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THE INDEPENDENCE OF CANADA. 
 
 THE 
 
 ANNUAL ADDRESS 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE AGRICULTURAL^ SOCIETY OP THE COUNTY OF 
 MISSISQUOI. AT BEDFORD, SEPT. 8.. 1869. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 HON. L. S. HUNTINGTON, Q. C, 
 
 M. P. for the CauntyoJ Shefford. 
 
 ^ • ii 
 
 ftflntml: 
 
 HERALD STEAM PRESS, 51 AND 53 ST. JAMES STREET. 
 
 1869. 
 
H 9" 
 
 284323 
 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF CANADA. 
 
 — 
 
 Sin, — 
 
 In England it is tho custom for pnblic 
 men to seize tlio occasion ot great gather- 
 ings of the people to a<idres8 them upon 
 public affairs. I humbly invoke that cus- 
 tom and your kinii forbearance while I ad- 
 dress to you some observations upon what 
 I consider tho great question of the day. 
 I| made some remarks in the «ame sense in 
 Parliament ut its last session, and was hon ■ 
 oured with a good deal of imfricndly cri- 
 ticism, and I am sure you will forgive me, 
 if I improve the first favourable occasion 
 for restating my opinions with some argu- 
 ments in their support, f may premise that 
 th-jre is neither disloyalty nor inde'dcacy in 
 bringing to your notice, a subject, which 
 deeply interests this country — which has 
 been discussed both in om- own and in the 
 British Parliament — and generally by the 
 Press in both countries — and which I fiimly 
 believe is the necessary complement of the 
 great scheme of confederation we have ac- 
 complished. It is true that in my humble 
 way, I opposed that scheme in gi-eat part, 
 because I was timiil about the early as- 
 sumption of sovereignty, which I thought 1 
 foresaw, then, must follow. I stated in my 
 place in Parliament, after the coalition of 
 '04, that confederation, if it should really 
 prove, what its promoters pretended, an an- 
 tidote to annexation, was the lirgt step to- 
 wards the independence of the countiy. 
 But opposition was useless, for confedera- 
 tion was the policy of the Empire ; and Im- 
 perial influence is always too powerful for 
 Colonial dissent. I hav^e accepted the 
 situation in its fullest sense, as faithfully 
 and loyally as if I had originally promoted 
 it. But, the first' step having been taken, 1 
 Bee dangers in delay, and I believe it is ex- 
 pedient to take measures for the severance of 
 our present relations to the Empire. This 
 is a momentous step and requires grave con 
 sideration. It must create differences of 
 opiuiou and the broadest tolerance should 
 be accorded to discussion. I propose to 
 speak candidly and dispassionately. 1 have 
 no party battles to fight nor jersonal prefer- 
 ences to gratify. Holding strong opinions 
 as to the future of this country, I submit 
 them frankly for the vei-d<ct of my country- 
 men. Sooner or later the weight of opin- 
 ion—the majority, must rule. I am prepared 
 to accept the decision and loyally abide by 
 its consequences. Such service as I can 
 render will be cheerfully rendered, whether 
 
 my country remains a province or becomes 
 an Independent State. And I profess and 
 feel profound respect for those who honestly 
 dread the great change we are discussing. 
 Foremost among the i)arr!(;rK to our progress 
 tov/ards a nationality, is tliat noble senti- 
 ment of loyalty to the British Crown, Avhich 
 has so generally and so happily subsisted 
 among the great masses of our people. 
 Can we forget our noble Queen ? Can we 
 dissociate ourselves from tlio glories and 
 the traoitions of the Emjjire ? British 
 Citizenship is no idle wor;i, and what 
 could we create for ourselves to surpass it ? 
 F»r a century the affectionate colonial eye 
 has rested from afar upon the British 
 Throne, as the centre of power, protection 
 and glory. We have venerated the Old 
 Land, with ;i far oft' colonial adoration, — we 
 have borrowed her thoughts, leaned upon 
 her opinion, and conscious of the plenituie 
 of her effulgence, we have been proud to 
 shine through her reflected light. England 
 has been the land of our dreams ; even dis- 
 tance lent her enchantment and English- 
 men to us were a superior race We liave 
 been proud of the Old Flag ; not indeed, 
 feeling unde; it, an equality with the Sea 
 Iv'ngs, but assured of its protection, in the 
 li&tless life of dependence which colonists 
 lead. We knew if great danger should 
 threaten, that Flag would float ovc* us ; 
 stayed by an arm stronger than ours, which 
 we coukl not control ; and tliat ours would be 
 neither the duty nor th'j glory of upholding 
 it. But dependence begets trust ; and to 
 conffde in a generous people is to admire 
 and love them. Can all this trustAdness, 
 this affection and loyalty be torn ruthlessly 
 away ? It deserves at least respect ami 
 tender treatment. But it might not be wise 
 to jeopardize tho great future oi" our young 
 country, for the sake of even so noble a 
 sentiment, as the Hindoo widow sacrificed 
 her life upon the funeral pile. Governments 
 in our time, are ordained for tl»e happiness 
 and the prosperity of the people, and if it can 
 be shown that the virtues of selfreliance 
 and national Manhood — habits of original 
 thought — a condition of equality with the 
 nations of the earth — an immense pre- 
 ponderance of material advantage may be 
 safely and permanently seciired by a friend- 
 ly change in our relations to the Empire ; 
 perhaps loyalty to the Dominion might 
 come to overshadow the wido-spreiul seuti- 
 meut of loyalty to the crowu. The 
 
i 
 
 cIliM iiestloH with fond dei>cn(lencc 
 to the imiental lienit ; one by one 
 his hahit.s (if Hclf-confiili-nco aw iic- 
 (|iiiif(i iiH cliililliooil iiK'i>f(K into youth or 
 iiiiiiiliooil (i|i|)i'uH('lu'H. When lit Inst the 
 ap! of iimjoiity Ik iviu'hi'd, liliiil alVfctioii is 
 iiot (jiu riclictl, bocuiiso tlit; tlnys of (l(;pcii- 
 (it'iiru ai'o ov<'r. Nor fouid wo plead tlic 
 tindi-iiii'sw of liif ti<' as an <'X(;iis(! ibr por- 
 IK'tiial < iiildhood. It is from kiuIi n point 
 ol view tliat tlio FiOndon " 'I'inn's" Kpi'ni<H 
 of Ciinadaas " 'I'ln! cldtst Kon of I'hif^hind." 
 lint tli'Tf arc fliosd wiio hclicv, (liiit tlit; 
 I ndi'iH'ndincc of ( 'iinada wonld contlict witli 
 liic ('iiloniul policy of tho Knipirc, and wlio, 
 tukin^^r tiicir inspirations front tint traditionH 
 of tln^ past, niaU(! JMigiand's f,'lory to consist 
 in th<! vustncss of hijr colonial possessions. 
 Th(! motto of " Siiips, (lolonios and Coni- 
 nn'>'<'(>" iiilongs to an (iice that is past. Its 
 men! ion snninions tla^ ghost of flu; old act 
 ol Navigation, and the celebrated 2i> Acts 
 of l\'irlianient, for the maintenance of a 
 <v'oniineicial iVlonopoly — " like melancholy 
 yhosts of dead renown." It was a syKtem 
 of ol)strn'lion and restriction to Colonial 
 eiitfrprise, in whicli tlie llolonies were ic- 
 j'ardttil as men; contriliotors to the wealth 
 •ind glory of tin; parent State;. Freedom 
 has madt; rapid strides in I'^ngland sinci; 
 those days, political economy ha.s been re- 
 modelled, and political arithmetic haH 
 achieved new systems ot calculation. I'^ng- 
 land did not lind that the loss of her origi- 
 nal Amciican Colonies dwarfed her indus- 
 Iriis, ( lippliMl her commerce or bligh*.ed 
 her prestige as a nation ihey have grown 
 to he r. greater people and more prolitahle 
 lusloiners. The young ('olonies r(;lieve(l 
 troin the r(;straints ot tntehigB espoused 
 great principles and upludd thi;m, thus 
 insuring llirir own greatn(;sH and, inciden- 
 tally, the elevation of universal mankind. 
 I'higlishmen havt; watched with a canrful 
 eye the progress of thi;ii' kinsmen in the 
 nntried Held of freedom and etiuality. 
 Slowly and canliou.ily they have copied 
 what seemed to Ik; success, and have been 
 w.nnetl of the disiinctions b(;tweoii liberty 
 and licensi; ; and thus for nearly a century 
 tin; two great nations foremost in their de- 
 viitions to the prir.ciples of popular free- 
 dom and constit titional govcnnn'nt, have 
 been a constant example and (;ncoura.ge- 
 nu'iittociich other. SMnu;time.'s (here have 
 been rivalries and estra.ng»;nn'nt. (Jiuarrels 
 among kinsmen are oftenest bitter and nn- 
 reasonalile, but the friends of peace and free- 
 dom li.,ve trusted, not in \ain, to that palla- 
 dium ol Common priucjples, which both ]ico- 
 ples have cheiislie<l ; and thus it has liap- 
 pened that the dismemberment of th(; 
 the I'impire, which the matchless ehupience 
 of tMiatham and I'.inke foretold ami depre- 
 ( ated, and boiM'st but stubborn old George; 
 the Third believed impossible, has proved a 
 great commercial and political blessing to 
 England .-'.nd the world. The old motto 
 jiuaut after all, nothing uioic than, " HbipK, 
 
 markets and commerce," and ihcac, under 
 the new relations of the colonies have been 
 midtiplieda luuulred fold. 
 
