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Conclusions 64 MAPS. /'■' '■■' The Shores of the Atlantic - 86 The Possibilities of the Pacific - - - 38 Southern Africa - - - - 47 J CHAPTER I. POLICY, PROGRAMME. *^~'HE question of British Union is soon to take foremost rank \^|^ among the problems of the platform. The feeling of mutual T support and defence is hereditary in our people, and is carried by them wherever they go. The whole aspect of the controversy in regard to the British dominions has been changed during the past few years by the means of quick travel and instant comnnmication, and with the times the trend of thought is now towards union, when before it may have been independence. Amid the street roar oi London, you can hear from some of the belfries, chimes which hour by hour ring out a wish for prosperity to the people of the city. At the opening of the Imperial Insti- tute the bells in the towers in like manner rang out a peal of well- wishes for the welfare of the people of the Empire. In the music of the bells we heard the sound of harmony and of unison. Let us use the present time of harmony to effect our Union. These few pages bring in review incidents that influence the national personality of us all, and which give and gave that native force and collective character to a great sea-going population ; that made ships and shipping and sailors the king of trades and 8 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE, N traders, and the seaports the oentio of tho people's life and affections. That energy which had djsconded in the people from the time of the Vikin^'r and Visij^'oths seemed from a sudden 8tru«^^le of a moment, some three hundred years ago, to receive the impetus which earned the explorers over the seas until what there was to find was found, what tliere was to know was known, and, dearer still to an English heart, what there was to he obtained was gained. Not until then did this people's passion for adventure, discovery, and flying the flag on unowned lands and islands, and claiming all the unoccupied world that could be found for the use and support of the J3ritish people, seem to come to an end for want of further unknown latitude and longitude where they could be first to enter and la^' claim. The wild daring of a Drake, knighted for hip reckless and successful voyage round the world, and return with a million ducats in the hold, his ability to connnand, his determination to succeed, quickened kindred spirits in the kingdom as magnet brings magneb into the circle of activity. As a thousand swords will leap from their scabbard to hail a chieftain, so a thousand arms were bared, a thousand minds were nerved, and a thousand ships were built to follow in the wake of this beau-ideal of a sailor. This wild, wandering sea-bird's life, this sailor's life of war and struggle against untamable nature, which relished the breeze and watery seas, and storms and southern suns, brought, as it were, a stern resolve to succeed and (loiKiuer, to wander and return, a love for home, a strength of nniscle and sinew and a crifjpness of good nature which no other parentage ever gave to an active people. The large population afloat in their ships or on land at the ports, escaped the often degrading and threatening phases of the social life ashore which led to internal dissensions or family feuds, or luxury or debasing persecution that swept over the land from time to time. The mariners returning brought a tide of refreshing salt water into muddy political streams and heated shallows, like a tide that would ebb and flow, and on the ebb bear back a larger fleet with eager voyagers. Som<) went out for adventure, and some for trade, and some for lands, and some to escape the turmoil at home, and some to escape their foes, but in the time of the early colonization, the " adieu " to the English cliffs and the POLICY AND PROGRAMME. 9 ife and )1(5 from sudden eivo the fit there ^n, and, ned waa i^enture, ids, and the use end for >y could ess and Hjillion ation to magnet I swordft nd arms id ships lor. war and seze and were, a turn, a pness of active at the s of the y feuds, nd from resiling ws, like larger Lie, and turmoil of the md the i sail down the channel was "a farewell," and the ** au revoi'*" wan an unexpressed, if distant, hope. The first view of the far-away laud was a first insight to a new life, new home, new work. A separate existence from all old associations was begun on landing on the half-built wharf and amid a scattered village of small wooden houses with streets yet unmade — a future home, a future city with all its possibilities yet in the land of the sweet by and by. England then became a land of the past, beyond the wavps, beyond the storms, away beyond the months of travel, the life in the Old Country a time of memory, the then present life the real life, mingled with tlie energy of a new world. So our colonies progressed and ever prospered, individual work here, a little there, a little now by one, tlien by many, and the ships went back and forth, and their coming was like the annual rising of a constellation from the sea. Still the transient ships floated like sea castles outward and homeward, with their high poopr; and monster cables and heavy rigging, slowly there and slowly back, months on the passage, and the distance of MoTHEUiiANi) to young Colony was EQUAL to the TIME IT TOOK Foii iNTEK-coMMUNic ATION. The merchant ji'ipper waited long in his counting-hous'^ for the news of his merch.andise, the market and exchange, .d his sliip would drift in the Downs for as long as a voyage takes now. This was before the trim clipper spread its sails like seagulls' wiugs and raced round the Cape for the new China teas, but soon her lines were known in every port and the tall spars traced on the sky the but half understood, "nearer, nearer" as the distance of months became but weeks apart, and our grandfathers looked round a world much reduced in seeming vision to the almost boundless expanse of Elizabethan oceans ; but still the Colorlies while leaning on home support, naturally looked forward to the day as far off yet, but one to be proudly looked to by themselves and the British 'people when they would attain their majority and claim their independence. But soon the steamship was on the horizon, and in the line of smoke floating on the wind astern, might be read the "nearer yet." That long hold from rope's end to rope's end is replaced by an iron link, as weeks of travelling are reduced to days, and then begins the time of home comings and quick returns, and the British people mingle one with another, md London and Canada are no farther apart in time than the Metro- ■^^ ■«■ Id BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. polls and Dublin used to be a few years before ; a.>d \k\.Q Ausiralian Statesman 8a3's, "the time may be coming when Britain and her colonies will be united in arts and arms." And a ship comes paddling quickly over the waters, as she trails the commercial cable astern, and in the click, click, click, click of the needles in unison from pole tc pole, could be heard the secret quietly told, *' you are united." It hardly required then the Eaths and Uraths of the House of Wisdom, of whom we have read in Sir Arthur Help's "Tiealmah," to tell of change in the next twenty-five years, to know that it was historically impossible for those conditions of time and place to last, and there are now equally certain known factors that could destroy our present harmonious condition. In the following pages we shall trace the enunciation in Australia of a principle of union for the Empire. Canada will be seen as a country soon to be of the first com- mercial importance, as an inter-oceanic means of communication, and as rapidly developing her foreign trade, Africa will present the colony that in time will be both one ot the richest in herself and the best market for other colonial produce, and if properly defended will become a centre of defence, the citadel of the oceans. Some readers have said. Why Chapter II.? The reason for its insertion is that it refers to the birth-time of our colonies, to the last time when we were all together, when we all fought together. But the world has grown apace. It is no longer a period in the history of men when kingdoms can arise from small beginnings, when the weak can cope with the mighty or the unsuccessful can retire for a time from the scene of action to recoup, or resist the insistance for instant surrender. Th^ same mighty forces which have developed the British lands, and drawn them together iii one great confederacy, have enabled other nations to count their ships by the hundred and their armies by the tens of millions. Is this a period for separation and a new beginning, or a time for per- fecting a national organization and seeking to make each part take its place in developing the latent resources and strength of i^s component parts, of seeking to develop the science of government and raise the feehng of nationality to a position where each man is in his own sphere a help, a strength, a support, Ihe needful com- istralian tnin and ip comes nmercial 3edles in tly told, louse of salmah," r that it tid place at could ition in 'st cora- dcation, b one ot colonial lefence, 1 for its , to the >gether. 1 in the nnings, jful can sist the which in one ir ships Is this or per- .rt take of i*is •nment ih man il com- POLICY AND PROGRAMME. plement in the gj-eat economy of national life to 11 all his fellow- citizens ? So began to think the British people, and from 1843 to 1870 this idea began slowly to spread in the British mind, and then to become a national thought and to take the form of action. Being one race and of one national faith, their hopes, their aims^ methods, trades and resources, credit and debts, armies, navies, histories past, present and future, being the same for one and each alike, a feeling of comradeship began to be felt by the reduction of distance one from another and the quickened means of inter- communication. This feeling of union being hereditary in our race, becomes again and again a ruling spirit in the people, and the grand principle evolved by King Edward I. lives on, and is as true for the Empire now as it was for the counties of England alone at the time of the first Parliament he called together, when in the speech from the throne the royal words were : " as it Is a just rule, tbat wbat concerns ali sboulD bi? all be approved, so it is vers Plain tbat we sboulJ> meet common Danoers, b^ reme&ies bevioeb in common." \ CHAPTER II. BUILDING THE FLEET. ^ J?^HE discovery and occn- Lz ff ^^ V© pation of our colonial ''^"^^ T possessions dates from this tiine. Until the reign of Elizabeth of England, the English had been without an effective fleet. There had, indeed, been some large war vessels, but they were built more as floating bulwarks tlian for ships that could sail, stiike, and go with or against the wind Ships they were, with courtiers for commanders, soldiers for crews, which could float with the tide or a favoring wind, but were not the ships which required sea captains and sailors to navigate them in the time of the storm and the battle. vi Before this time the chances of a voyage were greatly increased by the piratical rovers of all nations, a smaller ship being almost looked upon as lawful prey for a stronger one. England was one of the weaker people on the sea. Enterprise was rendered almost impossible ; the only safety of a crew was in their defensive strength. Every ship was armed. The Atlantic had been traversed. The unLnown shore beyond, BUILDING THE FLEET. 