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WITH CHAPTER OX IMPERTAL DEFENCE BY MAJOR SIR GEORGE S. CLARKE, R.E., K.C.M.G. •' Incomparably the greatest question which we can discuss." PKOFEfrbOK Sir J. R. Seiley. LONDON: SAMPSON LOW, MAHSTON k COMPANY, - LIMITED, n most compli- cated form of Federation — Austria a Fedciation federated witii Hungary— Leading provisions of tlie governments — Switzerland, smalh;st and oldest Federation— Too mucli machinery of government — Instance of New Zealand — I'articulars of Swiss Federal Constitution — Fedtral Constitution framed by Australian Convention — Loading features of it — (Questions to bu taken over from provincial governments — l'\>i Ural ism, motiaiehieal luiil rtpiii)lican — (Jreat success of svstem ... Cn AFTER VI. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF TIIE EMl'IRE. Six years' rapid development of the Imperial Que.>tiou — Use and abuse of tlie word " Imperial"— Federation a well- known form of governuK.'nt — Mr. Forster attachea importance to the discussion of it — Views of tiie Time», AiistraUtsian, iMr. Childers, and Sir Julius Vogel — • Professor Freeman oi)uosed to Imperial Federation — His definition of Federal government — Questions obviously XVI CONTENTS. PAOI? Imperial; obviously Provincial; and which may be clas.sitieJ under either head. Imperifil Questioun — Defence, llevenue, and expenditure, Foreign affairs, Extensions of tho Empire, Goverimieiit of India and Naturalization — Position of Colonial Oflico with Imperial Federation. I'rovincial Quest iuits—Chxiich Etitablisli- ment. Education, Land laws, Taxation and Tariffs, Internal defence, Irish Home llule, Intercolonial Federa- tion, Alterations of I'rovincial (Constitutions, Native races. QtiaHtious which might he either Tmperidl or Provincial — Laws of marriage, domicile, willy, ef»inaf?e, and copyright. Patent laws. Railways and Telegraphs, Emigration, Final Court of Appeal, Reciprocity — Fiscal policy an oi)en question — How to make England another HoUiind — Uue 2>uiss(incefinie—¥rcnch opinion of British Federation — Napoleon on the "agglomeration" of nations — Tho Colonies and war — How tlie United States miglit have been federated witli us — What can sfparato us? — What do we want to effect Federat.in? — The question in four sentences — Writ sumniPiiiiig first Englisli Parliament 80 CIIAPTEB YII, nU'ERIAL DEFENCE. (By Major Sir George 8. Chirkc, R.E., K.C yUi.) Absence of design in defence — Extent of possessions, popula- tion, and commerce to be defended — Modes of expansion of Britain and otlier Powers — Sea power and sea-borne trade — lnterdei)endence of Imperial interests — Effects of war on Englisli and Colonial trade — Interests of Emjjire must be defended as a whole — Impurtanoe of naval sntlicieney and eiliciency not rualizeil — ^Dooni awaiting naval inferiority — Royal Commission on defence — Importance of Conference of 1887— Mr. llofmeyr's proposal — Decision as to necessary strengtli of luivy essential — Contribution to its maintenance — Definite permanent naval policy — Conferences to arrange contri- butions-Strength of military forces required — Fortified ports, defences, and troojjs in Australia, South Africa, and Canada — The West Indies — General principles of comprehensive scheme of defence — India — Standing Defence Committee with Colonial representatives — A Federation which is now possible V2: 4 CONTENTS. XVI 1 CITArTER VIII. PAr.R THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND /NT) ITS ADVOCATES. Prnfcpsor Socley's F.ypnimnn af EmjlaniJ — Artiolt.'.s with saiiio iitle by ^Ir. John Morloy niul INIr. Gold win Smith — M. Pre'vostPaiiidol on " the nscendnnpy of th«> Ani^lo- Saxon race" — The iiliiloso]iliy of contraction and dinrnp- tion — ]Mr. Frederic Harrison and "the rechiction of tlir I'^mpiri!" — Mr. IMorley's objection on fiscal j^rounds; hia .'ittein])t to answer Mr. Forster; oj)])nsed io views of Sir Alex. (Jalt, Sir Henry Parkes, and Mr. Service — Position in Federation of .smaller possessions — AVliat could be offered Colonies in return for help? — Would they assist in wars notconeerninp; them? — Moiuhtt imp(''rat if ii^ninsi such wars — Ditliculties about "Federal Council" — "^lotlier of Parliaments" would sink to be a State legislatiire— Difliculti.'s in forming Intercolonial Federa- tion — ]Mr. \Vm. Forster of New South Wales on " The Fallacies of Federation" — Separation by oceans — Gains and sacrifices by England and the Colonies — "An artificial Centralization" — A great modern Roman Empire — England overtaxing her strength — Englishmen distrust'ng tlieirCouiitry— Lamentations of i\Ir. G(jldwin Smith — The "motley heritage" — India — Challenge to Federalists to produce jilan — "British ignorance of the Colonies" — "England would have to defend Colonies" — Tliey would not "maintain army or navy" — "Want of National spirit in the Colonie.s " — Harm done by Lord Dutferin — Galvanizing the dead cause of disintegration — Shrivelling prescriptions of insular philosophy ... ]4J) CllAPTEK IX. MAKivINr; niOGRESS AND DEVELOI'MKNT. Progress in fifteen years from 1860 — Position of the Colonial Empire in that year — How New Zciiland became able Io manage her internal aflairs— Duty of Parent State to Infant Colony — Rajjid establishment of Canadian Federa- tion and Australasian selt-y;overnment — Express speed of Colonial progress — Leading men favourable to Unity of Empire — Lord Norton and "Imperial Federation; Its Impossibility" — Colonial growtii does not aiiniit of slow growth of institutions— Age of Colony of Victoria sIiowk this — When single Parliament and Executive can manage domestic and external affairs — Federation indispensable XVUl CONTENTS. I'AGl for United States of America ami United Empire of Great Hrituin — Resoliitimis of Cfjnfcrence on Imperial Ketlonition of 188 1 — Federalists need not propose detailed (JoiiHtitulion — For •governments to do tills — WliatFedtjrul (ilovcrnincnt has done f<»r nations that have adopted it — KiiKliwli I'arliament f^iving up control of foreij^'n aft'airs — I'^ntanfrloment of foreign (juestions with domeBtic party polities — Division of lal)onr — Colonies submitting to Imperial taxation — Mr. Service on tiieir hearing expense of defences— Interests in comiiion — Differences of Fiscal policy — Amount of products of linit(;d Kingdom taken by rrotectiouist Victoria — Lighter taxation — (Jo- operative defence — Peace — F]fl[ects of war — For England and the ( jolonies to stand alone — Feeling towards United Status — No further division of British race ... CHAPTER X. ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF HRITISII FEDERATION. itself" — Imperial Mr. Forstcr and "the idea realizing I'Vderalists not pledged to details, but desire discussion of various srliemes — Professional critics — Federalists do not propose Constitutions — Present rtdations— Sentiment without organization — Xo feasible scheme?— Combina- tion " on an equitable basis " — Equitable representation — J\)sition of India — Imperial taxation — Self-governing (^/oloiiies to retain complete control of their Provincial affairs — Temporary expedients — Imperial Parliament and Ministry — Present Iin]>erial Parliament might become that of Empire — Distinct one would be requiretl for Provincial alfairs of British Isles— Our eommon interests, evcrywlierc— Basis of strength of (Ireat Powers — Sir Alexander Stuart on raising an Imperial revenue — Suggestions of Sir Alexander fralt and Mr. Thos. ]\Iaefarlano — lAx. llofmeyr'a proposal at Colonial Con- ference — Annual cost of Naval construction — Objection to subsidies ISG CHAPTEE XI. LATER OBJECTIONS OF MR. GOLDWIN SMITH. Objections in "Canaihi and the Canadian Question" — Over- powering opponents witii numerous interrogations — Answered arguments repeated — Objection to iise of word "Empire" like Professor Freemau'3 to words CONTENTS. XIX I'AGR "IrHporial" and " Federal " — ^Figlif equally object to "^Military" — (treat Britain "a Cinton of (Treater Britain" — Mr. Fnrster'a answer — "Natural Coniltina- tioDs" — "Legislalivo elanaps" — "Thonglita of ordinary citi/en " beyond his own circle — Federal frovernniont and Hriti.ili Monarchy— '' Novelty in j)olitical arclii- tectnre" — Federation between federations and non- federal States — "Whoso diplomacy is to prevail?" — Federation under presHiire — French ('anadians— I'ro- fesHor Freeman and the j^ood will of tiio United States — Federation of Kufjlirtii-speakin^ race — "Voluntary retirement of Enj^land " — I'raetical surrender of Mr. (ioldwin Smitli — Jlis article on "Continental Union", — Annexation and Independence for Canadians, French and British, after twenty years' advocacy by Mr. Smith — Delenda est Carthago ! 201 ClIAPTEU Xll. FIIAMINC. A i'EDERAL CONSTITUTION. Experience in initiating Federal Unions — Conferences and Conventions for purpose — Initiative; in summoning them with Governments, also of formulating flelailed plans for their consideration — 'Mr. Justice liolroyd's view — Imperial Federation League framing schemes — Its deputiition to Lord Salisbury — Reasons for leaving Governments to formulate plans — League's Report — Deputation to ^Nlr. Gladstone — Dissolution of Ticngue — Example ( f Confeience of 1887 — Federation question excluded from its consideration — Objcctdesson it gave — Conferences; to arrange bases of Federation — for special r/urposes — to meet periodically — Examples furnished by Canadian and Australian Federation Con- ventions — Who should first propose Federation? — An Imperial Conference and Convention — Crown Colonies — Bases of Federal scheme to be laid down by Conference — Convention to frame Constitution from it — Ratification by Parliaments '21' CHArXEK XIII. A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. Federation only of value if it confer fiscal and commercial advantages? — Mr. D'Estcrre Taylor on Colonies sharing defence of commerce, and advantages of Imperial XX CONTENTS. r.MiF. Fnrlorntion to tlmt of Ausivalia — Wcro Now South WalcH to mako Froo Tmd*' and Viftoria Protnotion, conditions of joining a l»ritiHh Federation ?— Aims ondenpe — ]SIr. Dalley and !Mr. Deiikin on Unity of Enijiire FitJeot of Annex- ation of Canada to TJnite I States on question of Imperial Federation — Australia not to separate till she ran d( fend herself -Which division of the Empire sliall he ;?reatest in tlu; future, an• arrive in d business ly, by tins 1, and then ted. Tlie .embers of 3ir several nd otlier But if st a new :liem have miles." 1 contrast lo render present another ,^orld, so l^-ellously 1," editiou € .■iif Amonp; the earliest believers in the possibility of contriving pome system of federal organization for the Empire was certainly the famous Adam Smith, who pronounced as not "insurmountable" the difficulties of his day in tho way of the representation of the Colonies in the English Parliament; for, seven years after tlio preceding extract from liurko was written, the great i)()litical economist expressed the following more hopeful opinion ' : — "Tliere is not the least probability that the British Constitu- tion would be hurt by the union of Great Britain and her Colonies. That constitution, on the contrary, would be com- pleted by it, and seems to be imperfect without it. Tho assembly which deliberates and decides concerning the affairs of every part of the Empire, in order to be prfperly informed, ought certainly to have representatives from every part of it. That this union, liowever, could be easily oHectuatcd, or that difficulties and great difficulties might nut occur in the execution, I do not pretend. I have yet heard of none, however, which appear insurmountable. The principal, perhaps, arise, not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions of the people, both on this and on the other side of the Atlantic." What a reflection it would be upon the lustre of the progress and enlightenment of the nineteenth or twentieth century should history have to record that, though the material difficulties of the eighteenth century had passed away, narrow prejudices, short- sighted provincial jealousies, or the selfish rivalries of traders or of politicians, alone remained " insur- mountable" obstacles to the most beneficent policy of union and of Empire evei- proposed to men of tho same blood and language ! After the loss of the American Colonies, it must ' See." Wealth of Nations," published in 1770, Book IV. cli. vii. 6 FEDERAL BRITAIN. have been difficult to imagine a federated Empire of Great Britain, until the growth of her Australasian and Canadian dominions brought the conception of Imperial Federation into tangible shape, first as a speculative and then as a practical question. The earliest revival of the idea is, probably, that which I unexpectedly discovered, in extracting materials for my history of Victoria ^ from the New South Wales Correspondence in the Record Office. There — i i a report of a debate in the Legislative Council at Sydney, on August 20, 1844, when that, the first Australian legislature in which the elective clement ajipeared, was only a year old — is a remarkable speech by Mr. Kobert Lowe, afterwards Lord Sherbrooke, on tlie subject of the separation of the present Colony of Victoria, in which he says : — " As a general rule, he thought their (the Colonies) interests were not cuusiulted by frittering them away into minute particles, but by combining as large a territory into a single state as could be effectually controlled by a single Government. He cordially agreed in the abstract truth uf the motto prefixed to the article in the newspaper of that morning, that " Union is strength," and he would extend that principle to the whole colonial empire of Great iJritain. He hoped and believed that the time was not remote when Great Britain would give up the idea of treating the dependencies of the Crown as children, who were to be cast adrift by their parent as soon as they arrived at manhood, and substitute for it the far wiser and nobler policy of knitting herself and her colonies into one mighty confederacy, girdling the earth in its whole circumference and confident asrainst the world in arts and arms." That eminent early New Zealand colonist, Mr. J. R. Godley, gave powerful expression to his statesman- • See ii. 274, and Si/dney Morning Herald, Aug. 21, 1844. RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. npire of tralasian ption of rst as a m. The whicli I ! rials for bh Wales sre — i I a . Sydney, ustralian ippoared, [i by Mr. J, on the jolony of P? 1V( interests |e particles, state as nent. He prefixed " Union the whole ieved that ,•0 up the Iren, who ey arrived er policy nfederacy, confident Mr. J. itesmaii- 1844. like views respecting the maintenance of the unity of the Empire and on the subject of its federation. In a letter addressed to ]Mr. Gladstone from Plymouth, December 12, 1849, the day before leaving England, he says ' : — " The best argument, perhaps, against separation is to be found in the strength and prevalence of a moral instinct which separa- tists do not recognize, aud which they hardly understand, though they bear a strong testimony to its truth in the remark- able reluctance which they manifest ioavow their doctrines. . . . I maintain that the love of empire, properly understood — that is, the instinct of self-development and expansion — is an un- failing symptom of lusty and vigorous life in a people; and that, subject to the conditions of justice and humanity, it is not only legitimate but most laudable. Certain am I that the decline of such a feeling is always the result not of matured wisdom or enlarged philanthropy, but of luxurious imbecility and selfish sloth. When the lloman eagles retreated across the Danube, not the loss of Dacia, but the satisfaction of the Komau people at the loss, was the omen of the empire's foil. Or, to take an illustration nearer home, it is unquestionable that, notwith- standing the disgraceful circumstances under which America was torn from the grasp of England, we suff"ered less in prestige and in strength by that obstinate and disastrous struggle than if, like the soft Triumvir, we had * lost a world and been content to lose it.' Depend upon it, the instinct of national pride is sound and true." No surer test than that of Mr. Godley could be invented to indicate whether, in our old or new dominions, individual Britons or British communities are up to the standard of the true metal, or are deteriorating from the high type of their race. The stamp is effaced, in proportion to the extent to which weakness may be discovered in " the instinct of national ' See his "Writings and Speeches," published in 1803, pp. 37, 123-4. 8 FEDERAL BR ITALY. pride," or ir " the lovo of empire ; " for ours, above all other empires, is .surely worUiy of the admiration and affection of all its chihlron and of their best cftbrts to maintain its integrity and greatness ; and neither our "national pride" nor "love of empire" requires the slightest surrenderof that laudable patriotic devotion due to our several dominions and provinces from their respective sons, but only that they should cultivate and cherish broadness of views and largeness of sympathies. In a lecture delivered in New Zealand, December 1, 1852, Mr. Godley mentions " the (questions which it would be right and proper to reserve from Colonial jurisdiction, and place under the exclusive cognizance of the Imperial Government ; " and these he gives in the words of Mr. Adderley, now Lord Norton : — " First, the allegiance of the Colonies to her Majesty's Crown % 2nd, the naturalization of aliens ; 3nl, whatever relates to treaties between the Crown and any foreign power ; 4t]i, all political intercourse and communications between any of the Colonies and any officer of a foreign power ; 5th, whatever re- lates to the employment, conunand and discipline of her Majesty's troops and ships within the Colonies, and whatever relates to the defence of the Colonies against foreign aggression, including the command of the Colonial militia and marine in time of war ; and Gth, whatever relates to the crime of high treason." Then, a few lines further on, Mr. Godley thus unmistakably declares for Imperial Federation : — " Before the time arrives when these Colonies, conscious of power, shall demand the privilege of standing on equal terms with the Mother Country in the family of nations, I trust that increased facility of intercourse may render it practical to establish an Imperial Congress for the British Empire, in which ■''^ RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRIXCIPLE. 9 all its members mny be fairly rei)rosentc(l, and wliich may administer the aflairs which are common to all." Tims (lid the Federal idea bej^in to work in tUo Colonies, and its revival and wide extension was for the most part brought about by Colonial men. In 18.54, that eminent Colonial-l)orn statesman, Mr. Joseph Howe, spoke in the Legislature of Nova Scotia, powerfully advocating Imperial organization and defence. His speech ^ deserves to be carefully read ; but hero cue or two gems from it must be extracted. "Sir, I would not cling to England one single hour after I was convinced that the friendship of >Jorth America was under- valued, and that the status to which wc may reasonably aspire has been deliberately refused. But I will endeavour, while asserting the rights of my native land with boldness, to per- petuate our connection with the British Isles, the home of our fathers, the cradle of our race. »«*♦♦» **The statesmen of England, Sir, may be assured, that if they would hold this great Empire together they must give the outlying portions of it some interest in the Naval, Military, and Civil Services, and I will co-operate with any man who will impress upon them the necessity fur lengthening the ropes and strengtheniiig the stakes, that the fabric which shelters us may not tumble about our ears. " Here, Sir, is work for the highest intellects ; for the purest patriots on both sides of the Atlantic. Here is a &ul)ject worthy of the consideration of the largest-minded British statesmen now figuring on the stage of public life. . . . IIow insignificant are many of the topics whicli they debate in the Imperial Parliament compared with this. . . . flow often I ' Published in London, by Ridgeway, in 185.5, and his pamphlet, " Tlie Organization of the Empire," in whicli ho advocated Colonial representation in the Imperial Parliameiit, by Stanford, in ISiiS. imim 10 FEDERAL BRITAIN. have said to myself, I wonder if it ever enters into the heads of tliose uoble Lords and erudite Commoners . . . that there are two millions and a half of Christians in British America who have no representative in either House. ... I have often thought, Sir, how powerful this Empire might be made ; how ])rosperous in peace, liow invincible in war, if the statesmen of England would set about its organization, and draw to a commou centre the high intellects wliich it contains. ** If the whole population were united by common interests, no power on earth ever wielded means so vast, or influence so irresistible. lUit, Sir, let the statesmen of England slumber and slec]) . . . while no provision is made to draw around the Throne the hearts of millions predisposed to loyalty and affection, and the result we may surely calculate." In 1874,' Mr. Edward Blake, one of tho most dis- tinguished public men of Canada, and now a member of the British House of Commons, thus advocated Imperial Federation : — " I took, three or four years ago, an opportunity of speaking, and ventured to suggest that an effort should be made to re- organize the Empire upon a Federal basis. I repeat what I then said, that the time may be at hand when the people of Canada shall be called upon to discuss the question. . . . The Treaty of Washington produced ... a feeling that at no distant period the people of Canada would desire that they should have some greater share of control than they now have in the management of foreign affairs ; that our Government should not present the anomaly which it now presents — a Government the freest, perhaps the most democratic in the world, with reference to local and domestic matters, in which you rule yourselves as fully as any people in the world, while in your foreign affairs, your relations with other countries, whether peaceful or warlike, commercial or financial, or otherwise, you have no more voice than the people of Japan. This, however, ' In his speech at Aurora, on October 3rd, published at Ottawa, with numerous comments from the Canadian press, in a pamphlet entitled, '* A National Sentiment." ill! RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE, II heads , there merica e often ; liuw tesmen V to a terests, ence so lumber md the ty and st (lis- lember /ocated •caking, e to re- what I |eople of . The distant should e in the should irnment ■Id, with ou rule in your Iwhether ise, you lowever, J Ottawa, laraphlet is a state of things of which you have no right to complain, because so long as you do not choose to undertake the responsi- bilities and burdens which attach to some share of control in these affairs, you cannot fully claim the rights and privileges of free-born Britons in such matters. ... I believe, tliat while it was not unnatural, not unreasonable, pending that process of development which has been going on in our new and sparsely settled country, that we should have been quite will- ing — we so few in numbers, so busied in our local concerns, so engaged in subduing the earth and settling up the country — • to leave the cares and privileges to which I have referred in the hands of the parent State ; the time will come when that national spirit which has been spoken of will be truly felt among us, when we shall realize that we are four millions of Britons who are not free, when we shall be ready to take up that freedom, and to ask . . . our share of national rights. To-morrow — by the policy of England, in which you have no voice or control — this country might be plunged into the horrors of a war. . . . That is a state of things of which you will have no right to complain, as long as you can choose to say, 'We prefer to avoid the cares, the expenses and charges, and we are unequal in point of ability to discharge the duties which appertain to us as free-born Britons;' but while you say this, you may not yet assume the lofty air, or speak in the high- pitched tones which belong to a people wholly free." Sir Julius Vogel, of New Zealand, also ably advo- cated the policy, an extract of what he wrote in 1877 being given at page 90. The idea of British Federalism, as we have seen, having, probably for the first time, been conceived and evolved in the capacious intellect of Edmund Burke, and regretfully abandoned by him in 1769 as unattainable in the then condition of the world, and having in 1770 been regarded by Adam Smith as a speculative but possible policy, was revived by three Colonists — in Australia, by Mr. Robert Lowe, in 1844; in New Zealand, by Mr. Godley, in 1852; and in Canada, 12 FEDERAL BRITAIN. by Mr. Joseph TTowo, in 18.54. These men — of largo and statesmanlike views, of ample knowledge of the old country and of the Colonies, and looking at tho question from siijli difTeront standpoints — agreed in regarding some form of Imperial Federalism as desirahlo and practical, at a time when the Colonies wero in snch an infant stage of existence, and at such mnch greater distances from England and each other, hy reason of duration of voyage and of the fact that neither steam, nor telegraphic communication, had been established, or seemed practicable, between our most widely separated dominions. The honour, there- fore, of starting the grand policy, thougli Colonists have the largest claim to it, must be shared, as it is desirable that it should be, and as the benefits of its realization will bo, between P>ritons of the old and new lands of tho Empire. Tho efforts of " The General Association for the Australian Colonics," which existed in London from 1855 to 1862, in endeavouring to harmonize the rela- tions of the Mother Country and Australia, ought not to be forgotten ; and Mr. O'llalloran did well in con- tributing a sketch of its history to tho Colonic.