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If'

SPEECH

O F

MR. HAMLIN, OF MAINE,

ON THE

OREGON QU ESTION.

DELIVERED

iN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

JANUARY 12, 1846.

WASHINGTON :

PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE.
1846.

>u.

ir. HAM,
« moment
4r.J. R.
andment ^
; «rhich wa

ttollfd ly t
Dnitfd Statti
President of
■iied to opei
otiatjon witl
pOBe of term
ch was entei
6th of AugU!

At. HAMI
committee
h« consider
them, he l
momentous
intereetg th;
iffected for
*ng decisioi
millions of
3, and thai
■a beating
ch they we
leaid by th
setta, [Mr.
; there had i
lid not be, a
igress eqnal

4fore proc(

question, h

ks to reply,

zentlemen y,

1 first, he c

rtfly in the s

nediately pr

and the coui

1 it should b(

r, WAR, had

oed over out

■ body; and

e these ech

cared not w

)« walls— wl

where— he s

uty by that s

efore, and up

other end o]

i there under

rit that had tl

'• a measure e

It
■«
Ik

SPEECH.

dr. HAMLIN obtained the floor, but yielded it
• momeni to

ix. J. R. INGERSOLL, who rave notice of an
endment which he should oner when in or-
; which was read us follows . !

e$olvrd l.y thi Sniate and Houie cf Rfpicstntativtt of i
{Jnitrd Statfs nf ifmen'co in CcnureFs assembled, That I
President of the United States be, and he hereby is, an- j
ized to open, at such time aii he may deem expedient, a j
otiation with the government of (ireat Britain for the
p«se of terminating, by mutual consent, the convention I
ch was entered in'O between the two governraentK on
6th of August, 1827. '

ir. HAMLIN resumed the floor, and addres-sed
committee during the allotted hour. He came
he consideration of the question now presented
them, he trusted, with a full understanding of
momentous importance, and of the magnitude of
interests that were committed to their hands to
iffected for weal or for wo by the right or the
>ng decision of this question. The eyes oftwen-
millions of people were watching their action
J, and the hearts of twenty millions of freemen
•a beating with anxiety as to the action at
ch they wene finally to arrive; and it had been
I eaid by the venerable gentleman from Masea-
setta, [Mr. Adams,] that for years that were
; there had not been, and for years to come there
lid not be, a question submitted to the American
igress eqnal in its moment, equal in its impor-
■*.

efore proceeding directly to the discussion of
question, he designed to "refer, and in a few te-
les to reply, to positions which had been taken
wntlemen wlio had preceded him in this debate.
1 first, he concurred most cheerfully and most
rtily in the sentiments of the gentlemen who had
nediately preceded him in relation to the charac-
and the course the debate had assumed, and by
I it should be diverted to no improper direction.
r, WAR, had been shouted within these walls and
oed over our vast country, to re-act again upon
i body; and by whom, and on what authority
e these echoes sent abroad through the land'
cared not whether the shout came up within
19 walls — whether it was manufactured here or
where — he should not be diverted from his path
uty by that stale and senseless cry. He had heard
efore, and upon this same subject years ago in
other end of this Capitol. When this subject
i there under discussion, it was ihe same master-
rit that had then raised this cry of war, war to de-
;« Rieasure extending our laws over the Oregon

territory. He referred to a bill prepared by the laic
and lamented Doct. Linn. Why was it that gentle-
men assumed this position.' — a position which neith-
er the facts here or elsewhere justified, and a position
taken in order to produce a panic. Rome nad her
punic wars, but it was reserved for us to have our
panic wars.

Let us examine (continued Mr. H.) briefly the
position of the question before us. In 1818, a cer-
tain convention was entered into between the respec-
tive governments of the United States and Great
Britain, relative to the territory upon our northwest
coast, known as the Oregon territory. That treaty
was, by its own limitations, to remain in force but
ten yeara. In 1827 it was renewed by a treaty
which was to be terminated whenever either of thic
two high contracting parties should give twelve
months' notice of their desire for it. And now, for-
sooth, because we come here in thf^ way marked out
by the treaty to exercise the power thus specially
provided for in that treaty, we arc to be met as the
war party ! 1 repel the imputation, and I hur! ic
back again, (.said Mr. H.) It is that very cry in and
of itself that tends more to produce a war than any
other course which cun be taken here. We on thiia
side of the House are the peace-parly. Timid coun-
sels tend to war — "fear admitted to our councils be-
trays like treason." I cannot sympathize, then,
with gentlemen who use this argument, although
they may use it honestly: nor will I permit it to di-
vert this discussion, so far as 1 am concerned, from
its true nnd legitimate track. We ask nothing on
this side of the House but the exercise of our confsti-
tutional rights — rights that are pointed out and de-
fined by the very treaty under which we are act-
ing. And is it true that the exercise of these
rights, as we propo-se it, is any cause of war?
No, Sir. " Old men see visions, and young men
dream dreams," the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr.
Hunter] tells us ; and my word for it, it was
but the dream of the gentleman's waking hours
when he made his panic-war speech, on the ground
that this notice was a measure designed in anyway
or calculated to be a war measure. While with gen-
tlemen in all parts of this House, he most cheerfully
concurred that peace was to be desired above every-
thing else,save the preservation of our national domain
and our national honor, he (Mr. H.) did not hold
war to be an evil from which they should shrink, when
the preservation of our national rights and our nation-
al honor demanded it. If we were to be deterred from
exercising our constitutional rights by that stale
clamor, then how long would it be before we would

