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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, 11 est film6 d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en has, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cess8ire. Les diagrammes suivants iilustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 v^^, ^ l (nV^^@ a LETTERS &C., FIRST PriBLISHED IN THE "NORTHERN JOURNAL" DURING 1871, BY THB Hon. JOHN YOUNG. ir> ON VARIOUS QUESTIONS OP PUBLIC INTEREST. ►«■- ♦-♦^ MONTREAL 1872. ^ < ^ " the Federal Provinces, and shall be promot would earnestly direct public attention to this subject, and while we exprecs our opinion in favour of this shortest connection with the valley of uhe Ottawa, we are also in favour of other projects. Continuous railways from tide water to Huron upon the north side of the St. Lawrence and Ottawa rivers we must have, and we are glad to see that measures are being taken to connect the whole northern country by rail with Montreal and the United States. il FREE TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES A NECESSITY FOR CANADA. The adjustment of our comnercial relations with the United States, on a permanent and satisfactory basis, is a subject which demands consideration and discussion, for the sake of its important bearings on the future of the Dominion. The question is one which should be calmly oxamineu, nor should there be any hesitation in freely express- ing the results of such an examination. There can be u" doubt that the indications of the time are, that Great Britnia has, by .ha Con- federation of all the British North America: Colonies, been gradually leading us from a position of tutelage, into a self-governing community, and there is no question of greater interest to the people of the Dominion than the consideration of measures, necessary to obtain free intercourse Im trjide not only with the United States but adjacent countries. The principle of federalism has been applied successfully in the federation of the German States, of Switzerland and the United States. Nor is it unlikely that Europe in the course of time will resolve itself into one great federal union of many states like Vmerica. We are aware that some mod ^n travellers have predicted that the American States are yet destined to fall back into separate and unconnected monarchies, but we believe the tendency of b Jiman affairs is not to go 9 backwards towards the old, but to advance towrrds the new, in which the interests of the people shall be directed by the people and for the people. The late federation of all the British North American Colon- ies makes us no longer a mere set of disconnected States or Provinces each having its separate exclusive rights. We are now almost indepen- dent, having free commercial intercourse with each other, under one general government, and we have, thereby, greatly increased our financial, military and political power, as well as our general prosperity. We are more nunsorous now than the United States were after the Revolution had terminated. The union of the diflFerent Provinces under one central governaient, admitting a free exchange of the industry of each, whether in natural or manufactured products, has already eflfected, and will, year after year^ effect beneficial results ; nor is there any one in the United States who will not acknowledge that the chief origin of the prosperity of that country has arisen from the free exchange of all products between the different parts of the Union. We believe similar results would inevitably flow from the same principle, if there could be a free exchange, not only in natural products but In manufactures free of all duty, between Canada and the United Statea. We are aware that difficulties exist in carrying out such a policy. Without some great change in the Tariff of the United States its immediate success would seem impossible. It, however, must be borne in mind, that while the public debt of the Dominion is annually increasing that of the United States is rapidly decreasing. Again, the population of the United States is increasing in a much greater ratio than the population of the Dominion, and we shall be able to shew, that in a short time the rate of taxation per head, for the expense of the General Government of the Dominion and the United States will be nearly equal. Of this, however, we are satisfied that, owing to our geographical position, our interests like our territory are inextricably Ttcdded to their own, and that the natural advantages of neither country can ever be adequately developed, without the mutual benefits and assistance which would result from a system of reciprocally free imports, exports, and rights of transit. The German Custom House Ufeion, or what is called the " German Zollverein," ought to be a powerful argument in favor of a similar commercial union between the United States and Canada. The first and simple object of this asscciation, which commenced among the small independent municipali- ties in Thuriagia, was to save the expense of each little state keeping up Custom House guards all around its little frontiers, by equalizing customs duties, so that duties once paid on the general froniier, the goods could circulate free of all other duties or examinaticn^ through- out all the States of the Union. A general tariff was adopted by all, and the proceeds were divided in proportions according to the ratio of their respective populations as taken every three years. The system was begun in 1820. Its progress to the present tiaie is a proof of the excellence of the principles it embodies, and the mode by which it is carried into effect. In 1865 the benefits