. The dif- 
 cuflions to which this fmgular conteft gave rife, 
 and the countenance granted by Louis XVI. to 
 fubjedls in arms againfl their lawful fovereign, 
 erafed from the minds of a great portion of his 
 people that reverence and devotion for royalty, 
 with which they were formerly infpired. Thei'e 
 imprefTions were extended and confirmed on the 
 return of the troops which had been fent to A- 
 merica. The gifts of freedom were painted in the 
 moft fafcinating colours ; the flame of blind en- 
 thufiafm w^as kindled in their brcafts, and a defire 
 for liberty excited which nothing could extinguifh. 
 Indeed the king of France figned his death wai*- 
 rantf and the ruin of his race when he figned the 
 
 ♦See Notes VII. and VIII. t See Note IX. 
 
ii 
 
 treaty with the rebellious colonics. He fiifTci'ecl 
 jealoufy to conquer prudence, and rejoiced in the 
 opportunity of humbling a rival. 
 
 It were eafy to allign the caufes which made 
 the revolution of France more favage and more 
 dangerous to other nations than that of America, 
 but here it would be out of place. Our virtuous 
 foVereign faw with concern the dreadful anarchy 
 which pervaded that unhappy country, and the 
 fhockiiig maflacres which were eVery day per- 
 petrated, but he determined to preferve his neu- 
 trality, having laid it down as a maxim not to 
 interfere with the iiiternal arrangements of other 
 nationsi But the arrogance and ambition of the 
 Ephenieral rulers of France, foon left him noth- 
 ing but fubmiffion or refiftanc^ ; and after they 
 had Ithbrued their hands in the blood of their 
 humane and pious fovereign, it was vain to ex- 
 peO: juftice. Indeed the murder of their king 
 roufed the tender" feelings of the whole Britilh 
 nation ; intercourfe with France was fufpended, 
 and the National Convention haftened to declare 
 war. With refpedt to the policy of a war with 
 France, a diiFerence of opinion at firft prevailed. 
 But whoever traces the progrefs of this terrible 
 cOrtVulfion, mull be convinced that it was impof- 
 fible to maintain the relations of peace much 
 longer. The rage for innovation was daily gain- 
 ing ground and might in a ihort time have 
 overturned our happy conftitution. The French 
 revolution prefcnted a fpedlacle altogether new. 
 Its fartguinary progrefs, its early attempt to over- 
 turn the Chriftian religion. The hopes it offer-* 
 
 E 
 
 • i 
 
 -'sU 
 
34 
 
 cd to the (Iiraffeded in all nations, and the zeaf 
 which it exerted to increafc them, juftified the 
 kins: in breakincr off all communication with a 
 country, where the revolutionary fervour carried 
 every thing before it. At this period the Titua- 
 tion of the Britifh' empire was in the highefl de- 
 gree critical, and it was difficult to decide which 
 courfe to purfue. Subfequent events have how- 
 ever juftilied the choice that was made, by prov- 
 ing tliat a neutrality, had it been poflible, would 
 have been infinitely more deftrudtive than the 
 moil: furious war. What has Spain gained by 
 her patient alliance,her humiliations and facrifices? 
 What the king of Pruffia for his temporifing and- 
 infidious policy ? What the Dutch for their mean- 
 nefs and condefcenfion ? Has Switzerland itfelf, 
 formerly fo virtuous and free, efcapcd the rage of 
 conqueft and revolution I And if I be aiked what 
 WE have gained, I anfwer, we have gained fecu- 
 rity, w^e have preferved our happy oonftitution, 
 we have maintained the purity of the public mor- 
 als. Yes, t'.at probity which teems on the con- 
 tinent of Europe to be loft, ftili diftinguilhes the 
 Britifh charader. That abhorrence of fraud and 
 falfehood, that dignified independence which ev- 
 ery perfon feels, who is conscious of the equal 
 protedion of the laws— that difdain of all fawning 
 fervility and meannefs, which the flaves of tyrants 
 m aft put on, ftill adorn the Britifh nation. Had 
 it not been for the war, we might have become 
 equally, degraded with our enemies, deprived of 
 our rights, all fccurity of perfon and property an- 
 nihilated, and been found bowing at the feet of 
 
 "N 
 
35 
 
 one of the Corfican ul'urper's fatellites. Such a 
 tyrant would have trampled on our laws, on our 
 jeligion and civil policy ; he would have enforced 
 with the moft unrelenting cruelty, the inoft arbi- 
 trary and opprefTive meafures. Hating that love 
 of liberty, of honour, and of virtue, implanted in 
 our nature, he would have taken every method 
 to debafe our minds. This would have been the 
 exchange that we Ihould have made for the gra- 
 cious lovereign whom we now praife. Inftead 
 of his paternal afTedtion, his ardour to incrcafe 
 our happinefs, his mild and faithful adminiftration 
 of the laws, we Ihould have found ourlelves groan- 
 ing under a government of murder, a military 
 defpotifm covered with corruption, at war with 
 the virtuous, and deluging the kingdom with the 
 blood of her moft amiable children. Ruin and 
 mifery would have overfpread the land 5 the laft 
 afylum of liberty would have been deftroyed ; the 
 light of the world extinguiihed, and oppreffion in 
 her moft dreadful attire would have been fecn 
 founding her victorious trumpet of horrour and 
 difmay. From evils fo dreadful we have been 
 preferved by our watchful fovereign ; and while 
 other nations have fallen, we remain fecure, hap- 
 py and fiee. He has conduced the vefl'el of the 
 ftatq with a fteady hand, and he continues victo- 
 rious, 
 
 There is hov/ever one errour, which, though 
 flowing from a generous intention, has produced 
 much evil and perplexity. The feverity of our 
 maritime laws is the oftenfible pretence for arming 
 all Europe again ft us j but unwifc relaxations of 
 
3<5 
 
 thefe are the real foiirce of our prcfcnt difRculty, 
 III the year 1756, Lord Chatham dilbovering that 
 France, unable to rcliil our naval prcponder- 
 ;ince, had relaxed her colonial fyllen), and per- 
 mitted neutrals to bring lion^e the produce of her 
 colonies, which was done exclufively by her own 
 Ihips in time of peace ; and perceiving that the 
 prcfTure of the war would be thus leflened, adopt- 
 ed a rule by which the admiralty were to guide 
 their decifions to counterad her defign. The rule 
 was, That a neutral has no right to deliver a belli" 
 gerent from the prejjiire of its enemies^ bojlilities^ by 
 trading with his'^colotiies in time of war in a way 
 that was prohibited in time of peace J^ , 
 
 The fairnefs of this rule muft be admitted by 
 every impartial perfon ; and its obvious tendency 
 is to accelerate the return of peace : it was aded 
 upon by Lord Chatham, and found efficacious.. 
 But fince his time, the clamours of felhfh neutrals 
 have extorted a relaxation, as if the enforcement 
 offo juft a principle were contrary to morals. 
 The firfl: confequence has been, that the hoflile 
 colonies have found a benefit rather than a difad- 
 vantage in the war ; they were never more flour-- 
 ifhing, and their produce never flowed into the 
 mother country in fuch abundance, with fo great 
 cheapnefs, and in fo great fecurity. The navy 
 have heen thus deprived of their lawful prizes, 
 the manufadlurers of the enemy find employment, 
 his taxes arp rendered produ0.ive, and he is ena- 
 bled to continue the conteft. 
 
 But the fecond clafs of evils arifmg from this 
 
 ♦Se.e Notes XIV. XV. XVJ. 
 
sr 
 
 injudicious relaxation qf our maritime laws arc 
 Hill greater. The Americans becoming the car- 
 riers between the lioftilc countries and their colo- 
 ;iics have riien to a height at prpfpcrity which 
 hatli made tliem infoleat ar;d captious, and not 
 being able to navigate their vaft fhipping, they 
 entice our Icamen froni; the fervlcc of their coun- 
 tiy. And fo far arc they from being fatisfied 
 with the relaxations already made that they de- 
 mand ftill greater, fucl^ as muft quickly under- 
 mine our ni;val power. They detain our failors 
 under pretence that they are American citizens — 
 They refufe our right of fearc'i, and becaufe we 
 are not inclined to grant their requefts, they de- 
 bar us from their harbours and intcrdi(fl all inter- 
 courfe. One part of the difpute with the unprin- 
 cipled Government of that nation is happily re- 
 moved, the colonies of our en^emies have all been 
 conque»*ed, and it is hoped that oiir fovereign per- 
 eeiving that his generolity has produced nothing 
 but evil, v*4ll return to that jufl and equitable rule 
 on which Lord Chatham adcd, and to vvhich his 
 illaftrious fon, in his laft illnefs, declared that he 
 was determined to revert. Firmly main.taining 
 our maritime righta againft open enemies and fe- 
 cret foes, we may defpife this degenerate govern- 
 ment equally dcftitute of national honour and vir^ 
 tue, and leave them in filent contempt to brood 
 over their felfifh and iniquitous proceedings and 
 to become the execration of future ages.* 
 
 It is thus that the mod virtuous and generous 
 ^ondud fometimcs produces, in this world, con-* 
 
 *Sce Notes X. XlTxiI. XIII. 
 
 : 1 
 
3« 
 
 -N- 
 
 fequences partially grievous and which the ftrong* 
 eft fagacity could not have forefeen. That free 
 fyftem of colonization adopted by England fo 
 very different froiji the feyere and rtitridiveform 
 ufcd by other nations inflead of nourifhing grat- 
 itude and afff ^ion, raifed difcontent, enmity and 
 hatred. Our aged monarch from his anxiety to 
 gratify neutrals relaxes his maritime rights. Thi$ 
 ferves no other purpcfe but to encourage de- 
 mands for farther relaxations. The Americans 
 calling themfelves friends, iiveigle our feamen, 
 and .openly prefer the moll paltry interefls to 
 our immediate and their own eventual fafety as 
 a nation. But the delufion is vanifhed, eon^ef-? 
 fions are at ,an end, and the ferpent is difcovered. 
 
 Such are a few of the leading points of the 
 reign of our graciour fovereign : — To thefe, many 
 others might have been added. The improve- 
 ment of the jurifpri^dence in Scotland — -the great 
 liberality exercife4 towards the French emigrants 
 — the cordial reception given to the harra/Ted and 
 unfouunate Louis XVIII. when all the other 
 jkings of Europe rpfufed him an aiTylu:!^, Is if 
 then any wonder that the profperity of the coun- 
 try hatli increafed iq a rqoft aftoniihing degree 
 under an adminiflration fo paternal : that agricul-^ 
 ture has flourifhed in a manner unexampled in hif- 
 jtory : that commerce has been extended in all its 
 branches, and that the arts and fclenccs have ad- 
 vanced infinitely more in Britain than in any 
 pthcr country in Europe ? Indeed learnlg and the 
 arts have alv/ays experienced the liberal protec- 
 lion of the king. In 1768, he inllitutcd the 
 
.39 
 
 —re 
 
 ftrong* 
 
 at free 
 
 land fo 
 
 /e form 
 
 ,g grat- 
 
 ity and 
 
 nety to 
 
 Thi§ 
 
 ge de- 
 
 ericans 
 
 'eamen, 
 
 efts to 
 
 fety as 
 
 con^efr 
 
 vered. 
 
 of the 
 
 ;, many 
 
 iprove- 
 
 e great 
 
 igrants 
 
 fed and 
 
 other 
 
 Is if 
 
 coun-» 
 
 degree 
 
 gricul- 
 
 in hif- 
 
 1 all its 
 
 ve ad- 
 
 in any 
 
 ind the 
 
 protec- 
 
 ^d the 
 
 ! 
 
 feoyal Academy of Painting, under his imnredr- 
 ate care, fubje(^ to the direction of forty artifts of 
 the firft rank in their feveral profefhons. Tliis 
 refledts immortal honour on the tafte and munifi- 
 cence of the '.ing, and proves his eagernefs to 
 promote the progrefs of the arts. He cheerful- 
 ly came forward to promote the cftablilhment of 
 the Royal inftitution in liOndon for tlie purpofc 
 of giving regular ledtures on the fciences : an 
 inftitution which has already done much towards 
 the difFufion and improvement of knowledge and 
 produced a feries of difcoveries only furpaflccl 
 by the difcoveries of Newton, and which, but 
 for this, might have been ftill unknown. 
 
 Animated by that pure patriotic flame which 
 is the nobleft paifion that can enter the breaft, he 
 is forever feeklng his people's good, a-nd always 
 teaching them,, by his illuftrious example, how to 
 procure it. Though far diftant, we are no lefs 
 the objedls of his paternal care. To us as well as 
 to the inhabitants around him, he is the faithful 
 guardian and difpenfer of all the benefits flowing 
 from the moit perfe(St form of government. Our 
 conftitution, modelled after that of Great Britain,, 
 partakes of all the advantages which an experience 
 ef leveral centuries had accumulated. 1: is not, 
 therefore, the work of a day ; it rcfts upon old 
 and tried foundations, the lore durable, becaufe 
 vifionary en»piricks have not been allowed to touch 
 them. No fine fpun theories of metaphyficians, 
 which promife much and end in mifery, have 
 fhared in if' formation ; fuch men may deftroy» 
 but they can never build* All the privileges 
 
 ?:1 
 
■1 
 
 4^ 
 
 which Englifhmen pofiefs are ours. In tins rel- 
 ped:, the Britifh empire is united ; for with a gen- 
 crofity, never before equalled, thefe liberties were 
 extendcdjwithbvil rcferve, to the French inhabitants 
 of Lower Canada. This portion of a once great 
 and gallant nation, were received as fellow fub- 
 jeds ; every mark of fubjedion was carefully re- 
 moved ; their very prejudices have been treated 
 with the greateft refped, and they are left in the 
 full exercife of t^eir religion and of all their civil 
 rights. Yes, Canadians, valuable are the advan- 
 tages which you enjoy as Britifli fubjidds ; your 
 ancient laws refp'eding property have been retain- 
 ed beciaufe you defired it, and the feverity of the 
 criminal code has been removed by the introduc- 
 tion of the milder adtiiiniftration of the law of 
 England; Your very feelings have been confult*- 
 ed with a condefcenfion and delicacy highly pleaf- 
 mg 5 your manniers and cuftoms have been cher- 
 iflied and pro*;eded, your language retained in thd 
 courts of juftice, in parliament and upon all pub- 
 lic occafions. Our gracious fovereign as well as 
 his parliametit, have manifefted no other defire 
 than to extend your liberty atld increafe your hap- 
 pinefs. You have received the power of corred- 
 ing w^hat fhall appear wrong in your laws and 
 Infiitutions, and of framing fuch new regulations 
 as the growing intcreft and proli"werity bf the prov- 
 ince ihall require. Enabled to changCj modify 
 and improve the exifting laws, and pofTcfling all 
 that is beneficial in the Brltiih Conftitution, what 
 may be jultly expeded on your parts in return iot 
 gifts fo precious ? Surely that you will return that 
 
 i 
 
:(- 
 
 
 ap- 
 
 and 
 ions 
 irov- 
 
 fdify 
 
 all 
 hat 
 iifot 
 that 
 
 affection and love foi* our auguft fovereign, which 
 he has manifefted to you. That you will teach 
 your children the value of the benefits which you 
 have received, and infpire them with gratitude 
 and loyalty. Behold, you will fay, the generous 
 treatment which we have experienced from the 
 Britifh. Thrown into their hands by the fortune 
 of War, we fourtd them friends inftead of ene- 
 mies. They relieved us from the numerous op- 
 preffions of our former government, and moft 
 ainxioufly removed all traces cf recent victory.— 
 We w n-e eiirolkd among the number of Britifh 
 iubj.edls,^^nd all the rights, privileges, and im- 
 munities' of that happy people were conferred 
 Upon us. And, my c!/.ldren, living under a king 
 fo generous, fo benevolent and juft, a king whofe 
 greateft joy is to fee his fubjedts happy and free,; 
 what can we wifh for that we do not polTefs : 
 behold comfort, wealth and grandeur flowing in 
 upon us, and our liberty giving our country the 
 riioft folid charms, notwithftanding its freezing, 
 fky and piocraftinated fnows. To the freed man, 
 iabriuj Ipfes its pain ; he may be poor, but he 
 fee* • 'n'iielf independent, and he bows not to the 
 prouti TiiJ the haughty, the rich or the powerful, 
 for they dare not moleft him. Other countries 
 itiay enjoy a warmer climate, and may produce 
 more delicious fruits, but are thefe an equivalent 
 for anarchy, for defpotifm and oppreflion. Cul- 
 t^'-ate then my deareft children, your afFcdion for 
 V.e Britifh king, government and laws, and for 
 your Britifh fellow fubjeds. This afFedion, this 
 loyalty will be better than mines of filver and 
 
