IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 m 
 
 ^ li£ III 2.0 
 
 1.8 
 
 
 1.25 1 1.4 1.6 
 
 
 -* 6" 
 
 ► 
 
 %.. 
 
 m 
 
 % 
 
 
 '<^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 Photograpiiic 
 
 Sciences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
 m 
 
 \ 
 
 :\ 
 
 V 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 o^ 
 
^ 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICIViH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 unG image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la mdthode normale de filmage 
 sont indiqu^s ci-dessous. 
 
 n 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 □ 
 
 Covers damaged/ 
 Couverture endommagee 
 
 □ Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagdes 
 
 D 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaurde et/ou pellicul6e 
 
 □ Pag'js restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pellicul^es 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes gdographiques en couleur 
 
 r^Tj^^ Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 I 1 Pages d^color^es, tachet^es ou piquees 
 
 □Pages detached/ 
 Pages d^tach^es 
 
 a 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 □ Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 □ Quality of print varies/ 
 Qualite in^gaie de {'impression 
 
 
 n 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Relid avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La reliure serree peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge intirieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela dtait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6t6 filmdes. 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplementaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont 6t6 filmdes d nouveau de facon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 □ 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppldmentaires; 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filmd au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 26X 
 
 30X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X 
 
The copy filmad her* ha* been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 L'exemplaire film* fut reproduit grAce k la 
 g^niroslti de: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 otj the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 The latJt recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol -^»> (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END">, 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Las images suivantes ont At* reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition at 
 de la nettetA de l'exemplaire filmA, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat da 
 filmage. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la cuuverture en 
 papier est imprimAe sont filmis en commengant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration. soit par le second 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmAs en commen9ant par la 
 premiers page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la derniAre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbols V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent dtre 
 filmAs A des taux de reduction diffArents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul clich6, ii est film* A partir 
 de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, 
 et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombro 
 d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la mAthode. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
/Ifp 
 
 l^^^' 
 
 9tl 
 CI 
 
 ,HON 
 
 iSLIVERB 
 
 I 
 
SPEECH 
 
 or 
 
 -V 
 
 HON. MR. HOUSTON, OF ALABAMA, 
 
 ,. "i' 
 
 ■if 
 
 OM THJI 
 
 
 ;iii'' •■'* .. 'v-ii-i-- 
 
 ,!t/';, -.-/.Jv^^v 
 
 OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 I... , ■■. ; .t.- .■■»;i^i:''i .- - •' '»■ :i 
 
 4SLIVERED IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE ON THE STATE OP THE UNION, 
 
 FEBRUARY 6, 184«. 
 
 WASHINGTON : 
 
 raiXTSD AT THB OmOB or THE DAILT TOIM. 
 
 1846,' 
 

 M 
 
 6h^O 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 •». 
 
 'he Home of Representatives, Felmtarxj 6, 
 \i<o — Tlu) Houso being in Committpe of the 
 /"hole oil the state of the Union, and the re- 
 liition repv)rteil by the Committee on Fo- 
 ign Relations, providinar for the abrogation, 
 ' a notice to (ifcai Britain, of the conven- 
 \n of August Gtli, 1827, between Great Bri- 
 in and ihe United Slates, being, together 
 it^i the propfwed amendments to said resolu- 
 )ii under consideration — 
 
 T. HOUSTON obtained the floor, and ad- 
 s^l the (;ommitteeas follows : 
 r. Chairman : It was my expectation until 
 f or two ago to have voted upon the resolu- 
 Hrequesting the President of the United 
 88 to give notice to Great Britain to termi- 
 <he joint convention between the United 
 3»and Great Britain, in relation to the Ore- 
 territory, without remark; my purpose was 
 to participate in the debate, and I would 
 I Adhered to that purpose, but for the strange, 
 fl^t say embarrassing, circumstancbs with 
 sll I am surrounded. 
 
 ftld myself differing, widely differing from 
 fio{ my southern friends, as well as a por- 
 ei my own colleagues. Under these cir- 
 Stftnces. I feel it due alike to them, to my- 
 Md, more than all, to my constituents, to 
 3 %<ifore the country some of Ihe reasons 
 5h"will influence and direct my course upjon 
 otieasion. 
 
 do not intend to contribute to the feeling 
 5h seems to pi'evail to some extent, to make 
 a party or a sectional question. And while 
 ally disapprove of the remarks made at an 
 T vta^e of this debate, by an honorable mem- 
 Tim New York, [Mr. P. King,] in the same 
 c and friendly spirit, I must be allowed to 
 69 my deep regret at the observations in 
 f ftom the gentleman from South Carolina, 
 . Rhett,] as well as those of my. colleague, 
 . Yancy.] 
 
 his is a question which soars above all such 
 agb and considerations; and it is with as- 
 Mient and pain that I hear gentlemen from 
 ^vision of the Union speak of it in any 
 r ftght than as a high ruaional question — 
 ;aiolving the interest and the honor of the 
 ^nation. Why is it called a western ques- 
 i Can it be because the controversy has 
 
 grown out of western territory? I will not do 
 honorable members tlie injustice to suppose such 
 a thing; tiiey would sjuirn the idea if directly 
 presented to thorn. Are our western friends the 
 peculiar guardians and defenders of national ho- 
 nor ? I dispute it fur my constituents; they will 
 yield to no one in their faithful adherence to, 
 and unflinching defence of their country and its 
 honor. 1 throw bael: upon members who have 
 "set up^' an exclusive claim to this question, the 
 imputation which slionld arise from such claim if 
 acquiesced in by others. This is the country's, 
 the people's (piestion, and all of their represen- 
 tatives have the sanie interest in it. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, every great measure has in- 
 discreet friends, who wisli to control and direct 
 it; who, in the abundance of their zeal to ad- 
 vance, actually obstruct and retard it. Texas 
 had such friends — Oregon has such now upon 
 this floor — who either will not or cannot act 
 with proper discretion, with proper discrimina- 
 tion. Hence w(j hear gentlemen taking to task 
 the entire South, indirectly censuring the repre- 
 sentatives and their constituents because some of 
 the representatives from that division of the 
 Union, in the discharsre of their duty, as they 
 doubtless believe, think proper to oppose the 
 giving of this notice — who censure a whole 
 State because a part of her members do not act 
 to suit them. Such proscription is intolerable, 
 and I regret to see it; it is unfair and unbecom- 
 ing a representative of intelligent people. If I 
 act improperly upon this or any other subject, 
 arraign or assail me for it if you will; but let 
 me ask that you have the boldness to name me; 
 point out my dereliction; do not content your- 
 self with such generalities as that all are impli- 
 cated, and thereby evade responsibility, as no 
 one would be justified in repelling it, without 
 subjecting himself to the charge of feeling his 
 own guilt by repelling an accusation which 
 may not have been intended for him. Oregon 
 would have been stronger to-day had it not beea 
 for the rash and indiscreet course pursued by 
 some of its friends. 
 
 I have not the power, and certainly not the 
 disposition, to read any one out of the democrat- 
 ic ranks; every member of that great party who 
 is honest in his professions stani^ upon the nme 
 great principle ^of equality— upon the basis <£ 
 
i 
 
 democratic republicanUin — and can claim felloMr- 
 Hhip until he fails to sijuarc his political action 
 by the republican creed hs oxpunded by the fa- 
 thers of the constitution. If he should be dire 
 lict, it is not fur me to read him out, nor for this 
 House, but it is a matter which belonirs to the 
 people; they are the "■church members^' (if I 
 may be allowed the uso of the expression) who 
 have the power to pass u|xin him; and if, in 
 their opinion, he is unworthy, they will excom- 
 nmnirate hira. While I would nor, consent, 
 therelbre, for any other member to speak for my 
 constituents, 1 would not presume to speak for 
 others. I hold it to be th« duty of the represen- 
 tative to exercise bis own judgment upon mea- 
 sures as they are presented to him, and act as 
 lie Qiay think the interest of the people requires. 
 '.tf ,they express to him their will, that should be 
 jh^|},^ide upon questions where the constitution 
 j^q^ ,qot interpose an obstacle. 
 
 IVm well aware that jealonses and ill feel- 
 ' um, at times, exist in all parties. We had a 
 Mujdm example of this in our efforts, at the 
 , jkst .(^^ress, to annex Te.xas to this Union. 
 On that occauon, unf()riiinately as I believe for 
 >'.0i^flf and the country, some of the prominent 
 o;^e^pers of the dejnoeratic party differed with 
 Uie majority. They said they were for Tex- 
 as, but not at that timt. "Wait awhile.;" 
 ' ^.pi^ ytfur time." They were for '^nuuterly 
 iiu^Mtity," 'which, in my judgment, seldom ac- 
 "Ctkpinishes any great good. They avowed them- 
 "inyesfoi' 'Texas, but not in the precise mode se- 
 'Hetfld by their friends. The consequence was, 
 upoii tl^'e wise principle that those who are not 
 '')pf iisare agfaiast us, they werr* "set down" as 
 ^hfthndiy to the annexation of Texas, and can- 
 ''demned4)y 'the twirty over the whole country. I 
 'Dt^ ifot sjpeak of it now for the purpose of justi-< 
 '^fVhjg or etosuvipg their course. I disagreed with 
 |tn^ then, and have not dianged that opinion. 
 'I^lid'not, however, denounce and abuse them. 
 l^cW has never been my course of action. I 
 ' ])riulf wllKnff to condemn and treat them as oppo- 
 iiiici^ta* ini that question; but I was disinclined to 
 )i^;|ibltcy bf treating with extreme harslmess 
 Jiose^^'^fionr friends who had served us long 
 wit Wl^Wy ^pon every other question except 
 the bne'theii 'h!&}ote the country, cotwithstand- 
 'i^ 'it xvas one of vast, almost ^ital importance, 
 '^tise' i^eniJiii^tices are dottbt)ess diaagreeable 
 iiof'all'' <^ us, tthd ' \ only atiude to theiri'fi»r the 
 irpOEfe of'^^fifying ftiy posftion on 'this oeca^ 
 
 {^^iC ^1 siahd ixrw ^h^e'f Wd ihen. We are 
 
 .d^n'difl^ng tipon a great national question.. 
 