of the Gerina.. Zollverein had become so well proved and appreciated that, instead of the three original 10 States or Duchies, it included fourteen with a population of 36,000,000. In 1867 a new Zollverein treaty was concluded between the States of the North German Confederation and the North German States, the scope of which extends to the whole of Germany except Austria. Even with Austria a liberal and comprehensive treaty was effected in 1868, mutually reducing duties on both sides, and abolishing all transit duties, and nearly all those on exports ; so that a traveller who has once crossed the outline can now proceed without interruption from Belgium to the frontier of Russia and from Tyrol to the Baltic, a distance of about 750 miles, including a population of 70,000,000. While this has been the result in Germany after the experience of fifty years, it has also produced similar results (as we have already stated) in the United States, for it is admitted that no cause has contributed so much to the welfare and prosperity of all parts of that country, as the perfectly untrammeled intercourse which the States enjoy with each other. It is easy to see how different it would be, if each state was commercially independent — jealous of those around it, and continually contriving how to exalt itself at the expense of the rest, rather than trying to develope its own advantages and freely availing itself of the resources of the others. With such a system enacted no discriminating duties would exist in trade between any part of the Dominion and that of the United States. The merchants of Chicago, if 'nterest dictated, could purchase goods in Montreal or Quebec, and buyers from Manitoba might buy and sell at St. Paul, Duluth, St, Louis, or New Orleans, as freely as at Halifax, or St. Johns. There would be fair and complete compe- tition everywhere within the Confederation, and the fullest scope would be given to the development of every natural advantage, which would save needless labor, or yield remunerative employment. Such a policy would tend to lessen any hostility between governments, nor would it interfere with their political institutions, while a strong bias would be given towards the most friendly relations, upon the basis of mutual interests and intimate social intercourse. Such a policy so necessary to our advancement as a people would not be opposed by Great Britain. The German Zollverein had not the slightest influence in diminishing the trade of Germany with Great Britain, neither as the high protective tariff of the United States had that result, for the statistics of the trade of Great Britain with the United States shew, that the exports of the former to the latter were greater when the tariff was at its highest point. The fact is gradually being realized by the people and statesmen of Great Britain and ovher enlightened economists, that the richer their neighbors grow the better it is for them. They do not burn or bury their acquired wealth. They lay it out, and those who get it lay it out ^ain. It goes round and round, increasing industry, widening the markets of the world and the wealth of all. Witn such a policy, we should in the Dominion have an equal chance with the people of the United States to develope our spirit of enterprise, and with the character of our people, our unequalled agricultural, mining, manufacturing and commercial facilities, a fur greater impetus would be given to those interests than now exists. We shall, however, further advert to this subject in our next issue. iifijhest 11 FBEE TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES A NECESSITY FOR CANADA. We adverted in our last issue to the advantages of the federative principle in commercial exchanges of industry, and to the principK on which the German Zollverein had for the last fifty years been carried on. At the meeting of the Dominion Board of Trade with the' National Board of the United States, lately held at St. Louis, a series of resolu- tions were adopted by the National Board, advising that a memorial should be addressed to Congress, for the appointment of a commission to meet Commissioners from Canada to see what could be done to in- crease trade relations between the two countries. It was suggested that not only the raw or natural products of the two countries should be ad- mitted free of duty, but also that all custom houses on the frontier should be abolished, so as to secure for the manufacturers and every branch of industry of Canada and the United States a perfect freedom of transit, as now exists between one State and another of the Union. In other words, duties would be collected on the principle of the Ger- man Customs Zollverein, on the Atlantic and on the Pacific, in Quebec and Montreal, and a division would be made of the duties so collected, in proportion to the populations of the Dominion and the United States. We expressed the opinion in our former article that, however desirable it was to have free intercourse commercially with our neighbours, yet it seemed almost impossible, with the present erroneous tariff of the United States and excise laws, that such a system could be carried out. The present population of the United States may be stated at 40 mil- lions, and the public debt at $2,250,000,000, which is $56 per head. The public debt of Canada 's $116,000,000, which, divided among 3^ millions, is $33 per head. To perfect our Canal system will require an expenditure of $18,000,000— to which, if we add $12,000,000 to complete the Intercolonial Railway and other works, the public debt of the Dominion will then amount to $146,000,000. Leaving out any estimate for the