X U O

lie stripped of every right wc do posswia by inviting
other governments to aggrciiEionn upon us.- Analyze
the mtittcr carefully and it could not be mistaken.
It was Buch "stuiT' in fact as dreams were made of.
And it hardly bcci\me gentlemen, thus in terror, to
Hound the note of war now, when we were dealing
with a ration worthy to be our foe. For it would
i;ot be forgotten, when a fear of collision with a
neighboring province was anticipated — a provinre
m» miserably weak as to incur the contempt i. fa
great nation — then there were no dreams to dia-
turb our nerves, but action — immndiatt action — was
the rally cry, come what might. Certainly our
course should not now be retarded; for we should
Chen suffer a just reproach. Let ua be as firm and
consistent in ''aelion^^ now.

There was another remark to which he wished to
allude. Too often within these walls, in the discus-
sion of varioua measures, l>ad he heard t-'uintsand
reproaches, eilh<r directly or by implication, cast
upon various sections of this Union: and when they
wisd been directed to that section where it was his
pride and his pleasure to reside, lie had felt them thrill
aionghis nerves like an electric shock, and the im-
pulses of his heart had been upon hi.'' lips to hurl
them back again-% But time and reflection had
chastened these feelings, and he passed tluivi by
ifl sorrow that they should come from the lips
of any individual on this floor; and while it wm his
glory and his pride to be an inhabitimt of
that section whose motives were so often ques-
tioned here, he had a sintjle word to say in behalf
of that ncople. He had no objections to interpose
tten* in defence of what may have been the errors
or the wickednesses of her politicians, but in behalf
of her citizens he had a word to say. Ho believed
tiiem lobe as patriotic as any other class of citi-
2-e«3 to be found incur Union. They had exhibit-
ed their patriotism and their valor on many a well-
foughl field. Their bones had bleached on many a
northern hill, and the barren sands of tiie South had
drunk in their best blood. Sir, (said Mr. H.,) I
point with pride to the ?\orth, and invite yon there
to witness a system which has grown up with us,
atid which is our ornament. 1 point you to our
.system of free labor. I point yon to our common
.schools — to our chijrcliet;, with their spires point-
ing towards heaven — and 1 glory in them. They
are the monuments tliat belong to a people who
have the true spirit of citizens of a free government.
The.se things were the glory of the north; and Mr. H.
gioneil in them. They were bloodless moral momi-
i.iei ts wliicli marked theadvaneing progress of a free
p I pi '. But I stop not there; I ask you to go with me
Uirougliout this whole broad nation; and 1 point
you to her — I point you to the whole Union as a
Uionumenl of political grandeur towering towards
the heavens, upon which the friend or freedom,
wherever upon our globe he may be, may gaze,
arolmd whose highest summit the s^unlight of glory
forever shines, and at whose base a free people re-
poses, and, I tiust, forever will repose. So much
lor New England, my home; so much for the Union,
my country.

. Mr. H. now advanced to a more direct discussion
<t( the question immediately before them; and he
first asked the attention of this House to the duty
wliicli they, as guardians of the public weal, owed
to thenvseives and to our common country. He
called their attention to tiiat duty which, as a com-
ponent part of this government, they owed to its
cil/ena wherever they may be foimd. If lliere were

a single duty which ri-iea o\-er, above, ar.d bey» gentle
all others, it was that of the American republiinitalale li^
atVurd protection to the American citizen wherf «yrii
he may be found upon the American aoil. It ' ad|

one of the liighest duties incident to the charge c Ttatf
mittcd to their hands; wherever our national '''"I