 ' SC^e ' bi* (^tif Ari|9Wds ai^'ftnad in 'enpo^tioft tp 
 
 '4SbfrresM<tti^ discttasitin, arid it so hap- 
 
 fwiii^^i-itSAKfoi them T^ereofiKhat numbet 
 
 ' unid ^f e "^ftrntfeM" and myst harsh in their de^ 
 
 nanciations of, and invectives against, the diaa-t 
 
 ^g^ecinigc nieitibers on the T^xas qnes^n. SThey 
 
 ^■%toj'knd 'doubtless :do,^&el the foree of their 
 
 ■ <6ytti -«enMM» fw^n others, i and can ;aif^Iy to 
 
 '^eniS«»lve8 tmh- strictores aslhey then appiiied 
 
 k y that I 
 
 QBtioil < 
 
 to their frirnds. They tell us they aro iu'ow ollit 
 gon, but not nnw, they tell us we mu8ty|bl(\ 1 
 our time" "wait awhile," bring into full \^ inicmi 
 "American vnilliplication Uthk;" \\\v\, ,|,^ instr; 
 to be for Oregon, but not in thu nu)dc .indcr.stod 
 and agrec^d ujion (if indications arc wuriMjoniicni' 
 thing) by our friends; they should not, th(op|MMeil 
 complain too much if the true I'ricnds hi hav»? 
 measure should say to them that they l^iHop|)> 
 iiesl, if not well-founded fears, that th(j^r my o| 
 oppose the notice are not in truth frieiwill be n 
 Oregon at all. And, although I do not ^ or two I 
 
 it, yet f am by no means istonisliod to seition co 
 
 who were ccnsttred by them then, turnitielaosed ti 
 own "tu'tilltry upon them" on this oi .^ It is ki 
 Such is the fate of war, and cannot alMQt to tiie 
 avoided, especially when our lot is cast !^ withoii 
 those who lose eight of, and disregard tl)d| or qui;!: 
 cred injunction which admonishes us to,g,t!ie Pi 
 others as we would have them, under lij we in 
 ciimstaoc^s, to do unto us. i4o\it a 1 
 
 I cannot say that party feeling has jjindcr t 
 thing to do with the subject before us. jYermont 
 tleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Gentry,] |}ie whiji 
 to labor to show that this was an adminijialls as t 
 measure, and to draw the party lines upqjjpstlun lb 
 will not say his opposition to it was of %;es of thi 
 character. 1 leave that to the judgmeni,^.^J3tit J h 
 country; but from the fierce and unprovi^^rom th 
 sanlts made by hira, I am left to draw s,J^icn mad 
 inferences as the facts justify. iber of eiti 
 
 That honorable meinber, [Mr. GENTiip|)nse th; 
 unnecesi^arily severe in his stjriotores, fpill — and 
 menting upon the call which the UofUMB^respund 
 presentatives made upon the ExeoutivtyjlH! sent 
 or two since, for such additional covresfii} fur its 
 as may have taken f^acebelween the twuruke at the 
 ments, since the "o/jcwing^" of the preseifiat the 
 gress, relative to the Oregon dtfficnliH,on the i 
 necting it <witii a resolution suhsequedtli ^ that a 
 ed by the House to close the present (i(14 not, re 
 the 9th of this month. The graat cvthat the 1 
 with which he spoke of additional <Wiai^" in o; 
 dence between the two goveromeBtSisiiespondenci 
 which was presented to us, accompanoiiQd the ci 
 President's annual message, as welliavinir dm 
 seeming knowledge of the i$tate and con mp to do. 
 the negotiation, might create a «u«piciiiiBg' this de 
 minds of those who inay .netknowhijiiie it. Si.\ 
 asl'do that he has.mcanaof infonnatieuss a sin: 
 flJImnMcl'thvaugb wihich he receives ial(^.4bat time 
 (M tMatBijihioDiiintt 'ffke/t.mdioptnV (oiiMffted wit 
 raemh«csjaf tUstcommiit^. 'How cwiiiything e 
 asythiiif >afaout, a oorraspondftiKie 4)ot jMir^nmch 
 :pubtid?'«i^atisuchfj»>oa0 haSitak«iiiWK they \ 
 ;«U y He certuniy cannot.-9et >. 'Afyaiii^ not do 
 vcrnment of the United State^,,for,Aa{al4'be resp 
 the fact that the Prtwideiit'keftpssuc^ so still. 
 fbm the "public Mu/i'i as iiba shomid dat^^would ha 
 dently woqld lefuseto oomtauracat«W(|or upon 
 .avowed political'Opponent^isvBn were hefvlprant of 
 to vv^if^ateuihexfiruftiuitd usueiiecy usual ||)sse8sion 
 {correspondence, ^hereu but oneiHbt 
 iirbm: wltieh it jconld em^tite. t do Ji« 
 
I * 
 
 i 
 
 f ihul I'll' li >in)ra!»lu niomber obtuiriH liis 
 oalioii tiilirr .lircctly (ir iiulir.'clly Iroiii 
 ell us they are fn'ouf! (Alicr .tim/rc," lo s;iy «>J would hi- iiii 
 tell us we mu8tt»bl(^ I know iiiin well onougli to bflKiv*- 
 " bring into lull ij^ iiitciiilofl tu be uiulcrstood as iriviu^ :ui 
 m tahU;^' tln'V »n, iii-itcad of assLTliiiiT n kiniwlrd'^e (as Ik- 
 ot ill ihi! iiuhIc .in dcrs lucid by soiiic) of lb*- existence of tlie 
 licatiuns arc worlj|x»nd( in'c to wbicli he alluded, 
 py should not, thfoppused the cull iipuii the Rxecutive, to 
 he true tViends h I have just referred, and I am hai)i>y lo 
 them that they Itfiis o|i|)ortiiiiiiy of rrivin'^f s .uie of tlie rea- 
 
 fears, that thciftir my opp isition. 
 it in truth friernjill be n:!iie:nbered that the Senate had b'lt 
 hough I do not S'.or two before made a eall for the same in 
 I istonished to seifjon — correspond! nee. SufHeient time had 
 hem then, turniiielapsed Iti enal)le the President to respond 
 itwi" on this 01 , It is known that if the information should 
 r, and eannot al\int to the Senate, it will also come into this 
 1 our lot is cast aj^ without a eall. These facts will not be 
 and disregard tljjj or questioned; hut instead of waiting and 
 monishes us tO|«j,ibe President a reasonable lime to re- 
 e them, under lij we in "hot huxW'' bring into tli<! House 
 8. id'Opt' a literal copy of the Senate's resolu- 
 
 ty feeling has ,jinder the lead of a distinguished whig 
 iject before U8. ,yermont(Mr. Coi.,L,AMKii.| \ do not deny 
 [Mr. GENTRY,]^e whigs have the same right to propose 
 is was an adminijialls as the de.nocrats. I will not dispute 
 e party lines up(|||Etion their right, nor will I impugn the 
 ion to it was of ves of the honorable mover of this resolu- 
 to the judgment .^, But I have aright to draw my own infer- 
 eree and unprovi^j^rom the facts presented; and as the call 
 no left to dmw s,j^ion made by the Senate — and as not one 
 siify. »ber of eitlior House of Congress would say 
 
 ler, [Mr. GEHTtippose that the President would disregard 
 his Btjiotiiues, ^11 — and as it was known, if responded to, 
 trhich the Ha«8«B^respundence or answer would al.so neces- 
 'X the Exe«iiitiv(y(bn sent to the House, I am left without a 
 Iditional cofrespin for its introduction into the House, unless 
 between the twurife at the conclusion that it was intended as 
 i^" of the presfijl|at the President — intended to create the 
 Oregon diraciiltjf on the minds of the oeople, that he would 
 ion suteequehtli flr that a majority of the House believed he 
 ie the pres«!nl dil4 not, respond to the call of the Senate; 
 The great C(j (bat the House had to Join in and "■(/ojj- at 
 of additional Wiai^" in order to obtiiin from him the desired 
 goverameatS'Siwipondencft. Under ih«se circumstances I 
 » us, accom|Wiio«(8(d the call, and feel a conscious conviction 
 ssage, as welljaving done that wiiich was right and proper 
 le dtate and con di@ to do. I also voted for the resolution 
 neate a «u8picisiag this debate, because I thought it time to 
 y ,not know hifliie it. Six weeks will certainly an.3wer to 
 snaof iatbrinatisuss u single prop(Jsition; if we bestow but 
 he reccivea ioli^ttbat time upon each of the other measures 
 t.MdiOmnV WUHlWted with Oregon, we will have no time to 
 t^. 'IniW 0»B»PfJlhiiig else. The people have grown tired 
 pondfUROe /OOt .^t^nmch debate; they want a vote of the 
 »><iae 'haSitaksniHW; they want to see what we intend to do. 
 mwtrKet lit Aunlid' not doubt, however, but that the call 
 \ Statep„for,Aatol4'be responded to before the 9th instant. F 
 ident'keftps .-ancyt so still. Nor do I believe that the Presi- 
 18 >ibA8h(ro]d dot would have suffered this House to commit 
 oonitauraoat«Wtt>r upon an important question like this for 
 [it^;«VBn w«*ehei»|jirant of a correspondence or information in 
 ("Bucnecy nsual fOssession — that he would quietly stand by 
 lisbut one^tbi 
 limiite. t do Ji« 
 
 and sen us involve the country in a war, upon a 
 P'lint of rl!i(//(c«e btwroubim and the legisla- 
 ture— witbl\old inforunlion which we ought to • 
 have, and vvhi(!h he desired we should have, 
 uerely because we bad not made a formal call 
 Uj«)n him for it. Such an idea is ridiculous; Imt 
 as we have made tlu; c.'H. I am in favor of wait- 
 ing for the response; ai..l if not made by theOlh, 
 extend the time. 
 
 You and I, Mr. Chairman, as well as the 
 present Governor of Ibe State of Tennessee, 
 should feel ourselves arraigned before this com- 
 mittee and the country by a member from that 
 State [Mr. Cockk | f.ir "inconsistency. That lio- 
 norable member has thought fi'. to read % para^ 
 graph from a re|)ort made by the Hon. A. V. 
 Brown at the last Con<jrress as chairman of tho 
 Committee on Territories, of which we were 
 then members, in which paragraph, he says.tho^ 
 comrrjiltee declare this lo be ai\ executive, and 
 not a legislative question. I regret that the gen- 
 tleman Is not now in bis seat, as 1 have a few 
 words to say in reply ami explanation, which I 
 desired he should hear. He does not show a 
 perfect knowledge of the practice of this House,' 
 when he takes Tt as granted that each member 
 who fails to make a minority report thereby sub- 
 scribes to all the doctrines, much less the reason- 
 in(r, of the majority rejnrt. He forgets that 
 there is, in truth, no sudi thing known to thei 
 rules of the House as a ''minority reports A 
 committee can make but one re|)ort; an-l that is 
 to be done by direction of a majority. I admit 
 that "minority reports.'' lis we are pleased to 
 call them, have grown into use by pmniasiou of 
 the House; and, under that permission, the mi- 
 nority of that eonunittei! might have presented 
 their views. It was not necessary, howeverj 
 for them to do so in order lo shield themselves 
 from a committal to the report of the maaority. 
 Their failure to report implies no such committah, 
 It would be a strange state ofthings if the reverse 
 of what I say were true. Vou could, by search- 
 ing the records, involve every man who has ever 
 been on a committee in Congress in the same 
 character of inconsistency if his position should 
 hold. I wished the honorable meinber [Mr. 
 Cocke] to account to tbisommittee, if hecould 
 do so, (and I. of cnnm, presume he could,) for 
 some very strange omissions on his part. 
 