proposed Pacific Railway through Canadian territory, the liability per head of iiha people of Canada for this 146 millions will be $42, against $56 to the people of the United States ; so that it would require no great reduction there to make the rate of liability in both countries about equal. If the United States were prepared to make that reduction, then there could be no better plan in our opinion adopted than the system of the German Zollverein, to secure to the people of both countries the highest possible advantages in an exchange of their labour or industries. Some may say that Great Britain would not consent to such an arrangement. We do not hold this opinion. Under such a system, with the power to exchange the products of the Dominion with 40 millions of noighbours, there can be no doubt that our material wealth would greatly increase, and, as we stated last week, the richer we became as a people the better it would be for England. This principle is exhibited in England's trade with the United States. In 1854, when the tariff of that country was much lower than at present, the exports from Great Britain amounted to £18,662,603 sterling, ''^'"■"^"'■n'^^'^-^^nim 12 while in 1870, the exports under their highest tariff were £25,119,630 sterling. Tht- total imports and exports from Great Britain to the United States in 1^55 amounted to £43,746,115, while in 1870 they had increased to £67,721,000, one-fifth part of her whole foreign trade, five times greater than the total trade with her North American Colo- nies, and more than one half greater than Great Britain's total trade with all her British possessions, including India. It is a mistake, therefore, to suppose that England would try to prevent the policy of a Zollverein being carried out with the United States. The exports now from England to the United States consist of goods which cannot be manufactured there, and more than one-half of our whole revenue is collected on the same class of goods, which now pay 15 per cent. duty. Another objection has been made that political Independence and a National position would be the result of such a policy. In reply to this objection, we say that it is the desire of the Government and people of England, that we should assume such a position, and we believe that such a course is imperatively necessary for our advancement as a people. The .ate Fenimore Cooper, in his novel of the ** Spy,' ' declar^ that the United States advanced more in forty years after Independence, than she had done in the previous one hundred years. But what do the members of the British Government say ? On the 26th April, 1870, Mr. Gladstone, the present Premier of England, declared, that " look- ing back at the history of transatlantic possessions, we see that it is in the nature of such possessions to grow, and if they grow, to alter, (ia obedience to laws more powerful than the will of any Government) the condition of the relations of the Government which origin- ally planted them till they arrive at that stage of prog "ess when there should be a separation. It is to be hoped that such a separation will be realized in a friendly and not in a hostile form. The statesmen of this country have competed with one another in their zeal to work out this policy." There are others again who declare that the parties advocating Independence are not honest, and that Independence means Annexation to the United States. We have been consistent in protesting against this view of the matter. We believe that while the great body of the people in the United States, speaking the same language as ourselves, would desire to have free commercial intercourse with us, yet we see nothing to shew, in the movement of the Government of that country or of any party there, that political annexation is desired. The Hon. John Bright, another member of the British Cabinet, endorsed this opinion in a speech on 28th February, 1867, when he ^aid, " I believe there is no greater delusion than that there is a party in the United States that wishes to commit any aggression upon Canada, or tD annex Canada to the United States. There is not a part of the world, in my opinion, that runs less risk of aggression than Canada, except with regard to that foolish and impotent attempt of certain discontented, not long ago subjects of the Queen, who have left this country. No American statesman, no American political party dreams for a moment of aggression upon Canada, or of anuexing Canada by force. For my part, I want the population qf 13 these Provinces to do that which they believe best for their own interests, and to become Independent States if they wish it ; but what- ever be their course, there is none in this House or in the Provinces who has a more sincere wish for their greatness and their welfare than I have !" Supporting ourselves by the late opinions of those eminent statesmen of the British Cabinet, as to the questions of Independence we shall now proceed to examine the advantages which would result from a commercial union with that country. The Revolutionary War in the United States proved that the Independence of that country, and their consequent prosperity, contributed materially to the well-being of Great Britain, and the belief has become more and more prevalent in the Mother Country, that the means by which she can secure and profitably derive the largest measure of real prosperity from her Colonies, is by permitting them to direct their industry into those channels which their natural position and advantage? indicate as the most remunerative. With our export to the United States last year of 16,461 horses, 107,731 horned cattle, 107,135 swine, 147,355 