floats upon the breeze, it should be a certain in Mr. H. nj
of ample protection to the American citir.en u.eiition in|
his rights of person and of property. Why, ttf ours;
true (asked Mr. 11.' that, in the nineteenth ceik he hail
ry, under this government, which we believe tela been th|
the best the world ha.s ever seen — Ls it true thate in authc
cry, "I am an American citizen," shall not b> the Amel
Kurc a safeguard, and a pledge of protection, as) into thail
cry, "I am ,i Roman citi'.en" was in the paj4 to rcfl
days of Rome; It was said by an ancient phile,jconsiderl
pher that the government which feels most ■»«» f>08itiorr
bly, and which redresses most promptly, everyf England
jury visited by a foreign power upon its liie. This!
humble citizen, best discharged the duties ilea establl
cumbent upon it. And is it not truly so? What, Komine cal
greater degree than the strict discharge of itsdutial point ol
us citizens will call forth theiraffectiona and their asion with!
ally, and will draw them forth to protect the ins'Xtend ourl
tioiis and defend the standard of their common cciurpose of I
try ill the hour of that country's peril? The citfae cotton-^
who realizes the full assurance that his rights la broad as
iilways be defended with a sleepless vigilance, mj[i^< to the

in his turn, ever be ready to discharge with protH the repr
nc'-'s and fideiitv all the duties that country ina'^Oun'ry-
quire of him. ' .he rules es

How, then , is oi:r iroveniinent to extend that ^^' consi e
tection. and that aid which are renuired from l^orluern at
its citizens, to those wanderers to the distant portic'^^''"'^'"'^
its territory westward uf the Rocky mountains. '**^> ..
those citizens liave been wrested from Amer'r''^ *^ ."^^

soil to be tried for alleged offences by foreign

their citizer

They have been dragged from their peaceful ho:6.^'^" _^, ■
from their own domestic firesides, and iiave :"''•? V <
tried and held amenable to the laws of British p'?*\v'^^r
inces; and here, in the lOth century, from this -^ '^.' •
clamor of war ringing in our e-i.rs, are we to '^^{i I'l
and fold our arms about us, and say ''^^''^'^'^. .ui- n
pause a while before we give this notice. We ■.T^'^^ _ ,
loiuse the lion in hio lair. England with her c'P.j"^^',
of military po,sty aroi'iul the world may be aroi; ■.,. Uo ij

and we do not preciaelv foresee what wiUbe?''/,/ .,

,, ' IV- ..•' ,• u ij I let them nt

consequences:' JNo; the notice should be gi "1 „„,,or.rt

now, and protcciioii to American citizens shouli j '

extended v, licrever they are found on American ^J, ■ i

and then that flaj; that had been borne aloft in trim , . „ ,u

1 c 1 ^ .1 I I ir.ust be tn

III tl;c b.itUe and in the breeze, ut-on the oceaii , ..„, ..,

.u 1 I .1 III- . .• P<V i^ot on

upon the lakes, the emblem of protectior. ' '

the lakes, the emblem of ,..„.„ nortions o

each and to every of our citizens, will float ",^^ pi,,.

u . • -• /- I < cies. Bui

ver o\er the homes ot a f.-ee and happy peo iv^mg eau
L hat fag which now ' ^^^ ^v^^ ^^

"S?o proudly drinlvs the morniasc light South WO

O'er ocean's vvHVf in t'oriigu clime, cie^^^^d pi

A .-J mLol ol our might."

This faithful discharge of governmeiUal dt
will be one of the strongest arguments in fav
the advancement of the principles of our own
government. The feeling of every citizen that
tection in person ;uid property is secured to hiir
the laws and by the flag of his country, will s'
more surely than aught else to extend and w;
our broad domain. Let it be done, and our i
ernment v. ill pur.'iue its onward course byitsii,
power, until it shall extend from the isthmus «f
rien to the fro/en regions of the North — from
rough, rock-bound coast of the Atlantic, baci;

factured f
B-.urkets (
West hac
It was a (
North, tl
a . great
L'nion.
keta in tl
treaty ati
our cotti
empire.
America
oontineii

?r, above, and bey, gentle murmuni of the Pacific. Then, in the
American republi citable language of our own diytioguieihcd poet —
icun citizen wherf

Imprirnn ar»;i r. "V'jJe ihall ouf own free Hire iiicrrasc,

American aoil. It •■ ^„j ^i^^ p^t^„j ^^f, ^i^gtic chain

em totlie charge c
ver our national

roperty. Why,
he nineteenth cei;
lich we believe

That bimU in (•verlustint; uoacu
Stale after State— a mighty train."