 Now let US like ni(;n of nerve and coni- 
 pr<;ln.'nsion apply this lesson to ourselvi'S. 
 What benelit are wt; lo England ? From 
 what wo have seen, it is manifest, that oiu 
 sovereign independence would en. anceMmr 
 own growth and resources, and multiply the 
 ailvantages she could d(;rive from oiw trade 
 The commercial argnuuint therefore from 
 an English jiointof view is against the con- 
 n(;ction, and this is why our <;n(;nu(;H atVect 
 to despise it. But bow arc wo otherwise 
 nseful ? Art; wo a source y)l strength to her 
 in war? Do we recruit her armies anil na- 
 vies, or, failing to sui)ply men, do we potu' 
 OIU' means into her military <:oirers ? We 
 do not even afford a field for tin; political 
 patronage of the I'ritish administratimi of 
 tin; day, and there remains to Englan<l 
 therefore, but the doubtful pri;tigi;s of nomi- 
 nal rule (>v(;r vast American possessions. 
 What wonder, that Englishm(;n are grow- 
 ing cold to this advantagi;, when they re- 
 flect upon the prodigality of blood •iiul trea- 
 sure it may one day cost them to maintain 
 itV Faithful to her glorious traditions, 
 England will act no uishononrable part to- 
 wards us whib; we remain a p»)<'tion of the 
 Empire. Iter oft reiterated promisi; to de- 
 fend us in case of war, she will fulfill with 
 her last man and her last dollar. IJiit the 
 obligation is not the less tin endiarrass- 
 ment because it is binding. And the more 
 far seeing of lH;r stai,esmen for the last lifty 
 years, have looked towards a changi; of the 
 conditions v/hich imposed it. Steji by 
 step,in all the noble and unprecedented con- 
 cessions they have accorded ns, we have 
 been led gently and cautiously, towards the 
 paths of manhood anil s(;lf-r(;liance; and they 
 have explained to the liritish people, as they 
 watched this problem, of afrei; governnn;nt, 
 growing ont of their colonial jurisdiction, 
 that tlie Colonial State was not what 
 Ihirke called it, a " perpetual minority," 
 but must e.\pand into sovereign and indepen- 
 dent powers. In the great Confeder.ition 
 debate of 'G5, the Hon. John Tlilliard Cam- 
 eron the leader of the high lories 
 of llpi)er Canada, declart;d, in 
 
 denouncing the doctrines of the Man- 
 chester school, that Canada derives no im- 
 portant benefits from her connection with 
 Croat Britain, except in the matter id' de- 
 fence. 
 
 With this honest declaration of an un- 
 tainted (.'onservative <;liief, 1 propose Ui 
 ojjcn a brief discussion of thi; <[uestion. 
 What benefit is England to Canada V 1 
 speak as to the future, and J im not nn- 
 mijidful of her generosity in the past, and 
 the great heritage of free institutions she 
 has bequeathed to ns. These were our 
 birthright, but a less magnaminous provin- 
 cial policy would have tienied them to ns 
 as Colonists. Sovereign or d(;pendent, (Ca- 
 nada will cherish for all time, a grateful 
 
 I 
 

 memory o( EnpIand'H (icntlo ana Vx-niKtiftrit 
 riilf over iih, vvliihi i'U*' tftiijrht us tlw Its- 
 sfnis ot <()n,sti(iiti()ii(i! frovorniiifiit. For all 
 tinn', too, wlicicvt r our ijrciit poiiiiliitioiiH 
 art (U'siiadcd from lier nolilc Ktcnk, wo 
 shall chcrisb tlio prido nf kindri'd, nliall 
 cliiim oiir sliiiic in tlio ^'lori<;a of lior litoia- 
 luic, licr iniirtiiil prowcMS, and hur comnicr- 
 tiai liiuni|)liH. IJiit Uu'ho rif,dits arc not to 
 UH an cxciiisive hciitafrO| and we but liold 
 Muni in conunon with the di Hccniiants, all 
 ovir tht: world, of" the f^reat boHtor-uiotlur 
 of nations ; and 1 am onquiring after the 
 spet iul advantages of the connection. 
 These hre not to he found in our com- 
 mercial intereoinse, for here we are left to 
 comjx'te ns^ainst the world. It is not that 
 hi'r aiiiindant i'a|>ital, attracted by our 
 hn'alty and alfccfion, flows in upon us 
 bi'caiise w<! arc r. dependency ; to tlevelop 
 our lesoiirces, and to awaken the hum of 
 industry along our shores ; for that cai)ital 
 seeks only a safe rettun of its investintiuts, 
 and is oftcner dtawn where it is better 
 rewarded, amonij stranpfors. It is not that 
 (he prestijre of tlu; connection gives us a 
 position among the jjeoitles of the earth; for 
 our powers are mercdy local anil mnni(ii)al, 
 and bear tlie taint of inferiority and dejien- 
 dence. Tlierc remains, therefore, but the 
 one advauii'ie, and wo end, as Mr. Cameron 
 began for u><, — the ailvantage of the con- 
 uection is iiairowed to the solitary matter 
 of defence ; and w<^ phall see, as wc procei^d, 
 that even tliis is of doubtful utility. Defence 
 presupposes attack, which we havi; only to 
 drtad from our rejjublican neighbours. But, 
 the diflicultics with them, are always of p,n 
 Imperial character. The Trent affair, the 
 Alabama claims, and tlio Irish Fenian 
 (luarrel with i'^nglanrl. were all as foreign to 
 us as the China Seas, and interested us only 
 in their consequences. It is not true that 
 the same may be Bind of liiverpool or 
 Dublin foraliundred reasons ; butes])ccially, 
 because tlu;y are j)artofthe liritisli Isles, 
 and are represented in the British Parlia- 
 ment. We have no voice an'.l cannot in- 
 lluence the foreign policy of the empire. 
 There is only for us the duty of waiting till 
 war isdc^clan'd, .and the lu.tury of becoming 
 th(^ field of blood, the theatre of desolation, 
 {"bus England would defend us, but from 
 what, but the consequences of her own 
 quarrels? We have no occasion for dangerous 
 controversy with our neighbours on onr 
 own atx'ount. Our interests are bleudod 
 with theirs, and tend to mutual comity and 
 good will, and the dangers of conflict will 
 bo a thousaml fold removed when British 
 entanglements are avoided. This fact has 
 been again and again admitted by British 
 Statesman. (I During the debate in the Hotise 
 of ('ommons on tlio defences in 1865, Mr. 
 S. Fitzgerald declared, that if Canada wore 
 independent, there would he no cause of 
 (luarrel between her and the United States. 
 'Phat it could bo only through a desi o to 
 jstriko at Kngltiud, that Ameriift would 
 
 attack us. Canadians had not permitted 
 the Alabama to escapi' or precipitately 
 acknowledge<l bellig(;rent rights, and there 
 could be no cause of (piarrel, except 
 tliat she was uniterl to England ; 
 and his Delief was, that if Canada were in- 
 dependi'ut to-moriow, she would not run 
 the slightest danger of a contest. Mr. Card- 
 well adverted to that speech, as one, against 
 wbf)Se t^'ue thit (lOvernni'Uil could make no 
 compl.ii it, and the sentiment was rectiiveil 
 with tie aj)i)roving hear, hears, of the 
 House. In the same debate Mr. Bright, 
 whose views have not changed, and who is 
 a power in England at this moment, declai- 
 ed, that should any occasion to ibfend ns 
 arise, it would not result frot , anything 
 done by us, but would be a war growing 
 out of the relations between the (iibinets 
 of London and Washington. «t 
 I' It is true that intaseof war, we should 
 be no match for the jxjwer of oip- neigh- 
 bours. But our dependence! would be in 
 the right and in the comity of nations. 
 There is no reason to fear that they would 
 be aggressive. Mexico, (^iiba, the South 
 Aineri'^an Stab s have maintaiiKHl their au- 
 tonomy without mole"«ition. And besiiles, 
 as Mr. Cameron siiggestiMl the other day, 
 there would probal>lybe little dilticulty in ar- 
 ranging for a British and American protec- 
 rate. 
 