-i and Indiciy in 1884. It was founded with the principal object of promoting the passing of tho Constitution Bills for the Australian Colonies, and at one time had as many as 231 members. Its hon. secretary and treasurer \ as j\[r. (now Sir James) Youl, who recently presented the records of the Association to the Royal Colonial Institute. Among its leading members who ought to be mentioned, were Messrs. H. G. Ashurst, Captain C. If. Bagot, Niel Black, R. Brooks, AY. Camp- bell, T. Chirnside, Hugh C. E. Childers, Sir Charles Clififord, Lord Alfred Churchill, F. G. Dalgety, F. A. .,1 RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRINCirLE, 13 Du Croz, F. H. Button, W. F. do Salis, Sir Stuart A. Donaldson, A. L. Elder, J. Ilawdon, Arthur IIod<;son, I). Larnach, T. Learnioutli, Sir William McArthur, Lachlau Mackinnou, Sir George MacLeay, J. Morrison, Sir Charles Nicholson, W. llutlodgo, E. Stephens, Alderman Salamons, W. C. Wentvvorth, W. We.stgarth, and Edward Wilson. Most of them are now gone, but happily several of them are with us still. The Australian Association dealt with Intercolonial Fede- ration, and representation of the Colonies in this country did not escape its consideration. In 1855, when the Australian constitutions were under dis- cussion, it presented a memorial to Lord John Kussell, then Secretary lor the Colonies, setting forth that " the Constitutions of the Colonies forming the Australian group will be incomplete until a Federal Assembly is constituted." The Government, however, declined to entertain the i)roposal until the Colonial legislatures should express a desire on the subject. Next year the Association addressed Mr. Labouchere, afterwards Lord Taunton, who had become Secretary for the Colonies, upon " The necessity of Parliament passing a Permissive ]>ill empowering the Australian Colonies to form a Federal Assembly." It also pre- sented a draft bill with the memorial, but no action was taken by the Government. In 1857, a special general meeting of the members of the Association dealt with the following proposal, which involved the principle of Imperial Federation : — "That a memorial be presented by the Association to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, requesting that he will be l)leased, in the Cabinet deliberations on the forthcoming Keform Bill, to represent to her Majesty's Ministers the strong claims of the Colonics to some share of representation in the Imperial 14 FEDERAL BRITAIK. Legislature, but that it be at tlie same tltne expressed to Mr. Labouchorc tliat, in the opinion of this Association, the Colonies could not accept of Parliamentary representation unless their present rights of self-taxation be continued and preserved to them inviolate." After consideration by the meeting, the motion was withdrawn, as it was regarded as inopportune. The Australian Association also did valuable work in promoting steam communication with the Colonies, in obtaining more adequate naval defence, and the establishment of a Commodore's station in the Australian waters, in getting the sovereign admitted as a legal tender, and in the introduction of salmon to the rivers of Tasmania, to which Sir James Youl specially and laboriously devoted himself. The utility of such an Association was undoubted, at a time when the Colonies had not advanced to the stage of having official representatives in this country. It is more than probable that that eminent statesman. Earl Russell, had formed decided views on Britannic Federalism long before giving expression to them in his "Recollections and Suggestions," from 1813-1873, in which he says : — "I am disposed to believe that if a Congress or Assembly representing Great Britain and her dependencies could be convoked from time to time, to sit for some months in the autumn, arrangements reciprocally beneficial might be made. ... In my eyes it would be a sad spectacle — it would be a spectacle for gods and men to weep at — to see this brilliant Empire, the guiding star of freedom, broken up — to behold Nova Scotia, the Cape of Good Hope, Jamaica, and New Zealand try each its little spasm of independence ; while France, the United States, and llussia would be looking at each, willing to annex one or more fragments to the nearest part of their dominions." /!/S£ OF THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. 15 ibly be the lade. Ibe a liaut (bold [land tbe lliug Ibeir Tlie foregoing instances suflice to show that the Federal idea was not lost sight of by practical and far-seeing statesmen, even before it had to any extent attracted the attention of political theorists, or oven reached the first stage of consideration, so well described by the writer (quoted in Sir Frederick Young's "Imperial Federation," p. 134, who says: — " The law of political as of all i)rogress seems to me tu be this : first, we hear a few whispers iu tlie cabinet of the student; then the question passes into the area of scientific inquiry ; finally, after long maturing, after a severe and searching controversy, it enters the sphere of actual truth, and moulds human action." The Colonics, however, were rapidly passing out of their infant years. Their marvellous growth had eclipsed all experience or expectation. They had to be speedily equipped with the institutions of self- government. These could only be supplied by paper constitutions — the aversion of some sticklers for precedent — for the need of Colonial organization would not permit that the governmental systems of the Colonies should be evolved through long ages, like the grand old model, British Constitution, from which all the free and good governments of the world have, directly or indirectly, been derived. As the Colonies could not wait for institutions of slow growth, neither can they, nor the Empire at large, postpone, for anything like half a century, the inauguration of some federal system, if our Imperial union is to be rendered effective and all-powerful to safeguard our vast and growing common interests on land and sea. Besides the Bepublic of the United States, the Empires of Germany and Austria-Hungary have, during the last two decades, been furnishing to the i6 FEDERAL BR ITALY. world Ktriking exaiiiplcs of tho great power-making CiipabilitioH t»f ledoraliHiii, even when contending with dinicultieH and drawbacks more serious than thuBO arising out of the circumstances of our widespread Empire. The remarkable rise and growth of tho federal constitution of Canada — a mere paper con- stitution, as were all those of the Colonies not many years back — is by itself an object lesson for the people of the Empire, sufticient to instruct them in the advantages of federation. The J)ominiou Act — that l)aper constitution only a (j[uarter of a century ago — a veritable slip, full of vitality, of the old liritish Constitution, no sooner touched the soil of Canada than, like a tropical tree in a congenial clime, it at once struck down its roots and sent up its foliage, and, like the hardiest giant of the forest amid the snows of a North American winter, it already seems to stand as firm as the ancient, slowly-developed constitution of the parent land. It would have been extraordinary if, after the cstab- lishment of provincial self-government in Australia, and of Intercolonial Federation in Canada, thoughtful men had not soon begun to consider what further developments would be needed, to complete the j)olitical organization of our United Empire; and a little reflection would soon ))ring home the conviction that one of two things is ultimately inevitable — Federation or Separation. In either wo must follow the examjde of our kinsmen of the United States ; and why should the alternative for us be that most undesirable one, which the foolish policy of last century — the reverse of our present Colonial policy — forced upon tho Americans? Some illogical people take the unhappy historical fact that the United States were driven into M RISE OF THE FEDERAL FRIXCIPLE. 17 <: with thoBO jsproad of tho 31* con- t many people in tho it— that f ago— Ijiitisli Canada le, it at go, and, Bnowa to stand ititution cstab- |ustralia» ughtl'nl further olitical a littlo on that eratioii xamide should )le one, reverse Ion tho ihappy ^en into ijulepcndenco, as a conclusive reason why the present Ihitish Colonies must sooner or later go out of tho Kiupiro. Let us follow our American kinsmtn, not in tho paths <»f separation, into which they most unwillingly entered, but in tho great example they have given the world, of how a nnmher of States may retain all the advantages of complete provincial self- iroverumc'it in combination with those of national unity ; and may thus secure a position among the greatest Towers on earth, by means of the easy bond of well-organized federation. When an American like ^Ir. Henry George ^ tells us that the United States might even now not bo independent, but for the attempt "to crush tho American Colonies into sub- mission" — which he says had " the effect of splitting into two what might but for that have perhaps yet been one great confederated nation " — surely none but a few short-i-ighted, faint-hearted, or cross-grained Ih'itishers can be found, in any part of our United Empire, to believe that there must ever be any neces- sity for its dismemberment. With the conviction that the maturity of tho Colonies must bring change in their relations to each other and to tho Mother Country, no clear policy was, at first, presented, save in such isolated instances as have been already mentioned. For a time there seemed to be a general feeling that things must be allowed to drift. In this stage of stagnation sprang up that noxious negation of a policy, the idea of disintegration. This was boldly, and, no doubt, ably, advocated by Professjr Goldwin Smith in a series of letters, published in the Daihj Neics, in 1802-03, and, in the latter year, in a volume called " The Empire." ' " Social Problems," chap. xvi. G i8 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Tho title is defective, the words, *' And how to get rid of it," being required to complete it ; for such was the tenour of the work. Tho clear and simple course of letting the Empire fall to pieces, which requires no energy, statesmanship, or ability, had an attraction for some minds at a time when no decided Imperial policy was in prospect. To prepare the Colonies for being cast adrift, or for "self-reliance" — Mr. Smith's ex- pression to soften the idea — was the policy of Sir Frederick Eogers, the jiermanent head of the Colonial Office, who for eleven years had the ear of several of its political chiefs. On retiring with a peerage as Lord Blachford, he contributed, in 1877, to the Nineteenth Century Bevieic, an article decidedly favour- able tj disintegration. How much wider and wiser have been the views of his successor. Sir Robert Herbert, who has also recently retired from the office ! It was not to be supposed that men of British blood and spirit — of the race having " the genius of universal empire," as the American orator, Mr. Depew, has well described it — would long leave in undisputed possession of the field a policy of incapacity, which hopelessly proclaimed that all the splendid materials for Empire-building — which the genius and energy of our race were accumulating — should be left helplessly to drift, instead of being fitted together into the grandest Imperial structure it is possible for the world to behold. The suggestion of disruption, made by a few persons, was speedily answered by many voices raising the patriotic cries of " United Empire," "Permanent Unity," which have ever since echoed and re-echoed in every British land. The opposition called forth by the public advocacy of disintegrat'on, at first confined itself to directing RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. 19 I get rid was the ourse of nircs no ction for al policy or being ith's ex- ^ of Sir Colonial 3veral of ierage as to the r favour- nd wiser r Robert le office ! isli blood universal pew, has isputed , which uaterials inergy of lelplessly linto the for the bn, made fy many ]mpire," echoed tdvocacy lirecting the attention of both Mother Country and Colonies to the value £0 them of their union. It was only to bo expected that men best acquainted with the latter should have most clearly seen, and decidedly declared, the trutli as to this point, at a time when it was not so conspicuous as the development of the Colonial Empire has since made it. A largo and influential number of Colonists attended the Social Science Congress at Bristol in September, 18G9, when the question of the relations of England and the Colonics was discussed, papers being read by Mr. (now Sir John) Gorst, Mr. Thomas Hare, myself,^ and Mr. John Noble, all but the last being favourable to the unity of the Empire; but its federation, if barely alluded to, was not advocated. Among speakers of weight who took part in tlie discussion were Sir "William Denison and I\Ir. Edward Wilson. The latter gentleman, being strongly impressed with the conviction that an important point had been reached in Colonial progress, took steps for calling together the Cannon Street meetings, which had no little share in giving a right direction to the cuiTent of opinion. They were held at the large station hotel, and, beginning at the end of November, 18G9, took place weekly for five or six weeks. The chair was ably filled by Sir James A. Youl. The object of these meetings was to call attention to the advantages of the unity of the Empire, and to indicate points upon which its relations might bo improved ; but all of us who were present were, no doubt, still only groping our way to a practical policy of organized union, to place in opposition to the destructive proposals of the Disrupt ionists. The Cannon Street meetings mark the rise of a better ' See page 30. i ! J'' '* 20 FEDERAL BRITAIN. feeling as regards Mother Country and Colonics, and they left on record, among others, two valuaLle resolutions, both drawn by a good friend of the cause, the late ]Mr. William Westgarth. The first, moved by him, affirmed " 'J'hat the Colonies are the source of great commercial, political, and social advantages to the parent country, and largely co.itributo to the influence and greatness of the Empire." As it was thought that the mover of the second resolution, affirming the benefits to the Colonies of the Imperial connection, should be of Colonial birth, I had the honour of being called on to propose — "That, on the other band, the rights of Imperial citizenship, Imperial supervision, influence, and exan.ple, and Imperial commerce and resources, promote all the Lest interests of the Colonies, and they on their part are not wanting in a loyal appreciation of their beneficial relationship." The idea of Imperial Federation was not broached at the Cannon Street meetings ; and this is not to be wondered at, seeing that, in 1869, a telegraphic cable had not been carried to Australia, the opening of the (.^anadian Pacific Kail way was a prospect in the dim distance, and the speedy development of our present highly improved means of communication was so little anticipated. For a time nothing more worthy of the Empire than a mere council of advice was suggested ; but in the January number of the Contemjjorary Beview for 1871, appeared an article headed, " Imperial Federa- tion," by Mr. Edward Jenkins, proposing a Federal Parliament for Imperial affairs, indicating the questions with which it should deal, and showing that provincini concerns should be left to provincial governments. Mr. Jenkins also pointed out that, in the previous HJSE OF THE FEDERAL PRIXCIPLE. 21 nics, and valuaLlo ho cause, iioved by source of ntages to ;e to the ae second ies of the birth, I citizenship, k1 Imperial rests of the ia a loyal broached not to be )hic cable ng of the the dim ir present IS so little ly of the uggested ; rii Review il Federa- Federal [uestions )rovinci«l lernments. previous "f** .'',* •'ff session of what is called the Imperial rarliament, only 48 Acts, out of 20;> passed, wore really Imperial.* On July 20, 1871, at the Conference on Colonial questions,'- to which I was honorary secretary, held at the Westminster ralaco Hotel, I read a paper on "Imperial and Colonial Federalism,""' in which I advocated an Imperial Federal Farliament and Executive ; and in the discussion following, which, I believe, was the first public one on the subject ot Imperial Federation, that policy was supjiortod by Mr. Jenlvins, Mr. J. Dennistoun Wood, and Sir Frederick Young, whilst Mr. Edward Wilson, though sympathetic, did not think the scheme practical. Next year (1872) Mr. Jehu Mathews, of Toronto, brought out his valuable work in favour of Imperial Fedeiation, treating the subject with considerable detail; and, in October, Mr. Jenkins and I again brought forward the question, by reading papers before the Social Science Congress at Devonport. In December, there appeared in Frazers M'tijaziue an article powerfully supporting the policy, entitled, " Empire or no Empire." It was dated " Melbourne, August, 1872," bore the initials " W. J. S.," and stated that the writer was a Colonist of twenty years' standing. A remarkable pronouncement in favour of Firitish Federalism, also made in 1872, was that of the famous Lord Beaconsfield, at the Crystal Palace, on June 24, when he said — ' In the longest of sessions, that of 1803, the vital question of the Naval defence of the Empire couUl not bo tlealt witii in jn-opir time; Irish Home Rule. Parish Councils, Employers' Ijiabilitics— measures, however wise or unwise, rclatinj,^ lo the provincial aft'airs of tlie British Isles — stopping the way of all ImpiTial (juestinns. * The proceedings wore pnblislicd in a volume entitled, " Discussions on Colonial t^uestions." "• See page Gl. ^i 22 FEDERAL BRITAIN. " I cannot conceive how our distant Colonies can have their affairs administered except by self-government. But self- government, in my opinion, when it was conceded, ought to have been conceded as part of a great policy of Imperial con- solidation. ... It ought, further, to have been accompanied by the institution of some representative Council in the metro- l)olis, which would have brought the Colonies into constant and cont'uuous relations with the Home Government. ... In my opinion, no Minister in this country will do his duty who neglects any opportunity of reconstructing, as much as possible, our Colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant sym])athies which may become the source of incalculable strength and hai)piness to this land." The opening of telegraphic communication with Australia had a powerful eftect upon the question. It proved that the remotest dominions of the United I Empire, are in more immediate contact with its metropolis, than were the most distant parts of the United Kingdom in the early years of this century. At the banquet of November 13, 1872, to celebrate the event, to a telegram despatched as the guests sat down a reply from the other side of the globe was within two hours read by the chairman. The toast, " The Integrity of the British Empire," given, perhaps, for the first time, ''was received with immense enthusiasm and cries of ' Hurrah ! ' that lasted for several minutes." ' I never witnessed anything more impres- sive than that great gathering of men from all parts of the Empire, springing to their feet and acclaiming their devotion to its unity. In October, 1874, Mr. C. W. Eddy brought the ques- tion of the relations of the Colonies to the Empire again under discussion, at the Glasgow meeting of the * See report of the banquet, Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, vol. iii. -0 RISE OF THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. 23 liave their But self- ought to erial con- :ompanicd ;he metro- istant aud . . In my duty who ,s possible, se distant icalculable Ion with ition. It 3 United with its ts of the I century, brate the sat down within " The aps, for iusiasm several im pros- all parts claiming Social Science Congress, immediately before his sudden death ; and his paper was afterwards also read at the Royal Colonial Institute, of which he had been honorary secretary. At the beginning of 1875, this Society occupied two meetings in discussing Imperial Federation, the question being opened by mo with a paper entitled, " The I'ermanent Unity of tho Empire."' Subsequently, Imperial Federation has been fre- '" should Australia remain united to England, as there is every hope she may, when her population is five, ten, twenty millions or more, she will consider it a point of honour to contribute towards the general defence of the Empire.' If both she and England desire to remain in partnership, it will be easy to arrange that Australia shall keep up a squadron, in- corporated with the Imperial navy, for the defence of the Empire in the Southern waters. About twent\' years after it was made, this suggestion was carried out. In regard to organized unity, I was still, like every- one else twenty-five years ago, only feeling my way towards such a thing. The most J could say was in the following concluding paragraphs of \\\^ paper : — " What I hope for in the future is an Australian Con- federation, a Canadian Confederation, a South African Confederation, in union with Old England, either with or without representation ir her Parliament ; all cheer- fully taking part in maintaining the power of the Empire. ' Union is strength.' As the Colonies grow and strengthen, each will be stronger for such a union ; the Mother Country will feel it a support, and both she and the Colonies will be at far less expense for defences, if all stand together and fairly bear the burden of defending the Empire. Fewer wars, too, will occur in the world if the integrity of the British Empire be preserved. *' England unhappily lost her American Colonies just as they began to pass from infancy to maturity. Let us hope she will be more fortunate with those she at present possesses ! God, in calling her to people the waste lands of the world, has conferred upon her a * See Mr. Service and Sir Alex. Stuart's remarks, jiages 181, Yd^^. ■M THE STARTI.VG-POINT. 39 great destiny — unparalleled among jiast nations, im- possible among future nations. " When wo look at the past history and present con- dition of Tiritish colonization, we cannot but bo amazed at the splendid vitsion, 1 should ratlier say splendid reality, that is before us. No portion of the history of England is more interesting or brilliant than that which records how this little island has, so to speak, been expanding herself over great continents, has been developing herself throughout the globe. Her language, her literature, her ideas, her commerce, her laws, her institutions, and her liberties, have been sown broadcast over the face of the earth ; and already in different soils and in various climes they have borne magnificent fruits. But, splendid as the success of the past has been, splendid as the condition of the present is, the splendour, both of the past and of the present, seems destined to be dimmed by what we are justified in expecting in the future. Wo have, hitherto, only seen Englaiid nursing infant nations. I believe and ardently hope, — and I am certain 1 express the feelings of all her Colonies, — that she is destined to retain under her mild sway her Colonial children, long after they shall attain the maturity and the strength of manhood. 1 am convinced that the existence of such a relation will not only be of vast moral and material advantage, both to the parent nation and to the offspring nations, but will constitute an Empire more splendid than any the world has yet seen." at 10 a 1M>. >i E J 40 FEDERAL BRITAIN. ClTArTEK III. ri:UMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRP:. Progress of tlie Imperial Question — Is it ilosirable that tlie Empire sliall icmain permanently united ? — AVIiut must lie the ultimate bond of political union? — How foreigners regard our Empire — Fallacies of Disiutegrationists and "Economists" — Professor Goldwin Smith's views — Unionists true Economists — How England and the Colonies would he affected by Separation — Their i)osition beside the United States — Naval strength of the United Empire — Union menns peace — Economic advan- tages — Proteetivi! and difliercntial duties within Empire — Foreign orfroi — Danger to England from India and the Colonies — Federation our ultimate goal— Separation of terri- tories by oceans will i'acilitate Federation — Representation of Colonies in present Imperial Parliament— A Colonial Council — Aud)assador.s — Intercolonial more difficult than Im- ])erial Federation — Irish Home Hule — Federal Parliament and Executive indispensable — Non-interference with Pro- vincial se!(-governnient — Federalists only have clear views as to future — Imjjerial Federation the greatest of political ques- tions — IMomentons issues hang upon it — Should have delinite ideas about it — Burke's pictures of Colonial growth eclipsed — l{ii)ening of the policy. In January, 1875, 1 emleavoured to set forth the reasons for Unity and Federation, with a very brief outline of the latter, before the Eoyal Colonial Institute, in a paper entitled, " The Permanent Unity of the Empire.'" With some slight alterations, it forms this cliapter, the argument thus proceeding : — Those who watch with interest, the rapidly changing PERMANEXr UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 4 1 conditions of tho relations between England and her Colonies, must l)o struck with tho progress made within five or six years, in what is popularly known as tho Colonial, but should more correctly bo called tho Imperial, question. Within the period mentioned, that question has been much more frequently discussed than ever it was before, and has occupied a larger share of tho serious attention of intelligent men : many doubts have been cleared up ; what the question really means is becoming more generally understood ; and the official tone of the Imperial Government towards the Colonies has changed from ungenial politeness to decided heartiness. The Imperial question practicall}'' resolves itself into two heads of inquiry: Ist. Is it desirable that the Empire shall remain permanently united ; and if so, 2nd, what must be the ultimate bond of political union — the form of Government which is to weld it into one great Power ? With regard to tho first, nothing is more calculated to excite the amazement of foreigners, who admire the Empire of England and envy her its possession, than that any Englishman should counsel, or even tacitly countenance, any policy tending to its disintegration. Is there a German who loves his country, from Prince Bismarck down to the most insignificant politician, who would not give much, and strive hard, to make the new German Empire like our British Empire, which some Englishmen think should be allowed to fall to pieces? Though only a few individuals may hold such an opinion, it is too true of the nation, that " we do not sufficiently esteem what we possess." A few years ago, an attempt was made to form a }!' 42 FEDERAL BRITAIN. \ school, to teach, in tho name of superior wisdom, that our soundest policy is one which, witliin a generation or two, would reduce tho great Jiritish Empire to tho limits of these little islands. These teachers started with Adam Smith's description of the unsound Colonial policy of the past ; and, seemingly, were so scared by that old and unwise system as not to ho content with its abandonment ; but they would have us run off so far from it as to carry newer and wiser principles to lengths e(iaally unsound. Our grandfathers liaving done unwise things, wo are told to show how much more sensible we are by rushing into the opposite extreme; they having by a most fallacious policy bound and shackled tho Colonies, we should embrace the opposite fallacy, and sever every tie connecting them with England. The J)isunionist school has made but little way since its master, Professor (loldwin Smith, propounded his theses some dozen years ago.