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•%*i- 
 
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 ^^ 
 
 IL E M A R K S 
 
 ON THE 
 
 iV> 
 
 TRAVELS 
 
 I 'ffi 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 II 
 
 MAR QJJ IS DE CHASTE LLUX, 
 
 1 N 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Prlnttd for G and T. W I L K I E, in St. Paul's Church- Yard. 
 
 MDCCLXXXVll. 
 
 •^ ' 
 
 [ Price Two Shillingt. ] 
 
 A- 
 
 I 
 
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 ^5 
 
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 %lli^l 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 'TTHE florm of war has long ceaf- 
 ed ; the tumult that has arifen 
 from it is gradually fubfiding ; the 
 voice of reafon begins to be heard ; 
 and prejudice bears an unintentional 
 teftimony to truth. — Struck with 
 thefe refle<5l*ons, on reading the Tra- 
 vels of the Marquis de Chaftellux, 
 I offer fome remarks upon them to 
 the Public : his account of America 
 flrengthens many affertions relative 
 to the late war, that have hither- 
 to been difbelieved ; points out who 
 were the enemies of Great Bri- 
 tain ; what inftruments feparated her 
 from her colonies ; and produces the 
 moft ample evidence in favour of the 
 
 8 military 
 
 n 
 
« 
 
 ADVER TISEMENT. 
 
 military talents of the Britifli gene- 
 rals. Every page of this work bears 
 with it the undeniable teftimony of a 
 foldier, citizen, or philofopher, that 
 the Britifli fubje^t enjoys a greater 
 fhare of happinefs at home than he 
 could find in a wild purfuit of it in 
 America. 
 
 The Marquis de Ghaftcllux's Tra- 
 vels are accompanied by the notes of 
 his Tranflator, of whom I fhall have 
 occalion to fpeak hereafter. Upon 
 military points, I frequently agree 
 with the Marquis : where I differ, I 
 collect my information from Britifli 
 ofiicers who fervcd in America. What- 
 ever is included between inverted 
 commas is taken from his Travels. 
 
REMARKS 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 MAR Q^U IS DE CHASTELLUX's 
 
 TRAVELS. 
 
 THE Marquis de Chaftellux was a 
 French major-general, and in that 
 capacity went to Rhode Ifland with the 
 army under the command of M. Rocham- 
 beau ; all his intelligence, of courfe, was 
 derived through a medium fo oppofite to 
 the interefts of Great Britain, that he can 
 only be confidered as furnifhing an ex parte 
 evidence for the judgment of fome hifto- 
 rian ^ and he too muft not be of the prefent 
 age, as the Marquis juftly remaiii.-: : ** It is 
 for a Salluft and a Tacitus alone, fays he, to 
 tranfmit, in their works, the adlions and 
 harangues of their contemporaries ; nor did 
 they write till after fome great change in 
 affairs had placed an immenfe interval be- 
 tween the epocha of the hiftory they tranf- 
 
 B mitted. 
 
[ 2 ] 
 
 mitted, and that in which it was com- 
 pofed." 
 
 The Marquis's teftimony is frequently 
 £wourable to the British armies, from whofe 
 merit, it is obvious, he aims to detradl j and 
 indeed it was politic for him to do fo, as 
 printed copies of his work were circulated 
 at Paris during the war, the flattering con- 
 tents of which in all probability echoed to 
 America. Speaking of the ftrength of Mud 
 Ifland, the Marquis remarks, ** When we 
 recolle<!t the innumerable obflacles the Eng- 
 lifli had to furmount in the prefent war, it 
 is difficult to aiTign the caufe of their fuc- 
 cefTes ; but if we turn our eyes on all the 
 unforefeen events which have deceived the 
 expe(5lations of the Americans, and fruf- 
 trated their beft concerted meafures, one 
 cannot but be perfuaded that they were de- 
 voted to deflrudtion, and that the alliance 
 with France alone proved the means of 
 their prefervation." There never can be 
 a greater panegyric bellowed on the Britifli 
 generals than what this fentence contains ; 
 innumerable obftacles they did furmount, 
 and it did not depend on them to crufli the 
 naval power of France. 
 
 The 
 
 4i 
 
[ 3 ] 
 
 The Marquis, in viewing the redoubts 
 thrown up by the Britifh in front of Phila- 
 delphia, remarks on the defedt of the po- 
 fition ; and he might have related that the 
 houfes, which he takes care to mention as 
 deftroycd near that fpot, were thrown down 
 to ftrengthen it. He then fays, " At every 
 flep one takes in America, one is aftonifhed 
 at the ftriking contraft between the con- 
 tempt in which the Engli(h afFeded to hold 
 their enemies, and the extreme precautions 
 they took on every occalion." There can- 
 not be a greater proof of military talents in 
 a commander in chief than this obfcr- 
 vation. 
 
 The Marquis fays, that " the Englifh 
 attack confifls in general in a brifk fire 
 rather than in clofing with the enemy.'* 
 This French officer is unacquainted with 
 the theory of the Britifli army; and to 
 apply with the dridell: truth his own words 
 to one of its generals, " the many unfore- 
 feen events that deceived their expedlations'* 
 prevented fir Henry Clinton from inftrudl- 
 ing him and the French troops at Rhode 
 Ifland in its pradicc. 
 
 8 2 The 
 
 ■k 
 
r 
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 The limits of this pamphlet preclude mc 
 from entering into the detail of the lefs 
 important events of the war. Suffice it to 
 obferve, that the Marquis has been much 
 milled in the account that he relates of 
 them ; and what he faid in raillery to M. 
 Fayette, on one occafion, may in fober fe- 
 rioufnels be applied to him and his other 
 military informers on all, ** He was a Gafcon 
 as well as the reft of them." When the 
 Marquis de Chaftellux relates that he was 
 at the houfe where lord Cornwallis came 
 to take Mr. Lincoln, he forgets to re- 
 count that, although his lordfliip mifled 
 the general, he took what was better, his 
 cannon. 
 
 The efcape of Mr. Wafhington from 
 Trenton, and that of the marquis de la 
 Fayette, are not juftly related: it is cer- 
 tain they did efcape, and the Marquis does 
 not praife them for being placed where 
 flight was neceflary for their prefervation. 
 To his remark on the battle of Brandy- 
 wine, I only add, that darknefs prevented 
 the purfuit j and had it not, it muft have 
 been ineffedtual, for Mr. Waihington wrote 
 a letter that night many miles from the 
 
 field 
 
[ 5 1 
 
 field of adion, and the gentlemen of 
 France, whofe engagements in the Rebel 
 fervice at this time were contrary to the 
 laws of nations, were not lefs panic-flruck : 
 thej^ were flying, and on their journey con- 
 lidering whether it would not be better 
 for them to retreat by the Ohio to the 
 MifTiflippi, and fo to Old France 2 they 
 cxpedled that the people of the country 
 would rife up againft them ; not being 
 able to forefee that a fevere and more than 
 tropical rain, a few nights after, would 
 " fruftrate the bell concerted meafures" of 
 fir William Howe, and preferve Waftiing- 
 ton's army from deftrudtion *. 
 
 At 
 
 * The Marquis Is in doubt whether the Britifli 
 troops, who paflcd Chafisford, were in one or two co- 
 lumns. Though I have failed in my enquiries relative 
 to this point, I have met with an anecdote that may 
 illuftrate his account, and deferves to be made more 
 generally known. The Marquis was informed, that 
 the redoubt which Mr. Walhington had thrown up to 
 cover Chadsford, *' could not be taken, unlefs turned.** 
 Lieutenant-colonel Moncrief, then captain, was in the 
 front of a column, which advanced to a redoubt : 
 there was a howitzer in it, loaded with grape fliot, 
 pointed direftly towards the column, and a man 
 ftanding by it with a lighted match in his hand; 
 
 colonel 
 
[ 6 J 
 
 At the affair of German Town, the Mar- 
 quis blames general Wafhington's inten- 
 tions, as being beyond his force; here 
 we moft perfectly agree : the execution of 
 his defiga can be well explained from the 
 Marquis's recital : ** A thick fog came on, 
 favourable to the march, but which ren- 
 dered the attack more difficult, as it became 
 impoflible to coiicert the movements, and 
 extend the troops." He adds, " The Eng- 
 lifh piquet were furprifed, put to the rout, 
 and driven to the camp." The fad: is, a 
 battalion of light infantry and the fortieth 
 regiment were in advance ; the piquet 
 guard was driven in by the enemy 5 nor 
 could it be fuppofed that two battalions 
 ihould witlifland, or were meant to with- 
 ftand, an army ; they retreated alfo, and the 
 enemy poflelTed themfelves of their camp ; 
 under the cover of the fog, and, in confe- 
 
 colonol Moncrlef, with his ufual prefencc of mind, 
 called out, •* I'll put you to death, if you fire:" the 
 man threw down the match, and ran olTj had he 
 fired, he could equally have efcapcd, and in all pro- 
 bability colonel Moncrief had not lived to difplay his 
 energy and abilities in the defence of Sarc^nah and 
 the conquell of Charles Town. 
 
 quencc 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 quence of their numbers, they had nearly 
 turned the right of the fortieth regiment, 
 when colonel Mufgrave fhewed his military 
 talents, and decifive application of them, 
 by throwing himfelf and his battalion into 
 Chews Houfe. General Wafhington loft 
 time at this houfe ; but had he immediately 
 advanced, he would have found the BritiHi 
 army in order of battle, and ready to receive 
 him ; they, however, could not leave their 
 pofition to attack, till the fog cleared up : 
 as foon as this happened, they did advance, 
 and general Wafhington and his people 
 fled on all fides *. The Marquis de. Chaf- 
 tcllux only lays, " The piquet was fui- 
 prifed, and fled," (it fled of courfe, and this 
 is rather a proof it was not furprifed) ; but 
 the tranflator heightens the exprellion, and 
 applies it to the army ; and then affirms the 
 Marquis calls it " a complete furprize," 
 and goes on to queftion the evidence which 
 fir George Olbornc gave in the houfe of 
 
 • This precipitate flight orcafioned an o.Ticer to fay, 
 upon the field oi battle, •• Wuflilngton may write a 
 (horter letter to Congrefs than he diil after Brandy- 
 wine i he may copy CiElar's words, wllli a flii;ht alte- 
 ration, rriif 'i'iri'i iJi^i." 
 
 commons, 
 
; I 
 
 I 
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 commons, *' That the army was not fur- 
 prifed at German Town;" a teftimony 
 which, if it was necellary, could now be 
 confirmed by whole regiments. I am forry 
 that the gallantry of the afTault made upon 
 Red Bank by colonel Donop meets with no 
 applaufe from an officer : indeed it needs 
 none ; its plain recital is fufficient : nor 
 can the hiftory of the war among the con- 
 tending nations, exhibit any thing parallel 
 to the undaunted refolution and perfeverancc 
 fhewn in that unfortunate attempt. 
 
 On what principle does the Marquis de 
 Chaftellux remark, ** That the gallows 
 ought to be the reward of the exploits of 
 thirty foldiers, or regimented tories, who, 
 detached with the Indians, had burnt up- 
 wards of two hundred houfes, and deftroyed 
 above one hundred thoufand bufliels of 
 corn ?" Does the French Nobleman con- 
 demn thefe men for loyalty ? Or does the 
 Officer think the deftrudlion of one hundred 
 thouu\nd buHiels of corn no objed of mi- 
 litary expedition ? No lofs to an army, 
 which is defcribcd to have been frequently 
 in the utmoft want of food ? Or muft they 
 fuffer becaufc they a6t with Indians ? How 
 
 g exalttfd 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 cx.ilted then mail bs the gallows for M. 
 P^iyette, who made ufe of thefe people, not 
 in a frontier country, where the inhabitants 
 are more fivage and barbarous than the In- 
 dians, but, as M. de Chaftelkix informs 
 us, within fifteen miles of the city of Phi- 
 ladelphia ! 
 
 As the following pages will contain ob- 
 fervations more of a civil than a military 
 complexion, I fhall now introduce the .. 
 Tranflator to the notice of my readers. He 
 flyles himfelf an " Englilhman ;" I can 
 fcarcelv believe him. He relates his hav- 
 ing been in ** the feventeenth regiment /' 
 that he had been ** an apprentice to a I.on- 
 don merchant, a Swiis, who was violent in 
 his approbation of tlie governmcnt-mca- 
 fures againft the Americans, and fupplied 
 them fecretly with gunpowder/' th.it he 
 had ferved on board an '* American priva- 
 teer, with wretches of every defciiption ;" 
 that he was ** in the Texel and in Ame- 
 rica during the war ;" he alfo adds, that he 
 law the camps in England : if io, he 
 probably vifited them upon that func ho- 
 nourable motive which brought M. Fayette 
 to London, Ions after he had determined 
 
 C to 
 
r 
 
 [ 
 
 lO 
 
 ] 
 
 to enter into the fervice of the Congrcis. 
 If he be an Englifliman, his own reproba- 
 tion of White may fuit him, whom he 
 ilcfcribcs as going over to the enemy, and 
 ** diflingiiilliing himfclf by every acft of 
 virulence againfl his country." 
 