shoep, $65,597 worth of poultry, 2,439,766 pounds of wool, 6,663,877 bushels barley, 3,817,547 bushels oats, 846,882,000 feet of lumber, 112,128 packs of shingles, which paid a duty of $5,754,500, or there- abouts, on articles which we are compelled to sell to the United States, for England does not require them. The whole or nearly the whole of this large amount could be annually paved to the people of the Dominion by free trade with the United States. But large as is the «um we have • named, it sinks into utter insignificance compared with the annual loss to the country arising from our undeveloped Iron, Copper, Coal, Slate, Gypsum, Salt, Marble and other mines, which cannot be worked profit- ably under the present prohibitive duties of the United States. Then, again, there is the important interest of manufactures, for which the Dominion and especiallv the Province of Quebec is, from its water power and labour, so well adapted. This must be the subject of enother article. tates, free the ;here, other 28th FREE TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES A NECESSITY FOR CANADA. In our issue of the 20th ultimo, on the question, as to the necessity of Free Trade with the United States, we alluded to our exports in 1870, of the products of the forest, of agriculture, of cattle, horses, &c., on which the duty paid unto the Treasury of the United States exceeded the sum of $5,500,000, and that we had no other market for the sale of those products than the United States. This large amount of Customs duties is in great part an annual loss to the Dominion, all of which could be sa^ed by reciprocal trade. We also stated that large as the amount was, it was insignificant compared with the loss arising from our unde- Teloped mines of coal, iron, copper, slate, marble, salt, &c., which cannot now be worked profitably, unless admitted free of duty into the United States. . ...... .T 14 I We now propose to shew the advantages which would flow to Canada by devoting a portion of her labour to manufactures. As diflFerent soil ill all parts of the world are adapted to different kinds of produce, so different countries are adapted by their location, their climate, and treasures of raw material, to become marked for some particular branch of industry. England's manufactures in wool, in iron, tin, copper and lead, not to n ention other things, are the effect of her being possessed of the raw material in those productions, in great abundance ; and, it is in propor- tion as a country possesses sucih materials at its door, if we may so speak, that successful competition with its neighbour is possible. Machinery and coal have been the two great agencies in British industry, for with- out her coal, her machinery would have been comparatively powerless. Canada has boundless resources in all those raw materials, which has made England great. We have our mines of coal, iron, lead, copper, &c., yet, all these treasures lie neglected, and cannot at present be utilised. In Lower Canada, it is true, we have no coal ; but there is no country in the world which possesses, on every river running from the north into the St. Law- rence, such magnificent wat^r power. We shall, however, be asked, how is it that Canada, possessingall these natural advantages, is not a manufacturing country to any great extent ? Our reply is that with the Atlantic between us and England, the cost of freight and insurance, with an adverse tariff, ren- ders competition there impossible. In the United States also we are met by a hostile tariff which almost prohibits any competition there, so that we are confined to the home market of the Dominion for the sale of any man- ufactures we can make profitably, or for the supply of three-and-a-ualf millions of people. If the markets of the United States were thrown open to Canadian industry, thereby giving us the opportunity of supply- ing forty-four millions, can any one doubt that such a change would be highly beneficial to our people, and that a great impulse would thus bo given to the development of our vast material, but now comparatively useless resources ? For more than half the year the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec labour under the physical impossibility of dciufi any regular out-door agricultural work. If they could weave and spin and be otherwise engaged in such industries as each locality was fitted for, is it not avident that our position as a people would be vastly promoted ? We might not be able from our position to cross the ocean with our good.s, but we would then have the home market of this Continent, and in every country the home market is the great steady basis of its manulacturin^ iu- dustry. With all the Colonies and Commerce of England, her largu com- mercial capital, her unrivalled facilities for shipping and trade, her position on the ocean and her free institutions, open to all the trading capital of the world more than-two -thirds of her manufactures, not including agricultural products, are used in her home consumption and only one third is exported. The same remark is applicable to the manufactures of the United States. The progress of the manufactures of the Dominion will, no doubt, gradu- ally grow, but only in proportion to the growth of our population. It was from this view of the matter that we expressed the opinion that the broad and comprehensive views entertained by the National Board of Trade at St. Louis, of abolishing all the Custom Houses between the two countries, 1 15 ^ aod collecting duties on the Atlantic and Pacific frontiers was agoodono for by such a measure Canada would have the chance of munuf'acturing for the Jnited