 F 
 
 
 '■1: 
 
 h 
 
gold ; it will warm your hearts and inQ)ire )'0U 
 with the nobleft virtues. And let not this facred 
 attachment to our king be cankered with the 
 fpirit of difcontent : fly from thofe who endeav- 
 our to poifon your minds with diftruft of your Brit- 
 ifh brethren with details of grievances which 
 under fo free and generous a government never 
 exifted, and of oppreflions which under fo free 
 and generous a government never durft appear. 
 And let not the fordid paflions of the foul deter 
 you from ftepping forward, in the hour of dan- 
 ger, to defend 3'our country, and to preferve, 
 unimpaired, the ' ious privileges which you 
 have received. Tru... to your fathers who are 
 ready, after fifty years experience of the mildr 
 nefs, the juftice and integrity of the Britilh gov- 
 ernment, to prove their loyalty by the moft pre- 
 cious facrifices, and can you think that this up- 
 right government would change its virtues for 
 leverity and oppreilion ? No ; tde intereft of the 
 people and the government is the fame,. Let 
 us therefore rally round it and facrifice, with 
 alacrity, our wealth, even life itfelf to preferve it 
 pure : that thoufands may enjoy thofe bleflings 
 which it is qualified to beftow, contented if we 
 can contribute to its permanence and be entomb- 
 ed for our exertions in the breafts of a grate- 
 ful pofterity. Such, Canadians, ought to be your 
 exhortations to your children : inculcating, with 
 paternal anxiety, affeftion for your fellow fub- 
 jed:s, proper refignation and obedience to the laws> 
 a due deference and homage for fuperiors, and 
 for thofe ,^ho are publicly entrufted with the 
 
43 
 
 adminiftration of the province. To do this i« 
 more peculiarly your duty as partakers in the 
 benefits of a conftitution of government found- 
 ed upon the mofc equitable, rational and excel- 
 lent principles : a conftitution of free and equal 
 laws, fecured on the one hand againft the arbi- 
 trary will of the fovercign, and the liccntiouf- 
 nefs of the people on the other : a conftitution 
 which has become the fruitful fource of heroes, 
 the nourilher of liberty, the promoter of learn- 
 ing, arts and commerce : a conftitution which 
 proted:s and fecures the life and liberty of eve- 
 ry individual, and whofe pure adminiftration has 
 been experienced for fifty years through a king 
 who delights in being the guardian of freemen 
 and the father of his people. To conclude, our 
 gracious fovereign looks to the inhabitants of the 
 Canadas with peculiar pleafurc : He has bound 
 the French part of the population by gifts and 
 privileges which form ties of the moft pleafing 
 and lafting kind, and he well remembers the fac- 
 rifices which many of his fubjeds in Upper- 
 Canada, Nova-Scotia and New-Brunfwick have 
 already made in his defence : He never forgets 
 a kindnefs, and he has liberally rewarded them for 
 the privations to which they have voluntarily 
 fubmitted. So many marks of reciprocal affec- 
 tion infure the permanence of your loyalty ; the 
 fame ardour which you have formerly difplayed, 
 and which, though unfuccefsful, covers you with 
 glory, would ftill infpire you with the equal af 
 fe€tion, and your hopes of fuccefs would be bet' 
 founded. And you jvho are youngi remea /^^ 
 
 ii 
 
 ¥ i 
 
 cer 
 
'\« 
 
 it 
 
 that as our gracious fovereign is dear to all his 
 iubje^ts, he ouglvt alfo to be dear to you : imitate 
 the loyalty of your parents, and as you are heirs 
 to their poffeflions, be heirs alfo to their virtues. 
 And you who have come into this country vol- 
 xintarily preferring it to your own, you will per* 
 ceive the duty of being true to the oath of alle-* 
 giance which you have taken. You have been 
 recognized asBritifh fubje6ls,you have been adopt* 
 ed into our family and received as children.—* 
 Let then obedience and fubmifiion to the law* 
 mark your conduct, and as you receive proteQion, 
 pur king has a juft claim to your fervice. 
 
 But in fpeaking to Britiih fubjects, to men con*, 
 fcious of enjoying liberty in its high ell perfedion, 
 it may be fuperfluous to exhort to loyalty. They 
 kiiow that to rife in defence of the king and con- 
 ftitution \<rhich nourifhes and protects us, has, in 
 all ages, been a mark of diftindion. The great-^ 
 eft and beft men recorded in hiftory were eminent 
 for their patriotifm. Who can fight with more 
 ardour for wealth, for property, for honour, for 
 family, for friends and for his country, than he 
 who arms lumfelf to fight for his own property,^ 
 for his own honour, for the fafety of his friends, 
 for his own family, his own felicity and the inde* 
 pendencc of his own country ? 
 
 In defending our venerable fovereign and th^ 
 government over which he prefides,we are d^fend-^ 
 ing our moft precious interefts, and difcharging a 
 debt of gratitude in a manner the moft agreeable, 
 For it is by affedioR and liQyahy that w? ari? einar 
 ^\)hd to fweetea the laft days rpf our good JPfPig i 
 
45 
 
 thofe days which are inceflantly employed in pro- 
 moting our profperity and happinefs. His ex- 
 hortations, his authority and example have always 
 evinced the moft generous zeal and adivity in the 
 public fervice, and his adminiftration hath been 
 principally known to us by a£ts of benevolence 
 and mercy. 
 
 He is now verging towards the grave, and like 
 the fetting fun in a calm and ferene fky, he is be- 
 held by his affedtionate fubjeds with praifes and 
 bleffings. No murmurs cloud the horizon — ^tbe 
 countenances of all are filled with the joy of grief. 
 They know his value, they dread his lofs. They 
 are not fupported by the hope which animated 
 them during his ficknefs in 1 789, that the ftrength 
 of manhood would diffipate the difeafe. Alas ! 
 there is no cure for declining years, and they will 
 not again burft forth in the fulnefs of joy, with 
 one heart and One voice, to thank God for his 
 reftoration. But they have fpontaneoufly ftamp- 
 ed his charadter with the faireft marks of honour 
 and renown, when after an experience of his 
 reign for fifty years, they rofe with accordant 
 voice ; ruiliing into the temples, and pouring out 
 the elTufions of their hearts in prayer and praifes 
 with thankfgivings and rejoicings, with deeds of 
 benevolence and charity to their fellow fubjeds, 
 they all expreffed their gratitude to God for hav- 
 ing fpared his gracious life. Such are the grate- 
 ful beams which illumine the evening of our 
 fovereign's life ; fuch the bendidions that are 
 fliowered upon his facred head, and fuch the ful- 
 filment of the Bifhop of London's prophetic pray- 
 
 t r 
 
 i; 
 
 
 !,: 
 
 
ii 
 
 cr at his acccflion to the throne. " Let there be," 
 faid the loyal prelate, " but one conteft between 
 ** them, whether the king loves his people beft, or 
 his people him ; and may it be a long, a very 
 long conteft, may it never be decided ; but let 
 it temain doubtful, and may the paternal affec- 
 tion on the one fide, and tlie filial obedience on 
 " the other, be had in perpetual remembrance,'* 
 
 <c 
 
 c< 
 
 
 S' 
 
MBi 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTE I. p. 6. 
 
 SEVERAL hiftorians, and Dr. Smollet in particuUr« ' 
 uiention the rapid improvement of Hanover after its 
 elector became king of Great Britain. And they afljen, a$ 
 the caufe of this improvement, the partiality which George 
 the Firrt and Second entertained for their hereditary domin- 
 ions. This partiality has given lifc to loud and bitter com- 
 plaints, and it, has been admitted by writers of all parties 
 that Brill fli intercrts were facrificed in quarrels not their own. 
 It cannot be denied that the prefent royal family as electors 
 of Hanover were more intimately conneded with the affairs 
 of the continent than the Stuarts had occafion to be, but it 
 does not follow from this that Hanover always gained as 
 Great Britain loft. The very contrary was frequently the 
 fad. It is \yorth obfcrving that the Hanoverians have 
 been as loud in their complaints on this head as the Britifh, 
 and probably with as good reafon. _ They fay that the king 
 of Great Britain, invulnerable at home^ was frequently at- 
 tacked as elector of Hanover, and that country expofed to 
 dw'predatlons which might have been eafily avoided, had not 
 the king of Great Britain difdained to adopt ^ policy 
 which he would have willingly embraced as etedor of 
 Hanover. The clamour againft the Hanoverians is there- 
 fore abfurd : they fufFer more than we can do by having 
 their country made the theatre of wars which their native 
 princes^ might have avoided, and what we lofe is like duft in 
 the balance compared to the invaluable advantages of fecur- 
 ing our conftitution, liberty, and laws. 
 
 NOTE II. p. lo. 
 
 The rage for equality which the American and French 
 revolutions have introduced, has given currency to many 
 notions falfe and mifchievous. Perfons of high rank have 
 not only been refufed the rcfpe£l and deference to which 
 they were entitled, but republican ferocity has delighted to 
 deprive them of reputation and talents. Kings and queens, 
 nobles, and perfons of quality, fay thefe medeft perfoBs, 
 
 ^ii i 
 
 ■ u) 
 
 Ih 
 
 1* 
 
 i.: 
 
 I 
 
are unacquainted with the rights of humanity, incapable of 
 fympathiung with diftrefs and confpicuous only for cruelty 
 and Ignorance. Amidfl their inve£livcs againft rank and 
 dignity, thefe anarchids have beflowed upon themfelvcs 
 the moft difguding praife as cxclufivcly poflefllng all fenfe, 
 humanity, tafte and genius. Indeed the legillature of the 
 United States ferioufly deliberated whether they fhould not 
 declare themfelves the mofl enlightened nation in the world. 
 What will fuch pcrfons fay to the eloquent letter which 
 follows : 
 
 <* May it pleMfe your Majejly^ 
 
 ** I am at a lofs whether I (hould congrat- 
 \ilate or condole with you on your late vi«5tory ; (ince the 
 fame fuccefs which has covered you with laurels, has over- 
 fpread the country of Mecklenburg with defolation. I 
 know, fire, that it feems unbecoming my fex, in this age of 
 vicious refinement, to feci for one's country, to lament the 
 horrours of war, or wlfli for the return of peace. I know 
 you niay think it more properly my province ^o ftudy the 
 arts of pleafing, or to turn my thoughts to fubje^ls of a 
 more domeftic nature ; but however unbecoming it may be 
 in me, I cannot refilt the defire of interceding for this un- 
 happy people. 
 
 ** It was but a very few years ago that this territory* 
 wore the moft pleafing appearance. The country Wis 
 cultivated ; the pcafant looked cheerful ; and the towns 
 abounded with riches and feftivity. What an alteration at 
 prefent from fuch a charming fcene ! I am not expert at 
 defcription, nor can my fancy add any horrours to the pic- 
 ture : But fure even conquerors themfelves Would weep 
 tx the hideous pro fpe 61 now before me. The whole coun- 
 try, my dear country, lies one frightful wafte, prcfenting 
 only obje£ls to excite terrour, pity and defpair. Thebufi- 
 nefs of the hufbandman and the fhepherd is quite difcontin- 
 ued ; the hufbandman and the fhepherd are become fol- 
 diers themfelves, and help to ravage the foil they formerly 
 occupied. The towns arc inhabited only by old, men, wo- 
 men and children ; perhaps here and there a warrior, by 
 wounds or lofs of limbs, rendered unfit for fervice, left at 
 his door ; his little children hang round him, afk an hifto- 
 ry of every wound, and grow themfelves foldiers before 
 they find flrength for the field. 
 
 ** But this were nothing, did we not feel the alternate 
 iilfolcnce of either army as it happens to^ advance* or re* 
 
^9 
 
 treat. It is impoffible to exprefs the confiifion whidl 
 even thofc who call themfelvcs our friends, create. Even 
 thofe, from whom we might expedl rcdrcfs, opprcfs iis with 
 new calamities. From your jiilticc therefore it is that wc 
 hope relief: To you even children and women miy com- 
 plain, whofc humanity ftoops to the mcaneft petition, and 
 wl.v)fc power is capable of repreifing the grcatell injuft- 
 ice. I am, fire, Ice." 
 
 If this illuftrious Q^iecn were obliged to dafccnd from 
 het exalted ftation as foon as a lady could be found capa- 
 ble of writing a fuperior letter upon the fame fubjedl, will 
 any pcrfon capable of judging, hedratc to fuy that Ihe would 
 h^ve nothing to apprehend, for no fuch perfon ever could 
 be found. 
 
 I/' 
 
 NOTE III p. 14. 1 
 
 TPttRsoMS of licentious lives and thofe who are not accuf- 
 lomed to examine the effedls of moral caufes, will be ready 
 to fuppofe that I have dwelt too Ibng upon the private and 
 domeftic virtuesof our amiable fofereign. But I do not re- 
 gard the opinions of fuch perfons ; they are not indeed qual- 
 ified to decide, and I am fure of meeting, in this refpedl, 
 with the approbation of the good, who are aware of the 
 great importance of virtuous example. The writers on 
 the French revolution unanimoully declare that the general 
 corruption of manners was one of the mod powerful cau- 
 fes of that unhappy event. And this corruption was fup- 
 ported by the example of the king. Louis XV. lived in 
 open adultery. He feduced a city matron, carried her pub- 
 licly from her huftand to exercife fovereign authority, and 
 this opened a channel for licentioufnefs. This weak prince 
 placed his fceptre at the feet of one of his miftreflfes who 
 had been chofen from among the dregs of Paris, and this 
 meannefs covered him with contempt, the certain forerunner 
 of ftatc difafters. Governed by women of characters fo 
 abandoned, decency fled the court. All who made profef- 
 fions of honour and who refpefted propriety of conduct, 
 were overwhelmed by the denunciations, the licentioufnefs, 
 the intrigues and corruption of thofe abandoned women, 
 who furrounded the king, with a crowd of people without 
 morals, and enemies to virtue. This general corruption 
 of manners, and the meafures adopted by this devoted 
 prince weakened his authority, undermined the (late and 
 Aflifted in producing that revolution in which his grandfon 
 
 I 
 
 V. 
 
 
 tlJ 
 
 ). 
 
 ,'«!' 
 
the virtuous and humane Louis the XVIMi, periilied.— • 
 When this prince afcendcd the throne, though fond of 
 domcflic happpincfs, he wanted energy to purify fo cor- 
 rupt a court and fo rapacious an adminillration, and he 
 funk under the conflidt. Many examples might be given 
 of the bad effo»its of licentious morals in the higher or- 
 ders. Indeed every father of a family who has been him- 
 felf guihy, fooucr or lati r deplores it in bittcrncfs. In 
 this new country where liccntioufnefs has already made a 
 moft alarming progrcfs, you frequently find people living 
 debauched lives difgraccful to themfelvcs and pregnant with 
 future niifery. Tluir nmnbers indeed keep them in coun- 
 tenance, and conceal, for a time, their contemptible fitua- 
 tion. But I might appeal to many keepers who, after living 
 in a degraded manner for a number of years, give their 
 paramour the title of wife not from any afft '^ion for her, 
 but on account of compallion for their children : Excluded 
 from genteel fociety, they drag out a miferable exiftcnce, 
 and the vulgarity of their domeftic regulations and manners 
 reminds them every day of their foily. 
 
 NOTE IV. p. 23. • 
 We arc frequently deafened with abfurd and ridiculou* 
 defcriptions of American liberty : But the foundation of 
 true liberty is the ftrid and impartial adir. in ill ration of 
 juftice. An obfcure member of the houfc of commons, not 
 many months ago, accufed the duke of York of mal prac- 
 tices. He was attended to, and the condud of the king's 
 favourite fon was ftridlly examined. The inquiry in as far 
 as it refpc£^ed his official bufin«fs was highly creditable to 
 his Highnefs, but notwithftanding he found it neceflary to 
 refign. 
 
