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32X

THE INDEPENDENCE OF CANADA.

THE

ANNUAL ADDRESS

DELIVERED BEFORE THE AGRICULTURAL^ SOCIETY OP THE COUNTY OF
MISSISQUOI. AT BEDFORD, SEPT. 8.. 1869.

BY THE

HON. L. S. HUNTINGTON, Q. C,

M. P. for the CauntyoJ Shefford.

^ • ii

ftflntml:

HERALD STEAM PRESS, 51 AND 53 ST. JAMES STREET.

1869.

H 9"

284323

THE INDEPENDENCE OF CANADA.

—

Sin, —

In England it is tho custom for pnblic
men to seize tlio occasion ot great gather-
ings of the people to a<idres8 them upon
public affairs. I humbly invoke that cus-
tom and your kinii forbearance while I ad-
dress to you some observations upon what
I consider tho great question of the day.
I| made some remarks in the «ame sense in
Parliament ut its last session, and was hon ■
oured with a good deal of imfricndly cri-
ticism, and I am sure you will forgive me,
if I improve the first favourable occasion
for restating my opinions with some argu-
ments in their support, f may premise that
th-jre is neither disloyalty nor inde'dcacy in
bringing to your notice, a subject, which
deeply interests this country — which has
been discussed both in om- own and in the
British Parliament — and generally by the
Press in both countries — and which I fiimly
believe is the necessary complement of the
great scheme of confederation we have ac-
complished. It is true that in my humble
way, I opposed that scheme in gi-eat part,
because I was timiil about the early as-
sumption of sovereignty, which I thought 1
foresaw, then, must follow. I stated in my
place in Parliament, after the coalition of
'04, that confederation, if it should really
prove, what its promoters pretended, an an-
tidote to annexation, was the lirgt step to-
wards the independence of the countiy.
But opposition was useless, for confedera-
tion was the policy of the Empire ; and Im-
perial influence is always too powerful for
Colonial dissent. I hav^e accepted the
situation in its fullest sense, as faithfully
and loyally as if I had originally promoted
it. But, the first' step having been taken, 1
Bee dangers in delay, and I believe it is ex-
pedient to take measures for the severance of
our present relations to the Empire. This
is a momentous step and requires grave con
sideration. It must create differences of
opiuiou and the broadest tolerance should
be accorded to discussion. I propose to
speak candidly and dispassionately. 1 have
no party battles to fight nor jersonal prefer-
ences to gratify. Holding strong opinions
as to the future of this country, I submit
them frankly for the vei-d<ct of my country-
men. Sooner or later the weight of opin-
ion—the majority, must rule. I am prepared
to accept the decision and loyally abide by
its consequences. Such service as I can
render will be cheerfully rendered, whether

my country remains a province or becomes
an Independent State. And I profess and
feel profound respect for those who honestly
dread the great change we are discussing.
Foremost among the i)arr!(;rK to our progress
tov/ards a nationality, is tliat noble senti-
ment of loyalty to the British Crown, Avhich
has so generally and so happily subsisted
among the great masses of our people.
Can we forget our noble Queen ? Can we
dissociate ourselves from tlio glories and
the traoitions of the Emjjire ? British
Citizenship is no idle wor;i, and what
could we create for ourselves to surpass it ?
F»r a century the affectionate colonial eye
has rested from afar upon the British
Throne, as the centre of power, protection
and glory. We have venerated the Old
Land, with ;i far oft' colonial adoration, — we
have borrowed her thoughts, leaned upon
her opinion, and conscious of the plenituie
of her effulgence, we have been proud to
shine through her reflected light. England
has been the land of our dreams ; even dis-
tance lent her enchantment and English-
men to us were a superior race We liave
been proud of the Old Flag ; not indeed,
feeling unde; it, an equality with the Sea
Iv'ngs, but assured of its protection, in the
li&tless life of dependence which colonists
lead. We knew if great danger should
threaten, that Flag would float ovc* us ;
stayed by an arm stronger than ours, which
we coukl not control ; and tliat ours would be
neither the duty nor th'j glory of upholding
it. But dependence begets trust ; and to
conffde in a generous people is to admire
and love them. Can all this trustAdness,
this affection and loyalty be torn ruthlessly
away ? It deserves at least respect ami
tender treatment. But it might not be wise
to jeopardize tho great future oi" our young
country, for the sake of even so noble a
sentiment, as the Hindoo widow sacrificed
her life upon the funeral pile. Governments
in our time, are ordained for tl»e happiness
and the prosperity of the people, and if it can
be shown that the virtues of selfreliance
and national Manhood — habits of original
thought — a condition of equality with the
nations of the earth — an immense pre-
ponderance of material advantage may be
safely and permanently seciired by a friend-
ly change in our relations to the Empire ;
perhaps loyalty to the Dominion might
come to overshadow the wido-spreiul seuti-
meut of loyalty to the crowu. The

cIliM iiestloH with fond dei>cn(lencc
to the imiental lienit ; one by one
his hahit.s (if Hclf-confiili-nco aw iic-
(|iiiif(i iiH cliililliooil iiK'i>f(K into youth or
iiiiiiiliooil (i|i|)i'uH('lu'H. When lit Inst the
ap! of iimjoiity Ik iviu'hi'd, liliiil alVfctioii is
iiot (jiu riclictl, bocuiiso tlit; tlnys of (l(;pcii-
(it'iiru ai'o ov<'r. Nor fouid wo plead tlic
tindi-iiii'sw of liif ti<' as an <'X(;iis(! ibr por-
IK'tiial < iiildhood. It is from kiuIi n point
ol view tliat tlio FiOndon " 'I'inn's" Kpi'ni<H
of Ciinadaas " 'I'ln! cldtst Kon of I'hif^hind."
lint tli'Tf arc fliosd wiio hclicv, (liiit tlit;
I ndi'iH'ndincc of ( 'iinada wonld contlict witli
liic ('iiloniul policy of tho Knipirc, and wlio,
tukin^^r tiicir inspirations front tint traditionH
of tln^ past, niaU(! JMigiand's f,'lory to consist
in th<! vustncss of hijr colonial possessions.
Th(! motto of " Siiips, (lolonios and Coni-
nn'>'<'(>" iiilongs to an (iice that is past. Its
men! ion snninions tla^ ghost of flu; old act
ol Navigation, and the celebrated 2i> Acts
of l\'irlianient, for the maintenance of a
<v'oniineicial iVlonopoly — " like melancholy
yhosts of dead renown." It was a syKtem
of ol)strn'lion and restriction to Colonial
eiitfrprise, in whicli tlie llolonies were ic-
j'ardttil as men; contriliotors to the wealth
•ind glory of tin; parent State;. Freedom
has madt; rapid strides in I'^ngland sinci;
those days, political economy ha.s been re-
modelled, and political arithmetic haH
achieved new systems ot calculation. I'^ng-
land did not lind that the loss of her origi-
nal Amciican Colonies dwarfed her indus-
Iriis, ( lippliMl her commerce or bligh*.ed
her prestige as a nation ihey have grown
to he r. greater people and more prolitahle
lusloiners. The young ('olonies r(;lieve(l
troin the r(;straints ot tntehigB espoused
great principles and upludd thi;m, thus
insuring llirir own greatn(;sH and, inciden-
tally, the elevation of universal mankind.
I'higlishmen havt; watched with a canrful
eye the progress of thi;ii' kinsmen in the
nntried Held of freedom and etiuality.
Slowly and canliou.ily they have copied
what seemed to Ik; success, and have been
w.nnetl of the disiinctions b(;tweoii liberty
and licensi; ; and thus for nearly a century
tin; two great nations foremost in their de-
viitions to the prir.ciples of popular free-
dom and constit titional govcnnn'nt, have
been a constant example and (;ncoura.ge-
nu'iittociich other. SMnu;time.'s (here have
been rivalries and estra.ng»;nn'nt. (Jiuarrels
among kinsmen are oftenest bitter and nn-
reasonalile, but the friends of peace and free-
dom li.,ve trusted, not in \ain, to that palla-
dium ol Common priucjples, which both ]ico-
ples have cheiislie<l ; and thus it has liap-
pened that the dismemberment of th(;
the I'impire, which the matchless ehupience
of tMiatham and I'.inke foretold ami depre-
( ated, and boiM'st but stubborn old George;
the Third believed impossible, has proved a
great commercial and political blessing to
England .-'.nd the world. The old motto
jiuaut after all, nothing uioic than, " HbipK,

markets and commerce," and ihcac, under
the new relations of the colonies have been
midtiplieda luuulred fold.