 J t is to be regretted of course, that a por- 
 tion of the American press, adopt a di.sagre- 
 able and sensational tone ujion this sulijiic't. 
 and it suits the views of certain JournalH 
 here to give these utterances an unnecessa- 
 ry prominence. They preach, of course, 
 the manifest destiny of annexation, and 
 they laugh at our Independence, as <inj)os- 
 sible of maintenance for six months after 
 its achievement. They say, it is impos- 
 sible for two peoples, of the same race ami 
 language to live alongside, without the ab- 
 sorption of the smaller by the greater. Thi.s 
 is mere vapid assertion. The exi>erimcnt f)f 
 course was never tried, because the 
 prescribed conditions were wanting. 
 But what did these peoples pn^ach, 
 about the Southern Confederacy ? Di<l they 
 not prate loudly of her power to sustain a 
 national existence? And thougli she failed 
 after prodigies of valour and skill; what 
 reasonable man doubts, that, could sheh^vo 
 achieved her independence, she might sub- 
 sequently have maintained it ? Yet, the 
 Uouili was far behind us iii her ai)pr(!ciation 
 of freedom, and the true elements of a na- 
 tion's greatnets. It is only poor Canada 
 which is to be sneered and Jeered, into 
 clinging to a system of tutelage and infe- 
 riority for ever.»*It was not the fashion to 
 disparage her resources and poh, poh, her 
 aspirations, when the Hon. George Brown, 
 in his Confederation speech spread out the 
 map and Invited the House, to an euthusias- 
 tic study of her magnificent geography. Ho 
 traced tlio island of Nowfouudlaud, and 
 found it o^ual in extent, to the kingdom of 
 
e 
 
 Portngftl.rrofimnp tho straits to tho main 
 liindH, tho lioMpiUihIo shorcH of Nova Kcotia, 
 Htrtitt'hed out to th« dinieriHioiiH of the king- 
 dom of (I reeeu. New BrimHwick waH t-rjuul 
 in extent to Dunmaik and Swit/crlaiid com- 
 bined. Lower Canada wan a (,'oiintry iim large 
 aH h'raniu!, and Upper Caniula, twenty 
 thouKand niileu larg(;r than (iruat Jiritain 
 and Ireland pnt together. Aciohh tho ron- 
 tincut to tlio whores of the racilic wan 
 British Columbia, the lautl of (iollen pro- 
 niiHe, and comparable in extent to tho AiiH- 
 trian Kmj)ire ; and then tho IiHlian tcrrito- 
 rioH which liebotwoon, wore greater in ex- 
 tent than tho whole K(.il of UuKsia. There 
 wer;', he Haid, in Kiirope forty-eight Sover- 
 eign States and only eleven with a popula- 
 tion greater than oins. In IhVI, wo wvrv 
 to stand <,'(|ual in ))opulatiou to tiie ninth 
 Sovereign State of Europe. The llonour- 
 ablo Uentlenum further told tho House, 
 that in l'7'.t:!, the Commerce of the Sovereign 
 and Jndepiindent United States, their ex- 
 ports and imports did not amount to one 
 third of what ours did at that moment, and 
 there were few States in lOuropo and tliosi; 
 with vastly greater population than our 
 own, that could boast of anything like tho 
 foreign commerce jjassing through our 
 hands. And France, though the third ma- 
 ritime power of the world, owned only 60,- 
 000 tons more of shipping than BrlthiB 
 America. Then, the Dominion, whether 
 for industry or defence, would muster a 
 force of 70,000 seamen, and in round num- 
 berstTOOjOOO men capable of bearing arms. 
 These arc not tho qualities of a country 
 unfitfor self-govcrnmerrt and whoso future 
 need bear the taint of inferioritv 
 and dependence. I have said that 
 Independence is the natural se- 
 qnenco of the theories which promot- 
 ed Confederation. Lord Mouck alluded to 
 it as involving a " New Nationality," when 
 he first referred to it in a speech from the 
 Throne. British Statesmen have invariably 
 discussed it as a step in tho transition our 
 institutions were undergoing. The events 
 of the American War, and the attendant 
 possibilities of a rupture wit'; that Country, 
 forced upon tho attention of the British 
 Government the question of the defence of 
 their possessions on this Continent. They 
 promoted tho scheme from an Imperial 
 point of view; and with reference to im- 
 mediate relief from the embarrassments of 
 their responsibilities here. I cannot better 
 express my view of the attitude they as- 
 sumed than by quoting from tho "True 
 Witness" of March, 1867, one of tlie best 
 '■written Journals on tliis Continent, and un- 
 derstood to be an organ of tho Lower Cana- 
 da Catholic Clergy. The writer says: — 
 " We understand that the Bill for the Union 
 of the B. N. A. Provinces has been rapidly 
 carried througli tho three readings in the 
 House of Lordc). In all probability it will 
 meet the same fate in the House of Com- 
 mons J for iu England public sentiment is 
 
 very strong in favour of a meafluro which is 
 looked upon as (treliminary to the teiufrance 
 o/ a polilical eonnection, not projitahlf, and 
 often vtry dangtrou»io i\w people of ( treat 
 Britain. Some changes have been madit in 
 tho Quebec scheme, appanuitly at the re- 
 quest of tho delegates themselves, since wo 
 nuiy well believe that in the Imperial Leg- 
 islature tho feeling tfjwards these Pro- 
 vinces is a desire to i/et rid of them allor/efh^r 
 as honourahli/ ami ax Kfieeditf/ a» iiotaihle. 
 They profit t neat Britain neither material- 
 ly nor nu»rally. ••••••••• 
 
 All that remains for (treat Brit4iin is to get 
 ridqf hf.r Aori/i American Provinces aa tpeed- 
 ili/ and with as Utile loft of moral prenlije as 
 posHthle. The .s<\-call<d Confederal ion of 
 thexe Provinces pren'^iUa the meann/or accom- 
 plishing this, and it is therefore eagerlg 
 grasped at hit men of all parties." 
 There is no doubt that more or less directly, ' 
 such views wiue urged U|>on our delegates, 
 while the negotiations were pro<;eeding in 
 Ktigland. Indeed so (liitermincd wiTe all 
 parties there to hurry through the iirrange- 
 nient, that tho most solemn nanonstrances 
 of its colonial opponents were treated with 
 almost imiversal and contumacious neglect. 
 And the views of the statesmen as might t)o 
 expected are quietly reflected among the 
 people of England. All the organs of 
 opinion, tho popular Times, the Radical 
 Star and tho Tory Standard, the stately 
 Saturday Review and the snobbish I'all 
 Malt izttle, with their satellites all over 
 the Kingdom adopt the same tone ; either 
 that Canada is an encumbrance to England 
 or they aie ready to promote her independ- 
 ence to-morrow; and every colonist with 
 whom you speak and who has had tho 
 entro to British Society will tell you that 
 tho same feeling pervades the British 
 mind. Adam Smith wrote (hat no dominant 
 country could ever voluntarily relinquish its 
 power over a dependency. But he regarded 
 the abandonment in the light of a sacriticc, 
 and in our case England has already ab- 
 andoned all the patronage which, in his 
 view, was a temptation to retain dominant 
 power. But Mr. Cornwall Lewis who 
 wrote later and after modern Colonial views 
 began to permeate England, regarded as 
 probable, that a parent state, d(!riving no 
 advantage from a dependency and believing 
 that tho dependency was able and 
 willing to form an independent state, might 
 abandon its authority for the want of a 
 sufficient inducement to retain it. There 
 iiiight even be positive reasons for its with- 
 drawal, — as ii" the dependency contributes 
 nothing to the commercial facilities of tho 
 dominant country, is a source of expense to 
 the Supreme Government — and may in- 
 volve the dominant countiy in wai; and he 
 further says, that if the parent state under- 
 stands its true relation to tho dependency 
 it will voluntarily recognize independence 
 when there is fitness to maintain it ; will 
 prepare those for Independence who art* 
 
fitJII iin(il)lo to fttftnc! alonf ; and will nook 
 nitlur to pniiiiotit Kh (ratio, iliiui iU Kiiiplre. 
 Kn;;liHliiii(<ri Iteliovo lliat wu liro nblu t<> fui- 
 til nil Mt(!H(t coiiditioiiK iiud tlioy nro eniiti-- 
 oiisly but pi^iniHtontly pn^wHiiip: the ioH|)onHi- 
 liilitv iipoii iiH. Nciwl wo lumitftto to tiiko 
 tlui hint and [ircparo to aHHurno it? Aro 
 our public men too timid to leml tho pco- 
 |>l(i up to tlio tiivnt work whi(!h in Ind'oro 
 tli((m? Aril tlioy blind to tho Hijj;nH of tho 
 tiinoK or aro thoy Hookinjx to enoourago tJio 
 poopb^ in blindnoKA? Ft lg, timo that uvory 
 I'aiiadian Khoidd comprohcnd thu nttlttidu 
 whii'h Kngland Ik aKHuminp;; and that ho 
 hIiouM calndy and diHpaHsioniitoIy luimit 
 there is niotluHl in tlio niadnoKH kIio is ac- 
 iiiNed of. Wo havo hoou thct in a oommor- 
 cial KtiiiHO or in a sonHo ofmilit^iry or na- 
 tional />rfnlit/e, she durivoH mi iMlvantaRo 
 fnun tho ooniioction. Wo havo Koon, that 
 thcro is umtiial disiwIvantaKo— unmiHtako- 
 abio danger to tho mother and tho child, in 
 tho rolatioiiH Kid)siHting botwooii them. 
 How long ought wo to hositato and tempo- 
 ri/,e ? How long can wo allord to oultivatu 
 iiliMibioHH to our true poHition, and go on 
 KJmulatingan importance which Ih deceit- 
 ful and viHionary. 'I'ho change must como 
 and it Ih only manful to prepare for it. It 
 is childish to underrate onrHolvcH or tho 
 tliiticK that await uk. Tlioro :ire dangorH in 
 delay anil it is our duty to face tho grave 
 aspect of the position. Ab we havo hooh, 
 the interest and tho policy of the Imperial 
 ttovernmont aro nnmistakoii ilo. Tory and 
 Radical seem for ouci; in accord. No doubt 
 tho rcHponsibility of ministers in England, 
 tho (lolicocies of party relations, the anxiety 
 of one side to ret^iin ottico and ol the other 
 side to obtain It, may temper imperial tac- 
 tics and stimulate caution and reserve. It 
 may be that even yet a skilful appeal to 
 liio dead past of tho old coloniil policy 
 might rouse a spirit of resistance among 
 tho British masses. There may bo some 
 v.ho still boliovo that tho perpetual mino- 
 rity of tlie (JolonicB is essential to tho gloiy 
 of the Empire : a;? thcro aro still some who 
 clierish the traditionary faith that ouo En- 
 glishman can wlup two Frenchmen. This 
 state of fchings may delay, but it cannot 
 avert tho crisis. 'J'horo remains still tho 
 (Colonial Policy — tho unmistakeable hand 
 writing on the wall. Even Sir John Young 
 our chief Imperial otRcer, an able, astute, 
 and cxpeiaVi:.ced statesman, has not found 
 it consistent with his high duties to bo 
 reticent upon this great question ol 
 U»o honr. Cautious) y of coiuse, as be- 
 came his high office, but significantly 
 as tho rcprosontativo of great Imperial in- 
 tc rests here, he hints at tho transition 
 S.ate, through which our Institutions are 
 passing. He stated at Quebec and reitera- 
 tt)d at Halifax, that Canadian statesmen and 
 people aro tho best judges of their own in- 
 terestf' ; that their destinies were in their 
 own hands and that if they decided upon 
 some change, tho proposition would re- 
 