 He is mistaken in saying that the report to 
 which he referred makes a positive declaration., 
 as to the true character of this immediate que8^ 
 tion. If he had paid the same attention to the i 
 facts and arguments of that report which he> 
 seems to have done in hunting out an inconsis- 
 tency on the part of the Governor of hisStete,., 
 he could but have seen and understood that, aa ; 
 far as the report itself tjoes, the question is left : 
 in doubt, and, as such, the chairnaan declinild'' 
 to enter into a premature investigation and uae^. 
 less decision of it. Tho committee, it seenupr 
 (or reasons not given, had determined to. refpwitit 
 a bill without the notice; possibly because they 
 
TT 
 
 tlioiiirlit llial braiicli of ll;«! Hutijcrt lii'loiifjod to 
 the roniiniltrM.' im l''on'it,ni A (lairs, as it in triitli 
 <iitrs, ami as the iidtif' uas llicn pt'iidiiiL'; I'l 
 tlio Hfiusr, nr Conuniltci! ol' llin Wlmlc uu llic 
 stato of tlif Union, in a scianito r'soliiliim^ and 
 jis npwjtiatiiiiis wen; aln.i in iirnrrc-s lutwccn 
 tlie two s,iivprnnM>iiis, tlic . Iiairncm v»'ry proprr 
 ly passn) on willi Inil litili- nioif llian a hare al- 
 iiision to it. And il'mv li'<n(irnhit! iVitMid had rcail 
 evon thp l)('i>iniMii^' ot ihr very next parai^raph 
 to th(! ono (jnoird by iiini, ho wmhl have ston 
 that the report prncccdtil to say, '•«« rnniifxivn 
 ivilh this hranrh (if the siilijcrl, is-r..," and states 
 that it was ihon inidt rstdud (liat negotiations 
 wore in proirress jjetwcen the },'overninents, and 
 connected that liir.-l as a reason, if not the prin- 
 cipal reason, with the donhl ex))resHod as to the 
 nature of tlie cpiestion w hy he (ieeiined its in- 
 vestijration. Tfiere is another fael to whicli he 
 should have referred, and whieli he shoiihi iiave 
 slated in justiro to (Toveitior Hr.wn, if liis ob- 
 ject was to act fairly to\\ards his political op|)o- 
 nent, (and 1 will not question his tiiirness.) IJy 
 reference to th(! journals lie wonid have learned 
 that Governor Brown, when bronohi to a vote 
 at that very C'oni)'ress, ii|ii)n his i.ill, (as it was 
 called,) with the notice in it, voted for it; tliere- 
 hy voting for the notice at the same time; and 
 also in the most conclusive manner trivinnr his 
 own unequivocal construftion of the j)hraseolo<,''y 
 of his report: if he had been satisfied that Con- 
 gress co\ild not direct or advise the President of 
 the United Stales as to the f^ivinir of the notice, 
 why did he vote for the bill with the notice in 
 it? It will not do to tell me it was his anxiety 
 to have his bill passed; however much he miuht 
 have estimated the bill, be could find no justifi- 
 cation in voting for it, if, in his opinion, it con- 
 tained a provision upon which Congress had no 
 power to legislate. 
 
 Another omission occurs in liis speech, to 
 which 1 will for a moment allude. He enume- 
 rates, as we are autliori/ed to conclude, all of the 
 then members of the Conunittet^ on Territories, 
 (six in number,) and all democrats, you and my- 
 self of that number. I do not feel that it is ne- 
 cessary to disavow any one of the results or 
 conclusions of that reporl. ! have not read it to 
 this day, and am not, tin refore, prepared to con- 
 demn it; though if I had, as [ have before at- 
 tempted to show, I do not stand committed ne- 
 cessarily to any part of it. F was, at that ses- 
 sion, a member of the Committee on public 
 Lands, and had very heavy labor to perform on 
 it; and, as a consequence, could not attend often 
 the meetings of the territorial committee. I will 
 not say, for I do not remember, whether that re- 
 port was ever read in committee. I was so often 
 absent that it mght have been read when 1 was 
 not present. I can say this, however, for mj'^- 
 self, that if I ever heard it read at all, in or out 
 of committee, it has escrapcd my recollection. I 
 remember no such thing, and am of the belief 
 that I never heard it. That Governor Brown 
 
 ssion ? Cen^■re^ 
 know B our la 
 
 ih' t 
 d. 
 
 had aulhonty/rom th.: vmiwntli-c to make »f ('ong 
 re|Mirl I have no doubt; jiiid lliat lie may icky. (i 
 n ad it to ihe eonunillee I ihmk i|iiili' pml Indiana, 
 However, leing wh(dly uniinporiant, I (Hie el -it 
 pass it over. JiCl niert turn lor a niorm k froiu 
 ibis deriioeralic; eoinmilti e u|' siv. aiul li:Bli.asw 
 niie step fiirthi'r. I (ind iipini the juMrir,il-;i«s to ( 
 tben> Were nine ieend)ers i.l' the ("oniniitMof the 
 'J'rrrilories, and that the iliree wliieb ihemytair 
 tl( man oinitted to name were whifrs. and o! I liave 
 unmlier bis eidli'a»ije, now in n.y eye, ( iMi. ISmith 
 iJii()WN,| was one. VN'hy 'his omissioi 
 will not venture to say lie did not 
 were members of Ihe coinmillee. ll is h;lOn diret 
 veasonai)le lo su|ipose ho lltnnd tlie names to giv 
 part on tin! journals and nut the whole ;i» now 
 much more iinieasonaitle would if bi; lo sujich a chi 
 thai he found the names ol' the six demu an exp 
 and could not rind the wbii.rs. VVherc! I h a vie 
 their names on the journtil* they are al hostile 
 gelher, and mixed up til that: so that if linserteu 
 attempted to lake Ihe oiii and not the ollimen avo 
 would liav(' b(>en compelled to look over all Can I 
 names lo gel them. I do not ehai}.re this Jii^si; ol 
 intentional omission of that honorable meii>^l if we 
 luMuay be abb; to show that il, was accid(i«(vitable 
 If I, however, had done so, I assure this i<|p of al 
 mitlee it would necessarily have been inten'jfr— a wa 
 al. I cannot well see how I could have ip lo an 
 il through mistake. Then, sir. if the demcl. How 
 on thai conmiilt«^e snbscni)ed to the «r/»in,i justify 
 and coiidiisions of thai report, so <lid the w a^ a vole 
 they made no counter or minority reporl; ae wante 
 I am inconsistent, so is the gentleman's 5'|liimsel 
 league | Mr. BiiowN | — for if the argumenih(|en lo I 
 vanced bo correct, that we are all bound as to have | 
 iiig virtually subscribed to that report, you luBon the 
 but lo look a little further in'o the journa"ai would 
 that same Congress, and yon will iiiul tlr.i'iiWe, for 
 rectly in the face of this_/«nn'erf committal ijjinestion! 
 colleague voted to insert a provision int*) tl>aii» their 
 directing the President to give the notice, niay dci 
 such was the vote of every whig member »t all proj 
 in his seat from the State of Tennes.see. let the qi 
 very natural that I should ask liow is thi<but will 
 What sort of consistency does the gentln Ibeliev 
 himself present ? Why did he fail to state n me. 
 what appeared of record, implicating alike VBtsin myi 
 as W'ell as democrats V i proceed 
 
 Mr. M. Brown rose to make an explanand diM'eiu 
 and was proceeding, when Mr. Houston, l«nit, ifyo 
 ing from the chairman thai this interruiwhich th 
 would be counted in his time, said, t, I hold 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I cannot yield the flooilioate anc 
 am to lose the time. I would gladly accompocially 
 date gentlemen by yielding for explanation i-Oiay, w 
 time would allow me lo do so. I wish to livi^^ the 
 one injustice, and if the time were not rcckaufBt oft 
 against me, I would much prefer to hear hin our 
 explanations as I prwjeed. They must ex* refuse 
 me, however, and take their chances rorghtly,in 
 floor as I have done. v a nioi 
 
 Sir, a minority report has beeen made l|^ No 
 the Committee on Foreign Relations at thisl^|e 
 
 wr 
 
 MMan^J 
 
umullrc to iiinio' if ('(»ii2;ross, Hijriicil hy my I'lirml rntiii 
 
 iikI lliiit li(> iiiiiy icky, |Mr. (i. Dwis.j liy a irrnilcniaii 
 
 iliiiik i|iiil(' ppjllmliiiiia, I Mr. ('. li. Smith,] atid. I think. 
 
 imidipnrlant, I (Hir cUf. 'I'lir rt'|«irt is iiit hcfurt' iiu'. ami 
 
 luni t!ir a iiioimll from niciiiKry. As I iiinlcrstaiid tlwMMii 
 
 (' 111' six. iirul lt,0». as well as the r('as(iirKi.rs ol" tlial ri'ii.iit, 
 
 i|)nii the ji)iirir.ilsi<s tu T'Liii^rrrss the power In aft upmi the 
 
 i.r llio ('(iimiiilMot' tlic iinlice coiitPinplatcil hy the rcsoli!- 
 
 ilirce uiiich ihcM) yonr lahlc.^ Vet the two (jrcnthMiuMi lo 
 
 erii whiirs. und oi I iiave rcfern'il [.Mr. (i. Dwts and Mr. 
 
 I ill iiiy I yp, I Ml. 8mitii | voted al tlie last session of the 
 
 ' this nniissioii ? ^oiiuress to incorporate into ilic bill o.\ 
 
 I' did not know jjf our lawH over the territory of Oreiron, a 
 
 iiooillep. It is liilOU directiiijr llie I'resident of the I'nited 
 
 iinnd the iiniiies to irive the notice sulHtanlially as we 
 
 not iho whole ;» now t(» do it. How can they account 
 
 ivoiild it be to siiiich !i chano-e ol" opinion 7 Will they at- 
 
 ul' the si.K deiiK; an explanation ? I may he told ihey did 
 
 vhiifs. \Vli(>re I h a view ot" dcstroyinj)- tiie hill; that they 
 
 iial« they are a l hostile to it, and l)t>licvcd. if the notice 
 
 that: so that it' linstrted, theiiill wonid he (leloatod. Can 
 
 1' ;md not the utlitnen avoid the diflicnlty hy such explana- 
 
 d to look over all Can llicy reconcile such a (toiirse totln-ir 
 
 not char<.re this iiiopse of propriety and riii'hl 1 We are 
 
 at hoiiorablo lueii^ if we nrive the notice that war will be 
 
 liat it was acciddlJvitahle result— a war which will he de- 
 
 so, I assnro tiiis it»? ot' all tiie important interests of the 
 
 ' have been iiiten'|^--a war in which onr honor will he iiii 
 
 wl could havoji to an iimiece-sary extent, if not tar- 
 
 I, sir. if the demcl. How can any c.ih who believes tliest; 
 
 ed to the «r^jM.^stify betbre the world, or his own con- 
 
 lort. so <lid the wla^| a vole for the notice ? It will not do to 
 
 ninorily report; ae'l wanted to defeat another bill, and thus 
 
 the gentleman's 3 'iliiiuself. Better, liir better, would it 
 
 r if the argumenitfen to let liie other bill pass into a law, 
 
 are all bound as te have placed so larire and important a 
 
 that report, you Itnon the haziini of a ''sinn-lr (//c." Such 
 
 lie jonrnaii would, in my conception, l)e totally in- 
 
 in'o 
 
 mui tlni'iiHie, lor our true true policy is ),i meet 
 
 (tHricrf cornmittal Ijhestions fairly, and to advocate or resist 
 
 provision into thW their irierils or demerils in onr jodir- 
 
 give the notice, B^toy demand. It is my intention to vote 
 
 y whijj mpmberjtall propositions on this' subject which fail 
 
 of Tennessee, let the question fairly. I will not shrink 
 
 ask how ia thi'bm will meet the responsibiiy. In that 
 
 does the gentb libelieve th(! cruvdi body of the people will 
 
 1 he fail to state n me. [f, however, l" should be unable 
 
 plicating alike vstain inyi-elf, I will have the consolation 
 
 I proceeds from an .lonost intention to pro- 
 
 inake an explanand di^feiid my country. 
 