^ Since he wrote, events have belied his anticipations. His case is weaker now than it even was when first stated. The expense of the Colonies to this country has been greatly reduced;'-* twelve years' growth has been added to their strength, to their ability to defend themselves, to the weight they could contribute to the power of a consolidated Empire ; wisely or unwisely, liritish troops have been withdrawn from the Colonies ; ' See letters in Daily Neiv», 18G2 and 1863, published in book called "The Empire," 1803. * Mr. Arehibald Hamilton, in his paper read before tlie Statistical Society, gives a table, wliicli shows that the cost in 1870 and 1871, the two lowest years, was £1,319,439 and £1,045,212 respectively, and in 18G4, tho higliest, £3,140,170. He also proves that in nineteen years, from 1853 to 1871, the Imi)erial revenue derived from the Colonial trade was £45,000,000, and the Imperial ex- penditure on tlie Colonies was only £13,000.000. PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 43 happily Canada has ceased to bo a probable, and haF become only a remotely iiossiblo, source of danger to this country. We have entered on an era of amity with the United States ; and Franco, the only other nation that could possibly have assuiled England in what wo aro told is her weakest point — her Colonies — has no longer the power even had she the will to do so.' The unworthy fears with which Professor Smith tried to fiighten England, ingloriously to abandon her Colonial Empire, have become more unreal, and its continued growth and development must still more palpably prove them to have been baseless. But if fear will not prevail with England, perhaps avarice may ; so, in the name of economy, she is told to rid herself of her splendid heritage, The Empire does not "pay," and it is not wortli having if its profits and advantages cannot be clearly demonstrated upon balance-sheets : no indirect claims of advantage can be admitted ; nothing that cannot be computed in pounds, shillings, and pence. But to meet this so-called argument of economy upon its own low level. Even were the cost of the ( 'olonios to England a few hundred thousand pounds a year, till they become able to bear the whole expense of their own defence, would not their independence at once increase the expenditure of this country in time of peace, there being no greater certainty of the cost and danger of war being lessened to England? Would she not have to pay ministers and consuls where she now sends governors at no cost whatever? Would she not have to maintain war- vessels to protect her commerce just as at present ; but with the additional expense of having to form and keep up fortified harbours and coaling stations, instead * In 1S75 France was exhausted by the recent war. Ml! 44 FEDERAL BRITAIS\ V ) ¥ \ i r of those Hko Sydney and Melhonrno, now provided for lior liy tlio (Vjlonies, whoso ports are as much hers in titno of peace, and wonUl be as exclusively hers in war — as hostile to her foes — as if situated in the United Kingdom ? Are not such advantages capable of C()mi)utation in a good round suui of money? Were it necessary to do so, would it not even be wise in England to spend for the next few years more than she does upon Colonial defences, if afterwards tlie Colonies, when more popidous and ])()Worful, would contribute their duo proportion to the joint defence of the Empire? Those economists, who for the sake of saving would got rid of the Colonial Empire, always remind mo of the illustrious Mr. Paterfamilias, whose better half, and wiser half, is described as complaining that her husband's savings were always so terribly ex])en8ive. The disintegrationist puts his case in another equally unattractive aspect. lie entirely agrees with tliosc who think it was wise of England to found Colonies, and to keep them till they have passed a certain stage of infancy ; but when the time comes that she can trade with thom just as well if inde- pendent, he declares tliat the sooner they separate from her the better. As to their being people of her own blood and language, as to their union with her adding to her prestige, it is all sentiment; we on J to be superior to such moonshine. The ^^jil;. standard of value is money, the light t thing in is the colour of gold, the glitter See pages 71, 98, 140. 184, '213. ir 48 FEDERAL BRITALV. indGpendcnt states in tho world, particularly if tliey bo small ones, the more are tho chances of war increased. So great a power as tho federated Empire would become, would not be aggressive ; it would be large enough not to covet its neighbours' dominions, and strong enough not to feel that weakness which some- times makes nations go to war to test their strength, or to show they are not afraid to fight.' We are sometimes told that the persistence of some of the Colonies in the i)olicy of protection will be fatal to our permanent union, and some indignation was expressed at the idea of the Australian Colonies want- ing to adopt differential duties in each other's favour. It would be easy to conceive of a Federation, even had we no existing example of one in Switzerland, in which the provincial governments might confer ex- clusive privileges upon local populations. Most objec- tionable as such a policy undoubtedly is, there is no reason to prevent the States in which it obtains from being united in a Federation. Continuance in union is more likely to lead to the removal of such invidious distinctions than separation, which must make them permanent and more numerous. Would it not also bo better to recognize diff'erences as to the truths of free-trade than quarrel about them ? And — if we can agree to continue united, and, for Mie purposes of mutual support, weld ourselves into an Empire in reality as well as in name — let us not think of disputing tho right of tho provincial legislatures to adjust their own revenues and manage their local affairs in their own way ; and never seek to impose upon them, save by the fcice of conviction, a uniform fiscal policy. Were England to separate from the Colonics on account ' iSee page 184. fa in ilii PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 49 in of protection, would they bo as likely to adopt a different system as if she remain in union with them? Adam Smith describes trade restrictions oxistiiis; in his time, not only between these three kingdoms, but even between the people of England tb>omsolvc8, which were much more incompatible with the union of the same people under one central government, than any restrictions imposed by Colonial tariffs. To say that people of the same State cannot remain united and impose taxes upon each other, is also opposed to present experience. On the Continent, octroi duties are levied by towns, and free cities exist with exemptions from taxation not enjoyed by the rest of the State. But, how- ever opposed to sound principles of political economy it may be, thus to favour particular communities in the same State, there is nothing in doing so incon- sistent with their being united under one government. Now, in principle, the taxation of imports from other parts of the Empire, by the government of any of its provinces, is similar to the foreign octroi^ and the favour shown by some Colonies to their own produc- tions is sufficiently analogous, for my argument, to the system of free cities or ports. Therefore, however strongly we may disapprove of protection, wo should be unreasonable in our condemnation of it were we to hold that it must make all the difference, between our permanent union being possible or impossible, desirable or undesirable. The wish of contiguous Colonies to adopt differential duties in each other's favour is perfectly reasonable, and only the existence of protection could excite any- thing like hostility to the idea. It is extremely in- convenient for Colonies, like those of Australia, with r \\ 50 FEDERAL BRITAIN. i\ artificial boundary lines hundreds of miles long, often in unpeopled regions, to keep up a strict custom-house system ; and, without desiring to make any distinction to the disadvantage of their fellow-subjects in other parts of the Empire, they may well seek to modify or abolish it, levying duties — whether free trade or pro- tectionists — only upon imports from the seaboard. It is quite a different matter, and would be incompatible with the Imperial relation, to allow diilerential duties and reciprocity treaties, between provinces of the Empire and governments outside it, whereby foreign goods should be admitted on terms more favourable than those extended to British trade. Every available argument by which it is attempted to prove continued union with the Colonies undesir- able for England, and many weighty reasons besides, may be applied with greater force to the possession of India. Indeed, Professor Goldwin Smith has declared the acquisition of that country to have been a mistake, and that its abandonment would be desirable, could England with honour free herself from the obligations she has contracted to govern it. And, certainly, India has been in the past, and is likely to prove in the future, a more fruitful source of danger and disaster to England than the Colonies ever were, or can possibly become. Were the people of England and of the Colonies to be persuaded — by those who counsel them, with argu- ments of fear c /* of avarice — to abandon the Empire, Burke's famous xiyperbolical sentence would become literally true of them — "the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, economists, and calculators has succeeded ; and the glory of Europe is extinguished for ever," I PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 51 Having, as far as the space I can afford to that head of iny subject will permit, touched upon the leading points showing that the permanent union of the Empire is clcsiral)le, and having endeavoured to prove the objections to it to be unworthy and unreal, I shall now, as briefly as possible, consider what form of Im- perial government will ultimately be indispensable. The more permanent bonds of union which will be required, when the Colonies attain a more mature growth, are still too little thought of by most re- formers of Imperial relations ; who continue consider- ing what will be wanted for the short transition period, between the infancy and vc \turity of the Colonies, forgetting that that period is rapidly passing away, while they leisurely devise policies for it whicli, if ever matured, will never be needed. That cannot be called statesmanship which would only deal with the Colonial question of the moment. It is time to think what may be required twenty, thirty, fifty years hence, and shape our policy accord- ingly. We may wisely determine what direction to take, and steadily steer in it, even if the point for which we are bound be many a long day distant from us. The only ultimate goal for us, if the union of our Empire is to be real and lasting, is Federation. '• Political inventiveness " may possibly produce new systems of government, but that is the only known form which can wold the Empire into one great power — giving all its people a voice in whatever policy con- cerns them, and utilizing for their peace and security the great strength which, if solidified, they will be able to command. Federation implies that there shall bo a central Parliament and Executive of the Empire, like those of f I 52 FEDERAL BRITAIN. !• Ii 1 America, Germany, or Switzerland. I have endeavoured to sketch out a system of Federation, the outlines of which are, I believe, capable of being filled in. The subject is dealt with in the next chapter. The only obstacle suggested to our federal union not alfecting existing Federations, is that oceans would roll between its several • portions, and that its ex- tremities would be more remote than those of other Fedeiations. In reply it may be asked. Is the federal union of Canada with England impossible, because Canadian representatives would have to cross the Atlantic in steamers, whilst that of California with the United States is quite practicable, because repre- sentatives have to make about an equally long journey by railway from San Francisco to Washington? And would the fact that the voyage from Australia to England takes six weeks or two months, instead of a week or fortnight, make all the difference between Federation being practicable and impracticable? In fact, the separation of its territories by sea might even strengthen a federal union, by necessitating less interference with provincial self-government. For instance, the Western and Eastern States of America seriously differ about free-trade and protection ; and both being on the same mainland, each cannot have the policy it prefers. If a sea were to separate them, they might have diflerent tariffs, and thus a danger to the Federation would be removed without its strength as a great power being impaired. In a paper on the Colonies in the "Cobden Club Essays," Professor Thorold Rogers takes the same view of the objection of distance as that for which I have now contended, and also in my paper on " Imperial and Colonial Federalism." Speaking of Colonial re- i PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 53 lub ive lial re- prosentation in the Britisli rarliaraent, ho says : " Thero is no difficulty in carrying out the project, because the Colony is distant from the seat of government;" and that Federation " would be undertaken if the Britisli Parliament were less of a Chamber in which peddling interests were discussed and settled by compromise, and more of a Senate where great questions of policy were debated and determined." Professor liogors, like many others, rejects the idea of Federation because he conceives it to mean representation of the Colonies in the present British Parliament. And certainly they could expect but little benefit, from having a few members in an Assembly, which almost exclusively devotes itself to the provincial concerns of the United Kingdom, and in which really Imperial questions arc liable to be decided by a count-out. To give all parts of the Empire a voice in its government, an exclusively Imperial Parliament would be required. The present Parliament occupies itself with the concerns of Great Britain and Ireland, which monopolize its attention and supply it with more business than it can con- veniently get through, liepresentation of the Colonies in it could not be made sufficiently federal in its character, unless the number of members of the House of Commons, already large enough, were increased, or those for the United Kingdom diminished, in order to make room for a due proportion of Colonial representa- tives. Neither would it bo desirable tliat in those numerous questions exclusively alfecting these king- doms, any but their own representatives should take part. The only conceivable advantage of having a few members for the Colonies in the British Parliament would be, that their presence would be an admission of the federal principle, and might demonstrate the 54 FEDERAL BRITAIN. necessity, and stimulate the desire throughout the Empire for a complete Fede!ation. An Imperial Council like that for India is another expedient, suggested by some who do not yet see their way to Federation. But, of whatever value such an institution might for the present be, it would be perfectly inadequate as a permanent central govern- ing body for the Empire. It could bo entrusted with no powers of legislation or of raising an Imperial revenu e ; it would give the Colonies no such real voice in Imperial policy as that to which their increasing populations will render them entitled. In fact, the proposals to have Colonial representatives in Parlia- ment, an Imperial Council, Colonial members of the Privy Council, and Secretaries of State sent by the Colonies to sit in the English cabinet, must all, how- ever valuable they might be for a time, prove only temporary expedients, not to be recommended, but as means to produce something much more complete and permanent. Tlicir existence would soon demonstrate their own insufliciency ; and the only good to be hoped from them would be that they might assist to create, and then make way for, a real federal organization.' From the list of possible suggestions just referred to, I think the proposal should be excluded that the Colonies should have in this country re[)resentative.s, similar to the ambassadors sent by Foreign Powers. As one born and brought up in the Colonies, I slioidd strongly object to anything sounding and looking so like Colonial independence. May the most marked ' The i(U'a of having a Council waa sonii^ tiino ago revived by Karl (ilroy and mot with considerablo favour; but Sir Horculos llobinson and liord Augustus Ijoftua have ably set forth tlie view I had previously endeavoured to express, that a Council will be (juite inadequate as a federal bond of union. PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 55 d lO >y w distinction ever exist between foreign ministoiH and the representatives of the Colonies in this country, whatever may bo their status ! It may perhaps be said, IIow can we expect Colonies to agree to the greater scheme of Federation, with the Mother-Country and tlio rest of the Empire, wlion their jealousies prevent them from forming federal unions among themselves? Canada would not have united herself in a Federation had she not felt the need of that strength which union alone could give her ; Australia, not so urgently feeling the want of a federal government, has not been as anxious to form one, though it would bo of undoubted advantage to her. Tlie objection seems capable of being more briefly answered than stated. Federation implies a certain amount of concession, and young communities may resolutely refuse to give way to each other, though they would not have the slightest hesitation in yield- ing precedence to the old country ; so that really it would probably be more easy to form an Imperial than an inter-Colonial Federation. Besides, the Colonies would feel that it would add to their prestige to be taken into council, to be admitted to a sliare with the old country in the government of the Empire. Imperial Federalism and Irish Home Rule are in no way necessarily connected. The latter is a question with which the iuhaVjitants of the United Kingdom should alone be left to deal.' The whole sum of the matter seems to be, that the maintenance of the unity of the Empire is desirable, and consequently a central government will bo re- quired to represent all its portions, giving each that weight which, from its importance and the share it > See pages 21, GU, 108, lOG. P m 56 FEDERAL BRITAIN, will tako in the dofenco of the Empire, shall be its due in all Imperial (questions, such as peace, war, defence, foreign affairs. If this is to bo effected, our children, if not ourselves, niust see the establishment of a real Federation with a I'arliaraent and Executive, as distinct from and superior to those of England and of the different Colonies, as the new Legislature and Government of United Germany, are distinct from and superior to the Chambers and Ministries of Pruss ia and IJavaria, or the federal governments of the Ameri- can Union or of Switzerland are distinct from and superior to those of the States or Cantons of which these Federations are respectively composed. Such a federal government need not interfere with the present full and free control of the provincial governments over local affai.d. We should not perhaps at first attempt to set up a very complete federal government. Our object may probably be best reached, by beginning with tlie simplest form of Federation we can devise — perl laps one of those systems which I have spoken of as temporary expedients — always keeping in view and moving forward towards sometliing more perfect; for the history of federalism in America, Germany, and Switzerland, where it has had greater and more serious difhculties to surmount than any it will with us lave to encounter, shows that the tendency of the system when once it is planted, is to take root, grow, and ripen into greater perfection. Its introduction among us would, assuredly, create throughout our Empire an enthusiasm for and loyalty to our union, as strong as that of Americans for theirs, when it became apparent to what a position Federation would elevate both England and the Colonies, — what strength, what great- ness, what security, what peace it would, with the 4 ^ . PERMANENT UNITY OF EMPIRE. 57 I h blessiug of God, ensure us. Proud as wo all aro of the glorious old Uniou Jack, of being IJritish subjects, how much more proud might wo justly be, could wo regard that flag as the emblem of a still greater union, could wo call ourselves citizens of a still greater British Empire, of an Imperial Federation of which the Sovereign of England should bo head. I have endeavoured to give a slight sketch of a question upon which many volumes m.iy bo written. Federation is, I believe, a perfectly practicable ]iolicy for the future, if. we only maintain and develop, throughout the Empire, the strong Imperial spirit and warm affection for the great principle of unity, of which we find in various quarters so many happy indications. Without Federation I cannot conceive how we can ultimately get on ; how wo can give our new and rising communities the voice in Imperial affairs, to which a few years' additional growth will entitle them ; how wo can combine our defences and utilize our strength as one great united Power. The Federalists alone show how all this can bo effected ; they, and they only, have a clear, definite, and satis- factory policy for the future. Those who reject that policy suggest positively nothing instead. They can see their way for no distance before them, and can only hope that, out of the mist in whicli they are involved, they may, somehow or other, stumble upon a right track. In the region of politics, this question towers im- measurably above all others in importance and gran- deur; it is the greatest which statesmanship can ever touch. Upon its skilful handling depends nothing less than the momentous issue whether, within a century, the greatest Empire the world can ever see %\ f. ^4. I 58 FEDERAL BKtTAItf. I Kliall 1)0 niado or marred. Tlic thought is siipromoly iniprcBKivo. In its prcsonco, all petty provincialisms, strifes, joalousioH, party difioronces, should shrink into fitting insignificance. Ktigland hy an unhappy policy lost her first Colonies ; she has now a second great opportunity — such as never l)e**ore fell to the lot of a nation, and certainly can never occur again — of ])er- manently fixing her Lorders far beyond her narrow sea-girt isles, and incorporating in indiKsoluldo union with these ancient kingdoms, vast new dominions in varioufa climes and in different homisphercs. Seeing, then, that the question of its j)ormanont unity is of such vital importance to our whole British race, it is time to think of and form some definite ideas and plans for its future organization. Nothing could 1)0 more practical. Only on the most superficial, shallow view of the question, can it bo said not to bo so, or that we ought to postpone beginning to think of it. Postpone, indeed, considering this question ! with Canada progressing as she is, with Australia almost doubling her population in a dozen years, with youth Africa advancing with iiicreasing speed, with tho whole Empire growing so rapidly, that only in tho eloquent language of the famous Burke can we find words to describe its progress : " Fiction lags after truth; invention is unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren ; " and in another passage : *' For my part, 1 never cast an eye on their flourishing commerce, and their cultivated and commodious life, but they seem to mo to bo rather ancient nations grown to perfection through a long series of fortunate events, and a train of successful industry, accumulating wealth in many centuries, than tho Colonies of yesterday." That great statesman, and perhaps greatest of PERMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIRE. 59 orators — whose words aro even more dosoiiptive of our proRont circmiistanccs tliaii tlioy woro of those to which Ijo applioil them — may ho said to liavo heon the fatlier of the great principle of Imperial unit}-, whieh Ills immortal spot dies iinmistakaldy hreatho forth. Those wlio refloot so little on the progress of the past, and have so far fixiled to learn from it the lessons it should teach respecting the fntui-e — as to toll us it is too soon to speak and think about Imperial organiza- tions -should study l>urke's grand picture of tlio i)ro- grcss of the British I'hnpire of his time, in whieh he describes how the commerce of I'ingland to her Colonies alone had grown in 1772 to L(»,r)0!l,000, only i:4S5,()00 less than the whole export trade of England in 1704. With as much truth as elocpienco Burke spoke of this sixty-eight years of the progress of England and her Colonies. How, were he now living, would he describe the much greater progress of a much shorter period? How would he speak of the sure development of the next few years? What a theme the permanent unity of our present Empire would be for him! How his eloquent voice would be raised against the ignoble idea of disintegration! How it would arouse those who sleep over, and leave unthought of, the great question of the future organization of our union ! I must, in conclusion, expressly guard myself against the charge of wishing to see Federation forced on before its time, — and upon this point I believe all Imperial Federalists aro agreed. Nothing is further from our desire ; few things could be more fatal to our object. We do not think of plucking the fruit before it is ripe ; but we do want this (question, and the public opinion of the Empire respecting it, to grow and ripen H' 1 Co FEDERAL BRITAIN, « fl ill due season, under the healthy and raaturimr influ- ences of timely consideration and discussion. We may well commend a cause, so noble and so pure, to " Ilim who raises and j^uUs down nations at His pleasure," and pray that " the Author of peace and Lover of concord " may bless and preserve tho unity of our Empire. ( 6I ) CHAPTEK IV. MOPFi OF FEDERATION SUGGESTED. Order of argument -Iiiflutncc of imtional magnetism — Sluill we fiiriiisli exception to unity of kindred iieoj)li? — Unity of (itTiniiny and Italy — Forelhouglit required— Tlie m(jre ^otn\ plans suggested the better — Many i)lans of Federation — Sug- gestions at Cvjiiferenci! of 1S71 — Two modes of electing Imperial I'arliameut: directly by people of Kinpin-, /.<-. Fede- ration, or by Provincial rarliaments, «.(;. Confederation One or two t'liaml)ers ? — liow an Up])or House might be constit nted — A grand Imperial Senate — IJritisli Federation with least amount of change in present InijH'rial I'arliament — jMost elenn^ntary Federal systems Were Senate only Federal body in America and Jiundi'srath in (Germany? In order of date, the ideas contained in the first part of this chapter shouhl come before those of my paper on " The Permanent Unity of the Empire," repro- duced in the last, but in order of argument they come in their proper place — the reasons for unity and federation preceding any plan for carrying out the latter. Between producing " The J*'uturo liolations of England and K" Colonies" in 18G0, and "The Permanent Unity of the Empire " in 187-3, I had become a firm believer in tlie policy of Imperial Federation — in 1871 sketching out the folluvving plan,' as one of many whicli might bo suggested. Leading up to it were observations of which these formed part : — * In a paper entitled, "Imperial and ('olonial Federalism," read ftt the Westminster (.'onference on Colonial Questions, .July 20, 1871, and published iu " Disouasiona on Colonial Questions." I 62 FEDERAL BR ITALY. I •I i At first sight, a federal union of the British Empire may, peihaps, ho regarded as a grand hut impracticahle idea. But, though puhlic attention has only recently heon called to it, many jieoplo have already been brought to believe in it. It has made so much pro- gress in so short a time that its friends have much to hope from its further discussion. The tendencies of the times favour it. National magnetism has wrought wonders in our days, in drawing together people of the same blood and language ; it is one of the most powerful influences of the age. Dynastic interests and provincial jealousies which have stood stubbornly for ages, walling off countrymen from countrymen, have yielded to it in Germany and Italy. Shall we, then, be told that it will be more difficult for us, who are united, to remain so, and to cement our union, than for those who have been separated for genera- tions to become united? While the ties of all the other great families of the human race are becoming stronger, shall those of ours grow weaker and fall asunder ? Shall we furnish the only exception to the rule of the unity of kindred people? To bring about non-existing union, Germany re- quired one of the greatest statesmen and one of the highest military geniuses the world has produced. Italy also needed a statesman of like calibre ; and both countries only succeeded by means of Titanic wars. We shall not want a Moltko ; and were the peaceful process, of cementing and organizing our existing union, a task only possible for the greatest of statesmen to accomplish, we might well expect that some of the old or new lands of the Empire would produce for us a Bismarck or a Cavonr. Procrustinators forget the rate at which events have MODES OF FEDERATION SUGGESTED. 