 (oivo from the stutesnx^n and people of 
 England, a generous and friendly roiiNidera- 
 tion. HiH Excellency does not belong to 
 (hat school «)f thinkers, who preiu'l. (hat 
 pending the great consol'dation here, fur- 
 ther changes ate not to bo thou^Mit of. Mo 
 doe.s not tell us that, because Confederation 
 is l)Ut half ac(;omplished, wo shoidd shut 
 our eyes to tho future, and leave blind 
 (;Imuico to accomplish tho destinies of this 
 Great Northern Doniiruon. He tells u t- 
 deed, in his Halifax speech, that he .,id 
 been misreprosentiMl atijueli.u' and that ho 
 had been made to talk of change of alle- 
 giance, when ho only meant change of al- 
 lii'rice. Nobody but the wilfully blind (ould 
 havo nndorstoo'l His Excidlency otlu-rwise. 
 Nobmly could have dreamed that a liritish 
 Ciovornor, would suggest to the people of 
 half a continent under his rule, tho cession 
 of their territory to a foreign powtir. Hut 
 His Excellency is too good a phi''- ist not 
 to undersUuid tho full purjiort of tho words 
 he discusses. Allegianci^ signili(!s tho obli- 
 gation of a subject to his I'rince orOovern- 
 ment — Alli'iu<;o suggests original powers 
 mutually exercised by tho parties to a com- 
 pact, and pr.ietically, thoroforo, alle.(iauce 
 coAses when alliance begins, and this view 
 is quite consistent with Kir John Young's 
 able speeches, at. intifrpretctl by himself. 
 Ho simply did not intend to ((invey tho 
 idea that England would promote the aii- 
 nexation of this great country to tho vast 
 torritoritH of our Uepublican neighbours, 
 while at tho same time ho felt that tho fu- 
 ture had something nobler in store for uh 
 than the more Colonial tutelage of our times. 
 Hence he spoko of clmngo from such a state; 
 oneouragod us, by reciting the example of 
 Holland, with smaller tt;rritory and lower 
 resources ; and cheered tis with the ])romise 
 of tho perpetual good will of his (.lovorn- 
 ment and " alliance" with England tho 
 " mother of nations." The country owes a 
 debt of gratitude to His E.xcelloncy, for this 
 timely aid to tho popular thought, for thus 
 ' cautiously foreshadowing that brilliant fu- 
 ture, whoso cflulgenco has dazzled his timid 
 ministers. It is moreover stilted, H|)on 
 what seems to bo imdoubtcd authority, 
 that when it was first intimated to Sir A.T. 
 Gait, that Her Majesty lnul it in contempla- 
 tion, in view of his distinguished public 
 services, to conler upon him the honour of 
 knighthood, that gentleman took occasion 
 to lay before tho Executive, a statement, 
 expressing his high sense of this groat 
 honour, but that he felt, ho ought, before 
 accepting it, to represent tho strong views 
 he entertained in favour of the early in- 
 dopcndonco of this country. But Her 
 Majesty's representative, found in this 
 phase of opinion, no disqualification for 
 Royal favour, and Her Majesty was 
 graciously pleased to confer it. It would 
 bo fair to ask if Sir John Young did not 
 mean to indicate independence, what did 
 he mean ? He could not have referred to 
 
 I 
 
 #^ 
 
8 
 
 ■ 
 
 our ropruiientAtiun in tho British Piirlia- 
 muht, — the only nitiiuu by whidt wu 
 colouiHtH could bucouiu tho cciiihIh of our 
 trauH-Atlnntiu countryman, und im im- 
 p08Hibl(! iH)ncuHHion from ihu Imporiul 
 Oovernmuut. If Kn^liind w(^ro to athnit tbe 
 roprtiHuntutivuM of hi;r milliouH of colonistH 
 to BcatK in thu Houhu of CunimoOH, how 
 long would hIk; maintain bur mutropolitau 
 aud oonHorvativu dominanco? How long 
 buforu Hhc muHt coabe U) i-oiiHidttr colonial 
 quoHtiohK from an Imperial point of view, 
 and Hud ber cbiblron luiHuming tbe attitude 
 of her maHterri V Sucli a ttolution of the 
 colonial relatiouHhip is undcHirable and 
 impoRHiblc. EngliHbmen would never dream 
 of it, and if they did, it would not meet our 
 colonial wantH. r''rliapH it would be fair to 
 interpret tbatHpeech in the light of Imperial 
 opinion. It Ih not to be HUppoHed, that IUh 
 Exeelleucy inteuded to Htart uuw and 
 origiual theoriefl. Let uh believe him to 
 have been in accord with tho HtateHmen of 
 hiH country and Iuh time. In that great 
 debate, irom which 1 have (luoted on the 
 defences of tluM country, Mr. DiHraeli 
 alluded to the liypothcHiH of a desire on the 
 part of Canada and the other North 
 American Colouiep, for independence ; and 
 to tho hour when England might thuH lose 
 a deptindency,but gain a firm ally and irieud. 
 And again, he Huid Canada hau itti own 
 future before it. We have a right t« (WBume 
 it. It has all the < '-unents which make a 
 great nation. It has at this moment a 
 strong development of nationality ; and the 
 full conviction on the part ot England, 
 that these provinces may ultimately 
 become an independent country, is to her, 
 not a source of mortification, but of pride. 
 Mr. Brig'it in ihe same debate points out 
 the reasons why Canadians should feel, if 
 they are like other Englithmeu, that it 
 nuuiJ be ueiier for iheir country to oe 
 disentargled from the politics of England, 
 and to assume the position of an Indepen- 
 dent State. He believed, from what had 
 been stated by official gentlemen in the 
 present Government, and in previous Gov- 
 ernments, that there was no objection to 
 the Independence of Canada whenever Can- 
 ada might wish it. If Canada, by a friend- 
 ly separation, became an Independent State, 
 said Mr. Bright — choosing its own form of 
 Government — Monarchical, if it liked a 
 monarchy, or Republican, if it preferred a 
 Republic, it would not be less friendly to 
 England. And in case of war, Canada 
 would then be a neutral Country, and her 
 population enjoy greater security. In the 
 same debate Lord Palmerston declared, that 
 when the Provinces felt strong enough to 
 stand alone, and desired the connection no 
 longer, England would say " God speed you 
 and give you the means to maintain you'^- 
 selves as a nation." These general senti- 
 ments of the debate provoked no dissent in 
 the House, where all nhades of British ophi- 
 iou aiQ roprcBcutcd. And though nobody 
 