lid he a certain itifUr, H. next proceeded to the consideration of this
merican citi7:en u.«jtion in a commercial point of view. Oregon
^1 ours; it belongs to ua; and tht- queetion of
' he had no diapo&ition here to examine. It
_ been thoroughly, ably examined oy Uiose who
•n — is it true that« in authority, and the result has beeti presented
".en," shall not bi the American republic. Hehad no dispowition to
of protection, as) into that examination. He should be well satis-
was in the pai^ to rest himself on him who at least might
y an ancient phile.jconsidered the Achille.s of this question, in
:iich feels most -eie jMJsition that our title was better than that
promptly, everyf England. It was more; it was a perfect
awer upon its lije. This being our territory, then, by laws and
'ged the duties iks esUiblished by Great Britain herself, let them
truly so? What, xamine carefully into its importance in a commer-
scharge of itsdutial point of view. They were told on another oc-
rections and thfirmion within these walls that it was necessary to
to protect the insixtend our public domain in the southwest for the
r their common courpose of securing to our country u monopoly of
's peril? The cithe cotton-growing interest; and the argument was
;e that his rights ua broad lis our Union; it i^uinc home to tl;e fcel-
eplcss vigilance, ^nei-, to the interests, and to the principles of action
icharge with prot»r the representatives from every sectita of our
that country raa;:Oi.ntry. Let them now weigh hy the .^liime rules,
he rules established on that occasion, the commer-
it to extend that ~^- considerations involved in this question. The
e required from northern and the middle States areesientiully manu-
the distant portic'^^'^'"""!? States— the northern States purticuUir!y;
cky mountains. Utey are situated in a high latitude, under a forbid-
'sted from Amer'^'-^ climate, and yet they have the industry of
ices by foreign b'^^"' citizens, the water-power, and the facilities
heir peaceful hof??^*^" ''^^"" '^y""'"'"^ ''^ '^^"*^^'' ^''i^"^ ^ manufuctu-
iides, and have :"''- P«^ople. The South — the "^unny South'" —
awa of British p™*>' ffi'ow the staple produce of thatcountry; anct
itury, from this ^^^^ VVest may be the graiiary not only of our own
e-i.rs are we to '^'^''""y' ^"^' ^'^'^ '' '*" ^i"'"^'- the granary of the
and say ••We^'^'"'''' Then, he said, in a commercial point of
s notice. We ■'*^'^^' '^'^ matter came home to the feelings a..d the
Hand with her c'P'^''^'*^ "^ *'^^''y c'^'zen of every sectior. of our
rid niay be arou'*'"''^'''y'''^"'"''^'' '^"^'""'y" '^'"^ North must neces-
see what vviU be'^'^''y ''^ ''^^ '^^""^'*'^'"'"'"8 section of this Uuion:
ce should be » '*' them have on outlet; let there be an easy mode of
in citizens shout "fo-'^sportation and communication to the far West,
id on American *'"^ ^^ would become the manufacturers almost
■of the world. Tlie northern aiid the middle Stales
tli.w„.n.>. n<usl be that portion of our Union, which will sun-
ply not only i.nd;a but China, and ail the eastern
portions of the world, with their manufactured arti-
cJes. But he stopped not here. The matter came
Kome equally to the interests of the South, because
for the supply of those manufactured articles the
South would be called upon for their staple, for in-
creased production of that staple, which in its manu-
factured form is thus destined to fin t.s way to the
B-.yrkets of the East. It was a cpiestion in which the
West had no right to assurnr, a particular interest.
It was a question which came home equally to the
JVorth, the South, the East, and the Vv'cut. It was
a . great national question, co-exten&ivc with our
Union. Why, we were already opening our mar-
kets in the East; we have already established our
treaty stipulations with China; we have already sent
our cotton and manufactured goods into the eastern
empire. Last year more Uian six millions of
American manufactures were se.it to the eastern
oontinent, and of tluvt amount more than four inil-

nrne aloft in triut^^^^*^*"""'^ •
upon

f» of protectioi.
zens, will float
i and happy peo

i£f liffUt
iaie.

overrrnental du
;uments in favo
les of our own
?ry citizen that
securt?d to hiir
country, will *
extend and vv
one, and our i
lourse by its n,
the isthmus (*f
( North— from
I Atlantic, bac:;

lion a of dollars is behoved to hav» been of cotton
goods. We have opened the Chinese market, and
in o|)cning that market, with the advance which
comuierco u ill give in that distant portion of thfl
globe to ciMJi/.ation, to refinement, and to Christi-
ani'.y, we have opened a market which will call for
untold millions of the nianufactured ..rticles of the
northern and middle States — manufujtured from thia
staple of the South. Beside, the commerce of thn
North was deeply intcreMed in her whnling-ships.
That ocean is now covered with nearly TOO ships,
and half a hundred smaller vessels, manned by more
than 'J),(H)0 of our citizens, and sending home as the
fruits of their labor more than three millions of oil
annually.