 The commander in chief of the American army Is accuf- 
 ed not merely of mal praflices in his official capacity, but of 
 receiving bribes from a foreign power, and of confpiring the 
 overthrovv t his own government, and he is accufed, not 
 by an obfcure individual, but by a fenator in congrefs who 
 declares himfelf reaily to fubftandatc his charges, and to 
 convi6l him of corruption and hi[,h treafon before any court 
 of jullice ; but no proper enquiry takes place ; he is not 
 tried, but the affair is huddled up. Lord Melville was ac- 
 cufed, impeached by the House '»f Commons and tried by 
 his Peers ; he was indeed honourably acquitted, but his 
 friends durfl not prevent his trial. Mr. Pitt and feveral of 
 
 tlu 
 
 M 
 
 du 
 
 th. 
 
 fill 
 
 t\ 
 
 rr. 
 
 it 
 
51 
 
 tlic King's fcrvnnts were fummoneil to give evidence at 
 Maidltonc on the trial of O'Conncr ; they ull attended, ihoy 
 duril not dif'jbcy the fmninotis of the Coiirt ; They gave 
 their evidence. B'lt TJr. M.uUson and his colU imics re. 
 fufcd to obey the fiiinrnons ot the Co.irt refj^cdting Mirandi's 
 expcditioa, pr'itending that they were required in their fcv- 
 cral departments. This was to infult the Court, to cxpofc 
 it to contempt and to poifon the foiirce of julticc. 
 
 The American Juries pay fo little regard to an oath, fo 
 little attention to the eviilencc that th?^ir verdids arc often 
 erroneous. Many of them have no religion ; many defpifo 
 it — numbers neve** have been baptifed, and confiderthe oath 
 a jcft S:) general is the corruption, and fo certain are fome 
 pcrfons of the impoffibility of receiving jufticc from them 
 that they wilh that one or two upright judges were to de- 
 cide, and juries, in civil cafes, to be excluded. The Ameri- 
 can juries commonly enquire the political opinions of the 
 litigators and give it to their friend, or if politics be out of 
 the quedion, they decide in favour of the poorer ; we do not 
 fay but that judice may be fometimcs obtained, but her pre- 
 fence in the courts is rare. 
 
 But the lenity excrcifed towards general Wilkinfon is not 
 extemh^id to their political enemies, by the ruling party. 
 Witncfs the vulgar and grofs proceedings against judge 
 Chafe and tne opprelfion of the Government on Burr. The 
 Prcfident even infultcd the judge for acquitting him in his 
 pilblic meiragc to Coiigrefs, 
 
 ft 
 
 NOTE V. p. 30. — On the Finance. 
 It was propheficd about a century ago by perfons who had 
 m ule the finances their particiilar (ludy that the prufpe6t 
 before us was gloomy. Mr. Hume, in the firft edition of 
 his eflfays, aflferted that we could not maintain our credit 
 when our debt reached 100 millions, but he lived to fee it 
 double this fum, and prudently expunged this pafflige in the 
 future editions of his works obferving that it was impollible 
 to conjedlure how far we might extend our credit, or to 
 what amount the debt might be raifed. Our gradual in- 
 creafe of wealth has moft happily averted all predictions of 
 Bankruptcy, the improvement of our manufa£iures and the 
 great pxtenfion of commerce aided by that national attach- 
 ment which every Briton feels for his country, and which 
 induces him to make the greateft facrifice in its defence, 
 have always enabled the ftate to procure the neceflary fup- 
 
 i 1 1, 
 
52 
 
 ••^': 
 
 plies. The experience therefore of the pad jiiftifics this 
 comfc-tablc conclufion for the future, that our finances re- 
 quire only to be directed by men of integrity ami informa- 
 tion, to enable the nation to meet any exigency, and to 
 maintain this or any other juft and neceffary war, us long 
 as our enemies remi.in deaf to truth and juftice. The ex- 
 iftence of a national cjebt may be perfectly confiftent with 
 the intereft and profperity cf the Country, and it is only when 
 the borrowing fyftem has been abufed, that it has become 
 alarming. To thofe who may not be converfant in tiiis 
 interefting matter, the following Ihort ftatement may be ac- 
 cepiable. Takingthe public debt at 600 millions nominal cap- 
 ital, this when reduced to real money capital valuing 3 per 
 cts.at 60 will amount to 360 millions. The finking fund this 
 prefent year enables the commillioners to pay olF ten one 
 half millions or about i-34th part of the whale deb«:,fo that in 
 34 ye:.rs even if the finking fund ^v'ere not to accumulate, the 
 prefent debt wciuld be paid ofl\ But it is evident that if io|. 
 .millions of the 360 millions be paid this year, the intereft of 
 the money fo paid is faved, which, in this cafe is fomething 
 more than half a million, fo that in 1811 fomething more 
 than n millions can"be paid ; in fine, the whole debt would 
 te extinguihed on this plan in I7 years from this time, or irv 
 1827. But as fuch a rapid extinction of the national deb^ 
 would be attended with inconvenience, it is pfoballe that 
 Minifters will apply fome part of the finking fund to the 
 immediate redudtion of the mo#c grievous taxes. Thus, for 
 example, in the year 1818 when the finking fund on the 
 Jnalleft fcale, fuppofing it to receive no intermediate im- 
 provements, will amount to rather more than fcventeen mil- 
 lions. Minifters may chuf; fo pay olF only fourteen mil- 
 lions of the public debt, and repeal taxes to the extent of 
 three millions per annum ; next year or 1819, t/iey can 
 pay ihc fime fum and repeal exifting taxes to the amount 
 of another million ; thub the reduction of the taxes and of 
 the debt would go hand in hand ; nor do the new loans inter- 
 fere with this admirable lyftcm — for it is enacted that every 
 new loan fhall h<t paid in 45 years by a finking fund peculiar 
 to itfel^ The Minifter in prov iding for the intereft of everv 
 new loah, provides one pei ccat above what isneceftary, and 
 this one per ccMt is applied tow^ards reducing the capital 
 which it does in about 45 years. This part of the fyftem 
 has been amendtd by making the appropriation larger ef- 
 peci^lly in cime of war, fo that every new loan may be re* 
 
53 
 
 ' 
 
 paid in 14- years. On th? whole, fiich is the refo'.irccs of 
 tlio country, and fucb the cert-^in fuccefsof Mr. Pitt's plan 
 that the national debt ceafcs to be an evil ot any confiderablc 
 magnitude. 
 
 NOTE VI. p. 31. 
 
 The poUcy adopted by the Britifh Miniflr\ towards the 
 colonies after the peace of 1763 has been held up to execra- 
 tion, but when carefully weighed, we iliall find that we go 
 to the limits of our cenfure by calling it unwifc That 
 they were endeavouring to lay a fonndaiion for arbitrary 
 power will not be eafily credited by any inipaiiial perfon. 
 Soon after HisMajcfly's acceflion to the throne, the parlia- 
 ment voted three hundred thmfand po'inds to enable his Ma- 
 jefty to give proper compenfation to the refpe«^ive Provinces 
 'n North America, for the expences incurred by them dur- 
 ing the war. This generofity did not appear very confift- 
 enc with ideas of immediate oppreflion. It is alfo worthy of 
 remark that when the firfl' bill for taxing America was 
 brought into Parliament, it met with no oppofition ; the 
 political enemies of the miniftry who afterwards declaimed 
 (o bitterly againft it, were filent. Indeed nothing could ap- 
 pear more refonable than that thofe^ parts of the empire 
 which had benefited mod by the expcnfes of the war fliould con- 
 ^ribufe fometliingtolelfen the heavy debt whichrhefe expences 
 had occafioned, and not a member at thai time, in the houfc of 
 Commons, had the fmalleft doubt of the <:on{titutional right 
 vefted in *\e parliament to raife the con ribulion. After- 
 wards when the colonics oppofed the colIe6licn of thi^fe tax- 
 es, the oppofition began to difcover arguments in their fa-* 
 vour, though they ftill admitted that Great Britain poflef- 
 fed the fupreme govcrni.ig and legillative power, and had 
 always bound the colonics, by her laws, and by her regula- 
 tions and reftricT-ions in trade, navigation and commerce, 
 but a diitindtioa was attempted to be made between this 
 power and that of taxiug them, neither very vident nor 
 ingenuous. All parties allowed that externa! uxes inight 
 be levied by parliament, but not internal. The parliament 
 therefore conceded this point, and alter repealing the (lamp 
 a6"t, they impofed a fmall tax t^ tea. But the colonies, as 
 had been foretold, began to excla. n, " if the parliament of 
 Grcai Britain have no right 10 tax us internally,, it can hav^ 
 none to tax tis externally, and if it has no power to tax us 
 without our owa confcnt, it has nopc to govern or legiiliito 
 
 «* ■> ',■: 
 
 ••# 
 
 t 
 
 
 I- 
 
 ! 'f 
 
 
 ..III 
 
54 
 
 <^, 
 
 for us without our confcnt. It has been faiJ that the colo- 
 nics would have been content with ;i Umiteii reprefcntatioii 
 in p. iliament. This fcems doubtful. They appear to 
 have aimed at independsnce from the beginning, and it is 
 Hfiore probable that no conccflions, no advantages ofFered 
 them by Great Britain would have availed. Bcfidcs the fit- 
 iiation of the colonies and their mother country was pecu- 
 liar : They were long weak and feeble, always receiving, 
 and giving nothing. Moreover fuppofing fuch a conceflion 
 to have been efFedual, yet it could hardly be expe£ted from 
 thofe violent meafuies which the colonies adopted. Even 
 granting thaV the a£ls of parliament were inexpedient, 
 granting that they were wrong, it was difficult, to repeal 
 them in the face of infurredlion and defiance. As the con- 
 teif has long ceafed, it may be thought nugatory to enter in- 
 to the fubje£l, but let it be rememb'ired that by proving 
 that Great Britain» in impofmg certain duties, was not actua- 
 ted by a fpirit of opprelTion, but only with the dcfire of ren- 
 dering her protedlion more efficacious, and if it appear prob- 
 able that the States had determined to be fatisfied with no 
 conceflions but to become independent ; that they thanked 
 Providence, that they had arrived at growth and Itrength 
 fufficient to refifl: the mother country ^ we fhall be able to 
 repel the infidious attacks made on our country by Ameri- 
 cans. Indeed we might proceed to fhew that the fame in- 
 fubordination which produced the revolution hascaufed fev- 
 cral rebellions fincc, and will finally overturn the prefent 
 government. Great Britain might be milbkcn in her poli- 
 cy, but America cannot prove her guilty of injuftice or op- 
 prcffion, 
 
 NOTE VII. p. 32. 
 iHE French revolution muft be allowed by thofe who 
 were at firrt: its Friends, to have fo notorioufly failed to 
 produce the beneficial ofFccts which were confidently prom- 
 ifi^d by its authors, while it has been guilty of the moft hor- 
 rid excelfes, an' produced the moil: baneful effedls that 
 one cannot hea;, /ithout indignation, any perfon fpeaking 
 of it as glorious. How comes it then that a very great pro- 
 portion of the Ameiican people Hill regard this fanguinary 
 revolution with exultation, and after it has funk into tho 
 moft alarming dcfpotifiu that the world ever faw, a nation 
 pretending to the greateft freedom behold its progrefs with 
 joy. It is that the Ameiican revolution has as certainljr 
 
jf^ 
 
 ' -r ' V i 
 
 failed as that of France snd is finking faft into, an aharcKy ^ 
 which will give rife either to a general defpotifm, or to a 
 divifioiv. Proofs are not Wanting to efti'^UOi the truth of 
 this opinion, and a minute illuftraiion of them would be^ 
 doing an effential fervice to mankind. Europeans and thofc 
 who live at a diftance are mifled, and fuppofe that Amer- 
 icans are free becaufc they have a fine conftitution written 
 upon paper. They do not know that this conftitution is li- 
 able to infuperablc objedions, and that it is only by infring- 
 ing them that the government ftands. Inftead of poflefling 
 the happieft government in the world, the United States 
 poffefs one ofthevvorft, for who is ignorant that that un- 
 happy country is fubjed\ to a Virginian oligarchy. For- 
 eigners do not know nntl! it be too late that the oligarchy 
 or governing junta do not hefitate to b^eak thofe parts of 
 the conftitution which are in themfclvcs good, when they 
 happen to ftand in their way. The framers of ♦ ae govern- 
 ment of the ftates feem to ha;e thoug u that liberty vv^as ev- , 
 ery thing, but though this be the moft material, other per- 
 fections muft be united, o»herwife liberty itfelf will be in. 
 danger. When a government poireftes no vigor it cannot 
 perform the duties of its inftitution : when it cannot take 
 fome of its meafures fecrctly accountable indeed after- , 
 wards but not at the moment : the uifFerent parts muft be 
 united : its meafures muft be executed with difr )tch, and 
 its arrangements muft difplay wifdom. Nobody ^ ill be fo 
 bold as to fay that the American governme ' [■'OiTofses any 
 one of tliefe advantages. The framers ot r '\onftitu- 
 
 tion have been called wife, but this produdliun does not 
 prove it. Let any perfon read Lock's trcatifes on gover,..ucnt, 
 De Lolme on the Britilh coviftitution, Blackftone, Mont^ f- 
 quieu with a few other authors who wrote before the minds 
 of men were agitated with fucccflrve revolutions, and com- 
 pare them with the flimfy productions which have dehiged 
 the world fince the American revolution, and they will be 
 forced to confefs, that in this fubje£t, we feem to go back. 
 The ancient authors appear to have ftudicd the fubjedl ^ 
 with more accuracy, and faw the neceflity of uniting liberty 
 with other eftimable qualities. The friends of true and 
 rational liberty have to contend with anarchifts on the one 
 hand, and the fiaves of defpotifm on the other ; and were 
 it not for the Britifti government which is a pradl-ical proof 
 of the propriety of their reafoning, they muft be over- 
 whelmed. The writer is not however fo blind an admirer 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 I! 
 
 ■« ) 
 
 
 ..nil 
 
 m 
 
 pi I 
 
 f; 
 
 ; 
 
of the Britini conflirulion as not to be aware of fcveral irrt" 
 perfeftioiis, much lefs does he think it proper to identify 
 the minifter tor the time being with the government : He 
 conceives a man may be a firm friend to the conftitution 
 and hoftile to the miniller's meafures, but he thinks tiiis 
 hoftility has limits, and fhould never be fo conduced as to 
 raife murmurs or to transform oppofition into rebellion as 
 it has fomcitimes done (the American war.) Conceiving 
 the Britifh the beft practical form of government that ever 
 exifted, thofe who underitand it beft muft love it beft, and 
 fuch will not hefitate to defend it at the hazard of their 
 lives. In maintaining its purity, they will oppofc any en- 
 croachment tending to arbitrary power on the one hand, or 
 popular authority on the other. Preferving the balance 
 with fteady care, they will admit no changes on either fide 
 without the greateft deliberation, 
 
 NOTE VIII. p. 32. 
 
 A COOD hiftory of the American war is yet a defidera* 
 tum and cannot perhaps be written for feme time to come. 
 The following dialogue between an American and an Eng- 
 lifliman, throws fome light upon the fubjeft. 
 
 Ji, How happens it that I never hear you praifmg the 
 noble ftand for freedom which we made. E. Becaufe I do 
 not think that you have gained any advantage, and I am 
 not fatisfied of the juftlce of your caufe. J. Juftice of our 
 caufe ! can any thing be more clear ? Our property was to 
 be taken from us without our own confent : We refifted fo 
 vile an attempt, and we were vidorious. E. Two wars 
 Ivere undertaken on your account, and the mother country 
 Called upon you for ailiftancc : You murmured, refufed, 
 and left her to pay debts which fhe had contrafted on your 
 account, A. But we had no reprel ntatives. E. Was the 
 demand ever made in an amicable manner ? J. Yes, frequent- 
 ly ; petitions, remonftranccs were often fent,but in vain. E. 
 fiow were thefe expreifed r in language harlh and menacing. 
 Were a perfon to come to you to afk you to do fomething 
 for him, in language rude and harfli, holding a bludgeon 
 behind his back ready to ftrike you on a refufal, would yon 
 grant his requcft ? My fr' id, your countrymen liril mur- 
 mured againft the fupprefl^n of the illicit trade which 
 they carried on with the Spanilh colonies a'.d which gov- 
 ernment found it necelfary to prohibit from good faith 
 pledged in treaties, perhaps it was done in loo harfh a man- 
 
57 
 
 ner, but this was not furcly a fufficicnt rcafon for fcpara- 
 tion. After this you were called upon to pay fomething 
 to defray the expences of the war : And the refiltance firit 
 proceeded from thofe colonics which had been favoured with 
 the freeft conlHtution by the crown. They conceived this 
 perHaps to be the eafieit mode of getting quit of their ob- 
 ligation. A. But is there no time when colonics may lay 
 alide their leadiug (Irings and rife up in their place among 
 the nations of the earth ? E. Perhaps there is : When* 
 ever they are fo increafed in numbers and ftrength as to be 
 fufficicnt by themfelves for all the good ends of a political 
 union. Thefe are the fentiments of a great writer. But 
 you were not thus adequate till the French were driven out, 
 and then you (hould have proceeded in a very different man- 
 ner. No general application for a limited reprefentation 
 was ever made by the colonies. And did not Great Brit- 
 ain gradually repeal her obnoxious lawd, and retain at la{t 
 only a fmall pittarwre to fave her honour and maintain her 
 authority. Were you fatisfied with thefe conceflions, did * 
 you receive them with pleafurc and proceed in modeft 
 petitions for the conceding of a right which was certainly 
 doubtful ? No, you rofe in a flame l^ecaufc you did not re- 
 ceive, at once, your whole demand. Britain willing to hu- 
 mour her froward children, retraced her fteps, and only wilh - 
 cd for a cover to give up the rcit ; not that flic was con- 
 vinced of the juftice of your caufe, but fhe was averfe to 
 bring things to extremities. When two parties difagrce 
 about a doubtful point, mutual forbear:;nce is expected : 
 That Britain (hewed this is certain — but which of the colo- 
 nies ihewed it. You fpeak of being reprcfented, the peo- 
 ple of England arc partially reprefcuted, and had your rep- 
 refentatives been prefent in parliament, they could not have 
 prevented the palfage of a fingle ail. The Americans, at 
 that time, did not exceed three millions — the inhabitants of 
 Great Britain were about eleven ; but the proportion of 
 taxes expe«fted would not h»ve been otic nineteenth of the an* 
 nual expenditure. It will eafily be fcen by a clofe infpec- 
 tion of dates that while you were prefcnting petitions to 
 the king, you were preparing vigoroufly not only for defc'i- 
 fivc but offcnfive war, and taking every method to vilify and 
 to oppofe the government from which you rebelled. But 
 what gives me room to think your caufe unjuft, not one of 
 thofe in both houfes of parliament who brought forward 
 meafures of reconciliation, a^imitted the principles for 
 
 ,,'*. 
 