 dcclaretl tho time hitd come, England wn« 
 nuinitt'Ktly shaping htrr policy to meet it. 
 I shall pass over the Mtrong«-r expressions, 
 tilt! advanced opinions of subsoquent de- 
 bates, because time docs not permit mo to 
 pro«luee a repertoire of all the discussions on 
 this subject. But in the light of what itas 
 gone before, it Is not easy to misunderstand 
 the remarkable utterances of Mr. Gladstou«-, 
 the Prime iMinisusr of England, during tho 
 debate in the House of Commons the other 
 day, upon the subject of guaia 'eenifi; .fho 
 Hudson Bay Loan. Objections had been 
 taken U> the principal of Colonial guaran- 
 tees, and Mr. Ciladstonu fully endorsed 
 them. But he declared that this guarantee 
 was givnn for a strictly Imperial object, to 
 dissociate England from the inconvenienco 
 of too extensive territorial poiisessions. In 
 former times, said Mr. (iltMlsU>no, the Ame- 
 rican Colonies were entangled in a vicious 
 system of tl'^peudencc on England. Tho 
 Government wished to engender in them a 
 spirit of Independence. They wished to 
 wind up tbe old syst'in and see the Colon- 
 ies make a new start. That was not to bo 
 a beginning, but an end. Almost as I 
 speak a confirmatory missive comes to us 
 across the water, — one of the strangest, as 
 it is ;)no of the most important events of 
 our time. The London "Times," by tho 
 last steaiuj", is handed me, conttiining a cir- 
 cular from a meeting of Colonists in Lon- 
 don, expressing alarm at the new Im- 
 perial views of the Colonial relations 
 aud seeking to provide means of inducing 
 the British Government to withdraw from 
 its lately declared policy on the subject of 
 colonial defence, or, failing in that, to de- 
 mand to bo reb'ased horn their allegiatice, 
 and to adopt such further mean*' ;.a the ex- 
 igencies of the new siii'.;".lion may require. 
 The circtjiiir suggests a conference in Lon- 
 don, duiing the next .session of the Imperial 
 Parliament, of delegatts from all the Colo- 
 nial Governments, and the Times vouches 
 for the importance of the movement, which, 
 it regards as an epoch, by the tone in which 
 it discusses the whole question. That 
 .Journal, the most delicate thermometer of 
 indueutial opinion in England, argues that 
 tho remonstrances will be fruitless and 
 warns the Colonies to rely on their own In- 
 dependence. From all this it appears that 
 the attitude of England is sufficiently pro- 
 nounced and comprehensible, and one of its 
 effects will be, powerfully to modify and 
 ripen colonial opinion. At first, no doubt, 
 among our own people, we may witness be- 
 wilderment and surprise. Some will make 
 it a pretext to advanci preconceived opi- 
 nions and others may at first turn from it 
 in disgust ; but in tbe end, the sober second 
 thought of our countrymen, if the opportu- 
 nity is aJorded them, will grapple with tho 
 subject in a patriotic spirit and with a fiiir 
 reference to its bearing upon the interests 
 ot both countries. In this spirit I propose 
 to 90Qsider a little mpro fully tbe relatious 
 
of thiH subject to our rnnadinn interoHtn 
 and lurlinpH to •'xt«'n(l in somo fu't'acr df- 
 tail, pointH to which I havo n'reaily advert- 
 i'<i, Thoic Ih a claHB of politicinnB and piih- 
 liciKtfl umoiiK iiH, who ,irvtemi tliat until tho 
 great w lunji- of Confederation \h perfected, 
 the tiiili (if further change in a fatJil diHturi*- 
 ance to the public mind. And in a deH|)(>- 
 tic country, where |K)pular opinion can \h' 
 dinponHed witii, where; al! power rentH with 
 tlu! (lovornment, and tiie thoorioH of free 
 irkHtitutiouH are lUiknown, Huch a dictum 
 iniglit be tolerated, it would bo coiiHoiumt 
 with HUch a view, to diHcourage thought,, to 
 forbid diHcut<Hion and by all moauH in Ktiio> 
 thei- whatever Hhuuld tend U> pmmote an 
 intelligent public Hcntiment among the 
 people They might learn to dilVer from the 
 policy of tluir rnlurH and this might lead to 
 diHturlumce and alienation. But hucIi a 
 pit!t<inHion implicH insult to a frtse people 
 and iiidicati-H the apprehension of thoHct who 
 jiroclaini it, that they may cease to over- 
 shadow ami coniii'l them. The Irish difli- 
 cultics are as intricr.to as any of the embar- 
 rasHmcnts of our own position. Yet we did 
 not hear thiii Mr Bright was forbidden todis- 
 cuss the Land Question, until alter the dis- 
 establishment hjul btten perfected. Tlu; 
 truth lies entirely in the opposite sense. It 
 is the duty of public met*, whoso lives are 
 devoted to the study of jjublic (|uestions, 
 to discuss tluiu before the peo|»le ; that 
 they may be educat'd to comprehend the 
 great issues which iuvoivu the destinies of 
 their country. These writers would con- 
 ceal, vliile I would proclaim i'rom the 
 house lups, the stern facts of the situation. 
 They would liush the popular interest — li'II 
 the spirit of emiuiry, — while T, reposing 
 ample faith in the honesty and i>atriotism 
 of my counirymen, would excite the one, 
 that 1 might lead the other, through tbf 
 paths of intelligent research, to the haven 
 of wise and prolitable conclusions. Doubt- 
 less there is too much of disijuiet in the 
 public mind, but to diycuss the position, is 
 not to create it ; and he must be a crazy 
 thinker who can suppose, tliat in view of all 
 the circumstances, the people ak o look 
 on without thought and without spcoch 1 
 But who is t(j control the impreo-.ions of 
 the masses, to limit their thoughts, to curb 
 their restless menial activities? The 
 people are observant. In their own way 
 they read the signs of the times, and, 
 among them the apprehension is almost 
 universal, tht-t we are on the eve of 
 radical political changes. You anil I, no 
 doubt share the same apprehension. Is it 
 not, then, the duty of our political leachi rs 
 to cultivate our opinions, to enlighten us, 
 and to prepare us for our duties in what- 
 ever awaits us ; rather than to silence our 
 (inquiries and leave us to drift in the 
 dangerous currents of uncultivated specula- 
 tions ? The great commercial want of this 
 country is a profitable market for the sur- 
 plus products of our industry. It ww tb<j 
 
 theory of confederation to siijiply thin want 
 by opening up to im the markets cf the 
 sister provinces. I am afraid the resul* ' 
 have not thus far greatly increased cut 
 scanty tuanufactmeH Our natural market 
 is the American ; and wi^ do, and shall 
 suiTei, till we gain access to it. Nor would 
 a mere tempoiary treaty, subjint to the ca- 
 |U'ices of politicians, aii(t entangled with the 
 embarassni'-itts of Brit 'kIi Foreign diplontacy 
 atVord a lull remedy. Manufactures and 
 commerce prosper under permanent as 
 well as liberal tiirilT arrangements, ami 
 it is in vain that yon treat them with gene- 
 rosity t'rdav, if there is apprehen- 
 sion that you may cramp them to- 
 morrow. We re([uire narkets. Hut to- 
 confer their full benefits they must \m per- 
 manent, so that capit4il may acquire con • 
 (idence, and seek permanent investwients 
 here. Without this stiitu of things, 
 our trade must bo limited and 
 manufactures remain exotics among 
 ts ; and, the e.vodus of our pupula- 
 tioa remaining about e(|nal to its normal 
 incn.ase, the prondso of progress is not 
 cheering. We ought to be manufacturers 
 for this continent, with our cheap labour, 
 cheap living and wonderful natural facili- 
 ties. Wo cannot (X)mpete against the dis- 
 tance, the skill, the capitnl and teeming 
 labour of the Old WorJd, and there remains 
 for us but tlu! comparatively pet'y busiuess 
 of supplying our own sparse populations 
 in unhealthy competition with the great, 
 manufacturing industries of F^ngland a'uj 
 America. And it often happens in Mme ol 
 depression, when our struggling manufac- 
 turers most neoil encouragement and sup- 
 port, that we are made a mcrijice market for 
 those great countries, to the ruin of our 
 home triwle. Our agricr' o, is confined to 
 our own markets, or leeched and crippled 
 by the exorbitant exactions of the Amtui- 
 oan Customs Collectors. The development 
 of our mines, too, is prevented by like in- 
 hospitable exactions, and wo are depicted 
 and impoverished by a paper wall of legis 
 lative prohibitions, built along an imagin- 
 ary line. In this strait it is cole! comfort 
 to assure us that the neighbouring trade 
 sutTms e(|ually with our own ; a fact, never- 
 theless, modified by this diiferonce, — that 
 the aggregate of their commerce is so much 
 greater than ours. It would be idle to 
 tloubt, that these influences have contribu- 
 ted to produce the present languishing 
 trp,deand universal depression. The last Can- 
 ada Gazette affords the spectacle of forty In- 
 solvents in one week. And the unfortunate! 
 list stretches back for months past in alarm- 
 ing proportions. The emigration of com- 
 mon labourers to the States is something 
 actually alarming ; and it could not be 
 otherwise, for our water powers are neglec- 
 ted—our mines are closed and we have no 
 means of furnishing employment to our 
 people. Some wise statesman has been un- 
 derstood \<o cxmU over the fact, that many 
 