Now let US like ni(;n of nerve and coni-
pr<;ln.'nsion apply this lesson to ourselvi'S.
What benelit are wt; lo England ? From
what wo have seen, it is manifest, that oiu
sovereign independence would en. anceMmr
own growth and resources, and multiply the
ailvantages she could d(;rive from oiw trade
The commercial argnuuint therefore from
an English jiointof view is against the con-
n(;ction, and this is why our <;n(;nu(;H atVect
to despise it. But bow arc wo otherwise
nseful ? Art; wo a source y)l strength to her
in war? Do we recruit her armies anil na-
vies, or, failing to sui)ply men, do we potu'
OIU' means into her military <:oirers ? We
do not even afford a field for tin; political
patronage of the I'ritish administratimi of
tin; day, and there remains to Englan<l
therefore, but the doubtful pri;tigi;s of nomi-
nal rule (>v(;r vast American possessions.
What wonder, that Englishm(;n are grow-
ing cold to this advantagi;, when they re-
flect upon the prodigality of blood •iiul trea-
sure it may one day cost them to maintain
itV Faithful to her glorious traditions,
England will act no uishononrable part to-
wards us whib; we remain a p»)<'tion of the
Empire. Iter oft reiterated promisi; to de-
fend us in case of war, she will fulfill with
her last man and her last dollar. IJiit the
obligation is not the less tin endiarrass-
ment because it is binding. And the more
far seeing of lH;r stai,esmen for the last lifty
years, have looked towards a changi; of the
conditions v/hich imposed it. Steji by
step,in all the noble and unprecedented con-
cessions they have accorded ns, we have
been led gently and cautiously, towards the
paths of manhood anil s(;lf-r(;liance; and they
have explained to the liritish people, as they
watched this problem, of afrei; governnn;nt,
growing ont of their colonial jurisdiction,
that tlie Colonial State was not what
Ihirke called it, a " perpetual minority,"
but must e.\pand into sovereign and indepen-
dent powers. In the great Confeder.ition
debate of 'G5, the Hon. John Tlilliard Cam-
eron the leader of the high lories
of llpi)er Canada, declart;d, in

denouncing the doctrines of the Man-
chester school, that Canada derives no im-
portant benefits from her connection with
Croat Britain, except in the matter id' de-
fence.

With this honest declaration of an un-
tainted (.'onservative <;liief, 1 propose Ui
ojjcn a brief discussion of thi; <[uestion.
What benefit is England to Canada V 1
speak as to the future, and J im not nn-
mijidful of her generosity in the past, and
the great heritage of free institutions she
has bequeathed to ns. These were our
birthright, but a less magnaminous provin-
cial policy would have tienied them to ns
as Colonists. Sovereign or d(;pendent, (Ca-
nada will cherish for all time, a grateful

memory o( EnpIand'H (icntlo ana Vx-niKtiftrit
riilf over iih, vvliihi i'U*' tftiijrht us tlw Its-
sfnis ot <()n,sti(iiti()ii(i! frovorniiifiit. For all
tinn', too, wlicicvt r our ijrciit poiiiiliitioiiH
art (U'siiadcd from lier nolilc Ktcnk, wo
shall chcrisb tlio prido nf kindri'd, nliall
cliiim oiir sliiiic in tlio ^'lori<;a of lior litoia-
luic, licr iniirtiiil prowcMS, and hur comnicr-
tiai liiuni|)liH. IJiit Uu'ho rif,dits arc not to
UH an cxciiisive hciitafrO| and we but liold
Muni in conunon with the di Hccniiants, all
ovir tht: world, of" the f^reat boHtor-uiotlur
of nations ; and 1 am onquiring after the
spet iul advantages of the connection.
These hre not to he found in our com-
mercial intereoinse, for here we are left to
comjx'te ns^ainst the world. It is not that
hi'r aiiiindant i'a|>ital, attracted by our
hn'alty and alfccfion, flows in upon us
bi'caiise w<! arc r. dependency ; to tlevelop
our lesoiirces, and to awaken the hum of
industry along our shores ; for that cai)ital
seeks only a safe rettun of its investintiuts,
and is oftcner dtawn where it is better
rewarded, amonij stranpfors. It is not that
(he prestijre of tlu; connection gives us a
position among the jjeoitles of the earth; for
our powers are mercdy local anil mnni(ii)al,
and bear tlie taint of inferiority and dejien-
dence. Tlierc remains, therefore, but the
one advauii'ie, and wo end, as Mr. Cameron
began for u><, — the ailvantage of the con-
uection is iiairowed to the solitary matter
of defence ; and w<^ phall see, as wc procei^d,
that even tliis is of doubtful utility. Defence
presupposes attack, which we havi; only to
drtad from our rejjublican neighbours. But,
the diflicultics with them, are always of p,n
Imperial character. The Trent affair, the
Alabama claims, and tlio Irish Fenian
(luarrel with i'^nglanrl. were all as foreign to
us as the China Seas, and interested us only
in their consequences. It is not true that
the same may be Bind of liiverpool or
Dublin foraliundred reasons ; butes])ccially,
because tlu;y are j)artofthe liritisli Isles,
and are represented in the British Parlia-
ment. We have no voice an'.l cannot in-
lluence the foreign policy of the empire.
There is only for us the duty of waiting till
war isdc^clan'd, .and the lu.tury of becoming
th(^ field of blood, the theatre of desolation,
{"bus England would defend us, but from
what, but the consequences of her own
quarrels? We have no occasion for dangerous
controversy with our neighbours on onr
own atx'ount. Our interests are bleudod
with theirs, and tend to mutual comity and
good will, and the dangers of conflict will
bo a thousaml fold removed when British
entanglements are avoided. This fact has
been again and again admitted by British
Statesman. (I During the debate in the Hotise
of ('ommons on tlio defences in 1865, Mr.
S. Fitzgerald declared, that if Canada wore
independent, there would he no cause of
(luarrel between her and the United States.
'Phat it could bo only through a desi o to
jstriko at Kngltiud, that Ameriift would

attack us. Canadians had not permitted
the Alabama to escapi' or precipitately
acknowledge<l bellig(;rent rights, and there
could be no cause of (piarrel, except
tliat she was uniterl to England ;
and his Delief was, that if Canada were in-
dependi'ut to-moriow, she would not run
the slightest danger of a contest. Mr. Card-
well adverted to that speech, as one, against
wbf)Se t^'ue thit (lOvernni'Uil could make no
compl.ii it, and the sentiment was rectiiveil
with tie aj)i)roving hear, hears, of the
House. In the same debate Mr. Bright,
whose views have not changed, and who is
a power in England at this moment, declai-
ed, that should any occasion to ibfend ns
arise, it would not result frot , anything
done by us, but would be a war growing
out of the relations between the (iibinets
of London and Washington. «t
I' It is true that intaseof war, we should
be no match for the jxjwer of oip- neigh-
bours. But our dependence! would be in
the right and in the comity of nations.
There is no reason to fear that they would
be aggressive. Mexico, (^iiba, the South
Aineri'^an Stab s have maintaiiKHl their au-
tonomy without mole"«ition. And besiiles,
as Mr. Cameron siiggestiMl the other day,
there would probal>lybe little dilticulty in ar-
ranging for a British and American protec-
rate.