Mr. H. proceeded to enlarge upon the val-
ue and extent of the commerce whicli would grow
up between the East Indies and our Tacific country,
if wc had possession of Oregon. The trade between
the United States and the Eaat Indies was already
very important. But it would be vastly increased
when wc should find a route for that trade overland
to the Pacific and acrots that ocean to India.
Wherever commtice went, there the lights of civili-
zation and Christianity would soon be found.
Wherever the jieople of the East have become en-
lightened by comm.erci;il it>tercourse with us, she
would consume a vast qiiimtity of our products,
while they would supply us liberally with theirs.
Who could tell what uncounted millions of manu-
factured goodd from the United States would be
marketed in the East Indies ? Commerce was
therefore deeply interested in preserving the integ-
rity of our ih^main. He wnL-.ld gladly pursue thi»s
subject further if time was allowed, and show that
this question was one that concerned the cDmmerce
of the whole country, and that the whole people of
the United Stales were interested in it. But he wau
limited in time, and he could not pursue the tiubject
in all it.s dttail>.

lie was in favor ofgiving this notice, as he had
already declared. He was in favor of giving it now.
I"'or this cour.se ho would give reasons. Eirst, he
trusted that by giving the notice, the danger of de-
lay and of obstruction in our councils would be
obviated. The gentleniun who had immediately
preceded him in the deliate, [Mr. Toombs,] prefer-
red the nrncndment of the gentleman from Alaba-
ma [Mr. Hii-LiMio,] which left it discretionary with
the President to give the notice at such lime as he
might sec fit. That would lead to serious* difficul-
ties. He Wduld say that thi.? propus.aon came with
no good design, so fa.- as hr- could judge of it, though
ho had no doubt of the iionorable motives of the gen-
tleman who oflfcred it. It would change the issue
which ouglitto be made. Instead of inquiring wheth-
er wc would act and act now, wc would, by this
course, give a discretionary power to the Executive
tiy act or not, and either now or at a later period.
Some would think tliat the President had acted too
soon if he acted now. Others would think that he
had acted too late if he posstpoued it. It would give
an opportunity to many to shelter tiiein^elves from
responsibility, and to reproach the President witli
having r.cted out of lime. The true question was
whether we should gi\-e the notice nuw. Should
wc afisume the responsibility of action, or throw it
upon the President? That was an important ques-
tion. Why should not we lake upon ourseivea
the responsibility of actjon in the matter?

Many gentlemen wished to shift the responsibil-
ity off frora ihemsevw^s, and then, if the President.

promptly, they would lay, lie was rash,
imprudent, hnatyi und if he waited tor a while,
they would «<iy thut he had let alip the jE^oldcn mo-
ment. Why, if the subject had been referred to
ijH, und if the power belonged to us, nhouid we not
• xereiBC the power nnd five the notice at onc«? If
iliere woaany udvuntage in giving the noiicc tit nil,
It waH proper to give it nt the earlieNt moment with-
out loss of tim". If wc did not give i'. now, in
what poaition should we be left? The whole subject
would be suffered to take its chance, without an ef-
fort on our part to maintain our rights. He knew
that it had been recommended to lis to adopt "a
wise and manterly inactivity" — that wiis, to do noth-
ing. He would rather call it masterly duplicity, or
masterly dishoncaty, to take measures, in un indi-
rect way, ti. get possession of the country, without
suffering our oIiJlcI to be known. How lopg did
gentlemen wish to carry on this masterly duplicity?
.Some of thcni had fixed a limit to it of twenty
years. Sir, (said Mr. H.,) 1 have a single idea on
that point. We had told our people that they
might occupy that country. Were they to be thus
cncoiiragfed to go there and settle, and yet not be
entitled to our protection.'' If you do jiot take
them under your wing, can you expect to
retain their allection.' No. They would be
faithless to themselves if they g;we you uiiy confi-
dence or nffection after such treatment. Av wdl
might a mother e.spcct the love, of her cliiiiiren
whom she repelled from her bosom, and cnstou' inio
the world without pnitection. It would be a inost
unnatural mother that would cast ofi' Ik r children
as wc would do were we not, to givd this iioii'-e.
Should we acquire a colony by this coutHc of' nin!!-
terly disiionesty, it would muke us the reprouo.h of
a!! nations. While he reminded the admirers of
the Briti:di governtncnt that it was one of splendid
palaces contrasting with squaliil poverty, there
was one ihinj; in the British government that
Jie admired, much as he despi.seil all the v/.iiu-
ing about lier power, and greatness, und glory.
He admired it for one special qnality — its care
of its subjects. It gave protecMon to it.s sub-
jects all over the world. Wherever the subject of
England might be, he was covei'ed with the nroiec-
lion of British laws and British [lower. This, in
his opinion, Wiis an example worthy of iiiiilation.