States. Under such a policy American capital would soon be attracted into Ciinado, to develope our water powers and other resources. Look at the instance of Lowell, in Mass., a spot where is concentrated the greatest amount of manufacturing energy, and where you look in vain for those tall chimnies and volumes of black smoke which ore to be seen in England. In 1830 its population was not over 200. Its motive power for nearly all its machinery is water ; yet, in 40 years its population has risen to 50,000, and in magnitude is now the second city of Massachusets and the twelfth in the United States. While Montreal, Quebec, Chambly, St. Jerome and other localities in the province would be benefited, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Ontario would dach receive not only the advantages of their water power but also of their coal, iron, gold, salt and other mines. We have in a previous issue expressed the opinion that England would in no way object to our carrying out such a system with the United States, because the richer we become the better it would be for her. On this principle her statesmen have always acted, for they have found that any increase of wealth and population in foreign States inevitably creates an increased demand for her manufactures. The great interests of our country are agriculture, commerce and manufactures, an^. they are ins'jparable and must prosper or languish tc^ether. Any legis- lation which tries to benefit one, at the expense of the other, is dangerous. The employment of agriculture, of commerce and navigation, are all as much branches of domestic industry as manufactures, and whenever duties are levied it should be considered whether such duties should be given to encourage any one of these branches of industry, at the expense of the other branch. Theperfect freedom of citculation of industry in England, the producing and consuming habits of the people, the macadamized roads to every village, and the absence of restrictions of all kinds, has raised up there a vast home market among forty-two millions of people, and it is this home market for manufactures which has mack that branch of industry what it is. A similar freedom of trado with Cn.r neighbours in the United States, and with a moderate duty on imports, collected on the Atlantic and Pacific, would lead to the best results for Canada. We have before shewn that the interests of Britain did not suffer, but were promoted by the application of the Zollverein principle throughout Ger- many, and in the same manner the interests of Britain would be promoted by the application of this same principle on this Continent. CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE. The question of Canadian Independence is, no doubt, a serious one ; but if it is for the interest of the people of Canada that they should be independent, it ought to be discussed. The question, however, is not new, nor is it one which was first mooted in Canada. Some years ago, in the discussion which took place in the Imperial Legislature on the " Defences of Canada," it was then evident, from the opinions which 16 \ were then expressed by British statesmen, and on various other occaMO :» Biace that time, that they looked forward to the period when Canada would advance to an Independent National Position. Lord Stratford de RedcliflFe, saw in the discussion, " the period when the Mother Coun- " try would have to separate from her Colonics." A member in the House of Commons declared " that the relation "between Canada and Britain was rotten and mutually deceptive," " while another, and a Cabinet Minister^ said ** he looked forward with- " out aj^prehension, and without regret to the separation of Canada from * England." Nor are these new thoughts with British statesmen, for, as far back as 1828, Mr. Huskisson, then Colouial Minister, said "he " thought the time had come for the separation of Canada from the " Mother Country, and her assumption of an independent state." H» further added — " We should be well paid for all the sacrifices we may " yet be called on to make if we are to add to the rich harvest of glory " we have already reaped by being the mother of countries, in which " the same happiness and prosperity that have distinguished this couu- " try will, for ages to come, be enjoyed, and that will be our reward for " establishing our superfluous population not only on the Continent of " America, but in other quarters of the world. What can be a prouder " feeling for Englishmen than that England has done its duty to the " world by succecisfully attempting to improve it. Whether Canada is to ** remain forever dependent on England, or is to become an Independent "State — not, I trust, by hostile sepaiation, but by amicable arrange- " ment — it is stj" the duty and interest of this country to inbue it with " English feeling and benefit it with English Uws and institutions." In the same year, on the debate on the " Ordnance Estimates," Mr. Huskisson again lid — " If he could be positive that the amount of the " present vote was to be expended with the positive certainty that in " fifty years to come the Canadas were to be free and Independent, he " would not hesitate but would as heartily give his vote under such " circumstances as he would give it now, because, if Canada in time was * to throw off the control of the parent country, then independence " would be the growth of national honour, opulence and* population, " wid would be effected by natural events rather than by premature "separation. When the separation did come, let it be like the sever- ing of the members of the same family, who, long united " by the same ties of blood and