J t is to be regretted of course, that a por-
tion of the American press, adopt a di.sagre-
able and sensational tone ujion this sulijiic't.
and it suits the views of certain JournalH
here to give these utterances an unnecessa-
ry prominence. They preach, of course,
the manifest destiny of annexation, and
they laugh at our Independence, as <inj)os-
sible of maintenance for six months after
its achievement. They say, it is impos-
sible for two peoples, of the same race ami
language to live alongside, without the ab-
sorption of the smaller by the greater. Thi.s
is mere vapid assertion. The exi>erimcnt f)f
course was never tried, because the
prescribed conditions were wanting.
But what did these peoples pn^ach,
about the Southern Confederacy ? Di<l they
not prate loudly of her power to sustain a
national existence? And thougli she failed
after prodigies of valour and skill; what
reasonable man doubts, that, could sheh^vo
achieved her independence, she might sub-
sequently have maintained it ? Yet, the
Uouili was far behind us iii her ai)pr(!ciation
of freedom, and the true elements of a na-
tion's greatnets. It is only poor Canada
which is to be sneered and Jeered, into
clinging to a system of tutelage and infe-
riority for ever.»*It was not the fashion to
disparage her resources and poh, poh, her
aspirations, when the Hon. George Brown,
in his Confederation speech spread out the
map and Invited the House, to an euthusias-
tic study of her magnificent geography. Ho
traced tlio island of Nowfouudlaud, and
found it o^ual in extent, to the kingdom of

Portngftl.rrofimnp tho straits to tho main
liindH, tho lioMpiUihIo shorcH of Nova Kcotia,
Htrtitt'hed out to th« dinieriHioiiH of the king-
dom of (I reeeu. New BrimHwick waH t-rjuul
in extent to Dunmaik and Swit/crlaiid com-
bined. Lower Canada wan a (,'oiintry iim large
aH h'raniu!, and Upper Caniula, twenty
thouKand niileu larg(;r than (iruat Jiritain
and Ireland pnt together. Aciohh tho ron-
tincut to tlio whores of the racilic wan
British Columbia, the lautl of (iollen pro-
niiHe, and comparable in extent to tho AiiH-
trian Kmj)ire ; and then tho IiHlian tcrrito-
rioH which liebotwoon, wore greater in ex-
tent than tho whole K(.il of UuKsia. There
wer;', he Haid, in Kiirope forty-eight Sover-
eign States and only eleven with a popula-
tion greater than oins. In IhVI, wo wvrv
to stand <,'(|ual in ))opulatiou to tiie ninth
Sovereign State of Europe. The llonour-
ablo Uentlenum further told tho House,
that in l'7'.t:!, the Commerce of the Sovereign
and Jndepiindent United States, their ex-
ports and imports did not amount to one
third of what ours did at that moment, and
there were few States in lOuropo and tliosi;
with vastly greater population than our
own, that could boast of anything like tho
foreign commerce jjassing through our
hands. And France, though the third ma-
ritime power of the world, owned only 60,-
000 tons more of shipping than BrlthiB
America. Then, the Dominion, whether
for industry or defence, would muster a
force of 70,000 seamen, and in round num-
berstTOOjOOO men capable of bearing arms.
These arc not tho qualities of a country
unfitfor self-govcrnmerrt and whoso future
need bear the taint of inferioritv
and dependence. I have said that
Independence is the natural se-
qnenco of the theories which promot-
ed Confederation. Lord Mouck alluded to
it as involving a " New Nationality," when
he first referred to it in a speech from the
Throne. British Statesmen have invariably
discussed it as a step in tho transition our
institutions were undergoing. The events
of the American War, and the attendant
possibilities of a rupture wit'; that Country,
forced upon tho attention of the British
Government the question of the defence of
their possessions on this Continent. They
promoted tho scheme from an Imperial
point of view; and with reference to im-
mediate relief from the embarrassments of
their responsibilities here. I cannot better
express my view of the attitude they as-
sumed than by quoting from tho "True
Witness" of March, 1867, one of tlie best
'■written Journals on tliis Continent, and un-
derstood to be an organ of tho Lower Cana-
da Catholic Clergy. The writer says: —
" We understand that the Bill for the Union
of the B. N. A. Provinces has been rapidly
carried througli tho three readings in the
House of Lordc). In all probability it will
meet the same fate in the House of Com-
mons J for iu England public sentiment is

very strong in favour of a meafluro which is
looked upon as (treliminary to the teiufrance
o/ a polilical eonnection, not projitahlf, and
often vtry dangtrou»io i\w people of ( treat
Britain. Some changes have been madit in
tho Quebec scheme, appanuitly at the re-
quest of tho delegates themselves, since wo
nuiy well believe that in the Imperial Leg-
islature tho feeling tfjwards these Pro-
vinces is a desire to i/et rid of them allor/efh^r
as honourahli/ ami ax Kfieeditf/ a» iiotaihle.
They profit t neat Britain neither material-
ly nor nu»rally. •••••••••

All that remains for (treat Brit4iin is to get
ridqf hf.r Aori/i American Provinces aa tpeed-
ili/ and with as Utile loft of moral prenlije as
posHthle. The .s<\-call<d Confederal ion of
thexe Provinces pren'^iUa the meann/or accom-
plishing this, and it is therefore eagerlg
grasped at hit men of all parties."
There is no doubt that more or less directly, '
such views wiue urged U|>on our delegates,
while the negotiations were pro<;eeding in
Ktigland. Indeed so (liitermincd wiTe all
parties there to hurry through the iirrange-
nient, that tho most solemn nanonstrances
of its colonial opponents were treated with
almost imiversal and contumacious neglect.
And the views of the statesmen as might t)o
expected are quietly reflected among the
people of England. All the organs of
opinion, tho popular Times, the Radical
Star and tho Tory Standard, the stately
Saturday Review and the snobbish I'all
Malt izttle, with their satellites all over
the Kingdom adopt the same tone ; either
that Canada is an encumbrance to England
or they aie ready to promote her independ-
ence to-morrow; and every colonist with
whom you speak and who has had tho
entro to British Society will tell you that
tho same feeling pervades the British
mind. Adam Smith wrote (hat no dominant
country could ever voluntarily relinquish its
power over a dependency. But he regarded
the abandonment in the light of a sacriticc,
and in our case England has already ab-
andoned all the patronage which, in his
view, was a temptation to retain dominant
power. But Mr. Cornwall Lewis who
wrote later and after modern Colonial views
began to permeate England, regarded as
probable, that a parent state, d(!riving no
advantage from a dependency and believing
that tho dependency was able and
willing to form an independent state, might
abandon its authority for the want of a
sufficient inducement to retain it. There
iiiight even be positive reasons for its with-
drawal, — as ii" the dependency contributes
nothing to the commercial facilities of tho
dominant country, is a source of expense to
the Supreme Government — and may in-
volve the dominant countiy in wai; and he
further says, that if the parent state under-
stands its true relation to tho dependency
it will voluntarily recognize independence
when there is fitness to maintain it ; will
prepare those for Independence who art*