He would gu i\ stt'p furtlirr than the notice, and
extend the protection of our law.s over our cii.i/.en.v
in Oregon. If we did not, we should fall sliort of
our duty. After doing tliis, he Wduld go stiil fur-
ther, and create those bands of iron v.'hich were
to bind indissoliibly together in one union
the people of the Atlantic and the people
of the Pacific. He would go for a raiiioiul across
the Rocky mountains — ^for annihilating linie
and ."pace between us and the inhabitants of the
Pacific coast. In a military point of view, tliiH rail-
road would be necessary. We should be obliged,
for the protection and defence of the country, to
establish this mode of communication. While it
would afford military protection for the defence of
the country, it would be the means of creating a
vast trade between the eastern and western portions
of the continent. The immediate consequence of
such a trade would be to open a troflic in our manu-
ftictures with the people of the East Indies; next, we
.should be able to drive out all competition on the part
<if the British fabrics in that lucrative and impor-
tant trade. We would, by means of this overland
communication, be 80011 able to create immense com-

mercial depots on the couat of the Pacific. \
could make voya^eii to the Eait Indie« in half ;
time that Qrrat Britain could. Our mnnufactu
would thus compete in that important and increasi
market, with those of Great Britain, and, inde>
drive out all competition; and thus they would I jj

come established on a firm foundation, without i** ^^
aid of a black tariff to maintain them. He '"**1 IJHi'*" est!
ways opposed internal improvemenla by the g*n<?? j. ,
government; but he would adopt this improveme*Jr , ,
as a military work — one necessary for the pu^'^'ij^^og i
defence, though it would be used (or civil ana coil. >• I
mercial purposes. In a military point of tiew, ^J? "IJon 1
a defence to the country, it would be far more **jj^*no Jl
cient than battlements along the coast. f^. '

Should the United States delay to do th? r .Ug ,
duty to their citizens in Oregon, the Briti<^ .
government would avail themselves of the delay ^.-^ ^\
take measures for securing the territory to her su.^^ ^^^
jects. Great Britain had already, by force and frauff*^' . „ ^

covered the world with more than a hundred col

nios. She had done this by blood and carnage, ar.

croachmd

m violation of the rights

ingc, nil. 1 ,u

of all nations with whic^^JJ^'^

jia rivc^
only
■■jnts; bull

she had l)ccn connected as an ally, or opposed to flu-i' ^^ ^^
a foe. The history of India would tell the whole si( ?;.
ry. In the year 1600, during the reign of Que?"*""
I<ilii'.abeth, a charier for commercial purposes we.
granted to some private trading adventurers. Th'^
cotnpany have spread death and desolation over th * _

East. Under W arren Hastings every crime, everlA memb
.species of perfidy, and cruelty, and rapine was pe.Yes,
[letiiUed for the acquisition of territory and of weaken if s^e
by the cotnpany. So fearful and prodigious v/nined by
his rapacity and cruelty, that he became the thenisans by w
of universal execration by orators and poets. lutination
had been remarked, in one of the invectives againf t in Engl
him, that when some wretch, laden witli horriiiel of <erri
crimes without a name, should stalk through earthj^y^i^iie ge
and we want cui-sesfor him — ^ jn the

'We'J torture thought to ciirKo the wretch; MVg ones-

Anil then, to danin him most supreme, ,f^ tncinp

We'd call him Hastings." ^^ * ^\"^

It, would be easy to run a parallel between ih'.^ valuable
East India Company and the Hudson Bay Compa-|y „„ inl
ny. It would show us the necessity of taking holdjQ^ The\
of this matter in due time, and of giving this nolicBj^y ]^ad n

novv. , , u ■ , ■" l^"o*

Government after government had submitted tOggo.thene(

Briti.ih power in the east — some being reduced by. ([clayed
fraud and treachery, and others by force, until now j^jgh preu
the population brought under her sway amounted.,! t^g ge
to more than a hundred and thirty millions. The^yQijog
Great Alogul, the former ruler of Hindostan, was jjjg couh
at this day a pensioner on British bounty. And ^g gen
the British government, through the East India ^m^e^i j^
company now, at this lime, by the force of her armsy^do^ of