 '% 
 
 ! 
 
which yon contended. How couhl they admit that three 
 flioiild didate to eleven millions. The beft plan would have 
 been to have had nothing to do with you and left you to 
 yourfelves : But this could not be expe(Elcd : The paflions 
 were r^ifed on both lides the atlantic, and reafon was not 
 heard ; but no other mode would have anfvvered. I am, in 
 fine, of this opinion concerning the American war — That it 
 was unwife in Great Britain to adopt coercive meafures, 
 but that the greater degree of injuftice refled with the col- 
 onies — That no mode ot reconciliation which could have 
 been offered would have been effedlually permanent ; a fep- 
 aration muft have enfied, for that fpirit of democracy 
 which now proftrates every thing virtuous and honourable in 
 the United States had already rendered them incapable of the 
 moft moderate fubordination. 
 
 NOTE IX. ^. 'il.-^Ort the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 Any perfon who has converfed with Americans mud 
 have obferved the veneration in which they hold the declara- 
 tion of independence. This paper is valued more than 
 Diana was by the Ephefians, and becaufe Mr. JefFerfon is 
 fuppofed to have written it, the grateful ^' es have quietly 
 fubmitted to his ruinous policy for eight years : A policy 
 which has placed them in the moft defpicable and ridiculous 
 fituation. This extraordinary fpecimen of gratitude in a 
 people fo much alive to their own interefts, raifed my cu- 
 riofity to read and examine this declaration with greater 
 care than I had ever done before, and not having any par- 
 ticular refpe^t for its fuppofd author, I am willi-ng to 
 hazard very few remarks upon its various contents. — 
 Were I difpofed to be merry, the preamble affords me a 
 very good opportunity. The paper begins with much af- 
 fected folemnity — ** When in the courfe of human events, 
 it becomes neceffary for one people to diirofve the political 
 bands which have conncilcd them with another, and to af- 
 fume among the powers of the earth the fpparate and eciual 
 ftation to which the lavv:> of nature and of nature's God 
 entitle them, a decent refpe^^ to the opinions of mankind 
 requires that they fhoiild declare the caufes which iinpel 
 them to a reparation," 
 
 vVhat docs this fagc writer mean by the laws of nature 
 and of nature's God r Are there two di(lini\ codes ? Arc 
 the laws of nature and the laws of the God of Nature dif- 
 ferent ? This is either nonfcnfe or tautology, or fomething 
 
 ties, 
 
 IS 
 
59 
 
 worfe. Many have cndcavourctlto Hicw that this cxpreflion 
 proved the truth of the arcufation frequently preferred 
 againd the author that he was an athciil ; but as I con- 
 ceive it impoflible for any man that thinks, to be an athe- 
 ift : It is enough to fhew the clauie to be nonfcnfe, and 
 furely fuch a fpecimen in the preamble militates very 
 much againft the high chara£lcr of the paper. The fec- 
 ond paragraph, taken with a few verbal alterations from 
 Hutchifon's moral philofophy allcrts the belief of the fub- 
 fcribers in feveral abftradl truths, and which taken abftracS- 
 1y, nobody is difpofed to deny. Confequently their folemn 
 introdu<Sion in a declaration of this kind is, to fay the leaft, 
 exceedingly abfurd — " Wq hold thefe truths to be felf-evi- 
 dent ; that all men are created equal ; that they are endow- 
 ed by their creator with certain unalienable rights ; that 
 among thefe are life, liberty, and the purfuit of happinefs ; 
 that to fccure thefe rights, governments are inftituted among 
 men, deriving their jnft powers from the confcnt of the 
 governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes 
 deftriidive of thefe ends, it is the right of the people to 
 alter or to aholifh it and to inftitute a new government 
 laying its foundation on fuch principles, and organizing its 
 powers in fuch form as to them (halt fecm moft likely to ef- 
 fect their fafety and happinefs." 
 
 I have not quoted this long paflage with a view of con- 
 tradicting the ftatement it inakes, although it might be 
 Ihewn that, admitting thefe things to be true, they are not 
 felf-cvident ; but trufting that I am as friendly to folid lib- 
 erty as Mr. JefFerfon, I embrace the opportunity which 
 this paflTage, by ftating too little, affords me of noticing an 
 crrour which all the writers on government fince Rouifeau 
 have wilfully committed. They fpeak always of rights 
 but never of duties. Now it is evident that duties precede 
 rights, indeed the eftabliihment of our rights is the reward 
 of our duty. If man cannot live folitary, he muft join 
 himfelf to other men ; by this jun£lion they become uleful 
 to one another, that is they perform certain reciprocal du- 
 ties, and the fruit of thefe duties is greater perfonal fecu- 
 ''ity > greater power over property, more comfort, and 
 more freedom. Now this life, this liberty, this happinefs 
 is in a manner created by fociety, is rendered valuable by 
 the performance of certain duties. To fpeak therefore of 
 liberty and happiriefs as rights previous to the eftablish- 
 mcnt of fociety is abfurd, and to fpeak of them at all, 
 
 ••♦., .! ;' I 
 
 ^\ 
 
Co 
 
 m 
 
 '4:- 
 :■>« 
 
 withoTU proving that they flow from the performance of 
 duty is exceedingly incorrti^V, and leads to the moll terrible 
 ~ " " ! mav attrihute 
 
 ifeqi 
 
 >nccs. 
 
 To thisAvilful fej 
 
 iration we may a 
 many excelicn in tht^ late revolutions. The people were 
 always told of their rights — never of their duties. They 
 were locfed from all refl^aint ; tliey thought they miglit 
 fiezc every thing and do nothing. No wonder that a doc- 
 trine of this kind was popular, but its firft propagators who 
 knew its fv)phi[try have had no great caufe to rejoice, for 
 the mob have comrnbnly alVumed the dreadful right (for 
 •what villainous exertion of power has not been called a 
 right) i)f putting them to death. The innovators in pol- 
 itics imitated the empirics in religion, the latter have 
 long taught the do£lrine of unconditional grace, that their 
 followers Ihall be faved without doing any thing. The 
 innovators in politics perceiving how popular this was, 
 immediately offered liberty in its utmoft perfection for 
 nothing. The people had nothing to do but to enjoy.— 
 After this claufc w^hich muil deceive, for few can dctedl 
 its fophiftry, the Declaration proceeds, ** That the hijio- 
 yy of the prefent king of Great Britain is a hifiory of n- 
 pccled injuries and ufurpationsy all havhig in direct ohje/1 
 the efloblijhment of an ahjohite tyranny over the Jiates — Ta 
 prove this let faBs be fubmittcd to a candid world. Then 
 follow what are deemed the fa6ls, but which are, in truth, 
 only vague affertions. The firft twenty-three aflertions 
 relate chiefly to matters previous to the war, fome of 
 them' inftead of being grievances may he proved to have 
 been highly beneficial to the Itates. Others refer to the 
 cjtertion of fuch prerogatives of the crown as it always 
 pofTefl'ed and ftill poffeflbs. And the remainder admit of 
 fuch an elucidation as would entirely prove the falfchood 
 of the firft aftertion in the declaration th-'t a feparation 
 was neceftary. To enter into a minute examination of 
 each claufe would be too much for a note, but fuch a 
 work would be ufeful : We ftiall content ourfelves with 
 mentioning a few fa£ls which prove the falfehood of the laft 
 quotation. 
 
 We mentioned, in a former note, the libcralty of Parlia- 
 ment in voting j/|^ 300,000 as a compcnfation to the colonies 
 foon after His Majefty's acceftion. Was this oppreftion r 
 
 In the peace of 1763, the interefts of the colonies were 
 principally attended to. Was this oppreftion ? 
 
 In 1764, fome rcfolutions were adopted concerning the 
 
6i 
 
 American trade ; a year's delay was given to allow them 
 to be canvaflcd. Was this like opprelfion ? The colonial 
 agents were even invited to petition to be heard againit ih« 
 refolutions, but they declined. Oppreifion fhould be made 
 offterner ilnff. 
 
 In 1767, fome duties were laid upon glafs, tin, paper, 
 and painter's colours, imported from Great Britain into 
 America. This was a mode of taxation admitted by the 
 colonies and their friends ; but concellion had now made 
 them haughty, and they denied even this power in the Brit- 
 ifh parliament. Indeed the alfembly in New York refolved 
 to pay no regard to an ad for providing troops with neceflTa- 
 ries in their quarters, but regul-iled the provifions according 
 to their own fancy. 
 
 Thefe lad duties having created great commotions, min- 
 ifters engaged to repeal them, and in 1770 they were all rc- 
 -pealed except three-pence per lb. on tea. Was this op- 
 preflion ? 
 
 In 1770, a tumult happened in Bodon b*ctween the townf- 
 people and the foldiers, in which fome of the former were 
 killed. The foldiers were inftantly delivered up for trial 
 and acquitted by a jury of townf-mcn. Was this opprcf- 
 fion r 
 
 In 1773. the Boftonljns deftroyed the tea, and this occa- 
 fioned the Borton port bill, a meafure certjiinly provoked by 
 the condu(^ of the people of this town lor fevcral years pre- 
 vious to this, but which was only intended to be temporary. 
 
 In 1775, it was enaftcd that when any of the colonies 
 fliould propofc according to their abilities to raife their due 
 proportion towards the common defence, fuch proportion to 
 be raifed under the authority of the alfembly of fuch prov- 
 ince and to be difpofable by parliament, and when fuch col- 
 ony (liould alfo engage to provide for the civil government 
 and the adminiflration of jiiftice within fuch province, it 
 fliould be proper if fuch a propofal ftiould be approved of 
 by his M.tjefty in parliament to forbear in rcfpecl to fuch 
 colony to levy any duties Or taxes or to impofe any further 
 duties or taxes except fuch as should be neceifary for the 
 regulation of trade. 
 
 While the colonics were fending the mod fpecious dec- 
 larations to the Britifh, and petitions to the king and parlia- 
 ment, praying for a repeal of thofe acts which they confid- 
 ered grievous; they were bufy preparing to carry the war 
 into Canada, and they did carry it there amidd their pro- 
 
 ^t 
 
 I'! 
 
 
 
02 
 
 iclTions ot loyalty. "Vlui rcpiiblicnn cant of profcflInG; one 
 tiling and doing another was b«;gnn Uy tlu I'c fu^cs, altliongh 
 they (lid not curry it fo far as the rulers of France. The 
 different l<inds of govcrnmcnis c(lablillK*d in the col- 
 onics, all of them leaning too much towards dTiiocracy, 
 left the mother country very little controul. In Miffachu- 
 fctts (lie hail little or none, for the governor only was ap- 
 pointed by the king, the council and aflcmblv vvcre chofen 
 by the people. It was the extreme inildnefs of th'j British 
 governmcet and the great liberty that was allowed them that 
 produced the revolution. Muny pcrfons joined the rebel- 
 lion from the purcft motives, but it m ly be very eafdy 
 proved that juftice was on the fide of Great Britain : She 
 made concclTions before the commencement of hodilities, 
 as faft as could be reafonably expcdlcd. 
 
 The remainder of this famotis paper blames the king for 
 ac'^lions done after the war was begun and is ridiculous be- 
 caufe they were themfelvcs after this period, more adtivc 
 than he. In eight claufes he is branded with a number of 
 crimes all incident to a ftate of war, Jf tfie war itfelf was 
 juft the profecution of it could not be criminal. On the 
 whole a critical examination of this paper is not much in 
 its favour and had it been analyzed more minutely the falfe- 
 hoods and mifreprefcntations which it contains would have 
 appeared ftill more grofs. It anfwered a party purpfe, in- 
 flamed the minds of the people, but to pofterity it can have 
 no charms. 
 
 NOTE X. p. 37. 
 On the Condu^ of the American fVar. 
 The plan adopted by the miniftry for conducing the 
 war was able and judicious. New York was to be the 
 chief feat of military operations and a communication kept 
 up between this city and the lakes. By this means the 
 fouthern and northern provinces would have been efFeftually 
 feparated and the Britifh commander would have had the 
 power of prefcribing the fcene of ailion and of quitting it 
 when he chofe. But lord N«»rth committed two capital 
 mistakes which produced the unfortunate ilfue of the war. 
 After coercive meafurcs were dttermined upon, he did not 
 fend one fixth of the force nccclfury and in the mean time 
 the colonifts were making every preparation and opprefling 
 the friends of government, who remained without protec- 
 tion, in the moft crvel manner. When a refpe£lable forc^ 
 
63 
 
 was at length fcnt ; it confifted chiefly of Germans, mca 
 who had no intcrcll in the event and whofc movements 
 were fo flow that they ruined every thing. But the great- 
 er hhindcr of the two was lord North's appointing generals 
 to the chief command in America who were againfl: him 
 in politics and who had publicly declared that this war was 
 unju(t. We mu(t indeed admire the principle upon which 
 he ad^i d as candid and generous, the noble lord fuppofal 
 that although in parliament they frequently voted againlt 
 him, yet as men o* honour they would do their duty at the 
 head of their armies. In this expedation his lord (hip was 
 grofsly mi(taken,and it is to be lamented that generals Howe 
 and Burgoyne did not fufFcr for their mifcondiuil:. We muft 
 obferve that lord North's lib'^rality in this inftance went 
 before his unfl:erflanding, for when he faid, it does not fol- 
 low that thefc men willdifgracc themfelvcs abroad, bccaufe 
 they may oppofe me at home, he reafoned crioneoully— 
 Nor was he judilicd in hoping that at the head of their 
 troops they would exert thofe talents which they were 
 known to polfefs and cruHi the rebellion. For if the no- 
 ble lord had conlidered the matter rightly, he would have 
 difcovcred that he was acting againit the moil direct moral 
 evidence. When men are fold to a party the probability is 
 that they will remain true to that party at all hazards. The 
 minifter thereJore ihould have employed oiHcers even aU 
 though their talents were infcriour who confidered Americans 
 in arms-the enemies of their country. It is notorious that 
 general Howe ridiculed the friends of government and gave 
 them no encouragement. The provincial regiments which 
 joined his army were treated with the greatell difrefpecl, in- 
 fomuch that their uniform became a badge of difgrace.— > 
 The confequence was that many defertcd and from being 
 our friends became our moft bitter foes. Thoufluids were 
 prevented from joining when they beheld the royal generals 
 rewarding their loyalty with infult. It was eafier to bear 
 the oppreflion of enemies than contempt and poverty wher« 
 they expe6tcd friendfhip and protection. It is but juftrcc 
 to general Burgoyne to fay that in this particular he a»:ted 
 much more honourably than general Howe, but Lord Dor- 
 chefter, then general Carleton, was the moft attentive to llie 
 American loyalifts and always treated them with tlic great- 
 eft benevolence and refpeft. After all we cannot help ad- 
 miring lord North's liberality in this particular, but le? n* 
 ftatefman again reduce it to pradicc. 
 