13 whioii not the ie them Hcreased almost was one I almost efensive beyond, with the cry of ^l dorado ijo e travado, aroused the long lain latent instincts of a maritime population living around the natural harbors of their land, and the stories of an ivdventurer here, and an adventurer there, kindled in the minds ol the boys such wild longings for a ship and the sea, that it threatened the destruction of the benefit of the youthful race to the plow or the 'prentice trade, by an epidemic of ennui if they stayed at home, and if they had not in their day lived in a generation which was suddenly compelled to build ships by the hundred to meet a foreign fleet. So there were the ships when the fight and the storm was over, like horses ready with saddle and bridle tempting the crews and luring the men to take them out of the harbors again, to ride the waves of the wide open ocean for a race over the sea. Drake had led the way round the world, many would follow. Such was the condition about A.D. 1560. Ships had been built by Henry VIII. for defensive purposes, and a few more something like double castles, the fore joined to the aft by a lower deck, while ships with oval prows and galleries round the sterns, and windows to the high deck cabins were used for longer voyages, soon to carry fugitivco like exiles from home, as if the people were by a Providence, whose kindness was then unseen, compelled to begin to take the rich prizes in store for the mariners. But bright, fear- less minds were needed, with men who dared their lives day by day away from human help. It was not men like Jonah's ship- mates, who would leave working the ship to cry to their idols who could risk the open oceans, and have the courage to encounter the blasts and blows of sky and sea, but men strong and reliant on themselves who looked on the storm and the engulfing wave as the opening to a brighter voyage. Such a spirit as this arose in victorious strength with the coming of Elizabeth, with the light of truth and courage to her people. Have you ever noticed how the whole atmosphere seems filled with a bright radiance on a sunny day ? The light is not only falling on the upturned sides of objects in the sunlight, but seems to circle round and envelop all things. In a modified way it fills, as it were, the air itself, fills it up high as the hills, fills it up to the clouds and beyond, making all lights soft and pleasant, and adds a warmth, and comfort, and feeling of repose. That is what the light of Christianity does to the social and political life of 14 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. those who rejoice in its freedom. This is the life of the British people, for the enjoyment of which for themselves and their fellow- citizens they contend the world over, and this light was woven into the strands of the main sheets of their ships, bleached their skysailyards, and could be seen in the foam that ever led their track, as the sailors on deck flung their songs to the coming breeze. England was, at the earlier part of this reign, constantly at war declared or not, but her naval force at sea consisted of but seven coast-guard vessels, eight merchant brigs and schooners, and twenty-one ships fit for service in the harbors. But the time had then come when the trade of the Channel grew and spread to the North Sea, to the Spanish coast and as far as Africa, and across the Atlantic to the Azores, with a ship now and then to the Westward and Plymouth Rock. The chief inducement, however, to build ships to sail and fight, was the constant provocation from the French and Spanish navies that led to retaliation from English Privateers, a fleet led by daring navigators who became the future adventurers to distant oceans, and formed the nucleus of the navy that was soon called upon to show their mettle. At the same time the inland counties were becoming the birth- place of a race as fresh and healthy as the woods and brooks, and trained in mind and manners to what was brave and gentle, a people to be leaders of people, a new race like the crusaders of old, but this time to be marine crusaders. There may be many who almost envy the English landed birthrights of the families whose acres are linked one with another over the counties, but one powerful characteristic of the English landowner's family, never denied but hardly recognized, is their ready self-sacrifice wherever the safety of the British people is attacked. Show me the estate if you can whose present or former owners cannot point here and point there to the grave of a son or an uncle, a nephew or, maybe, a father who fell in the ranks of the British army or navy in the turmoil of battle defending what was his and perhaps is now yours. If the title deeds had claimed as a covenant running with the land that when and wheresoever the people of the realm were in danger the estate should furnish a soldier or sailor for defence in the war, no stipulation would have surer proof of its strict observance than by the records at the Horse Guards: "Died" in defence of his country, this great British BUILDING THE FLEET. 15 British fellow- , woven 3d their )d their breeze, at war it seven rs, and ime had d to the i across L to the lowever, ion from English le future :he navy le birth- oks, and gentle, a laders of be many families ties, but ; family, -sacrifice )how me lot point L nephew army or [ perhaps covenant people of oldier or ive surer le Horse ; British Dominion, to give peace to millions now living under the same flag in which he was buried. Honor the American people for keeping a day for decorating the graves of their soldiers. Where is a British colonist, whose forefathers or some of their sons have not been in the service and formed a part of our past history ? The army and navy belongs to the Empire, and are looked upon as belonging alike to every inch of British territory. The gentlemen of England whose homes have been in the country, have always been the leaders — at least, nearly always — of development at home or advance abroad. Let them still lead on — their place is in the forefront of commercial councils, the smoke and heat of the field, the dust of the political campaign and on the platform of social improvement. There is much work before us that is specially in need of the British Spartan nature. Like regiments able and eager for the fray but disbanded, such men as these listened at that time for the bugle-call to '•assemble" on land or sea. For one of those periods in the world's history had arrived when, "Man proposed and God disposed." British ruin and destruction wifch the cry of anguish was the programme. The rise of the Star of Colonial Empire with the chant of the mariners was the disposition. Early in the year 1588, the sun rose over harbors falling into disuse, but the night echoed with the sound of hanmier and saw, and the day-light came to the crowd waiting to lay down another keel. There was no time to lose. Timbers and planks and ribs of ships were joined together with bolts hot from the forge, and decks were laid while the pitch boiled over their bulwarks and the ropes were strained overhead. No time for rest ; another crew and yet another, captain and crew both shipbuilders and sailors. Arms and canon are the cargo on the merchant ships and anything that can float. These formed the British navy. The fleet was built ! It was probably at this time of threatened danger, that Shake- speare's words rang out from the boards over the chords of his hearers' nerves strained to the aching pitch, his own soul thrilling between hope and fear — because of the Spanish Armada : " Couie the three corners of the world in arms '; And we shall shock them ! Naught shall make us rue If England to itself do rest but true." 'i"A 16 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. And the echoes of the answering shout of approval have found no resting place yet. For eight years the people had been expecting a navy concealed in foreign ports and reported to be overwhelmingly strong. The friars of Valladolid and monks of Madrid still held high carnival and rejoiced, and all unmindful crowded their ships, and the Armada was ready to sail. Under the shadow of the black cloud, the evil drifted northward to a doom of darkness like the hearts within those wooden walls, and yet a merciful fate compared to the lot of ill and torture purposed by them for the fresh and rosy, happy and merry children of the bright green English fields. Onward, downward, the bay w^as passed, the channel entered and the white cliffs in sight, but no fleet to be run down by their towering weight in the freshening wind, no ships to sink with cannon-shot and clear away as they sweep onward. But like hounds pouring out from cover after the escaping quarry, so came the swifter sailing, better fighting English ships out from Plymouth Sound. Who can be first ? Was ever such a race for war ? Did ever squadron make such wild mancEUvres ? Bang ! Thunder ! Did they think that shot would win for you, reader, Newfound- land, or that broadside gain Canada for their grandsons ? Did they think as they grappled with this high galleon that it was Australia they were winning, or as ship after ship succumbed, that it was the Cape, New Zealand, pretty Tasmania and the Indies that they were adding to the British Union ? But so it was ! The foreign flet^t was strong but the wind blew high, and as night came down chaos and confusion reigned supreme. The English ships sought shelter along her shores. The Armada was no more. Swept off the seas by the mighty waves, forbidden by the undefiled rocks, driven away by the pure strong winds of the sky, denied by the ocean, rejected by the land, the life of this array of evil was expelled from the earth. These naval battles were essentially victories won by the people. Every ship on the coast, every boat on the shore put out to fight for defence of their land and the mastery of the sea. The strength and resources of some, the courage and endurance of others were linked together, and the bounding spirit of victory found a fitting scope of action in world-wide discovery to which the British people now turned their attention, and which led to BUILDING THE FLEET. 17 the founding of our Colonial Empire. England at last possessed a merchant fleet, had built a navy, and her ships were free to sail the ocean over. DATES OF DISCOVERY OR SETTLEMENT OF BRITISH COLONIES: / Australia, 1606. lO New Zealand, 1642. Tasmania, 1642. t Bermuda, 1609. 9 Bahamas, 1629. 1 I Cape Colonies, 1486. i Canada, 1535. Gold Coast, 1580. ^ Natal, 1498. it Newfoundland, 1497. Trinidad, 1498. -..% Ceylon, 1486. Fiji, 1646. l^ Falkland Isles, 1771. 1% Jamaica, 1655. -.....-:-/■-: /^:- Borneo, 1690. _^ - ^ ^'^^^- ;---^*~*- ' n Bechuanaland, 1850. ■ ■■:> ■:■■ ;-■ 1 Zambesia, 1855. n Saloman Isles, 1893. "i i CHAPTER III. AUSTRALIA, 1 OME 1,900,000,000 acres form the country of bright, sunny, brave A.ustraha, the bind of sunshine and the Southern Cross, happy in her past with a future happier yet. Here live a people that the nature of thoir land and climate seems to take in hand and improve from generation to generation. Many are wealthy, and like the patriachs of old have kept their fathers' sheep, and now their flocks keep them. They live surrounded by broad acres, while their sons and daughters, our cousins, grow tall, and fair, and strong. A land where there is room for all who have the early courage to endure. We would not say that everything in Australia is on the jump, like the kangaroo, but we will say that the spicy breezes from the forest trees, curHng the hair on the temples of their boys while they ride and race over the miles cf grassy lands, make their pulses bound with life, and their hearts become like what their volcanoes on their prairies used to be, full of fire and energy ; they will yet find the wide shores of their continent and island too confined for a British nature, and follow the lead of the wise and noble policy, which was an oft'spring matured and reared in their own councils just fifty years ago (1843) of knitting her destinies with lier own people and her own race around the earth, and going forward in confidence fearing no evil. Measure the length and breadth from east to west and from north to south of the Australian continent (2,600 miles by 2,000 miles), reckon the miles of iron for the railroads necessary for the development of the country, and estimate the capital rerjuired to establish the bariks, supply the business loans, to carry on the H X m ■0 3) o •o m 3) is o z H m o 1- > g -H O 2 m > z o z m 3) CO -< ■D o > J? m z -< o z .1 is ii « 2 =« m fi> f- -I I- H 2 I" fi s s X H I O O > o O 2 m z m 3) CO ■■ '>« 'AM •■,•»/>■;■. »VV'.'' '.'V '•'* kC 5<1 .. ^V' ^■•^^'^•"#i^.•r■. H.V'>c:<.#^.#- '■:^'0s'v:^v:%:^ ^■^i^fc.--# -M' y^mm-% %■'■■ '^m w il- ' AUSTRALIA. 