las: thout the

and

subjugate

the

IS preparing to invade

province of that country. Mr. H. said he would .j^^^jng S
be glad to trace the progress of this government jpt^res, i
in the East Indies; but not haviq^ time for that, he itgrs rus
would say that from beginning to end it was jusands (
stamped with infamy. He called the attention of )ve to th
the committee to these facus, in order to show that 3 and si
unless we gave the notice the Hudson Bay Com- ^tyres wl
pany, which was formed upon principles akin to ^ue tin
that in the east, would by gradual encroachments,be- netrica, a
come possessed of all the strong positions in Oregon, (t would
and be more difficult to dislodge. We might, as tend do\
he said again, find a parallel in their progress to the to gentl
corporation that has so long oppressed and devas- jcue, anc
tated the East. By what waters were the Hudson to cbtai
Bay Company originally bounded? By those waters s positio

! and till

But still that
connexion with ilie

oC the Pacific. \
■■t IndJM in half:
Our mnnuractu
ortant and inorfasi
BriUiin, and, inde>

thus they would [ . , it i i u

ndation, without t»» empt'cJ into Hudson's bay
nthem. HehadW^y had, by virtue of a con
nenla bv the »-nIiP'(*J>*'«"'«"'<^°'"P«"y» stretched acrosH to the IV

pt thi. IVnprofcS *' ^'*" *^" f^'''y f ^'""r ^''''''j '" ft"'
sary for the nnh <*•""'"''*'" coloniea, and one of the modpH of do-
Bd for civil and coi *' ^"" *" opera'e through chartered companies,
k' point ofTiew^'"P"''"^y"''*^"*"'°^ applying to the territory
iuld be far more e« Oregon, and it would succeed there as well aa it
coaat. ddonoelsewhcre, unless we should interfere in l»e-

delav to do thf'^°^ """^ settlers to protect them, and give the no-
■e^on thA Rr;V^«Of the termination of the joint convention.
VM of the deJnv^«'o"«" «?"""»" "'« year 1790, the British rov-
erritorv to her su'**^"' claimed the right to make settlcmentH on the
by force and Iraul*'^"* ^<'*'"" "°'"' "^ **^® Spanish settlements,
ma hundred co »^»^' *'*'* '"'**" f''"'^" "" ^''^ °''^^'" '*'*'^' ""'* ^''^
»d and carnaffe ar****"'^^'"*""' "^ Great Britain were not observed,
nations with w'hi' "'"S'** ^'^"' Britain had not only made settle-
y or opposed to ■-"'^ ''^'"'^^ ''^^^ oldest Spanish settlements, but also
I tell the whole St)*'*'*'"' ^^'""''*"'^*""' now come down to the Co-
he rei»n of Que'"'''" ''''*^''' ^'■'g'"*"y> ^^^ territorial pretensions
rcial purposeTwr'" °"*y ^ ''"'"'? ^"y""?', *'"' old Spanish scttlo-
idventurers. Th'"'®' "*"" would come down to forty-

desolation over th **'

every crime, ever [A member here said, she is nearly there now.]
id rapine was pe:Yes, sir, (said Mr. H.,) she will aoon be there,
itory and of wealten if she is not there now. What, then, can be
d prodigious v/nined by delaying the notice, which is the only
I becan»e the themeans by which we can arrest her progress? Pro-
ors and poets. lutination had been said to be the thief of time;
! invectives against in English diplomacy, it had proved to be the
laden witJi horriiiel of territory.

alk through earth.'While gentlemen talked of war, which only ex-
ed in the visions of old men, or the dreams of
e wretch; ,y„g (,„eg — while this bu£^bear was held up, we

""'' !re losing the opportunity to secure for our-

.nii»i k • ''*'' *""' "ur children this most important

?j' „ ^"ween v.n^ valual)le country. What now would arise, was
ison iJay Compa-iy an inference on the part of these gentle-

g 18 notice,gy },mj i^Qt gjjown us the TOorfits opfvanrft. Butwejfuinre event.s; but coming events sometimes cast
11 know that the British pretensions would be ! their shadows before them. Judginj of the future