fitJII iin(il)lo to fttftnc! alonf ; and will nook
nitlur to pniiiiotit Kh (ratio, iliiui iU Kiiiplre.
Kn;;liHliiii(<ri Iteliovo lliat wu liro nblu t<> fui-
til nil Mt(!H(t coiiditioiiK iiud tlioy nro eniiti--
oiisly but pi^iniHtontly pn^wHiiip: the ioH|)onHi-
liilitv iipoii iiH. Nciwl wo lumitftto to tiiko
tlui hint and [ircparo to aHHurno it? Aro
our public men too timid to leml tho pco-
|>l(i up to tlio tiivnt work whi(!h in Ind'oro
tli((m? Aril tlioy blind to tho Hijj;nH of tho
tiinoK or aro thoy Hookinjx to enoourago tJio
poopb^ in blindnoKA? Ft lg, timo that uvory
I'aiiadian Khoidd comprohcnd thu nttlttidu
whii'h Kngland Ik aKHuminp;; and that ho
hIiouM calndy and diHpaHsioniitoIy luimit
there is niotluHl in tlio niadnoKH kIio is ac-
iiiNed of. Wo havo hoou thct in a oommor-
cial KtiiiHO or in a sonHo ofmilit^iry or na-
tional />rfnlit/e, she durivoH mi iMlvantaRo
fnun tho ooniioction. Wo havo Koon, that
thcro is umtiial disiwIvantaKo— unmiHtako-
abio danger to tho mother and tho child, in
tho rolatioiiH Kid)siHting botwooii them.
How long ought wo to hositato and tempo-
ri/,e ? How long can wo allord to oultivatu
iiliMibioHH to our true poHition, and go on
KJmulatingan importance which Ih deceit-
ful and viHionary. 'I'ho change must como
and it Ih only manful to prepare for it. It
is childish to underrate onrHolvcH or tho
tliiticK that await uk. Tlioro :ire dangorH in
delay anil it is our duty to face tho grave
aspect of the position. Ab we havo hooh,
the interest and tho policy of the Imperial
ttovernmont aro nnmistakoii ilo. Tory and
Radical seem for ouci; in accord. No doubt
tho rcHponsibility of ministers in England,
tho (lolicocies of party relations, the anxiety
of one side to ret^iin ottico and ol the other
side to obtain It, may temper imperial tac-
tics and stimulate caution and reserve. It
may be that even yet a skilful appeal to
liio dead past of tho old coloniil policy
might rouse a spirit of resistance among
tho British masses. There may bo some
v.ho still boliovo that tho perpetual mino-
rity of tlie (JolonicB is essential to tho gloiy
of the Empire : a;? thcro aro still some who
clierish the traditionary faith that ouo En-
glishman can wlup two Frenchmen. This
state of fchings may delay, but it cannot
avert tho crisis. 'J'horo remains still tho
(Colonial Policy — tho unmistakeable hand
writing on the wall. Even Sir John Young
our chief Imperial otRcer, an able, astute,
and cxpeiaVi:.ced statesman, has not found
it consistent with his high duties to bo
reticent upon this great question ol
U»o honr. Cautious) y of coiuse, as be-
came his high office, but significantly
as tho rcprosontativo of great Imperial in-
tc rests here, he hints at tho transition
S.ate, through which our Institutions are
passing. He stated at Quebec and reitera-
tt)d at Halifax, that Canadian statesmen and
people aro tho best judges of their own in-
terestf' ; that their destinies were in their
own hands and that if they decided upon
some change, tho proposition would re-

(oivo from the stutesnx^n and people of
England, a generous and friendly roiiNidera-
tion. HiH Excellency does not belong to
(hat school «)f thinkers, who preiu'l. (hat
pending the great consol'dation here, fur-
ther changes ate not to bo thou^Mit of. Mo
doe.s not tell us that, because Confederation
is l)Ut half ac(;omplished, wo shoidd shut
our eyes to tho future, and leave blind
(;Imuico to accomplish tho destinies of this
Great Northern Doniiruon. He tells u t-
deed, in his Halifax speech, that he .,id
been misreprosentiMl atijueli.u' and that ho
had been made to talk of change of alle-
giance, when ho only meant change of al-
lii'rice. Nobody but the wilfully blind (ould
havo nndorstoo'l His Excidlency otlu-rwise.
Nobmly could have dreamed that a liritish
Ciovornor, would suggest to the people of
half a continent under his rule, tho cession
of their territory to a foreign powtir. Hut
His Excellency is too good a phi''- ist not
to undersUuid tho full purjiort of tho words
he discusses. Allegianci^ signili(!s tho obli-
gation of a subject to his I'rince orOovern-
ment — Alli'iu<;o suggests original powers
mutually exercised by tho parties to a com-
pact, and pr.ietically, thoroforo, alle.(iauce
coAses when alliance begins, and this view
is quite consistent with Kir John Young's
able speeches, at. intifrpretctl by himself.
Ho simply did not intend to ((invey tho
idea that England would promote the aii-
nexation of this great country to tho vast
torritoritH of our Uepublican neighbours,
while at tho same time ho felt that tho fu-
ture had something nobler in store for uh
than the more Colonial tutelage of our times.
Hence he spoko of clmngo from such a state;
oneouragod us, by reciting the example of
Holland, with smaller tt;rritory and lower
resources ; and cheered tis with the ])romise
of tho perpetual good will of his (.lovorn-
ment and " alliance" with England tho
" mother of nations." The country owes a
debt of gratitude to His E.xcelloncy, for this
timely aid to tho popular thought, for thus
' cautiously foreshadowing that brilliant fu-
ture, whoso cflulgenco has dazzled his timid
ministers. It is moreover stilted, H|)on
what seems to bo imdoubtcd authority,
that when it was first intimated to Sir A.T.
Gait, that Her Majesty lnul it in contempla-
tion, in view of his distinguished public
services, to conler upon him the honour of
knighthood, that gentleman took occasion
to lay before tho Executive, a statement,
expressing his high sense of this groat
honour, but that he felt, ho ought, before
accepting it, to represent tho strong views
he entertained in favour of the early in-
dopcndonco of this country. But Her
Majesty's representative, found in this
phase of opinion, no disqualification for
Royal favour, and Her Majesty was
graciously pleased to confer it. It would
bo fair to ask if Sir John Young did not
mean to indicate independence, what did
he mean ? He could not have referred to

■

our ropruiientAtiun in tho British Piirlia-
muht, — the only nitiiuu by whidt wu
colouiHtH could bucouiu tho cciiihIh of our
trauH-Atlnntiu countryman, und im im-
p08Hibl(! iH)ncuHHion from ihu Imporiul
Oovernmuut. If Kn^liind w(^ro to athnit tbe
roprtiHuntutivuM of hi;r milliouH of colonistH
to BcatK in thu Houhu of CunimoOH, how
long would hIk; maintain bur mutropolitau
aud oonHorvativu dominanco? How long
buforu Hhc muHt coabe U) i-oiiHidttr colonial
quoHtiohK from an Imperial point of view,
and Hud ber cbiblron luiHuming tbe attitude
of her maHterri V Sucli a ttolution of the
colonial relatiouHhip is undcHirable and
impoRHiblc. EngliHbmen would never dream
of it, and if they did, it would not meet our
colonial wantH. r''rliapH it would be fair to
interpret tbatHpeech in the light of Imperial
opinion. It Ih not to be HUppoHed, that IUh
Exeelleucy inteuded to Htart uuw and
origiual theoriefl. Let uh believe him to
have been in accord with tho HtateHmen of
hiH country and Iuh time. In that great
debate, irom which 1 have (luoted on the
defences of tluM country, Mr. DiHraeli
alluded to the liypothcHiH of a desire on the
part of Canada and the other North
American Colouiep, for independence ; and
to tho hour when England might thuH lose
a deptindency,but gain a firm ally and irieud.
And again, he Huid Canada hau itti own
future before it. We have a right t« (WBume
it. It has all the < '-unents which make a
great nation. It has at this moment a
strong development of nationality ; and the
full conviction on the part ot England,
that these provinces may ultimately
become an independent country, is to her,
not a source of mortification, but of pride.
Mr. Brig'it in ihe same debate points out
the reasons why Canadians should feel, if
they are like other Englithmeu, that it
nuuiJ be ueiier for iheir country to oe
disentargled from the politics of England,
and to assume the position of an Indepen-
dent State. He believed, from what had
been stated by official gentlemen in the
present Government, and in previous Gov-
ernments, that there was no objection to
the Independence of Canada whenever Can-
ada might wish it. If Canada, by a friend-
ly separation, became an Independent State,
said Mr. Bright — choosing its own form of
Government — Monarchical, if it liked a
monarchy, or Republican, if it preferred a
Republic, it would not be less friendly to
England. And in case of war, Canada
would then be a neutral Country, and her
population enjoy greater security. In the
same debate Lord Palmerston declared, that
when the Provinces felt strong enough to
stand alone, and desired the connection no
longer, England would say " God speed you
and give you the means to maintain you'^-
selves as a nation." These general senti-
ments of the debate provoked no dissent in
the House, where all nhades of British ophi-
iou aiQ roprcBcutcd. And though nobody