21 <5oninierf'o of the people who will populate these districts, and the amount will require the protection of the British Empire to give value to the security on which all people who have the money to invest will rely, on Australian stocks and bonds, debentures and shares in New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Aus- tralia, South Australia, New Zealand and Tasmania. We can take our starting point in the modern Australian history from the time of the independence of Victoria, not that Australian history began then, but that the present momentous questions of Imperial Union arose at the time of her political, separation from the legislative power of New South Wales — these great questions of the future of Australia, of her different depen- dencies — these questions wrestled with by great and bright political minds in their younger days and now being brought into the arena of practical politics. The situation in Sydney at that time (1844-45) forms one of special interest. The authority of the New South Wales Govern- ment extended over the continent, but with the discovery of the gold fields and rich pastures in the district, then called Port Phillip, and now known as Melbourne, a large population had suddenly settled down in this new territory and claimed local •control for their new possessions. Communication between Mel- bourne and Sydney could only be had by sea. A Bill was brought forward in the New South Wales Legis- lature for the formation of the separate colony of Victoria, and the position was this : In the first place, we see the Governor, Sir George Gibbs, representing the influence of the British Crown, •seeking to hold together the Australian colony. At the other •extreme, there was the Victorian party, keen and intent on their financial interest, which they saw would be much benefited by their obtaining the political control over tljeir gold fields, sheep runs, and town sites ; and thirdly, there were the members of the New South Wales Legislature with whom the decision rested. To some of these the proposed measure seemed to threaten the disintegration of the continent ; to others it appeared as the only possible means for the full development of different local and separated landed advantages. Among the members of the Legis- lature, one stands out in the controversy more prominent than the rest, namely, Eobert Lowe, afterwards Lord Sherbrooke, an r BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. aiubitiouH youn^' barrister who liad the cxtni iidvaiita^'e of beiii^' th« nominee of the Governor in the Le^'ishiture, and afterwards; editor of that \vell-\viehh>(l literary weapon, The A fins. His syin- pathies were with the Victorian party; his duty, to support the view of the GoveP'or. It was proi)ably this dual condition which led hini to take wl it has since become an historical standpoint on the (piestion of colonial representation. In the Legislature, after first resi^niin^ his seat as a nominee and bein^^ returned by a constituency, he threw his heart and youl into eu))p()rting the measure, which was carried ; but in his news- paper, as if, perhaps, in some measure to atone for taking a contrary course to what mif^ht have been expected from him, he elucidated in a series of articles a more comprehensive policy applicable to the Empire, and like a j^ood editor, probably expressed opinions in which others shared. The two great principles put forward were these : 1. Local Helf -Government. 9i. Rej^resentation of the Colonies in the Britiah Parliament. First Apart from the personality attaching to those pro- Declaration of •,• ... T • i. i. L L\ L ' L J.U- Federation positions it IS a peculiar point to note that it was this, by act of separation that evoked the declaration of a Representation, policy of confederation of Australia, of Australasia and England. The first of the two political claims being naturally a division of labor, leading to the greatest development in agricul- ture and commerce; and the second, the most effective means of supporting, extending and protecting their ever-increasing foreign trade and relation;. At that time the critic who replied that an Imperial Parliament would have an unwieldy weight of business to handle, spoke the truth for the time being, for it was supposed that such a question for causing mental disturbance as the Australian School Laws would be a question dealt with by the Imperial Parliament, and that the members for Victoria, Middlesex, Quebec and the Pun- Locai jaub would all have a vote on the Bill. Since then. Self-government, howcver, the science of politics has been better understood, and political art relegates questions which affect some and not others, to those whom they may concern, to be decided ; the germ of this policy taking deep root and growing well, nurtured in the ground of the first above-mentioned claim of AUSTRAL/A. S8 )orw!ird8: lis syni- port the n which uulpoint nominee and youl lis news- baking a him, he e policy xpressed iment. hose pro- 1 was this ion of a istrahisia naturally 1 agricul- means of g foreign irliament spoke the question 3ol Laws lent, and the Pun- nce then, en better feet some decided ; ^mg well, claim of " Lo(*al Self-government," whith alone^makes possible the seccd, ** Imperial Federation throtigli the British Parliament." This is a line of policy which, if it had been incorporated in Magna ('harta, would almost have rounded out that document to the lines of perfection, but as it happens, though it was enunci- ated by King Edward I. in his first parliament, the full force and benefit of this poUcy leading so far forward to ** Peace on Earth," is only now being recognized as the true and constitutional solution for many a political problem, at least, in England ; for at the separation of the New England States, the principle was incorporated as a part of the Constitution, and since then has become for the United States at the same time, as it were, the mortar, that unites individual interests in separate states and that marks the line of the division between them. We will in future refer to this principle as the '* Australian Principle " in the ethics of Federation, that is, " that matters " SHOULD BE DECIDED BY WHOM THEY CONCERN, AND WHERE ALL ARE " AFFECTED, THE COMMON CAUSE SHOULD BE DEALT WITH BY REMEDIES " DEVISED IN COMMON." It is often in the earlier stages, the experimental stages, that the inherent success of an undertaking can be foreseen, or fails to materialize. Again, this same period in Australian history furnishes us with an example of the success of a vital principle. Discord and division at once became rampant in the new and mixed parlia- ment in Victoria, which was composed of appointed and elected members together in the same House, the same difficulty does not arise where there are two Houses. p]lected and appointed members Representatives ^'^^ havc 110 part oiie witli another. They cannot Elective fraternize. One represents the people, the other does ''• not. One voices the feelings of the constituencies, the Appointive. Q^^jjgj. cannot because he has none. One is a fitted occupant of a seat in a Parliament, the other has no part or share in the deliberative councils of an elective House. This was the first discovery on the assembling of the Victorian Parliament, and the dual n)ethod at once collapsed after a short and sharp parliamentary contest. The members had to be elected and chosen by ballot. What commingling of spirit there may be on account of the contest and heat of an election, we know not in the measure, but we see it in the results. The chosen representative first works ■■•^". -■■ •;;: V I? 24 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. Appointed Councils are a failure. with the people and for the people, and people for him, and after the fight he seems to carry within his breast a spirit composed of the thoughts, feelings, aspirations and hopes of his supporters. An appointee is like the counsel for a case, not a plaintiff or defendant, and without the inner feelings of either. The success of the representative experiment in Victoria again vindicated the great priiiciplo tliat the people may he safely trusted to arrange affairs in which they are personally concerned, when the liability to carry out the programme rests ivith themselves, and its effect loill be felt by them all individually. What shall we say of this great lesson when applied to what is known as the Australian Council, which seeks to be a connect- ing link between *;he Australasian colonies, but is itself wanting in the essential elements for strength necessary for union, its members being appointed and not elected. One of the fundamental rules of la w, we might call it a legal postulate, is delegatus non delegare, and the theory of politics, which has for its end the making of laws, has for its foundation many corner-stones of the identical form as the Common Law of which this is one, brt one which is continually being broken, and when broken causing an unstable footing. A delegate cannot delegate, because the party he appoints becomes, in no legal relationship to the party for whom he th'^n arts but does not represent, a sort of cousin-german, perhaps, but not one of the family. Accordingly, if a minister of one of the Colonial governments appoints a person to this Confederated Council, such nominee d:>e3 not represent his own constituents at the Council Board, much less his whole Colony. A who represents B, not only appoints C to represent B, but appoints him to represent D, E and F as well, which is nnpossible. There becomes no privity of relationship then between the members of the Australian Council and the people of Australia, but let them be elected and returned by the popular vote, and that wonderful correlation of elector and member v/ill cement Australasia into a pyramid of united strength. Thio same argument applies to the proposition for an Imperial Council of Commerce or for other purposes. When the time comes that the Australian colonies shall decide in their different parliaments on the question of being represented at the centre of British influence, let them accept no compromise of an official I AUSTRALIA. m appointee to p.ct for them, but let the people claim their right of having a directing influence in those questions which affect the British nation, by each one voting on the name of the man who they may con8id(5r will best express their local views in an Imperial Parlia^nent. That quick reflection from their continent and islands of the same feeling and interest which the English took at the time of the trouble on the Dardanelles in 1878, showed the British in Australia one with the British in England, and if their ready effort in the Egyptian campaign was at least in its place, if not called upon for action, let us learn the further lesson and impress it on others, that Federation will be for defence and not attack, and will hope to reap its fruits of reward in peace and prosperity and not by success in turmoil or martial victories, and that men's hearts have pride in local patriotism. One of our great British statesmen in his lighter moods, just before an election, warned his fellow-members of the Ministry in which a slight difference marred the strength of their union, by remarking *' that if they did not hang together they would all hang separately," and when we consider the immense power to strike and rapidity of movement of the older nationalities in com- parison to the newer Australian colonies, it is amazing to think that any one would want to risk a sure encounter with some of these stronger powers by a lonely and rash attempt at an inde- pendent corporate existence. Statesmen may have tried to smooth over these diversities of feeling which keep Australian colonies apart, but this fact of " Federation accomplished" seems as if it would not be left to the politicians, but to the people, to achieve. What a great gathering that was in 1878 when the first Colonial Conference was sumujoned, and for the first time in history the leading Colonial statesmen met one with the another in London to discuss the welfare of the Empire. Called together by the Colonial oflice, under authority from the Crown. Many suggestions were proposed and agreed to, but both at this con- ference and the two others that have followed when the conference closed, there was no machinery to carry them into effect. How pregnant with results, but except as a precursor of further Union Conferences, how empty of effect