affection, find it at last necessary to part, but with the kindest wishes for each Others "welfare." Lord Howick, on the same occasion, said — " There could " be no doubt that, in time, all of our foreign colonies would become " independent of the Mother Country. Such an event was certain, and " we ought in time to prepare for the separation, not by fortifying tha " Canadas but by preparing them to become independent." The Earl of EUenborough, in 1854, said in the House of Lords — " Whp.t was the " use, what the practical advac^age of continuing our connection with "the Colonies. Again, under these circumstances, he hoped the " Government would communicate with the North American Coloniea " with the view of separation." Lord Brougham followed the Ewl of (( (( 17 Ellenborough, and declared, " he was one of those who desired a separa- •* tion of Canada from the Mother Country. The idea was not novel, '* it had been entertuinfid and expressed by many eminent men. It was "an opinion shared in by Lore' Ashburton and Lord St. Vincent. They " believed after a certain period of time— after what was called, passing •* the youth of nations — that of a Colonial life, the best thing that could " happen to a country in Colonial connection with an older state, was * without any quarrel, without .any coldness or alienation of any sort, ' ' but with perfect amity and good will, and on purely voluntary grounds **• there should succeed to that connection a connection between two free "and independent states.' The London Times said, two years ago — '* If the people of Canada show a desire to sever the connection for the " purpose of establishing formal Independence, England would do " nothing to put constraint upon her w^hes.'' The Saturday Review says — " All classes of politicians have long since made made up their " minds to concede the independence of British America whenever the " Colonists desire it." The Edinburgh Review describes us as " re- ', tainers who will neither give nor accept notice to quit." The Lon- don Times, at a later period commenting on Mr. Gladstone's speech " about Canada, said — " It is for the good of the world that adolesence "should lead to Independen-o, and we can conceive no nobler ambition "for those who have the direction of the policy of the great English ,' speaking people, than to lay the foundation of another existence and " a separate history in the communities they govern." We have given these utterances of the English press and of English statesmen, to show, that the question of Canadian Independence was first mooted in the Imperial Legislature. Lord Monck, our late Governor Gener."l, was the first in this country to use the words " New Nationality," while our present able and astute Governor General, Lord Lisgar, in a speech spoken some time ago at Quebec, did rot find it inconsistent with his high duties, cautiously, but significantly, as the representative of great Imperial interests, to hint at the transition state through which we were passing. Both at Quebec, and again at Halifax, he said that Canadian statesmen and people are the best judges of their own interest?, that their destinie," were in their own hands ; and that, if they decided upon more changes, the proposition would receive from the statesmen and people of England a goaerous and friendly consideration. As the Hon. George Brown said, in 1864 — "We must look forward to " the day, when we must be prepared to assume the full duties and "responsibilities of a great and powerful nation" — and, surely if the " Mother Country and people are ready for the change, we ought to be *^ ready for it. The present Government of England declared last year that part of its policy was to "throw the cost of self-defence on each colony," and under this policy, troops and all munitions of war have been removed from Canada. We hare no fault to find with England, nor have we any quarrel with her, for she has been a generous mother, and no colonial child ever had such a mother, but under such circum- stances is it'not our duty to look our position in the face. With a population of over four and a half millions, and with our growth and promise, we have no right to hang to our Mother Country, as a child hangs on to ita 2 18 mother, an hour longer than the connection is mutually advantageous. If it is the opinion of British Htateemen that we have passed the "youth of nations" and reached maturity, it is not for us to deny it. Nor can we do 80 consiBtently with our self respect. The assumption of national responsibility is a grave nuittcr, hut have we not manhood enough in' this Northern population to meet that responsibility ? We know not what the future may have in store for us, but be what it may, it is our bounden duty to prepare for it. To this position we have been gradually brought Our Governor-General nominated by the Crown is the laat link of colonial dependence, but this one link is as potent as a thousand, and it should be unloosed, to permit Canada to elect the Governor. This step forward would radically change our relation to the Mother Country, and free her from all embarrassment on our account, while it would place us in a position wherein we could stand on our own responsibility, among and before the nations of the earth. And this, " without any quarrel," as Lord Brougham said, and without any coldness or aliena- tion of any sort, but with perfect amity and good will towards our Mother Country and all the world. The cry, however, may be raised against the policy advocated, that Annexation to the United States will follow Independence. We desire to meet this question fairly, and we would ask who are to be the judge.