63 been haRtening. They do not bear in mind how ftir we have got from the recent past. It seems an age, though it was only yesterday, since the question of Colonial self-government liad not advanced beyond the stage of discussion.' Twenty years ago it was a matter for consideration whether the Colonics were mature enough to take care of their own affairs. Before another twenty years have passed away, sub- jects of still greater importance must be settled; for Colonial growth is so rapid that the mere speculations of to-day will be practical questions urgently requiring solution to-morrow ; and a wise forethought would suggest that we should think leisurely upon these things ; so that when tlieir settlement can be put off no longer, we shall not have to arrive at hurried conclusions. The question of the future relations of England and her Colonies, has grown so fast during the last few months, that it is fairly pushing its way into the front rank of important questions. Even in very recent discussions of Colonial affairs, the word " Federation " does not appear, ideas not having advanced beyond the suggestion of reform in the Colonial Office, and the creation of a Colonial Council like that for India. In dealing with this important subject, it seems expedient that we should not so much desire to win approval for any particular plan, as to have as many plans as possible passed in leview; so that it may be evident that there are more ways than one in which our great purpose of cementing the union of the Empire may be attained. This Conference, I remarked, had only one policy — the unity of the Enqiire. Every plan, every suggestion, made with a view to that end ' This was in 1871. iai 64 FEDERAL BRITAIN. is acceptable. Every other consideration should bo made subservient to it. We are not here to advocate any particular mode of carrying out this great policy, but simply to suggest. In this spirit it is the design of my paper to treat tliis question. Though I may have a favourite plan of federation, I should be sorry to think it the only one possible. ' The larger the number of good systems, tliat can be suggested, the better we should be pleased. If we thoroughly believe in our great principle, discussion of details alone is needed to ensure a successful organization. Two systems of Federation may be suggested, both providing a Parliament, in Avhich the whole Empire could be represented ; the one under which the members representing the United Kingdom and the Colonies in the Parliament of the Empire, would bo elected directly by the people — that would be Federation ; and the other, under which they would be chosen by the English Parliament and the Colonial Parliaments, acting as electoral Colleges — that would be Confederation.^ Were the latter system adopted, each Provincial Parliament could choose a certain number of members, or whore Colonies wero grouped in Federations, as in Canada, the Parliament of the Colonial Federation would elect the members ; and, thus, wero Australia and South Africa to follow the example of Canada, and were the West Indies also formed into an Intercolonial Federation, the govern- ment of the Empire would be a Confederation of ' Federation may l)o ilofincd as a National or Imperial govern- ment, in which thire id direct repreaentation of the peoples of tho Provinces or of tlio Interi>rovincial federations; (Jon federation, as a government in which only tiieir governmentH are n^preseiitcd. See also page J)4, for Profcsaor Frei-mun's dciinition of Federation, and wliat Mr. AVillonghby says, quoted at page 84. MODES OF FEDERATION SUGGESTED. 65 Federations, with iive constituencies electing the Imperial Parliament — namely, the Englibh Parliament and the federal Parliaments of Australia, Canada, South Africa, and the West Indies.^ The system of election by Parliaments would, perhaps, be more easily worked, and there might be less difficulty in allotting the number of members, to be chosen by each Province or Colony of the Empire. A greater number of first-class men would be more likely to be returned to the Imperial Parliament; for each Provincial legislature would pride itself on sending some of its most distinguished members to the Parliament of the Empire. Again, the representatives of each province or dominion would bo in harmony with its Legislature, which might not always be so were they returned by direct popular election. This latter system, however, would liave the more than countervailing advantage, of bringing the Imperial Federal Parliament into direct touch with the inhabitants of the whole Empire, making them feel that its central government was thoroughly their own. Peace or war, made with the approval of that govern- ment, would be their peace or war ; defences organized by it would be felt to belong to them all. It would bo able directly to impose Imperial taxes ; whereas, if elected by the Legislatures, it could do no more than fix the amount of the subsidies by which they should make up the revenue of the Empire. It would have to be considered whether the Imperial Parliament should consist of one or two Chambers. If the Provincial, or Intercolonial Federal, Parliaments were to elect the Imperial Parliament, and wore an ' See Auatro-Hungarian system, page 78. P w 66 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Imperial Upper House deemed essential, it might bo constituted by the Upper Houses of such Parliaments sending members to it, as the Lower Houses Avould do to the Imperial Lower House; or by the Crown being empowered to nominate a House, consisting of hereditary or life peers ; or the members might be partly nominated and partly elected by the English and Colonial Tarliaments. It is very satisfactory to think that in forming an Imperial Upper House, as well as in framing a Constitution for the Empire, we should not bo limited to one plan. Were the people of the Empire directly the electors of the Imperial Parliament, it would be more necessary to have a second Chamber than if the Parliaments were the electors. With the Provincial Chambers thus acting as electoral Colleges, provision might be made for the representation, in the Imperial Parliament, of their minorities or oppositions. If the principle of direct popular election were adopted, the questions of the franchise and electoral divisions, by which the members of the Imperial Lower House should be chosen, would be best left to be arranged in each Province or Intercolonial Federation by its Parliament, it being only necessary that the Imperial Federal Constitution should fix the number of members to be chosen by each Dominion or Province. The time for which the members of the Imperial Lower House should be elected ought perhaps not to exceed three years. With a Parliament of the Empire, an Executive would be required ; and in order that there might be statesmen to select from, it would be necessary that the Parliament should at least contain two hundred members. Subsequently, in a letter published in 187G, in MODES OF FEDERATION SUGGESTED. 67 ]Nrr. (now Sir Frederick) Young's valuable book on "Imperial Federation," I ventured upon another suggestion as to the creation of an Imperial Senate or House of Lords — namel}', that a certain proportion of its present hereditary peers could represent the United Kingdom in this groat Imperial Senate, as life members — half might bo chosen by the House of Lords. For pre-eminently distinguished services, however, the (*rown might have power to confer the supreme distinction of a hereditary peerage of the Empire on any of its subjects. The Colonial members of tlie Senate could be created for life, by the Crown on the nomination of the Colonial Executives, and although only life legislators, might have titles derived from places in their Colonies,, A certain number of Colonial statesmen from each (^olony or Intercolonial Federation, who had made up a given number of years' service as responsible ministers, might be entitled to seats in the Imperial Upper House. A Senate of the Empire, constituted as suggested, would be about the most brilliant legislative assembly thaf; could be formed. It would consist of picked men from the hereditary peerage of England, and from the aristocracy of intellect and statesmanship of the whole British Emj/iro. The hereditary peerage of the I'jtnpire would open up to that of the United Kingdom a still further avenue of distinction ; and to be a life peer of this great Senate would be a great prize open to the statesmen of all our Colonies. Should general opinion favour a Parliament of one Chamber, the Britannic Constitution could dispense with a second more easily than could that of any other federal union, for, as we shall sec,^ when we come ' At pages U5-114. I I 68 FEDERAL BRITAIN. to the division of Imperial and Provincial questions, all property interests, such as those of capital and ownership of land, for which the protection of an Upper House is chiefly needed, would not be under the control of the Empire Parliament, but of those of the ] )omini()na or Provinces. ]\Ir. Howard Willoughby, in his "Australian Federation,"^ affirms that "in a federal government a Senate is a necessity" to carry out " the principle that the States must be represented as well as the joeople." An Imperial l^arliament, whether of one or two Chambers, recruited from the wide field of talent, which our Emjure would afford, ought to command the largest proportion of legislative and administrative ability it would be possible to collect, and would be fully capable of directing the vast world-wide, common concerns of the greatest of Empires. It would of course be desirable that the Federation of the Empire should be effected, with as little change as possible in the constitution of the existing Imperial Parliament. I pointed out tliis in a letter published in the Times, August 18, I88G, in these terms — " What, on the Ihies of existing federations and of our own Constitutional system, will be required if we are to have complete federation? Certainly an Imperial Parliament and Kxecutive. We have at present a so-called Imperial Parlia- ment, representing the thirty millions of these isles, but in which the ten millions of our British fellow-subjects beyond the seas have not a single member. The least sweeping Reform Hill, whereby these latter could be 'brought within the pale of the Constitution,* would be one which, without increasing the members of the House of Conmions, would redistribute the seats in it, so as to give a proper proportion of them to the Colonies, * Published in Melbourne, 1891. MODES OF FEDERATION SUGGESTED. r,9 iiml would place Colonial life peers in the House of Lonls. Tiio pruvlncial concerns of the United Kingdom, which so clog and overwork the present composite Iiuperial-Pruvincial Parliament, and impede its action in all the general aflairs of the Empire, would of course have to be entirely handed over to a Provincial Parliament and Executive. . . . The above is the briefest sketch, without details, how, on the most practical constitutional lini's, with the least amount of changes, it would be j)ossible to establish Im[)crial Federation." Thus, Mr. John ^lorley's fear that " tho Mothor of Parlianiontfs would sink to tho condition of a State legislature," need not bo realized. Tho old Imperial Parliament would continue to be tho legislature of the Empire, confining itself exclusively to Imperial aftairs, and handing over those of these kingdoms to a new one to bo created for the purpose. There would bo less change involved in this than there was in the creation of the present German and Austro-IIungarian federations or in the parliamentary union between England and Scotland, or Ireland and Great Britain, or in the establishment of constitutional government in the Colonies, or of Federation in Canada. None of these were revolutionary measures, but the adapta- tion of existing institutions to expanded luitional re- ([uirements. Supporters and opponents of Home liulc for Ireland, will agree that it wouh^ effect more serious and extensive changes in tlie liritish Isles, than would be involved in their federation, for common purposes, with the dominions of the Emi)ire beyond tho seas. From the distinct forms of Federation suggested in this chapter, and the actual working systems described in the next, Federalism maybe gradually shaded olf to vanishing-point. This is reached by those who only want a mere Council of Advice, like that for India, which no more federates that country with Great it ^ 70 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Britain, than would a similar council fortho Colonies, federate them with the Mother Country. All that such a body could do is, no doubt, "low practically done by the Agents-Ceneral. Federalism, though very elastic, cannot be stretched further than to include within its pale, such a very elementary representative body as the Colonial (Jonferenco which met in London in 1887. Nearer to full Federation would come such a system of (Confederation as would exist, if the American Con ^^"^oO. O^. \^: IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) / o t-^/ :A 1.0 I.I lAi PIIIM IIIII2.5 •" IM ||||Z2 !^ IA£ iilM 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 -<» 6" - ► ■7] /^ c> ^ c^i ^>^ 'K^J^ ^ y :?? ^I Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 &?/ ^A «v i. m ■••n 72 FEDERAL BRITAIN, .1 CHArTER V. FIVE EXISTINCJ FEDERATIONS. Canon Dalton on I he existing Ffderal constitutions — Tho Fede- rated Dominion of Canada — Ftuloral and non-Federal ques- tions sepnrr»\l— Chief points in tho Constitution — Federation of the United States— -]NIakes great power of provinces of small individual ini))ortance — Principal heads of Union — Federal Union of (i.ruiiiuy required to preserve ancient dynasties and divisions— Tlie Federal Parliament, revenue, '.>tc. — Tlie Austro- llungarian Uwion shows value ef Fedrration in conihiiung dibtinet races for common «lefence— Tiie most complicated form of F(Mlerittion — Austria a Federation federated with Hungary — Leading provisions of tiio governments — Switzer- land, smallest and (ddest Federation — Too much mat-hinery of gov(!rnment — Instance of New Zealand — I'articulars of Sv/iss I'^i'deral Constitution --Federal Constitution framed hy Australian Convention — Leading features of it— (Questions to be taken over from provincial governuunts — Federalism, monarchical and republican — (Jreat success of system. Were a Conference oonvoketl, representing the cousti- tutiontil governments of the Empire — with whom ahme the framing of any federal organization must rest — it would need to iiave no cut-and-diied schemes prepared beforehand ; for tho practical statesmen, of whom it would he composed, would find sufficient models from which to work, in the previsions of the federal constitutions now to be considered. In 1884, the lie v. Canon Dalton, hy an article in the Niiu'tfrnfh Ccninrij, did good service to the cause of British Federalism, in placing side by side the Ch \:: FIVE EXISTING FEDERATIONS. 73 •J'. provisions of the different existing Federal constitu- tions. Tiiose of Canada, the United States, Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Switzerland are models from which — if an exact copy, as a constitution for the Empire of Great Britain, could nut be made — various modifications might be adopted to meet our Imperial requirements. Canada, our own great British federated dominion, is an example o; how i'ederal can be separated from non-federal Questions,' how the respective revenues of ' The act of Union thus divides the subjects to bo dealt with by the Federal and Provincial (rovernmciits rcsiicctivily. It will iic observed t!. . v'th oceans sepaiatin;,^ our territories, many uf the questions ^^'^ ,,' 'ed la the iirst list might, in an Imperial Federal Constitutioi., trajsferred to the second, us will be s-eoa in next chapter. Canadian Federal Quest io7it\ — 1. Public debt and proper'/. 2. Regulation of trade and comniorcc. ;>. Raisinj? uf money l)y any mode or system of taxation. 1. JJorrdwinn' of money on i)ublie credit. 5. I'ostal services. G. Census and statistics. 7. Military and naval service, railitiii, and defence. S. Providing salaries of civil and other ollicers of the governin(.'nt of Canada. \). lieucons, buoys, lightliouses, and Sable Island. 10. Navigation and ship- ping. 11, (Quarantine and marine hospitals. 12. Sea coast and iidand lislieries. 13. Ferries between a province and any British or foreign country. 14. Currency and coinage. 15. IJanks, and tlie issue of piij)er money. 10. Savings' banks. 17. "NVeighis and measures. IS. IHUs of exchange and promissory notes. 11). Interest. 20. Legal tender. 21. Bankruptcy and insulvcncy 22. Patents of invention. 2',i. Copyrights. 24. Indians and Indian reserves. 2."). Naturalization and aliens. 2G. ^Marriage and divorce. 27. Procedure in crinnnal law. 2S. Penitentiaries. Qiiestionii under eonirol of Canadian rrovincial Governments. — 1. Amendment of tlie constitution of the province, except as regards otlico of Lieut. -Governor. 2. Direct taxation witliin the province for revenue for provincial expenses. 8. Borrowing money on the sole credit of tlio provinces. 4. Kstabli.shment ami tenure of provincial oUices and tlie appointment and paynient of pro- vincial officers. 5. Management and sale of tlie public lands belonging to the province, and of the 'imber and wood thereon. G. Kstablisliment, maintenance, and Uiaiiagement of ho.s, railways, canals, tcle^'raphs, and other works and undertakings, connecting the provinces witli any other or others of tlio jirovinces, or extend- ing Ijcyond the limits of the jirovinces; (/>) Lines of steamships bftween tiie provinces and any Ihitish or foreign eountry; (r) Such works as, aliliongh wholly situate within the province, are before or after their execution declared hy the Parliament of Canada to bo for tlu; general advantage of Canada, or for the advantage of two or more of the provinces. 11. Incorporation of companies with j)rovincial objects. 12. Solemnization of marriage in the province. i;5. I'rojH'rty and civil rights in the province. 14. Administration of justice in the [)rovinces, including the constitution, maintenance, and organization of provincial courts both of civil and criminal jurisdiction, iuid including proceedings in civil matters in tliosu courts. IT). Imposition tif puiiisliment by tine, penalty, or im- jirLsonment for enforcing any law of the province nuide in relation to any matter coming within any of llie classes of subjects enunii'r- ated in this section. The provincial legislatures exclusively mako laws as to education, 8nl)ject to t-jieciiicd limitations. ' The steps leading to tlie introduotiiai of the Bill are brielly noticed at page 2'jr). For full particulars of tlu; Act, and every- thing relating to it, s(!e "Constitution of Canada," by Mr. Jo.-eph Doutre, (^C., of the :Montreal bar. liev. W. P. Greswell's " tlistory of the Domiuiou of Canada" gives a shorter account. FIVE EXISTING FEDERATIONS. 75 6; rrinco Edward's Island, 5; Manitol)a, •) ; and North-west Territories, 4. The possession of one of several small electonil qualifications confers the franchise. The Provincial governments are not alike ; Quebec, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward's Island having two Houses of Legislature, but Ontario, British (Julumbia, and Manitoba only one. All have Governors — appointed for five years by the Governor- General — and responsible ministers. 'J'he Federal Dominion was originally formed of only four provinces : Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. The others joined afterwards, Newfoundland still remains outside the union. The whole Empire would, probably, not come into Imperial Federal Union at first. The neighbouring Anglo-Saxon federation of the United States ^ is the most remarkable instance, show- ing how a number of self-governing provinces — none of which by itself would form an independent State of any consideration in the world — may, by federal union for common purposes, make themselves into one of the greatest of Powers. The election of the President need not be noticed, as happily having no bearing upon our subject; for our union would nut be troubled by jjeriodical contests for the office of its chief. The President's ministers are not responsible to the House of liepresentatives, but to him. The Senate, consisting lit' ' Those who want the liii-tory, instciul of a more outlino, of American federation, can study it as it wns — wlicn it just caiuu fresh, as a theory, from the minds of its originators— in the jtagea of "Tlie Federalist," written in 1788 hy Alexander Ilainiltoii, IVIadisou and Jay, and as it is now — after a century's practical working — descrihed in Professor Bryce's great work, "The Auieri- can Commonwealth," imhlished in 1888. y6 FEDERAL BRITAIN. of two members from every State, is chosen at a joint meeting of both Houses, by each legislature of the forty-two States which now compose the Union. The number of members which each State is entitled to return to tlie House of Koprcsentatives, is adjusted by the census taken every ten years. In 1880, with a population of 50,000,000, and a House of 332 members, the proportion was one to every 152,000 inhabitants; in 1890, with 02,000,000, and .')5(3 members, it was fixed at one to every 174,000. The (juestions which are Federal and which are Provincial arc clearly deiined by the Constitution. The governments of tlio numerous States are ver^' much alike ; each has a Governor, elected for two or three years, and two Houses of Legislature, called by different names in different States, the number of members in the Upper Houses being small. The Governor has control of the militia. The Federal Congress levies and collects faxes and duties, which are uniform in fhe States, regulates defence, couunercial relations, coinage, weights, measures, post-olHce, patents, etc., and Las power to make peace and w^ar. Congress, by majorities of two- thirds of both Houses, may propose alterations A the Constitution, or, on application from two-thirds of" the State Legislatures, shall call a convention for the pur- pose. Amendments, proposed in either way, become law, when confirmed by three-fourths of the States, or by Conventions in three-fourths of them — whichever mode of ratification Congress may decide shall be adopted. Turning to Europe, Germany has a Fetleral Govern- ment, not because the area of her territory renders it indispensable, — for a single Executive and Parliament I FIVE EX LUTING FEDERATIONS. 77 might, an in France, conduct her internal and external afFairH — but because Federation was required to pre- serve what she does not wish to abolish, namely, the ancient dynasties and divisions of the country ; which could not have been got rid of without a revolution so sweeping that, rather than have recourse to it, the sober-minded Germans would, probably, have foregone tlie advantages of national unity. 'I'he Federal Parliamynt is composed of an T'pper and Lower ITouse. The former, called the Bundesrath, or Federal Council, numbers 58 members, who repre- sent the governments of the several States, by which they arc appointed for each session. The Iveichstug, of 397 members, represents the people of Germany, being elected for five years by universal suffrage. There is one member for every 124,500 inhabitants. The following is the representation of the larger States — In tho IJmidi'tJiatli. In tlio Jieiclistag. 17 2;}6 6 48 4 17 Saxony 4 23 leaden 3 14 ITesse 3 Two other States, jMecklenburg-Sclnverin and Bruns- Avick, have each 2 members in the Bundesrath ; the former ana the latter '6 in the Keichstag; but the remaining 17 States have only 1 eacli in tlie Upper House, and none of them more than 3 in the Lower, 11 having only 1 each. Alsace-Lorraine has 4 Commissioners without votes in the Bundesrath, and 15 members in the Reichstag. Prussia Bavaria "Wiirtteraberg |i 78 FEDERAL BRITAIN. The Emperor can only declare war with the consent of the Bimdesrath or Federal Council, over which the Chancellor of the Empire presides. Ho also KUperviscs the Secretaries of State, who are at the head of the principal departments of the government, but do not Ibrni a Cahinet. Tlie INIinisters are respons-iblc to the Em])eror, not to the Legislature. Laws must he l)assed by tlie liundesrath and lieichstag and assented to by the Emperor. The Imperial J7ovenue is derived from customs, and certain excise duties, posts, telegraphs, and State railways. To make up any deficiency, the States arc assessed in proportion to population. Each of them has its own Provincial Government for local affairs, with legislatures of two Chambers in all the larger ones — the Lower House in Prussia containing 432, and that in Bavaria 156 members. In the Austro-IIungarian Empii'o, we have an ex- ample of how useful Federation is, in uniting, for purposes of common defence. States whose people are of different races and languages, and who, if inde- pendent of each other, would soon fall a prey to some warlike and powerful neighbour. The area of Austria- Hungary would not be too great to be under one Parliament and Executive, if the population were homogeneous ; but not being so thoy require a muck larger measure of self-government, to give full scope to their individual ideas. To enjoy this and the safety of the strength of union, the federal system is of vital importance to them. That mode of government presents itself to us in probably its most complicated form in Austria- Hungary; for this Empire is not only a Confederation, but the first-named portion of it is a Federation — the FIVE EXISTING FEDERAT70NS. n former term being applied to a union of governments, the latter to a union of states with direct representa- tion of the people. The Austrian Koichsrath or Parliament consists of an Upper House of 113 mcml)er8, who are IVinces, Nobles, Bishops, and life members nominated by the Emperor for distinguished services rendered in Church or State. To the Lower House of 353 members, Bohemia sends 92, Galicia »l;}, Lower Austria 37, ^loravia 30, Styria 23, Tyrol 18, Upper Austria 17, Kiistenlaud 12, Cainiola 10, Silesia 10, Carinthia 0, Bukowina i), Dalmatia 0, Yoralberg 3, and Salzburg 5. The proportion of the representation varies in the Provinces, Galicia having a member to 104,884 in- habitants, and Salzburg to 34,702. All possess Diets, of a single Chamber, for j^urposes of Provincial self- government. In Hungary, the Upper House has nearly double the number of members of the Lower, there being besides 286 hereditary and 82 life peers, Archdukes, bishops of the lioman Catholic and Greek Churches, repre- sentatives of Protestant Churches and ex -officio members. The Lower House of 453 is elected by voters who are required to have a small qualification. Croatia and Slavonia are represented in both the Hungarian Chambers. The federal link between federated Austiia, and the kingdom of Hungary, is a body of 120, called the Delegations, consisting of 20 members chosen from each of the Ujiper Houses and 40 from each of the Lower. The Delegations meet annually, alternately at Vieniia and Buda-Pesth. The Imperial Ministry is responsible to them. It consists of three Ey cutive departments for the whole Empire. (1) Foreign affairs and those i« I! ilJi'.: ■^^ 80 FEDERAL BRITAIN. of tlio Imperial House; (2) War; and (.'J) Finance. Comiiicrcial affairs, indirect taxation, coinage, railways which concern both Austria and ITungary, and defence are also under the control of the Delegations. There are three budgets, that of the Delegations, t])at of Austria, and that of Hungary. The expense of common affairs is borne by the two divisions of tiie Enipin;, in proi)ortions agreed to, from time to time, by their respective Parliaments, •with the sanction of the Emperor. At present the proceeds of the common customs are applied to the purpose, and what more may be re(|uired is supplied in the proportion of about 70 per cont. by Austria and 30 per cent, by Hungary. Switzerland, the smallect of existing federations, is also the oldest of them, having been founded in 11508 by the union of three Cantons. The area of territory, certainly, did not require the application of a foi'm of government which may be abused, if emploj'ed merely for the purpose of keeping up a number of small local Parliaments, where one legislature and executive -would be sufficient to manage all affairs, both external and internal. It is possible to have too much, as well as too little, machinery of government ; and unnecessary Parliaments, Councils, and Boards, mean a greater number oi liands \>\xi into the pockets of taxpayers. When the isolated settlements, by means of which New Zealand was occupied, grew together into one Colony, nine Provincial Governments were found to be too much for the country ; so one Executive and Parliament was substituted for them, by the will of the people. Here, it may be observed, is a clear example of a Provincial policy with which the rest of the Empire, having no concern, would have had no justification in interfering. The same is true in \w m » FIVE EXISTING FEDERATIONS. 