I Many speeches, giving some of the thoughts of the greatest minds, papers read astute with logic 26 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. w ■-■ and reasoning for commercial progress, but where was the debate on Federation ? What was it that stopped the phiin and simple claim for representation in the British Parliament as necessary for the advancement of their commercial interests, their credit and their trade ? Is it true that at a conference of the Colonies the question of the Empire was forbidden to be discussed ? What was the reason for this, where the logic, who said " Hush," when the claim was mentioned, who ordained that the question be a forbidden subject, and why and where has been the use of such a prohibition? What was it that froze the Canadian tongue, what lassoed the Australian words ? Sometimes this gathering of young lions seemed under a cloud. Who was the unauthorized author of " Hush ;'" AUSTRALIAN TRADE. The Hon. Mackenzie Bo well, Canadian Minister of Trade and Commerce, who has lately returned from Australia, made a very able address, in Toronto, to the members of the Manufacturers' Association. In his remarks, which appear below, he repeated the motto : " Our Government — the keystone of the arch upon which rests the stability of our country and her progress." Now, that is precisely our point, that as the progress of a country is dependent on the government of the country, so the progress of the Empire, the commercial advantages from inter-communication of i^s different portions, is dependent on the government of the Empire. The highest commercial benefits are dependent on political union, as clearly shown in his further remarks. The need of a repre- sentative political centre of co.itrol v/ould at once become essential, to maintain national unity among competitors and for the elaboration of the plan in respect of expenses towards the military and civil services, which all would in time have to bear proportionately. An English taxpayer would certainly expect an 'I AUSTRALIA. 27' .V' Australian and a Canadian merchant to contribute towards the expenses of protecting a trade which was being carried on in the Pacific between those two great countries. ' The trade of Australia during the year IJ^O] amounted to £41,408,315. Their imports during the same year amounted to £V.\-1V\\1\ of which Great Britain, and that is where their trade principally lies, sent £W,.S23,4r8, and received in return from Australia no less than iJ;}2,6.S8,841. This trade was distributed among the different colonies. South Australia, which is the oldest of the Colonies.-, received £14,259,000. New South Wales imported about fourteen and a half million pounds; Victoria, thirteen millions; Queensland, three and a .juarter millions;^ South Australia, over four millions ; West Australia, six hundred and ninety-five thousand ; Tasmania, six hundred and ninety-eight thousand, and New Zealand five and a half millions. This trade was distributed over these different colonies, and the difficulty that presented itself to me was in atten^ipting to come to any mutual commercial arrangement between these different colonies and Canada, from the fact that one has to deal with seven distinct governments, seven distinct tariffs, and seven barriers erected between each of the Colonies. Their exports, many of which we took, were as follows:— New South Wales, £14,:U0,850; Victoria, £11,097,65;}; Queensland, £3,378,816; South Australia, £5,620,561 ; Western Australia, £562,206 ; Tasmania, £382,381 ; New Zealand, £7,860,836. In 1891, the United States sent to Australia £3,000,000, and imported about £3,250,000, of which a large proportion was wool. Over £3,000,000 was the value of the wool they bought from the Australian colonies. Portions of that ijnport came to Canada. Last year we consumed in wool from 10,000,000 to 12,000,000 pounds. Some of our manufacturers have in the last year or two been in the habit of employing agents in New South Wales and in Victoria, to purchase wool for their factories. In 1892, the imports to Australia were over $11,000,000 worth of goods. What are the principal goods in which we can compete? T find that in agricultural Implements the imports were .$323,936; broadstufis, $65,133; brooms and brushes, $36,198; carriages and Lorses, $497,008; patent medicines, $148,543; chemical dyes and medicines, $212,368 ; cotton goods, $132,199 ; fish, $55,909 ; fish, canned salmon, $152,979; coidage, $9,561; canned fruits, $8,745; explosives, $70,845 ; India rubbei-, boots and shoes, $9,304 ; India rubber, manufactures of, $45,292; iron, castings, $62,513; machinery, $466,193; nails, $69,114; saws and tools, $451,635; scales and balances, $15,669; sewing machines, $366,058; engines, stationary, $4,334 ; boilers and parts, $5,847 ; stoves, ranges, etc., $59,861 ; A^ire, $97,918; all other manufactures of iron, $209,514; leather, $186,925; boots and shoes, $12,638; harness and saddles, $58,3 ',8; other manufactures of leather, $64,752 ; oil and '^•ement, $23,874 ; slate roofing, $47,089 ; stone, manufactures of, $25,437; musical instruments, organs, $80,712; pianos, $4,416; oil, whale and fish, $14,662; kerosene, $1,015,859; oil, lubricating, $102,100; paints and painters'^ colors, $46,091 ; paper, printing and wrapping, $292,538 ; plated wire, $52,430 ; soap, toilet, $41,116; soap, common, $3,465; vegetables, canned, $5,462; timber, manufactures of, $1,722,172. There is no reason why carriages and horse cars should not be sent trom Canada mmri ■M ^8 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. as well as the United States. I know that the manufacturers of these articles in Canada are about making a trial shipment, and I predict that they will find it l)oth profitable to themselves -md to those who use their product. Patent medicines also, I believe, could be manufactured in this country just as well as in the United States. And there is no reason why in these herbs, small as they appear to be in the great volume of that trade, Canada should not have her proportion as other countries. It is just the same with cotton, they would have to compete with the English to a great extent. There are millions of carcasses of sheep sent out of Australia and New Zealand, and every one of these sheep is covered with thin cotton. You will find that there is a very great market for that article alone. Let those who are iii that industry in this country — and there is a combination which, I say, has done good to the country rather than harm, because it has enabled each mill to manufacture one particular article, and in doing that they have an output beyond the limits of this country, and they must have a market in other parts of the world — endea\()r to extend their trade. They use stoves in every way in New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia. The north i.i Australia is what the south is to Canada. Why should not the stove manufacturers occupy the same position in regard to that Australian trade that the agricultural implement maimfacturers do ? When I told the Australians that the Canadians had carried off prizes in Paris, competing with English and American manufacturers ; that they carried off prizes in England, right at the door of the best manufacturers in the world, and thai/ they had beaten every miinufacturer in their own country, they were not a little astonished at it, and I hfA'e no doubt that the stoves thit could be sent from Canada into that country will bear as fair a comparison as to cjuality, finish, beauty and utility as any made in this world. Wire and other industries are just exactly on the same ground. There are many of these articles that would be peculia- to the Pacific slope, particularly slate, if you could get into their market ; there is a demand for the slate produced in British Columbia. ^■\"'. ■ ■■ -:iv; /— -r— CHAPTER IV. CANADA ; OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS. iwS SHIPS sail on from inland harbors where they have taken on their cargo, down the widening river and past the headland hghts to the ocean which seems trackless to one who is not the navigator, so the affairs of men who form the people of a country pass on together as one existence from the time of their early formation to the distant future, and their course is alone known to Him who rules the hearts of men and guides their destiny according to their fitness for what they become qualified. So Canada goes forward the irrestrainable native force of the race for ever seeking to attain to something yet unaccomplished, some new territory to occupy, some new manufacture to build up, some new means of communication to obtain, until a widely separated, diversant and sparsely populated land is becoming politically and mechanically united by a parliament, railroad, and maritime connection. The > Excelsior. 30 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. •etfect of her latitude has been to induce manufactures, mills and factories to spring up, one almost within sight of the other, and a bright and healthy, active or wealthy population takes possession of town and homestead. The people of Canada have successfully gone through the first century of the colonial state of existence. There is a time when the people of a country are very indepen- dent of outside influences. It is when the land is in the progress of being settled, cleared, developed, and the increase in the value of the land well supports and, in some cases, enriches the population as it naturall}' rises from a very cheap price to one of considerable value. This is the lirst stage in colonization, and is a happy one for a man without capital, and a young man without a business who can take up land, and who, indeed, seems as if he grew up with the country and prospered on the increase wrought by his own and others, means. But such halcyon days do not last long, some twenty years, at the most a century, and such opportunities are gone from thai land never to return. Then a second condition is reached which differs but little, except in "The old order changeth ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ mother COUntry yielding place to new.' ,. i • i e i- l\ a i from which we or our forefathers came. A less amount of worldly goods will, perhaps, go as far here as a larger accumulation there ; but when businesses such as we see in the Old 'Country are carried on here, when manufacturers supply the home demand, large wholesale dealers take the place of smaller ones, banks show capitals so large that they become influenced by out- side sources, and competition becomes keen between local traders, and men by being kept much more to one channel of business at home, and manufacturers by having the machinery to make much more than is needed in the home markets, begin to wish to be exporters and to look outside their own territory, and to view the other British possessions as flelds for their own enterprise, ship- ments and agencies, then, indeed, we have arrived at a second stage in colonial life, and we find ourselves more than before in want of all that lends protection and firmness and reliability for similar institutions in the Old Country, for the defence, support, and credit of these institutions in thf) New. This is the time now with us.:- r , .,- ■" ■-. "' "':~'^^7~'^''~-^--~'^:^-~j-if--'~--r^ It is a noticeable coincidence that this period of commercial development has commenced very much at the same time as the CANADA; OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS. 31 second century in Ontario. All will yet remember the ceremonies in Toronto, in September, 1892, when we celebrated the event, and the clock of the centuries resounded over our land as it boomed forth the close of the iirst hundred years of our political life. We entered a new century, indeed — new in every respect — very new to the younger business members of our community, as they find they will have to confront another order of things to sustain their position and business in the next few years, and it will be diffi- cult to follow, with advantage, the footsteps of those who may have gone before them, and who may in many cases have built up a business to which they find themselves the happy possessors or sharers. This new condition of things is plainly seen by what has been found of interest