10 
 
 of these poor people go away with the hope 
 of I'ltuniin^ ; but it Ik si mul conimcntury 
 oil our hopeH for the future, if there are (o 
 bo no means to remove the 8terii n<^eessity, 
 (lie hopeless poverty and want of eniploy- 
 ment, whieh drives them, unwilling 
 away. Wi^ are toid <hat depression prevails 
 in th(! States — widch is true, hut the man- 
 nfactures are established there, and even 
 the limited produetiou goes on, tiu; markets 
 are s-ipplied, and the poor lalxjurer is em- 
 ployed and paid. It is to him matter of lit- 
 tle moment, whc^ther the diviilend of the 
 stoekhokbn- is sr.iall or great, no long as 
 his services are coutiniicd and he is enabled 
 tf) sustain and edueatc Ids liuuily. 
 No douot if a like e'.ianee 
 were open to him here, he would re- 
 turn to Mis native country to-morrow. And 
 for all this, is there no remedy ? Tell me 
 whieb of your statesmen has proposed one. 
 VV'e mn.y drag on as we are, but it were folly 
 to hoi)e for any rapid or giMieral prosperity 
 The I'cditieians of Ontario, ignoiing the 
 outwards sigris — profess to stand in no need 
 of relief; but there is a di(f(!r(!nt feeling i a 
 CJuebec, New Brunswi<k, and Nova »Sootia, 
 It IS said, there is In^pe of a new Trade 
 'J'reaty, which would be a great boon, but 
 it must pi'xinise /ici-muncnef, to create con- 
 iidenee. Wo must have free and assured 
 commercial intoreoursc with the iStaten, 
 and they need it as well as ourselves. 1 
 slial I be told these theories lead to annex- 
 ation ; and it is true, that so far as in# em- 
 barrassments relate to conmercial inter- 
 course, annexation would supply a remedy. 
 Ihit would it be the best remedy ? 1 think 
 not ; and even if it were otherwise, would 
 it be desirable or possiole of achievement ? 
 I shall speak of tliis later on. Ihit mine 
 is another scheme and I think a better one 
 for a system of continental trade. I would 
 banish the Custom Houses along the fron- 
 tier ; but I would preserve the imaginary 
 line, as a broad division between two iriend- 
 ly nationfe, who desire, while mainl lining 
 free intercourse, to maintain their autono- 
 my ; to worJi out their own destiny "ml de- 
 velop thoir own free institutions. He- 
 *'-)rc the formation of the Zollverein by 
 Treaty stipiihitions, the commerr'al into 
 course of the several German '■ iatcs w i 
 hainpereilby disabilities and roRtriclions si- 
 nula'- to those which prevail between xiu 
 ai>d our neighbours at this moment. The' 
 introduction of merchandize from one State 
 to another was not permitted without the 
 payment of duties. In addition to this, nu- 
 mcrous prohibitions existed and the tracd 
 relations between the contiguous sovereign- 
 ties were fettered by oppressive and vex- 
 atious restrictions. But the inconvenience 
 beiame manifest and intolerable, and the 
 German States, while retaining their auto- 
 nomy, introduced a wiser commereial poli- 
 cy. Tlicy removed those unnecessary bur- 
 dens which only tended to clog enterprise 
 and choko the chani.cls of legitimate trade 
 
 between contiguous states. They adopted 
 on*! consolidated (Government tor commer- 
 cial pur[)oseR, one line of customs on the 
 Geographical boundaries was established, — 
 one tarilf, cxi)ort 'uul transit, was enforced 
 for all, and the revenue thus acquired was 
 distributed among tiie members of the <:on- 
 fodet.ition in proportion to the popidation 
 of cich. This system for a long 
 series of years has given satisfae- 
 ticn ill Germany, and it is con- 
 ceivable that Canatia .T,nd the United 
 Strifes might adopt something akiw to it 
 with mutual and permanent advantage, 
 riiis woul'l be preferable to any possible 
 Kcciprocitv Treaty, because it would be ab- 
 solute and permanent free triulo between 
 the two countries. It is preferable again, 
 because it could be more easily obtained, 
 and would indeed bo a favourite arrange- 
 nit'tit with the Americans. It .vouhl save 
 both parties immense expense along their 
 frontier, and would disband a vast army of 
 smugglers. It n>ight bo effected in six 
 months, and while it would be equally ad- 
 vantageous to our neighbours, it woiiM 
 make Canadii a great agricultural, uiiniiig, 
 and manuiacturing country. It would be 
 pojjular in the United States because it 
 would please the Frao Trader, and Mr. 
 Greely, the great protectionist, has promis- 
 ed us his support. It would settle the 
 Fisheries aid give them the free navigation 
 of the St. Lawrence, and it woti.'d open half 
 a Continent to their enterprise and capital, 
 [t would give us accee • 1o the market- of 
 10^000,000 of people. It would attract to ' 
 us iinlimiied capital, and our (!ouutiy 
 would be dotted Ayith numerous mining and 
 manufacturing villages. Our agricultuiid 
 and commercial interests would multiply 
 ami expand in proportion. Our people 
 would be employed at home, and multitudes 
 of foreign labourers would be attracted 
 from abroad. Happiness and con- 
 tentment would w Ik liand in hand with 
 the prosperity of our countrymen. You 
 like the picture, but alas ! it lias awkward 
 shades ; and it is set in an ugly frame. We 
 can't n- gociate such a treaty. C'lnada has 
 great interests, but she has no power. She 
 can exercise no diplomatic functions, be- 
 cause she has no recognized foreign rela- 
 tions. She might attempt itand I. e snubbed, 
 after the manner of Prince Edward Island 
 There were thore who sneered at my igno- 
 rance when I made this statement in the 
 House, because the British Minister had 
 been instructed to consult us in his nego- 
 tiations. Do they think Mr. Thornton 
 would negotiate this Zollverein for us? No! 
 Because ' . would conflict with the policy of 
 the Empire. Canada, as a dependency, can 
 never become a party to a (Continental 
 Commercial policy here, because it would 
 involve a discrimination against British 
 goods. This is reasonable, and we must 
 not complain of it. It would, indeed, bo 
 a vicious system, which would ignore the 
 
11 
 
 hi 
 bo 
 
 10 
 
 intercBts of the mother Country and diHciim- | 
 inatc in favour of a foici^;!! power. And 
 yet how cgrcKiously we are tlus Kutt'crerHl 
 'I'horo is hut one loRical remedy and that 
 brings me again to tlie same cnnelusion— « 
 .if/iunifinn fro,)!, l/iti parciil S(a?c. hrlepcn- 
 <lent, wo mij^ht ae(;om|)lish this Comnur- 
 ciai advantage. Independent, we might 
 taiio the start in oui own hands. 
 \V« should have foreign rehi- 
 tions. Wo (OUid negotiiito Treaties, 
 [n this sense we shouhl not sufler from the 
 change. Wo Imow our onn interests, but 
 i3ritisli diplomacy on this continent lias 
 never been a success. It could not be 
 otherwise. Imperial Switesmtsn have little 
 time to think of us. They are betteremploy- 
 ed on the restless, sea of Kuropean com- 
 plications, liut they are wiser than us in 
 (he appreciation of our aflii'is, for they 
 believe and wish, that we should assume 
 our independence and maintain it. We 
 shall grow to it in time if we are patient 
 and discreet. Hut the pioneers of the 
 movement must bare their bosoms for 
 temporary contumely and reproach. There 
 is a class of people among us, I beiicn'O they 
 are not numerous, tl.ougli the imeertainties 
 of the times are calculateil to increase them, 
 who are impatient of half measures, and 
 who desire Immediate annexation to the 
 States To such peoide 1 say, what ad- 
 vantages would you derive, that the 
 ZoUverein would not afford you? Surely 
 you do not prefer the system of our 
 neighbours to our own British responsible 
 system of goveunnent. You are not 
 unmindful of the elevation which naticmal 
 hopes and aspirations would impart to our 
 people. Why not join us and work out that 
 system under improved conditions on this 
 continent ? England would gladly consent 
 to our inilependence and aid us with the 
 perpetual alliance Ik r statesmen have pro- 
 mised. But could slio without ioss of 
 prestige and honour consent to the aliena- 
 tion of half a cimtinent, and its cession to a 
 foreign power? You only complicate the 
 situation by your impracticable demands. 
 You furnish wcsapons to the enemy, and you 
 do not serve yor.r own views. If Canada is 
 ever separated from England, it will be at 
 the cannon's mouth, if it be not to establish 
 her sovereign independence. It is better 
 for America, and better for oursel /es, that 
 the Dominion should remain autonomous. 
 The Unite<l States territories are vast 
 enough, and she can well afford to let ns try 
 the experiment of self government. We 
 shall work out a system slightly different 
 from her own, but within the bonds of 
 friendly commercial relations, if her flag 
 floated over the whole continent, where 
 would bo the right of asylum in < -so of 
 civil disorder? And what benefit wotild 
 she derive from a multitude of people who 
 should enter her councils in a spirit of repin- 
 ing and discontent because they had not 
 been left to develop and glorify their own 
 