dcclaretl tho time hitd come, England wn«
nuinitt'Ktly shaping htrr policy to meet it.
I shall pass over the Mtrong«-r expressions,
tilt! advanced opinions of subsoquent de-
bates, because time docs not permit mo to
pro«luee a repertoire of all the discussions on
this subject. But in the light of what itas
gone before, it Is not easy to misunderstand
the remarkable utterances of Mr. Gladstou«-,
the Prime iMinisusr of England, during tho
debate in the House of Commons the other
day, upon the subject of guaia 'eenifi; .fho
Hudson Bay Loan. Objections had been
taken U> the principal of Colonial guaran-
tees, and Mr. Ciladstonu fully endorsed
them. But he declared that this guarantee
was givnn for a strictly Imperial object, to
dissociate England from the inconvenienco
of too extensive territorial poiisessions. In
former times, said Mr. (iltMlsU>no, the Ame-
rican Colonies were entangled in a vicious
system of tl'^peudencc on England. Tho
Government wished to engender in them a
spirit of Independence. They wished to
wind up tbe old syst'in and see the Colon-
ies make a new start. That was not to bo
a beginning, but an end. Almost as I
speak a confirmatory missive comes to us
across the water, — one of the strangest, as
it is ;)no of the most important events of
our time. The London "Times," by tho
last steaiuj", is handed me, conttiining a cir-
cular from a meeting of Colonists in Lon-
don, expressing alarm at the new Im-
perial views of the Colonial relations
aud seeking to provide means of inducing
the British Government to withdraw from
its lately declared policy on the subject of
colonial defence, or, failing in that, to de-
mand to bo reb'ased horn their allegiatice,
and to adopt such further mean*' ;.a the ex-
igencies of the new siii'.;".lion may require.
The circtjiiir suggests a conference in Lon-
don, duiing the next .session of the Imperial
Parliament, of delegatts from all the Colo-
nial Governments, and the Times vouches
for the importance of the movement, which,
it regards as an epoch, by the tone in which
it discusses the whole question. That
.Journal, the most delicate thermometer of
indueutial opinion in England, argues that
tho remonstrances will be fruitless and
warns the Colonies to rely on their own In-
dependence. From all this it appears that
the attitude of England is sufficiently pro-
nounced and comprehensible, and one of its
effects will be, powerfully to modify and
ripen colonial opinion. At first, no doubt,
among our own people, we may witness be-
wilderment and surprise. Some will make
it a pretext to advanci preconceived opi-
nions and others may at first turn from it
in disgust ; but in tbe end, the sober second
thought of our countrymen, if the opportu-
nity is aJorded them, will grapple with tho
subject in a patriotic spirit and with a fiiir
reference to its bearing upon the interests
ot both countries. In this spirit I propose
to 90Qsider a little mpro fully tbe relatious

of thiH subject to our rnnadinn interoHtn
and lurlinpH to •'xt«'n(l in somo fu't'acr df-
tail, pointH to which I havo n'reaily advert-
i'<i, Thoic Ih a claHB of politicinnB and piih-
liciKtfl umoiiK iiH, who ,irvtemi tliat until tho
great w lunji- of Confederation \h perfected,
the tiiili (if further change in a fatJil diHturi*-
ance to the public mind. And in a deH|)(>-
tic country, where |K)pular opinion can \h'
dinponHed witii, where; al! power rentH with
tlu! (lovornment, and tiie thoorioH of free
irkHtitutiouH are lUiknown, Huch a dictum
iniglit be tolerated, it would bo coiiHoiumt
with HUch a view, to diHcourage thought,, to
forbid diHcut<Hion and by all moauH in Ktiio>
thei- whatever Hhuuld tend U> pmmote an
intelligent public Hcntiment among the
people They might learn to dilVer from the
policy of tluir rnlurH and this might lead to
diHturlumce and alienation. But hucIi a
pit!t<inHion implicH insult to a frtse people
and iiidicati-H the apprehension of thoHct who
jiroclaini it, that they may cease to over-
shadow ami coniii'l them. The Irish difli-
cultics are as intricr.to as any of the embar-
rasHmcnts of our own position. Yet we did
not hear thiii Mr Bright was forbidden todis-
cuss the Land Question, until alter the dis-
establishment hjul btten perfected. Tlu;
truth lies entirely in the opposite sense. It
is the duty of public met*, whoso lives are
devoted to the study of jjublic (|uestions,
to discuss tluiu before the peo|»le ; that
they may be educat'd to comprehend the
great issues which iuvoivu the destinies of
their country. These writers would con-
ceal, vliile I would proclaim i'rom the
house lups, the stern facts of the situation.
They would liush the popular interest — li'II
the spirit of emiuiry, — while T, reposing
ample faith in the honesty and i>atriotism
of my counirymen, would excite the one,
that 1 might lead the other, through tbf
paths of intelligent research, to the haven
of wise and prolitable conclusions. Doubt-
less there is too much of disijuiet in the
public mind, but to diycuss the position, is
not to create it ; and he must be a crazy
thinker who can suppose, tliat in view of all
the circumstances, the people ak o look
on without thought and without spcoch 1
But who is t(j control the impreo-.ions of
the masses, to limit their thoughts, to curb
their restless menial activities? The
people are observant. In their own way
they read the signs of the times, and,
among them the apprehension is almost
universal, tht-t we are on the eve of
radical political changes. You anil I, no
doubt share the same apprehension. Is it
not, then, the duty of our political leachi rs
to cultivate our opinions, to enlighten us,
and to prepare us for our duties in what-
ever awaits us ; rather than to silence our
(inquiries and leave us to drift in the
dangerous currents of uncultivated specula-
tions ? The great commercial want of this
country is a profitable market for the sur-
plus products of our industry. It ww tb<j

theory of confederation to siijiply thin want
by opening up to im the markets cf the
sister provinces. I am afraid the resul* '
have not thus far greatly increased cut
scanty tuanufactmeH Our natural market
is the American ; and wi^ do, and shall
suiTei, till we gain access to it. Nor would
a mere tempoiary treaty, subjint to the ca-
|U'ices of politicians, aii(t entangled with the
embarassni'-itts of Brit 'kIi Foreign diplontacy
atVord a lull remedy. Manufactures and
commerce prosper under permanent as
well as liberal tiirilT arrangements, ami
it is in vain that yon treat them with gene-
rosity t'rdav, if there is apprehen-
sion that you may cramp them to-
morrow. We re([uire narkets. Hut to-
confer their full benefits they must \m per-
manent, so that capit4il may acquire con •
(idence, and seek permanent investwients
here. Without this stiitu of things,
our trade must bo limited and
manufactures remain exotics among
ts ; and, the e.vodus of our pupula-
tioa remaining about e(|nal to its normal
incn.ase, the prondso of progress is not
cheering. We ought to be manufacturers
for this continent, with our cheap labour,
cheap living and wonderful natural facili-
ties. Wo cannot (X)mpete against the dis-
tance, the skill, the capitnl and teeming
labour of the Old WorJd, and there remains
for us but tlu! comparatively pet'y busiuess
of supplying our own sparse populations
in unhealthy competition with the great,
manufacturing industries of F^ngland a'uj
America. And it often happens in Mme ol
depression, when our struggling manufac-
turers most neoil encouragement and sup-
port, that we are made a mcrijice market for
those great countries, to the ruin of our
home triwle. Our agricr' o, is confined to
our own markets, or leeched and crippled
by the exorbitant exactions of the Amtui-
oan Customs Collectors. The development
of our mines, too, is prevented by like in-
hospitable exactions, and wo are depicted
and impoverished by a paper wall of legis
lative prohibitions, built along an imagin-
ary line. In this strait it is cole! comfort
to assure us that the neighbouring trade
sutTms e(|ually with our own ; a fact, never-
theless, modified by this diiferonce, — that
the aggregate of their commerce is so much
greater than ours. It would be idle to
tloubt, that these influences have contribu-
ted to produce the present languishing
trp,deand universal depression. The last Can-
ada Gazette affords the spectacle of forty In-
solvents in one week. And the unfortunate!
list stretches back for months past in alarm-
ing proportions. The emigration of com-
mon labourers to the States is something
actually alarming ; and it could not be
otherwise, for our water powers are neglec-
ted—our mines are closed and we have no
means of furnishing employment to our
people. Some wise statesman has been un-
derstood \<o cxmU over the fact, that many