 The war has ceafed, but not with the 
 Tranilator : his bufinefs is to vihfy the 
 Britilh artny, whofe officers, he affirms, 
 broke their parole ; but that " out of re- 
 ipcitt to their families, he does not mention 
 their names." He alfo fpeaks of a ** Britifli 
 chaplain, as dividing plunder" on the march 
 through the Jerfeys. He affeds to " blufli 
 for England :" if he really felt for the honour 
 of that country, he would mention names, 
 and not by concealing them be injurious to 
 the whole community ; but flories like his 
 arc improbable in themfelves, and will not 
 1 e believed on the anonymous aflertions of 
 one, who, by his own account, has acted 
 both as a lurking fpy and avowed rebel to 
 his country. TheTranllator heightens the 
 ravages of the Britilh army to the grcatell 
 degree, and the good difciplineof the French 
 is Ipoken of with enthufiafm : the fituatioa. 
 of the armies admitted of no comparifon -, 
 
 to 
 
[ II ] 
 
 to form one, we mufl take the Britifli troops 
 as they now are marching from town to 
 town in England; the French army had 
 no enemy to oppofe^ and the way was 
 fmoothed before them. Refentment againft 
 the fuperiority of the Britidi arms in the 
 former war inflamed their hopes, and po- 
 h'cy regulated their condiicft : on the con- 
 trary, the Britifh army, when no enemy 
 dared to oppofe them in the field, were 
 yet f.rcd upon by a fkulking peafantry, 
 whom no laws, or ufage of European war, 
 could juftify; their characters were aflafli- 
 nated by fuch inftruments as the Tranfla- 
 tor, while rebel America affedted to be 
 aftonifhed that war brought with it any de- 
 predations or miferies. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux feems to have 
 caught the political contagion : for him, 
 and thofe who think like him, it will not 
 be improper to relate fome of the futfer- 
 ings of Germany in the former war, from 
 the difcipline of France and the avarice of 
 its general : if the troops of that ambitious 
 country are now under a better difcipline, 
 and the fentimcnts of their generals arj as 
 delicate and fenfitivc as thofe of the Mar- 
 
 C 2 
 
 qu 
 
 IS 
 
[ «2 ] 
 
 qiiis de Challclhix, the pandc(fts of Quebec, 
 Miniien, and Rofbach have produced admir- 
 able effed:s, and Wolfe, Ferdinand, and Fre- 
 derick have been mofl ufeful la\Vgivers. 
 
 I Ihall give a fummary character, from the 
 Annual Regifter, of the conduct of the French 
 army in Hanover, in 1757; a narrative that, 
 in the hands of the marquis de Chaftellux, 
 would have been fpun out into pages, could 
 they detrad: from the glory of Great Britain. 
 *' The moll: exorbitant contributions were le- 
 vied with the moll inflexible feverity ; every 
 exa<^lIon which was fubmitted to, only pro- 
 duced a new one flill more extravagant, and 
 all the orderly methods of plunder did not 
 exempt them from the pillage, licenticuf- 
 ncfs, and iniblence of the French foldiery." 
 T'he baron Gcrmingen, in a memorial pre- 
 fen ted to tlie diet of the empire, fays, ** the 
 damage oi' the firft invalion was feveral mil- 
 iions, they made a fecond invafion, exacted 
 infupportable contributions, plundered fe- 
 veral places, &c. ihcjhle ei:d of 'Zc'/6/c/6 was 
 to r^iVtrrt' the kings dominions and thofc of 
 IL'Jfe'*^'.'' A Frenchman, the ilave of his 
 
 govern - 
 
 * Vengeance foon overtook another armjr of French, 
 
 equalljr 
 
 % 
 
 i 
 
A 
 
 ■4 
 
 [ 13 ] 
 
 government, facrifices every thing to the 
 politics of his king; I am not furprifed 
 therefore at the indil'criminate cenfure that 
 the marquis de Chaftellux beftows upon the 
 Engliih generals and armies ; it is his endea- 
 vour to make them odious : this poffibly he 
 thought became a Frenchman; but an 
 Englifhman, the member of a free govern- 
 ment, w^ould be inconfiftent with its prin- 
 ciples, did he not feledt, to the beft of his 
 power, the deferving from the unworthy ; 
 did he not, in this prefent inftance, add his 
 tcllimony to thofe eulogiums which the peo- 
 
 cqually remarkable for their cruelty ; and the immor- 
 tal Frederick, according to their own Voltaire, met 
 them at Rofbach, where 
 
 Aux plaintes de la Germanic 
 
 L'Orgueil Francois eft ecrafe. 
 •* Depredatory expeditions is a term too (hamefui 
 to be made ufe of in the vocabulary of war, ' fays the 
 Tranflator. The pafl'age I have quoted proves it not to be 
 new, and it ought to be remembered that the prudent 
 Turenne cither burnt the Palatinate, or could not 
 prevent his troops from doing it, through their refent- 
 ment, and without orders. Expeditions of the Britifii 
 troops, which the Tranflator ctWs predatory^ were made 
 to dcftroy privateers, and their arfenals ; as the Tranf- 
 lator was not of their councils of war, it is among his 
 abfurditics to prefumc to give the fentiments of its 
 mcmbcrg, which neceffarily were /r.r//. 
 
 '-1; 
 
[ 14 ] 
 
 il 
 
 pie of Hanover beftow on the military vir- 
 tue and good faith of the duke of Randan. 
 
 Much of the ravages in America v/as at- 
 tributed to the Heffians : it was certainly 
 difficult to inculcate into them that the 
 country fliould enjoy the advantages of 
 peace, the inhabitants of which were in 
 arms againft them j and who hourly violat- 
 ed the regulations which Europe has adopt- 
 ed to lelien the calamities of war. A very 
 refpedtable officer of the Heliians obferved, 
 and it was not contradidted by any of thofe 
 prefent who had ferved in Germany, " that 
 even the allied army, when it drove the 
 French marauders from IleiTe, pillaged the 
 country more than the Heiiians or Britifh 
 did America j" and added he, with great in- 
 dignation, ** no American town has been 
 laid under contribution, and what is there 
 to deftroy ? wooden houfes deferted of their 
 inhabitantvS, pigs, and poultry." 
 
 The marquis's Journal bears teftimony to 
 the real poverty and the fancied magnificence 
 of America. An European, upon looking 
 on the maps of Britifh America, miftakes 
 capital letters for cities, and thefize offome 
 diftrict or townfliip for a large town. From 
 
 the 
 
[ 15 ] 
 
 the Marquis he will learn, that he and his 
 fuite could fcarcely be accommodated with 
 provifions at an immoderate price ; and he 
 will then eflimate the difficulties that an 
 army muft have laboured under for fublift- 
 ancein the country. The Tranflator fpeaks 
 to its almoll impoflibility, when lord Corn- 
 wallis's army receded from Rivers ; and fure- 
 ly this alone muft excufe foldiers for taking 
 provifions wherever they could find them^ 
 it being an avowed maxim of European war, 
 to live upon an enemy's country. In gene- 
 ral, the Britifh armies were fupplied with 
 provifions from England; an immenfe ope- 
 ration ! but which proves the little inclina- 
 tion that its government had to carry on the 
 war in its utmoft rigour, and that it did not 
 confider its revolted colonies as enemies ; 
 that it did not look upon them as the duke 
 de Richelieu did on the unhappy inhabitants 
 of Hanover, or as Mr. Waihington and 
 the provincial afi^emblies did on the Tories, as 
 they politically termed them, whofe whole 
 property they confifcated, and whofe perfons 
 they banilhed. Charles Town, near Bof- 
 ton, was burnt* during the heat of a(Sion, 
 and it was necellary in a military light; 
 
 Houfes 
 
 (■• 
 
 i 
 
[ «6 ] 
 
 Houfes and forage fuffered the fame fate in 
 the vicinity of Bofton, by general Wafhing- 
 ton's army ; they too confumed the houfes 
 in the neighbourhood of White Plains. 
 Thefe, and many others, were military o- 
 perations; but Norfolk in Virginia, unne- 
 ceffarily burnt by their back-woodfmen, 
 contained in it more houfes and a greater 
 property than the licentioufnefs of the Bri- 
 tifh foldiers ever deflroyed. 
 
 The Loyalifts are mentioned in this work 
 with the utmoft calumny and hatred : this 
 their principles, fo different from thofe of 
 the Author or Tranflator, naturally account 
 for — The tranflator fays, ** the Loyalifts 
 ravaged fome parts of America it is true ; 
 but ruined England, by infpiring her ene- 
 mies with an irreconcileable hatred." The 
 irreconcileable hatred to England was in- 
 fpired by the " enlightened few*." Such 
 incendiaries as the Tranflator may add fewel 
 to it; but, by the bleffing of God, the 
 ruin of England is not likely to be the refult 
 of their wiflies. 
 
 * This is the Tranflator's term for thofe *' few," 
 who, according to the Author, led the Virginians 
 into revolt, and, agreeable to the Tranflator, formed 
 the government of North Carolina. 
 
 I beg 
 
in 
 
 ins 
 ed 
 
 [ 17 ] 
 
 I hcg now the attention of the readers of 
 the marquis dc Chailellux's Travels, to the 
 numhers of the Britiih and Irifli whom the 
 Tmnflator's notes point out as holding the 
 ^ higheft ports in America, and to his obferva- 
 tion that the latter pof]lefled as much ener- 
 gy at leaft, and ierved that country " with 
 as much enthufiailn in the cabinet and the 
 field as the native Americans, and, to ipeak 
 with the late lord Chatham, they infuled a 
 portion of new health into the conftitution." 
 Attend alfo to his remark on Mr. Wafhing- 
 ton's army, for it is a true one ; ** th's ar^ 
 my was compofed of ali nations i yet they 
 feem to be pervaded but by one fpirit, and 
 fought and ad.ed with as much enthufiaihi 
 and ardour as the moil enlightened and de- 
 termined of their leaders." What infer- 
 ences fliall we deduce from this account? 
 Shall we fay that thcfe Iriih leaders, that 
 this army was pervaded with that true ipirit 
 of liberty, which is the refult of liberal c- 
 ducation and of virtuous principles, of a 
 cool judgment and a warm heart j and that 
 it was called forth to adlion by individual 
 difcernment in the one, and perfonal fufier- 
 ings in the other ? Or fliall we fay that the 
 
 D former 
 
 • ii 
 
 HI 
 
 ill 
 
 
I t 
 I I 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 [ i8 ] 
 
 former were refllefs adventurers ; who, likiv- 
 ing nothing to \o[^, had nothing to riik ; 
 and who, from ** fmall beginnings *," aim- 
 ed at the pofTefTions of the LoyaUtls ? That 
 the latter, an affemblage of all nations, 
 were coUedlcd together from neceffity, co- 
 alefced through fear of panilh:"nent, and were 
 preferved in their union by fevxre and uni- 
 form difcipline ? ^/jt:Je are tbc fa:is — 
 Their army was under a more than Pruf- 
 iian difcipline J I fpeak not of its mode, 
 but of its fpirit ; and nothing lefs than fucli 
 a difcipline could poihbly have held toge- 
 ther the outcallis of Europe, and the ban- 
 ditti of the univerfe -f*, 1 detract not from 
 the worldly wifdom of their leaders ; I con- 
 trovert their claims to public virtue and in- 
 
 * The Tranflator's expreflion of Mr. M'Clenachan, 
 who bought Mr. Chew's houfe. 
 
 f Thefe expreflTions are not too ftronfj, they will bear 
 the ftricHieft examination. The fobcr emi;];rant retired 
 into the interior countries, or joined the Britifh army, 
 the felons of England, the adventurers of tiie conti- 
 nent, and thofe Hearts of Steel, and White Boys, 
 who fled from the juftice of Ireland, formed this army, 
 which, under the pretext of liberty, had as many well- 
 wifliers to it as were diffafFeded to the government of 
 phujrch and ftate in Grcfit Britain. 
 
 tec^ritv : 
 
[ 19 ] 
 
 tegrity : I admire the fpirit and ability of 
 Romulus ; but I detefl his fratricide, and 
 the principles of his companions. 
 
 To underfland, and to account for this 
 difcipline, it is neceiTary to remark that the 
 civil government of the feveral Hates v\'as 
 infinitely fubdivided, and diffufed through- 
 out the whole continent; that by this the 
 militia was called out into the field, and the 
 continental army was ready to punifli, and 
 in many cafes did fevercly punifh, any de- 
 lay in obeying its fummons. The militia 
 once out, it formed an horizon round their 
 camps, as ufeful in a military view to pre- 
 vent furprizes, as the light troops of an 
 European army; but their utility was of 
 higher import, they greatly prevented de- 
 fer tion, from the refpedive fituation of the 
 armies difficult in itfelf, and adling on the 
 principles of felf-intereft they efFedually 
 checked marauding, that bane of all armies. 
 The civil government, in the mean time, 
 fined, whipt, banilhed, and hung without 
 mercy, all who oppofed their refolutions ; 
 they feized the prefs throughout America, 
 and in the mod infamous manner managed 
 it to their purpofe ; they moulded many to 
 
 D 2 their 
 
 
 Ill 
 
 i 
 

 [ 20 ] 
 
 thdr vfcws by inflaming their paffions ; to 
 {ohk: they ibid the properties of the Loy.tl- 
 ifts -At 3. low price, who thenceforward bc- 
 csdiic attached to their intercil; others were 
 conneOed to it through fear of punifliment, 
 or dread of petribution j and the whole force 
 of America, civil and military, combined 
 to pbcc j.n Mr, Washington's hands a more 
 feveii?, fy/ieiiiatic, and uniform mode of 
 liifciiphne over his mtrcenary army, than any 
 ^\itii^i:23\ potentate in the time of war can 
 ^I'iiil himlelf of. 
 
 in iupport of the obfervation of the Tranf- 
 Jator, that Wailiingtou's army was com- 
 pofed of all nations, not ot native Aimri- 
 Cijjij i and of my pofitions, that the civil 
 and aiilitiiry powers were cloftly connected 
 with, and mod ilrongly aflifled each other ; 
 the miu-quis de Chaftellux gives thedefcrip- 
 tion of one colony, ** fpeaking of the re- 
 volution unhappily with regret," and of 
 the numbers who were difaffcdted to it in 
 others ; he mentions alfo " Mr. Pendleton, 
 chief juft ice of Carolina, having the cou- 
 rage to haiig three Tories at Charles Town, 
 a few days before the furrender of the town, 
 and was accordingly in great danger of lol'- 
 
 ing 
 
£ 
 
 21 
 
 ] 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 ing his life, had he not ^leaped out of tlic 
 hands of the Englifh, though comprifed In 
 the capitulation." He informs us, likcwife, 
 that when Mr. Ilarrifon had pcrliiadeii the 
 people of Virginia to take his ^ord for it 
 that the congrefs a<5led properly, *' he, Mr- 
 Harrifon, found himfelf greatly rcHevcd hy 
 afpccch made by lord Norlh, foon after this 
 fpeech was printed (properly garbled with- 
 out doubt), and the public papers irnd all 
 America rang with its contents/* 
 
 The marquis fays, *' governor Clinton is 
 inexorable to the Tories, whom he makes 
 tremble, though they are very numerous * :" 
 and well might he, for the Britifli govei*n- 
 ment executed no man through the war for 
 his civil principles ; yet v/hat province, 
 what county, what town in America, has 
 not ibme dreadful truth to relate of Loyaliils 
 
 * Mr. Payne, in his famous publication of Common. 
 Senfc, pfcvious to the declaration of independency, 
 fays, '* a line of di(lin£lion (houhl be drawn betwccu 
 Engliih foldicrs taken in battle, -and inhabitants of A<- 
 nicrica taken in arms. The lirll arc priloncrfi, but the 
 latter arc traitors. The one forfeits his libeitv, <hc o- 
 ther his head." As the Britilh govcrnmejit oiJ no: 
 proceed upon thcfc principles, nothing but conkicncc 
 rould make Pendleton think it pri^pcr lo cfcape ffom 
 Charle« Townt 
 
 executed 
 
I 22 ] 
 
 executed for oftences againft laws to which 
 they had not afiented, and by a power whofe 
 legality they had always denied ? More per- 
 fons were put to death by the hands of the 
 executioner, in obedience to the rebel legif- 
 lature, than fufFered a fimilar fate from both 
 parties, during the civil wars of Charles the 
 Firft's reign *. 
 