 nationality. But I must say a word to 
 another class of objectors. Thero is a 
 [lowerfid party hero who represent the 
 I'uited States as overbearing and aggressive. 
 They belit^vo that the linaugura'Jon '>f 
 a coiuniiireial Zollvrrein would .lo 
 followed by overt acts ffn- our subjection. I 
 tielieve fhis statement is unfounded. I 
 have no doubt that judicious negotiations 
 might speedily nimovo the danger of it, by 
 the guarantee of our status through tho 
 means of a treaty of comity with us between 
 the United States and England ; and 1 have 
 no doubt that tiarly stejjs shouhl be taken to 
 secure it. But I don't believe it is fair to 
 assert that tho Americans are an aggressive 
 people. They arc, as a natit a, wedded to 
 the arts of peace. Sonuitirnes fillibusters 
 have departed from their .ihores. but they 
 have never succeeded ; and thoy have never 
 been encouraged by their government. Ah 
 r have alr<ady said, Mexico, (JuImi, and the 
 Spanish American States have Uwver suffered 
 'rom an American spirit of ccniinest. True, 
 tlKue was a war with Mexico, but with 
 that nation at iier feet, the Americans re- 
 fused her subjugation. With less causf. 
 KrancJ invaded i,n»t country, and attempted 
 to monoijolize her government. England, 
 by a hai)py accident, escaped. But 1 shall 
 be told that the Monroe doctrine contem- 
 pli'.tes the unqualified subjugation of tho 
 continent, and that the Americans preach 
 that doctriiic as Peter the Hermit preach(;d 
 the Crusades. Ho much has been said o" tho 
 monstrosities of that doctrine — so many e:t- 
 e(!llent old ladies ha"e been alarmed by it — 
 that perhaps we may profttjj.bly en(piire 
 what it was, and whether we should really 
 r>!gard it as a standing menace to us and our 
 children? It will, perhaps, stertlo some 
 people to be told that this doctrine was es- 
 sentially of British origin, and that it was 
 suggested by Mr. Canning. France had put 
 down tho constitutional principles which 
 prevailed in Spain, and entertained the no- 
 tion of defraying her expenses by acquiring 
 Spanish colonies in South America, i?nd 
 England, indignant at conduct so detrimen- 
 tal to her interests, and with the aversion 
 which Mr. Canning had ever shewn to tho 
 Holy Alliance, induced President Monroe 
 to enunciate tho doctrine which has since 
 become so famous. Tho following qtmta. 
 lion, from tho late edition of the Eucyclo- 
 jiadid Jirillanica, will explain what that 
 doctrine really was : — " James Monroe suc- 
 "ceeded Madison in tho Presidency, and 
 "retained it eight years (1817 to 1825.) 
 "Towards the close of his administration 
 " (1823), in compliance with tho suggention 
 " of his Secretary of State, John Quincy 
 " Adams, lie introduced into his messjige to 
 " Congress — adverting to the purpose of the 
 • European allies of Spain to assist her in 
 " subjugating her revolted colonies in Cen- 
 " tral i -id South America — the assertion of 
 " a principle in whieh tho rights and intc- 
 " rests of tho United States are in- 
 
12 
 
 " volved, that the American continents, by 
 " the liee and intlcpi'niknt poKitions, \v»:>ili 
 " they liiive aHwiinied and nmintiiined, ii>e 
 " henceforth not to bo considered an Kub- 
 " jeetK for fiitiue colonization by any Euro- 
 " pean power. • « « * • 
 
 " Witi'i the existinj; colonies or depeiiden- 
 " cies of any Eiiropeon (lower," continues 
 tiie message, " we have not interfered, and 
 " shall not interfere. 15ntvvitli thcCiovern- 
 " ments who have declared their indepen- 
 " dence and maiidained it, and whose inde- 
 " pi-ndence we have, on ;^reat consideration 
 " and on just principles, acknowledged, we 
 " could not view any interposition for the 
 " purpose of oppressing them, or control- 
 " ling in any other manner their destiny liy 
 " any European power in any otlier light 
 " Ihi'M as the manifestation of an nnfriend- 
 " ly tlisposltion towards ilie United States." 
 Congress toolc no action upon this ; but 
 tiio spirit of tliat liody anil of the nation 
 was in favour of the Monroe doctrine. L(ud 
 lirougham, in referring to the President's 
 ileclaration, stated tliat it iuul dilf'ised joy 
 overall free men in Eino[)e; and Sir. I. 
 Macintosh s[ioke of it in the following 
 terms .• " This wise Government, in grave 
 but determined langu.'ge, and with that 
 reasonal)le and deliberate tone which be- 
 comes true courage, proclaims the princi- 
 ples of her policy, and mai..es known the 
 cases in which the care of her owa safety 
 will compel her to take up arms for the de- 
 fence of other States. 1 have already ob- 
 seived its coincidence with the declarations 
 of England, which indeed is [lerfect, <f al- 
 lowance be made (or the deei)er, or at least 
 more immediate iutiuest in the independ- 
 ence of South America, which near neigh- 
 bourhood gives to the United States. This 
 coincidence of the two great English com- 
 monwealths — ''or HO 1 delight to call them, 
 ana I heartdy pray that they may be for 
 ever united in the cause of jus ice and 
 liberty — cannot be contem[)lated without 
 th ! ntmost pleasure by every enlightened 
 citizen of the earth." Thus it will be seen 
 that the real Mi^nroe doctrine differs en- 
 tirely from the popular ver.sion of it, that it 
 was suggested and heartily en(h)rsed by 
 England, and that it conveys no warning or 
 menace to us. 1 entertain no doubt that 
 the American Government and people 
 wculd promote by all convenient means, 
 the independence of this country, and the 
 intimate commercial relations i liave sug- 
 gested, and as will have Ijeen seen, uiy 
 (loubts are as few, that England would en- 
 courage the arrangement and promote it to 
 every leasonable extent. But even if im- 
 proved trade relations with our neighbours 
 were impossible, the safest way out of our 
 commercial ditificnlties is to throw otF tlie 
 restraints of the colonial state It is conceiv- 
 able that the tide of European emigration 
 5 might to some extent, be diverted from the 
 An)erican States, to car own rich and ex- 
 tensive valleys of the North West, but for 
 
 the European prcdjndice against dependent 
 States ; and especially the Irish prejudice 
 against British Sovereignty. Disguise it 
 as we niay, these are serious <lraw liacks to 
 our immigration policy, and account in 
 some measure for its practical failure. With 
 the North West peojded, and with facilities 
 of access to it, an important market will b 
 opened to us and a corresponding growth of 
 our manulactures v/ill follow. And as we 
 have already ;ieen, indtjpendcnce would con- 
 tribute to the establishment of an assunid 
 and |»ern«».nent commercial policy ; with- 
 out which capital will (;ontinuo to distrust 
 us, and refuse to play its legitimate part in 
 the development of our resources. Inde- 
 l)end(^nce moreover, would create amonij; us 
 that spirit of self conlulence and enterprise- 
 which prevails so largely among our neigh, 
 hours, which has contributed so much to 
 th( ir greatni^ss and which grew out o'' the 
 national Independence they established. 
 Krom such a point of , .ew, 1 have no doubt 
 that here, similar results would flow from 
 similar causes, and that our powers of ex- 
 paiiKion woulil be immensely increased, by 
 the higher rtisponsibilities of the position ; 
 and though, as 1 have shown, our natural 
 maiket is with our neitchbours : ai.d our ex- 
 clusion from them would make our pro- 
 gress towards greatness, comparatively toil- 
 some ; — having exhausted all means to <!S- 
 tablish lair intercourse, — I should by no 
 means despair of my coinr:ry, if, as 1 am 
 sure will Uiit hai>pen, that intercourse wen; 
 refused. But even in that case as in the 
 othei, Independence wouldmultiply and ar- 
 celerate our successes ; so that in any way, 
 the gain to as, is in proportion to our 
 siiowth in manhood end self-relianc:e. [ 
 have id ready considered the probable iii- 
 lliumce of Independ(;ncp, upon the (;haracter 
 of the people of thi C(<untry. I hav<! always 
 lamented the want of a Cana(lian national 
 spirit. I regard it as an elementary truth, 
 tiiat no |)eople can n^spect themselves or 
 command the rcs[)eet of others, who luivi^ 
 ann)ng them no common sentiment of iia- 
 Uonal pride and devotion. It bears to na- 
 tional life a relatum, similar to the hiial at- 
 tachment of the domestic circle; and is, at 
 the same time, tlie glory and the safe guard 
 of a free people. It is painful to remark its 
 absence in this country. You will find na- 
 tional pride here, but, it is an exotic, an iii- 
 portation. It is English or Scotch, Irish 
 French or American ; and the disposition 
 to magnify a real Canadian nationality, is 
 tow often and unhappily confined to the of- 
 licial, the placeman, who.se duty and whose 
 interest it is, to make a proper display bo- 
 fore the people. In how many promiscuous 
 gatherings, jou might sneer the nationality 
 of the Dominion without cxcFting an apolo- 
 gist or provoking an avenger. But the 
 subj(!ct is vast, and grows upon us in 
 the contemplation of it. A full discussion 
 would till a book instiiad of ». lecture. Tinie 
 hmriea mc to a cunclu«iun. This is a great 
 