in our newspapers during the last few weelrs. We have read many articles on the fast steamboat service from Halifax to Liverpool or Milford Haven. We have heard two gentlemen from Australia representing another steamboat service from our western <.'oast^to the Australasians' continent and islands, and Connuercial Cable is alw^ays with us in the quotations. Now, even these three new projects bring home to us very clearly the position which Canada is likely to take in the economy of nations. She will become the great highway of connnerce between the two hemispheres — a highway studded with factories along the route for handling the products of any country, and with every advantage for shipments east or west, and also the great trans-continental carrier between two oceans. The atlas shows, however, that her geographical con- formation is the very reverse of what one would call a strong and centralized power. The country, as shown on the map, and the lines ofj|her railroads suggest this appearance of being a great •Commercial History. .f ,' 32 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. \. connecting roadway, a strip of British* glory across the North American continent, a pathway for civihzation from east to west and from west to east again. This being so, Canada has a direct and ever-increasing interest in the commerce of the world, and especially in regard to the channels in which that stream of com- merce may flow or be diverted for. To seek to hold a place in the great councils of the Empire, where she may take her share of building up and increasing this traffic in foreign ports and encour- aging her own exports and imports, and to seek to have some control over these lines of international connection across the oceans is becoming even daily to her a matter of vital financial importance for her people. It is this line of action that is being marked out for her people to take, as leading on to national succes ; that we name " The Policy of the Seas." It is by endeavoring to maintain traffic over our highways that we shall draw together in closer union the provinces of our dominion. It is this right of way that will make Canada an invaluable part of the British dominions, as we hold in our hands the strategetical position of British union in time of European commotion. To keep and extend our serviceableness as a safe and speedy accessory to marine transit means prosperity, to allow the trade to be diverted to other channels, or to escape from our control, means to have Canada relegated many commercial degrees nearer the North Pole than she is geographically. We give two maps showing the countries around the oceans on either shore so as to give an idea of the enormous traffic that might in the future come to our ports and pass over our railroads. The railway may some day be continued across China to Europe. If we take an historical view of the expansion of the self-ruling power in the Anglo-Saxon race, we find these Political History. two dominant ideas of government from the year 1050, A.D., running along side by side in different individuals all through the eight hundred and fifty years since that time." The old Norman love of ruling by governing, as a general governs his army by the word of command of a superior to an inferior, exists in many minds to-day side by side with the old British feeling of government by regulation after due debate, consideration and ■ r * The word " British " is used throughout as applicable to the British race vrhich includes Canadians. CANADA; OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS. 33 [orth west lirect , and coin- n the ire of icour- some 3s the laiicial i being iicces". Lvoring )gether •ight of British tion of ep and sory to liverted to have ■th Pole leans on bt might ,s. The )e. >n of the nd these ar 1050, luals all le; The verns his or, exists feeling of tion and vrhich decision by the people to be governed from as far back as the ancient Witenagemot assembly. The first is the rule of a minority, the second the general consent to the expressed wish of a majority. The first found its expression in the creation of dukes and Norman lords, who ruled their domains in olden times ; and later, in governors, who ruled their colonies, and now in a parliament that rules the British Empire. The second idea of government, what we might call the ideal, found expression in the appointment of the ancient English earls, who were responsible for the well-being of their counties ; and later in the Colonial Houses of Representatives, who were given by the colonists the responsibility for the conduct of their country. And in the near future this quieter, gentler, yet far stronger and more lasting form of English constitutional government will find a new development in the expression of the will of the British people gradually asserting itself at the centre of power, as the ruling element over the destinies of a united empire. That is as natural a rise and development in the growth of the modern form of parliamentary rule, as is the development and growth of a colony from a handful of adventurers to a country whose citizens first become equals and then enter a state where differences in interests, objects or pursuits as compared with the mother country disappear. Their national life becomes, as it were, one with the country from which they come, and for which they have ever maintained an allegiance. We maintain that these two forms of development have pro- gressed side by side with equal pace — the commercial development of our colonies and the political development of the Empire — so that at the present time, when we find the growth and strength of our trade requiring the civil and military advantages of the Empire, we also find at the same time that the minds of men have become educated up to a level where a community of political and COMMERCIAL INTERESTS HAS BECOME A RECOGNIZED NECESSITY and a fundamental principle on which alone union can be maintained and united interests prospered. This two-fold union of commercial and political interests can only be harmonized and supported by following out for the Empire those grand principles of King Edward I., which he so prophetically laid down when calling his parliament together for the federation of his kingdom of England. (Page 11.) How applicable to the vast extension of his kingdom, 84 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. which he faithfully and victoriously tried in his time of trust to pass on unimpfiired from those who had committed it to his care to those who followed after him ! Lord Beaconsfie'd had a remarkable leaning towards the policy of uniting the interests of the people of a country as a great means of insuring the peace and prosperity of themselves and their neigh- 4)or8, as was shown in Turkey, Egypt and India. This character of liis led him, from time to time, to give consideration to the present colonial problem ; and that was even before the wonderful rfom- tnercial strength developed among our colonial people. He, however, even then advocated the practicability of the idea at some future time of the Colonies being more united and consolidated as portions of the Empire by representation in the Imperial Parlia- ment, and he expressed it as a matter that must have been ignored or overlooked at the time the distant lands were being peopled, that those who took up their residence in them for the very purpose of extending the British domains, lost all representation in the Home Parliament \\hich governed them. He referred to it " as a matter tvliich at some future time, if the Empire ivas to he %ept together, would have to he rectified.'' The people in the New England colonies, now part of the United States, made several claims for the privilege in return for the taxes tliey paid. That old map, however, which used to hang in the Colonial Office in Downing Street, showing this continent partitioned off into duchies and earldoms and other divisions, to give names for new titles, showed only too plainly how once upon a time the colonial lands were looked upon as being more in the gift of the British Government than subject to colonial control. 'That feeling still retained sufficient force at the beginning )f this century to treat the claim of representation as a matter outside the range of possibilities, and when in later times the claim was again suggested, it was always countered by the " want-to-know- •'how- much -you -will -pay -for -your -defence " proposition promptly tfired back. If a man remained at home he would have a voice in the control of Australia or Canada, because he paid some taxes and his executors afterwards some probate duty ; but if he comes out here and takes his share in adding indirectly thousands of pounds to the Imperial exchequer, by building up and extending CAtfADA^ OR. T/fE I'OUCY OF THE SEAS. 8fi the Ei7ire' '" '°°™ "" ''*'''" '° '*^ ""^"""^ "*""" ""' "«''"« «' But " the old order chaugeth yielding place to new," and we hud ready to meet our new connnercial needs a political change m he Br,t.sh people. The very literature, as we nmy call it, of the (-olonies, all leads up to the same solution of the problem, " union BV BEP«E.sENTAT,„.v." This is wlmt our friends advise, what our enemies fear. " There is a tide in the affairs of m°n and nationa, Which, taken at the fl(X)d, Imds on to fortune." While generalities may be permitted in introducing a subject to the inmd, yet specific objects which have a definite and beneficial bearing on a man's business must be given to obtain mental conviction that will lead on to action. When a subject has once been brought forward, and has taken a hold upon people's thoughts It IS surprising the number of arguments, ino and con, that are found to affect the final decision. We give but a few in this paper as a commencement, but still they are amply sufficient tor tormmg a logical basis on which to formulate a demand for the recognition of our needs on behalf of the Canadian people. Other circumstances may arise which may not only induce us to lay claim to these equal rights, but which might quickly force us to urgently demand them. Difficulties may soon arise in our Jinipire, for there are many who come under the cover and live in the freedom of British protection who would yet, if they could tear our national flag to pieces. Our object is not so much to gain new rights as to give greater effect to our Union as far as it exists and in the next place to increase them. He is a poor politician who would not be able to say under given circumstances, and at a given time, what his policy would be. Instead of being hke the rocks along the seashore, he would be like the waves that swish- swash along our lake beach ; yet we are afraid there are a good many in the country in that condition, and some intentionally so. The reasons why there should be closer union with the legisla- tive councils of Great Britain are : 1. That Canada may take an active part in the regulations and extension of the commerce that will come to us and through us from the continents and oceans on either side of our country. In T?^ The Shores of the Atlantic. (Brituh PoBteigion* Shaded) CANADA, OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS, 87 3fV n 1892, our f()rei;rn trade amounted to $231,000,000 worth of ^oodH, of which $113,657,H8.'5 was with (ireat Britain,* and $117,384,433 with other countries. 2. We need ropresentativeH at Westminster to help develop our great landed interests. Lately a Colonial party has heen formed in the House of Commons, and the reason given is that those memhers have large landed interests in the Colonies. Now, it is evident that, if the formation of forming a small party to support colonial interests will advance "M'ir landed interests, in the same way representatives from Nt.. I3rnnswick to the North- We^t T(>rritoriesf would help to advance the landed interests in the provinces of our Dominion. We would not consider the people's representatives, advertising agents. Bat they are, especially for the district from which they come, the very best sort you can possibly have. They have a personal and certainly a political reason for doing all they can for the connner- cial aiid linancial objects in their province. 3. For the necessary legislation to give effect to the policy of an Imperial Commercial Union. 