8i regard to thc: division of Queensland, unless the people, not being able to settle the question themselves, jippeal to the Imperial authorities to decide for them. The Swiss Federation, however, grew up whon the inliahitants ol' the country were more completely walled oif from each other, by tlieir magnificent mountains, than they are at present; and when u i'orm of government becomes moulded to the traditions and sympathies of a pettple, no practical men, but only theorists, would root it up. The federal power is centered in a Parliament, composed of a State Council and a National Council, the former of 44 members, two being elected by each of the Cantons. The National Council of 147, represents the wliole of Switzerland, at the rate of one member for every 20,000 inhabitants; the five larger Cantons having, Berne 27, Zurich 17, Vuud 12, St. Gall 11, and Aargan 10. There are two with 7, two v/ith 0, five with 5, two with 4, one with 3, three with 2, and two with one member. Every man twenty years of ago is entitled to vote. The two Houses are called the Federal Assembly. Laws passed by it may be revised by plebiscite, or referendum, as it is called, demanded by 30,000 citizens or eight Cantons. The Executive authority is deputed to the Federal Council of seven members, — elected for three years by the Federal Assembly, — who are ministers of the seven depart- ments of the Government, namely, the Foreign, Home, Justice, Military, Finance and Customs, Agriculture and Industries, Postal and Railways. More than one member from the same Canton cannot be a minister. The revenue of the Federation is principally derived from customs ; there is also a considerable yield from posts and telegraphs. A large portion of the I I'i; iDl' 82 FEDERAL BRITAIN. levemio, Lowovor, is Landed over to the Cantonal Governnionts. Tho Federal riovernment can levy a rate upon the Cantons, according to a scale settkl for twenty years. There is a local government in caoh of the Cantons — four of the smaller ones having no legislature ; but their laws are made, at stated periods, by tho people assembled in the open air. Though an Australian Union has not yet been added to tho number of existing Federations, it will probably be so within the next few years, and in a form closely resembling that approved by tho Convention in Sydney, in 1891.' It will, therefore, bo profitable here to note tho loading features of tho proposed plan — another model, shaped partly from the Canadian and partly from the United States Constitutions, from which to design an Imperial Union.'-^ It provides that tho Parliament of " The Common- wealth of Australia " should consist of tho Queen, a Senate and House of Representatives. Tho Queen to appoint a Governor-General ; the Senate to bo composed by the election of eight members by each Provincial Parliament ; the House of Representatives to be elected, for three years, by the electors of the Lower House of each State, in the proportion of ono member for every 30,000 people ; no State, however, to return less than four. A number of questions is to be taken over by the Federation, but all others are to remain under provincial control. AVe have here another illustration showing how much greater is the * As to tl'.o composition of the Convention, see page 226. "^ It is given, very clearly and concisely, in Mr. Howard Willoughby's able little work, "Australian Federation," published in Melbourne, in 1891. FIVE EXISTING FEDERATIONS. 83 douiand niatlo by Intorcoloiiial tlian by Imporial Fodo- ratioUj for tho giving up of ([uestiuus by tlio I'rovinco.s.' By coi)i})aring tho list in tho note below and that iu tho one at pago 7;{, with the Imperial (|aestions spoci- fiod in next chapter, page 0.5, wo shall see, what a very few (juostions need bo handed over by tho Federal Governments of (.'anada and Au.stralia to that of tlio Kmpiro. It would really only be essential that certain general military a»id naval defences, and strategic and fortified positions — like King George's Sound, Halifax, Thursday Island, EK([uimault, and Simon's Bay — should be handed over by the Intercolonial Federations — as .Malta and Gibraltar would be by Kngland — to be under tho Imperial Federal Govern- ment ; certain revenues would also have to bo placed ' Tho questions arc — 1. Roj^ulution of trudo aiifl comiuorce. 2. (.'uatonis, excise, and bounties, which shall bo uniform, none beiufj; imiiosod on goods cxporled from one State to another. IJ. liaising rt'Venue by taxation, which shall bo uniform. 1. Jiorrowiug on federal credit. 5. Posts and telegraphs. 0. Aus(raliaii military anil naval defence and calling out of forces. 7. ]\runitions of war. y. Navigation and shipping. U. Ocean beacons and buoys, ocean lighthouses and liglit&hips. 10. Quuraiitinc. 11. '^'isheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits. 12, Census and statistics. 13. Currency, coinage, and legal tender. 11. ]J;inks and issue of j)ap(r nioiuy. lo. Weiglits and measures. 1(>. IJills and notes. 17. bankruptcy. IS. Copyiights, patents, designs and trade marks. 11>. Natnralizalion and aliens. 2U. Cori)oratious foreign or Australian. 21. ]Marriage and Divorce. 22. Service and execution of process and judgments of State Courts. 21). llecognitiou of laws, acts, records and judicial proceedings of States. 21. Immigration and I'migration, 2o. Inilux of criminals. 2tj. Kelations with It-lands of Pacilic. 27. lliver navigation affect- ing more than one Stale. 2S. 'rrnnsport on railways for federal purposes. 29. Matters upon whicli any State Parliament may ask Federal Parliament to legislate for it, other States having the rights afterwards to adopt the law. UO. Exercise by Federal Parliament, at request of States concerned, of legislative powers with respect to Australian territory, now requiring legislation by Imperial Parliament. 31. Special laws for people of j)articular races. 32. Government of territory which may become seat of Government. ,1 % 'r-^ ^ <%' FEDERAL BRITAIN. at its disposal.' Naturalization should doubtless be under its control. Foreign affairs are so at present, consequently these lists of Canadian and Australian federal questions would bo subjected to no substantial subtraction by Imperial Federation ; but its Executive and Parliament would find much work, in inanagint; the great affairs of common concern, and the more numerous smaller matters of general interests, with which the Mother Country has now to deal, and in which the Colonies ought to have a voice. The proposed Constitution provides that a Supremo Court may be established, but that where public interests are affected, leave may bo granted for appeals from it to the Privy Council. The proposal, so far, to alter the present mode of appointing Provincial Governors by the Oown, as to allow each State to decide as to the mode of appoint- ment of its Governor, was only carried by 20 votes to 19.- The provision that any State Parliament or Parlia- ments might refer matters for legiskition to the Federal Parliament — so that the law might at once affect them, and any other States v/hose Parliaments might afterwards adopt it — seems to be an original proposal, and it might bo found convenient in a Con- stitution for the Empire. Mr. Willoughby says — •'The Constitntion aims at a true fcderatiou of the modern type, inasmuch as it provides lor a double count of the people, first as population and then as States. If a nation had been ftumded, the voting would liave been by the people only ; and if a Confederation, the voting would have been by the States alone. Federation is the middle way." i I See pages 193, 199-203, ^30. See pages 243-248. FIVE EXISTING FEDERATIONS. 85 Besides the States, particulars of whose constitu- tions precede, the Argentine Republic, Mexico, and the new Republic of Brazil, are also federations. Those countries, however, have afforded but poor examples of political wisdom. Without referring to them, we can study the system of government we are considering, in a variety of forms — in unions of different sorts and sizes, in Monarchies and Republics, amongst people of several races, creeds, and languages. In all Federalism is a proved success — the making of tlie greatness of some States — the very life of others. Hi- ll 1 I 4i 86 FEDERAL BRITAIN. CIIAFTEK VJ. 111! roi.rricAL orcaniza'iion of jhe emi'Irk. Six years' iiii)i(l (Uvclopmcnt of llic Imperial Question — Use and iilnise of llie word " Iiii]icriid " — Federation a well-known form of uovernment— ]Mr. Forster attaciies importance to tlic dihcussion of it — View.s of the Tivio^, Atistralasian, Mr. Clulders, and Sir <>. lius Yogcl — Professor Freeman opposed to Im[)crial Federation — His definition of Federal f^overnment — Questions obviously Imperial; obvionsly I'rovincial ; and which may be elassilied under either head. Imperial Qur.stions — Defence, lievenue. and expenditure, Foreign alVairs, Extensions of the lOmpire, ( Jovernment of India and Niituralizfi,tion — Position of ( 'olonial Office with Imperial Federation. J'rorinckil Quee^tions — (Jhnrch Fstablishmenl, Education, Land laws, Taxation and Tariils, Internal defence, Irish Home Rule, Intercolonial Federation, Altei'ations of Provincial Con!^titution.^, Native races. Qncstions vhich. might he cithtr Imperidl nr J'rnriiicial — Laws of mairiai^e, domicile, wills, coinairt-, and copyright. Patent laws, JJailways and Telegrn])hs, Emigration, Final Court of Ajjpcal, Jieciproeity — Fiscal j)olicy an open question --How to make England another Holland — Ihie jxiissancefuiie — French opinion of Pritish Federation — Napoleon on the "agglomeration" of nations — The Colonies pnd war — How the United States miglit have been federated with us — AVhat can separate us? — "NVIiat do wc want to eft'ect Federation ?- - The question in four sentences — Writ summoning iirst English Parliament. On June 14, 1881, at a meeting of the lioyal Colonial Institute, over which Sir Alexander Gait presided, I read, as a paper, this chapter, -which comes in as a proper sequel to the two which precede — its object being to classify questions Imperial, Provincial, and those which may be treated as either in our federal system. It thus runs with scarcely a change. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. Zj Six years ago, on January 19, I had the honour of reading before this Institute, a paper on *• The Permanent Unity of the E ^nire." I was then told hy some who differed from me, that I was a theorist, speculating about questions which might be of practical iniportanoe to our children or grand- children, fifty years hence. Such criticism was best left to be disposed of by the march of events; but it could not have been anticipated that, from such various quarters, circumstances should so soon concur, to bring the question of organizing the relations of the different parts of the Empire into such prominence, as to remove it from the region of interesting theories and apparently remote speculations, and, in so short a time, to place it among questions of paramount practical importance. Events have, however, been travelling with that speed which marks all modern jn'ogress, but which most conspicuously distinguishes Colonial development. TYe have had wars ; rumours of wars have never been n. ore abundant ; anxiety has been so intense, as more than once, to have precluded all hope of the maintenance of peace between our Empire and a great European Power ; the nation has passed through days when it had, so to speak, to hold its breath in expectation of hearing the first shot in a conflict, which might have changed the whole aspect of the old continents of Europe and Asia, and have left its traces on the most distant shores of the new continents of America and Australia. Such, briefly, are the circumstances which have, rapidly, invested the question of our Imperial organization with the highest interest, and have proclaimed it to be of vast practical importance. It is to be regretted that, on the very verge of our U ,iii 88 FEDERAL BRITAIN. subject, it slioulfl be necessary to pause, to enter a protest against a misappropriation of terms, which is to bo condemned as worse than mere literary piracy. The word "Imperial"^ — in its most proper and natural sense having long been employed by the friends of the Unity of the Empire, to embrace its largest interests and greatest policies, in fact all its common concerns — has recently been taken up by politicians and writers in the press, to designate what they rightly or wrongly condemn as an aggressive foreign policy ; but into that point this is neither the time nor place to enter. Thus, it is attempted to narrow the idea of British Imperialism, from the broad, noble, pacific sense in which it has been hitherto understood, and to make it a synonym for military domination, Cicsarism, Bonapartism. As long as we call those grand dominions of which we are all so proud, by the good old name of the British Empire — which was in use before the Napoleons and their Imperialism were thought of — we shall need the adjective " Imperial," and to degrade the word, or misapply it to anything unworthy, should be condemned as most unwise and unpatriotic. Having on previous occasions dealt with the subject,'^ and as time now forbids, I shall not discuss the nature of the Imperial Constitution, and the modes in which representation could be extended to all the dominions of the Empire. It is enough here to observe that Federal Government is no new idea, no UKjre theory, but a practical system, which in some form or other ' Let fniy one who dors not like the form " Iiupcrial " Federation use "British" Federation instead, whicii is jirceisely tlie Baine thing. See page '200. * In the two last chapters. ^ II ; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 89 has existed in the world in almost every era within the ken of history ; ' and that to it at the present moment two of the leading nations of the world, the United States of America and the Empire of Germany, owe their position as great Towers. It mnst, therefore, be a matter of surprise and regret, that among Englishmen — who pride themselves on being above all other people practical, and who may so justly boast that in the past they have always so admirably adapted their government and institutions to the national growth — there should be found those who would counsel us to reject, without trial, a form of government which has created the greatness of other Powers, and which, were it to be successfully applied to the British Empire, would constitute it the greatest Tower which has ever appeared amongst the nations of the earth. Is it that the grandeur of a Federated British Empire is beyond the imagination of some minds — that the realization of such a success is some- thing too great to be thought of, too good to be true? ' It is l)nt little more than eip;litecn years since Mr. Freeman publislKMl, in ISfi:), the lirnt volume ot" liis very learned "Hi.-itory of Federal (iovernnient." At that fime, thron-^li the apparent break-up of the American Union, that system of f^overnment was passing? tjironuh an almo.--t total eclipse. 'J'he hi.sturian then said : " Four Federal Commonwealtlis stand out, in four diU'erent aj-'es of the world, as commanding above all others tlie attention of students of jiolitical liistory." The Governments referred to were the Achaean League, n.c. 'iSl-Hti; the Swi>H ( 'iinlons, A.D. 12itl-lS02; the United Provinces of the Nethei lands, a.d. jr)71»-17y5; and tlie United States of America, a.d. 1778-18G2. ]Mr. Freeman's faith in Federalism — as a means of giving unity and power to peoples of tlio same race — though evidently strong even in days when the system was under so dark a cloud, coidd have given him no inkling of the brilliant examples of successful federation, which were so soon to be presented to the world by Germany and the Dominion of Canada. It is to be regretted tliat, more recently, Professor Freeman has written decideiily against Imperial Federation. l*age 20t!. i.l» 90 FEDERAL BRITAIN. The splendour of the prospeet, instead of condemning, should surely commend Federation to the laudable ambition, to the highest patriotism, to the energies which command success, of every true Briton in Fiigland and the Colonies. It is surely not the part of statesmen to discourage high national aspirations. There is much wisdom in what the Iiight Hon. AV. E. Forster said — in the large and statesmanlike view of Imperial unity which he took in his celebrated address in Edinburgh, in 1875 — when he commended the discussion of the idea as the best means of making it " realize itself." Various other weighty opinions may be quoted in favour of keeping the question well before the public' It is a ' The Times, in a leadinj:^ nrliolo of IMay, 1875, also recognized tlio groat imiinitanrc of di&cu.ssiiig tliis question. The wisdom of doing so could not 1)0 more powerfully urged than in the following words of the article : — "The Australian Colonics are thoroughly loyal and attached to the JNIolher Country. . . . Tiu^ time may come when they will desire to be more closely unit.id with her, and to bo admitted to a share in the government of an Emjiire of which they will be no mean part. . . . The matter may possibly comc! forward before our own generation has i)assed away. It may be well that all these matters should be discussed; and there can be at least no harm in tlie endeavour to familiarize ourselves with the notion of a vast Ututed Empire, in which our remote dependencies in the lar-olf East and Wi'st will iind a jjlace, and of which the old country will be the centre and common link of union. Eor some time yet it cai\ only be a dream ; btit if is ands of miles distant from his State, enacts certain laws which are binding upon the people of the whole Union, and impo.-es certain taxes wiiieh hav(> to be paid by every citizen of the Republic. Americans arc justly proud of l)el()nging to a Folitical Confederation whicli embraces something like 45,000,000 of people, occupying a territory of :i,GOO,000 square miles. . . . (Jreat Britain and her dependencies conq)rise an area of 4,077,432 square ndles, peopled by upwards of '200,000,000 inhabitants, and embracing every variety of soil and climate. There is an Empire, such as Alexander never contemplated and Rome never attained to. . . . Uidted, they wouM be invidnerable and irresistilile, and as tliey are especially devoted to the arts of peace and industry, their predominating influence iu the atfairs of the world would be exerted on behalf of commerce and civilization. But, loogely connected as the British dominions now are, their power and prestige suffer materially from the want of union and consolidation. . . . If the Empire were consolidated, a truly Imi)erial Parliament, representative of the whole of its constituent portions, would provide for the defcTice of every member of ii, with Imperial means, on an Imperial scale of magnitude. The Australasian strongly adhered to this ]i(dicy, for on January 3, ISSo, it had an article warmly supporting the Imperial Federation League; and its objects. ' Speech at Pontefract, October IG, 1879. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 93 want to find a good caiiso of quarrel witli your Colonies this would bo the mothotl, and I speak with some little knowledge of C'ldoniul ))olitics." In a subsequent speech, iMr. Childors declared himself to be strongly in favour of maintaining the union with the Colonies, and of defending them even to the extent of keeping up a navy etpial to that of three other Powers combined;^ but ho did not say whether the Colonies should contribute anything towards its support, or ever be allowed any voice in a foreign policy which might involve them in wars. He had no suggestion to make as to any Imperial organization. The right hon. gentleman relied much upon his Colonial knowlotlge. lie certainly knew, Victoria, more than a quarter of a century ago, when he was a member of her first Legislature, and afterwards of her first responsible Ministry, but he has since had much to absorb his attention in other directions. He cannot therefore imagine the infant Colony of his former recollections, becoming one of the United Vrovinces of a British Federation. There is one thing above all others which Colonial knowledge teaches — and Mr. Childer:^, doubtless, had no intention to act contrary to it — and that is, that no man, in this country, should venture to speak, unless specially delegated to do so, as if he were an accredited exponent of Colonial opinion, or the spokesman of any particular Colony. Arguing, however, as any one may do, from Colonial knowledge and experience, it is safe to assert that the Colonies arc capable of appreciating grand conceptions, and of carrying out great enterprises and policies, and that no policy to which they can aspire * Mr. Childers'ti foresight Las been borne out by fUcts up to the latest date. 94 FEDERAL BRITAW. can bo greater, moro Ijeiieficial to their iatorosts or conducive to their fame, than the policy of Imperial Federation. Whatever may bo the future relations of the different parts of the British Empire to each other — whether a Bund, or Zollverein, or Federal Parliament and Execu- tive be established — or even if it should be possible, as Mr. Childers imagines, for i!ie Colonies, after they have passed further away from their days of infancy, to remain united to England, v ith no form of Imjjerial government more perfectly organized than that which at present exists — it wouUl still be necessary to draw a clear distinction between questions of Imperial impor- tance, and those which are purely Provincial, or only of inter-Provincial concern. The purpose of this paper is to attempt to some extent to classify such qucotions ; and when we come to consider them, it is not so difficult to assign them their proper places. We have so much practical ex- perience of Federal Government in Switzerland, in Germany, in the United States, in Canada, that we can soon understand what qucstijns must of necessity be Imperial in the Federation of Great Britain.^ In fact, it will be easier for us to distinguish such ques- tions, than if all the dominions of the Empire were as contiy-iious as those of the Federal Governments re- ferred to.'-* The distinction, which it is most important ' See pages 73-84. * The following is Mr. Freeman's valuable delinition ; " The name of Federal (Jovernment may, in its widest sense, be applied to any union of comi)onent members where the degree of union between the members surpasses that of mere alliance, however intimate, and where the degree of independence possessed by each member surpasses anything wliich can fairly come under the head of merely municipal freedom. . . , Two requisites seem necessary to COD ^titute a Federal Government in its most perfect form. On POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 95 to keep in view, will most clearly appear if wo sot down — First : ^ questions which are obviously Imperial, or of common concern ; Second : those which are obviously Provincial ; and Third : those which may be loft cither to the con- trol of the Ii)\perial Government or of the Provincial Governments. I. — Imperial Questions. Defence. — The first and most important purpose for which all Governments exist, is the defence of nations the one hnml, each of the members of the Union must bo wholly independent in those matters which concern each n^ember only. On the other hand, all must be subject to the conunon power in those matters wliich concern the wliido body of members eolhe- tively. Thus each member will lix for itself the laws of its criminal jurisprudence, and even the detiiils of its [idlitical con.sti- tution. And it will do this, not as a matter of privilefjo or eon- cession from any higher power, but as a matter of absolute right, by virtue of its inh( rent powers as an independent commonwealth. But in all matters which concern the geiierel body, the sovereignty of the several m(;mbers will cease. E.ich member is perfectly independent witliin its own sphere, but there is another spliere in which its independence, or rather its separate existence, vanishes. It is invested with every riglit of sovereignty on one class of sub- jects, but there is another class of subjects on whieli it is as incapable of separate political action as any province or city of ;i monarchy or of an indivisible republic. The making of peace and war, the sending and receiving of ambassadors, generally all that comes within the department of Int(!rnational i.aw, will be reserved wholly to the central power. Indeed, tiie very existence of ti»e several members of the Union will be diplomatically unknown to foreign nations, which will never be called upon to deal with any power except the central government. A Federal Union, in short, will form one State in relation to other powers, but many States aa regards its internal administration. This complete division of sovereignty we may look upon us essential to the absolute perfec- tion of the Federal idea." See distinction between Federation and Confederation, pages 04, 70, 78, 84. ' How small would be the demand made by Imperial Federa- tion, and how extensive by Intercolonial Federation, upon the Provinces for control of questions, will be seen by reference to lists of Canadian and Australian Federal questions at pages 73 and ^3. 