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64 
 
 NOTE XI. p. 37. • . 
 On the Prof fur ity of Great Britain . 
 Tub rapid incrcafe of the trade and commerce of Great 
 Brituin, fince the American revolution, has been truly afton- 
 ifhing, and fully juflifics the conclufion, that before that pe- 
 riod tne attention of government was too much confined to 
 the colonics. Since t'786» the exports and imports have more 
 than doubled. The internal improvements have proceeded 
 with ftill greater adlivity — roads, canals, docks, public build- 
 ings, increafc of towns, &c. It would be cafy to make this 
 note lung. I might mention that there is in value fix or fev- 
 en hundred millions of infurablc property in Great Britain 
 and Ireland ; that the very houfes are valued at more than 
 two himdred and feventy millions ; the merchant (hipping 
 at twenty-four millions, and the revenue excluiiveof loansat 
 fifty eight millions, &c. — but I forbear entering into details. 
 See an excellent fpeecli on this fubjedl by the Honourable 
 John Richardfon in i8o8> on committing a bill for eilablifh- 
 ing a bank in Lower Canada. 
 
 NOTE XII. p. 37. 
 On the Caufes of the French Revolution, 
 Th£ dreadful picture drawn by profelTor Robifon in his 
 book of mafonic confpiracies and by the Abbe Barreul of 
 the Vait influence of the philofophids, has always appeared 
 to me greatly exaggerated. The mafs of the people could 
 neither read nor write, and to fuch Voltaire and his aflbci- 
 ates wrote in vain. But though thele people could not read, 
 they could hear, and the foldiers who had ferved in the 
 American War did more on their return than all the philo- 
 fophifts together. Moreover ihe Americans had been pat- 
 ron! fed by the court : the public attention was turned to- 
 wards them I their declarations and motives were examined, 
 read by thofe who could read, and commented upon* It 
 Was popular with the court to defend their caufe and it foon 
 became popular with the nation. The literati never 
 had the power of commanding an attention fo general 
 as this, although they, nodoubt^ made ufe of it when it was 
 prefentid. But fUll the '^".aggerated defcription of the hap- 
 pinefs of America by voundtd foldier, and of the rights 
 and privileges of its '' .c inhabitants would make a much 
 more lively impedion than the moft finlflied harangue. — 
 The American was therefore the chief caufe of the French 
 revolution. Other caufes^ no doubt, concurred. The cor* 
 
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 fuption of the court ; the oppofition of the parliament \ 
 the mifecable (tatc of th« Hnances j the cofrMptiuo of juiUc^ 
 and of fcUgion. 
 
 The progrefs of th« Kfench levolution has been mod ex- 
 traordinary. In 17939 the French guillotined their lawful 
 king, Louis XVI. In iSc^, they raifed to the throne Bona- 
 parte. It is worth the while to examine the chara6):ers of 
 thefe two perfons, that we may be able to value the advanr 
 tages of the change. Louis XVI. poifelTed uncommon be- 
 nevolence an4 goodnefs of heart ; ample proofs remain of 
 bis love for his people, and his earned defire to promote their 
 happinefs ; no man ever (hoiie more in domeilic life, or ex- 
 celled in the qualities which adorn a private ftation. His 
 fentiments and directions which he addrelfed to the preceptor 
 of his Ton, refled on his head and heart immortal honour.— 
 Magnify (faid this amiable a¥>narch) in His eyes the virtues 
 which conflitute a good king, and let your lelTons be adapted 
 to his comprehenfion. Alas, he will become one day but too 
 ftrongly tempted to imitate fuch of his ancedors as weredif- 
 tinguiiaed only by their warlike exploits ; military glory 
 dizzies the brain ; and what fpecies of glory is that which 
 rolls its eye over ftreams of human blood, and defolates the 
 univerfe I Teaeh hitA wit'u Fenelon, that pacific princes a*, 
 lone are held by the people in religious remembrance. The 
 iirft duty of a prince is to render his people happy ; if he 
 knows what it is to be a king, he will always know how to 
 defend his people and his crown. 
 
 Teaqh him early to know how to pardon injuries, forget 
 injuftice and reward laudable a<Sions, to refpe<^ morality, to 
 be good, and to acknowledge the fervices which are rendered 
 him. The whole letter is in the fame ftrain, and conftitutes 
 the highed panegyric that can be pronounced on this amiabU 
 king. It muft however be confelTcd, that as a public char- 
 acter, he wanted firmnefs and conflancy, which difabled him 
 from witUftaoding the (lighteft menace. The difficulties 
 he >«ad to encounter were too ipuch, and he funk in the con- 
 flict. Yet the French will, one day, recal to remembrance 
 the wrongs they have done him, and they will curfe the bar- 
 barity of the villains who durft imbrue their facrilegious 
 hands in the blood of fo good a prince. The prcfent empe- 
 rour of France, the favourite and ele£t of the people, forms 
 a comiplete contraft to the prince whom they murdered.— 
 Louis XVI. was pui to death for his virtues, and Bonaparte 
 jraifcd to the purple for his crI.Tie.s, This emperor was firii 
 
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 i« 
 
 ,65 
 
 a Iteutcrianf of drtiltefy, then one of the fpies of the police i 
 he was made a general for marrying the caft-ofF miftrefs of 
 his patron ; poiionod his fick foldiers in Egypt ; murdered 
 his prifoners ; perjured himfelf in nuinberltfs inftances ; 
 fubverted the conftitution he had fwcrn to maintain ; maiTa- 
 cred Capt> Wright, the Due Enghein, Touffai'nt, Pichcgru, 
 Vilieneuve, and in hne, what dreadful crimes hath not this 
 man committed ? He is the betrayer ef nations, and the 
 fcourge of the human race In one thing he i&.s according 
 to retributive juftice \ he governs the French people with a 
 rod ot iron. Under his lafh of fcorpions, they will learn to 
 •value the peaceful monarch whom they have loft. As a pub- 
 lic charaaer, he poflefles abilities ; but they are the abilities 
 of a demon, always employed in promoting evil. 
 
 NOTE XIH. p. 37. 
 So much has been written Goncerning the fmpreflmcnt of 
 £riti(h feamen from the (hips of neutrals, by perfons more 
 competent to the task, that 1 (hall content myfelf with mak-^ 
 ing a very few general ubfervations upon this important fub- 
 je£t. When tl is qiieHion is urgued upon the princi'* 
 pies of the laws of nations, the difputants can find no pre- 
 cedents, and therefore each party draws infeiences fromjef- 
 tabli(hed rules, .rhich the other is unwilling to admit. It is 
 therefore no wonder that by this mode of difcufliion the quef- 
 tioD becomes more perplexed and obfcure. What is com- 
 monly terroer) tl.c law of nations is an imperte£t coUe£lio« 
 ofeftabliflitd ' faees, which contemplate a very few particu- 
 lars, and which from their very natDre muft be always mul- 
 tiplying. The mod perfect code of luws fails to comprehend 
 every cafe, clfe there would be no necedity for the enadlment 
 of new regulations every year. Yet if it (hould be thought 
 nece(rary to defend the condu£l of the Britifh upon th/s 
 ground, it might be done with fuccefs. The law of nations 
 exprefsly condemns fending arms or military (lores by way 
 of merchandize to either of the dates at war, as a breach of 
 neutrality, and even common provifionsintoa place bcfieged; 
 how much more detrimental is it to one ot the belligerent 
 powers to be deprived of her fubje£ls, and thofe the very 
 pcrfuris who muft defend her : What is the ufe of (hips ef 
 war without Tailors to man them, and where (hall failors be 
 found if a neutral ftate encourages them to defert. The 
 B lit iih require only their own men. They have uniformly 
 difch.jrged all foreigners when demanded, and (hall they be 
 
67 
 
 cleprived of thofe who alone are able to defend them by a na* 
 tion who pretends fricndihip ? But as it c innot be denied 
 that much vexation and inconvenience are fnffered by Amer- 
 ica from the right of fearch exercifed by the Britifli naval of* 
 ficers, and that the pradlice is not fo beneficial to Great Brit- 
 ain herfelf as might befuppofed, fome arrangemunt of an 
 amicable nature might be agreed on, without diiidvantage to 
 cither party. And the United States ougtit to be the more 
 ready to enter into fuch an arrangemtnt, becaufe the quef- 
 <ion ilHies in a great degree otit ot a policy adopted by them 
 very different from that ufual among European nations. 
 
 Several ftates of Europe, anxious to extejid their com- 
 merce, and to render thatxommerce as independent as poiTi- 
 ble, have eflablifhed navigation atSis, by which a certain prou 
 portion oi the crews of all their merchant ihips muft be 
 natives. Foreigners, in confcquence of this regulation, have 
 rather been difcouraged than invited ; and when war happens 
 between Britain and any of her neighbours, the fmall num- 
 ber of her failors to be found in the fervice of a neutral na- 
 tion hardly m^-rifs attention. Befides the difference of man* 
 ners and languages, the fmall wages and coarfe provifions 
 given by the coniinc ntal powers of Europe to their Teamen, 
 effedually prevent Britifn fizUors from leaving their ow4i 
 country. 
 
 All thefe checks are removed v\ refpe£l to the United 
 States ; the wages are greater t»>an the Britifh merchant cari 
 well afford, the provifions equally good, and the manners and 
 language nearly the fame ; and inuead of any preference be- 
 ing given to natives, the preference will often be given to 
 the Britifli failor from iiis greater experience. The general 
 policy of America feemsto be to detain her own citizens at 
 home, and to navigate her (hips chiefly by foreigners. Thi$ 
 policy however proceeds not from any fuperiour wifdom in 
 her government, but from her fituation. The melancholy 
 wars which have agitated Europe, have increafed her trade 
 in a mofl aftonifliing degree ; and although the natural in- 
 creafe of her population has been prodigious, it was next to 
 impoffible for her to meet the Remands of her increafing 
 trade by an adequate fupply or native Teamen. Now aj} 
 great numbers of Britifli failors have been employed in the 
 ships of the United States during the laft and the preTent war, 
 after they had been publicly recalled for the dcfehce of their 
 native country ; it would have Turely been proper for the 
 .^erican governoient, yrhen it propofed to Great Britain, tc» 
 
 .' r 
 
 
 ill 
 
 ..|: 
 
68 
 
 '^5 
 
 ■''■■..-v.: 
 
 y. K 
 
 reHnquilh the right of fearch, to accompany this novel prop- 
 olition with fuch aTrangcments as would make >»-' no loicr 
 by its fufpenfion or relinquishment. That American mer- 
 chant vcir'ils should be an afylum for British failors at all 
 times, even when their own country is in the utmoft danger 
 ftnd no nr.eans of redrefs offered, is a demand in itfelf foex- 
 ',*eedingly unjuft, and carries in its appearance fo much of 
 ^oftility and perverfenefs, as cannot fail to ftrike moil forci- 
 bly every.perfon of discernment. The language of America 
 •to Great Britain ought to have been very cotRiliating upon 
 t^ \ fubjeft, The difTiculty of always diltinguishing indi- 
 viduals should have be«'f) frankly acknowledged, and the 
 THoft folemn afliiranccs (liouKl have been given that every 
 "Bi'itifh feaman would be promptly given up on application to 
 the neccflary authority, and that laws for this purpofe Ihould 
 1)e exprefsly enabled. An arrangement on thi'i fubjefl is at- 
 tended, I am fenfible, with great difficulty ; but had it been 
 imdertaken in the fpirit of amity, it might have been adjufted 
 in a manner agretable to both nations. And furely America 
 •ought to have been very delicate in requiring a favourable 
 decifion of a queilion tnatcan hardly arife between any two 
 •nations except the Britiih and their children. Yet fo little 
 'has this contefted point beendifcuiled in the fpirit of liberaU 
 ity, that the American government demands it as a right 
 that Britifh failors (hall not be taken from their private 
 ihips, and they aflfert that it is their due from the eftabli shed 
 laws of nations. To found a claim upon laws in which it 
 Was never. contemplated, and which are completely againft 
 it in as far as they can be applied, is not very judicious and 
 convincing, and herefore on this ground Great Britain ver.y 
 properly refufes itsadmiflion. 
 
 After all, I do not think this queftion a fufficient caufc of 
 hoftility ; it is not yef too late to enter into an amicable ar- 
 rangement ; and as it ran only be a matter of difputc in 
 time of war, this should render the negociators the more dif- 
 pofed to come to a fettlement. I am aware that partial in- 
 terefts enter too much into modern politics, and that in mak- 
 ing treaties exclufive commercial advantages are more fought 
 «fter than the folid benefits which refult from a more liberal 
 policy. But if there ever was a time for tvi^o nations inti- 
 , mately connected with each other, to lay afide their jealouf- 
 ies, it is now, when a tyrant has appeared with immenfe 
 power, who is eflentially the enemy of both. Thofe who 
 arc acquainted with the proftitutiun of American protections, 
 
 ^m-' 
 
inn- 
 alouf- 
 menfe 
 
 who 
 Uons, 
 
 and how cheaply ihey may he obtained, will fee with roe the 
 neceflity of new regulations in this particular, as the begin- 
 ning of an amicable arrangement, tor it has lo»ig been noto- 
 rious that thefe protections are procured in the moll nefari- 
 ous manner. Not that the general government of the Uni- 
 ted' States can always be blamed for the improper condud of 
 its officers ; but certainly it behoves that government to rem- 
 edy the evil by a ftritElcr enquiry into the pretenfions of thofc 
 who demand protedlion, and never to grant them without 
 the rlearcfl proof that the claimants are native Americans. — 
 It this were done as a previous ftep to all arrangements on 
 the fiibjeCl of fearch, it would evince a dtfire on the fide of 
 the American government to meet the British halfway, and 
 that they bad no wish to detain our fcamen, but only to ef- 
 cape the vexation of a fearch. After taking this preliminary 
 ftep, they might adopt other regulations, which by fecuring 
 licr mariners to Great Britain, might induce her to concede 
 the point in difjMiie. This might be done, 
 ill. By a navigation a£l ; 
 
 2. By fubjedling thofe who employ British feamen to a 
 heavy penalty, when Great Britain is at war ; 
 
 3. By readily giving up I'uch feamen as shall ftill be 
 difcovered, on proper evidence being given that they arc 
 British fubje£ls. '- 
 
 If a general navigation a6l should be thought difadvanta- 
 geous to fuch a new country as the United States, as might 
 be cafily proved, the other modes ftriflly executed would be 
 fufficient \ and what prevents thefe and fimilar or better reg- 
 ulations from being adopted, but want of cordiality in the 
 adminiftration of the United States? Thofe who have read 
 -'Mr. Munroe's able defence of himfelf for figning the treaty 
 with Great Britain, will find that an informal arrangement 
 rcfpeCling the impreilment of feamen, was at the fanio time 
 concluded, although there was no article refpe6ling it in the 
 treaty itfelf ; how the American government rejtftcd that ar- 
 rangement is not eafy to explain — certainly the Britisa min- 
 iftry made a very liheril concefiion. I am afraid that a want 
 of fincerity will bfc difcovered on the part of th:: American 
 government in regard to that treaty, of which neither theirown 
 ambaffadours nor the British minillry were aware. Tiii-y 
 feem to have had no dcfire to fettle any thing finally, but to 
 remain on. the watch, ready to ^ixtort concefTjons from Great 
 Britain at every favourable moment ; tiiat is, when she ap- 
 peared unfuccefsful, or hard prcflcd in the conteft in which 
 
76 
 
 Kh«i i§ engaged. This is a short- figh ted policy, and is fure 
 to engender hatred inftead of friendship. No treaty can be 
 folid uiilefs both parties are cnually pleafed with the ftipu- 
 lations. Wken one takes ajvantase of another to extort 
 conditions, thefe conditions will be violated as foon as oppor- 
 tunity fervcs. The page of hiftory exhibits no caufe of war 
 fo abfurd, as that whicn is likely to produce a rupture he~ 
 tween American and Great Britain. 
 