 Nor was this the whole that the unfortu- 
 nate Loyalifts fufFered ; upon them murder 
 was let loofe ; mobs and the virulence of 
 demagogues were fomented by the magi- 
 flrates, to deftroy thofe whom no pretexts 
 of their laws could reach ; and this happen- 
 ed not in the barbarous and diftant parts of 
 the continent, but in commercial towns, 
 and in colonies on the vicinity of the fea- 
 coaft. Nothing but a wilh to place truth 
 in its real lij^ht, and to refcuc the Loyal- 
 ifls from the infamous al'perfions thrown on 
 them by the enemies of Great Britain, could 
 draw thel'e remarks from me j but the in- 
 flances of thcfe murders are fo numerous, 
 and the proofs fo ftrong, that fliould they 
 
 • France became the pander to American cruelty, 
 and fomeiimes ihc executioner of its political punifh- 
 ments. 
 
 be 
 
[ 23 ] 
 
 be produced, it would be confelTed that 
 modern times are ignorant of fuch another 
 catalogue, and Europe would blufh for its 
 American offspring. The Tranflator relates 
 an inftance of murder in the back country, 
 which amidft all his palliatives and artifice, 
 will make an European fhudder, and which 
 is even worfe than all the calumnies, were 
 they true, that he and his author have fhed 
 upon the Loyalifls, and the Britifli generals 
 and armies. 
 
 " The inhabitants of the back frontiers 
 of Penfylvania, goaded to fury by the ra- 
 vages of the Indians, took the field; in 
 one of their excurfions they fell in with a 
 fmall tribe of Chriftian Indians, called the 
 Mufkingaws, who being fufpedted of at- 
 tachment to the Americans, had been for 
 fome time confined at Detroit, and were re- 
 leafed only on condition of obfcrving a ftrid: 
 neutrality ; thefe unhappy wretches, to the 
 number of two hundred, returning to their 
 habitations, were employed in putting their 
 feed -corn into the ground, when they were 
 furprifcd by the American militia ; in vain 
 did they urge their fituation, and their fuf- 
 fcrings from the Britifli; they were Indians, 
 
 and 
 

 mr 
 
 and their captors' men who had loll:, Ibme 
 brothers, fatliers, v/ives^ mid children in this 
 horrid war; no other plea was necelTary to 
 pailiite their meditated vengeance. The 
 Iiidinins iverc all fliut up in a barn, and or- 
 dered to prepire for death, but with this 
 baifyjraus canlblatioay that as they were con- 
 verte-d Chriftiajis they Ihould bo allowed a 
 icfpkc till the next inortiing ; the innocent 
 vidtirns: fpcnt tlie ni^^ht in fingini^ Moravian 
 h}TOns\» and other adts of Chrifliaii devotion, 
 and in the morning wctc led, men, women. 
 and children tO' the flaughter, and butcher- 
 ed by their fellow-worihippcrs- of the meek 
 Jefus. Thcr iV'loravians at Bethlehem and 
 Nazareth, whofe millionaries had converted 
 them, made ilrong rcprefentations to con- 
 grcfs on the fabje(ft. I was at Philadelphia 
 ivhcn the news arrived, and it is but jullitc 
 toiay that horror was painted on every coun- 
 tenance, and every mind was at work to dc- 
 viie expedients for avenging this atrociou-? 
 murder; but, after various eilbrts, both con- 
 grefs and the aflembly of the ftate were 
 found unequal to the punishment of thefe 
 ailailins, who were armed, diftant from tlic 
 Jeat of governrrent, the only fafeguard and 
 
 7 protedlioii 
 
[ 2S ] 
 
 protedion of the frontiers ; and from their 
 own fivage nature alone fit to cope with the 
 dreadful enemy brought into a6tion by the 
 Britifli." So far the the Tranflator. 
 
 " The all-feeing eye of divine jufcice a- 
 lone can difcover and make known the au- 
 thors of fuch a crime ; but if difcovered. 
 Oh ! for the voice of Stentor, and the trum- 
 pet of Fame, to devote the vile perpetrators 
 to prefent and future horror, and to anounce 
 to all fovereigns and generals in chief, that 
 the enormities which they tolerate or leave 
 unpunidied will accumulate upon their heads, 
 and at fome future time render them the ex- 
 ecration of a pofterity, ftill more fcnfible and 
 more enlightened than we are yet." This 
 is a retledion of the marquis de Challcllux, 
 but not by him applied to this pafHige. It 
 is in the French manner, and I think it will 
 appear proper in the opinion of the Englilli 
 reader as 1 have placed it : here it is a more 
 applicable execration again R thole ** hunters 
 of men," the armed affaflins of congrefs, 
 the favages of the back- countries, than as it 
 was denounced by the marquis on the fpec- 
 tacle of a lingle event of this war. 
 
 The Marquis relates that he met with a 
 
 E man 
 
 !-fr 
 
I 
 I f 
 
 I'i 
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 n)an pale in appearance, and whofe wife 
 iliewed to him a piece of his Ikull that had 
 been cut out ; and he was informed that the 
 man had received fifteen or fix teen wounds 
 with a hanger. *' I was the more concern- 
 ed, lays the Marquis, to learn that it was 
 after he had received his firll wound and was 
 made prifoner tha* ..^ had been fo treated." 
 Then follows ♦■^^ . exclamation I have recit- 
 ed. Any ill uiage of prifoners is certainly 
 unwarrantable, and infamous to a degree ; 
 fuppofmg it to be proved, and not depend 
 upon this man's own account, that he had 
 furrendcred ; and that after furrcndering, as 
 many of his countrymen did, he had not 
 ag.un made ufe of his arms ; or that fome 
 rufiian had executed this villainous outrage 
 upon him ; ll:ill it appears to me that the 
 Marquis's vivacious language is but ill ap- 
 plied to a general or a ibvcreign, unlefs their 
 orders had directed luch cruelties, or that 
 they were endowed with ubiquity to prevent 
 them, and did not make ufe of it. I there- 
 fore think I have done the Marquis' fenti- 
 n^ents judice, in adapting them to a repro- 
 bation of cool, difpftiiionare, unprincipled 
 murder/ not a^^kd ia heat of blood, but af- 
 ter 
 
 i!! 
 
[ 27 ] 
 
 ; ; 
 
 ter a more than diabolical confultatioii. Nor 
 was even this atrocious murder of the Indi- 
 ans lingular ; a full and well attefted narra- 
 tive has appeared in the ncwfpapers, of a 
 Britifh major, whofe name I am forry I have 
 forgotten, being murdered with other pri- 
 foners, many days after he was taken ; and 
 thefe deeds of blood were frequently repeated 
 in detail upon the Loyalifts ; fo that it is no 
 wonder that they fliould be irritated, to 
 wreak upon Huddy*, a wretch marked with 
 a thoufand crimes, the vengeance due to their 
 flaughtcred countrymen, and calculated for 
 a better purpofe than vengeance ; the pre- 
 venting future barbarities. That this prin- 
 ciple was a jufl one, let the marquis de 
 Chaflellux teflify, who, in the cafe of the 
 thirty regimented Tories, before mentioned, 
 fays, ** they ought to have been executed; 
 but the enemy having alfo made fome prifon- 
 ers, reprii'als were dreaded, and thele rob- 
 
 • The Loyal ifts felt equally, :it leaft as other men, 
 for captain Afj;ili's fuficiiiigs, and they equally rejoice 
 in that young gentleman's being rcftored to his friends 
 and country, after exhibiting in his unfortunate fitua- 
 tion an heroifm that his companions bear teltimony of, 
 and which the United States, in all their records, can- 
 not parallel. 
 
 E 2 bers 
 
ii 
 
 if] 
 
 [ 28 ] 
 
 bers were only confined in rigorous andclofe 
 irnprifonment." If the government of Great 
 Britain retaliated upon no man, it proves 
 that its hopes were to reclaim, not to tie- 
 llroyi and let tliofe vv'ho arraign its want 
 of firrnnefs, refpc(5t its clemency. 
 
 The marquis de Chailellux blames ge- 
 neral Burgoyne for burning a houfe of Mr. 
 Schuyler; the Tranflator produces general 
 Burgoyne's account of the matter; and n •- 
 lirary judges will leave to the Marquis his 
 choice of being a malignant narrator, or an 
 injudicious officer : nor fliould I here men- 
 tion this matter, bui to draw fro.n the Tranf- 
 lator's charadler of that general, a realbii 
 whv Great Britain was unfuccelsFul in the 
 war. " The Tranllator knows general iiur- 
 goyne to be a foidieroi honour, v/ho in that 
 capacity never willies to forget the para- 
 mount duties of a citizen and a man." The 
 people of England reafoned as men may 
 well be fuppofcd to do, who are blelled by 
 nature and their own fpirit with ample pro- 
 tection from the injuries of internal war; 
 long may they befo! They felt every wound 
 iuHiclcd on America, and flirunk from its 
 biire recital; iuid, from their com paihon and 
 
 generous 
 
# 
 
 [ 29 ] 
 
 generous wiflies, they feem to have believed 
 that confuhon was capable of all the mild 
 leledtions of order, that war might b. adnii- 
 niftcred without individual calamity, and 
 that the duties of peace were flill paramount. 
 America aded differently, ** Hollis, hoflcni 
 occidere volui," ran through her whole pro- 
 ceedings, it fharpened the axe of her alfum- 
 ed juflice, and pointed the dagger of her 
 affaffination. She left the well-known line 
 of the poet, its application, and inefficacy to 
 her mother country, 
 
 *' Parcere fubjedlis & debellare fuperbos." 
 
 Great Britain accepted of it, and dired- 
 ed the operations of mercy to precede thofe 
 of conqueft. This anticipation principally 
 loil her America. 
 
 I join in the marquis de Chaflellux's ob- 
 fervations on Mr. Read ; / know^ in the 
 profperous lituation of the Britifli affairs in 
 1777, and before the unhappy event at Tren- 
 t0\vn, that Bowes Read, a brother of go- 
 vernor Read, croffed the Delaware from Pen- 
 fylvania, and took, .with the prefcribed 
 forms, a Britilh protedlion from a Heffian 
 cfficer, I believe colonel Donop, at the fame 
 
 time 
 
I 
 
 1^ 
 
 [ 
 
 3^ 
 
 ] 
 
 time I^e rcqiieftfd one for his brother the 
 grroernory which colonel Donop declined 
 ^'iving him, nnlefs he fliould appear in per- 
 {qv,. Soon after Bowes Read acted hirnlelf 
 m a civil employment in the ilate of New 
 JcL-lcy ; and the governor, it is well known, 
 as the Marquis obferves, ** publifned and 
 exaggerated the ofters that were made him 
 by governor Johnlbn, and attained his end 
 cf playing a leading part in the country." 
 The Marquis fays that Read is an enemy of 
 Dr. Franklin's. They are worthy rivals. 
 The doctor was equally fiifpided , in the be- 
 ginning of the war, in xA.merica, as in Eng- 
 land ; and though there is no doubt but that 
 he was then the ambitious and inveterate e- 
 ficmy of the latter, it would have been dif- 
 iicalt to prove it, had ar-y fmifter event wi- 
 thered his hopes in their progrefs to matu- 
 rity. The Tranflator (ays, ** Dr. Franklin, 
 whofe amiable and phib.fbpliic mind lin- 
 cerely laments all the evils attendant on hu- 
 jnanity, ufed frequently to regret the par- 
 ticular neceffity under which he forefaw A- 
 merica would fliortly find herfelf, of ufing 
 violence again ft: the lavages, from the bloody 
 fcenes in which they were led by the policy 
 
 of 
 
[ 31 } 
 
 of the Englidi government.'* ' .e mar 
 quis dc Chaftellux philofophifes inthcrame 
 amiable .manner. 
 