 Mr. Houston, Imit, if you pleasp, that this is not a question 
 
 at this interruiwWch this House, can speak authoritative- 
 
 le, said, t, I hold that the executive, in disehargintr 
 
 t yield the floorHotte and important duties irrowinjr out of 
 
 nld gladly accomp|aicially under the circumsUinces"of this 
 
 for explanation i^y, with great propriety consult and ad- 
 
 so. I wish to (ivi^ the re|)resentntives of the people. In 
 
 le were not recfcs^t of the case, we might not i)e bound to 
 
 prefer to hear .hli|» our opinions or advice; yet, if we' 
 
 They must cv^ wfuse it, our people would condemn us, 
 
 eir chances for ghlly, in my judgment. Look if you will, 
 
 » a moment, into the true state of the 
 
 18 beeen made t«L No president has ever offered to give 
 
 Relations at thisme without submitting it to Congress.— 
 
 I TIh' Honsc oi liepresi utalivPH of the la.sl (.!on 
 ijress, and prior to the installation of the present 
 {'resident, assnined to havi' jurisdiction of this 
 subject, and passed a l)rovision which wa- miiI 
 to the Senate, directing the President of tin? 
 I'nited Stales to irive the notice; and the Senr.tc 
 have had liet'ure them, of their own accord, hi 
 inilar propositions —have enterfainid and de'ialcd 
 them — iherelty recoatnising the (|ucslion of ici- 
 tice as a legislative imitter, and as within their 
 jurisdiction. These lliiinrsare all of record, and 
 an- spread out upon your journals and knov.ii to 
 the President and the country : Now it is 
 trravely insisted that the present K\i ciilive 
 shall take the whole rPsponsii)ilily upon himself. 
 K.veii sii|)posiiig I he President felt th'it he had 
 the power iiiuler the constitution to givr- ihe no 
 lice : is il fair or rrasiuialile to expect, in the t'acc 
 of all these facts, that lie should have given it 
 without saying a word to, or consullino' Con- 
 gress ? Do you not ask iA' him too much ? If 
 he has erred, it is on the side of safety. Sup- 
 pose he had given the notice and involved tho 
 country in war : he would have been censured 
 and abused throui>liont the length and breadth of 
 this country; and by (hose of both parties who 
 are attempting to rest the entire responsibility 
 upon him. lie would have been denounced as 
 arrotjating to himself power "not cout'errrd upon 
 htm by the constitution and laws, but in deroga- 
 tion of both,'' for thus attempting to grasp and 
 concentrate in his own hands the power of peace 
 and war. He did not pursue that course, and [ 
 am glad that he did not; nor does he now pro- 
 pose to avoid responsibility. He tells you the 
 notice should be iriven. VV'^hat more could he 
 say I It is a fatal mistake to su|)pose that we 
 can avoid this question. The people will listen 
 to no special pleading upon a measure like this. 
 They s(<nt lis here to act tiir our country. Then 
 let ns do it. They expect us to meet resjxjnsi- 
 bilify; and (or one, though I do not court it, lam 
 ready and willing to meet it. 
 
 It has been staled in this debate that a large 
 portion of the democrats of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, at its last session, voted against in- 
 serting in the bill then before them a provision 
 directing the notice to be given: and the inquiry 
 is made, why it was not, at that time, a party 
 question — and why were not thos«i who voted 
 against it "read out of the ranks of democracy?" 
 As I have already said, I am o|)pospd to making 
 this a parly question, liecausn it is wrcmg, and 
 should not be done. Yet gentlemen should re- 
 member that the case then presented bears no 
 analogy to the one now before the committee. — 
 At that time, negotiations were in progress be- 
 tween the two governments; and at this lime, 
 as far as we know, or even believe, negotiations 
 are not in progress. Then the President wished 
 to continue his negotiations, and did not solicit 
 the interposition of Congress; but nmo the Pre- 
 sident has informed Congress that he has failed 
 to adjust : ,; .'Ifficulty by negotiation, and our 
 
 wmm 
 
,.l 
 
 aotiuii IH, l)v liiiii, inviitvl anil rfCDtnnKndt'rl. 
 
 TlioHi' ciiiisiiltTiitidiis li:i(l ^rt-al iiitliMiii'i^ ii|miii 
 tlint vole, ll will alHo lit^ leiiitiniliinrd I hat, iil 
 the ticiK! Ill' tliiif voir, iluTc was a joiiit rcsoUi- 
 tioii peiiiliii^ iit (!'iiiiiiiiM*T ol' llii! \Vli<<lt< on lilt' 
 .slate of the Hiiiiiii, dirfctiiirf the notin' to hv. 
 jrivni; Hiitl it was the winli ol' inaii}' ul' the 
 fritiKls of Ort'ijoii that llio two mt'asiirfs — llu* 
 bill arnl llic ihtticc — slionld he kept separate; 
 and I am asijitrrd that many who wi re llieii tor 
 the iiotico votod a;raiimt pultin:; it in the liill, 
 bp'^'"isc they I'lared that hotli meaHures would 
 bi) thereby eiidanirered. 'I'hey wiHlied taeli to 
 Htand scparutc I'miii llie other, and ii])oii its own 
 merits, so that the one Hhoiild not jeopard or 
 prejudire the other. 
 
 Ill ciiiinoxion willi this point of the oa.><e, I 
 hope I may Iw allowed to r«t'er to a speeeh made 
 by tho I'rosidtiiit in IH"-^), when a member of the 
 HiJUHe of Representatives, on the Hiibject of 
 Oregon. Ft mijrht be wise in IIib friends of Ure 
 jroi\ to look to that s[H'ecli; they may |)uSHibly 
 find enou&[li in it to inakt! them doubt, at least. 
 the fate of sueh a ttirrilcriiil bill as we m'lirht 
 prefer. I greatly (hsinr t ■ see some eiricienl, 
 bonelieial le<rislatioii on this snbjeet. I want to 
 see onr cilixens tliere eiijoyinir the f.ill protection 
 of our lavvH. Jjow shall we aeeomplish that pur- 
 pose? f know of but one sure way, and thai is 
 the notiee as a first step, fjel us divest our- 
 selves of the shaeides of the treaty, and then 
 we can ieyislatc w iilioul the t'ear of vi. ..Jitjr 
 treatie.s. Wo never ran urirwnw a coinplcte yo- 
 vernuK^nt there, until tiie treaty is abro}rattd. — 
 You may pass bills whieii will do sonie (jood; 
 you eaii now extend our laws over the riti/ens 
 of the territory, saving and exceptinj/ British 
 subjects; and you may allord protection to the 
 eini;Trant on his way t-. Oreiron. Uul it is 
 thought by many alile statesmen that you (taimot 
 give him a home after he gt t.s there while the 
 treaty exists, thougli I believe we can give him 
 lands prospeetively, to vest absolutely, after the 
 line shall have beiMi run betvveen the two yo- 
 vernments, or the one yields all to the other, in 
 which event no new line will be necessary. IJnt 
 if there is a serious doubt about it. let us solve 
 that doubt by abruaatiug the treaty, ll must 
 finally come to that in any reasonable contin- 
 gency. 
 
 If we should pass a comphle territorial bill, 
 our chances for war, 1 apprehend, would bo in- 
 creased. Lord Palinerston and Sir Robert Peel 
 have both declared thai sueli a bill would vio- 
 late the treaty. In debating that (juestion in the 
 British Parliament Lord Palmerston said : 
 
 "What has happened lately about that (Oresou) 
 question > Why, the Senate have actually passed 
 a hill for immediately taking forcible possession 
 of the whole of that territory; and the senator 
 who brought in that bill expressed his conviction 
 that the American claim on this territory would 
 immediately be acquiesced in by Gri at Britain, if 
 it was only urged in what he was pleased to call a 
 proper manner. It is impossible, I conceive, that 
 
 this bill should pn<«s the othrr branch of Jhi' JooHe 
 lature; hut if it were to puss, and to be^i^v t';i 
 U|>oii, it would b«; a deelaration of war. It 9, and 
 tie the invision and «-eizurc of a territory j^(,|' i)[\ 
 pute by \irlue of a decree made liy one aai'tjis 
 parties in its own favor." _ \)r.\\\ 
 
 To wliieh Sir Uobert Pool replied : fcaband 
 "'i'lie noble lord says Ihc adoption of tli» Hous 
 would bo a ease of war. I wi I not diHcus>)gB_.wl 
 tlietieal eases of war, when, as I l>avo Huij||iiig 11 
 executive government has signified to us ''"*^t, or 
 to maintain peace, and to effect a satisfartiffij,p'^[^, 
 jii'itmcnt of the question of the Oregon ter^ ".^u 
 I trust in the assi, ranees of the, executive \^^' ' 
 nient; and I will not believe that it will i.'^"' ' ^ 
 consent to a legislative measure at variami^'*'"*'" 
 these us.^iuraiiees.'' ll* ', '|' 
 
 'Phiy are not alone in llie opinions the'*"." 
 advanced; iiiatiy of our own statesnu'U ''"**,|'^.^ 
 similar views. In the disciisHion in the SeT* J 
 the. ITnitod Slates in l8'lH,on a bill kiu 
 
 Linn's bill, Mr. Calhoun said : . . 
 
 , , . dot C(jii 
 
 "Kven I, who believe that the prest^it >i'|^iv, 
 is disposed to peioe, that the recent niis: 
 thi' country originated in the spirit of pear 
 that Sir Robert Peel has exhibited great 
 and moderation — inodenition in the ini 
 splendiil success, and therefore more to be 
 — i!o not dovht she would resist if we shoul 
 this measure." 
 
 „B4,pin 
 
 Wph a 
 
 el 
 
 In that same speech Mr. Calhoun ^''^'I'l^^of ^h 
 
 "I am not however of opinion that Giciygie by 
 
 tain would declare war against us. if 1 nf"^ pywi 
 
 not. she is under the direction at this time o,^j| had 
 
 who are too sagacious and prudent to talig(jj|f,||ly 
 
 course. Hhe would probably consider Iho^^, s . c 
 
 at an end, and take possession adverse to usaaain at 
 
 of tiie whole territory, at least of the ''dltj^jirhieh 
 
 river. She would, at'the san»c time, take y^^are di 
 
 command that river by a strong fortili^ch l»;^ 
 
 inanneil by a respectable garrison, and lea\,j|lz(.iis a 
 
 us to deciile whether we shall actjuiesce, i)i,||| of th 
 
 fiite, or attempt to dislodge her. To actuft^dvanl 
 
 under such circumstances, would be a virtii^ought 
 
 render of the territory. To negotiate wi,|&fexclu! 
 
 verse iind forcible possession against us. y^'tHtXy pr> 
 
 almost as hopeless; and to dislodge her at [Mi eithi 
 
 would, as has been shown, be impracticin|i|tiie 
 
 Such, in my opinion, would be the probaWiM»out 
 
 suit, should this bill be passed." 525f°'"" 
 
 I do not intend to ho imderstxwd as ass^^^^gJI 
 
 to these opinions. I voted for the hill ^^^ ^f 
 
 Congress, under the belief that it did not ^g all b 
 
 our Treaty with Great Britain, nor do I tiyolve th 
 
 would. I am endeavoring lo show, lunlallon c 
 
 tliai soaie of the ablest stiitesmen in Blnglanoifra ini 
 
 well as in the United States, entertain thbl^n th 
 
 ninn that a territorial bill wtmld vit)late 'l"**^ Ul 
 
 ty, and that war would be the conseque; JW ^^^^ 
 
 war which would, in the minds of son^JiBtioi 
 
 least, carry with it the odium of bad fa'^Tits 
 
 on the part of this government — of a p^^n y 
 
 violation of existing treaties. I wish tO|Arap1 
 
 that imputation; I' wish to avoid, if ixxgjpbei 
 
 even the suspicion of a breach of feith. ||i[j^^® 
 
 have to fight, let us do it in a clear case; «Wer ( 
 
 ^.X.si--*.. 
 