of these poor people go away with the hope
of I'ltuniin^ ; but it Ik si mul conimcntury
oil our hopeH for the future, if there are (o
bo no means to remove the 8terii n<^eessity,
(lie hopeless poverty and want of eniploy-
ment, whieh drives them, unwilling
away. Wi^ are toid <hat depression prevails
in th(! States — widch is true, hut the man-
nfactures are established there, and even
the limited produetiou goes on, tiu; markets
are s-ipplied, and the poor lalxjurer is em-
ployed and paid. It is to him matter of lit-
tle moment, whc^ther the diviilend of the
stoekhokbn- is sr.iall or great, no long as
his services are coutiniicd and he is enabled
tf) sustain and edueatc Ids liuuily.
No douot if a like e'.ianee
were open to him here, he would re-
turn to Mis native country to-morrow. And
for all this, is there no remedy ? Tell me
whieb of your statesmen has proposed one.
VV'e mn.y drag on as we are, but it were folly
to hoi)e for any rapid or giMieral prosperity
The I'cditieians of Ontario, ignoiing the
outwards sigris — profess to stand in no need
of relief; but there is a di(f(!r(!nt feeling i a
CJuebec, New Brunswi<k, and Nova »Sootia,
It IS said, there is In^pe of a new Trade
'J'reaty, which would be a great boon, but
it must pi'xinise /ici-muncnef, to create con-
iidenee. Wo must have free and assured
commercial intoreoursc with the iStaten,
and they need it as well as ourselves. 1
slial I be told these theories lead to annex-
ation ; and it is true, that so far as in# em-
barrassments relate to conmercial inter-
course, annexation would supply a remedy.
Ihit would it be the best remedy ? 1 think
not ; and even if it were otherwise, would
it be desirable or possiole of achievement ?
I shall speak of tliis later on. Ihit mine
is another scheme and I think a better one
for a system of continental trade. I would
banish the Custom Houses along the fron-
tier ; but I would preserve the imaginary
line, as a broad division between two iriend-
ly nationfe, who desire, while mainl lining
free intercourse, to maintain their autono-
my ; to worJi out their own destiny "ml de-
velop thoir own free institutions. He-
*'-)rc the formation of the Zollverein by
Treaty stipiihitions, the commerr'al into
course of the several German '■ iatcs w i
hainpereilby disabilities and roRtriclions si-
nula'- to those which prevail between xiu
ai>d our neighbours at this moment. The'
introduction of merchandize from one State
to another was not permitted without the
payment of duties. In addition to this, nu-
mcrous prohibitions existed and the tracd
relations between the contiguous sovereign-
ties were fettered by oppressive and vex-
atious restrictions. But the inconvenience
beiame manifest and intolerable, and the
German States, while retaining their auto-
nomy, introduced a wiser commereial poli-
cy. Tlicy removed those unnecessary bur-
dens which only tended to clog enterprise
and choko the chani.cls of legitimate trade

between contiguous states. They adopted
on*! consolidated (Government tor commer-
cial pur[)oseR, one line of customs on the
Geographical boundaries was established, —
one tarilf, cxi)ort 'uul transit, was enforced
for all, and the revenue thus acquired was
distributed among tiie members of the <:on-
fodet.ition in proportion to the popidation
of cich. This system for a long
series of years has given satisfae-
ticn ill Germany, and it is con-
ceivable that Canatia .T,nd the United
Strifes might adopt something akiw to it
with mutual and permanent advantage,
riiis woul'l be preferable to any possible
Kcciprocitv Treaty, because it would be ab-
solute and permanent free triulo between
the two countries. It is preferable again,
because it could be more easily obtained,
and would indeed bo a favourite arrange-
nit'tit with the Americans. It .vouhl save
both parties immense expense along their
frontier, and would disband a vast army of
smugglers. It n>ight bo effected in six
months, and while it would be equally ad-
vantageous to our neighbours, it woiiM
make Canadii a great agricultural, uiiniiig,
and manuiacturing country. It would be
pojjular in the United States because it
would please the Frao Trader, and Mr.
Greely, the great protectionist, has promis-
ed us his support. It would settle the
Fisheries aid give them the free navigation
of the St. Lawrence, and it woti.'d open half
a Continent to their enterprise and capital,
[t would give us accee • 1o the market- of
10^000,000 of people. It would attract to '
us iinlimiied capital, and our (!ouutiy
would be dotted Ayith numerous mining and
manufacturing villages. Our agricultuiid
and commercial interests would multiply
ami expand in proportion. Our people
would be employed at home, and multitudes
of foreign labourers would be attracted
from abroad. Happiness and con-
tentment would w Ik liand in hand with
the prosperity of our countrymen. You
like the picture, but alas ! it lias awkward
shades ; and it is set in an ugly frame. We
can't n- gociate such a treaty. C'lnada has
great interests, but she has no power. She
can exercise no diplomatic functions, be-
cause she has no recognized foreign rela-
tions. She might attempt itand I. e snubbed,
after the manner of Prince Edward Island
There were thore who sneered at my igno-
rance when I made this statement in the
House, because the British Minister had
been instructed to consult us in his nego-
tiations. Do they think Mr. Thornton
would negotiate this Zollverein for us? No!
Because ' . would conflict with the policy of
the Empire. Canada, as a dependency, can
never become a party to a (Continental
Commercial policy here, because it would
involve a discrimination against British
goods. This is reasonable, and we must
not complain of it. It would, indeed, bo
a vicious system, which would ignore the

hi
bo

intercBts of the mother Country and diHciim- |
inatc in favour of a foici^;!! power. And
yet how cgrcKiously we are tlus Kutt'crerHl
'I'horo is hut one loRical remedy and that
brings me again to tlie same cnnelusion— «
.if/iunifinn fro,)!, l/iti parciil S(a?c. hrlepcn-
<lent, wo mij^ht ae(;om|)lish this Comnur-
ciai advantage. Independent, we might
taiio the start in oui own hands.
\V« should have foreign rehi-
tions. Wo (OUid negotiiito Treaties,
[n this sense we shouhl not sufler from the
change. Wo Imow our onn interests, but
i3ritisli diplomacy on this continent lias
never been a success. It could not be
otherwise. Imperial Switesmtsn have little
time to think of us. They are betteremploy-
ed on the restless, sea of Kuropean com-
plications, liut they are wiser than us in
(he appreciation of our aflii'is, for they
believe and wish, that we should assume
our independence and maintain it. We
shall grow to it in time if we are patient
and discreet. Hut the pioneers of the
movement must bare their bosoms for
temporary contumely and reproach. There
is a class of people among us, I beiicn'O they
are not numerous, tl.ougli the imeertainties
of the times are calculateil to increase them,
who are impatient of half measures, and
who desire Immediate annexation to the
States To such peoide 1 say, what ad-
vantages would you derive, that the
ZoUverein would not afford you? Surely
you do not prefer the system of our
neighbours to our own British responsible
system of goveunnent. You are not
unmindful of the elevation which naticmal
hopes and aspirations would impart to our
people. Why not join us and work out that
system under improved conditions on this
continent ? England would gladly consent
to our inilependence and aid us with the
perpetual alliance Ik r statesmen have pro-
mised. But could slio without ioss of
prestige and honour consent to the aliena-
tion of half a cimtinent, and its cession to a
foreign power? You only complicate the
situation by your impracticable demands.
You furnish wcsapons to the enemy, and you
do not serve yor.r own views. If Canada is
ever separated from England, it will be at
the cannon's mouth, if it be not to establish
her sovereign independence. It is better
for America, and better for oursel /es, that
the Dominion should remain autonomous.
The Unite<l States territories are vast
enough, and she can well afford to let ns try
the experiment of self government. We
shall work out a system slightly different
from her own, but within the bonds of
friendly commercial relations, if her flag
floated over the whole continent, where
would bo the right of asylum in < -so of
civil disorder? And what benefit wotild
she derive from a multitude of people who
should enter her councils in a spirit of repin-
ing and discontent because they had not
been left to develop and glorify their own