 I totally deny Dr. Franklin's evidence, 
 that to the policy of the Englifli government 
 the Indian war is to be attributed; nor is 
 it a novel doctrine that American mercy 
 mull deftroy them. Dr. Franklin well 
 knows that the French let loofe " thefe 
 dogs of war" in the year 1756, and that it 
 coft Great Britain very dear to preferve the 
 Americans from their fury: the murders 
 committed by the favages in violation of a 
 facred capitulation, and in fight of the mar- 
 quis de Montcalm, have lately been brought 
 to the recolledtion of the public ; and Dr. 
 Franklin was in Philadelphia, when a pro- 
 polition was made to a Britiih officer, from 
 a furgeon of that place, to inoculate blan- 
 kets, and to diftribute them as prefents to 
 the Indians, to whom that diforder was fa- 
 tal. Can the fables of Europe match aftory 
 of fo much bafenefs and horror ? It can 
 find its parallel only in the mallacre of the 
 Moravian profelytes, which has been here- 
 tofore related, to whom Britiili faith allow- 
 ed a neutrality, and American mercy denied 
 
 an 
 
I 
 
 
 ni 
 
 [ 32 ] 
 
 an exillence. From the nature of the people 
 oil the American frontiers, the genius of the 
 Indians, and their recolledion of the former 
 perfidies with which the French and A- 
 merican fettlers accufe each other, a neutra- 
 lity is fcarcely ever to be depended upon. 
 
 Dr. Franklin well knows that Congrefs 
 early endeavoured to feduce the Indians to 
 war againft Great Britain. The attempt 
 on Canada was a fecondnry proof of this ; 
 and the Tranflator fpeaks of a perfon who 
 *' was employed by the ftates of Virginia to 
 conciliate the favages, and to obtain their 
 neutrality." " We have been tried and 
 tempted by the Boitonians," was the an- 
 Aver of an old Iroquois chief, to General 
 Burgoyne's fpeech to the Indians ; grateful 
 for the benefits they had received from Great 
 Britain, and dreading the extirpation that 
 attends the marquis de Chaftcllux's philo- 
 fophy, ail temptations were in vain. Ge- 
 neral Burgoyne fufiiciently exemplified in 
 his condu6t how defirous the Britifh go- 
 vernment was of retraining their ravages. 
 
 The Tranllator fays, " Serjeant Glyn's 
 
 character of Mr. Wilkes may with peculiar 
 
 juftice be applied to this great man. Dr. 
 
 7 Franklin, 
 
^ 
 
 n 
 
 s 
 ir 
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
 Franklin ; few men in whole revolving ages 
 can be found who dare oppofe themfelves 
 to the force of tyranny, and whofe fingle 
 breafts contain the fpirit of nations." This 
 great, this eloquent eulogium, if truly ap- 
 plied, reduces the reft of the Americans to 
 be cyphers, or, what is worfe, the tools of 
 Dr. Franklin. Many doubtlefs were fo; 
 but the combuftible materials had long been 
 gathering, not in the oppreflion of Great 
 Britain, but in the original and republican 
 principles of New England j Dr. Franklin 
 became the incendiary, and, regardlefs of the 
 danger to the community, his malignity led 
 him to fnatch lightning from heaven * to 
 confume his perfonal enemies; and if he 
 feized the fceptre from one tyrant, it was to 
 fhare it with a thoufand. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux relates a long 
 converfation that he had with Mr. Samuel 
 Adams upon the principles of a government, 
 
 * A note of the Tranflator's is, 
 
 ** Eripuit coelo fulmen fceptrumque tyranni." 
 
 This verfe is of that virtuous politician and good 
 man Mr. Turgot. The Tranflator has inferted it, aS 
 it feems, by the author's omitting it to be of too high 
 a flavour for French cenfure. 
 
 F of 
 
 ifl 
 
I ; ' 
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 of which, the Marquis fays, Mr. Samuel A- 
 dams was the fabricator. The Tranflator, in 
 a note, fays the Marquis is miftaken ; and 
 that Mr, John Adams was the author of 
 the conlliitution in quellion. I have always 
 underftood that Mr. John Adams, the law- 
 yer, not Mr. Samuel Adams, the malfter, 
 was the author of this conftitution; and 
 indeed an intercepted letter of the former's, 
 at the beginning of the war, developed his 
 Icheme, ai^d the feverity on which he meant 
 to fupport it. Yet, the long converfition 
 the Marquis held on the fubjcd, and his 
 own lagacity, make it fo doubtful, that I can 
 only reconcile the difference by prefuming 
 that Mr. John Adams framed the conllitu- 
 tion J and that the honourable Mr, Samuel 
 Adams claimed the merit of it with the 
 Marquis, who appears to have been furnilh- 
 ed with many limilar refpc<5table informa- 
 tions. Ihe Tranllator remarks, " it was 
 to this houfe the Marquis de la Fayette re- 
 tired, to be cured of the iirft wound he re- 
 ceived in fighting for America. An acci- 
 dent, which I am well affured gave this gal- 
 lant young nobleman more pleafure than 
 niofl of our European petit mattres would 
 
 receive 
 
[ 35 ] 
 
 receive from the mofl flattering proofs of 
 the favour of a miflreis." The account of 
 the Marquis de la Fayette's wound is what 
 has been generally given, excepting that 
 what the Tranllator relates as his own ob- 
 fervation, was part of the original flory ; to 
 which he has, by his ingenuity, given a more 
 favourable turn. The coquetry, the affed- 
 ed coynefs, the prudery, with which the 
 Marquis dallied with his admirers, and dif- 
 played his wound, gave the true idea of a 
 French petit maitre to the beholders, and 
 made him the objedl of ridicule to his fel- 
 low-foldiers. 
 
 Speaking of general Sullivan's expedition 
 againft the Indians, the Tranllator remarks, 
 ** it may be fifely ailertcd, that the journal 
 of this expedition v/ould lole nothing in a 
 comparifon with the fimous retreat ol the 
 ten thoufand, which it would relemble very 
 much if we could compare the mananivres, 
 the objed: of which is attack, with thofe 
 v/hich have no other than the prefervation of 
 a forlorn army." Unhappy Greeks, i\ad 
 you been conquered you would have I'u tier- 
 ed lefs difgracc ! Unfortunate Xenophun ! 
 your talents, your courage, are fo mifcrably 
 
 F 2 degraded. 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 degraded, that even the mild philofophy of 
 Socrates would become indignant, could he 
 but know that his illuftrious difciple was 
 compared to an attorney of New Hamp- 
 shire I 
 
 " General Sullivan, after a month's march, 
 arrived without any check at the intrenched 
 camp, the laft refuge of the favages ; here 
 he attacked them, and was received with 
 great courage, infomuch, that the vidtory 
 would have remained undecided had not the 
 Indians loft many of their chiefs in battle, 
 which never fails to intimidate them, and 
 retreated during the night. The general de- 
 ftroyed their houfes and plantations, fmce 
 which they have never (hewn themfelves in 
 a body. However infufficient and (light the 
 idea may be that I have given of this cam- 
 paign, it may neverthelefs aftoni(h our Eu- 
 ropean military men to learn, that general 
 Sullivan was only a lawyer in 1775, and that 
 in the year 1780 he quitted the army to re- 
 fume his profe(rion, and is now civil gover- 
 nor in New Hampfhire." — European mili- 
 tary men, I am apt to believe, will think, 
 that the whole of this expedition favours 
 ynore of the lawyer than of the foldier ; the 
 
 delay 
 
rs 
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
 deky of prorei^;, nJnute account of thepre- 
 mifes, and oi the apple-trees, which were 
 cnunierated in the American papers as de- 
 ftroyed, the indecifion of the action, and the 
 cofts of fuit, reminded Congrefs of the ge- 
 neral termination of a law-fuitj for they 
 were to pay the bill. 
 
 On the Marquis de Chaftellux's character 
 of colonel Wadfvvorth, the Tranflator's note 
 is, ** The Tranflator cannot forbear adding 
 his teftimony to this brilliant, but exagger- 
 ated eulogium." This furely, in Englifh, 
 muft mean the Marquis's eulogium is bril- 
 liant, but exaggerated ; pretty in itfelf, but 
 not true : and this opinion of the Tranfla- 
 tor I muft beg leave to transfer to the au- 
 thor's charader of Mr. Wafhington. This 
 celebrated man may poflcfs the foundation 
 of political abilities ; for, like other politi- 
 cians, he is hard-hearted and verfatile. The 
 part he had to adt was not a very difficult 
 one J and in the execution of it he was uni- 
 formly fupported by the civil power ; they 
 bore the odium of feverities, which they 
 could not have executed but for his protec- 
 tion ; and he aflumed the appearance of le- 
 nity and forbearance. He had the power 
 
li 
 
 I ' 
 
 ' 
 
 11, 
 
 l:|E, 
 
 1^1 
 
 li 
 
 [ 38 ] 
 
 to cruili all rivals, and his jealoufy made him 
 employ it. He was the natural and abfo- 
 lute difpofer of all military preferment -, he 
 has been called a Fabius, but by thofe only 
 who knew the Roman by newfpaper allu- 
 fions. The fyftem of the one was, at his 
 out-fet, procraftination, that of the other of- 
 fenfive war ; and what the Roman adopted 
 from choice, the Virginian was driven into 
 from neceflity. 
 
 The American buzzard (hould be flripped 
 of the eagle's plumage. The nature and 
 ivic of this publication prevent me from a 
 }>erfe(5t and regular analyfis of his conduct ; 
 but I may obfcrve, that the credit which 
 our merchants of London gave to the Ame- 
 ricans in commerce, all ranks of Engliilimen 
 extend to them in a political and military 
 line : hence they believe in their profeflions 
 of virtue, and magnify accidental fuccefs in- 
 to uniform ability. Credit degenerates into 
 credulity. No greater inftance can be given 
 than in the general praife fliowered upon 
 Wafliington for not ufurpisg the govern- 
 ment of America, and overturning the con- 
 flitution of his country. I Ihould not have 
 remarked it, but that this moderation is fup- 
 
 pofed 
 
 <.:i 
 
[ 39 ] 
 
 pofed to be the refult of an uniform condud, 
 and that it eftabliihed the virtuous confiften- 
 cy of his charader. I fliall ftate a few fadls, 
 that will prove he could not have oppofed 
 his army to the country ; and I fhall pub- 
 lifli allertions that have hitherto been un- 
 contradided, and obfervations which fup- 
 port them, and deny to Mr. WaHiington 
 the merit of confiftency. I have formerly 
 analyfed the American army ; and agreed 
 with the Tranflator of the Marquis de Chaf- 
 tcllux's Memoirs, that it was an alTemblage 
 of all nations. Had it been an army of na- 
 tives, it would have been an army of agita- 
 tors ; and a real Cromwel would have fnatch- 
 ed the fword of empire from an imaginary 
 one^: but neither Congrcfs nor Walhing- 
 ton could have led this heterogeneous army 
 again ft any one ftate ; it would have moul- 
 dered away on its march, and periflied in the 
 onfet. I believe Mr. John Adams to have 
 feen as far as any man in Europe or Ameri- 
 ca; his original objeil was to eftabliih a 
 
 ip- 
 
 Ifcd 
 
 * I will not degrade the virtues and military talents 
 of Fairfax by comparing him to Wafl)ini;ton, the rc- 
 femblance would be much the f.ime as between Xeno- 
 phon and Sulliv,»n. 
 
 B republic ; 
 
Lilt IM 
 
 l<'' 
 
 ' I 
 
 III 
 
 -'! 
 
 m 
 
 [ 40 ] 
 
 republic ; and he never loft fight of it. To 
 conceal their intentions, to deny, and to dif- 
 avow, " fallere & eifugere" (which has been 
 fo often and fo well applied to American ar- 
 mies), were the means by which the Con- 
 grefs paved their way to fuccefs : indepen- 
 dency was the point at which Mr. Adams 
 aimed; this was the goal, where he ex- 
 pe(Sed to triumph. At the commence- 
 ment of the war, when England was in 
 hourly expectation of amicable accommoda- 
 tion, and Congrefs dreaded that a fkirmifli 
 might be decilive, this able man then de- 
 clared, " we can fight Great Britain for 
 five years with her own weapons" (mean- 
 ing European emigrants), " and it is flrange 
 if, during that period, fome fortunate e- 
 vent does not happen in Europe to befriend 
 us." He did forefee this, and he might 
 conje(5lure, that he fliould become an am- 
 baflador to the court of Great Britain ; but 
 it was beyond his forefight, that America 
 probably owes her fafety to the compofi- 
 tion of her army, to her defenders be- 
 ing aliens, and not natives ; in either cafe, 
 Mr. Wafliington, as the leader of it, was 
 not to be dreaded, 
 
 I bear 
 
[ 
 
 ■ix 
 
 ] 
 
 I bear no refentment to that general ; his 
 virtues and his vices are now out of the 
 qneftion j and v^hether he continues a land- 
 jobber in Virginia, or the prelidcnt ot' 
 Congrefs, is totally indifferent. The expo- 
 fition of truth is all my delign. Succefs 
 animates a mercenary army ; Mr. Wafn- 
 ineton had no hold on this chain of union. 
 The capture of Lord Cornwallis's army 
 was the effecfl of joint operation and French 
 artillery. The furprize of Washington at 
 Brandywine, and defeat at German Town, 
 have not added to his reputation ; and the 
 terming his repulfe at Monmouth a defeat 
 of the Britidi army, proved, that having 
 allumed French politic?, he was intoxicat- 
 ed with their manners. The Congreis 
 called it a victory, the army knew the term 
 to be a " diilionourable gafconade." Sol- 
 diers draw their concluiions, not from 
 gazettes ^^'hich they hear, but from opera- 
 tions to which they contribute. 
 