13 
 
 is, (it 
 
 gchcine and yonr destinies are interwoven 
 with it. I have touched upon some of its 
 general features; you can <lotlu) filling up, 
 at your leisure, if you do me the honour, 
 to redect upon what [ have told you. We 
 have seen that the subject is ripe for dis- 
 cussion ; and that our vital intep-sts are 
 involved. We luive seen that England is 
 embarrassed by licr Halations to her depen- 
 dencies here, and that Canada is erl|)pled 
 by the restrictions of tlu; tonnection. We 
 have seen how our noblest sentiments of 
 lo>alty to the Crown -nay be merged and 
 intfiusified into loyalty to the Dominion ; 
 and how a spirit of national patriotism is 
 Indispensable to our growth in enterprise 
 and self-reliance. We have seen liow the 
 removal of Imperial tulelage, paved the way 
 for the growth and expansion of tlie older 
 North American Colonies ; and how rapid- 
 ly, while administering their own resources, 
 tlicy rose into greatness and powctr. And 
 we have seen how Kngland was immense- 
 ly the gainer, by this providential change 
 of her relationship to tliem. 1 have shown 
 how we might profit by their examph; — not 
 through revolt and blood shed, — for we find 
 England offering us tlie boon of indepen- 
 c'enco, which she denied to them, — and thus 
 the way is made easy, through peaceful 
 paths, for the accomplishment of our na- 
 tionality. I have shown that the [iroposed 
 stiiU; is but a second and necessary ste^) in 
 the great dranui of confederation, — and, 
 that it indicates no revolution, no violent 
 distortion of our institutions. I have shown 
 that England desires the change, and that 
 we need it ; and that it would happily solve 
 for us great commercial and political prob- 
 lems. I have shown how it might lead to 
 the cultivation of amity between ourselves 
 and our luighboins — how it must tolerate 
 the separate independtjnce of each, while it 
 embraces the widest freedimi of commercial 
 relations. 1 have warned tlie impetuous re- 
 formers, who would prize beyond all this, 
 political alliance— that .annexation is im- 
 possible, — and the agitation for it an embar- 
 rassment ; am. I have predicted that 
 the Americans will » bo content with 
 this change, so important and so easy of 
 achievement; and which unlike its alterna- 
 tive, annexation, irivolves no humiliation 
 to England. I iiave shown how the vast 
 territories, the important po|iulation, and 
 immense resources of this Dominion entith; 
 it to a respectable place among the leading 
 natiopalities of the earth ; and I have re- 
 bidvcd the critics who sneer at such aspira- 
 tions, <lccry our abilities, and prophecy our 
 humiliation and defeat. It may be all a 
 dream ; but it is a vision oi a great future 
 of wealth and happiness, of power and 
 glory, for our Country. And it is a vision 
 which foretells a fact, and will ere long ex 
 pand into Ihc region of substantial reality. 
 1 have n.'cessanly left untouched several 
 important branches of this great <piestion. 
 The army and navy — the diplomatic arm of 
 
 the public service — the whole subject of the 
 public expenditure, — whother the new na- 
 tionality would increase or diminish it, how 
 best it may be provided, I have left alto- 
 gether out of this preliminary discussion. 
 It is enough for my present purpose to know 
 that the ninth sovereign power as to pop-i- 
 lation ; the fomth as to commerce ; and 
 perhaps the first as to territory, and unde- 
 veloped resources, will be prepared for tht^ 
 fiscal exigencies of its time. I have left 
 out of tho discussion the form of the pro- 
 posed government of the Dominion, It is 
 enough for my purpose to say that it must 
 be a free system, whether organized as 
 monarchical or republican. Kurtlnu on in 
 the agittition, we ought to have abundant 
 opi)ortuuity to contrast the -two systems 
 and fliscnss them. It might happen that, 
 as with Confederation, our politicians will 
 give us a system, ready made, without 
 troubling the people for opinions, yet the 
 subject has engaged some preliminary at- 
 tention. The significant tact is sUvted, that 
 during the negotiations abc "t the Confede- 
 ration act in England, Sir John A. McDon- 
 ald advocated the iuloptiou of the word 
 Kingdom instead of Dominion of Canada. 
 And it is well known that a Can.idir.n Mon- 
 archy was one of the dreams of the late Mr. 
 D'Arcy McOee, administered by an English 
 prince and dignified by a local nobility. 
 And the able organs of the HicLarchy of 
 Lower Canada, who have cautiouslj writtea 
 in ff.»f0ur of lnd(!penUence, are understood 
 to favour similar v'iews. On the other hand, 
 there will be found those who dread, 
 tho expenses of Iloyalty, and who 
 doiibt tho feasibility of ingrafting 
 feudal forms and pageantry iipon the 
 democratic institutions of the new world. 
 Such people see no charms in tho ex- 
 travagance of a court antl the nvenactment 
 of the laws of primogeniture for tho 
 maintenance of a privileged class. They 
 will tell you that a system whi\:h failed in 
 Mexico with France at her back cannot 
 prevail here among the levelling inlluences 
 of free institutions. But y*. i and I may 
 await the current of efents, and prepare 
 for the discussion in due season. It is well 
 for those who agree as to the end to bo 
 achieved, to agree also upon the postpone- 
 ment of disturbing collateral issues. Wo 
 «hall find for a time yet, a fierce [)arty to 
 fight, — composed of those mumerous am! 
 powtirful interests which depend upon tin; 
 maintenance of things as they arc ; and, em- 
 bracing as well, no ilonbt, a large dement 
 of disinterested loyalty and honest devotion 
 to th(! country. I proposed at the outset to 
 speak from no party point of view. My 
 theme is (exalted above ami beyond the 
 divisions of party ; — and barring personal 
 bitterness — my positioii has been assailed 
 as fiercely by my friends, as by my enemies. 
 I'.ut tlii.j is not the occasion for recrimin- 
 ation or reply. My dei)endenco is upon the 
 oompletcness of my argument. 1 have 
 
li 
 
 strong views as a party man but they have 
 no placo in this discussion. I might cross 
 tlie house to-morrow— if 1 found my enemies 
 adopting these views, and if my iricnds 
 should persist in opposing them. Tlicro is 
 a grave rcspnsibjlify resting upon our public 
 men. The country is adrift and the public 
 mind is disquieted. Everybody believes < the 
 finality is not reached and askg, Whither 
 are wo drifting ? Some suspect that the 
 administration hold peculiar views — ^but 
 they neither venture to deny nor proclaim 
 them. Whpn I had the honour first to ex- 
 press these opinions on the floor of Parlia- 
 ment, ministers treated mo to some per- 
 sonal abuse, but upon the main question 
 they were cautious and silent. There 
 waa a profound impression through 
 the house, — but they ventured upon 
 no word of disavowal. Their opi- 
 nions were shadowed in mystery and they 
 had not the courage to proclaim them. Af- 
 terwards when this strange phase of the de- 
 bate had provoked some comment from the 
 press. Sir George Cartier did indulge in a 
 gentle dissent from my conclusions. No 
 body denies tliat a change must come ; (uul 
 there remains only the question of time 
 and fitness and preparation. I repeat that 
 public opinion is adrift ; and the policy oi 
 the administration of the day should be 
 openly avowed and vindicated. If they 
 are opposed to these views, they ought to 
 set their faces boldly and publicly against 
 them. If the time has not arrived, and if 
 they want delay and opportunity to pre- 
 pare for it, let them openly declare their 
 views and shape their legislation to main- 
 tain tlicm. Tho public could alford to 
 wait, if this dangerous uncertainty were 
 dispelled, and if there were a fixed idea in 
 the popular mind of a definite and desira- 
 ble future. But grave dangers lurk be- 
 hind the delays, tho doubts and the inse- 
 curities of the hour. Tho truth must be 
 told that we are last losing our hold upon 
 tho loyalty and confidence of our people. 
 Discontent and non-confidenco stalk open- 
 ly among them ; and the enemies 
 of our future are encouraged to flaunt 
 
 their evil prophecies before onr very doors. 
 A national policy, pronounced and pro- 
 gressive, would attract the ear and excite the 
 conlidcnco of tho public. They would 
 listen to your appeal, if you supplied them 
 with motives and invoked their sympathies, 
 inspired them with national hopes and 
 aspirations — and their i.iterest in a future 
 they could be proud of, would bo like a 
 sheet anchor, to hold them fast to the 
 Dominion. And now gentlemen, 1 have 
 fulfilled the auty which, I thought, was 
 incumbent upon me, of adtlressing you some 
 observations, on this absorbing topic of the 
 hour. I have counted tho cost and I know 
 the penalty. You have not misunderstood, 
 — but my enemies, as is their custom, w«ll 
 misrepresent and malign me. I shall be 
 neither intimidated nor disheartened. If lay 
 views prevail, some of thewi will join mo, 
 before the battle is over. If they are reject- 
 ed, I have still performed my duty. 
 Sometimes it requires boldness to speak the 
 truth, but there is no power to stifle free 
 discussion in this country. You and I have 
 a right to our opinions, and the right to 
 discuss them. The statesmen of England 
 have set us the example, in the very citadel 
 of the empire. There is no political 
 disability here, — for the councils of the 
 nation are pvesidud over to day, by men,— 
 some of whom lately sought tu subvert the 
 govemraont, — and others to promote its 
 immediate annexation. They are loyal 
 citizens now, and so are we. Time changes 
 conditions and works marvels, and time 
 will accomplish the great destiny of this 
 country, — and let us hojie, in a manner 
 most conducive to the happiness of its 
 people, lii such a case, though my theories 
 shoidd be exploded, my hopes would be 
 fulfilled. Lot us hope, too, whatever 
 betides, — in this greatcrisis of our history, — 
 for an era of advancnig intelligeiice— of 
 brotherhood and toleration among us. And 
 let us prayerfully commend our country, 
 its future, its people, to the gracious pro- 
 tection and guidance of the great Father of 
 Nations. 
 

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