nationality. But I must say a word to
another class of objectors. Thero is a
[lowerfid party hero who represent the
I'uited States as overbearing and aggressive.
They belit^vo that the linaugura'Jon '>f
a coiuniiireial Zollvrrein would .lo
followed by overt acts ffn- our subjection. I
tielieve fhis statement is unfounded. I
have no doubt that judicious negotiations
might speedily nimovo the danger of it, by
the guarantee of our status through tho
means of a treaty of comity with us between
the United States and England ; and 1 have
no doubt that tiarly stejjs shouhl be taken to
secure it. But I don't believe it is fair to
assert that tho Americans are an aggressive
people. They arc, as a natit a, wedded to
the arts of peace. Sonuitirnes fillibusters
have departed from their .ihores. but they
have never succeeded ; and thoy have never
been encouraged by their government. Ah
r have alr<ady said, Mexico, (JuImi, and the
Spanish American States have Uwver suffered
'rom an American spirit of ccniinest. True,
tlKue was a war with Mexico, but with
that nation at iier feet, the Americans re-
fused her subjugation. With less causf.
KrancJ invaded i,n»t country, and attempted
to monoijolize her government. England,
by a hai)py accident, escaped. But 1 shall
be told that the Monroe doctrine contem-
pli'.tes the unqualified subjugation of tho
continent, and that the Americans preach
that doctriiic as Peter the Hermit preach(;d
the Crusades. Ho much has been said o" tho
monstrosities of that doctrine — so many e:t-
e(!llent old ladies ha"e been alarmed by it —
that perhaps we may profttjj.bly en(piire
what it was, and whether we should really
r>!gard it as a standing menace to us and our
children? It will, perhaps, stertlo some
people to be told that this doctrine was es-
sentially of British origin, and that it was
suggested by Mr. Canning. France had put
down tho constitutional principles which
prevailed in Spain, and entertained the no-
tion of defraying her expenses by acquiring
Spanish colonies in South America, i?nd
England, indignant at conduct so detrimen-
tal to her interests, and with the aversion
which Mr. Canning had ever shewn to tho
Holy Alliance, induced President Monroe
to enunciate tho doctrine which has since
become so famous. Tho following qtmta.
lion, from tho late edition of the Eucyclo-
jiadid Jirillanica, will explain what that
doctrine really was : — " James Monroe suc-
"ceeded Madison in tho Presidency, and
"retained it eight years (1817 to 1825.)
"Towards the close of his administration
" (1823), in compliance with tho suggention
" of his Secretary of State, John Quincy
" Adams, lie introduced into his messjige to
" Congress — adverting to the purpose of the
• European allies of Spain to assist her in
" subjugating her revolted colonies in Cen-
" tral i -id South America — the assertion of
" a principle in whieh tho rights and intc-
" rests of tho United States are in-

" volved, that the American continents, by
" the liee and intlcpi'niknt poKitions, \v»:>ili
" they liiive aHwiinied and nmintiiined, ii>e
" henceforth not to bo considered an Kub-
" jeetK for fiitiue colonization by any Euro-
" pean power. • « « * •

" Witi'i the existinj; colonies or depeiiden-
" cies of any Eiiropeon (lower," continues
tiie message, " we have not interfered, and
" shall not interfere. 15ntvvitli thcCiovern-
" ments who have declared their indepen-
" dence and maiidained it, and whose inde-
" pi-ndence we have, on ;^reat consideration
" and on just principles, acknowledged, we
" could not view any interposition for the
" purpose of oppressing them, or control-
" ling in any other manner their destiny liy
" any European power in any otlier light
" Ihi'M as the manifestation of an nnfriend-
" ly tlisposltion towards ilie United States."
Congress toolc no action upon this ; but
tiio spirit of tliat liody anil of the nation
was in favour of the Monroe doctrine. L(ud
lirougham, in referring to the President's
ileclaration, stated tliat it iuul dilf'ised joy
overall free men in Eino[)e; and Sir. I.
Macintosh s[ioke of it in the following
terms .• " This wise Government, in grave
but determined langu.'ge, and with that
reasonal)le and deliberate tone which be-
comes true courage, proclaims the princi-
ples of her policy, and mai..es known the
cases in which the care of her owa safety
will compel her to take up arms for the de-
fence of other States. 1 have already ob-
seived its coincidence with the declarations
of England, which indeed is [lerfect, <f al-
lowance be made (or the deei)er, or at least
more immediate iutiuest in the independ-
ence of South America, which near neigh-
bourhood gives to the United States. This
coincidence of the two great English com-
monwealths — ''or HO 1 delight to call them,
ana I heartdy pray that they may be for
ever united in the cause of jus ice and
liberty — cannot be contem[)lated without
th ! ntmost pleasure by every enlightened
citizen of the earth." Thus it will be seen
that the real Mi^nroe doctrine differs en-
tirely from the popular ver.sion of it, that it
was suggested and heartily en(h)rsed by
England, and that it conveys no warning or
menace to us. 1 entertain no doubt that
the American Government and people
wculd promote by all convenient means,
the independence of this country, and the
intimate commercial relations i liave sug-
gested, and as will have Ijeen seen, uiy
(loubts are as few, that England would en-
courage the arrangement and promote it to
every leasonable extent. But even if im-
proved trade relations with our neighbours
were impossible, the safest way out of our
commercial ditificnlties is to throw otF tlie
restraints of the colonial state It is conceiv-
able that the tide of European emigration
5 might to some extent, be diverted from the
An)erican States, to car own rich and ex-
tensive valleys of the North West, but for

the European prcdjndice against dependent
States ; and especially the Irish prejudice
against British Sovereignty. Disguise it
as we niay, these are serious <lraw liacks to
our immigration policy, and account in
some measure for its practical failure. With
the North West peojded, and with facilities
of access to it, an important market will b
opened to us and a corresponding growth of
our manulactures v/ill follow. And as we
have already ;ieen, indtjpendcnce would con-
tribute to the establishment of an assunid
and |»ern«».nent commercial policy ; with-
out which capital will (;ontinuo to distrust
us, and refuse to play its legitimate part in
the development of our resources. Inde-
l)end(^nce moreover, would create amonij; us
that spirit of self conlulence and enterprise-
which prevails so largely among our neigh,
hours, which has contributed so much to
th( ir greatni^ss and which grew out o'' the
national Independence they established.
Krom such a point of , .ew, 1 have no doubt
that here, similar results would flow from
similar causes, and that our powers of ex-
paiiKion woulil be immensely increased, by
the higher rtisponsibilities of the position ;
and though, as 1 have shown, our natural
maiket is with our neitchbours : ai.d our ex-
clusion from them would make our pro-
gress towards greatness, comparatively toil-
some ; — having exhausted all means to <!S-
tablish lair intercourse, — I should by no
means despair of my coinr:ry, if, as 1 am
sure will Uiit hai>pen, that intercourse wen;
refused. But even in that case as in the
othei, Independence wouldmultiply and ar-
celerate our successes ; so that in any way,
the gain to as, is in proportion to our
siiowth in manhood end self-relianc:e. [
have id ready considered the probable iii-
lliumce of Independ(;ncp, upon the (;haracter
of the people of thi C(<untry. I hav<! always
lamented the want of a Cana(lian national
spirit. I regard it as an elementary truth,
tiiat no |)eople can n^spect themselves or
command the rcs[)eet of others, who luivi^
ann)ng them no common sentiment of iia-
Uonal pride and devotion. It bears to na-
tional life a relatum, similar to the hiial at-
tachment of the domestic circle; and is, at
the same time, tlie glory and the safe guard
of a free people. It is painful to remark its
absence in this country. You will find na-
tional pride here, but, it is an exotic, an iii-
portation. It is English or Scotch, Irish
French or American ; and the disposition
to magnify a real Canadian nationality, is
tow often and unhappily confined to the of-
licial, the placeman, who.se duty and whose
interest it is, to make a proper display bo-
fore the people. In how many promiscuous
gatherings, jou might sneer the nationality
of the Dominion without cxcFting an apolo-
gist or provoking an avenger. But the
subj(!ct is vast, and grows upon us in
the contemplation of it. A full discussion
would till a book instiiad of ». lecture. Tinie
hmriea mc to a cunclu«iun. This is a great