 The ar.ny having little reafon to rely on 
 the abilities of the general, we ihall now 
 fee what rii^ht it had to confide in the m.i- 
 Jitary talents of thofe fecondary perfons, 
 the intermediate links between the com- 
 
 G mander 
 
 t 
 
[ 42 ] 
 
 rnander in chief and the army, the general 
 officers, whom Mr. Wafhington trufled 
 and employed. M. Fayette, whom I again 
 call, in the Marquis de Chaftellux's terms, 
 ** a CJafcon as well as the reft of them," 
 was diftinguiihed in every American Ga- 
 zette by name*, and no w'lcre by adion. 
 General Wayne, iiyJcfatigabb, active, and 
 brave, had niatle fjme amends, by his tak- 
 ing of Stoncy Point, ior having himfclf 
 been circumvented by hr Charles Grey in 
 a fituation moif diUi;raccful to a foldier, 
 that of being lurpriled by an army, whofe 
 motions he was fent to cbferve ; if he 
 
 * The Marquis de la Fayette's claim to any military 
 reputation I abfolutcly deny; that he was a rjian vi 
 political confcquer.ce cannot be difnuted; nor can 
 there be a better i'lea of ic than in wliat the INTarquis 
 de Chailellux afR-rts, ** That private letters iVuni him 
 have frequently produce ' more efFecl on fonie (tares 
 thyn the (ironjicU exhortations from the Congrefs ;" 
 but this remark lelllns our idea of Atntrican union. 
 Congvefs mull have wanted principle in their exhor- 
 tations, or patrlotifm in the fcparate dates by no means 
 been uuiverfal. M. Fayette's ainiing to command un 
 enterprize that Sduiyltr had projected againlt Canada, 
 -as the M. de Challcllux relates, it d(jes him no ciedit, 
 and difgraces Wafliingtcu ; Schuyler was too cunning 
 ior both. 
 
 fhould 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 
 urn 
 itcs 
 
 fliould ever read my account of the Marquis 
 de la Fayette, he will enjoy it, and lay it is 
 true. Alifflen and Lee were driven from 
 the arrr.y tliey had often faved. M. de 
 ChafleJlux heard Mifilen harangue in the 
 fenate; and, from his defcription, it was 
 with that lame fuperiority and imperatorial 
 dignity which, in the greatcft emergencies, 
 he diiftated to general VVadiington the 
 means of his prefervation. As an American 
 foldier, Lee was the moft injured man in 
 the univerfe ; as an Englifhman, he pro- 
 fefTed to fight on the fame principles which 
 made fo beautiful a figure in the fpeeches 
 of the Britidi parliament. The generals 
 Sullivan and Stirlin? often invaded the 
 iilands in the pofTeilion of the Britilh : 
 their firfl imprifonment always made them 
 attentive to fecure a retreat, and they re- 
 treated ** bootlefs, weather-beaten," and 
 difgraced. General Gates, the nominal 
 conqueror of general Burgoyne, laid laurels, 
 not his own, at lord Cornwallis's feet, f Je 
 is no hypocrite, but real in his love for li- 
 berty ; and if Wan;iington, as the Tranf- 
 lator hints, replaced him in his confidence, 
 it was not while he was an objedl of envy. 
 
 G 2 M. de 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
B ' 
 
 i.i 
 
 [ 44 I 
 
 M. ae Chiiilellax mentions nothini* of 
 gtiic'cii Green ; his Tranilator ipcaks of the 
 ** uaabated courage of that great orHcer, 
 general Green :" his courage was certainly 
 unabated, and in this confiiled his only 
 great rich ; he Hew from defeat to defeat ; 
 he iii: Link ivom the corredion of lord Raw- 
 don as a fehool-boy would from his mafler ; 
 and the cannon, which he fived at Cambden, 
 by fortunately hiding them, he lofl when he 
 injuuicioully expofed them at Entaw Springs. 
 I mean not to depreciate the American ge- 
 nerals : the art of w:ir is a fcience ; it re- 
 quires ftudy ; and a Batiih otiiecr, who has 
 bctn any ti.iie in the army, is dif^raced, if 
 not fuppofed to be fupcrior to thofe wbo 
 Lave nut made it their profellion '''^' : if he is 
 
 not 
 
 • It rnuy be fiid that g'-tiliis will faroutPtrlp applica- 
 tion ; th.it a civil war is its proper foil ; and there- 
 fore (h.ir tlic American gi'ner..ls may have been more 
 capable ot leading aunies than the Biitifn officers, who 
 hare riTen to conimaiul by rotation. 1 believe civil 
 war cbangcs the courfe of ability, but aiKlj not to its 
 quantity; an uniform dereliclion of confciencc is the 
 gvK^Al f^ep to eniiticnce in (o dreadful a conteft. Poli- 
 tical men, without any peculiar military talents or in- 
 clinations, nay embrace the profefiion of arms, as 
 that which cxpcnenct; teaches us iias) ultimately ar- 
 
 riveU 
 
[ 4i ] 
 
 not lb, it Is a ierious misfortune to his courx- 
 
 try. 
 
 From thefe facts it appears ?vlr. V/afli- 
 
 ini>toa had no influence in his army, deduc- 
 ible from his own perfonal fuccefsj or thole 
 of his generals whom he principally em- 
 ployed *. The greaiefl conquefb the Ameri- 
 
 Ivo 
 
 ca- 
 re- 
 ore 
 vl 
 
 La 
 
 rived at ih<; fummit of power. The feparate ftatesof 
 Aiiierita leem to have trufted the comniaad of their 
 armies to their citizens, ;ind not to have fought for ioU 
 diersj fuppofmg that they had a(flQ<l otherwife, ia the 
 late American war, fo cxtenfive in its operations, azid 
 forming a period, 
 
 ** When all the youth of England were on fire-," 
 
 it was natural to prefume that cultivated military geni- 
 us among the Briiifli army might find its way to com- 
 mand; and it did fo: my account of general Green 
 is ItriiSlly true ; he was the chofen general of the Ame- 
 rican army, and he muft have drawn confulation fiom 
 the very fingular t.ilents, both as a foldier and a flatef- 
 man, that interell: this country in the life of lord 
 Rawdon. 
 
 * The Tranflator mentions " Montgomery's monu- 
 ment and fame, as a vidlim to tyranny, and a cham- 
 pion of freedom, configned to be celebrated by an en- 
 llaved people, agairdl whom he had often fought in 
 tlefence o( the fame caufe in which he facriiiced his 
 life." This paragraph is cuiious enough from an a- 
 vowcd partizan of France. Montgomery was neither 
 diliinguifiied by high rank, or eminent for abilities; 
 
 hi& 
 
s 
 
 ! 
 
 [ 46 ] 
 
 cans gained was over general Burgoync ; 
 whole valour, militaiy abilities, bright en- 
 dowment!^, the utnjoft confidence of his 
 troops, and thofe fecond to none in the uni- 
 \:ric; tlic fc ien.ce of Philips, and the cou- 
 rage of Fid zcr, were unavailing againil^the 
 natural obftacles of the country, and the 
 numbers of the native Americans. Plis fliil- 
 ure of fuccefs is an irrefragable proof that 
 Waihincrton could not become tht tv- 
 rant of his country ; and that, if we praife 
 tlic prudence of his luad, we have no right 
 to infer trom moderation in this refpeft, the 
 virtues of his lieart ; much lefs to draw de- 
 du(5lions from it in fupport oi the principles 
 of his former conduct. 
 
 The Tranllator iv.entions a flrong party, 
 
 Lis adoption of the Ameiican caufe fnppHc-d both, and 
 he was raifcd to faih reputation as pailiamentary ora- 
 to;y LOu;d beftnw, by liis countrymen, Mr. Edmund 
 IkirivC, and co'.onel Bacix". Their encomiums are but 
 words: he was neitiier a WolTc, nor a Hampden ; and 
 the enilaved people of France iviay telebr<ite him 
 .IS a hcvu. General Carlcton, now lord Dorchelter, 
 who had been infultcd l-y iMoiirgomery, and in the 
 Anieiican idiom, for fuch is, " by Heavens I will 
 (iiew you no mtrcy," nobly ;ivcnged himfclf, by giv- 
 ing his body a foldict's fuueial. 
 
 who 
 
 (( 
 
lo 
 
 I 47 ] 
 
 " who afFeded to hold jVIr, Wafliington In 
 no high refpedl:." When M. de Challelkix 
 fpeaks cf the propriety ol" ereding llatues to 
 Walliington, the Tranllator praiks ** the 
 wildom of Con^ircTs in not ereilini; a ilatue 
 to him during hiii-hfe time." And he adds, 
 that the Marquis would be iatisfied with their 
 reafons, if he knew them. The Tranilator 
 iays, ** Refledtion might have convinced 
 Mr. Bracknel, Vv-ho hung up Cromwell's 
 head as his lign, that, in the ad:ual pofition 
 of America, there was more to be ;:'ppre- 
 hended from a Cromv/ell than a Charles.'* 
 And adds, " that nothing could have made 
 hini replace Cromwell but the British hav- 
 ing thrown him down." Circumftances like 
 thefe detrad from the eulogiums that the 
 Marquis de Challellux and other flatterers 
 pour upon Mr. W'aihington ; it has been 
 alTerted that Mr. Wafhington was flattered 
 into his command ; that this was the me- 
 thod by Vv'hich New England policy ani- 
 mated the fupinenefs of Virginia, and led it 
 into adion ; and it has been laid, and never 
 contndidcd, that Mr. Washington fre- 
 quently and repeatedly declared that he ne- 
 ver v/ould confent to independency -, if it 
 
 be 
 
 I 
 
 i.. 
 
[ 
 
 4.6 
 
 ] 
 
 l>€ fo, the reader probably will agree with 
 me. il j.tMr. Walliington Is not a coiifift- 
 cni charailer : that he is fufpe^flcd in Ame- 
 ricr. ; iind he will think with th.e Trandator, 
 •* that Con^rcfs are wife in not erccflin::^ a 
 jftatuc in his hfj-tiine to that general." 
 
 The order of Cincinr.ati, which has been 
 fijppoicd the offspring of political dcilgn, 
 appears to me a natnnil bond of union be- 
 tween ih'jih w]io:n nccidcnt had called to- 
 gether, finiilir iortuncj endeared, and whoi7\ 
 peace has again difievercd : inc.;pable of ef- 
 fecting any air.hitioiis views, commentators 
 have aniplified it into ronfecpience ; it cer- 
 tainly is more c:iknl ted to avN'iken the ta- 
 lents of the orator than the fears of tlie po- 
 litician. Fntnrity is hallening to produce 
 new revolutions, andconcjuefl will be clieck- 
 cd only by ti\e boundaries of mture, not the 
 divilio-ns of geometry. 'I hen the chimeras 
 of democricy y\'\U bedojie awa\-, and riches, 
 as M. de Challelhix obleivcs of the ladies of 
 Pliiladelphia, will eftabhfh their natural pie- 
 cedcncv; thev will combine with arn-.s to 
 acquire, and trai^finit hereditiry honours. 
 Tyranny rnay inflmtaneouily form an ir()ii 
 bond of union, and prcfervc its force during 
 
 the 
 
[ 49 ]. 
 
 the unnatural ftate of warfare; but laws 
 and provifions, neceflary to fecure the mul- 
 tifarious interefts of a peaceful people, and 
 to diffufe and render permanent thofe bleff- 
 ings which, as Montefquieu affirms, Eng- 
 land knows beft how to ufe and to enjoy, 
 ** the bleflings of religion, liberty, and com- 
 merce," muft be the refult, not of fpecula- 
 tion, but of pradice; of the wifdom of 
 ages, not of the refolves of a moment. 
 Whenever I read of the American laws, of 
 fome being adapted to the infantine flate of 
 fociety, others to a maturer age, and many 
 negligently looking forward to pofterity, I 
 fincerely lament the condition of the poor 
 people, and apply to them what the Tranf- 
 lator remarks when M. de Chaftellux talks 
 of the French adopting our manner of gar- 
 dening, " the gardens I have hitherto ken 
 in [America] France, profeflcdly laid out on 
 the Engliih model, are, with great deference 
 to the authors, very unfuccefsful imitations 
 of the Englifh ftyle." The reader may pur- 
 fuc the metaphor, and he will find, wind- 
 mills, Chinefe bridges, and cockle- (liel I 
 temples, to illuftratc the creation of thefe 
 iyflem-mongers. 
 
 H From 
 
[ 50 ] 
 
 •lit' 
 
 From the Tranflator we gather, that ge- 
 neral Arnold received kveii thourand pounds 
 in the funds ; and from the Author, that he 
 was to deliver up Weft Point. The death 
 of major Andre is univerfally known ; and 
 the rank that he bore of adjutant-general in 
 the Britifh army. From thefe inferences, 
 admitting their truth, what dedud;ions can 
 we draw ? Could Arnold alone give up 
 Weft Point ? Would an adjutant-general 
 have vifited him for what he alone could 
 have accomplillicd ? Would he have been 
 hazarded for the completion of fo fviall an 
 obje»5t ? Is there nothing in Arnold's alTc- 
 verations ? Gave he no reafons for his con- 
 dud ? He did. Much of this extraordi- 
 nary event will doiibtlcfs be ever concealed; 
 and probably little more than what has al- 
 ready tranfpired will be known to the })re- 
 fcnt generation. Arnold's aflLrtions, that 
 America in gcncnd was fatisiicd ^^'ith the 
 offers of the Britilh nation, that it was a- 
 vcrfe to the French, and the continuation 
 of the war, were true. It has been before 
 obferved, that Wafhington aderted, that he 
 \\ ould never agree to independency ; and 
 though the Congrcfs decreed that all their 
 ' • votes 
 
[ 
 
 51 
 
 ] 
 
 J- 
 
 ire- 
 
 ;Iiat 
 
 Itlic 
 
 a- 
 
 IIOII 
 
 [ore 
 he 
 iiid 
 icir 
 
 votes fhould be ftyled unanimous, it is well 
 Jcnovvn that more than once a fingle voice 
 or two has decided upon their moll: import- 
 ant refolutions. To a certain length Gallo^ 
 way acceded to tlie American caufe, and in 
 England, people at different periods defift- 
 cd Irom their lupport of America as (he re- 
 ceded from her connexions with this coun- 
 try ; this did the great and wife earl of Chat- 
 ham, the firfl: flatefman of the age. 
 