 Nations commonly quarrel on account of injuries done 
 to their own fubiedls, and not for the prote£lion of deferters, 
 or to fay the be(f, dcfpicable wretches, who have the mean- 
 nefs to leave their country in a crifis of extraordinary peril. 
 Let the American psople only confider the matter fcrionfil; ; 
 fuppofe they have ten thoufand British fcamen in their em- 
 ploy, the detention of whom produces a war — is it not evi- 
 dent that in a few months a zreater number than this of their 
 own citizens may fall in the conteft ? Setting afide then 
 the havoc that will be made of their towns, the vaft expenfes 
 that they will incur, the lofs of lives will be infinitely more 
 >. diftrefling, than all the advantage they can poflibly deriv<; 
 
 from detaining the mariners of their enemy. Add to this, 
 that British feamen would be dangerous to them in cafe of 
 war. Few men can fo far divert themfelves of their am»r 
 patria as not to have fome leaning towards the place of their 
 birth, where their friends and thofe they love lUll remain ; 
 they might therefore do their protcdlors ferious injury at 
 the moft critical moment. How much better to give up 
 thefe feamen— will it be faid by the Americans, we care lit- 
 tle for the men, but we muft refift the fearch : it may be 
 anfwered, that the fearch would be very rare, were it cer- 
 tain that no British feamen could be found, ^luch may be 
 loft and nothing gained by detainirig thefe feamen ; and the 
 more the fubjeft is confidered, the more shall we be convin^ 
 cedof the propriety of a liberal and fpeedy arrangement.-— 
 The abfencc of foreigners would make no fenfible diminution 
 in the extent of American commerce, and the fource of con- 
 tention between Great Britain and the United States would 
 be laid alleep. 
 
 NOTE XIV. p. 36. 
 I HA VI been frequently annoyed by an obfcrvatlon, 
 which feems to gain ground with perfons of fenfe and dif- 
 cernmcnt, but which I conceive to be totally without found- 
 ation, that till Great Britain f^ll, America Is fecure. \n 
 
 iiith< 
 
 efted 
 
 which 
 
 fcene 
 
 mer 
 
 ^nd It 
 
 oppre 
 
fure 
 n be 
 :ipu- 
 jctort 
 )por- 
 : war 
 e bc- 
 
 done 
 
 rtersy 
 
 nean- 
 
 periJ. 
 
 wiij i 
 
 ir cm- 
 
 )t evi- 
 
 f their 
 
 e then 
 
 penfes 
 more 
 detivQ 
 
 to thisy 
 
 cafe of 
 
 r am9r 
 
 )f their 
 main ; 
 ury at 
 ive up 
 are lit- 
 nay be 
 it cer- 
 may be 
 and the 
 onvin-' 
 ent.-— 
 inution 
 |of con- 
 wquM 
 
 vatlon, 
 nd dif- 
 found- 
 
 re. In 
 
 
 this aflcrtion it is taken for granted, that the indepcnJendc 
 of the United States wiH furvive that of Great Britain^ 
 Kow I am of a very difFcfent opinion, for I think it may be 
 eafily proved, that the liberty of our mother country is plac- 
 ed on a much firmer bafis than that of the American States, 
 and that a continuation of the fame ruinous policy adopted 
 by Mr. JefFerfon, will in four years more deftroy their con- 
 ftitution. I begin with aiTerting that Great Britain is in no 
 danger from the prefent war ; the time of invading her 
 with any profpeft of fuccefs is part. Every perfon knows, 
 that the inhabitants of the British empire are foldiers to 
 a man ; that the regular army is numerous and well difci- 
 ftlined, and what is an hoft in itfelf, the nation is convinced 
 of the necciTity of the war. Had the French effeded a land- 
 ing before the volunteer fyftem attained its perfection, they 
 might have done much mifchief ; but even then they mufl 
 have failed in their obje£l— Buonaparte would not find it 
 fuch an eafy matter to bribe men ot influence in England, 
 as he has done on the continent of Europe. The British no- 
 bility, certainly the moft deferving in the world, have not 
 yet teamed to barter their honour for gold ; nor does the army 
 and navy contain a fingle officer capable ofdeferting the 
 caufe which he has fworn to defend. In comparing Great 
 Britain with France, people are apt to be ftruck with the 
 great conquefts of the latter, and her numerous arnies ; they 
 look at her trampling upon the liberties of all Europe, and 
 they tremble for England >vithout a friend ; but they should 
 remember that if France be ftrong on land. Great Britain 
 is equally fo at fea ; and that her navy is more likely to 
 maintain its fuperiority than the armies of her enemy. The 
 more that Buonaparte extends his dominions, the weaker he 
 becomes, unlefs we are to fuppofe that the nations he de- 
 prives of their independence, and ruins by hi& exactions, be- 
 come more attached to his perfon and government. It h 
 contrary to rational logic to infer, that becaufe the French 
 have overrun the neighbouring nations, tney will be able to 
 keep them long in fubje6lion. Their fuCcefs has been owing 
 hitherto more to their policy than their power, to the inter- 
 efted views and irrefolute conduA of the governments over 
 ■which they have triumphed ; but more efpecially to that 
 fcene of corruption and treachery, never equalled in any for- 
 mer age, which made their conquefts in Germany, PruHia 
 ^nd Italy very eafy, Thcfe things will change ; repeated 
 opprelfions will rou-fe meri of f}.urit and virtue to vindicate 
 
 11 
 

 ihe caufe of their country. How much ihefc may efFc»^ ap« 
 pears from the example of the inhabitants of Soain. How 
 infignifrcant the French would be, had the people a few men 
 of condu6l and abilliics to diredl their juft indignation.-* 
 Such men will appear ; the prcfcnt torpour that pervades tha 
 conquered nations will not alvvays continue. The French 
 empire therefore, in appearance (Irong, is in reality weak ; 
 the prefent ruler may, by his fingular talents, hold the dif- 
 cordant parts a little longer togetiier ; he may be able to 
 prcferve it during his life, becaufe he has no rcg^ard to any 
 right human or divine, when tlicy fecm to (land in the way 
 of his views ; but at his death the whole fabric will crumble. 
 On the other hand, Great Britain depends not on the life of 
 any individual ; her power is deep rooted, and has been 
 growing for feveral centuries. With a conftitution well de « 
 fined, and fubjcdls willing to obey, (he governs entirely by 
 the laws, unacquainted with the violence pradifed by her 
 adverfary. She calls upon her people to arm, not to gratify 
 her ambition, or a foolish pallion for empty glory, but to pro- 
 tedf the dearell rights that men can enjoy ; to fecurc their 
 freedom and independence. We ire indeed told by many 
 well meaning perfons, that she i i fall becaufe her power 
 depends 'jpon commerce ; and to confirm this pofition they 
 eite all tiie commercial nations of antiquity. It would lead 
 me too far from my prefent purpofe to enter minutely into 
 the queftion, whether a nation be more independent that 
 refts upon commerce or upon agriculture, though the refult 
 of fuch a difcullion, " hen carefully made, would end much 
 more in favour of commerce than is apprehended ; but in 
 fpeakingof Great Britain, it is not necclfary to examine this 
 cjueftion, bt caufe she is not a commercial nation in the fame 
 fenfe with. the (tatcs of Holland in modern time, or Tyre 
 and Carthage in ancient. Her commerce refts upon an ag- 
 ricultural bafis ; she unites the advantages of both ; her 
 lands arc the bei> cultivated in Europe, and fhe carries on the 
 moft extenfive trade. In her hands commerce and agricul- 
 ture mutually aftift one anotjicr ^ they contribute all their 
 advantages and few of their evils. If the enemy therefore 
 Ihould fucceed in curtailing her commerce, (he is not van- 
 quished, and he weakens himfelt in the attempt much more 
 than he does her. I might proceed to mention feveral other 
 advantages which Gieat Britain poflelfes over her adverfary, 
 and the many difficulties which a new and oppreffivc govern- 
 ment like that of France has to encounter i but I proceed 
 
73 
 
 \ovf 
 
 men 
 
 n.— • 
 
 stha 
 
 cnch 
 
 rak i 
 dif- 
 
 le to 
 
 ) any 
 
 i way 
 
 mble. 
 
 life of 
 
 s been 
 
 ell cle - 
 
 :ly by 
 
 )y her 
 
 gratify 
 
 to pro- 
 
 ; their 
 many 
 
 power 
 
 pn they 
 
 lid lead 
 ly into 
 nt that 
 refult 
 much 
 but in 
 ne this 
 e fame 
 r Tyre 
 an ng- 
 Ih i her 
 on the 
 gricul- 
 11 their 
 crefore 
 »ot van- 
 ;h more 
 ral other 
 Ivcrfary, 
 govern- 
 proceed 
 
 to shew that America is in much greater danger than Great 
 Britain. 
 
 It was neceflary to prove that Great Britain ftood at Icaft: 
 on as firm ground as France previous to our illuitration of 
 the danger of America. 
 
 The danger of America, though uniform in its nature, 
 will be more immediately connc6ted with the flute of things 
 in Europe. 
 
 ift. It may arife from the continuance of the pfff nr war. 
 
 2. From a peace takingplace among the belligerent powers; 
 
 3. From a new fyflem of things arifing on the continent, 
 of which there is a great probability. 
 
 4. From the humiliation of England, which God avert. 
 It ought to be premifed, that I argue upon the prefump- 
 
 tion that the fame fyflem will be continued in America 
 "which has dire£ted her government for thefe eight years part, 
 1 fhall not fpeak at prcfent of the weaknefs of t'.ie general 
 government, theiarring intereftsof the different flates, nor 
 the two fa£lions m which the inhabitants appear to be divi> 
 ded. But I do not omit them as unimportant, on the con- 
 trary they will increafe the danger of the country and accel- 
 erate its ilTuc. The pofition ot America in refpedl to the 
 powers at war is at prefent mofl perplexing — they are nei- 
 ther the friends of France nor of England and juflly fufpedl- 
 cd by both. As the French have domineered over the con- 
 tinent of Europe, and deprived the Britilh of many commer- 
 cial advantages, the latter will look around for new friends 
 in more happy climates, to replace thofe they have lofl. It 
 would have been natural for them to have looked to the U- 
 nited States, inhabited by their children, but there they have 
 been repulfed ; they find among them the fame oppofition 
 that they have met with in Europe, with lefs fairnefs ; in- 
 deed they are deprived of their leamen, the very llncws of 
 War, by forged prote£lions and bafe coUuflons, and their 
 (laple articles of trade refufed admittance with more feverity 
 than they are from the ports of open enemies. It is not 
 therefore in the States that they mufl open new fources of 
 trade> They find nothing but enmity, where they might 
 have expe£ted friendihip. ' The confequence of this is evi- 
 dent. Great Britain will find it her interefl to nourifh rivals 
 in trade to the States ; for this purpofe fhe will cheriOi the 
 
 tovernment of the Brazils by every method she can dcvife. 
 he willafTifl the. States of Spanish America to throw off 
 their allegiance to their mother country, fhould it be con- 
 
 ^, . 
 
 M''; 
 
r^. 
 
 % 
 
 74 
 
 WKtmnti 
 
 qucrcd. Thefc immenro countries wrll leave her little iff 
 regret for the lofs of the trade to the United State , and all 
 this may be accomplifhcd in a Very short ti-me, even before 
 the repeal of the intcrdiding laws, if they be continued till 
 the caufes which arc faid to have given rife to theih arc done 
 away. Great Britain will alfo, in all probability, acknow. 
 ledge the independence of St. Elomingo, and fopply hcrfelf 
 "Vvith the cotton from that island and the Brazils, which she 
 "Was wont to take trom the fouthern States. Moreover the 
 policy of America docs more to ruin her trade than France 
 and England together : it will be found that the repeal of 
 her rc(tridive laws will not renew her trade to the fame ex- 
 tent. The British Planters difcovering, by fad experience^ 
 
 ^ the ruinous confcqucnce of depending upon America for prow 
 vifions, will in future fet apart more ground to raffc them, 
 and the American merchant will in vain offer his flour and 
 jpork for fale, after tlie inhabitants of the islands have learn« 
 cd to do without them, or to be fatished with what they can 
 procure from the Batish provinces, Brazil, and the Span* 
 Ish main. 
 
 The confequericc of thefe checks upon trade will exafpc- 
 rate the people of the United States againft their rules, for 
 reducing fiem by t' eir erroneous meafures into fuch a di- 
 lemma, when the remedy is not to be procured. The coun- 
 try willbe filled with difcontentidifcontent breeds fadion, and 
 the realm will dwindle into feperate governments, which 
 ■will be the more bitter enemies that they wereotice friends. 
 II. Should a peace take place among the belligerent pow-t 
 
 * erSf the danger of America will incrcafc. Ii is evident that 
 during the ftruggles that have agitated the old continent, 
 thia infant nation has paid no regard to any thing but its own 
 Intereft ; its policy has ever been to derive advantage fromi 
 \he quarrels of Europe, without mudh regard to juitlce or 
 tionour. That fuch has been the cafe even In regard to 
 France, appears from the St. Domingo trade, fo long per-^ 
 lifted in after the rebellion of that Idand againft the mother 
 country. But although individuals rtiay have given caufe 
 of offence to France, we muft confefs that the administra^ 
 tion has been fufticiently compliant. The Mandates of 
 Bonaparte have been obeyed implicitly by the prefent rulers 
 ef America ; they have indeed found it neceflary to qualify 
 and foften their mode of expreflion, but the Spirit has ftill 
 teen retained. It always happens, however, that when a na'- 
 tion lofes fight of its independence and ceases to at^ on equal 
 
 i-i- 
 
ittlc t^ 
 and all 
 
 before 
 lied till 
 re done 
 :know- 
 
 hcrfclf 
 ich she 
 ver the 
 France 
 peal of 
 me CJE-. 
 irience^ 
 for pro J 
 : thenn, 
 our and 
 e learn* 
 ley can 
 e Span* 
 
 exafpc- 
 iks, for 
 h a di- 
 |e coun- 
 ion,and 
 which 
 'riends, 
 nt pow-» 
 ont that 
 ntinent, 
 its own 
 ge from 
 it ice or 
 gard to 
 ng per-- 
 mother 
 caufe 
 inistra^ 
 dates of 
 rt rulers 
 qualify 
 has ftill 
 en a na- 
 
 n 
 
 _75 ■ ; ' 
 
 terms, when It appears afraid to infii'l upon its jiift rights, 
 and cliufes rather to give up thofe that appear tridiiig than 
 to contend, it is foon ladc to yield all its rights, or fight af- 
 ter its fpirlt is debafcd. This happened with America — the 
 more she yields, the more is demanded. Does she concede 
 one point Jo France, another kept in refervt is immediately 
 brought forward. The conqucrour of Europe will quarrel 
 with America, bccaufu she will not go all the length that ho 
 wishes her. She has trampled upon her own constitution, 
 in order to pleafe him ; but becaufo she has not declared 
 war againfl Great Britain, a mcafurc which her ruler 
 durft not hazard, this defpot is offended and iufults, her en- 
 voy. To be kicked and buffeted about even to give him 
 money for lands of an indefinite or purpofcly of an ambigu- 
 ous extent, or to give him money without even a shadow of 
 an equivalent, were rifks which the prelbnt administration 
 were prepared to go, and which they ha?c afl'umed— but this 
 is not enough. Buonaparte demands them to declare war 
 againfl England ; ihev hefitate, he confiscates their goods ; 
 the non importation law, the Embargo jtfclf is not enough, 
 they mufl declare openly ; they mufl obey his fiat without a 
 murmur or qualification, and as they have not done this, 
 deflruftion awaits them. That France would willingly 
 contribute to the downfall of America, cannot admit of 
 any doubt ; it would be even good policy in her to erteck this 
 growing republic, to prevent a navy from being formed, or 
 a more vigorous general government : it vvould be good po- 
 licy in her to aflilt in difmembering ftates which, united, 
 might check her conquefts and give valuable aid to her ene- 
 mies. But as each ot the particulars from which the dan- 
 ger of America arifes, would fupply ipaterials for a long 
 note, I muil be short. 
 
 What motives can Great Britain have for treating A- 
 merica with more lenity than France ? to the latter she has 
 been compliant without acquiring her friendship, to the for- 
 mer she has been a fnake in the grafs j ever complaining, 
 never fuisficd. J n (lead of adopting a fincere fpirit of 
 conciliation, she has beei> at all times taking advantage 
 pf her diftreffes, to make new demands ; she has refufed 
 redrefs for an infult, though offered on the faireft grounds ; 
 she has shut her ports to British manufaftures ; she has 
 endavoured to flarve her remaining colonies, and she has 
 in demanding an alteration of the maritime law, virtual- 
 ly joined herfelf ■ with the enemies of the British empi#e. 
 