9 
 
 Dpi 
 
 (iwn 
 
 othfr hnvnch (if tluJoiwn fDin llic r»»t*tru'ti(in.s nf Mip tnvily, by 
 to piiis, anil to \iv^\fy t!if inttifc rtnliiriiiubly to its seriiiiil ar 
 aralion of war. 1 1 9^ ami ilicii we can NjiiHlatc li»r tli>' pmUv 
 i/iircnf a Ificitory j^„f „„r |MM.pli\ and llw adviiiic nuMil (if tli< 
 Y'ce niadi) Uy one ^^y^^ ,,,• ,|„, ,.„|intry. Sni-li arc niy \ irwH u\\ 
 H branch of tlit- Hnl»j«'t:t. And wliiln I do 
 t Peel ff plind ; taliandoii as wniiin; tlio poHition assmncd by 
 the adojifion of thj. House t»f RcprcHititativort of the ".^Hlh ("on 
 
 1 wi I not diHcnssjgg wliib' I totally repudiate the idea of eon 
 
 nhen, as I l>avo 8ai{Ji„.r niy opiniouH to the opinions of the I're 
 i.s signified to us iN§jtf„r any one ..|se-y<t, nir, in the fear that, 
 loeflpxt ri8atisfart,ff.^^i^(i,,./^^,. „„^.l,t fail to aecon.pli.sh any 
 
 ■licve that it will u-^"' »"«' 1'""^ luirmonious aetion ot our 
 
 mcasuroat varianl4«Hmfln and people, and, it possible, to avoid 
 
 If, I am williujif to yield for llu" present the 
 
 n tl ,inions the.tt«»tf»l A^iUtires of the territorial bill, until we 
 
 own 8t;,l,.8n.en i.„l^ abroffUe the treaty entirely. Let iis then 
 
 iscusHion in the Se^* ^••" '" ^ '"''' "'"' l"*""" ''."' '"■^'^. ''''' ''"' '" '" *'." 
 ^'13. on a bill kiioPl'*^"^'*-"'''"' l"""'^<''''i"" "' •'"'" ^'/''''f"^; "'"' '" 
 „ j,.|j,j . ' llljph all reasonable men can unite as beiiin' in 
 
 .,',.■ . iio.t coniori'iity to the Irealy; nnd when llio 
 
 that the piTHttit n,^,^,,, „„„.,i,k expire, we can do the re-,1. 
 
 have another estraet from Mr, Calhoun's 
 eh in support of these viciws, which I liad 
 tten to read at iin earli'-r slaire of my re- 
 ks, but which I bt^g the in(hili;ence of the 
 mitlee for perinisHion to read at this time : 
 •*Mr. Calhoiin said: Hut if our finances were in 
 
 ^Ir. Calhoun furlhp«if '^ofl<"'f''*'''"5 '^ ^^'^'e; ''" t*'* politieal condr- 
 v> ri all of the country were asslrongas it could be 
 opinion that |p'"*-'^e by an adinniistralion standing at the beaci 
 against us. If I nf^ powerful dominant party; and if our popula- 
 ction at this time oi^ had reached the point -vvheic we could ^ue- 
 nd prudent to takgH^fnHy ssert and maintain our claim a'!;ainM the 
 bably consider Ihejt^,,^ ,.,ai,n of (Jreat Britain, there would Mill 
 ssion adverse to |ijg(|mi„ ad«-cisive objection to this bill. The mode 
 at least of thr '<ilu_jirhieh it proposes to do il is indefensible. If 
 re displeased with the e\isting atrangcuiont 
 ich leaves the territory free and open to the 
 ens and subjects of the two countries; if wc 
 of the opinion it operates practically to our 
 dvantage, or that the time has arrived when 
 ,^ought to assert and cany intoeH'ect our claims 
 To negotiate wi,j^fexchisive sovereignty over the territory, the 
 sion against us. wcimiy provide? expressly for the casi.'. It author- 
 
 dislodge her at fjjn either party, by giving a year's notice toter- 
 ►vn, be impracticiuilfete its existence whenever il pleases, and 
 uld be the probaWifhout giving reasons. VVhy has not Ibis bill 
 issed." cowformed tv) this express and plain provision ? — 
 
 iindfrst^ood 'is -nJ^^ should it undertake to assert our exclusive 
 
 . I i- ,u "l-ii o^fiership to the whole territory, in direct viola- 
 
 e u!- !•? "^ «f tl'<^ treaty? Why should it, with what 
 
 e\ that it (lid not ^^ all belisve to bt; a good title on our part, in- 
 
 ritam, nor do I tVolve the country in a controversy about the vio- 
 
 ng' to show, hoilatlon of the treaty in which a large portion, if 
 
 Latpsinen in Englanota majority, of the body believe that we would 
 
 Lates. fiiiterfftin ttibtrfn the wrong, when the treaty itself might so 
 
 would violate tlii««01y ^^^ '" so short a time be terminated by our 
 
 be the conseque**?!' **'*» '^"^ "^® charge of its violation be avoid- 
 
 the minds of suWp'^" 'J"V't^l''^*''Vh''''"!w,''' ^''^" ^"^ ^^'^''^ 
 .. <• u 1 f q^tions? I ask the authoi ol the measure and 
 
 odium 01 bad la'^ ^^ advocates for an answer. None has been 
 ernment 01 a I'SgiyJen yet, and none, I venture to assert, will be 
 ities. I wish to^|mjtnpted. lean imagine but one answer that 
 
 1 to avoid, if pc^fe be given — that there are those who will vote 
 breach of ^ith. fp the bill that would not vote to give ttie notice, 
 t in a clear case; JiWer the delusive hope that we may assert our 
 
 lat (he recent mis" 
 1 the spirit of pear 
 s exhibited great 
 ration in the mi^ 
 refore more to be 
 resist if wc should 
 
 e same time, take 
 ! a strong fortitli 
 garrison, and lea\,'|l 
 shall acquiesce, or,, 
 idge her. To acqj 
 s, would be a virt 
 
 en<'liisiv« ownership, md lake poMewon, with'>ut 
 violating the treaty f>r endnngrring the peace i, 
 the country. Their aim is to have all the JM-ncfit 
 of the treaty without being subjiM I to its restric- 
 tion!'— an aim in direct contlict with the only ob- 
 ject of the treaty— to previ-nt cordlicl belwi-cn 
 the two countries, by Iceping the ()uestion of 
 ownership or sovereignty io abeyance till the 
 ipiestion of boundary can be settled. " 
 
 Wearo now told, if wo give the iiotitre, wo 
 will involve the country in war; and some have 
 irofK! 80 far as to call the notice a war measuro. 
 and it.s friends the war party. We have heard 
 imi'-h in this debate alHtnt a peace and a war 
 party. I presume, Mr. Chairman, no one bp- 
 lieves there is a parly in ("onfircss in favor of 
 war •■ for wnr'.i sake," merely for the purpose of 
 havinix a fiifht. There is no such parly hen;,— 
 If uentlciion mean by the " war pnrty" to de- 
 sijrnate those who i)refer war to an infcloi-imu 
 pmi'c, they are correct ; there is such ti parly in 
 Conuress, and a iimoh lar{,rer one in the country, 
 'rlieeonnlry Iihj' jrrown tired of this frecpionl 
 cry of war • it fails to alarm or excite the jieo 
 pie : even the timid have become familiar with 
 it. as a sort of *' liomeMd word:' and are un- 
 moved by it. H'. therefore, it ih in any way in- 
 tended to frighten them from their course, to 
 force them into a false ixisition, to induco them 
 tonpi. V the irjvin-j of the notice, it la wholly 
 minvai.i -.and had better be al)andoiied. If jrea- 
 tloir^^'i vant to keep the comilry cnit of a war, 
 ttiey must satisfy the pw)pl»^ that il would be for 
 ^o"ie cause, in Iho particular case, dishonorable 
 or unne(v3«.rv ; but never ajipeal to their fears. 
 Don't underrate the strength of yuur own coun- 
 try, and overrate thai of our adversary. Uo not 
 tnll them that thev would be whipped, lor ihey 
 will not be made to realize it. By s»icl' urgu- 
 ments you bulinrtame their pnssons; tney know 
 thev cannot be vanquished by any nation on 
 earth ; and if ihev but belii^vc tiioir cause is jiist, 
 they feel doubly armed. I have the chanty to 
 believe that nn reiippxUihlr. meaiber of this com- 
 mittee would intentionally and wilhoui causa, 
 involve the country in nn unnfteessary or dishon- 
 orable war ; we are all for peace, be.t difter as to 
 tlie best means of preservin«T it. 
 
 Tn the extract I have just read, Mr. Calhoun 
 did not consider the notice a war measure, but 
 the reverse. He uraed it upon the consideration 
 of tho Senate as a first step for our government 
 a son of preliminary to the further action ol 
 Conirress upon the subject ; not as a war, but as 
 a peace policy. He said, and said truly, that 
 the treaty provided e.xpressly for it, and that we 
 h.id a rio-hl to give it without assignin«- ow rea- 
 unm. He characterized the hope, as vain and 
 delusive, that we could avail ourselves of the 
 benefits of that treaty without subjecting our- 
 selves to its restrictions. I endorse and adopt 
 his opinions as then expressed, as to the peace- 
 fill character of the notice. None of us know, 
 or can know in adTance, whether it will or will, 
 not produce war. We have our opinions, and I 
 
 ■^«ip 
 
W] 
 
 have tjiven minfc lo the cominiilec 
 
 If, liowever, Great Britain desires a oonfliot 
 with the United Slates, that condict will come 
 whether wo wive or withhold tlio noiio(!. No 
 fair or honorable course we cnn adopt, under such 
 circumstances, will avoid it. If she fi;j[hts, it 
 will not ho for Oreiron. but for soniothitifrof much 
 more im|)ortaiice in her estimation ; Ore<jon may 
 he the pretext, but not the real cause. I ludd 
 that war will not immediately proceed under 
 any circumstances from the atrtion of Congress, 
 and that if it result at all Inm it, it will be as a 
 remote eonsequenc(! dfpendinj;!;' \ipon oiitinjreii- 
 cics which may or may net happen in the terri- 
 tory of Oregon. It will proceed as an imme- 
 diate conse-juence from a collision of the citi/.ens 
 and subjects of the two jrovtriimenfs there — from 
 a conflict of laws — of the authorities of ihv two 
 nations. Suppose \\c jjive th(> notice, extend our 
 laws, and take j)oss<^ssiou of the country, war 
 need not be inevitable, thouirh it may be jirolja- 
 ble. If the people who live there conform to our 
 laws, as they may do, we will of course have no 
 war; if, however, a portion of them should he 
 disobedient, and resist the due execution ol" 
 those laws, a confiiet would ensue at once, and 
 then war would follow, uidess an adjustment 
 should be had. The same may be said, and with 
 the same reason and f irce, if we should extend 
 our laws and attempt to take pt).ssessioti of the 
 coimtry without the t)otice. 
 