 The argument is not whether this change 
 of fentiments proceeded from patriotic prin- 
 ciples, or fmifter paffions ; it is the fadl that 
 I infill upon. In our own civil wars, Hyde 
 "vud Elfex, Falkland and Whitlock, and 
 ly others, furnilhed the precedent; and 
 iiiis condudt mufl arife from the nature of 
 man, imperfedt in himfelf, his judgments, 
 and opinions : and ad:uated from events and 
 cffeds originating from lb imperfedt a fource. 
 Was it not lb, how could a war ever be 
 terminated ? A brave, but a divided peo- 
 ple, under the influence of confcience, and 
 a firm bcHef of the juftice of their caufe, 
 would fight to their mutual dellrudion, 
 *' and darknefs be the burier of the dead." 
 llillory, when it points out to usthecala- 
 
 H 2 miticu 
 
''• 
 
 [ 52 ] 
 
 mitics of civil wars, uniformly delineates 
 their termination, not fo much in the de- 
 ftrudtion of mankind, as in their change of 
 opinions. Had Lambert efcaped from his 
 purfuers, and the army revolted from Monk, 
 what would have been Monk's fate ? And 
 in what light would pofterity confider his 
 memory ? A republican, and therefore un- 
 conftitutional party, at prefent detra(5l from 
 his reputation j but he is venerated by Eng- 
 lifhmen in general, as the reflorer of the 
 peace of his country. That general has 
 been blamed for permitting the reftoration 
 of the king without compad: : the time ne- 
 cefTary for making fuch a /r^^, general, and 
 Englifb compact would have ruined his mea- 
 sures J (tcxt(y alone could give fuccefs to his 
 arduous undertaking. He trufted, and he 
 trufted juftly, that the fpirit of the times 
 would fecure the liberty of the fubjedl:, againft 
 which it was vifible the crown muft con- 
 tend in vain. Clarendon had wifdom fuffi- 
 cient to diftinguifli the momentary acclama- 
 tions of all ranks of people, happy in the 
 termination of their individual miferies, from 
 the fober and col ledive voice of their judg- 
 ment. If the houfe of Stuart, on the re- 
 moval 
 
[ 53 ] 
 
 moval of that great m:.n, forgot their own. 
 interelts, and ungiat^iuily mvadcd the li- 
 berties of the people, it certainly was con- 
 trary to the calculations of reafon, and thev 
 loft the crown in confequence; the fpirit of 
 the people, as one man, rofe up againfl them, 
 and let it be remembered, the Revolution 
 was efFe(5ted without bloodfhed. Had Ar- 
 nold, and thofe who thought with him, gi- 
 ven a fevere blow, and without bloodflied, to 
 Washington's army ; had he broke the civil 
 chains of the people, and reftored the fword 
 to their hands, had they accepted the more 
 than independency which was offered to A- 
 merica by Great Britain ; and had the em- 
 pire by thefe means been reftored to union, 
 who would have enjoyed the bleffings of this 
 age, and been the favourite of pofterity, the 
 adive, enterprifing American Arnold, or 
 the cool, defigning, frenchified Wafhing- 
 ton? Thefe terms are derived from the 
 Marquis's Memoirs ; his opinions, and the 
 rejoicings of the Americans upon the failure 
 of Arnold's attempt, cftablifh its magni- 
 tude. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux obfcrves, ** I 
 c^not help admiring the addrefs with which 
 
 Mr. 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 Mr. Barkminflcr, a young minifter, intro- 
 duced politics into his fcrmons." I will not 
 even quote the paiTage, it is offence to a 
 Chriflian ear. Nor is the Tranllator's ac- 
 count much better, that the prevalent reli- 
 gion of the principal inhabitants of America, 
 and particularly to the Southward, is pure 
 Deifm. I fhall only remark, that the moil 
 Ihipendous event which has hitherto been 
 produced by the American revolution, is the 
 introdudion of Epifcopacy; an end oppo- 
 fite, very oppofite indeed, to the intentions 
 and expectancy of thofe who, in Europe and 
 America, were among the promoters of its 
 independency, and totally contrary to the 
 politics of the fanatic and the felf-fufficien- 
 cy of the Deift. 
 
 As a general obfervation, though fre- 
 quently applicable to the Author of thefe 
 Travels, and univerfally to the Tranllator of 
 them, I fhall remark the variety of abufe 
 that has been thrown upon Britifh ge- 
 nerals, and the Britifh armies *. Eloquence 
 
 has 
 
 * The Marquis is proud to celebrate the dnncing of 
 Ills countrymen; and tlie Tranflator relates, witli 
 great complacency, a dance at Alexandria, attended 
 
 with 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 lias been employed to blacken their reputa- 
 tion ; poetry has attempted to embellifli the 
 unjufl: fi<ftions of party with the luftre of 
 truth ; the Englifh garden has been disfi- 
 gured by mifplaced ornaments, and polluted 
 by temples unneceilarily eredted to America. 
 Such calumnies the Britifh generals may look 
 down upon with magnanimous difdain ; they 
 know that war has its unavoid^^l'* miferies, 
 they know that Boflon, i niladelphia, 
 Newport, and Charles Town, acquit them 
 of unnecelTary deftrud:ion. CarelelTnefs in 
 a fingle centinel, or defign in any injured, 
 irritated, and exiled Loyalift, would have 
 reduced either of thofe capitals to allies ; 
 
 of 
 
 I'itli 
 
 led 
 
 rith 
 
 with circumftances that Europeans will think indecent 
 in the French officers to fufier; but he terms the Mef- 
 chianza, which was conducted with magnificence, ele- 
 gance, and decorum, " An illuftrious a£l of folly and 
 infatuation." What one military operation could this 
 noble entertainment prevent ? or what expence fell up- 
 on the public ? It was the tribute of affedlion from 
 the field-officers of an army to a genetal they revered, 
 on the eve of his departure for Europe, and when he 
 could no longer ferve them. This difinterefted grati- 
 tude, in the purity of American principles, the Tranfla- 
 tor calls an illudrious a«^ of fully; and in his eyes the 
 judgment that an army forms of its general, is infatu- 
 ation. 
 
 6 this. 
 
L 56 ] 
 
 this, their orders, and the vigilant and faith- 
 ful execution of them effectually prevented; 
 New York too, amidft her ruins, will re- 
 mind poflerity to vvhofe exertion it owes 
 what remains of it j the Guards of the king 
 of Great Britain having preferved what a 
 cowardly enemy had devoted to the flames. 
 But while there can be no doubt but that 
 thefe generals may rely upon the tcftimony 
 of their hearts for the propriety of their con- 
 dud:, and that a future age will do their 
 memory ample juftice, the fubordinate offi- 
 cer, whofc flation will not procure him ad- 
 miffion to the auguft tribunal of pofterity* 
 fuffers the taunts and ignominy which arile 
 from groundlefs calumny, and the effront- 
 ery of fdlfehood. He expedls an enemy in a 
 French officer ; nor does he wifh for an ad- 
 vocate in a fubjedl of the United States ; but 
 he has a right to demand, that Britons will 
 receive no imputations that injure national 
 or individual reputation, without the fulleff 
 proofs ; tliey will then only be juft to their 
 own intereft, for though in other profeflions 
 the venality of politics, and the frequency 
 of anonymous abufe, has almoft introduced 
 an indifference to all afperfions ^ in the fol- 
 
 dicr 
 
I S7 ] 
 
 dier the deflrudtlon of private fenfibility is 
 an injury to national honour; for whatever 
 blunts the one, detrads from that fum 
 which conftitutes the value of the other. 
 
 Mr. Payne, an Englifh emigrant, and 
 fuch perfons as the Tranflator, may calcu- 
 late as they pleafe, may elevate the power 
 of America, and degrade that of Europe ; 
 they may endue infancy with ftrength and 
 animation, and reduce the vigour of youth 
 to decrepitude. Such reprefentations will 
 have no effeft. The Tranflator, if a native of 
 Great Britain, will be defpifed at home, and 
 meet with that negledt from America which 
 has uniformly attended his countrymen, 
 when they could no longer injure Great Bri- 
 tain. The potency of Mr. Payne's affir- 
 mations, the fpells of his language, were 
 fuccefsful in diflurbing the peace of fociety, 
 and in injuring the country from whence he 
 drew his unhallowed birth ; peace has at 
 once difperfed his incantations. He, pro- 
 bably, curfes the hour in which Dr. Frank- 
 lin fummoned him from his country; al- 
 lured hirn acrofs the Atlantic, and compa<5l' 
 ed with him to fell his talents for the moft 
 mifchievous purpofes. Let us leave him to 
 
 I the 
 
 I 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 F '' 
 
 IE I 
 
 the contempt which he has long met with 
 from tiie inhabitants oF Philadelphia, and 
 the up' -iaidiniTs of his own conlcience. 
 
 I o 
 
 But I niuli confel's I am inclined to be- 
 lieve the Marquis de Challellux's charadler 
 v'i Mr. Jeffcrlln. The very inclination is 
 reipcd. There is an uniformity tlirough- 
 out, that appears to me to be natural ; and 
 the Autljor in tiiis delineation has at leafl the 
 merit of confillency. I have no pofitive tef- 
 timonv to contradi>!i: what is aflerted of his 
 talents and virtues, and I refpedl mankind 
 too much to be follicitous in mv fearch of a 
 negative ; to him therefore, and to men of 
 fmiiLir defcription, thcfe concludinnr ani- 
 madvcrfions areaddrefled: my heart neither 
 ciid.Ucs them through m.alignity, nor doth 
 my Ivan d fubfcribe them through apprehen- 
 fion ; if they come iiot from a friend to A- 
 mcrica, they proceed not from an enemy; 
 i\nd m eit|-;cr cafe their intrinfic merit mult 
 decide upon their reception. The Tranlla- 
 tor reiir.irks ** Mr. Jefferfon, a man of 
 'proiburid tliou^dit, andof i.reat pcnetnition, 
 is of opinion, that emigrants from Europe 
 ■ are not defirable; left the emigrants bring- 
 in-: with them, not only the vices, but the 
 
 corrupt 
 
la- 
 lof 
 )n, 
 jpe 
 Ig- 
 Ee 
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 corrupt prejudices of their refpecSlive ancient 
 governments, may be unable to relilh that 
 bold uuiverllil fyilem of freedom and to- 
 leration which is a novelty to the old world." 
 This opinion the Tranflator controverts. 
 
 Mr. Jeficrfon well knows that no emi- 
 grant comes to difpute the laws of the coun- 
 try to which he wanders, but to fubmit to 
 them ; not to difplay his own wifdom, but 
 to be benefited by that of others. For 
 Englidimen it is a fublim.er, and more na- 
 tural hope, to amend the dcfedts of their 
 own laws than to feek refuge from them in 
 the wilds of America ; the field of Nafeby, 
 and tlie Revolution bear vvitnefs to it ; e- 
 vciUs to which we owe the bleillngs we now 
 enjoy, and are thankful for ; and which, in 
 all human probability, will fecure Britifli 
 freedom for ages, amidfl the wrecks of ar- 
 bitrary republics, and abfolute monarchies. 
 
 The Tranllator furnilhes me with an- 
 other obfervation, which will produce the 
 conclufion I mean to draw, and I believe the 
 reader will think it explanatory of Mr. Jcf- 
 
 i 
 
 ferfon' 
 
 s rci// rccioKs for wiihins: to 
 
 prevent 
 
 emigrations to America : what have been 
 given I eflccmas n:ereiy ojlci'fiblc ones. "It 
 
 I 
 
 IS 
 
i: i ;5 
 
 y) ■ i 
 
 [ 60 ] 
 
 is from the interior fcttlements of this vaft 
 country that America will derive her future 
 greatnefs, and eftablifh new empires to rival, 
 and perhaps outdo, the ancient world." It 
 is the jealou fy of thefe new empires, Mr. 
 JeiFerron, that prevents you from the encou- 
 ragement of emigrants. For whither will 
 they refort to ? Not to the old colonies, 
 but to the new polTeflionSi not to fickly 
 climates, but to thole which are as healthy 
 as any in the world j not to where they will 
 become fervants, but where they may enjoy 
 equality : your flaves, the very negroes, 
 will participate the benefits of thefe new 
 fettlements j and what to you. Sir, huma- 
 nity poflibly may did:ate, felf-intercfl will 
 leludantly compel others to follow; a mil- 
 der treatment of thefe unfortunate men, to 
 prevent their flight and emancipation. Your 
 Congrefs mud admit thefe fettlements into 
 a federal union, when tliey acquire povN'er to 
 claim independency ; it muft afTume the 
 graces of benevolence from the compullion 
 of felf-intereft, ami diverting necCiTity of her 
 iron habiliments, array her in all the deco- 
 rations of jullice. 
 