 .^^ 
 
 
h 
 
 >■■ 
 
 76 
 
 IIP' 
 
 S^e has even gone th*; length of rejedJng a tr aty, ad- 
 vantagcouik to herfelf, that she might be ready to catch at 
 every advantage, and to come in for a share of the fpoil 
 
 ^^ on her iu bj;igation. Great Britain, after fuch a long 
 train ot hoftile meafures, cannot have any ftrong motives 
 to guarantee her independence. She can have no reafons 
 fn.'ficiently cogent as to rifk a renewal of the war with 
 France, should the defj^^ot wish to chaftife America ; on the 
 contrary it will be ai much the intereft of Britain as of 
 France, to difmeniber the government; becaufe this will 
 render it impollible, in any future war, for a general 
 embargo or non importation law to be ena(^ed. More- 
 over Great Britain will have other refources and her 
 Weft India iflands will no longer depend upon fupplies 
 from the United States. A peace between France and 
 England, alter America had put an end to all friendly relations 
 with the latter, would therefore be the prelude of her deftruc- 
 tion. She would have nothing to depend upon but the 
 moderation and juftice of Buonaparte, virtues of which his 
 conquells of Switzerland and Spain are terrible examples. 
 III. From a new fyftem of things arifingon the continent. 
 Any change on the continent of Europe muft now be for the 
 advantage tf Great Britain, and that fome very important 
 ch; nr^^smuft foon happen, is I think demonftrable. In that 
 caf (jreat Britain will finish her European conteft with hon- 
 our, or it will require lefs vigilance. She will therefore 
 have more leifure to attend to her relations with Anerica, 
 ^nd difcovering that she has been infulted, she may think it 
 requifite to revenge her injuries ; nor will she be prevented 
 \)y any European ftate — Spain is irritated againft the United 
 States, France is jealous of their growing power. And let 
 
 - no one fuppofe that becaufe Great Britain was unfuccefsful 
 in the revolutionary war, that she muft ftill be (o. Her 
 plans would be very different, ftie would never ieek for v.vii- 
 queft ; she would ruin American commerce, ara prevent 
 even a fishing-boa^ from plying along the coaft. In fine, it 
 would appear that America had made herfelf many enomie^ 
 but »io friends, many who defire to fee her humbled> and 
 who look upon her profperity with ai.^ evil eye. 
 
 ' V NOTE XV. p. 36. 
 'On the jlm^rican Government. 
 ' The people art always in a ferment about elc<3:ions ; they 
 have reprefefttativej?, hni the period for which thev ^tv eie^- 
 
 cc 
 
 ih 
 
 ra 
 
 crj 
 
 <ie 
 
 a s 
 
 th( 
 
 thi 
 
 the 
 
 the! 
 
 V 
 
77 
 
 ;rica, 
 ik it 
 !nted 
 Inited 
 id let 
 ifsful 
 Her 
 
 ivent 
 
 le, it 
 Imiej; 
 and 
 
 I they 
 
 cd is \o short, that you m^y reckon many of the ftatcs, ind 
 the whole combined, one short removal from a pure democ- 
 racy. Now any perfon, who has examined this form of gov- 
 ernment, will find that the tyranny exercifed by the pe )ple, 
 deoafe and corrupt as much as the fword of the defpot. Irl 
 a short tiniie morals, religion am' juitice are gone, ;\nd neither 
 the fpirit, nor even the defire of liberty is found. Can any 
 thing elfe be expelled, when the government is direAed by 
 the paflions of the peopl , and the vices and ambition of 
 their demagogues. And thcfe men, by keeping up empty 
 forms and empty names, will rivet their chains upon 
 the people, before they are aware. Shall I be told thit cor- 
 ruption may be reftrained by wife, upright and religious 
 magiftraies, to be chofen by the people : very fine— .thefe 
 qualifications arc inimical to their , promotion ; the people do 
 not like moral principles, religious profellions, &c. The 
 mob, or as Spencer fays, the blatant beaft, will gather round 
 a leader who will flatter its appetites, and not one who de- 
 fires to keep it within bounds. 
 
 Him in a narrow place he overtooke, 
 And fierce alTailing forft him tui nc agalne ; 
 Sternly he turn'd again, when he him l>ro(*kf 
 With Jiis (haipe iteele, :ind ran at him amaine 
 With open mouth, tliat leemcd to containe 
 A full good pecke within the utmoll brim, 
 V ' All fct with yion teeth in raengcs tw.iine, 
 That tcrrifide his foes, and armed hir.-i 
 I; Appealing like the mouth of Orcus gri«fly c^rim. 
 
 . • And therein were a thouiand tongues empight 
 Of fundry kindes and fundry quality ; 
 Some were of dogs, that harkca day and rught, 
 .ij ' And fome of cats, that wrawling Hill did ciy, 
 ;" And (bme of bcares, that grr yn d continually, 
 ^nd (bme of tygrcs, diat did feen-.e to gven. 
 And fhar at all that ever pafled iiy ; 
 P"t moft of them were tongues of morial men, 
 , iiich fpakc reproachfuJIy, not caring 'vhere nor whe«. 
 
 And them amongft were mi.iglc^d here and there 
 
 The tongues of ferpents widi ihree-forked flings. 
 
 That fpat out poyfon and gore, bloody gore, -, 
 
 At all tliat came within his ravenings, 
 
 And I'pake licentious words ai^d hatefull things 
 
 Of ^ood and bad alike, of low and hie ; 
 
 Ne kefars fpared he a whit nor kiugs. 
 
 But eidier blotted them with infamee. 
 
 Or bit them \yith his baneful! teedi of iniitry. • , . 
 
 ' ^pen. Fairy ^^ucerty bonk ^fXBitto si. 
 
ft' 
 1 
 
 This beaft will obey his keeper who pleafcs him wjth 
 fops and flrokes his back and fight, rob, murder, burn and 
 (leal in his caufe. That there are many good hiws and rcg- 
 uUtions in the IJjiited States will not be denitd, but of what 
 •ufe are laws if not properly admjinilterecjl ? To the men who 
 rule the ftates at pfefcnt, the following paiFage from lylr. 
 Fox's hiftory may be very properly applied. 
 
 ** The reign of Charles the Second forms pne of the mod 
 '* fingular, as well as of the moft important periods of hiftp. 
 ** ry. It is the era of good laws and bad goverument. The 
 ** abolition of the court of waids, the repeal of the writ de 
 ** herctico comburendo, the triennial parliament bill, the ef- 
 <* tablishment of the rights of the houfe of commons in re- 
 '* gard to impeachment, the expiration of the licenfe a£t, 
 <* and above all, the glorious ftatute of habeas corpus, have 
 ** therefore induced a modern writer of great eminence to fix 
 ** the year 1679 as the period at which our conftitution had 
 *' arrived at itsgreateft theoretical perfedion, but he owns 
 •* in a short note on the pallage alluded to, that the times im- 
 ** mediately following, were times of great practical oppref- 
 ** fion. What a field for meditation does this short obfcrva- 
 ** tion from fuch a man, furnish ! What rcfle*Slions does it, 
 •* not fuggefl to a thinking mind, upon the inefRcacy of hu- 
 ** man laws and the imperfection of human conftitutions ! 
 ** We are called from the contemplation of the progrefs of 
 ** our conftitution, and our attention is fixed with the moft 
 ** minute accuracy to a particular point, when it is faid to 
 ** have rifen to its utmoft perfe£lion. Here we are then at 
 ** the bcft moment of the beft conftitution that human wif- 
 ** dom ever framed. What follows ? A time of opprefllon 
 *' and mifery, not arifing from external caufes, fu<:h as w?*-, 
 ** peftilence or famine, nor even from any fuch alteration of 
 ** the laws as might be fuppofed to impair this boa lied per- 
 ** fe£tion, but from a corrupt and wicked adminiltration, 
 '* which all the fo much admired check? of our conftitution 
 *^ were not able to prevent. How vain then, how idle, how 
 " preii.rnptiious is the opinion that lawscan do every thing | 
 '* and huw weak and pernicious the maxim founded upon it^ 
 *' that rciafurss, not men, are to be attended to." 
 
 NOTE XVI. p. 36. -' 
 
 O/,' Baring's pamphlet and neutral right i, 
 Tkose who have written againitthe navigation Jaws, and 
 arg'iect' for tfeeir rcUxatioii, proceed upon the principle qi 
 
 ^--. 
 
ipon It, 
 
 11 
 
 
 fcoW calculation, and give nothing to national honour or de- 
 fence. If trade be every thing, and national honour noth- 
 ing, then their arguments may be admitted. But thefe re- 
 laxations are always fure of protra£ling the War, and are the 
 continual caule of embarrafTments. The pamphlet publish- 
 fcd by Mr. Baring has obtained a degree of celebrity which 
 i have no power to diminish, but the imprelfion that the 
 perufal of it left upon my mind, was the fame a$ that which 
 ive feel in reading that the Dutch fuppMcd Louis XIV. with 
 tnilitary and naval ftores^ becaufe the prices he paid yielded^ 
 enormous profits, although they were employed in conquer- 
 ing and enflaving their country. In regard to the orders iiv 
 council, 1 had doubts as to their expediency, but thefe doubts 
 are shewn tc have been ill founded by the recent accounts 
 from the enemy j indeed men of all political parlies now 
 ddmit, that they have effected the end propofed. In con- 
 demning the orders in council, Mr. Baring takes a much wi- 
 der field, and deprecates, with great feverity, our policy to- 
 wards the ftates, which he fays has originated in partial 
 views, IS grofsly unjuft, arid highly detrimental to ourfclves. 
 
 In proving thefe different pofitions, he begins with endeav- 
 ouring to Weak^^n the llatemcuts of the patriotic authOur of 
 War in Difguife, and brings forward feveral reafons and 
 fa<5ls toprove that the commerce of America with the colonies 
 of the enemy isconduded bona fide. That a writer pretending 
 to difcufs a fubje«^ which few have an opportunity of under- 
 fianding, or of calling in queftioii the fa£ls which he brings 
 forward, should fometimes exaggerate and draw ftronger in- 
 ferences from his reafons than they feem to admit, may fre-^ 
 quently be expelled in political difputes, more efpecially 
 when the authour is interefted in the difcuffion. But that 
 any perfon should make fuchabroadafrertion,as that the com- 
 merce of America with the colonics of t'le enemy is conduct- 
 ed bona fide, requires a degree of boldricfs which few poillfs. 
 
 The Americans exclaim, and Mr. Baring very generouiTy 
 exclaims with them. What right have you to interrupt our 
 trade with the colonies of your enemies. We are at peace 
 with Spain, France and Holland, and P'rely we have the 
 fame right to trade with their colonies as with themfelve^, 
 and to convey the produce of thefe colonies to any markei 
 that wc pleafe. Is it necelTary for us, becaufe thefe nation^ 
 are enemies to the British, that we should alfo break up our 
 friendship with them ? Have they not as much power to reg- 
 ulate our communication with their colonies as with anjr of 
 
8o 
 
 
 t^eir OT\rn ports ? And if \vc obferve tlie llipubtions agreed 
 upon, it becomes i lawful trade, and is the greatelt injuilict; 
 and tyranny in the BiitKh to (top it. 
 
 The friend of Great Britain d(»es not find much difficuUy 
 In overturning thi> rtafoning. You have a right to trade as 
 neutralsj he would fay, with our enemy toas great an extent 
 as before the war, and to tliat extent we never diffurb you. 
 But your trade with the colonies of the enemy is not of that 
 defcription. It is not a mark of his friendfhip, but of our 
 power. Were it not for our navy, you never would have 
 obtained it, and the enemy makes ufe of you to efcape front 
 us. By your interference, tlie proceeds of the colonies be- 
 come an efFe6live branch of his forces. This w^e cannot 
 fufFer. His admitting you to trade with his colonies in time 
 of war to a much greater extent than in time of peace, is le- 
 gal bf'twecn you and him, but between us and you it is a grofs 
 Fraud, and out of this fraud no right can poflibiy flow. It 
 is notorious that our enemies never open their colonies till 
 they can no longer prote£l them, or keep a regular commu- 
 nication with them ; to tra^e, therefore, fo as to fupply the 
 enemy, is a fraud, bccaufe it weakens and dcitroys our belli- 
 gerent rights* I allow all that ever was allowed till the 
 enemy had nothing left to allow or refufe. You may fup- 
 ply your heme confimiption by your direct tiade with thofe 
 colonies ; you may trade with fuch as were open to you be- 
 rnre the war : I reftrid, I abridge no legitimate right of 
 A.'n erica n commerce. 
 
 This reafoning I hold to be unanfwerable In point of juf* 
 tice. All the means which Great Britain has to attack and 
 fubdue her antagonift, and finally to prefcribe peace fafe and 
 honourable, are all naval means. She has therefore a right, 
 the facrcd right of fclf-pi-efervalion, to ufe them in time of 
 war as t^ir as may be neccffary : for furcly (he has a better 
 right to exirt than neutrals have to trade. The fairnefs of 
 the rule of 1756 is allowed by Mr. Baring in the following 
 paif age : ' ';'" * 
 
 " It we had maintained and defended this do6lrine boldly 
 ** and t lirly agairjft all nations, good arguments in favour ot 
 '* it could not at leaft be wantiui^ : but when we have -imi- 
 '^ forii iy relaxed it, and indeed forborne to claim it, can it 
 '" be t;Mii!lJtoul either with magnanimity or good policy, to 
 bring ii turward row, merely bccaufe the only remaining 
 neutr.:! has a defencelefs commerce r If fuch cowardly in- 
 juflico i^ to be ory of our refc>*irces in thefc trying tliues^ 
 
 
 »( 
 
'W^" 
 
 recJi 
 aicc 
 
 :uHy 
 ie as 
 aent 
 you. 
 [that 
 f our 
 have 
 front 
 js be- 
 annot 
 I time 
 is le- 
 L grofs 
 
 es till 
 mmu- 
 ly the 
 belli- 
 iU the 
 y fup-^ 
 
 thofe 
 ou be- 
 
 ht of 
 
 of juf* 
 k and 
 e and 
 right, 
 imeof 
 better 
 
 ■lefs ot 
 owing 
 
 boldly 
 lour ol 
 Ami- 
 lean it 
 Icy, to 
 laining 
 Illy in- 
 Itiiues^ 
 
 *< when elevation of fentiment and of national charader is. . 
 •* more than ever wanted, the means and Ilrength of this 
 ** powerful empire are indeed ilrangely niifunderftood." 
 