96 FEDERAL BRITAIN. a<;ainst tho attacks of exterual fuew. Tho moro power- ful tlio nation, tho iiioru Hccuro must bo all its terri- tories aj^aiiiKt Mich attacks. Tho Tnited Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Sonth Africa, standing; alono might bo subdued; united in a firm bond of defence tlu;y must in tho future bo invincible, if not invulnerablo. What foreign Tower would, a century or half a century hence, think of attacking them if they should bo thoroughly united and organized ? Tho only hope for tho enemies of their nationality would be to sow division among them, with a view of van(juishing in detail tho shattered portions of tho disintegrated Empire, or perhaps of appropriating some fragments of tho wreck. It is, therefore, obvious that — unless some great injury to their individual prosperity must result from their remaining permanently united — these great British countries should ever consider themselves as forming but one indissoluble nation, and should combine their defences. I'ar from their provincial interests being injuriously alfectcd by such co-opera- t:on, they would be greatly benefited. Each province, instead of having to bear siugle-handod tho entire burden of its own defence, would bo comparatively unconscious that it had anything to contribute. Its perfect security, in the united strength of the Empire, would enable it to devote its energies, without dread or danger, to the peaceful development of its own prosperity. The organization of tho defences of the Empire is therefore the most important question of common concern ; it is already of great and growing practical importance. Eecent alarms of war have shown it to be urgent. It is not enough that Mother Country and Colonies should vie with each other in devotion to the POLITICAL ORGANI/.ATION OF THK KM I IKK. (jj principle of unity wliich binds tliom togothor. National sontimont \h a niij^hty power, but it must take Home tanjjjiblo practical shape ; it niuht gather up the strengtli of a people ; it must or)j;ani/o their reRMurce.s for defence, if it is to be elTective, if it is to be any- thing more than a name. All the defences of the Empire, over and above those required for the pur- poses of mere provincial police, should be organized upon a uniform and comprehensive Imperial system. All the land and sea forces of the Empire should be maintained with a view of rendering the most effective protection to all our dominions. Captain Colomb, in so ably pointing out before this Institute and else- where, the steps which should bo taken to defend c r Empire, has also done invaluable service in proving the practical nature of the questions of Imperial organization and Federation. He has i)ointed out how the great highways of our Empire should be guarded ; how all our dominions are equally interested in the (question ; what strength and security they would derive from co-operative defence; and what great resources they could contribute for the purpose. Details cannot be discussed within the limits of such a chapter as this, but leading outlines may be given. I^he Imperial authorities, representing the whole Empire, would have to decide upon the positions of naval and coaling stations, the strength of the Imperial army and navy, the centres where they should be concentrated, the mode in which they should co-operate with provincial militias and volunteer forces. Naval and military schools, and colleges would also eventually have to be established in different parts of the Empire ; and, although the Imperial army would be small, it would be desirable to afford to the youth for whom in all H rrir 98 FEDERAL BRITAIN. parts of the world a soldier's life has attractions, opportunities of eiitcrinjj^" the Imperial service. Thus, the roll of the British drum would once more be heard following the sun round the globe; and the red coat, which ouglit never to have been altogether withdrawn from the eyes of Colonial-born Britons, would again bo presented to their view. The presence of some regular troops in different parts of the Empire, would also be important, for the purpose of furnishing a standard of efficiency to provincial militias and volunteers.' A greater navy tlian that which ]\Ir. Childers con- templates would also soon spring up, if organized on an Imperial basis, without tiie United Kingdom or any other part of the Empire feeling it to be a burden. It would be sufficient to protect iiU our coasts, our ocean highways, and our commerce ; for with the increasing numbers of our ships and sailors, — the growth of our Colonies and commerce, — it is no ex- travagant expectation that such an Imperial navy would grow up, as to render it impossible for any enemy's war-ships to live upon the ocean. lievenitc and Exi)endiiure. — Joint defence must be at joint expense. Each portion of the Empire would have lo contribute its fair share of the Imperial revenue, and would be entitled to a voice in its expenditure. Constitutional government justly pro- vides that there shall be no taxation without repre- sentation. Therefore, this practical, urgent question of defence, is insejiarable from the practical (luestion of ways and means, which, in its turn, is as indis- solubly linked to the question of representation. Thus, by the irresistible and most practical logic of facts, ' See Appendix, page 'li'd. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 99 are wo brouglit face to face with tho Imperial question of Federation. It would be for the representatives of the whole Empire to decide what taxes should bo levied, to raise a revenue to maintain our defences and to meet all other Imperial expenditure. Our present object being to indicate what aru Imperial and what are non-Imperial questions ; to enter into details, after ascertaining tho class to which a particular question belongs, would be superfluous if not irrelevant. 'I'heso details have been worked out under existing systems of Federal Government.^ They have not unfrequently been discussed in connection with the subject of feder- ating our British Empire. My friend Mr. Frederick Young, in his able letters to The Colonics newspaper, reprinted in a valuable volume entitled, " Imperial Federation," has conclusively shown how futile it is to attempt to set up barriers of petty details against tho adoption of this great policy. It is only necessary here to remark, that a complete Imperial Government should have direct power to levy taxes, and not merely to impose subsidies upon thevri,riou8 Provincial Govern- ments of the Empire ; '^ and that the revenue should be raised in tho easiest and simplest ways, interfering as littlo as possible with commerce and with Provincial fiscal arrangements. With the growth of wealth and population throughout our vast dominions, the per- centage of Im[)erial revenue required would decline. It would always be much less than what each province would have to provide for its own defence if, instead of co-operating with the others, it were in tlic much weaker and more heavily burdened position of inde- pendence. Foreign Affairs.^ — Given a system of joint defence, it » See pages 72-85. - Seo pages 1'.):?, 200. » rages 15i), ISO. I I Ti p?r^ loo FEDERAL BRITAIN. i' \ I J fullo-vvs as a natural consc(j[uence tliat all those who help to maintain it should have a voice in conducting those foreign relations, which alone render national defence a necessity. Nay, it is but just that those who are exposed to a common danger should be heard respecting affairs which may lead to such danger, even though they may have but little strength to aid in the defence. Joint defence at joint expense entitles to joint control of external affairs. This shoukl be as well-recognized a maxim of our British Imperial union, as the well-known constitutional one about taxation and representation going together. All treaties and negotiations with foreign nations should be conducted through an Imperial administration responsible to a Parliament, in which every portion of the Empire should have its fair share of representation. One great change for the better would certainly be brought about, by having a distinct Federal Ministry for Im- perial purposes. Foreign affairs would cease to be a bone of contention between the political parties of this country, and a stalking-horse upon which they too often try to win the race for power. Foreign policy, instead of being thus mixed up with .Vovincial paity struggles, would be removed to a broader and calmer sphere, where it would be solely considered upon its own merits as affecting the Empire at large. There is no other escape from its continuing to be bound up, as part and parcel, with questions with which it has nothing whatever to do — the purely domestic politics of the British Isles — and being viewed from the least elevated party standpoints, except by being lifted into the larger and higher sphere of Imperial Federal questions. Eivtensiom of the Empire. — These should bo made by POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE KMFIRK. lOT the Imperial Government, the new territories being in the first instance under its immediate control, as Crown Colonies are at present; but afterwards they could be attached to the nearest province of the Empire, or, on becoming of suflicient importance, should be invested with all the powers of Provincial self-government. Thus, for example, fresh territories like those newly acquired in Africa, would at first be under direct Imperial control. If, however, tliere existed an adjacent (!olony, or Intercolonial Federa- tion, of sufficient strength to govern them, these territories would naturally be incorporated with the Colony, or, on acquiring a sufficicnily largo Kiiropean population, would have Provincial self-government conferred upon them, and be included in the Inter- colonial Federation. From the correspondence laid before Parliament in 187(3, it is clear that Eastern New Guinea would have been annexed, had the Australian Colonies responded to Lord Carnarvon's suggestion tliat they should contribute to tlie expense. They did not do so because they would have had no control in the management of a territory, of whicli the cost of government would have been partly borne by them; and the Colonial Office, considering that Australia was primarily interested in New Guinea, was not prepared to effect the annexation at the sole cost of the jNIother Country. No more striking illus- tration could be given of the want of Imperial organi- zation. A territory, acknowledged to be of value to the Mother Country and the Colonies, could not bo ac([uired, because the imperfection of our existing system would not admit of the question of cost and control being properly adjusted between England and Australia. (' ■TT ! ! J ! I! 102 FEDERAL BRITAIN. India. — The gioal Oriental Empire would present no obstaclo to the cjmplete organized union of the British nation in England and the Colonies. Without in the least underrating the value of India, there is no doubt that its possession has hitherto been esteemed in this country out of proportion to its worth as compared with the Colonies. The dependent Eini)ire has been of immense advantage, in bringing wealth to these Isles, and in the training of Biitish soldiers and states- men ; but the people of India have derived much greater benefits fium us than we have from them. History will for ever record what the just rule, and si)lendid administration, of Britain have done for the subject races of the East, who first experienced from their conquerors the blessings of peace and justice, and of freedom from cruelty and oppression. But, though war and disaster have befallen England on account of India, and may befall her again, and though India involves the most serious problems of foreign policy, some who would have England endure everything for her, have objected to the, really and comparatively, light risks and responsibilities which the Mother Country may incur from the Colonial Empire. Seeing how India is esteemed in this country, it is possible that were a Federation of the Empire to be formed, some people might wish to keep India under the control of the Parliament and Executive of the British Isles. But even if such an arrangement could be carried out, it would be much better for the Mother (Jountry to share the advantages, as well as the risks and burdens, of governing India with her partners in the Empire, than retain both herself. India handed over to the Eederal Government would be held with a firmer grasp, which would strengthen with the growing POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 103 wealth, population, and power of the Colonial dominions. If foreign affairs were placed under an Imperial Government, and India loft to the Government of the United Kingdom, serious difficulties might arise in conducting relations with other Towers. The Federal Empire would doubtless nut be less alivo to its great responsibilities with respect to India, or indifferent to anv of the British obligations contracted with regard to that country, and would be fully sensible of the prestige arising from its possession. Some moans might perhaps also ultimately be devised for giving India representation in the Federal Parliament. Naturalization. — The conditions upon which foreigners should be admitted to British citizenship, must always be regulated by Imperial authority. Other minor Imperial questions might be enumer- ated, but they would all come under the cardinal headings already given, namely. Defence, Imperial lievenue and Expenditure, Eoieign Affairs, Extensions of the Empire, and Government of India. AVith a EederaJ organization there would be no longer a Colonial Office ; for the business of that department would properly belong to the Imperial Prime IMinistor, who, unless he might also happen to bo head oF the English Cabinet, would not be occupied with tho provincial affairs of the United Kingdom, lie would exercise a general supervision over the common con- cerns of tho Empire, and would have in his gift tho appointment of Provincial governors, and all other Imperial patronage within the lOmpire, II. — Provincial Questions. It is essential to the right understanding of Imperial organization or Federation, that v e should fully bear m : ' 104 FEDERAL niUTAIN. in mind what questions are obviously Provincial, and which must therefore on no account ho interfered with hy any Federal authority. From want of duo con- sideration of this point, many jieople have hastily condemned the proposal that the Colonics should send Federal representatives to this country. It has been erroneously assumed that these Colonial members would sit in the Parliament, and have a voice in all the domestic questions of the United Kingdom — an arrange- ment which would be highly unfair and objectionable. (Jolonial representatives should come to Fngland for Imperial i)urposes alone, and to sit, not in the Parlia- ment of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, but in a distinct Imperial Parliament of the whole Empire of Great Britain. Thi.4 legislature would take over all the questions of common concern to the Empire, and would leave full and exclusive control of the affairs of the United Kingdom to the insular Parliament; which would then be enabled to devote to them the amount of attention they demand, but which from present pressure of business it cannot afford to bestow upon til em. It will only be necessary to mention some of these Provincial questions to show at once that they must always remain in their present category. Many of them excite strong party feelings, but it is not in the least necessary, for the purpose of distinguishing between them and Imperial questions, that we should give any consideration to their merits, or indicate that we take one side rather tlian another with respect to them. Church Estahlishment. — This question is obviously one for the consideration of the people of the United Kingdom. Kepresentatives of other parts of the i< «' ^ POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. 105 L\ \' ^ Empire, brought to England for Imperial purposes, would therefore not have the remotest claim to inter- fere in any way with it ; and the terms of the Federal C 'OUfstitution would of course expressly prevent them I'roiu touching such a question. Education, again, should be left to the exclusive control of the governments of the provinces of the Empire, so that whatever systems might be best adapted to the wants, opinions, and circumstances of their respective populations should bo carried out. To this rule there might be one exception. It would be desirable, though not essential to our Imperial organization, that the highest educational institutions — the universities of the Empire — should be of Im- perial creation. This does not imply that they should not be placed under the control of the Provincial governments, but that they should have the stamp of Imperial recognition. Oxford, (Cambridge, and the other universities of these Kingdoms, would not bo handed over to the control of the rarliament of the Empire, but would remain subject to that of this country. Land Laws. — The regulation of the holding, disposal of, and succession to the lands of any country is of great importance to the inhabitants, but can only be of remote interest to people living at a distance. It was wise of the Mother Country, in conferring self- government upon the Colonies, to give them the control of the waste lands, although mnch may be said in favour of the idea that a portion of the revenue arising from Colonial land salesj should have been reserved for the purposes of promoting emigration from the United Kingdom. It is certain that the disposal of the lands in the Colonies could not have been manajred \\\ yr II 106 FEDERAL BKITAIN. as woll from J)o\viiin^ Street, as by means of even the least satisfactory arransuccossion to jjroperty, it must be all the more important that the law of domicile should be as clear as possible ; for the legality of a marriage, and questions respecting the succession to property, may turn upon the domicile of particular persons. Wo are familiar with the popular cx]iression, " the glorious uncertainty of the law ; " but it is as often the glorious uncertainty of the facts, to which the clearest law has to be applied, which occasions the ' See page 81 hs to mode of rel'erriug questions for lL'f,'i8latiou, by Provincial Parliaments to that of Federation, deviaed by Australian Conveution. Tiiese might bo so dealt with. ^r^ 112 FEDERAL BRITAIN. \ cost, delays, and disappointments of litigation, For instance, it depends upon a fact, often most uncurtain — the intention of a colonist, dying in this country, to make his abode in England or to return to his Colony, — whether his personal estate in the Colonies shall pay legacy duty to the Exchequer here, in addition to what may he charged upon it by thu C jloniul Government. It would, therefore, be desirable to have the incidents of domicile made as simple and uniform as possible throughout the Empire ; and that could be better arranged by the Imperial Government than by the diflFerent Provincial Governments. Wills. — As a matter of convenience and a means of avoiding serious mistakes, it is desirable that British people, so many of whom aie constantly moving about through the Empire, should have only one simple mode of making and executing wills. All legislation ui)on this subject may, therefore, be best entrusted to an Imperial Parliament. Coina.jc, Copj/righf, and Patent Laics, though in no way affecting the unity of the Empire, oould also be most conveniently regulated by Federal legislation. ItaUwai/s, Steamers, and Telegraphs. — The construction of means of communication for the opening up of their own territories, must primarily be of Provincial or Inter- ]*roviucial importance, and should therefore be loft to the control of the Piovincial Governments. There ma}', however, be one or two main lines of railways of such consequence as to be of Imperial interest. For instance, a line, like the Canadian Pacific Pailway, might be regarded as of such Imperial importance, as to induce a Federal Parliament to hasten its construc- tion by means of a guarantee. Lines of telegraph and of mail steamers, connecting the different dominions of POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. II3 the Empire would, however, more frequontly call for Imperial subsidies, especially if the wise arrangement bo made, to have vessels coistr acted so as to be available as cruisers in the event of war. Emigration uiiglit, perhaps, under any system of Im})erial organization, remain a (question between this over-peopled country, and such of the Colonies as appreciate the fact that population is one of their greaiest wants. Imperial Federaficx, iiowever, — with the enlarged ideas and feelings which it could not fail to impress upon our people, — would make them regard themselves, whether in England, Canada, South Africa, or Australia, as but one nation. This convic- tion ought to convince them that in order to develop, and fertilize our splendid new lands, as well as to enrich their sparse inhabitants, those vast territories should be irrigated by a steady stream of people, from the overflowing human reservoir pent up in these old countries. One of the truest policies for building up the Empire would be to put its waste i)eople upon its wasti! lands. Final Court of Appeal.— Under the existing organi- zation of the Empire, it is an undoubted advantage to the Colonies to have the right of appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ; and this is so much appreciated that the Dominion Act, though establish- ing a Final Court of Appeal for ( 'anada, provides that either party to a suit, may retpiire that it shall bo carried from the inferior (^ourts to the Privy Cuuncil, instead of to the Dominion Court of Final Appeal. With Imperial Federation it would certainly bo neces- sary that, at least in all casesallecting Imperial rights, there should be an appeal to the highest divisions of the Imperial Court in the Metropolis of the Empire, I w^ 114 FEDERAL BRITAIN. " II .. „j oven if l)raiiches of that C'ourt were established in the Colonies. The inhabitants of the Provinces would probably always desire to retain the privilege of final appeal, even in private litigation, to such a great tribunal as would bo composed of the most eminent judges, who could be gathered from among the ablest lawyers, and greatest judicial intellects which the British dominions would produce. Reciprocity. — We have already seen that Imperial Federation need not interfere with Provincial fiscal policies, and that as long as differential duties are only adopted as a matter of convenience between Provinces of the Empire with adjacent territories, the Provincial Parliaments may well be left to arrange their own tariffs. It may, however, bo felt through- out the Empire that it would be of great advantage to come to some reciprocal arrangement respecting an Imperial commercial policy. It is probable that our various dominions may never think alike on the great and difficult politico-economical questions of T^ree Trade and Protection. England has tried hard to convert other nations to that great policy which has for a time, if not permanently, given such an impulse to her prosperity. But she has tried in vain ; and never did success seem less likely to reward her efforts than at the present moment. It might, therefore, be worth her cunsideration, whether she may not yet do within her own Empire what she cannot do outside it. For the sake of the greater extension of Free Trade in the world, she might find it wise to abandon or modify that policy, as regards foreign countries which so resolutely oppose it, if by so doing she could promote its adoption throughout her Empire. She might thus bring a fiir greater surface of the globe within that I POLITICAL ORGANL/.ATION OF THE EMPIRK. II5 lo lo Is t policy than slio can do by ellbits, which now seom almost Quixotic, to induce her foreign neighbours to adopt it. The United States, though Protectionist as to the outside wasscd a century ay:o; and we liold ourselves perfectly free to believe that, but for (Jeorge 111. and Lord North, these Islands and the United Provinces might have continued 122 FEDERAL BR IT Am. \ ;[ '; 8ome one may perhaps say. But Klavcry was unable to sunder tlio South from tlio North ; and couhl it have sueceeded better against the North, backed by the whole ]iritish Empire? IJut even if the South had broken away, the best and most populous of the States would have remained with us. Arguing from the past unhappy Oolonial policy and experience of England, and from her present happy relations with her great Colonial dominions, wo may well ask what is to prevent her union with them from being perpetual? Is it that some question with the strife-stirring bitterness of slavery can ever again arise? Is it because worse dilferences than those which at present exist, or have been amicably adjusted within recent years, are likely to disturb our harmony ? Will a policy of Protection, which, though in some quarters carried to extremes, has failed to produce estrangement ? Must oceans divide us nationally, in spite of the constant and rapid transit to and fro of so many of our people over them, between the most distant parts of our Empire, and in spite of the interchange of our idea3 and feelings, electric sparks of sympathy, perpetually flying beneath them? Is it that, notwithstanding our vaunted intelligence, education, information, and the wonderful develop- ment of the Press in England and the Colonies, we are becoming more narrow and provincial in our sympathies, and parochial in our views, than our grandfathers, who, with less information, were more large-minded and national ? Is it because the British under the same Government —inoclifii'd, no doubt, by tlie very nature of such association, yet Btill eniliodying the spirit of that Constitution which Burke's genius woiihl have known how to develop " See also pages 17, 185. ill POLITICAL ORGANLZATION OF TLfE EMPIRE. 12 it iO raco throughout the world is so bent on money- grubbing as to think so long as commorco can bo carried on and flouriHh, " perish Knii)ire, nationality, union"! — things which even our slirowd, practical American kinsmen so highly value? Have Konie wonderful economists and statisticians persuaded us, in spite of facts and figures, that the unity of the Kmpire is an unprofitable delusion, because, forsooth, they cannot make out a debtor and creditor account, showing in pounds, shillings, and pence its exact advantages? Is the legislative capacit3% whereby wo have adapted the institutions of the past to the circumstances of the present, going to fail us in providing for the requirements of the future? Are public men and statesmen, in all parts of the liritish dominions, going to become so engrossed in Provincial affairs, as not to bo fired with the honourable ambition of seeking to take part in the legislation and adininis- tration of such a grand Empire as ours, if federated, must become ? What, then, do wo want to effect the great object? Nothing but the will to carry it out, which so largely exi.sts, and the organizing capacity of a nation endowed with all the grand institutions, rights, liberties, principles, and experiences essential to the maintenance and development of free and efficient government. In the early annals of the twentieth century, will have to be recorded the grandest success, or most lamentable failure, of a nation to utilize the most splendid materials the world ever fu.nished, for constructing the best and greatest of its Empires. May Heaven favour what promises such security, peace, freedom, and happiness upon earth ! Our whole subject is summed up in four sentences — I 1 J , li > ' 124 FEDERAL BRITAIN. common dofonco involvoH common oxpcnise; coinmou expense and danjj^or confer the right of common control of foreign affairs, from which danger nmy arise, and of the forces required for defence; common control must be by coramtm representation ; common representfition is Imperial Federation. Tlio words of the preamble of the writ of King Kdward I./ summoning the earliest regular Fiiiglish I'arliament, in 1205, might well be used in summoning a Parliament of our present Empire: *' It is a most ocjuitable rule, that what concerns all should bo approved by all ; and common danger be repelled by united eifort." ' HusscH's "Modem Europe," vol. i. 990. ( 125 ) CIIArTEB VII. IMI'KIIIAL DKFENCK. (By Major Sir Goorge S. Clarke, HE., K.C.M.G.) AbHcnco of design in defence — Extent of possessionfl, i>o])ulation, nnd comnurce to he defended — Motl's of expansion of nritain and otlier Powers — Sea powei* and Hea-borne trade — Iiitei- dependonce of Imperial intercBts — Inflects of war (tii Kni >ion as to necessary strenv:th of navy (essential — Contribution to its maintenance — Detinite perma- nent naval poliey — Conferences to airaiifre contribntions — Strengtii of military forces recinired — Fortilied ports, tlefences, and troops in Australia, South Africa, and Cauatla — The AVest Indies— Gen(!ral principles of comprehensive scheme of defence — India— Standing Defence Cimimittee with Colonial representatives — A Federation which is now possible. An Empire built up by deliberate design, in [Airsuanco of a defined and continuous policy, would escape the difficulties with which we are now confronted. Each fresh annexation would bo made for an object pre- viously considered ; each now offshoot would start its political life under conditions laitl down with an eye to the defensive strength of the whole. 