 Virginia may abandon the luxuries of Eu- 
 rope 5 
 
[ 6i ] 
 
 rope ; but Europe is elegant as well as lux* 
 urious : her embelUrhments have an intrin- 
 iic merit to attra<5t the eyes of the ignorant, 
 and the judgment of the polite. Habit a- 
 lone, without the national chara(5ter which 
 M. de Chaftellux attributes to the Virgini- 
 ans, has made them necefl'ary to you. You 
 will foon become an objedt of envy to thofe 
 who do not polTefs your iplendour j thefe 
 rifing empires, thefe interior emigrants, 
 when they oblerve your enjoyments, and 
 your natural oftentation will difplay them, 
 they will regret their own ii.tuatiop, and, as 
 it is natural for the human mind, thev v ill 
 feek for confolation in a comparifon ol their 
 own advantages, and they will fmd it in the 
 enjoyment of fuperior force, 1 laving once 
 rcafoned themfelves into a knowledge of their 
 own fuperiority, it will only remain to prove 
 it upon you. Europe, in its nations the 
 moil diftant from each other, has not an 
 example vv^here man is fo different in himfelf, 
 as in the enervated inhabitant of Virginia 
 and Carolina, and his .i-urous neighbour of 
 the back-fettlements and Kentuck : employ- 
 ment adds to the foi \.e of climate, in render- 
 ing the difference permanent ; the one is a 
 6 country 
 
' u 
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 country of merchants and arti;!an% lubjed 
 to eaiigrations ; the otlier of pcalantry, Hke 
 the anciciit Romans, adjuntVi ^Ichd^ on the 
 bell motives, they are the owners of it. 
 Such, Sir, being the vvejkneis of your na- 
 tive colony : fuch, in refpedt to other rif- 
 ing empires, being the fituation of moll of 
 the dates of your confederacy j talk not of 
 naval force, of combijied lieets, and llilure 
 hollihties \ adopt a iyileni of government 
 ufeful to your own fuhjetfts, and be at peace 
 with the world. Away v/idi fuch fenti- 
 ments ai> your's, *' that Providence hr.s plac- 
 ed the riciied puffcHions of Europe at our 
 door, and has obliged their mc.ll precious 
 commerce to pafs as it v>'cre in nview be- 
 fore us ••'^" :" they convey pirat'hul idc.i'? ; and 
 fucli as I am pcrfuaded arc foreign to vour 
 meaning. At ti"iis time they arc particular- 
 ly unf:afonablc ; ir.ankir.d 1^.;;. a ri^lit to be 
 jealous, not of the power of C'ongrcfs, but 
 of \u pcrfonal vvcuknels -^ ; rcaion and ex- 
 
 pcrienec 
 
 • The Tranfl.Uor quotes thly paluge from a woik 
 of Mr. JtilcrfcMi's. 
 
 t One of Mr. raynt*s humar.c lUfco-crics to pro- 
 mo;c American iiultpomlcnte w.is, •♦ The iliii-.iiiution 
 
 of 
 
 hii V 
 
[ (>2 ] 
 
 he 
 
 II K 
 
 lo- 
 rn 
 
 lot 
 
 perlence convince us that flatcfmcn who 
 have been eininent, and are fallen into neg- 
 lev'i, will endeavour to reL,ain their power 
 by the lame means which produced it ; and 
 wi 1 pradlife what the theorifl prelcribes to 
 kin:jdon]s in a (late oi' decay, the recurring 
 to iirft principles for the renovation ot' their 
 conlliiution and pre-eminence. In the o-- 
 pinion of Congrefs, war may rellore its 
 tonfequencej its prefent weaknefs is evi- 
 dent in its not fullilling the treaty of peace, 
 which fliould not be attributed to want of 
 faith, but to the want ol power. 
 
 There is in general but one lentiment re- 
 lative to America throughout Great Bri- 
 tain ; Ihe regrets only her national debt, 
 and not the lofs of her colonies. Some are 
 not wanting: to by that even that debt is 
 cheaply purchafed, it Great Britain is wife 
 enough to attend to her internal advantages, 
 anii to j)rtfer the certainty of their cultiva- 
 tion to all foreign and precarious emolu- 
 ments. The mod deteriViined eneir.ies of 
 American independence are not lo to the 
 
 ' of traJc afforils an army, and the ncccffuics of an ar- 
 my create it t.cw trjdc" A!*y .[ r.cvcr again be apjili- 
 c/jlc ! 
 
 United 
 
1 :, 
 
 [ 64 i 
 
 United States. Perfonal dillike to the go-« 
 vernors is lofl in general compaflion for 
 their fiibjedls, and the fole objedt of the in- 
 habitants of Great Britain is the preferva-" 
 tion of peace. 
 
 Argument fliould be combated with ar- 
 gument. If you appeal to the fword, it is 
 necellliry you fhould meafure that of your 
 adverfary ^ and that you fliould inform your- 
 felf of his force, whenever you produce 
 your own. '* England, you fay, muft ad: 
 by detachment." England could adt by 
 detachment; not only naval, which you 
 allow, but milit:.ry, which you have for- 
 gotten. The force which conquered the 
 Ilavannah would be fully fuflicient to re- 
 duce any one of the United States to think 
 peace, on the mofl unconditional terms, 
 dcfircablc. And this might be eafily effe<fl- 
 cd by the introduction of the mildell me- 
 thods oi European warlarc, which every 
 military author dircdts and every general 
 pradiles, by burning the houfcs of (uch 
 peafanis as take up arms without being re- 
 gimented; levying contributions upon towns 
 to fave them from plunder ; and living up- 
 ua the countrv. What confolation would 
 
 it 
 
[ 65 ] 
 
 it be to fuch a country, th.it it is prcferved 
 from abfoliite territorial conquefl, which 
 Great E-; 'n is too wife to aim at, by be- 
 longing 10 an impotent confederation. The 
 eftablilhment of your independency was not 
 the relult of American talents, or Atnerican 
 courage. It is to be attributed to Britilh 
 credulity, and Briiiih difunion ; and, final- 
 ly, as the Marquis de Chaftellux obferve^, 
 to the aififtance of France. Having juft 
 hinted that England might be an adtive and 
 tatal enemy, if any finifter paffion fhould 
 lead Congrefs to quarrel with her, I fhall 
 liate to you fome moral and political rea- 
 fons, that (liculd make you prefer her alli- 
 ance i and emancipate yourfelves from the 
 power of France. The i'acred war has ceaf- 
 ed ; thank Phihp, but let him prefide not 
 in the council of the Amphidtyons. 
 
 The late war originated from error, not 
 defign ; from events which, though futuri- 
 ty may regret, the prefcnt ag (^^d not oc- 
 cafion. The glorious Revolution, in fdi^, 
 annihilated the fource from whence the 
 chartered governments of America deduced 
 their origin, without the proper fublUtu- 
 tion of power that might connetfl and in- 
 corporate the empire. It was not then f . cPrcn 
 
 K that 
 
[ 66 ] 
 
 that America, in her weak fituatlon, would 
 lilently accord with the principles of the 
 Revolution, to which when (he grew into 
 flrcngth (lie would rcfufe obedience; that 
 file would claim iier rights under the func- 
 tion of kingly government, which was an- 
 nihilated, and refufe the obedience which 
 Great Britain yielded to the fupremacy ot 
 kijig and parliament "*. The very effects 
 dedueible iVom thcfe caiifes were per erted, 
 and the priiiciple of no man's being taxed 
 without reprei'cntation, which could flow 
 only from the government of king and par- 
 liament, was infiflcd upon by thofe who re- 
 fiifed obedience to king and parhament, and 
 who deduced their privileges from royal 
 charters, where no fuch principles are to be 
 found. Many, who viewed tlie circle of 
 i^ovcrnmcnt on its widcll: ranw, thouidit 
 
 * Read i]je Marquis dc Clianellux's converfahon 
 V ith povcrncr TruiDbull, and the account of New 
 Enclaticl, in 1670, declining to apply to the Enplilh 
 pnrli.inient, as the Marquis obferves, " culy proving 
 that thiy never acknovvlcdp^il the authority of pariia- 
 nent." It is fcarcc ncceflary to obfervc, that bad thil 
 docli...^ hctn larlter divulged, tlie Enplilh parliament 
 v'onld not have fubniitte<l to a co-ordinate power in 
 i;«; colonies ; nor wouhl tb<-y have been jultified in 
 fprndlng the trcafurc of their cor.ftitucnts in ilieir 
 defence. 
 
 that 
 
[ 6/ ] 
 
 h 
 
 n 
 
 at 
 
 that it was abfolutely neceflury for the Safe- 
 ty and connection of the empire, that fovc- 
 reignty ihould relide fomewhere, and that 
 its proper ftation was in the Britiih pailia- 
 ment : others contended that the colonies 
 were too great for fuch an obedience, a.id 
 that the fyftem of government fliould be ac- 
 commodated to their prefent fituntwn. 
 Thele various reafuns had an honourable in- 
 fluence on tlie minds of chinking men. Fac- 
 tion afliduouily moulded the tempers and 
 various intereils ot others to her bafer pur- 
 pofes. She pervaded England, mixed in 
 her mofc ferious councils, and rendered all 
 lier operations inconfilient and ineffectual. 
 But no political controverfy or fpccuiative 
 opinion could have had io prodigious an ef- 
 fcd:, had not the pallions of tiic people of 
 America been inuamed, or tlieir felt-interefl 
 been injured ; and this was the cafe in the 
 northern colonies, where the war firll com- 
 menced : the attempt to fupprels illegal 
 coiiimerce loured the numbers who were 
 benetited by it on the fea-coall ; and fana- 
 ticifm, drelfed in the garb of religion, became 
 the medium of politics in the recellcs of 
 New England, and intulal itlelf into the 
 hearts of its inhabitants ; they firmly be- 
 
 K 2 lieved 
 
i i 
 
 4^u!X 
 
 M'8 
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 lieved that *• the end of New England's 
 coming was religion *," bore a hoflile hatred 
 to the eftablifhment that protedled a differ- 
 ent church-government, and faw the time 
 was arrived in which they had the profpe^!^ 
 of involving it in ruins. 
 
 To the fouthward, fupinc and indolent 
 were your exertions ; *' an enlightened few 
 only" leagued tnemfelves with the northern 
 colonies, with people whom they dcfpifcd 
 as hypocrites in rcL'^^ion, snd as athciits in 
 morality. The difpute in Virginia, as the 
 Marquis obferve^'^, " arol'c from a dilTcrent 
 nature >" and if the people of South Caro- 
 lina fhewed at any time any exertion, it was 
 only the inhabitants of the back-country ; 
 and they were allured by the hopes of plun- 
 dering the Loyal ids ; they flew to arms, and 
 Fergufon fell a vidtim to people whofe ex- 
 iftence is fcarcely known to yourfelves. I 
 ha\e given this detail, to prove, in the firfl 
 inftance, that the fuppofed origin -f of the 
 quarrel was fuch as, on the bcfl principles. 
 Great Britain and America might ftedfaflly 
 
 • ExprcfTions in the famous fanatical compofitien of 
 Elijah's Mantle, univerfally credited among the intc- 
 fiur parts of New England, 
 
 •\ Read the Marquis de ChaftcUux's account of 
 hit interview with Mr, Harrifon. 
 
 fupport ; 
 
[ 69 ] 
 
 fupport 5 that it was natural for them mu- 
 tually to appeal to the fword ; and that the 
 fword being Tncathed, luch errors ought 
 to be mutually forgiven. I alfo offer it, fe- 
 condarily, as a n:emento to the inhabitants 
 of the fouthern ftates, who know fuccefs 
 has rather confirmed than altered the fana- 
 ticifin * of New England; that the doc- 
 trines of Elijah's Mantle are confidercd by 
 them as prophecies, and that ** the rolling 
 Hone which is to o'vcrlurn'\'y overturn, over- 
 turn, all nations," in its firft bounds, will 
 pafs the Delaware and the Chcfapeak, be- 
 fore it acquires the momentum to leap a- 
 crofs the Atlantic. 
 
 Place us in the fituation we were in 1763, 
 lliys Coiigrefs, and America will be fatis- 
 fied : was this fpeech made in carneH: ? was 
 it jufl: ? was it the language of that Congrcfs 
 which was ** compofed of every wife man 
 in America," as the Marquis de Chaftellux 
 obfervcs? was it true? It was. Truth is im- 
 mutable — the accelfaries, the calamities, 
 
 * Tlic Tranflator informs us, that lately nt Boflon 
 the propofal for the Sabbath's conflfbng of fix and 
 ihirty hours paffed the aflembly where the country in- 
 tereit prevailed, ami was thrown out by the merchants 
 who prcilominateil in the fcnate. 
 
 1 From Elijah's Mantle. 
 
 that 
 
[ 70 ] 
 
 II » 
 
 
 that war has brought with it may obfcure 
 its lullre, but cannot alter its nature; a re- 
 volution may afFe6t your form of govern- 
 ment, but cannot change the lubllance of 
 your intereft. The naval power ol" Great 
 Britain has the advantage of incrcufing in 
 the hour of peace. When the reft of man- 
 kind are in profound repofe, the feamen, 
 who arc to fight our future battles, are dif- 
 ciplined by the dangers they have to com- 
 bat, and the elements they muft overcome ^ 
 the Navigation Acft, that Hicred Palladium, 
 which our anceilors have delivered to us, 
 we will pioufly tranfmit to our children. 
 You fpcak of creating a navy; it will im- 
 poveriih you : it includes arfenals to efta- 
 blifli, and fortifications and troops to pro- 
 tc6l it. A fource of expence, which, in 
 your (late of infancy, will be infupportable, 
 and which nothing but an unjuft: jealoufy of 
 Great Britain, or a worfe principle, can 
 make neceflary. Our national gratitude, 
 our honour is pledged to France, fays the 
 American. On what principle did France 
 affifl: you ? Avowedly on that of its own 
 intereft. The objedl being fulfilled, the 
 contradt is no more. If you make a com- 
 mercial trcatv, contrary to your own inter- 
 eft. 
 