 The candid admiflion in the beginning of this paflage is a 
 kind of fweetning to the leverity of the conclufion. Here 
 Mr. Baring admits that good arguments in favour of the rule 
 of 1756 could not be wanting, but he foon after condemns 
 this rule with the name of cowardly injuftice. As foon as 
 We attempt its application what inconfiftency ! But if the 
 rule was ever juft in principle, no condudl of ours could alter 
 this juftice, and although the uncommon prelTure of particu- 
 lar leafons might force us to acquiefce in the injuftice of oth- 
 er nations, it is furcly not inconfiftent with virtue to repel 
 this injuftice as foon as it is in our power. The reaibn 
 ■which tins writer alleges; for our bringing it forward merely 
 becaufe the only remaining neutral has a defencelefs com^ 
 ixierce, might well excufe fome indignation in reply ; but 
 from this we fhall abftain. The partial relaxations of this rule 
 were n^ver willingly admitted ; and the fituation of the world 
 is now very different from what it was in any former war. 
 Before the war which ended in 1763, Great Britain was not 
 poiTefted of the indifputable fovereignty of the feas, while 
 there was a fort of equilibrium, ftie had it not in her power 
 to enforce the principles of maritime law, however juft. So 
 long as France was able to take Britifti colonies, or to ob- 
 ftrudf Britifh trade, or protect and convoy her own, fhe was 
 not obliged to fell the produce of her colonies to neutrals to 
 fo great an extent as fhe has been under the neceifuy of do- 
 ing ever fince 179^. To France the aftiftance of neutrals is 
 neceflary, for without thefe ftie could druvv no aid from her 
 colonies ; befides, the prefent fituation of affairs arifes in a 
 great meafure out of the independence of America, for thii 
 rule here tomplained of was enforced againft the Dutch and 
 other neutral nations before that event. While the United 
 States were the colonies of Great Britain, and during their 
 re olution, France had fleets to protect her own colonies, 
 andvfhe had merchant fhips to tranfport their rich products 
 to Europe ; but fince the independence of America circuni- 
 fiances have changed. France has not even a {loop or fchoon- 
 er tniployed m her colonial commerce ; llie is reduced to ab- 
 fol' :e nullity by ^^^ Britifh navy, as to all the refourcei; 
 which the once Ur^vr from her colonies. And is this tri- 
 umph of the Britiih navy to h* marred by the interference 
 ot neutrab : '•"'ill any perfon fay tnat this fervice is not an 
 
f 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 fmnortant6ne,that the Britilh navy, by diHrrfling, humbling 
 anaenfccbling her enemy docs notl.ing ^ that by putting a flop 
 to all intercourfti between the enemy und his colonies, which 
 may prove perhaps uliimatcly dccil'ive of the war, by its in- 
 fluence on the comparative force of the two nations, is of no 
 avail ; that it hurls Great Britain herfclf, and that Ihe ought 
 to allow thtir communication to be rdtortd. When the 
 matter is flatcd in this way, its abfurdity fully appears ; cv- 
 ry pound received by Frunce from her colonics, would be 
 employed againll Great Britain. Nor are we to forget that 
 the Britilh colonics thrive efllntially by the exclufion of their 
 rivals from the European markets, and the Britifh commerce 
 is even augmented by the circuitous and expenfive fupplies 
 which France ultimately receives. Having thus feen the 
 advantage refulting to Great Britain from the pra£life of this 
 principle, let us revcrfe the matter, and fuppofe with Mr. 
 Baring, that file ought to extinguiQi the rule. What fol- 
 lows ? Firlt, let us afk of what ufe or efficacy is her navy in 
 the profecution of the war, fo far as the colonies of her ene- 
 mies are concerned ? America now independent, full of en- 
 terprifc and capital, with more than a million tons of (hip- 
 ping, can buy in the illand , flore in the United States, and 
 tranfport to neutral ports in Europe, convenient for the fup- 
 ply of France hcrfclf, every hogfhcad of fugar and every bag 
 of coffee th:>t can be furniflied by the plantations, on fuch 
 terms that the French colonies fliail not feel the war. They 
 shall not be annoyed by the British naval arms, but shall even 
 jflouris'i the more by their fuperiority, depending folely on 
 neutrals ; ibey shall lofe noticing by captures, becaufe hav- 
 ing fold thtir produce, they rid; nothing \ while British pro- 
 duce is liable to capture, and if not captured to high war 
 premiums. The French colonift would ultimately, if not 
 iiiimcdiately, command a price for his crops the more ad- 
 vantageous by roafon of the cheap and faic navigation of the 
 American velfels ; he v^ tnild profj ' - in full peace, while 
 the Briti; h colonift would fe'l the cfFtcts of war on his prof- 
 its. H's only market ould be England, bcaufe he would 
 be underfcH on tf^e con'incnt. The fean\en witl.drawn trom 
 the Fj' rich colonial Cr, imercc would 1k\ as In fa6l they arc, 
 on board ilK-ir roen oi war <m in their anries ; and the re- 
 fourccs of the coloni^^ would be fleadilv and without dimuni- 
 tion by capture, draw .\ bv France into he f own territory, 
 and be employed to ecjuip tioiillas to carry armies of invafion 
 againll Eiigland. ^ ^. ,,, -. :7 , ,, 
 
 Bi 
 
itory, 
 vafion 
 
 Thcfe confequcnces do not alarm Mr. BarinEj. Ht- calcu- 
 lates the profit which might accrue to Great Britain by ad- 
 mitting this circuitous trade to proceed without interruption. 
 JHe tells us that the Americans come to us to purciiafc arti- 
 cles to be exchanged for produce vviih the colonics of the en- 
 emy^ that their own profits arc in a great nicafure laid out 
 with us, and thus life and fpirit are given to our manufac- 
 tures, put if the fame trade adds millions to the rcfources 
 of the enemy, and enables him to continue the contifl;, when 
 shall war be ended. Or if he is enabled to continue the war 
 one or two years longer, furely the lofs of treufure and blood 
 for that sJioVt time, inorc tiian counterbalances the profit, 
 though it wer? much greater than this writer ititcs it to be, 
 
 Mr. Baring unitormly proves himfelf to be the diligent 
 defender ot America ; he tells us that she never took any 
 part in the extraviigant pretenlions of the northern powers, 
 at whofc courts siie had even no accredited miniders, and 
 that her complaints of the fvllem of vexation and opprefTioa 
 pru£\ir.;d towaids her commerce lines 1805, arc but too well 
 lound/.d. t,s he ignor;>nt of tt^e famous rcfolutions propofed 
 tocongrcfsin 179:!-, by Mr. Madifon, Jlmounting, in efFed, 
 to a difcoatinuance of commerce between Great Britain and 
 t^e dates, in which he was aflilted by Mr. JefFerfon ; and 
 has he never {"vqu Mr. Madifon's pamphlet on the maritime 
 rigfUs v)t Great Brit. 'in, in which he maintains all the pre- 
 tenfjons of the northern powers, or, in fail:, that she has no 
 right ; that the ocean is free to all ; that neutrals may trade 
 as they pl.afv , and in fine, that free bottoms make free goods. 
 What period would there be to a war between France and 
 England, were commerce plac^id upon thefe principles ? Is 
 it not maniied that ill the difadvantages would belong to 
 Britain, and all the benefits to her enemy ? How is she to 
 maintain her indepLndcnce without her navy ? and how can 
 she ufe this navy againd the tneniv, if she admit any free 
 communication between him and his colonies, by means of 
 neutrals? Is Mr. Baring ignorant that the ruling party in 
 America have long endeavoured to interrupt the commerce 
 that fubfids between them and Great Britain '■ That the 
 prefident is pledged by his own publications, not to make 
 peace with England until conceflions are admitted that will 
 dcdroy her naval power r This man may \ roceed with 
 money calculations, and he may, by figures, prove that Great 
 Britain, with immenfe wealth and Ikill, even under every 
 Relaxation pleaded for, would diil prefcrve her fupe» 
 
 ! ,..V 
 
 / 
 
B^aHfasa 
 
 VjI 
 
 
 il 
 
 riority ; l>iit can he prove that she would be able to maintain 
 it long ? Would not other nations rival her in trade, opprclT- 
 '«! as she would nccelTarily be with maintaining her fleet and 
 army, to fecure her independence ? Her commerce and 
 iiianufadurcs would gradually decline, becaufc other nations 
 would fell cheaper ; this would happen gradually, but it 
 would not be the lefs fure, though it might not be percepti- 
 ble at firli. But away with this mid calculation ; the quef^ 
 tion is not about navigation profits, it concerns oip fccurity 
 and exigence as a nation. 
 
 In fpeaking of American difcontents, he wishes to prove 
 that they have arifen from provocation on the part ot* our 
 eoiintry, as bitter and irritable as ever was fufFcrsd by one 
 liute from another. The provocation, he fays, was nothing 
 Kfs than a fudden general fweeping, by the cruizers of this 
 country, of all American velfcls that were failing to France 
 :iik1 its dependencies, in the courfe of their a'^cuftomed al- 
 lowed trade- in the year 1805, without any previous procla- 
 mation or notice. Alas, poor England ! thy mofl favoured 
 children arr.'ign thee for difcovcringa fraud and boldly pun- 
 ishing it. The farce of landing and inftantly rcfoading the 
 produce of the enemy, fometimts giving a bond whi.h was 
 never afterwards paid, having been difcovercd, the fraud was 
 itopptd. The people of America were irritated ; they were 
 irritated by the lofs they had adually fudained, and more at 
 tlie difcovery of their fraud. Some among them, however, 
 adn)ittcd the jufticc of the captures, and never attempted to 
 jultify, as JVlr. Baring has done, a fpecies of trade which 
 every body in America knew to be in a great meafure a 
 cloak to fend home the colonial produce to the enemy. Be- 
 fides, the people of America are always more enraged a- 
 j;ain(i British captures (han againfl thofe of France and 
 iSpain, from the rule of calculation : Fiance and Spain can 
 take very few of their ships, for they have very few crui- 
 zers on the ocean ; the danger from thetn, therefore, cannot 
 be very great ; but v.'hcn British ships begin to capture, 
 they trernble tor all their ships — for where can they go that 
 Britain cannot take them r 
 
 Tins quedion is, however, laid alleep for the prefent, by 
 the capture of all the enemy's colonies ; but I thought it 
 ri;^ht to enter my proteft againft the foecious reafoning con- 
 tained in Mr. Baring's pamphlet. He keeps every caufeof 
 difpute between Great Britain and America out of fight, ex- 
 cept the capture of their velfels i he docs not mention their 
 
85 
 
 e a 
 5e- 
 a- 
 
 and 
 can 
 ui- 
 not 
 ire, 
 :hat 
 
 by 
 it 
 
 m- 
 of 
 
 ;x- 
 
 leir 
 
 pretenfions about feamen, fo hoflile in their nature, and fo 
 dangerous to our independence. He does not fay that we 
 have endeavoured to conciliate them, but in vain ; that their 
 dvarice is infatiable ; that every thing mud give way to 
 their intereft, or they are not to fee fatisfied. 
 
 This note is already long, but mapy intierefting topics 
 might be added. It might be shewn that as France has no 
 Occafion to fend merchant ships to fea on account of the 
 lindnefs of the Americans, she can employ every failor 
 aboard her fleet, and thus her naval force is doubled. And 
 it might be aflced, whether fuch an augmentation of naval 
 power be of no difadvantage to Great Britain. 
 
 It might alfo be proved that the fyftem of economy, a- 
 dopted by America ; it it be beneficial to herfelf, (cf which 
 1 have doubts) renders her incapable of prcferving her neu- 
 trality. To preferve peace, we muft be prepared for war. 
 Without (hips of war, (he is obliged to fubmit to Bonapaite's 
 decrees ; he knows that (he can do nothing, and his tyran- 
 nical temper will not even allow her to blufter. Avarice 
 will not fufFer her to give up trading with France, nor to 
 equip a fquadron to maintain her refpedability, and her 
 miferable fubmilfions are injurious to the interefts of Great 
 Britain ; thofe injuries are therefore repelled by the latter 
 nation, and at this America is furious. In fine the defence- 
 lefs commerce of America, is one of th<* principal caufes of 
 the prefent difficulties, not by inducing Great Britain to at- 
 tack it, for no f^eet which.ftie is capable of furnifhing would 
 be formidable to the Britiili j but bccaufe it induces Bona- 
 parte to have recourfe to meafurcs which he would not haz- 
 ard, could America block up his ports. . «;; 
 
 Mr. Baring compares Great Britain to a Merchant, and 
 mentions the difpute with Americans founded upon an er- 
 roneous calculation. The comparifon may be proved in- 
 correct, and the difpute founded not upon calculation ; but 
 upon a matter of primary importance ; ** Whether Ameri- 
 ca fliall be premitted to render our mofi: formidable bulwark 
 of defence nugatory." Mr. Baring fliews himfelf an able 
 advocate for America ; but like all partizans, he keeps eve- 
 ry thing out of fight that makes againft him. What muft 
 convince every impartial man that America is in the wrong, 
 is that British adminiftrations of all p<^!itical parlies, have 
 endeavoured to treat, but in vain — the States rejcA every 
 condition, and will not even condefccnd to mention what 
 they would have. To prove the great deltre wrtich the 
 
 ;i 
 
86 
 
 British Miniftry have uniformly shewn to treat wltli Amcf^ 
 ica i I niight begin with \\}c offer of renewing Jay's treaty, 
 and by detailing the diplomatic intcrcomfe fiiicc that time, 
 it would appear that the prefent Government of the Vniic4 
 States arc determined not to treat ; not to be fatisficd— tticir 
 rudcncfs to Mr. Jackfon, and their contemptible figure ii^ 
 that tranfadlion is too rpccnt to require particular notice. 
 The great talents of this ambassador, became a terror to the 
 I*refident and his officers j findirjg themfclves uneqiial in 
 converfation, they had recourfc to writing ; but their inferi- 
 ority appearing ftill more confpic'uous, and dcfpairing of 
 duping him as tney had duped his preilcccfl'or, ihey broke off 
 all intercourfe. ! 
 
 It is to be lamented that a man of Mr. Baring's talents 
 and influence, should prove hjmfelf fo warm a partizan j 
 had the charader of the Americans, efpecially of the domi- 
 nant party, and their condudl fincc the French revolution 
 been properly known In England, hjs reasonings would have 
 had little weight. It is matter of joy that his opponents, if 
 inferior in talents, will have the better cause ; and in con- 
 futing him, they wiU only have to prove the juftice of pun- 
 ishing fraud, 
 
 Several of the remarks in this note arc taken from a letter 
 of the late Mr. Fisher Ames to one of his friends. — He was 
 a great lofer by the British captures in 1805, but his honefl 
 heart acknowledged their jufl:ice. — I am glad of an opportu- 
 nity of tefllfying my refpe£t for/-thfs virtuous and eloquent 
 man, who was an honour to hiff-Cpuntry. — J shall conclude 
 this note with a couple of quotations from writers wh will 
 not be fufpeded of partiality to Great Britain, 
 
 Extract from a letter addrejjed hy the Hon, Matthew Lyorif 
 Member of Congrefsy to a Correfpondent hi t^ermont. 
 In anfwer to one of the quedions you have put to me, I 
 know of but little, if any good, Congrefs are doing by con- 
 tinuing their Sellion. — To another, I fay, I can fee no ben- 
 efit from the rcjedion of the treaty made by MelTrs. Munroe 
 and Pinckney. — It might have faved us, had it been agreed 
 to, from the embargo, which has been a curfe to the nation 
 ever fince it was thought of. I know of no good to be ex- 
 posed from the quarrel between our fccrc^^ary of ftate and 
 Mr. Jackfon. I fee what I call a dangrrous prediledlion 
 •in favour of Bonaparte ; and an unjuftifiable zeal to keep 
 open and widen the breach with England on the part of my 
 old friends, the republicans. 
 
rcaty, 
 time, 
 Jniic4 
 -tricir 
 ire u\ 
 loticc. 
 to the 
 u'dl in 
 intcri- 
 ing of 
 oke off 
 
 ialcnts 
 tizan > 
 ; doml- 
 olution 
 Id have 
 lents, if 
 in con- 
 of pwn- 
 
 a letter 
 
 He was 
 
 honed 
 
 jportu- 
 
 oquent 
 
 onclude 
 
 h. will 
 
 w Lyon, 
 ont, 
 o me, I 
 by con- 
 no ben- 
 Munroe 
 i agreed 
 e nation 
 ) be ex- 
 ate and 
 le£lion 
 to keep 
 t of my 
 
 «7 
 
 il Report for Ja 
 
 iSo6, in the Monthly 
 
 The Commerctt 
 
 Magnziney contains the foliowing remarks : 
 
 In a former number of our Magazine, we ftatcd the lead- 
 ing features of the ilifputc between this country and Ameri- 
 ca, refpe6ling the alledged unwarrantable capture of their 
 V'liels. We tlien indcavourcd to exhibit tlic prccifc naturu 
 of the complaint ; and though we might, in our unbiallcd 
 opinion, have advr)catcd the principles upon which the Jx^ 
 mcficans pretended to regulate their commerce with the 
 belligerent powers, yet wc are aware that their pra6\ice is 
 replete with fraud and collufion. That the Americans 
 should have availed themfclves of any opportunity to extend 
 their trade is not furprifing, but that our Government should 
 fo long have tolerated this abuse, to the injury of our com- 
 merce, is a flrong proof of the indulgence and lenity with 
 which they have been treated, and of the unmixed defire in 
 the British miniflry to cherish and preferve the relations of 
 amity and good faith between the two countries. 
 
 In the moral charaAcr of the American nation, however, 
 there appears to be a radical dcfedf . Their intereft mufl: be 
 made the primum mobile of every regulation, or they can 
 never be pleafed. Their frauds and Itratagems have been 
 dete£fed by Spain as well as by us, and a ferious mifunder- 
 ftanding i$ dated to have taken place between them and that 
 powt ; but againlt the mother country their whole ven- 
 geance is diredled, and a long article has ^Appeared in the 
 rJdtional Intelligencer^ the,.de mi-official paper of the exccuw 
 tivc,^ animadverting f»n the injuries received from this 
 country, and infinuatih. the detrrmination of the next con- 
 grefs to retaliate on us by levying heavy prohibitory duties 
 on our manufaftur^s imported, -ind to fufpend all intercourftf 
 with us and our dependencies. 
 
 In the a<ftual (ituation of Europe, in which every individ- 
 ual power has towage i war, for exiftenc\ , againlt the un- 
 principled and mad ami.ition of a military adventurer, tlic 
 Americans ought, as a duty they owe to civil foci^ty and to 
 the caufe of liberty, which they alied to cherish, to make 
 cheerful facrifices to the common caufe ; and they ought by 
 a magnanimc condu61: founded on principle, and not or* 
 the grovellin^ - s vs of temporary advantage, to avail them- 
 fclves of this . ;<. ?rlunity of acquiring the elfecm of foreign 
 naiions. 
 
 FINIS.