'J'he general principles by which the fabric could bo held together under the strain of war having been formulated and consistently upheld, the requirements of Imperial ri 126 FEDERAL BRITAIN. J 'I I defence would bo met. as tlioy arose, and power to resist aggression would steadily grow in proportion to the national development. Of no Empire can this be exactly said ; but expan- sion in accordance with principles deliberately fixed has received remarkable illustrations. The llomans unquestionably grasped the idea of Imperial defence, as it presented itself in their da}', and long m^de it the basis of their policy. On the other hand, the Grreeks failed in certainty of purpose, and their Colonies " tended to become rival states frequently at war with each other or with the IMother Country." Germany and liussia, in our own day, have expanded in obedience to deliberate design cherished and actively promoted by their respective dynasties\ To both, territorial aggrandisement has consequently brought accession of strength. The founders of the United States devised a constitution under which a large terri- tory has been gradually settled, successive additions bringing direct accession of wealth and power. But for the abnormal element introduced by the slave system, it is prcjbable that smooth and unchecked development would have resulted. In the creation of the British Empire, design has been conspicuously absent. The process has followed the general law of evolution. Here and there a great statesman may have marked and sought to guide the swift onward progress, or may have pondered as to liow the inevitable requirements of the future were to bo met. (Ircat wars have forcibly directed atteuti(jn to the strategic importance of particular points, and have left their impress upon the national policy ; but the lessons were not all applied, and the readjustments, which followed upon long contests in which Great IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 127 Jiritain played a leading part, do not alwayK show cither clear purpose or adequate foresight. The in- centive to expansion appears to have been supplied and maintained mainly hy commercial rivalry, impel- ling forward p race which cherishes a strong aversion to militarism. It is natural that questions of Imperial defence should have been neglected. Wherever profit- able trade was capable of being established, wherever a new territory appeared suited to the colonizing pro- clivities of the Anglo-Saxon, theio must the flag be planted. ITow it was to be maintained, how the new acquisition would act and react upon the national strength, were matters easily overlooked. To this strong impulse of commercial rivalry. Pro- fessor Seeley has ably traced the real origin of a long- series of great wars, which shattered the older isystoms of Portugal, Spain, Holland, and France, and left (irreat Pjritain prominent as a (Colonial power. Since 1815, the process of extension has steadily advanced. The one European war in which we have been involved was inspired by fears for the security of our com- munications with the East, and of the numerous minor struggles, extending down to the recent jNIatabele conflict, expansion for commercial purposes has been eitiier the direct motive or the indirect occasion. Thus has grown up an Empire spread over the whole world, capricious in its distribution, largely heterogeneous in its elements, diverse in its political and economic conditions. An island Continent ruled by five mutually independent administrations; avast Asiatic territory, won and held by military force, and now marching with liiissia, China, and perhaps France ; a great portion of North America, with three thousand miles of frontier shared by a nation of 128 FEDERAL BRITAIN. ■A I seventy millions of English-speaking people ; a group of progressive Colonies in South Africa, vvrith spheres and protectorates scarcely explored ; isolated stations in all lantls, from Gibraltar carved out of Spain, to Kowloon marked oif from China ; islands in every sea, from the great fortress of Malta to Fanning in the centre of the Pacific — such are the territorial elements of Greater Britain. Of forms of government there is an ascending chain from remote Tristan d'Acunha, which appears to take care of itself, through Crown systems varying in type, to Canada with virtual inde- pendence. A population of more than 3G0 millions dwells under the flag, which also covers an annual sea-borne trade of about 970 millions steriing. Such an Empire finds no parallel in history. " The liomans," writes Sir A. Lyall,^ "once united under an extensive dominion a number of subject provinces, client kingdoms, protected allies, races and tribes, by a system of conquest. . . . liut the lioman dominions were compact and well knit together by solid com- munications." The modern Empire of Germany is compact in territory as in race and climatic conditions. Kussia is swiftly building up a great Asiatic dominion, but is proceeding with deliberate purpose and a clear view to defensive rcciuirements. " With the lioraan, ItUvSsian, and all other historical Empires, the mass of their territory has been acquired by advancing step by step from the central starting-point, making one foot- hold sure before another was taken, firmly placing one arch of the viaduct before another was thrown out, allowing no interruption of territorial coherence from the centre to the circumference." With us the process has dirtorcd absolutely, and security for the future has ' " The Rise of the 13ritibh Domiuion in India." IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 129 not been the main or even a principal object sought after. Our expansion has followed more nearly the methods of Portugal, Holland, and Spain, which led to disruption and disaster. The Colonial systems of the two former Powers fell from inability to maintain inviolate their home territory ; that of the latter was destroyed by reason of incapacity to secure its sea communications. Here are two historical lessons of vital import. The expansion of Great Britain, unlike that of Rome, of Russia, and of the United States, has taken place h\j the sea alone. Although, as Captain Mahau has clearly shown, the Romans, in their great contest with Carthage, owed everything to the command of the Mediterranean, their territorial extension was not, as ours has been, limited solely to regions approached by sea, nor were the communications between the IMother Country and the outlying members maritime alone. Shorn of her transmarine possessions, Rome might still have remained a great power, as is Ger- many to-day, although the consolidation of purely military strength throughout a large area, however compact, was far more difficult in her day than in our own. For us, however, existence depends upon sea power alone. The conditions which would render possible the foreign conquest of one member, would threaten all alike. General dismemberment would inevitably follow such naval defeat as France experienced at the beginning of this century. To an Empire whose entire fabric is supported by sea-borne commerce, the loss of maritime communications means ruin. All over the world is spread the gigantic and in- tensely complex network of British travle, creating a K I30 FEDERAL BRITAIN. mutual interdependence of interests between the mem- bers of the Empire, such as has never before existed. The prosperity of each depends on this trade. A mere temporary depression entails distress ; cessation would mean widespread disaster. From the little Colony of Turks Island, with its total exports and imports of £62,000,^ to the great Australasian group with nearly £132,000,000, each member is deriving its existeuce from sea-borne trade. None can suffer without entail- ing corresponding loss elsewhere. Every fluctuation in the United Kingdom is felt throughout the Empire, every loss to any Colony reacts instantly upon the ]\Iother Country. This extreme sensitiveness of the system to the minor disturbances whioh occur in peace supplies a gauge of what the interruption of com- munications in war must involve. In his memorable words at the Conference of 1887, Mr. Deakin employed no mere figure of speech. " Wc cannot imagine any description of circumstances by which tlio Colonies should be humiliated or their powers lessened, under which the Empire would not be itself humili- ated, weakened, and lessened. And we are unable to conceive any conditions under which the wealth and status of the Colonies could be increased, which would not increase in the same measure the wealth and status of the Empire." These words fitly embody a great truth, which has not even now received the full recognition accorded to it by the brilliant Chief Secretary of Victoria. The " Little England party," if it ever existed as a political force, has been happily submerged; but indications are not wanting, at home and in the Colonies, of false conceptions of the primary conditions of our national existence. " Trade," it is said, " is cosmopolitan. It ' Figures for 1889. IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 131 IS 10 il IS a It cares for no flag, knows no patriotism, and is inderan- dent of national sentiment. Were our Colonies to break adrift, or pass into other bands, wo could still trade witb tbeni without loss of mutual profit." Frojn the other side, it has been publicly asserted that con- nection with the Empire involves undue risks, and may lead to participation in wars with which Colonies have no concern ; that declarations of independence would follow an outbreak of hostilities between the Mother Country and a foreign Power ; and that trade would either bo permitted to pass free under some newly-invented flag, or would easily transfer itself to the flag of some unspecified neutral. Such assertions are radically and dangerously false. It is true that of the total trade of the Mother Country a large proportion goes to foreign countries, and in this it may be contended that Greater Britain has no direct interest. In the case of the Colonies, on the other hand, by far the greater portion of their commerce is with the United Kingdom ; and even if it were possible in war to separate the two, and secure entire immunity from Colonial property afloat, it is evident that any loss afi'ecting the Mother Country would instantly cripple her power of trading witli her scattered members, and would react upon them with fatal effect. No line, however, could or would be drawn by an enemy. The greater part of the Colonial products sent to the United Kingdom might be claimed as good prize of war. Thus not only would the commerce on which the Colonies live bo imperilled, whether they asserted their independence or not, but the mere weakening of the all-important home market would, apart from the direct loss, involve widespread ruin. I / 132 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Tho following figures show the distribution of Colonial commerce in 1880. ,_4 CO N t^ © £ IC Ci -t< (M w S C5 ■*„ 'H j: cT 0' (m" -^^'' & IC (M 1.0 •-^ $ o ■* CO IC 1"* r r r- W lei T-H i-M o~ ■* r-i f—i o a !\ -^_ x_ i-O X o cc (m' rH oT ^ iM CO t^ (M >(0 • ■si ao l^ !X I— 1 ■* CO CO CO 4) O #^ *^ .-S-w in 1-' r* CO s » C5 iri "* CO ^:^ =i •a CO 1—1 Ui l-H C5 t> of 1—1 -H 1 : c* #^ » 00 -tl •0 CO O) CO $ 1— c I-H CO CO tn a r (M 9> Ci Oi a I-^ Oj I-H -t< ^^ § o CO 10 (M I-H ot t^ cs tf; •■!* •- *- •■ m ~ c QC r-' H T.2 CO CO cc 1- O «a co_ «r r 0^ I- fH r-^ 1—1 1—1 ^ S CO rH H-l CO r^ t^ •o a 1—1 CO (N -*< ■* f.^ 1—1 a, OJ o »■ r^ .tS'S ^m' co' 05 QO S w) t^ \n r^ 'fi '-'.•^ c. 0^ ^'^ Ci? ;ij o F— ( l> (tT 1 CO r— » 1—1 *■ • • • • • C3 • • • • C t— 1 • -• • • c4 fcC . • »« • • • .5 • • • « .2 ■33 B < D M 02 5 c5 ^ 5b «- DO p £ <«5 <; ;^ -^ t^ IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 133 The preponderance of Colonial trade within the Empire over that with foreign countries is thus enormous in the case of the Australasian, African, and Asian groups. In the West Indies, the preponderance is small, and in North America, on account of the proximity of the United States markets, external trade predominates. The figures strikingly illustrate the mutual inter- dependence of the members of the Empire and the sterling truth of Mr. Deakin's words. No member could abandon its allegiance in war without courting financial disaster. Its external trade would nut suffice for the needs of its population. Its vital resources must remain bound up with the fortunes of the nation as a whole. No other fiag could possibly cover them in war, even if the great legal difficulties of a whole- sale transfer of shipping, officers, and crews to another nationality could be overcome. Conversely, the loss of a trade with her Colonies, amounting to £124,G24,4G4, in 1880 (India and Burmah excluded), would bring untold suffering upon the Mother Country. As Sir John Robinson well said,' " If Greater l^ritain should fall to pieces, then God help Great Britain." Facts are inexorable. The markets of the United Kingdom are essential to the well-being of the Colonies, and could not be replaced ; the Colonial markets are vital to the United Kingdom. It is of course conceiv- able that these conditions might change in the future, and that the home markets might cease in certain cases to be of value to a particular Colony — Tiuks Island and the Virgin Islands, for example, at present export little or nothing to the Mother Country — but ' Conference of 1887. '11 ill ?!??■• 134 FEDERAL BRITAIN. with tho larger Colonics any great diversion of trade is most improbable. And even of tho small trade of Turks Island, nearly one fourth goes to markets within tho Empire, and might ho destroyed if tlioso markets passed into other hands. Ilearcd. on a commercial basis, knit to_2;ether by innumerable and over-increasing commercial ties, tho splendid fabric of tho Empire must l»e defended as a whole. Ileterogcneoas as are, in a sense, its many members, they are united by one supremo common interest — the protection of the sea communications between each oth(!r and the Mother C^ountry. For us, therefore, Imperial defence rests entirely upon maritime strength. If the navy proves unable to maintain tho sea communications of the Empire in war, all other preparations will be of no avail. If this condition is unfulfilled, no other forces can be brought into play. On the sufficiency and efficiency of the navy tho national safety absolutely depends. This has been so often said as to be now almost a '/latitude; but full recognition of all that is implied has not yet been accorded, and in (Greater liritain especially the paramount necessity of retaining the command of the sea lias not been adequately grasped. In a remarkable article, written twenty-four years ago,' Mr. Gladstone forcibly drew attention to this defective sense of imagination. *' It is hard to say whether or when our countrymen will be fully alive to the vast advantages they derive from consummate means of naval defence. . . . Our lot would perhaps he too much favomed, if we possessed, togctlier witli such advantages, a full sense of what they are. Where the Almighty grants ' Ediiihunih Review, Octohor, 1870, IMPERIAL DEFENCE. '35 exceptional and [Mjculiar benefits, lie sonietiines permits, by way of counterpoise, an insensibility to their value." As has l)oeii already pointed out, the explanation of this mental obscuration is to bo sought in the very processes Ijy which the Empire was created. Trade, having supplied the initial impulse, became an absorl)- ing interest. Each new settlement, engaged from the first in vigorously combating difiiculties of all kinds, could not give a thought to Imperial defence. The early struggles being ended, the thriving community grow into a great self-governing Colony, intensely pre- occupied with the solution of its own many problems. It might, and frequently did, regard questions of local defence, but could not be expected to take up an Imperial standpoint. Meanwhile, the Mother Country, half-bewildered by the rapidity of an expansion which she had not designed and could not restrain, more and more engrossed in island politics, and weighted with the grave responsiltilities of India, gave little heed to the higher policy of defence. Even now the working classes appear to be under the delusion that mere local legislation can meet all their needs. There is no one to teach them that their i)rosperity depends entirely upon security of commerce of which the navy is the only possible guarantee. So far, the Board School sj'stem has failed in one of its first duties — that of inculcating the idea of the mutual interdependence of Great and Greater Britain. The very geographical conditions of the Empire havj contributed to the clouding of the national ima ^ination. Communica- tions, visible and palpable, .'iich as roads, railways, and rivers, appeal directly to the mind. The necessity for their maintenance is being continually enforced ; % "X 136 FEDERAL BRITAIN. their li.sks are understood and provided ngainst. The pathless seas, however, create no such impression. Ships come and go, and the growing ease, speed, and certainty of maritime transit lures us, who have not known, naval war, into forgetful noss of the doom which awaits naval inferiority. Wide-reaching, all- embracing, are the operations of maritime commerce; as wide-reaching is the disaster to which it is lialde. Thus, till recent years, the problem of Imperial defence has received little attention. A long period of somnolence was at length broken by the Crimean War, which threw a vivid light upon the forgotten needs of the army, but did not raise larger questions. In 1859, an ebullition of coast fortifications across the Channel produced — by some confusion of ideas — a costly rejoinder in kind along the shores of England. At ul)out the same time, the rehabilitation of the four fortresses abroad was commenced on tiaditional principles, rather than with an eye to the national prol)lem. After heavy expenditure, thus applied, the war scare of 1878 found the Empire as a whole quite unprepared, and alarm out of all proportion to the then risks was the natural result. While the local defence of the British islands had occupied many minds, that of the trade by which thoso islands exist had been generally ignored. The lloyal Commission, presided over by the late Earl of Carnarvon, was the first official recognition of the defensive needs of Greater Britain. Nevertheless, the terms of the reference excluded the ruling factor — the strength of the navy — and the recommendations were, in the main, demands for fortification. Valuable figures were, however, brought together, indicating clearly that the great stake of the nation was trade <> IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 137 0^ at 8oa. Coaling stationa were solocted with roforenco to the trade routes, and many adniirahlo suggestions were thrown out. The proceedings were necessarily lengthy, and the full reports wore not completed till 1882, to remain as secret documents for five years. In the meantime, coast batteries of little value were hastily erected at certain stations abroad, and in some Colonies vigorous indopendent action was inaugurated. The scare of 1885 found the fortifications recom- mended by the Royal Commission incomijleto and partially unarmed, though great progress had been made in the works undertaken in Australia. In numerous Colonies, fears were loudly expressed, and arms were freoly applied for. The general desire for fixed defences was marked ; the fact that the danger lay at sea rather than on shore was rarely recognized. Out of this second scare arose the Colonial Defence Committee, by which it was sought to supply the reasoned advice evidently needed, and to provide the machinery for the discussion of questions of Imperial defence. A further and most important step was taken in convening the Conference of 1887. Here, for the first time, the statesmen of Greater Ihitain were brought into direct contact with each other, and with the heads of the homo administration. The questions discussed included important matters relating to defence. The occasion was memorable, and the debates were eminently worthy of the occasion. On all sides the keen desire to weld together the scattered members of the Empire and enable them to undertake common preparations for defence was conspicuous ; but, as was natural, the conditions of the problem appeared to have been misunderstood in some quarters. Opinion 138 FEDERAL BRITAIN, in tlio groat Clolonios had formed itself almost without help or guidance, and the fascinations of fixed defences had in some cases obscured real issues. The Conferenco was a signal succcsh. The out- standing question of an Australasian subvention to naval votes, in return for an increase in the squadron, was settled, and a great ])rinciple of national policy thereby recognized. Mr. llofmoyr, in a remarkable paper, advocated an Imperial customs tariff providing a dilfercntial duty of 2 per cent, throughout the Empire on all imports from foreign countries, the proceeds, estimated at seven millions sterling per annum, to be set aside for Imperial defence. This striking proposal was made with a view to compel attention to the principle of a common liability in regard to really national needs, rather than as a formal subject of debate. Speaking for the Dutch population of South Africa, Mr. Ilofmeyr stated — " They hold th.it, so long as no system of federation or of government in which they are represented has been hit upon or developed, so long they cannot bo expected to be in duty bound to defend themselves against the European enemies of England. But, at the same time, they acknowledge that there are very great advantages, and, belonging to the British Empire, they share whether they will or not; and therefore they arc ready and prei)ared to do something." Traces of the same sentiment appeared in tl tr of other speakers, indicating clearly the » administering any national fund without ha ig resi o to representation in some form. The Conference was quickly followed by a nazal scare, well grounded and actively promoted by the great commercial bodies of the United Kingdom, and by the home press; but not supported, as it should IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 139 lifivo boon, by the unanimoiis voice of the Kmpiro, although Mr. Ilof'moyr lial clearly stated his boliof that the strerif^th of the navy was inadequate. The 8hip-builJin<^ authori/eil by the Naval Defence Act, which was forceil upon the AdniiniBtration, is now nearly completed, and already wo are face to face with a new scare, suddenly raised, and having its origin in a few descriptive letters sotting forth the strength of the French squadron in the Mediterranean and the re- sources of Toulon — matters easily ascertainable by any one wlio desired to master the present naval situation. While progress has thus been made since 1887, it is clear that, though the conditions of the problem are better understood than formerly, no solution has been attained. Lord Salisbury's words to thr> Conference : " Wo are all sensible that this meeting is the beginning of a state of things which is to have great results in the future," remain to be fulfilled, and the initiative can come from the Imperial (jrovernment alone. CJreat and (lireater Britain have fortified their ports at vast cost; they dispose of a full million of armed men; they have not as yet finally deqideil what is the necessary strength of the one arm on which all dejiends. Upon this decision hang the whole defensive preparations of the Emjtire, the scale of all its fortifications, and the strength of the greater portion of its military forces. The problem has hitherto been approached at the wrong end. If the navy fails to guard the sea- communications, the Empire will crumble under the first strain ; the loss of India is inevitable ; the con- version of every harbour into an impregnable fortress will avail nothing. The riiovement of trade is the life, breath of the nation. If it is stifled, the whole body will perish. m^ 140 FEDERAL BRITAIN: TIio navy is, therefore, the force in which every member of the Empire is directly interested — the force by which alone they are linked together. Given the condition of full naval sitperiority, such as has existed at various periods of our history, then maritime com- munications become superior to all others. Failing the fulfilment of this condition, they are of all the most easily and disastrously assailable. But the re(|uisite supremacy is as easily attainable now as in 1759, of which period Voltaire wrote, "The English had nevcjr such a superiority at sea as at this time." And, after pointing to successive defeats of the navies of Henry 1\., Louis XIII., and Louis XIV., he proceeded to ask, " What can be the reason of this continued superiority ? Is it not that the sea, which the French can live well enough witiiout, is essentially necessary to the English, and that nations always succeed best in those things for which they have an absolute occasion." There is only one way to bring home the first axiom of Imperial defence to the national mind at home and abroad. Each member .lust contribute to the naval strength of the whole. The difficulty of inaugurating this arrangement is capable of easy exaggeration. At the present moment the Colonics of Australasia, of their free will, coutribute £120,000 per annum to naval vo' '^s. It is true that this subsidy is coupled with condilions; but the conditions were patriotically defined by the Colonies concernetl, and will not fetter the free action of the squadron in war. Other Colonies contribute considerable sums in aid of army funds. These could at once be diverted, and the change would be popular. It is hopeless to aim at any rational basis for the apportionment of military IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 141 burdens het ween the United Kingdom and such Colonies as Singapore or Hong Kong; but these Colonies depend absolutely upon sea-borne trade, and would acquies^co in sharing the cost of the only force which can protect it. A Colonial naval contribution could be equitably calculated upon the imports and exports, and would follow their rise or fall. If, from the whole Empire, a mere £250,000 — more than this is already paid to Imperial funds— were forthcoming in the first instance, at least a great principle would be established. The claim to protest against the inadequacy of the navy would arise, and its influence would be folt.^ To every member the sense of participation in one supreme interest would be forcibly brought home. As Mr. Hofmeyr said of his proposal, but in a higher degree, it "would establish a connecting-link between the Colonies mutually as well as between the Colonies and the Empire, such as is not at present in existence, and which might develop by-and-by into a most powerful bond of union." A new building programme will shortly be an- nounced, which may for the time allay the public alarm. Until, however, a full inquiry has been made into the duties of the navy in war. and the best means of enabling it to fulfil those duties, no stability of opinion will be attained, and recurring scares are inevitable. A navy has many other requirements than ships, and the maintenance of a just balance between these requirements means efficiency. It is not another building programme which is needed, but the laying down of a definite naval policy upon per- ' Already this claim has been advauced by the Australasian Colonies, and with suecess, as regards the superabundant squadron niaintninrd in their waters. I ,fr^ 142 FEDERAL BRITAIN. r\ <■ I manent lines. Such a body as the Commission of 1879 could indicate such a policy, and consequently provide a solid foundation for Imperial defence; but it is necessary that Greater Britain should be repre- sented in its councils. No naval contribution, however small, should be sought without summoning a now Conference, and clearly explaining the scope and objects of the new departure. Crown Colonies naturally resent a ukase, and, like self-governing communities, claim to be reasoned with. When it is remembered that four Crown Colonies freely voted handsome sums in aid of fixed defences, there need be little fear of securing agreement. The contribution having been settled, would remain an unchanged percentage of the value of the imports and exports, unless modified at future Conferences held at intervals of five years. At these periodical Conferences, questions requiring joint action between the members of the Empire would be freely discussed, and at the same time the Colonies would have the opportunity of making direct representations in regard to naval matters, and, as in 1887, of receiving direct information from the Admiralty off cials. From this small l)eginning, however rudimentary, important results would spring; for a great principle would receive practical recognition. The policy of maintaining a national navy able to guard the communications of the Empire in war with any reasonably probable combination of Powers, having been definitely adopted as the basis of Imperial defence, and the means to iDermancntly guarantee this main object having been taken, the functions of the remain- ing elements can be rationally adjusted. The safety of the heart of the Empire will be secured, as in the IMTERIAL DEFENCE. 