 I will not so far violate the proper rules of or- 
 der as to impeach the motives of uentlemen : I 
 have no inclination to act with even seemins; 
 unfairness towards them. Vet the fear at times 
 presses itself upon me, that much of this talk of 
 war is intended to prejudice the quc^stion betore 
 us- -that it is used as one of the weapons of war 
 against it; and as being appropriate, I will read 
 an extract from a speech delivered by one of my 
 colleagues in the 28th Conuress, uT)on the Ore- 
 gon bill then |)eii(ling. Mr. Belser said : 
 
 " If anytliing can produce war between the two 
 governments, it is this : It is a direct and positive 
 declaration of ownership in the soil, and can only 
 be justified on the ground that these conventions 
 of 1818 and 1829 have already been rendered null 
 and void by Great Britain, without fault on the 
 part of the United States. Uless honorable gen- 
 tlemen could bring their minds to this conclusion, 
 they ought not to sustain the bill in its present 
 shape; but should amend its provisions, and there- 
 by render it sufficiently prospective in its opera- 
 tion for time to be given by this givcmment to 
 Great Britain to terminate the joint agreement of 
 1827, and let the controversv afterwards rest upon 
 the better title. 
 
 " He had observed in the commencement of his 
 argument that the admission of Texas and the oc- 
 cupation of Oregon were great America.) mea- 
 sures ; they were ; and he hoped this House would 
 adopt the latter as promptly as it did the former. 
 He that dallies upon such questions is utifit for the 
 high station which has been assigned him. The 
 most insidious form of opposition to Texas is 
 that which denies to Congress the right to increase 
 our territory by legislation, and the must deceptive 
 
 against the occupation of Oregon is the cuckoo t 
 
 of war. »»*»#*» Id not h 
 
 " Its passage may lead (o collsion, to confli|| is in 
 of jurisdiction, and tdtimatcly to war; but tliifjis ma 
 are the risks attendant on nations, and which ||ing by 
 times must be taken. The American people hdjline uti 
 become tired of fruitless negotiation, of crafa,c, ,,f j 
 diplomacy. After forty years of this kind of P"'3to„|l(»ni| 
 It^y with the same nation in another celebralg . 
 boundary case, we lost a part of Maine. The c; ,„ ' 
 then was, if we did not settle by negotiation, v M ^'' 
 should have to resort to the sword. And the a% J^" "^ 
 gunuint now is that we will offend that grca^''!" •'• 
 power, if we attempt to exercise jurisdicticdi has fi 
 over Oregon." fo shuv 
 
 The honorable nu'inbcr from Virginia. [Mi|rks. 
 IiAVi,v] cctutendcd that if the United Sfatfjjjg ; 
 should give the notice. Great Britain might waiw. .j 
 it. and commence a war immediat(dy ; that tl,Xaiirig 
 notice — the twelve months' time — being for In ©nited 
 lienefit, she had a right to waive it if she saw I coast sc 
 to do so. I differ with him in that opinion, ough th 
 do do not SI) read or understand that article of tl™''^ "'I*'. 
 conv(M)tion. The notice of twelve months is •r'™" "' , 
 tended fi)r the benefit of both nations, and m.'** ° ,1, 
 •alont^ f )r the one notified. The one giving tlr^T ' 
 notice i.s presumed to do so with reference to tlr^'^""'^ ■ 
 time which must intervene, and has a right \^'^' ^I' 
 claim it. If the reverse of this he true, the na'^^ -'^ 
 tion notified may giv(^ no indications of a wish t'^^'^*'""' 
 waive flic notice, may seem to acquiesce in it' 
 and in that way throw the othfr nation entirel;!.^ 
 off her guard, until, under pretence \)f trade 0™^, f! 
 commerce, she has her vessels hovering arouni^P. '. 
 our coasts, or until she finds the largest amouni^!'^^'"" 
 of our commerce afloat, unsuspecting and coin** . ' ^ . 
 paraiively defcnccdess ; and iill at once, when wi"** '" 
 had had no right to exptK-t such a thing, sh< **• '"' ^ 
 
 iition , 
 of the 
 
 would "^ pouncf. doim?'' upon us, and in tha 
 
 His s(!cc 
 
 T« ^fU 111 fJlJlMUJjT. IJlXJIf/m II L/^ 'II U^y tClltt III bllU 
 
 way gain a decided advantage. Aside from that''-**''. ~~ 
 if his doctrin<> should hold good, the nation g'^J^^'^Vc 
 ing the notice never could tell when the treati™^ ''^"' ^ 
 would probably terminate. If the nation »t»ti?r* j 
 fied had the right to waive; the notice the day i;**^" '*"* 
 was received, she could do it at any other timi'"^""'^^ 
 between that day and the expiration of the twelvf^^.p " 
 months, so that every advantage would be givei'^l^' . ' 
 to her by being notified. The treaty is notabro'^^ "f P 
 gated on tin; day tht; notice is ofiven, but kf"7^ ,^ 
 twelve months thereafter, during: which time ir'y^ 
 
 Britain«*«lty^ 
 
 is in full force, and (piite as sacred and obligator/®^^ 
 as it is at this moment ; and if Great Britain 
 should act upon any other principle, she would^'P'^^P' 
 stand condemned by the whole civilized world, '**" ^^ 
 as well as by the "God of battles." '^wT^'' 
 
 Nor does the case put by the gentleman re-^!^^ ^\ 
 lieve him. His doctrine will not hold good be-|?J* " 
 tween individuals, where the law requires oneto^^ '^^ 
 give the other notice for a certain specified length'^?""' 
 of time before he can proceed in court against°|^,'. 
 him. I admit that the party notified can waive ^J^|*' 
 the notice, and proceed immediately to trial, if'*!^'' J 
 the other party consent to it, but not otherwise.'® 
 The party giving the nctice is presumed (as '"J^'*^*^, 
 the case of the two nations) to give it with refe- v^*^? 
 
 rence to the time which the law specilies, and 
 
 lifted, 
 
 ! 
 
11 
 
 I'cgon is the cuckoo < 
 
 * * # Id not bf! rurccd into trial bofore its (jxpiration. 
 collsion, to confiiiji is in this ease. Fiii^rlami and the I'nited 
 ly to war ; but UKlf s may waive the notice, and commence 
 ations, and which iiinji- by" consent, if they please, Imt it cannot 
 Vmorican people ha||n(! utuler, and in accurdance with, the |)r()- 
 
 n another cde'brSf"''''"'P"'^^l.' ;'•-*>''';>• *;';"«i^'";''"' »';.'« f"'' 
 of Maine. The f»« piiralk-l ol latitude «};»'-', but not farther; 
 
 li by negotiation, v- M^ ^''' "''^' insert intu iIk^ tjotice, or append 
 word. And the a*, an asserlion of tith; to that line, they will 
 II offend that grcapor it. iMy honorable col l»>acriie | Mr. D.\ji- 
 e.vercise juriisdictiora has fallen into lh!:t error, as I will endea- 
 fo show it to lic btlbrc I jict through with niv 
 Irom Virginia. (iMilrks. Mis second resolution is in these 
 the United Statrtjs ; 
 
 Britain micrht wai\,-p;j. ,i,ulbe.U furlkcr molvcd, That the line 
 rnediately ; that tl.^atinu; the British j.iovinces of Canada from 
 :ime— being for In Bniteii States hhould be extended due west to 
 uve it if she saw I coast .«outb of Fraser's river, and from thence 
 in that opinion, ough the centre of the Straits of Fnea to the 
 id that article of tliO^c ocean, giving to the United States that 
 welve months is ir^" of the territory south, and to the govern- 
 th nations and ni*** "^ freat Britain that portion of the terri- 
 'l.c one giVing th^f "''^''' ^^ ''^''^ ^'"^•" 
 
 ith reference tT) tli^^""^*' consistently with my notion?; on this 
 md has a right ttl^'^ ^"*'' ^'% ''• ' consider both of his reso- 
 lis be true, the m^^ objectionable, and will proceed to give 
 cations of a wish t'jf<^^^""s for that opinion. I obji^ct to his first 
 to acquiesce in jt'^iution, because it. in etTeet, directs the Presi- 
 hf r nation entirelAf^^ ^'^® United States to reopfui the negotia- 
 (itence ^f trade o''* ' ^'" ^^'iil'"2" =^"'1 desirous that the qucs- 
 s hovering arouni"^'^""''^ ^^' settled amicai)ly and honorably by 
 lie largest amounSlj'^*'""'^ ' ''"' ' ""' unwilling to fl)rce the 
 specting and coni**'lpf'f to reopen tlmm. I leav(> that with 
 I at once, when wW '" ^he belief that, if it is proper for him to 
 such a thing, shi *»» ^"' will lake that course, 
 us, and in thai-'^i* ^'''^''"^"' ""''^'^'"tio" — the one which I have 
 Aside from that''^***^"'^ — •*' obj(X'!ll(inahle, because it bU^nds the 
 i, the nation o-iy.lo with the notice, which it stntuld not do. — 
 when the treat\'*'|K '*"' separate and distinct propositions, and 
 the nation noti'*'*^ ^^' ^^V^ ^^- •'^"'' ' ''•'^"' ""t what my 
 notice the day if'^" ah"ut our vitle may be. I could not vote 
 It any other timi'''l"""*''^'^"S '^ with the notice. Let us first 
 ition'of thetwelvf'^*!*^*' notice, and throw ourselves hack upon 
 [e would be givei''^^^'^ ' ""^ ''' ''^ ^ln^ mean time, while the 
 treaty is notabro''^ is running to its termination, the govern- 
 is o-iven, but iri^"!^ think pro|)er to negotiate, let them do so. 
 ig which time li^*^ ^'^®y '"^y '> '"'* ^^ they do not, and the 
 red and oblio-atnr/®^*' months elapse without a settlement of the 
 if Great ^ritair^'^'ty, then the title becomes a legitimate 
 eiple, she would'^ 1P'""P'''" ^"^'j'^'^t '"r debate and investigation, 
 civilized world/'**'* ^^ propose to take rxclnsive possession of 
 les." leifcrriiory, the question very propf>rly presents 
 
 le gentleman re^'^» ^^^^ *'^'" ^^^ ''^''' "' '■''^ United States ex 
 ot hold good be-'"^^ '^ '" '**^°' ^'"'"' ''^'^ '*'* *^top; if to 54"^ 
 w requires one to^*'*^^'"*^' "^'^ "^ ^o- ' ^i'l g<' to what I hon- 
 n specified lengtli'^3^ *'""-''''*''^ ^^^ extent of our title, but not be- 
 in court against°5f '|: , , . 
 
 tified can waive - jf''* ve the resolution of my colleague will 
 lately to trial if'***"* an amicable adjustment ; that it will 
 it not otherwise. ****"* farther negotiations. In his notice he 
 presumed (as jn'"'?*^^^ to mark the boundary line, and to say 
 ive it with refe^*'®'^^* Britain that she must come to the line 
 w specifies, and **'^*'*'' ^"' ''?'''• ^^^^^ ' understand to be the 
 
 e/Twt of it. and she will doubtless so construe it. 
 What, then, will Great Britain do? What can 
 she do? She has uftcu relused to yield to 49°, 
 and we tell her sIk; sliali yield to it. I am sure 
 we will not difler alxiut a refusal on our part to 
 fall lower down than that. The difliculty with 
 us is, Will we. (-an we .>,in'.i' to I'P? My ob 
 ject now is, not to show thai. 49° is, or is not, 
 the true line, but to show that the efTect of such 
 aclio;i would he a fight iieyond all doubt. Can 
 Great Britain neijoliate any farther with such a 
 threat hanging over her? iJoes any mendjer of 
 this committee lu'lieve she would? Under this 
 state of the case, would she not tell us, and very 
 properly tell us, that she could not treat or ne- 
 gotiate farther, while the threat remained unre- 
 sciii(i(!d? I am satisfied that jiuch would be the 
 course of our government under like circumstan- 
 ces ; and r therefore tliii.k that war must he the 
 conseiiuence. 
 