4. Because our manufacturers will become exporters, and it will be most essential to have proper and equal trade rsgulations to prevent ruinous competition and the lowering of wages. 5. For mutual defence. 6. To look after our share in the expansion of trade in Asia, Africa and other new fields of enterprise. 7. To arrange for necessary legislation so that the enonnous trust funds in England could be invested in colonial securities, landed or bonded. We want capital to help us to do the work. 8. To maintain in time to come a more equal and equitable distribution of wealth in the payment of labor. 9. For proportionate representation in the Consular Service. These objects touch one and all alike— the manufacturer, banker, merchant, farmer and mechanic— and this great reform ♦Great Britain's total trade with Canada decreased during the year, ending June, 1893, by ^,626,000. . tThe total trade of Manitoba, which was in 1892 over f5,000,000, fell in 1893 to a little over $2,000,000. The export value of their agricultural products, which amounted in 1892 to over a million dollars, fell in 1893 to $445,000. This is a tremendous strain on a small province. ! 1& ll* I T-^ % < UJ r UJ O < CO Q. UJ I CANADA; OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS. m should not be left to personal influence, but should be taken up by the people for their own good. . , - , Before concluding this chapter, let us attempt to outline a policy on trade relationship. This is a point to which so many in favor., of a union come, and then stop as they fear damage to their own., business interests. Will union help to do away with protection? is the "pale cast,, of thought that makes this enterprise of great pith and moment lose its name of action,'" for many of its lukewarm supporters. It is said that we need protection for manufacturers who are employers of labor, because what we have to guard against is not equal competition, but being made a field for the sale of the surplus goods from foreign factories, that can be sold at so low a, price as to prevent the manufacture of a serviceable class of goods here. ShouM not our policy in this matter be something in thip line : that whei? we are strong enough to export our manufactured, goods and stand on ttu equal footing in foreign ports, we may then hope for a more profitable exchange of commodities between the different parts of the same empire, and then relieve our own people from a system which does, in many cases, though it need not, become a tax on the home purchaser. This trade question is the crux of the whole business in Canada. To solve that is to find the local solution of the problem of the union, to remove the ■ barriers that at present keep us separate. Federation ;)Z//.s preferential trade equals the commercial > necessity of Canada, is the mathematical way of stating the . political problem. From this feeling arises the Canadian claim for " Preferential Trade " within the British dominions, for many say that Canada's business interests are bound up with the North American continent, and in British Union they would want to see compensatory benefits over local advantages. But how can this . commercial policy be satisfactorily dealt with except after the . political union of all those who would be aftected has become an accomplished fact. The President of the Toronto Board of Trade, D. K. Wilkie, , 1893-94, said in his annual address: — -r—'h-r—r-;^- "I sympathize most heartily with the hopes expressed by my two immediate predecessors in office, that the mother country and her colonies will be draMn closer together by the b< ads of an Imperial Trade pol-cy. Our own Parliament has echoed 40 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. that sentiment. It is unfortunate, however, that the Legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland have not yet given the great living question of an Imperial Commercial Union the consideration it deserves. Canada was never so prosperous as it was during the existence of a preferential tariflf in Great Britain in favor of her colonies. The re-iraposition of such a tariff would afford the Colonies the advantages in the markets of Great Britain over foreign rivals to which we think th«y are entitled, without pressing upon the consumer ; would ultimately compel the revision of tariffs at present hostile to the Empire ; would conduce to the rapid settlement of our North- West, and would give the manufacturers of Great Britain an equivalent in the shape of an enlarged market for their products, without the cost to the nation of endless sacrifices of blood and treasure." We should, at the same time, remember that in discussing a closer union, we are not trenching in aiij shape or form upon the complete control by the people of a colony over their own land, or in any way affecting the integrity of our Constitution. We find in England that it has often be n: ' :ic for considera- tion, this right to be given to the Colonies of having representatives in the English House of Lords and House of Commons. In some places the idea has met with encouragement, and nowhere with disapproval. Why, then, should the Colonies hesitate to put for- ward their claim especially when Ireland has made it such a special point in the great debate about her future, that she should maintain a large representative body in the House of Commons ? Too large, many would think. The discussion on the Irish Bill has shown that England approves the p?inciple of home representation for self-governing countries, and maintaining the Union by repre- sentation. The question now, why Canada should not !fa ■ r. -nented, would be harder to give a sufficient reason for than why l . should. The feeling of union is hereditary in the British people. We have not chosen the time to place this great problem before the Canadian public— it is with us. We look at the waters of our lake and know that they are a direct highway to London Bridge. It is Canada's great highways of the sea, and byways of her rivers, and lakes and canals, that are the making of this country. Let Canadians take advantage of these marvellous accessories to their internal resources, and one and all, both richer and poorer, seek to claim that standing among the British people which is ours by being in command of the great highways that unite the commerce of two oceans. ''*'*»«*i CANADA; OR, THE POLICY OF THE SEAS. 41 As some of our readers may not be acquainted with the statistics of Canadian commerce, or be aware of the extent to which the export trade is growing, we give the following tables : In 1892, Canada exported flour to Great Britain, British Guiana, West Indies, Australia, Newfoundland, Belgium, China, Germany, Holland, Japan, St. Pierre! United States. In 1892, agricultural exports were : Agricultural— Grain 630,817,406 " Animal products 30,063J77 $60,881, 183 Total imports from Great Britain 144,382,132 " " " other Countries 72,596,811 Total imports for 1892 $1 16,978,943 Total exports for 1891 .1598,417,296 " " 1892 113,963,373 In 1892, forest exports were $20,000,000. Total trade with Great Britain $113,557,883 " " " other Countries 1 17,384,433 Total trade for 1892 $230,942,316 ^:^ 42 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPIE. EXPORTS OF MANUFACTURED ARTICLES IN 1892. A FEW SAMPLES. Agricultural implements _ $450,000 Cottons to China ' 228,958 Cottons (generally) 334,000 Ships built and sold 500,000 Musical instruments 400,00 Cheese T 12,554,286 Leather 1,130,000 To Germany 942,098 " Holland 567,879 '* Spanish possessions 93,476 " Peru 26,107 " Roumania 874 Books 89,000 Carts and carriages 27,000 Clothing 64,000 Total, $20,294,00, exported ; the produce of * Canadian facttjries. RELATIVE DISTANCES FROM LIVERPOOL IN NAUTICAL POINTS. Liverpool to Yokohama via Suez 35 points " " " Canada 22 " Advantage of Canadian route 13 " Liverpool to Hong Kong via Suez 30 " " Canadian Pacific Ry 27 " In favor of Canada 3 " Liverpool to Australia via Suez 49-51 " " '« " C.P.R 44 " In favor of Canada 5 " Ijiverpool to Australia via Cape of Good Hope 63 " " C.P.R 44 " In favor of Canada 19 " Liverpool to Sandwich Islands (old route) 46 ". " " " C.P.R 22 " In favor of Canada 24 " wmm )INTS. "^ «i OQ CHAPTER V. THE CAPE COLONIES AND THEIR t ' GOOD HOPES. 'OW was it that the guiding star of destiny lured so many voyagers across the stormy oceans that surround the Cape of Good Hope, far south where the spindrift blows and the Aurora australis lights the night, or away toward the setting sun where the frosts hold high carnival, when from the English shore they could almost drop down on the hills and valleys and plains thickly covered with game, and the luxurious soil of Africa? But, so it is. Africa, the best of lands, is reserved for the last of the emigrants. Happy men. For if there is one country above others that will be rich and prosperous, it is South and Central Africa, where the great rivers rise a thousand miles from the sea, up high in the healthy lands of the orange and coflfee, where the hills are clothed with verdure and the valleys are like gardens, while further south in Arcadia, Bechuanaland, , Mashonaland and the Transvaal, we have pastures to feed ten thousand flocks and herds, and the vineyards round the Cape look like Italy. As you travel north from the Cape, the continent opens before you, extending like a fan. The territory nicreases amazingly, and the richest of products, gold and diamonds attract the wanderer, while the fertility of the land is a richer mine of wealth yet. Nearly every magazine, every illustrated paper, adds to our knowledge of this land of fascination. From the heroic history of Livingstone and the familiar stories of 46 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. missionary adventure around tlie great lakes and unknown expanse of forest where the Arab still hunts the native, to the accounts of the late discovery of ruins of mammoth temples four thousand years old, looming up in the sunset sky, and ancients forts, guard- ing fabulous wealth of gold and precious stones, from which, perhaps, King Solomon obtained his treasure, and all amid a tropical climate and luxuriant vegetation, we gather impressions of a vast region that will soon be populated by British enterprise, and will soon be opened up as a new market for the products of our other colonies in cooler climates. We mu^t not look on the African colonies as far away, for when a short time ago I wrote a circular letter to the editors of the Colonial Press on these sub- jects, the first answers were received from Port Elizabeth, South Africa, strongly advocating Federation by representation in the British Parliament, representatives elecocd by the people, and that such rights should be optional for. those who are willing to join at once, and others would come in on seeing the advantages.