Ir- 
 
 [ 71 ] 
 
 ell, to ferve France, flic certainly will fay 
 you are her friend; but Europe will call you 
 her tributary. Your enmity to England is 
 unnatural ; no rational man will allow that 
 refentment is a proper guide in the paths of 
 public virtue, or political wifdom ; if pri- 
 vate paffions, and effeds which exift be-» 
 yond their caufes, are to regulate the pro- 
 ceedings of your government, miferable in- 
 deed will the people of America be ! They 
 will have facrificed the fubftance, without 
 a fight of the fliadow ; and that hour will 
 doubly be accurfed, in which Pandora's box 
 was opened in the New World, if Hope 
 remains not behind ! 
 
 Having analyzed the principles which fet 
 Great Britain and her Colonies at variance ; 
 having ftated the well-known views of felf- 
 intcreil that led France to afiifl: Americ? ; I 
 Ihall add, that Corfica at this moment is a 
 bleeding witnefs of French politics ; that 
 her wars have always been the wars of am- 
 bition ; and that no fophiflry can diminifli 
 or obliterate the hillorical truth, that Great 
 Britain has folely undertaken them to pre- 
 fcrvc the balance of power, and confcqucnt 
 liberties, of Europe, againfl: the encroach- 
 ments of France. The gradual fubfiding 
 ^ y of 
 
[ 72 ] 
 
 m !^ 
 
 of defpotifm into a milder fway, the liu- 
 mane adminiftration of laws, which now 
 pervades the world, originate more from ex- 
 ample than precept ; more from the obferv- 
 ancc of the advantages with which freedom 
 has enriched England, than any incidental 
 liberality in the governors of mankind. The 
 utility of France, as an ally, depends upon 
 circumflances that probably will never liap- 
 pen ; to fecure you to her intcrefts Ihe will 
 alarm your fears, by pointing out Canada as 
 connecting the inhabitants of the back-coun- 
 tries, and uniting nations againft you : or, 
 to allure your avarice, (he will defcribe her 
 as rich ; and, with the Tranfl-itor of M. de 
 Chaflellux's Travels, eafy of conqueft : flie 
 may ihew you the VVefl India illands as de- 
 pendant upon you ; and hint, that Mexico 
 is at no great diltance. Thcfe are views of 
 general policy, and are not applicable to 
 the prefent moment of univcrfal peace. 
 When the will of arbitrary princes, or the 
 paflions of republican governors, fufpend 
 nor the real advantages of their fubjeds, 
 the conclufion of what treaty is beneficial 
 to them will be drawn from the numbers 
 who can be employed, and benefited by a 
 commercial ijitercourfe with other nations, 
 
 and 
 
 A V' 
 
[ IZ ] 
 
 and from the comparifon of the refpcftivc 
 utility which the individuals of one coun- 
 try can be of to another ; and in this pre- 
 fent inftance it is to be weighed, whether 
 a connexion with Great Britain or France 
 is mofl profitable to the Americans ? Every 
 community which nature, habit, intereft, 
 policy, and language produce, aflimilates 
 him with the Briton, and prefles upon him 
 an averfion to the llibjed: of France. 
 
 There never was a kingdom, or even a 
 republic, Mr. Jefferfon, in which the lub- 
 jedt enjoys fo much individual freedom as 
 in Great Britain. The French, on the con- 
 trary, are in abfolute flavery \ their chains 
 are gilded, and they wear them as orna- 
 ments J the more they are individually 
 known, the lefs will they be nationally 
 refpedted * : if you admit not of emigrants 
 amongft you, Mr. Jefjcrfon, " left they 
 diould be unable to relilh your bold fydcm 
 
 • What the (hrewd Jefuit Charlevoix fays of the 
 French and Indians, may literally be applied to the 
 French and the Americans, " L'experiencp, non pat 
 dedit ans, mais de plus d'un fiecle nous a appris que 
 le plus mauvais fyfteme pour bien gouverner ces peu« 
 pies, 3c pov>r les maintenir dans nos interets, etoit de 
 ies approchcr des Francois ; qu'ils auroient beaucoup 
 plus cllimes, s'ils les avoicnt moins vus de pr^s." 
 
 L> of 
 
[ 74 ] 
 
 of freedom and toleration -," permit not 
 your fubjeds to enter into too "lof? roanec- 
 tion with thofe who have ncrtiier freedom 
 nor toleration ; and who, however profufe 
 they may be of their Utopian ideas to dif- 
 turb the peace and welfare of the reft of 
 mankind, fhrink from the very recital of 
 any political matters that relate to their own 
 government. Englifhmen, on the contrary, 
 will tell you, that the bold fyflem you fpeak 
 of, has for years been in their polfeflion ; 
 and that your prefcnt greatnefs is a proof of 
 it. They will do more, they will lincere- 
 ly widi you long to preferve your freedom ; 
 they have an interell in it; Holland and 
 Switzerland are not to be named ; they are, 
 in fadl, the tributaries of France, and where 
 elfe is liberty to be found ? 
 
 ** Idque etiam adverfus Britannos pro- 
 futurum, fi Romana ubique arma, & vclut 
 e confpedtu Libertas toUeratur," was a 
 principle on which the Roman governor of 
 England meant to lubdue Ireland; policy 
 therefore makes an intercourfe with the fub- 
 jeds of Great Britain and America of mu- 
 tual advantage, to inculcate and preferve 
 the principles of their mutual ireedom. 
 There are flronger reafons than fpecula- 
 
 tions. 
 
la- 
 ns. 
 
 [ 7S ] 
 
 tions, which, originating from the part, 
 look forward to futurity : prefent intereft, 
 and conmiercial advantage?, thefe allure 
 you to renew your intercourfe with that 
 country. A wonderful event is now tak- 
 ing place, a treaty of commerce between 
 England and France ! Light is about to 
 fpring from a chaos of politics ; and na- 
 tional amity from the violence of national 
 refentmcnt : this is an effect that none of 
 the fons of men could have expedled to at- 
 tend the termination of the late war. 
 Englifhmen may fafely afk, if France and 
 England forget the injuries which for ages 
 they have received from each other ? Shall 
 America retain her refentment, the rcfent- 
 ment of a day ? It is the duty of men, Sir, 
 who are in your fituation, to allay this re- 
 fentment; a moiety of the abilities which 
 have been employed to feparatc America and 
 Great Britain, will reflore them to a bene- 
 ficial union ; and posterity, which at a 
 glance can trace the caufes and efFcdts of 
 the prefent age, will confecrate him who 
 lliall be inftrumental therein, among the 
 benefad:ors of mankind. 
 
 The prefent moment is big with import- 
 ant events. Commerce is breaking the 
 
 L 2 bonds 
 
[ 76 ] 
 
 bands of monopoly, and pervading all na- 
 tions ; when infinitely fubdivided and dif- 
 fufed, like the elements, fhe is an univer- 
 fal blefling ; but if, by the puny artifice of 
 men, or by fome hidden operation in na- 
 ture, flie is pent up, and collected in one 
 flation, her expanfions are dreadful ! They 
 have ruined republics and empires, and pro- 
 duced as many calamities in the moral world, 
 as inundations, earthquakes, and volcanoes 
 have to the natural one. Commerce (brinks 
 from the fight of arbitrary power : that 
 which is the bufinefs of all men, will nut 
 be confined by the will of one ; and that 
 country will enjoy the greatcft: fhare of her 
 favours, and adt upon her trueft principle?, 
 where there is equal jiifiice and common 
 freedom : this country is Great Britain. To 
 what a wonderful eminence have their mer- 
 chants arrived ! From your youth, Mr. 
 Jefferfon, you muft have heard of their great- 
 ncfs, and in all probability been benefited 
 by its effeds ! 
 
 A memorable and well known exprefTion 
 of the unfortunate king John of France was, 
 ** If good faith (hould be bani(hcd from the 
 reft of mankind, it ought to find harbour 
 in the hearts of kings." The idea is fublime, 
 
 a nd 
 
[ 77 ) 
 
 ted 
 
 the 
 )ur 
 he. 
 
 In I 
 
 «nd the faying truly royal ! It is at this mo- 
 ment exemplified by the merchants of Eng- 
 land, ** thofe princes of the earth /* and in 
 a protefTion to which arbitrary monarchies 
 deny the privileges and rank of honour, its 
 pureft principles are carried to a height that 
 is unrivalled in ancient or modern hiftory. 
 ** Their words are bonds, their oaths are 
 oracles." 
 
 The efflcSts are worthy of fo virtuous a 
 caufe. It is this probity, this perfonal ho- 
 nour, which fupports the confequence of 
 Great Britain. It is this reputation, which 
 in other countries it would require ages to 
 eftablifli, that has enabled them to raife 
 thofe immenfe individual properties, which 
 invigorate the machine of commerce beyond 
 the efforts of princes, or the calculation of 
 governments. The unbounded credit that 
 Englilhmen of this doicripiioii, and ihcy are 
 not a few, may obtain, is an aufpicious, 
 and iKible feature in the national charac^ler. 
 The merchants of other nations fmk in 
 comparifon betbre them; to thefe men, Sir, 
 interell Ihould teach the Americans to look 
 up for ancicni cunnedtion, and ef^'edual af- 
 fillance. Such men as you may fmooth the 
 dillicuhics which impede the renewal of 
 
 friendship 
 
 \W # 
 
[ 78 ] 
 
 friendrtiip and credit, by flridly fulhliiii:^ tlic 
 articles of your public treaty ^ and by let- 
 ting that cxaniple of probity in your own 
 perlbns, which it is the advantage of the 
 community to adopt. 
 
 The Tranllator has informed the world, 
 that the prefiure of a fevere domefl^ic cala- 
 mity has led you to feek relief in public bu- 
 fmcfs : misfortune is the great link that 
 conncds the highcll and the lowed of man- 
 kind i and fympathy ot futTering continual- 
 ly reminds us of our original equality. The 
 rcfptctable prefident, Lawrence, has born 
 his tellimony to this remark ; and your con- 
 duct, I hope, will be an illuftration of it 
 in a fimdar diftrcfs : the ** Bciluni inter 
 rcmcdia," fignalizcd a great character ol an- 
 tiquity. May a nobler atftivity dillinguilh 
 Mr. Jcffcrfon ! The re-ellablilhment of a 
 real Fiunily Compaci. The l^'an/dy Corn- 
 pad is a tyc, which from one family pof- 
 fefling abfolute power therein, ac'tuates ilaies 
 and kingdoni"> contrary to their feparate in- 
 tcrcrts ; it connects and pcjints their force 
 at the will of the chief of it, the Trench 
 monarch. 
 
 As far as the iuterefts of nations arc fu- 
 perior to thufe oF kings, a Family Com- 
 
 8 padt, 
 
[ 79 ] 
 
 ti- 
 ll- 
 
 padt, in greater luftre, and more extcnfivc 
 nieaning, would be created by an union of 
 force and of commerce between Great Bri- 
 tain, Ireland *, and America. No unne- 
 cellary wars would difturb the world by this 
 junc^tionj the ambition of each country be- 
 ing confined to its internal improvement, 
 and the reciprocal circulation of its com- 
 merce. They are of one origin, language, 
 manners, and freedom of government. A- 
 
 * The Tranflator fays, " on mote than one immi- 
 nent ()Cc;ifion Conj;refs o\\i>' Jicir exlilencc, and Ame- 
 rica poilibly her preftrvation, to the lidelity and firm- 
 riefs of the Irilli. I had the honour of dining with the 
 Irilh Society, cumpofed of the Ikcadicft Whigs upon 
 the continent, at the City Tavrrn, in Philadelphia, 
 on St. Patrick's dav. 'I'he niembt^rs wear a medal- 
 lion, fulpendcd by a ribband, with a very njjnificant 
 device, which was fo apphcabic to the Amciican Re- 
 volution, that until I wa'j allured that it fublilled prior 
 to that event, and had rclertncc only to the opprcflion 
 'A Ireland by her powerful filler, I concluded it to be 
 a temporary illu/:en." The reader will give as mudi 
 credit as he plcaies to this recital ; but I doubt not he 
 will agree with me, th.'t the error of the prefs i« aa 
 admirable one ; that temporary iUufion may be truly 
 faid ot .ill ihht can dilturb the harmony of (Jrcat Britain 
 and Ireland, notwiihllaiulin^ the implied wiihesof the 
 Tranllator. Fl.is fnor, lUufiou for allulion, reminds 
 me of the painter, who threw the fpungc at his pic- 
 ture in il.fpiir, and produced a more Uue died by hc- 
 iidcnt than hc could accomplilh by dcd^n^ 
 
 way 
 
^ 
 
 ( 80 ] 
 
 way then with the remembrance of iji^latc 
 war and its individual miferies. l^t Great 
 Britain and America purlUe their proper ad- 
 vantages ; they will loon lead to reconcilia- 
 tion : let all retrolpedt be avoided ; let all 
 harfli and aggravating exprefTionsceafe ; and 
 fiich incendiaries as the Tranflator of the 
 Marquis de Chaftcllux's Men\oirs be treated 
 with deferved contempt. This condu<5i: re- 
 ligion recommends, and hiilory points out 
 in the moft forpible manner to Britons and 
 their American dcfocndants. For who a- 
 mongft us, mofl: converlant in the annals of 
 our country, and glowing with the purcft 
 fjpirit of liberty, can praife the uniform con- 
 dudt of any one patriot in thole civil wars 
 to which uc have been indebted for our 
 freedom ? Or who can lay, had I lived in 
 thofe times of nccelTary contcft, lo far would 
 I have gone, and no fartlu-r ? And yet what 
 thinking man is not gratehd to the Supreme 
 Being, who, out ot the probation and mi- 
 feries of cur anccilorSj has diftributcd fo 
 much civil and religious liberty to the pre- 
 lent generation ? 
 
 • « 
 
 r I N 1 s. 
 
 
 / 4j 
 

 1 
 
 MMHiiii^'