 V^iew it with reference to our own Exeentive, 
 and it is no better. We say to him, in the first 
 resolution, that the Oregon difliculty is a "sub- 
 ject of honorable neijoiiation and compromise, 
 and should be .so adjusted," and in the succeed- 
 ing resolution of the same series we shut the 
 door against all n(,'gotiations — we take it out of 
 his hands. Hovv can he negotiate when thus 
 compromiited ? What is left for him to do ? I 
 grant he could cause a note to be written to Mr. 
 Pakenham, covering a copy of the resolutions of 
 ConLTCss disclosing the iiUimalmn of this gov- 
 (>rnnient. Great Britain would say •■ I cannot ac- 
 cede to that proposition ;■' and there negotiations 
 must terminate, as the President can do no more. 
 England might propose to give us more of the 
 territory, even than 49°, if we would connect 
 other things with it. She might want the use 
 of somc^ of the harbors in certain contingencies 
 south of 49° ; and she tnight agree to yield more, 
 if wv. would give her some specified commercial 
 privileges. Indeed there are many other matters 
 which might be connected with the Oregon con- 
 troversy to induce a more favorable termination 
 of it lor us. I do not name these, because I 
 think they should be used by the President. — 
 My object now is, lo show that the resolution to 
 which I refer would cut ofi' all negotiation ; yet 
 gentlemen who advocate it say they are for ad- 
 justing the question l)y iiegotion and compromise. 
 We had quite as well relieve our Executive en- 
 tirely of this whole subject, as to go the length 
 (iioposed. Why not direct the clerk of the 
 House to deliver to the British minister a certi- 
 fied copy of the resolutions ? [t would amount 
 to the same thing in the end, as though it were 
 done by the President, or Secretary of State. I 
 hava before remarked that 1 could see no con- 
 nexion between this question of notice and the 
 title. It is necessary to give the notice whether 
 we have title to all or to only a part of Oregon. 
 This controversy should be settled, that the gov- 
 ernments may know the extent of tlieir right;,. 
 
VJ 
 
 I ; 
 
 I:- 
 1 1 
 
 If our title is odod to only a part of the territory, 
 it is even iimro iin|)(irtaiit tlial an iididstnie'nt 
 should 1)0 luni than if it wen? known to he iniod 
 to all ; for if oiir peopln jro beyond llif true line 
 to which our title extends and make settlenic iitis, 
 wo will never iiive ihem n\>, title or no title.— 
 In such a case, the y.n)\)\e would not listen to 
 special plcadinjr. The time has p;is.-:i-d when 
 this governrnent, under any administration, will 
 venture to surrender up or liansfer ius citizens 
 to any other nation. 
 
 Althonjih it is not my intention to discuss the 
 title, I will, however, make a brief allusion to 
 an argument of my colleajrue [Mr. Dargan] 
 upon the Nootka Sound convention between 
 Great Britain of 17<Xi, and the effect of the war 
 of 17% between those nations upon the provi- 
 sions of that Irealy. He contended that, bv the 
 treaty of 1790 at Nootka, Great Britain obtained 
 the rifflit of sf^tllernent, which gave her an inte- 
 rest in the soil, and therelore could not h(> abro- 
 gated or aniiuUod, unless with her con.sent. He 
 referred, in illuslraiion and support of his position, 
 to the treaties by which this government aerpiir- 
 ed Louisiana and Florida, and demanded to know 
 whether a war between the United States and 
 France or Spain would ai>rogate tiie treaties of 
 1803 and 1819. and relransfer to those nations 
 the territory which the United States obtained 
 from them. No one could hesitate toansw(?rhis 
 tpie-slion in the negiitive. I do not, however, 
 consider the cases as at all analogons. Treaties 
 are contracts between nations; and yet it does 
 not follow that they are all of the same precise 
 character. They are widely different — some 
 executed, giving a permanent, a vested right, as 
 in the purchase of Louisiana and Florida ; and 
 others executory; others, again, in the process 
 of being performed, but never completed, and 
 from their very nature cannot be, because they are 
 C(mtinuinp;—swh as all reciprocal commercial 
 treaties, where the consideration is a perniismm. 
 on the part of each nation that the otluT may do 
 particular things, the permission of the one being 
 the consideration for the permission of the other 
 In ihe cases of the purchase of Louisiana and 
 Florida, the contract is executed : the considera- 
 tion has passed entire into the hands of the ven- 
 dor, and it is beyond i)ur reach. We have pos- 
 session of the territory, and have organized our 
 federal and Stale governments in it. War can- 
 not, therefore, abrogate or rescind ihem so as to 
 affect our rights under them. We now have 
 commercial treaties with Great Britain — treaties 
 of trade. The vessels of each nation enter the 
 ports of the other in pursuance of treaty stipula- 
 tions. But if we should declare war against her, 
 all of these stipulations would be abrogated, and 
 the vessels of neither could enter the ports of the 
 other. 
 
 I come now to the treaty of Nootka Sound, 
 under which these rights are claimetl ; and in 
 OTider to obtain a proper understanding of its pro 
 visions as far as they bear upon this point, so as 
 
 lo enable us to determine to which class of I 
 ties it belongs, it will be necessary fur me to; 
 its third article : r»ry tic 
 
 "Art. .'J. In order to .strengthen the hon<lf|p? or 
 friendship, and to preserve in future a perfect rt sp< 
 mony at)d good understanding between the A,"" 
 contracting parties, it is agreed that their resj^ 
 tive subjects) sliali not be disturbed or molfjLj j^g 
 either in navigating or carrying on their fish^' 
 in the Pacific ocean or in the South seas, o 
 landing on the coasts of those seas in places fl 
 already occupied, for the purpose of carrying!] 
 their commerce with the natives of the coutT 
 or of making settlements there — the whole 
 ject, nevertheless, to the restrictions specificitfleme 
 the three following articles." tftd ih 
 
 There can arise but one point of di^i -te coas 
 about this article. AVe will doubtless all ati„^?tp»" 
 that the rights of navigating, fishing, and " 
 ing on the coast, for the purpose of carryingi 
 commerce with the natives of the country [ 
 commercial privileges, or falling within thatcN 
 and as such would be abrogated and annulledc 
 a war between England and Spain. But 
 nected with the riglit of landing on the eoa'^ 
 also the right of making settlements, about wH 
 so much has been said. And my pur|K)8ei 
 show, if I can, that tfie right of settlement| 
 given in that treaty, is of a character idenij 
 with those which precede it in the same artij 
 
 Under the third article, as read, JJritish 
 .jects have the privilege of navigation, fishij 
 landing on the coast not alr(>ady occupied, foiJ 
 purpose of carrying on their commerce with i«ttlem< 
 natives, or of making settlements there. |.freen ' 
 contended that the right of settlement carMBni'if 
 with it the right of soil ; and that, therefthe c""^ 
 (rreat Britain under it had a right even to pinwdeni 
 a colon)' there if she chose lo do so. Miiuch 
 
 I bog lo differ with those who hold that itages gi 
 nion. I consider that the entire grants of ilMlweei 
 article of the treaty relate to the one grand Mr. ' 
 leading object which Great Britain had in vbi prefi 
 at that time— /Mi/jg and c(fmyt/4g- mi cowMm^y- 
 with the natives of the coviUnj. She did wl loi 
 want to make settlements for any other purnjpws U 
 we wanted no colony there. And if you iftty *' 
 l(K»k to the history of that transaction, you \WttBed 
 find that the difficulties which le<l to, and w Uwnen 
 settled by, the Nootka Sound convention, ort^^sfie 
 nated entirely from an ettbrt on the part of 1 toward 
 tish subjects to exercise the very privileges Open a 
 terwards secured to them by that treaty. Tt <^P*1 * 
 wanted the right to fish and trade; but to es ^ct o 
 cise those rights usefully they must also h The n 
 the right to navigate. How could they fish s •jr'"?' 
 cessfuUy without the right to navigate the v Ueniii 
 tors? Indeed, the article itself says, "novi'g ^1^^' 
 ing or carrying on their fisheries in the Puc/*^"* 
 oceans The rights to land on the coast « ^iV^i 
 make settlements were indspensable to fu^i wn 
 and trading with the natives. For if they vt Wg" 
 not permitted to land, how could they carry ^^^ 
 commerce with the natives 1 And if they i iMghe 
 no right of settlement, no right to erect td » acj 
 
 yresei 
 
R tu which class of I i ^^ 
 
 ocessary fur me to i 
 
 rjury houses or huts, liow could they cure ihoir 
 strengthen the hondi^ or establish and carry on Cijmniffrce ? But 
 B in future a perfect j» sjpecify these minor riurhta, if, by "settle 
 ndiiig between the »/' Spin intended to give an interest in the 
 greed that their resp An nnrestricted right of aettloinent, tlie 
 ri7Tn7on their 'SI? '^ construed and understood by my fol- 
 
 the South seas, o 
 lose seas in places' 
 
 purpose of carrying 
 natives of the coun 
 there— the whole 
 
 e, <!arries with it all sutxjrdinafe and inci- 
 1 rights. If Spain intended by the right 
 ittlement to convey the right of soil, it was 
 lly unnecessary to specify the additional pri- 
 es which were granted : for the right of 
 restrictions specificittfemeut, carrying with it the right uf soil.en- 
 ■*■ tftd the settler to navigate, fish, and land on 
 
 "le point of dlW.ie coast, and trade with the natives, witliout 
 viJl doubtless all aj^jAitpress grant for tliat purpose. Then why 
 ting, fishing, and Itaje they inserted ? Fisiiing an^ 
 
 )ijrpuse ot carrying; 
 es of the couutry^j 
 falling within thatcH' 
 )gated and annulledi 
 and Spain. But 
 anding on the eoa 
 'itlenients, about w 
 And my jJurjKjse i 
 iglit (»f settlement 
 a character iden 
 it in the same anij 
 as read, British 
 f navigation, fishi 
 Iready occupied, for 
 
 and carrying on 
 ipe with the natives of that country were. 
 i),^ble einploymeols. England knew that; 
 in order to secure them to her subjects, she 
 .pn.lyjjpecilied them iu the ihird article «f her 
 iy WiHh Spain, but also enuninr^tcd other 
 r^vbich were necossitry to enabhaJier sub- 
 to e4ijoy and u^e pruAtably the ]>riyi|eges 
 arnd. /They w^nt^d to establish trading points 
 re ihe natives could iind them tli at they 
 [ht ^^j^ry on commerce — wht;re tlwy could 
 ,,Q^re and prepare their fish for > market. — 
 t^Qin^i>t,xira8 necessary for th^ uurtpwse. Tak- 
 Jthe^ V4ei\v8 of the treaty of 1790 between 
 t Britain and Spain — construing the term 
 ir commerce witti Mttlement used in it us I do — distinguishing be- 
 tth'ments there. j."WDen the extent of its meaning there, and the 
 of settlement cariUOaning we ordinarily give to it— I am led to 
 ; and that, therel'ilw conclusion that it was intended as a mere 
 I a right even to pinoident to the right offishing and trading ; and 
 i to do so. usuch was abrogated with the rest of the privi- 
 
 )se who hold thati^fes granted in that article by the war of 17% 
 
 I entire grants of itattween Spain and Great Britain. 
 