* In respect of climate and soil, however, Africa shaves in the blessings of nature with many another land, whether British, French, German, «r any other. The land has its own local color- ing and the people their own characteristics, but the similarity or distinction between them and their fellow-citizens of the Empire is not the object of the chapter. There is, however, the Africander Bund, which is worthy of notice. I like the name ; it bespeaks a people with local patriotism. They may not be exactly British, but their interests are on British African soil ; their future prosperity is one with the Colonies in which they live. The success of their colony is bound up with our South African possessions, and South Africa with the Empire. Whatever their opinions may be, they form an integral part in our Emperial citizenship ; they are entitled to be heard on matters that concern them ; to consult and be consulted with other representatives of the Empire on matters effecting them, especially in regard to their defence from the African tribes that from time to time make matters perplexing on their ever- extending frontier. This need for military aid is a special character of the African * Editor, The Telegraph, Port ElijSabeth. A F RICA bhy of local ;erests -^ ththe I ND IAN OCEAN mm ■^ 48 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE, f colonies, both internally, and in their lines of communication for European trade through the Red Sea and Suez canal. Our other colonies are very free from neighbors. Canada alone, of the larger dominions, possesses a good friend along a border. India has, indeed, a northern frontier, but our African colonies are surrounded and intermixed with both native and European possessions, and there is consequent friction between neighbors. I have stood on the summit of Table Mountain, and the winds seem to blow towards you from all directions. The steep sides of that unique rock stand up like a temple rising from the Indian and Atlantic oceans, and from fifty miles east and west, from south and from the north, to the right hand and to the left, you see the waves roll in to the foot of those grand walls, and with the distant murmur of the breakers on the beach, they seem to be coming from all sides, like plumed multitudes, to where the con- tinent and the oceans assemble to worship at an altar reared by natuye. Table Bay forms a point of assembly for shipping from China to America, from Europe to Australia. It is a vantage point of great necessity to commerce. The whole Empire is interested in its protection, and the development of the inland resources are very dependent on the protecting military power supporting them. When we study the history of these colonies, we read of small wars innumerable, which will bring to mind the North- West rebellion in Canada, and the Maori wars to our New Zealand friends. But in Africa, campaign follows campaign, now with colonial militia, now with a part of the British army, with no view of their ending for some time. There have been African wars in 1812, 1819, 1828, 1835, 1836, 1846, 1847, 1861, 1852, 1879, 1887, 1893, 1894. These frequent contests have at last brought our possession into their present form, as shown in the accompanying map. Some day, who knows how soon, there will be the inevitable railroad from the Mediterranean to the Cape ; but commerce will probably have increased so much by that time that we shall know no diminution of the present ocean traftic. The constant state of minor wars makes the desire of Imperial Union a potent factor in South African politics. Indeed, they form the dominating reason in Africa for union, as the extension of commerce is the dominating reason in Canada. The best essay P '■''s^PWWII THE CAPE COLONIES ANL THEIR GOOD HOPES. 40 written on Commercial Federation came from one of their repre- sentatives* at the Intercolonial Conference in London, and the leader of Her Majesty's Ministry for the Colony may he called a giant of Federation.! As a man can he told by the company he keeps,- so a people can be told by the leaders they select to guide their political affairs. The newspapers have lately reported that the Hon. Cecil J. Bhodes will soon visit England for the purpose of completing the successful termination of the policy so long hoped for, of uniting the Orange Free State, the Transvaal Republic and the British South African colonies. Canada has found th^ benefit of Federation, South Africa is finding it. The Australians who were first to propound the principle, will, perhaps, be ^ the last to follow it. But they may yet be the first to lead the way to Imperial Union, which will give such an impetus to our trade and commerce. " The union of lakes, the union of lands. The union of States none can sever : The union of hearts, the union of hands. And the Flag of our Union for ever." -G. P. Morris. *Mr. Hoffniyer. tHon. Cecil.T. RhodeH. T^ 50 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE, LETTERS FROM SOUTH AFRICA. We print below two representative opiniona from the Colonial Press, of Soulh Africa, received in reply to a circular letter in the fonn of certain (juestions addressed to tlie editors of the leading newspapers. The first one expresses the view of the commercial world, and the other of the legal world. The first expresses clearly the present necessity for a Union, heart and hand — a National Union ; the other, while fully holding to the main idea, yet looks upon it as distant. We find this idea, as to a future, shared in by the legal mind in many other centres. We believe the reason for the difference is that professional men, and the men of wealth and leisures, and also the land owner, do not feel the same uncertainty that prevails in commercial circles, the same keen competition between country and country, and also between parts of the same dominion in foreign trade. The need of Imperial adjustment of traffic to avoid friction between British traders, and of a strong centre as a guir^ ' influence ; and the pressing needs of an assimilated policy regard to foreign relations, which might lead to a fair reciprocity in trade, instead of exclusion from one country and universal competition in another, is, however, to the man of business a pressing necessity. Answers from the editor of The Telegraph., Port Elizabeth, South Africa. • To J. Van Sommer, Jun., Esq., Toronto, Canada: Vj Are you in favor of Imperial Federation ? Yes. * Do you think the people in your part of the Colony would favor legislation to that effect ? In Port Elizabeth decidedly. Would the members of your Legislature, or what proportion of them ? '* The English and Dutch members are pretty equally divided. As a rule, English members favor Imperial Federation, but the Dutch oppose and object generally to Imperial inter- ference in colonial affairs." Would you favor representation of the Colonies in the British Parliament? "Yes." Would you agree to your Colonial Government appointing the Rwaj&sfe-ry^ THE CAPE COLOiVIES AND THEIR GOOD HOPES. 61 members, or would you wigh such repreHentatives to be elected by the people '? " Would prefer some form of election by the people." Do you think P'ederation should be a general act at the same time by all self-governing colonies, or that any one of them, or any self-goveniing division, should be granted this right on petition to the Queeu-in-Council from their local Legislature ? "No com- pulsion could be exercised— therefore must be optional. Let those willing join at once ; others would come in later on seeing advan- tages of the connection. Port Elizabeth, •luiiuary, 1894. Answers from the editor of the Law Journal, Graham's Town, South Africa. Are you in favor of Imperial Federation? "Yes, provided a practical bn is can be found. The self-interest of all parties must be the factor." Do you think the people in your part of the Colony would favor legislation to that effect ? " Their self-interest would be paramount, speaking generally." Would the members of your Legislature, or what proportion of them? " The members of the Legislature look for practical, i.e., commercial, and fiscal, and defensive advantages ; these being secured, yes." Would you favor representation of the Colonies in the British Parliament? "No. As yet, a chamber outside the British Parliament would be most practicable." Do you think Federation should be a general act at the same time by all the self-governing colonies, or that any one of them, or any self-governing division, should be granted this right on petition to the Queen-in-Council from their local Legislature ? " Consider a pennissive consultative council much on the lines of the Houses of Convocation, to which every dependency might, if it liked to do so, delegate members, which would be allowed to sit in a convenient place in the Palace of Westminster during a period of each session of the Imperial Parliament, with the right of pre- senting its opinions in proper form to Government fi-om time to time." 62 brita:n and her people. 'I9I : /', ,.■•,:; '■: ■;-'■••/'■,' Eemarks. Please give your opinion as to the best way in which Federation' should be accomplished, and what you would consider the first practical step to effect this purpose. ^ ^r *' Upon consideration it may be thought that it is yet some- what early in the development of the many Colonies to use the word Federation. In most instances the Colonies are sparsely populated, at any rate in proportion to that of the Home islands,. The several revenues are comparatively microscopic in amount.. and the development of each Colony has been effected by the readiness of the Home public to advance large sums under the name of loans upon the nominal security of public works ; and so- long as they are not rich enough or strong enough to walk alone- the security from interference on the part of other powers, the protection of the commerce on the high seas, and other great advantages, are enjoyed by reason of their being part of the United Kingdom. I believe that bond of union of a practical kind which so many in these days are feeling after in order to stave off that disruption which some conceive to be inevitable, and which all agree to be possible and in certain contingencies inevitable as well, can only be effected by gradual means, the result of watchful, sympathetic statesmanship on all sides. Tne Imperial authorities- can do much to favor colonial products. A Federation must involve a Federal Parliament. The time has not yet come for that. We may hope that it will come. v Graham's Town, Cape Colony, Januar'T, 1894. ! ' '- ^^ ,-jlwm ,. jMMISlii! ^7^ :) :::t* ?)Be ^fd Qojdnir^. -iM ' j'"""', , .^'"^^ ^m CHAPTER VI. THE VICTORIAN AGE TIT ILL there ever be another time hke it ? One in which pro- KXJ gress and prosperity rival each other, and the olive branch > of peace has grown up protected by the sons of Britain from marauding hands. The most noticeable result of this long reign is the standing acquired by men in all lines of action, mihtary, commercial, and scientific, and the wonderful uniformity in the mode of life and thought outside their own particular sphere, and interest for the well-being of their fellow-citizens. This indefinable union of a nation has been nurtured and brought nearly to a state of perfection under the present reign. This is what formb the royal crown of honor of the Victorian age. There is a more marked line in the world than the colored lines of the atlas ; cross it and you will be aware of the difference. The people of other nations may be as brave, but they have not in the trying times of peace had the same strength of purpose and individual self-control, and a determined persistence in the lines of political and business success. It has been the working together of all classes of men that has caused the success of the Victorian age, and thrown a glamor of glory over the works of peace, the arts and industries, that in olden times was looked upon as a martial prerogative. But in this great cause, this great commercial combination, this vast popular organization, we have of late years seen signs of a discontinuance The Social of the harmony which has before been so marked. Ta Problem, many this reign of peace has brought enormous wealth, to thousands the means of an easy livelihood, but as always tens. ..f% M^d :?^ 66 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. of thousands are no better oif. I believe every time one rich man or many use their wealth or position for undue combination, there is a counterbalancing feeling engendered by their very act, in a sufficient number of poorer or lesser men, and, volun- tarily or involuntarily, a line of action is started which may tend to the downward course not only of such a man but of the very class or country to which he belongs. This may be a natural law of social compensation. At least, the fact is in evidence that wealth does not often accumulate or position remain for long. But now we have corporations — we might name them, "the Men with the Iron Grasp" — these soulless corporations, as they are called in the Courts of Law, and yet with lives, if not souls, at least proposing to last to infinity — taking the place of individuals ; there is a menace in such ^n influence which calls for some limitation of their power. How can this be obtained, except by equal laws regulating commercial relationships in different countries ? The same laws and hours of labor, the same regulations in regard to freights should apply equally to manufacturers in England, Ontario and Queensland. Competition in quality is the life of trade, but competition in price the death of traders ; and if a firm of extensive means can cut down wages in one country, can obtain a lower rate of through freight to some distant point, it follows that the work and labor of many is being usurped by the one. Workers suifer. To all such as are dependent on daily wages for support, and suffer alike when wages are low or commodities dear, this question of British Union comes home the closest. Order and system are nobler things than power; the right conduct with men is not to leave them alone, but to enable them to do their work. The use of wars, in former times was in one respect to prevent the over-concentration of financial power in individuals. Now that the policy of the British dominions is "Peace," the policy of the people is "Partition." If undue competition can be shown to injure th 3 working classes, then reasonable regulations should be a remedy to some extent for the «vil occasioned. If an excess of concentration of an industry can be shown to deprive the many of the means of support, surely master and workman, bankers, railroad and steamboat owners, clerks, book-keepers and sailors, railroad men, stevedores and porters, ^^ should he able to meet common dangers hy remedies devised in • ;.