snred them them that for Ui» llirre was no rttrcot fror i
the renponxiiiiliiy of this act, wiilnut incurring th-
ju.s; reproach of the people of the Unitt»d State;*, and,
indeed, of the whole world. The Kxecutivc hnl
preHPnted his views to Congress, and had rccom
tiicndeii to n.s the piissage of the measure now he-
fore in. He had (mked for our early artion upon
it. The Htaie cry fif war ought not to prevent u.s
from (iisr,liar;;itig thiw duty; and if we should fttltor
in performing it, we should lie branded M unfaith-
ful to our triiit. The Executive had laid before
lK^ a Hfalrtncrit of our juRt r!:iiin.=i, .'•hnwing that
they had a .solid and staMe basis. The whole
world would be, convinced of tlicir truth and juKlice;
and would an American Congrp?.s be found slow
to defcnil and RMoert fliem? He (Mr. H.) would
appeal again to the South, and to the spirit of
theirfathciH — of .Sumicr, Marion, and Pinckncy —
and cdll upon them to conrie up to tliia duty of de-
fending our soil. Should fear of consequences pre-
vent us from vindicating our rights from foreign
aggreafcion? Should the horrors of war deter then;
from pursuing their line of duty? Wi!l they not
come up to the struggle, ifneed be, and like "reapers
descend to the harvest of death?" True, the South
has peculiar interedts that would be hazarded in a
war; but lias not the whole Atlantic border a deep
stake in the continuance of peace? We, sir, in the
northeast have an extensive commerce. Our shipa
are found in every s^ea, and we have cities on tno
seaboard exposed to the assaults of an enemy. But,
sir, we are willing to hazard everything in the de-
fence of our country, and to lay all our wealth aa
anotferingon the altar of the public safety. But
who can believe, sir, that England will go to war,
because we do an act that we arc entitled to do by
treaty Ntipulation?? This was too absurd an idea to
be for a moment entertained by any onq.

But there was another view of tho subject. He
did not pretend to be a wiz7,ard,nor to foretell fu-

had submitted to

engthened by our eternal delay. The longer by the past, he would say that the moral force of

g rcauceu by, (|piay,;d the notice, the more arrogant would the i our institutions would spread themselves over every
lorce, until nowjjjghpretensionsbecomc. Onepointmore. Ourold'
way amountedjj, ^^^ gentleman from Virginia says, see visions,
r millions. Tiie.: ° .i..»„_ ,i..„L„ tr-. .,„o „^, „i,i

r young men dream dreams.

I.'" .^A*"' *^?iihe could not sec visions; and the d Rams he left

the
)rce

He was not old,

oounty. Ana ^^ gentleman from Virginia. Let those who
fK^' ^""'^janed imagine that a war will arise from our as-
.. ^ °' "^/^«'™'^>rtiori of our rights; he did not believe it. But
'" ? u li thout the aid of visions he saw a populous and en-

_. saia he would pricing State on the slope of the Pacific, with m.m-
nis government jjtures^ and commerce, and navigation. The
me lor that, he ,1,^3 rushing down to the Pacific would turn
to end It was jmiands of wheels and spindles. Our people would
tlie attention of ^^ to that region, and carry with them all their
r to show that gand skill in all the various branches of manu-
son pay Com- -t^res which we have established in thii

s region.

portion of tliis continent. Their progress was as
certain as destiny. He could not be mistaken in
the idea tiiat our flag was destined to shed its
lustre over every hill ami plain on the Pacific
slope, and on every stream that mingles with the
Pai ific. What would monarchical institutions do
— what would tyrants do — in this age of improve-
ment — this age of steam and of lightning? The
mariner's compass, the .steam engine, the printing
press, with the aid of electricity, which has anni-
hilated splice, have made the world like the ear of
Dionysius. The voice of freedom in our halls of
wnr.'ilnp, in our temples, and the knowledge of our
schools, may be heard in distant lands, and will be
echoed back. Let there be r.o holding back, no

and dij
Horth y
men:

nified manner, meet the crisis in a way
of our country, and as American atates-

nciplea akin to ^^g time they will supply a large portion of [folding of anna in quiet; but let us rather, in a calm
Toachments,be- n((rica, as veil ai A ■?!?, with their fabrics,
turns in Oregon, [t would not be long before our settlements would
We might, as tend down to the Mexican boundary. He appeal-
progress to the to gentlemen from the South to come up to the
ed and devas- jcue, and avail themselves of this fair opportuni-
re the Hudson to obtain Oregon. Fie asked their attention to
y those waters j position we occupied before the American peo-
) and the world, in regard to this subject, and u^-

"Anl tlic gun of our nption's natal day.

At thf! rise and ret
Shall boom from the far northe.ist away

To the vales of Oregon;
Ai\il shipn on the soa-f^hore hifl'and taok,
Aud send the peal of triumph back."