 ;> t(j the one grand Mr. Chairman, peace is desirable, and should 
 It Britain had in \k$ preserved if it can be done in an honorable 
 ciirnfing- on conjt«i*Bly. But I tell gentlemen now, ana hope they 
 nnUrif. She did tlill look to it, if tiicy suffer the present Con- 
 ibr any other purjxfliws Ut adjourn without action on this *iuestioii 
 
 re. And if you tttlBy will regret it. The people have been ha- 
 
 transacHon, you i rawed long enough with it; they demand itsset- 
 hich led to, and v tbment, and will be disappointed and much dis- 
 md convention, or ■•tisfied if we adjourn without doing all we can 
 rt on the part of J towards it. If this controversy should remain 
 le very privileges open and unadjusted, so as to constitute theprin- 
 y that treaty. T; «p»l element (as it will do) in our next popular 
 nd trade; but to pj ewct ons, there will be no half-way house left, 
 they must also k "the next Congress will be forced on by public 
 AT could they fisli^ Minion arising from a feverish state of the pub- 
 
 to uavigat« the v Iw mind caus^ by our failure or refusal to act at 
 (self says, "navi^ thb Corigress. 
 
 heries in the Put The President of the United States has taken 
 id on the coast : k%h ground upon this subject. His message has 
 Ispensable to /m/ii buen endorsed and eulogized throughout the 
 s. For if they w length and breadth of this Union. The people 
 
 could they carry Ipve responded to his positions in tones of the 
 
 I I And if they 1: lUghest approval, and it now becomes our duty 
 right to erect tp te act. Shall we do so? Must we stand still, 
 
 yec(?de, or go forward 1 These questions are 
 presented to us and to the country. Let tis meet 
 
 tne crisis; and, in so doing, act with manly 
 firmness. If we recede, tjr fail to move onward, 
 we leave the administration in its' high and pa- 
 triotic position "solitary and alone." 
 
 The President of the United Slates has taken 
 a bold but ju'^icious and wise step; he has gone 
 beyond any previous administration; and if we re- 
 fuse to sustain hiui, we not only destroy the influ- 
 ence of his administration at home and abroad, 
 hut we effectually block up the avenue to a set- 
 tlement of our Oregon controversy. England 
 will view it as a rebuke of the President by the 
 people — that they condem his recommendations 
 in regard to Oregon. She will then rest ut ease 
 and cease her efforts to adjust it by negotiation. 
 As matters now stand under the, treatv she has 
 all she wanti), and if we refuse lu give the' no- 
 tice, th(^ qiie^i^tion will not be settled, if, how- 
 ever, we present a bdid and undivided tiront^'give 
 >the iK>tice, aud show that a setiiement is deter- 
 mined upon, and that it must come, then^ siriin 
 ir.v vpinioo, you w'tll bring about an adjttsUne«t, 
 
 Itdo lUA present these vittws inafiarty'SeiMe. 
 1 S(>f 9k nut a^i- <^ par<ti0an, but .as- an Anxtrioan' — 
 AD<1 I h«>;>e< tube so understood. Party foeliligs 
 ma^y arise among, and divide us upon tqqos- 
 tions of dunie^tic r;<ilicy ; hut on a .^uealiQn' vbe- 
 trwieen the' United. •;l)tot«8 and a foreign uMion, 
 ithf-rO' should be but one |)»rty in thia-jGouatry — 
 </ic American par,ty. 
 
 I do not mean that our duty calls upon us to 
 sustain the President in his position, merely be- 
 cause he is the President, irrespective of right. 
 If he had taken wrong ground, it would be our 
 highest duty to check aiid restrain him. Wc 
 should throw ourselves .nto the breach, and pro 
 tect the country and its .'vinor. Under all of the 
 circumstances, however, as they exist, I consi- 
 der that to give the notice will be the best for 
 the country; and believing so, whether the Pre- 
 sident were a whig or a democrat, I would 
 promptly rally to his support. In a crisis like 
 this, it will not do for us Xo falter or tumptde. — 
 If we begin with improper or unnecessary hesi- 
 tation — if we stop to plead our own weakness, 
 and the strength of our adversary — if we exhi- 
 bit timidity or a want tif firmness, war vnll 
 come u()on us. If, therefore, we would avoid 
 war, we must not evince too great an anxiety 
 to do so. 
 
 I am not prepared to say to my constituents 
 that we will have no war. They have all of 
 the information which is in ray possession, and 
 are as competent to determine that as I am. I 
 have given them my opinion, which remains un- 
 changed. 
 
 Sir, gentlemen tell us. that we are weak and 
 defenceless as a nation; that we are unprepared 
 for war; that our navy is hardly a nest-egg, our 
 army a mere skeleton; that we lack guns and 
 ammunition, fortifications and harbors. Indeed, 
 if we but listen to speeches of the opppostion 
 on this question, we would suppse we had no- 
 thing to fight with. They mistake— they under- 
 
T 
 
 14 
 
 ■^ i 
 
 
 rate our means. We have implements of war 
 in great profusion; and more than that, we have 
 the people, the independent freemen who know 
 nothing of fear when their country is assailed, 
 and their rights or their liberties endangered. — 
 We have jUrm hearts and strong arms, whose 
 prowess will repulse the wwld in arms. We can 
 never be conquered by a foreign foe — the thing 
 is impracticable; and no nation knows that fact 
 better than Great Britain. s , -. 
 
 NoTfc. — The following resolution was 
 to by the general assembly of the State 
 bama at its session of 1844 and 1845, i1 
 me presented to the House of Representat; 
 the 28th Congress on the 15th February, I 
 
 "Besolfed, That the true policy of the 1 
 States requires that the joint occupancy o' 
 gon by the United States and England ; 
 cease; and resolved, that the title of the 1 
 States to the territory of Oregon is clear ai 
 disputable. 
 
 Extract from the report of the minority of the committee referred to on 7th page : 
 
 *"The House by its resolution, might declare that it was expedient or inexpedient to giv 
 notice; and if in the one form or the other, the President might or might not give heedtc 
 BtU it has no power to originate, or to concur in a legislative proceeding, tohether in the 
 of joint resolutton or bill, to authorize this notice to be given. It can neither give nor toil 
 power to that end. 
 
 *' It is conceded that the concurrence of the House in a resolution, or bill, authorizinc 
 notice, would not in any degree affect its validitj. But its adoption by the two departmi\ 
 government, in the form of a legislative proceeding, icovM transfer ii from the treaty makii 
 the law-making power, and in this mode the incidental, but important question, whether th 
 sent of two thirds of the Senate would be necessary, might be evaded. It would also tend to i ' 
 down the partition of our government among various branches, by mixing up the House 
 ope/i'ation which the constitution had entrusUd to other functionaries. And why shotdd the h'- 
 by a violation of all propriety inform, and without any effective authority over the subject, 
 itself a party to this proceet(ing? If the notice be expedient and proper, it has become so < 
 out its act. It is rpndered so by the refusal of the President to arbitrate the controversy, ai 
 his closing further negotiation." 
 
 .rtjn . ii" ■ 
 
 VJ 
 
 r< 
 
 
 1. •■. i 
 
 .1 ) 'V 
 
 ifl^ • ' t, J 
 
 ■ M ■ 
 
 •« ■■li 
 
 ■)' ,■: '■:■ 
 
 . ■'..(.> 
 i,. 
 
 I , 
 
 
 W-, i- '■"■ 
 
 t; '-.y..: ■ 
 
 I . - 
 
 
 f ' '■ I • 
 
 
 *'',•(■ 
 
 I — 
 ,■■(.' 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 i :■■'■<.. ,v 
 
 '■", 
 
 • • 
 
 ; ■'■ 
 
 ■■'<■< >'i'..- • ' 
 
 !( 
 
 * . { 
 
 •U.'r.- ■ -v^ ■ 
 
 -; * 
 
 . \ . 
 
 ■ a, 
 
 1 f*>ll i»" . 
 
 
 ■ ;r ('' ■■ 
 
 !,'r.»f , <i,W.'...^; 
 
 ''i ; 
 
 : ■''; 
 
 ; /• 
 
 ji n,«!^i- 
 
 n.-i-: 
 
 ■ '■-''' 
 
 1 .i.i,- i. "■ ■ 
 
 ' ■;;■'' 
 
 ■ .tl5 . 
 
 ■^i--J> 
 
 .?■^^«•'■'Hl: 
 
 -,f\ 
 
 -.; ',* i 
 
 • a-fai^w. ^■< 
 
 ■ . .; ,„' 
 
 ■ .■'■ ■ ^ 
 
 .':|. • 
 
 -. ,:.•.!;.' 
 
 •.*v 
 
 (t ■ > ' 
 
 ♦ -.v-^ .. li :>,■> .'■ ' ,'' - /• ;■. :•:..■ hl-Ar '.■■■' 
 -;..fi ■■/^■^ ■■Iff *.f'(pf!;.f:< \ii\\i-if '\.> .d'.'* ; p .^l/J hv.'! ;?»;_ J»H^^f-,4' ' ■ ^ Wv^ivA •-«; -W» M- 
 
 -.^, 
 
 IS! i 
 
 Ji 
 
ng resolution was ;i 
 nbly of the Slate t| 
 1844 and 1845, J 
 use of Representati ; 
 lelSth February, l' 
 rue policy of the I 
 joint occupancy o: 
 tea and England i 
 It the title of the I 
 r Oregon is clear a 
 
 7th page : 
 
 ■ inexpedient to giv 
 
 lit not give heed tc | 
 
 ig, lohether in the I 
 
 Hther give nor toil | 
 
 or bill, authorizinc i 
 y the two departnu) | 
 nn the treaty makii f 
 uestion, toliether th ;; 
 uould also tend to i 'i 
 wig- up the House 
 I why should the k 
 lover the subject, 
 , it has become so \ 
 the controversy, ai 
 
 ■I 
 
 ■■• "!• i'. ;;. 
 ■■'■ '<-.l.') 
 
 , 1'" . 
 
 i ..' ,< 
 
 
 
 ri J.( 
 
 
 ily-'i , 
 
 
 
 Pa 
 
 \ fi tf^ "* ij. 
 
 .{'i 
 
 L' 
 
 h^i t . ? 
 
 r 
 
 
 R^ •" 1 
 
 <. 
 
 'f : 
 
 , J-*V-^<i 
 
 
 
 wi^T' ^> 
 
 
 •^•M 
 
 ^ s ., 
 
 
 !?> ,' 
 
 
 
 mjs 
 
 r «f I* *(^; 
 
 i^e''-