\ %\a imperial institute of the Sniteb pngliom. THE COLONIES, AND INDIA AND THE ISLES OF THE BRITISH SEAS. ■^S^HE Imperial Institute in London will now be the radi- \ J ating centre of the genial warmth of colonial good-fellow- T ship, the attractive influence which will bring together visitors from the lands over the British seas, which will probably continue to bear the name of colonies, for colonies we are, but no longer colonists. It would almost seem to have been making visible to the nation the thought of the hour when the idea of Imperial Union, which was in everyone's mind, took this architectural and expressive form, and the gifts of the people to the Victorian Jubilee funds were used in cementing together their interests and friendship by the erection of this beautiful building. Her Majesty the Queen is the Patron, and the President is H. B. H. the Prince of W^les. The Chairman of the Executive Committee is the Lord Chancellor, and we find among the Governors and the Executive our leading representative men. The representation on the Governing Board is so comprehensive that one might hesitate to make any further suggestion. The Boards of Trade, however, in our great colonial centres exercise such an undisputed influence on commercial matters, especially questions touching Commercial Union, that it might be politic to recognize in some way the position they hold, and enlist their services. The building is at South Kensington, London, in the Renaissance style, and extends over a site some 700 feet long by H**- I THE VICTORIAN AGE. 63 360 feet, and will cost about £360,000. When this Kpleudid build- ing was opened in 1B93, Her Majesty said: — > 'T is with infinite satisfaction that I receive the address in ivhich you gi/re expression to your loyal nMaehwent to my throne and person, and. develop the views that have led to the creation of the Imperial Inntihite. " I concur with you in thinking that the counsels and exer- tions of my beloved husband initiated a movement which gave increased vigour to commercial nativity, and produced marked and lasting improvements in industrial efforts. " One indirect result of that movement has been to bring m,ore before the minds of men the vast and varied resources of the Empire over which Providence fias ivilled that I should reign during fifty prosperous years. " I believe and hope that the Imperial Institute ivill play a useful part in combining those resources for the common ad- vantage of all my subjects, and in conducing to- nrds the welding of the Colonies, India, and the Mother Country into one harmonious and. united com,munity. "In laying the foundation-stone of the building devoted to your labours, I heartily wish 'you God -speed in your under- taking." V Wq now can all much more appreciate the reference to the initial work in this great national movement of His Eoyal Highness the Prnce Consort, by the Exhibition of 1851, the first time when Britain and her people were called together and united by a mutual interest in their arts and manufactures. This work is now being carried forward by H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, and soon a responsive assent will be given by one and all to our Queen's expressed wish that the Colonies, India and the mother country may be welded into one harmonious and united community. \i4 '- 1 ^•1 •I CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS. i.A-T'r-' 1884. i HORTLY and clearly we have tried to write down for you the leading facts affecting the future destiny of our Empire. The love that one may have for a country, and all that is contained in that name, may and does lead men on to a course of action, but is not effective as a line of argument. This may be the key-note of a national anthem that giv^s life to the melody, but when we c - ne down into the political arena we have to.pre- sent facts to produce a lasting impression on the mind. Those facts we have stated. What is the conclusion you will come to ? We have placed the date at the head of this chapter, partly for your sake, that if you have not yet made up your mind on the policy and the progrannne, such a state of mental wavering may come to an end with 1894 ; partly for our sake, because we expect fresh arguments, new facts, to come from time to time to add to the strength of the cause of Union, which may not have been thought of at the present date. The way seems opening up by the present contested legislation in the English House of Com- mons, which, instead of leading to disjutegration, as many fear, may but be the storm under the dark loud whose silver lining may light the path to the stronger posit n of British Union. The prevalent feeling seems to be that when British Union is to become a reality, a consensus of Colonial opinion must be manifested at the same time on the same plan ; but it is difficult to think of a reason that can be urged against the claim of the nn coNCLUsrom. m people of any one colony, thiuugh their Local LegiHlature, for Imperial representation. If one colonial dependency considers it necessary and advantageous, let them put forward their claim on their own behalf. The claim of the membcrH for Ireland to a seat and vote on all questifms in the Imperial Parliament has heeii admitted by the House of Commons, and the people in the Colonies, being now in the same relative position to the Emj)ire in which it was the intention of the Home llule Bill to place the people of Ireland, a similar claim by them could not consistently be refused, especially when their claim would be for but a few- seats each, while Ireland was allowed eighty. So far, no alteration in the United Kingdom has been effected. The action has been a reconnaisance in force, but the Colonies should now claim that, as part of the Etnpire, they should have a voice in these proposed alterations oii the re-construction of the Government under which they live. Any self-governing colony should be allowed the right to be represented in the Imperial Parliament. There is no necessity to wait for all the British possessions at the same time to assent to the same measure. To one who has passed from colony to colony, the distance seems so short, the commercial advantages from political union so great, and the very thought of rivalry or antag- onism unbearable. We have in the preceding chapters shown : First, how a natural change of thought as to the ultimate destina ion of the British Empire ca.me in with a change of circumstances, which led and is leading still more to the closest intercourse between people, who may in distance be farthest apart. Second, the rise oi the maritime power of England accelerated, if not occasioned by the sudden call upon our forefathers, to defend themselves on the sea, which led to the building of a lieet suitable for voyage and dis- <30very, and to the evolution of a spirit in the people which led them seaward with the force of a crusade to discover and possess. Third, that the discussion on the separation of the Australian continent into separate dependencies during the debate in the New South Wales Legislature led to the unfolding of the two great principles of (1) Local government and self-control of local AFFAiBSj and (2) Union of the Empire by popular representation in THE British Parliament — and currently the establishment of the 66 BRITAIN AND HER PEOPLE. i»«i I' i- m )■% fact ihat political union is only accomplished when the representa- tives are returned by the vote of their constituents. Fourth, the RISE AND DEVELOPMENT OF EXPORT TRADE, AND FOREIGN RELATIONSHIP consequent thereto, of the Canadian people, and also the necessity that has arisen for the people in the Colonies to take an Cwoive part in the central power that controls their means of communi- cation, and can best protect and increase their trade relationship in foreign countries. Fifth, the need of mutual defence, as a necessity for the fullest growth and prosperity of a colony, and a» leadMig in return tr an added strength to all. -Sixth, that the time has come when all circumstances have led up to the people in the Empire being both ready and in need of a union as a necessity for the perfection of all their many and diverse mutual resources. Seventh, our conclusions so far up to the present time, which we sum up as political union by popular representation in the British Parliament, which policy we name, " Federation by Representation," for the sake of connnercial union and concurrent commercial interests. Concentration of defensive power for the protection and development of internal resources. As the constitutional means by which this could be isdcom- plished, we submit that the Home Government should pMSS an enabling act giving the Colonies the right, on petition from their Local Legislature to seiid representatives, duly elected by the people, to represent them in the Imperial Parliament at Westminster. We should disabuse our jninds of the excess of glamor that may in former times have surrounded such a position, and look upon Parliament as the great conmiittee of a nation through which its business affairs can best be regulated. There is no other means of union — of "welding into one harmonious and united com- munity" — known in the political world, except a union of repre- sentatives. It is a fact worthy of note, and one that is certainl;^ shown to be true, that each one of those three great principles of Federation has been evolved from the history of one of each of our three great colonies. Australia gives us the political, Canada the commercial, and Africa the necessity of defence. We have already referred to the first as "the Australian principle of Federation."^ We can m like manner call the others, "the Canadian Policy," and "the African factor," in the same cause, and truly say: "JE7:r oriente S\i :4B>t CONCLUSIONS. 67 lux., ex occidente lex.'' That is why they have been placed in the order in which they are in these chapters, and yet, while each sup- plies one in particular, they are applicable to all. Our other colonies share in these as well, some strengthening the cause in one way, others adding to the claim in some other way. The people in the Colonies have borne the burden and heat of the day, they have made the Empire, and they are entitled to share in its rights and privileges, and if, at the present time, we jzv help to lift and dis- perse the depression in trade by uniting c >, nmercial forces, the matter would admit no longer of argum^ it, !aat the sooner this was so, the better. Many different events in the history of the world seem to combine in leading up to and preparing ihe way for the mutual accomplishment of this work by Britain and her people. As an act of intelligent loyalty to the Empire on the part of the English, Irish and Scotch, and because it is the wisest political course for a great commercial people in the Colonies to pursue, and especially as the adequate remedy for the present financial neces- sities, we should endeavor to accomplish this act of our union before the close of the present reign, and that is the final conclusion. 5f^(5ot) Save tbe (Slueen. FE'0 B'0-MB P¥BI.I€-@. J. VAN SOMMER, JUN., S.S.C, Membrr of the Toronto Board 0} TmAt, Toronto, August, 1893, I'KtNTKO II V WILLIAM BRKJCS, Wesley Buildingn, TORONTO. t IV.