is, (it

gchcine and yonr destinies are interwoven
with it. I have touched upon some of its
general features; you can <lotlu) filling up,
at your leisure, if you do me the honour,
to redect upon what [ have told you. We
have seen that the subject is ripe for dis-
cussion ; and that our vital intep-sts are
involved. We luive seen that England is
embarrassed by licr Halations to her depen-
dencies here, and that Canada is erl|)pled
by the restrictions of tlu; tonnection. We
have seen how our noblest sentiments of
lo>alty to the Crown -nay be merged and
intfiusified into loyalty to the Dominion ;
and how a spirit of national patriotism is
Indispensable to our growth in enterprise
and self-reliance. We have seen liow the
removal of Imperial tulelage, paved the way
for the growth and expansion of tlie older
North American Colonies ; and how rapid-
ly, while administering their own resources,
tlicy rose into greatness and powctr. And
we have seen how Kngland was immense-
ly the gainer, by this providential change
of her relationship to tliem. 1 have shown
how we might profit by their examph; — not
through revolt and blood shed, — for we find
England offering us tlie boon of indepen-
c'enco, which she denied to them, — and thus
the way is made easy, through peaceful
paths, for the accomplishment of our na-
tionality. I have shown that the [iroposed
stiiU; is but a second and necessary ste^) in
the great dranui of confederation, — and,
that it indicates no revolution, no violent
distortion of our institutions. I have shown
that England desires the change, and that
we need it ; and that it would happily solve
for us great commercial and political prob-
lems. I have shown how it might lead to
the cultivation of amity between ourselves
and our luighboins — how it must tolerate
the separate independtjnce of each, while it
embraces the widest freedimi of commercial
relations. 1 have warned tlie impetuous re-
formers, who would prize beyond all this,
political alliance— that .annexation is im-
possible, — and the agitation for it an embar-
rassment ; am. I have predicted that
the Americans will » bo content with
this change, so important and so easy of
achievement; and which unlike its alterna-
tive, annexation, irivolves no humiliation
to England. I iiave shown how the vast
territories, the important po|iulation, and
immense resources of this Dominion entith;
it to a respectable place among the leading
natiopalities of the earth ; and I have re-
bidvcd the critics who sneer at such aspira-
tions, <lccry our abilities, and prophecy our
humiliation and defeat. It may be all a
dream ; but it is a vision oi a great future
of wealth and happiness, of power and
glory, for our Country. And it is a vision
which foretells a fact, and will ere long ex
pand into Ihc region of substantial reality.
1 have n.'cessanly left untouched several
important branches of this great <piestion.
The army and navy — the diplomatic arm of

the public service — the whole subject of the
public expenditure, — whother the new na-
tionality would increase or diminish it, how
best it may be provided, I have left alto-
gether out of this preliminary discussion.
It is enough for my present purpose to know
that the ninth sovereign power as to pop-i-
lation ; the fomth as to commerce ; and
perhaps the first as to territory, and unde-
veloped resources, will be prepared for tht^
fiscal exigencies of its time. I have left
out of tho discussion the form of the pro-
posed government of the Dominion, It is
enough for my purpose to say that it must
be a free system, whether organized as
monarchical or republican. Kurtlnu on in
the agittition, we ought to have abundant
opi)ortuuity to contrast the -two systems
and fliscnss them. It might happen that,
as with Confederation, our politicians will
give us a system, ready made, without
troubling the people for opinions, yet the
subject has engaged some preliminary at-
tention. The significant tact is sUvted, that
during the negotiations abc "t the Confede-
ration act in England, Sir John A. McDon-
ald advocated the iuloptiou of the word
Kingdom instead of Dominion of Canada.
And it is well known that a Can.idir.n Mon-
archy was one of the dreams of the late Mr.
D'Arcy McOee, administered by an English
prince and dignified by a local nobility.
And the able organs of the HicLarchy of
Lower Canada, who have cautiouslj writtea
in ff.»f0ur of lnd(!penUence, are understood
to favour similar v'iews. On the other hand,
there will be found those who dread,
tho expenses of Iloyalty, and who
doiibt tho feasibility of ingrafting
feudal forms and pageantry iipon the
democratic institutions of the new world.
Such people see no charms in tho ex-
travagance of a court antl the nvenactment
of the laws of primogeniture for tho
maintenance of a privileged class. They
will tell you that a system whi\:h failed in
Mexico with France at her back cannot
prevail here among the levelling inlluences
of free institutions. But y*. i and I may
await the current of efents, and prepare
for the discussion in due season. It is well
for those who agree as to the end to bo
achieved, to agree also upon the postpone-
ment of disturbing collateral issues. Wo
«hall find for a time yet, a fierce [)arty to
fight, — composed of those mumerous am!
powtirful interests which depend upon tin;
maintenance of things as they arc ; and, em-
bracing as well, no ilonbt, a large dement
of disinterested loyalty and honest devotion
to th(! country. I proposed at the outset to
speak from no party point of view. My
theme is (exalted above ami beyond the
divisions of party ; — and barring personal
bitterness — my positioii has been assailed
as fiercely by my friends, as by my enemies.
I'.ut tlii.j is not the occasion for recrimin-
ation or reply. My dei)endenco is upon the
oompletcness of my argument. 1 have

strong views as a party man but they have
no placo in this discussion. I might cross
tlie house to-morrow— if 1 found my enemies
adopting these views, and if my iricnds
should persist in opposing them. Tlicro is
a grave rcspnsibjlify resting upon our public
men. The country is adrift and the public
mind is disquieted. Everybody believes < the
finality is not reached and askg, Whither
are wo drifting ? Some suspect that the
administration hold peculiar views — ^but
they neither venture to deny nor proclaim
them. Whpn I had the honour first to ex-
press these opinions on the floor of Parlia-
ment, ministers treated mo to some per-
sonal abuse, but upon the main question
they were cautious and silent. There
waa a profound impression through
the house, — but they ventured upon
no word of disavowal. Their opi-
nions were shadowed in mystery and they
had not the courage to proclaim them. Af-
terwards when this strange phase of the de-
bate had provoked some comment from the
press. Sir George Cartier did indulge in a
gentle dissent from my conclusions. No
body denies tliat a change must come ; (uul
there remains only the question of time
and fitness and preparation. I repeat that
public opinion is adrift ; and the policy oi
the administration of the day should be
openly avowed and vindicated. If they
are opposed to these views, they ought to
set their faces boldly and publicly against
them. If the time has not arrived, and if
they want delay and opportunity to pre-
pare for it, let them openly declare their
views and shape their legislation to main-
tain tlicm. Tho public could alford to
wait, if this dangerous uncertainty were
dispelled, and if there were a fixed idea in
the popular mind of a definite and desira-
ble future. But grave dangers lurk be-
hind the delays, tho doubts and the inse-
curities of the hour. Tho truth must be
told that we are last losing our hold upon
tho loyalty and confidence of our people.
Discontent and non-confidenco stalk open-
ly among them ; and the enemies
of our future are encouraged to flaunt

their evil prophecies before onr very doors.
A national policy, pronounced and pro-
gressive, would attract the ear and excite the
conlidcnco of tho public. They would
listen to your appeal, if you supplied them
with motives and invoked their sympathies,
inspired them with national hopes and
aspirations — and their i.iterest in a future
they could be proud of, would bo like a
sheet anchor, to hold them fast to the
Dominion. And now gentlemen, 1 have
fulfilled the auty which, I thought, was
incumbent upon me, of adtlressing you some
observations, on this absorbing topic of the
hour. I have counted tho cost and I know
the penalty. You have not misunderstood,
— but my enemies, as is their custom, w«ll
misrepresent and malign me. I shall be
neither intimidated nor disheartened. If lay
views prevail, some of thewi will join mo,
before the battle is over. If they are reject-
ed, I have still performed my duty.
Sometimes it requires boldness to speak the
truth, but there is no power to stifle free
discussion in this country. You and I have
a right to our opinions, and the right to
discuss them. The statesmen of England
have set us the example, in the very citadel
of the empire. There is no political
disability here, — for the councils of the
nation are pvesidud over to day, by men,—
some of whom lately sought tu subvert the
govemraont, — and others to promote its
immediate annexation. They are loyal
citizens now, and so are we. Time changes
conditions and works marvels, and time
will accomplish the great destiny of this
country, — and let us hojie, in a manner
most conducive to the happiness of its
people, lii such a case, though my theories
shoidd be exploded, my hopes would be
fulfilled. Lot us hope, too, whatever
betides, — in this greatcrisis of our history, —
for an era of advancnig intelligeiice— of
brotherhood and toleration among us. And
let us prayerfully commend our country,
its future, its people, to the gracious pro-
tection and guidance of the great Father of
Nations.

• H

was