143 past, upon the seas; but while invasion will be wholly impossible, and the maintenance of large bodies of men merely for homo defence unnecessary, descents upon the coast line have to be provided against, and power to rapidly concentrate an efficient force of all arms must be retained. The strength of the regular forces will, however, be determined by the deoiands of India and certain Colonial garrisons. Merely to fulfil those demands in peace-time, a considerable standing army is required ; but the organization must be such as to enable a reinforcement of at least G0,000 men to be sent to India at short notice, and to provide about 10,000 men for a small war or for expeditionary forces in a great war. The primary requirement of our military system at home is, therefore, to maintain and rapidly reinforce troops abroad. Whether this require- ment can best be fulfilled by the modified European organization now existing cannot be hero discussed. The armaments and standing garrisons of the forti- fied ports of the Empire would be determined by the condition that raids only could be attempted against them, such raids, however, varying in force with geographical position. The cost in the case of the fortresses and the coaling stations selected by the Royal Commission should be borne by the Home Ex- chequer, all Colonial contributions being devoted to naval funds. Under existing arrangements, the self-governing Colonies of Australasia undertake the responsibility of their local defence ; but the nature of that responsi- bility has not been fully understood, and the patriotism of these Colonies has led them to large expenditure upon objects which have not been always well chosen. I ! 1 ■*" " 144 FEDERAL BRITAIN. \'\ ■ As has been pointed out, " Attack on the Australasian littoral reduces itself to raids by an enemy's cruisers based on his defended ports," and moderate fixed defences, well organized, will suffice for the needs of harbours so remote from the naval centres of other Powers. Much more than this may, however, be counted upon from the strong public spirit of these great Colonies. The role of their troops " is not likely to be limited to the passive defence of ports little liable to attack." They have already done good service in the Soudan, and if the Empire were in- volved in war, Australasia would seek and obtain, not merely security, but solid guarantees for the future. AVhile the aid of Australian troops, if freely offered, should be accepted for service in any part of the Empire, a zone should be defined which should be considered as being within their sphere of action. This involves organization on a uniform basis, assimi- lation of terms of service, and certain special measures of preparation, which could only bo taken by the central military authority of the group. Already the defence of Thursday Island and King George's Sound has been provided for on a federal basis, and there is no reason why federation for military purposes should be delayed. In South Africa, the definition of responsibility is far less clear. The home Government has not only provided entire!"" for the defence of the small naval station at Simonu Bay, but has supplied an armament for the all important mercantile port of Table Bay, and maintains a regular garrison. The future de- velopment of the harbours of Port Elizabeth and East London may justify small measures of local defence, which should be undertaken by the Colony, as IMPERIAL DEFENCE. 145 tlioso of Durban have been provided entirely by Natal. The Colonial forces in South Africa are considerable and contain excellent material, but their organization is capable of improvement. Assuming no serious native troubles, an ample force would bo available for local defence and also to provide contingents for operations which might have a direct bearing on South African interests. The development of this important position of the Empire is rapidly proceeding, and the future will probably see a strong federation to which, as to Australia, a sphere of action could fitly be assigned. Meanwhile, to the Cape Colony, with a total sea-borne trade of about nine millions entering and leaving a single port, the supreme interest lies, as Mr. Hofmeyr has recognized, in naval ascendancy. Canada possesses no defended ports except Esqui- mau, to be provided with an armament by the Mother Country, which also maintains a much fortified naval station at Halifax. On the other hand, Canada main- tains a small permanent force and a militia about 30,000 strong, with a large nominal reserve of men who have passed through its ranks. In organization and equipment this militia force is at present defective ; but much of the personnel is of admirable quality, and, under proper arrangements, Canada could, in war, relieve the infantry garrison of Halifax and provide a strong contingent for any Imperial service. This, rather than defence of the long land frontier, should bo her recognized rO>le ; for the time is approaching when closer relations with the United States will be estab- lished, with mutual benefit to the two great English- speaking nations. As to the distinctive group formed by the West L , I II \40 FEDERAL BR IT AW. Indian Islande, a clear policy has been publicly announcetl, "based upon the broad principle that the protection of the West Indies, as a whole, must depend upon the navy acting in sufficient force, and that the Imperial defences on shore should be such only as will facilitate the operations of the navy in keeping the sea clear of hostile vessels." Two naval stations, selected by the Royal Commission, have been fortified and will be maintained at the charge of the United Kingdom. In the case of other islands, local defence is left to individual effort; but, in some instances, assistance has been given in the form of arms, and this policy should be more liberally pursued in regard to any Colony which evinces military spirit. The protection of private property against a raid by a single cruiser can thus be obtained at small cost, and every port denied to an enemy's vessels in these waters is something gained to the national cause. The general principles on which it is sought to base a comprehensive scheme of Imperial defence may now be briefly summarized. The navy to be maintained at a strength amply sufficient to secure the communications of the Empire in war, to be supported by every member in some proportion to its stake upon the seas, to be regarded as distinctively national, but to be centrally ad- ministered, by which alone complete and uniform efficiency can be secured. This will not exclude decentralization of stores, rendering each naval station as independent as possible, nor the creation of a naval reserve in connection with each station. Conferences, at which the Colonics would be repre- sented, to be held at regular j)eriod8, in order that the general situation may be reviewed, Imperial questions %\ IMPERIAL DEFENCE, 147 sottlod, and the bouds of union drawn closer by the recognition of common needs. Local dofonco to bo decentralized as far as possible, but responsibility to be extended by grouping. Such decentralization, however, to be controlled in the sense that the necessary standard of defence is made to conform to the general requirements of the group, which would entail special consideration in each case. Tho responsibility for the defence of India to remain with tho United Kingdom, whose standing army would 1)0 organized with this view and having regard to the other duties above specified. In certain cases, how- ever, Colonial garrisons would be available in war, sotting free regular troops for the purpose of expedi- tions. Given an adequate navy, the natural role of tho army ])ecomes offensive. In order to secure a constant watch over the require- ments of the Empire as a whole, and to discuss ard settle the numerous questions directly or indirectly connected with Imperial defence, a standing committee to which Colonial representatives have free access is essential, Tho Colonial Defence Committee as now constituted would meet these requirements; but every Agent-General should bo an ex-officio member, and every Colony should bo able to appoint a rejiresentative to take personal charge of any question and to share in its discussion. While evidently the establishment of federation by groups would facilitate the application of the above principles, nothing has been advocated which involves any organic change. The existing resources of the Empire are sufficient for every need; its manhood possesses unrivalled li l^f^ rrr ^■■■i I ' 148 FEDERAL BRITAIN. vigour. All tliat is needed is the direction of effort on a uijiform plan hy which the enormous i)otential strength of the Empire could bo quickly and smoothly brought to the aid of its defence. Federation, in the sense of well-ordered preparation for a national emerg- ency, is now possible; and such federation, once ac- complished, would bring about results far-reaching. The sense of general insecurity produced by panics constantly recurring, is an agent of disintegration. Weakness is incompatible with proper national pride. Strengtl), visible and unquestioned, can alone guarantee enduring union. Of such strength, the navy is the very essence. \ni ( 149 ) CIIArTER VIII. THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND AND ITS ADVOCATES. Professor Sccley's Ivxpansion of V.ngJand — Articles with same tilln by Mr. Jolin Morlcy imil ]Mr. Goldwin Smith — M. I'revobt- I'nrfiJcl on "the asceinhiiicy of tho Aiij^'hi-Saxon race" — The phik)soiihy of contraction and disruption— ]\[r. Freeh ric Harrison and " the reduction of the Einjjire" — IMr. Morh-y's olijcclion on fiscal grounds; his atlinipt to answer IMr. Forstcr; oj posed to views of Sir Alex. Gait, Sir Henry Parkes, and INFr. Service — Pofcitiou iu Federation of snmlhr possessions — What could bo otl'ercd Colonies in return for lielp? — Would tliey a^sibt iu wars not concerning them? — Mauthd iniji^ratif against such wars — Difficulties ali'iut "Fideral Council" — "INIotlur of Parliaments" would sinii to be a State legislature — Dilliculties in forndng Inter- colonial Federation — jMr. Wra. Forster of New South Wales on "The Fallacies of Federation"— Separation by oceans — (iains and sacrifices by England and tho Ctdonies — "An artificial Centralization" — A great modern R( man Empire — Engliind oveithxiiig her strength — Englishmen distrusting their Country— Lamentations of Mr. Goldwiu Smith — The " motley heritage " — India — ("hallenge to Federalists to pro- duce i)lan — " British ignorance of the Colonies " — " England would have to defend Colonics " — They would not ■' maintain army or navy " — " Want of National spirit in the Colonies " — Harm done by Eord Dulfi;rin — Galvanizing the dead cause of disintegration — Shrivelling prescriptions of insular philo- sophy. It is not to be expected that any great policy can be proposed without encountering the opposition of men, viewing it from different standpoints and influenced by various motives ; and the more the policy commends itself to approval, the smarter often becomes the fire from the great guns of criticism, especially when left i iii hi I I ' JMWj pi II ll.i 150 FEDERAL BRITAIN. isolated and unsupported. In the following article, published in the National Itevieio of June, 1 884, I attempted to deal with the chief objections of the ablest opponents of Imperial Federation — - Seldom is such a striking contribution made to our collection of household words as that presented by Professor Seeley, in the name of his attractive work, " The Expansion of England." This title, which is so in harmony with the arguments and conclusions of the author, has also been appropriated by two other writers,^ to head articles which are remarkable for being entirely out of accord with it. Had the titles of these contributions of Mr. John Morley and Mr. Goldwin Sm'^h been consistent with their contents, they would hav^e been — " The Contraction of England," "The Curtailment of Great Britain," "The Disrup- tion of the Empire" — or something ei^ually repellent to all true Britons; but it was too much, even for the philosophy of the writers, to place at the heads of their articles the bare statement of their exact design. Mr. Seeley contends that " expansion is the chief character of English history in the eighteenth century," and that " the explanation of that Second Hundred Years' War between England and France, which fills the eighteenth century, is this, that they were rival candidates for the possession of the New World." The actors in the great drama of the eighteenth century may not have even dreamed of what they were bringing about; but to the men of the nineteenth century the most ])atent, tangible result achieved by our grandfathers, has been the expansion of England * IMr. John Morley, in Mucmillan^s Magazinr for February, 1884, and Professor Goldwin Smitli, in the Contemporary lievieio for April, 1884. THE CONTRACTION 0. 'NGLAND. Ill in the West, and in tlio East, and in the Soutli. Multitudes of men who know little, and caro loss, ahout the Spanish Succcs.sion, the Austrian Succession, and the Seven Years' War, are fully sensible of the great fact that the race, religion, and language of England are firmly established over the vast regions of North America and Australasia, and that we possess a great Indian Enii)ire. It well fits in with the belief of those who hold that an over-ruling Providence controls the affairs of men and of nations, that wha<., at the time of the occurrence of the great wars of last century, might have been regarded as a mere secondary object, should have turned out to be of transcendent importance. The great contest for New World expansion is clearly appreciated by Mr. Seeley, as also by that brilliant French writer of the Second Empire, M. Truvost- Paradol, who in his " La France Nouvello," published two years before the Franco-German War, vividly depicts the great result of the struggles of last century — "the ascendancy of the Anglo-Saxon race outside Europe." He says, speaking as a Frenchman, " Wo might in former times have asked if our race and language should not prevail over all others, and if it were not the French form which Euro2)ean civilization would assume to overrun the rest of the world ? All the chances," he continues, " were on our side. It was France who, through Canada and Louisiana, began to overspread North America; India seemed given up to us " ; and further on he remarks, " that since extended navigation has opened up the entire globe to the enterprise of Eurojiean races, three people have, as it were, been tried, each in its turn, by destiny, in order to be invested with the leadership in the future r \ l.|r 152 FEDERAL BRTTAIN. m of tbo human race, in propaj^ating overywlioro their languaj^o and their blood, by means of durablu cobmies, and by moukling, as it were, the world to their imaf^o. One would have believed in the sixteenth century that Si)aniHh civilization would have spread itself over all the oartli ; but some irremediable vices speedily shattered that Colonial power, the debris of which, still covering a vast area, testifies to its ephemeral l4:. / ^ .'&<'W»<«> . k] THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND. i6r wo shall then look at tho problem with the samo eyes ; if not, not." What would bo tho sacrifices? For England, they would only amount to taking the Colonics into partnership, and giving them a voice in the joint concerns and external policies of her Empire; and if this should involve the creation of a new Im- perial Parliament, and tho turning of the present one into a more efficient provincial legislature for these isles, there would be a real gain, more than making up for any sentimental sacrifices ; for as Prussia is greater in federal ( lermany, so v/ould England be in federal Oreat Britain. She would, for all purposes of national strength, make permanently her own the growing wealth and increasing British population — already nearly ten millions — of ({reater Britain. Against such a gain a mere sentimental sacrifice, or even a substantial sacrifice, if either had to be made, would weigli but little. Besides, the loss of tho Colonies — of whoso fortified harbours and coaling- stations she now has full use without cost to her — would entail upon her taxpayers the heavy extra burden, of forming and maintaining other places of refuge and resort for the fleets and cruisei's she would require, to protect her mercantile marine and com- merce — if these should remain long with her after tho disintegration of her Empire. Diplomatic relations with tho Colonies, if independent, would also cost her much; and their ports would have to extend tho hospitalities of neutrality to her foes in time of war. And what Avould tho Colonies have to sacrifice? Absolutely nothing whicli they have at present. They would give up the prospect of figuring before tho world in the isolation of independence. They would forego the vain importance of spreading separate rr^ 162 FEDERAL BRITAIN. networks of diplomatic relations among the nations, whorcLy the number of their foreign policies, and tlio complications of human aifairs, would ho so much increased that ^vars and rumours of wars would much more ahound. Even if there were "the want of national spirit " of the provincial type, which Pro- fessor Goldwin Smith imagines and deplores, there would he a far bettor, broader, more enlightened, national spirit — unbounded by the limits of provinces and dominions, or by tho expanse of oceans, and as world-wide in tho range of its sympathies as tho race and Empire of (rreat liritain. Tho Provincial, or Intercolonial Federal Parliaments of tlie Colonics, would as completely retain control of their domestic concernfj as tho Parliament of tho British Isles would of tlicirs. The Colonies might havo to place some of their defensive works and forces under Imperial, naval, and military control, and in common with tho British Isles, to havo a small percentage of their taxes levied by tho Federal Parliament. But the amount would bo a fraction of what they would have to pay, if they had separately to provide for their own defences, and it would be a decreasing percentage, in ratio with tho increase of wealth and population througliout the Empire/ Mr. Morley concludes by speaking of the Federalists " aiming at an artificial centralization " — whatever ho may mean by that, seeing tliat they advocate the complete provincial control of local aifairs ; he sug- gests that tho " ideal is a great Iloman Empire which shall bo capable, by means of fleets and armies, of imposing its will upon the world"; and, with that confidence of assertion which runs through the entire ' See page 184. ■ w\ THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND. 163 articio — ovon whoii tho viows of such men as Professor Sceloy and Mr. Forstcr arc being disposed of and Colonial experience ignored — wo are told in its last words that " the ideal is as ini^jracti cable as it is puerile and retrograde." Of course tho idea of a groat modern Roman Empire is absurd ; but it is desirable that tho British Empire — though its policy and in- fluences would be pacific — should weld together and bo able to wield its great strength, not only for the defence of its own interests, but also for tho further- ance of peace and justice in tho world. Mr. Goldwin Smith bewails tho fact that England has acquired India, and must retain and govern that country. Her commerce, as much as her Oriental dependency, mako the Suez Canal and Egypt of great importance to her. Australia, and also Canada, with her large, increasing, mercantile marine, must bo much interested in tliom both. (Ireatcr Britain ought, therefore, to be sum- moned to tho aid of Great Britain, to maintain these and other common national interests and resjionsi- bilities. The people, and statesmen of this bravo littlo island, may well fear to see her overtax her strength, by attempting single-handed to bear fresh resj)onsi- bilities, which would press but lightly upon her if borne in conjunction with her robust Colonial children. Although it would not be to the interests of tho Empire as a whole, and seldom of any of its dominions, to undertake aggressive wars, still our obligations to humanity and civilization might re(j[uiro us to do so. Tako such an instance as that now before us — the case of the Soudan. Our selfish Impnrial national interests might dictate that we should not interfere in that country; but, if there were no danger of our •overtaxing our strength by a fresh enterprise, the best 1 64 FEDliRAL BRITAIN. thinj; wliich wo could do f(jr the wretched Soudanese, even if wo liad to do it by war and coiujuest, would bo to crush the infamouH slave-trade and orpjanizo among them a rule of peace, justice, and liberty. lUit, some Englishmen distrust their country ; their sympathies seem always with her foes or rivals, bo they white or black, civilized or uncivilized ; they appear to wish that she should be weait rather tlian strong, that her power should not be increased, lest it should 1)0 used for evil instead of for good. To them, tho prospect of Imperial Federation may well seem appalling. Mr. Morley praises as "a masterpiece of brilliant style and finished dialectics " Mr. Goldwin Smith's work, " The Empire," in which that negation of a policy — disintegration — was advocated more than twenty years ago; and since tho appearance of the article by the former gentleman oiiO by the latter has been published. This is really an abbreviated, but not less lachrymose edition, of the famous lamentations of Professor Goldwin Smith over the existence and condition of the Empire. Two decades have passed since they appeared ; and though shadows which hung over our Colonial prospects — notably in Canada and New Zealand — have long cleared away, Mr. Smith is gloomy still ; and though many of his anticipations of disaster and evil have been shown, by Colonial progress, to have been groundless, he is as confident as ever in *' the conviction of at least one English- man." He starts with an inaccurate assertion, that " Imperialiism regards all the parts of the motley heritage — the Colonies, India, and the military dependencies alike, as portions of an Empire not less inalienable than Kent." The advocates of permanent THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND. 165 unity, whiLst prepared to givo up none of the dominions of the Empire, luuintain that the bonds of kindred between the Mother Country and the Colonies must ever make their union much more sacred than that with any alien race. Mr. Smith nivcs his version of the history of the expansion of England as opposed to that of Mr. Seeley. lie regards tlio acquisition of India as an evil fruni which there is no escape. " It is enough," so he puts it, " to task the governing Iiovvors of an Imperial country, oven if it were not, as it certainly is, bringing Egypt in its train ; " and "of withdrawal, at all events, nobody now thinks." A patriotic philosopher, oppressed with the conviction that his country must endure such burdens, ought surely to strain every argument to secure for her any possible support, to convince the ( 'olonies that they are only expansions of England — so many " Rents ; " he ought surely to be among the foremost of Imperial Federalists. Malta is the only place to the retention of which Mr. Smith sees no objection ; he favours the exchange of Gibraltar for Ceuta ; and, as to the West Indies, "it would have been more profitable to buy their sugar than to possess them," for the "connection would be most onerous and dangerous in case of war." Coming next to the Colonies proper, Mr. Goldwin Smith challenges, as he does in the last words of his postscript, the Federalists to produce some practical plan ; just as if federation were a mere speculative idea instead of a well-tried system of government, the success of which has been proved upon both largo and small scales. Like other opponents,^ he thinks to stifle the question with a string of interrogatories, upon points of detail, which have been already adjusted in * Sec page 205. M I! IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) / ij. V '^ % O .' /; / / M Photographic Sciences Corporation V s V i\ \ ^%-. ^\>, Q ;\ "^^^ ^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^ &? 1 66 FEDERAL BRITATA. the constnictiou of existing Federal Governments. For instance, as to who should bo included, the distribution of representation, the relations of the Federal Government with that of this country, where it would bo seated, as to advantages and disadvantages to the old and new countries ; and with these questions are mingled abundant assertions, for instance, as to the impossibility of believing that the Colonies would do what they would never be asked to do — " consent to surrender their power of self-taxation, to allow their tariffs to bo regulated by an assembly in London ; " and then there are the old objections about the unwillingness of the Colonies to take part in wars, and of England to " allow her foreign policy to bo controlled by Colonial politicians" — as if these would combine against the old country, and our interests be divided by sectional lines, and be in rivalry instead of being national and imperial. Doubts are even expressed as to a " Conference for framing the Federal Constitution" being possible, altliough wo have also instances of the success of conferences for such purposes.^ Now, the position of the Federalists is a strong one. They have proposed no new expedient, nor do they claim credit for having invented any original theory of government ; but they point to practical experience, and ask that trial may be made — on a more extended scale, no doubt — of a system which, so far as it has yet been applied, has proved the life and strength of great nations. They appeal to what has been done, and say it can bo done again — leaving their opponents only the ground of assertion and prediction to stand upon, to affirm the inability of Englishmen — who have ' See furtlier on, page 225. THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND. 167 hitherto heen famed for the case with which they have adapted their institutions to tlioir expanding national needs — to apply the federal system to tlioir Empire. It is also open to tlio Anti-Fcdoralists to prophesy that the oceans, which are becoming more and more the highways of our dominions, will prove insuperable barriers to their continued political union. Mr. Goldwin Smith attempts to make a point of the fact that •' Fcderationists bewail British ignorance of the Colonies," which, he asserts, " denotes an absence of community of interest which would bo fatal to Federation." It might as well bo said that the differenc". < '••toi'CGts and ideas between an urban and rural pu^, iliitlon, in this or any country, is incompatible with their union in one state. I^ is, doubtless, most desirable that the people of all parts of the Empire should know as much as posisil)lo about each other, and that such knowledge shoukl be extensively imparted in all their schools; but as a Federal Government would have to deal with general, not with provincial, interests, the members of the Parliament of the Empire would bo suthciently acquainted with its Imperial wants and interests ; they would have as much in common with respect to these, as the members for T^aithness and for Cornwall have with respect to the allairs of this island. "In war," says Mr. Smith, "England would have to defend the Colonies," as they would not "consent to maintain a standing army or navy ; " and tliis statement is made notwithstanding the fact that tho Canadians, witli their militia — wliich even Mr. Smith computes at forty thousand strong — and tho Australians with their liarl)our fortilications and vessels, have dono and are doing much to strengthen their defences. ^Vo ■Ml i68 FEDERAL BRITAIN, are also told — and the following assertions show how those who find fault with everything are inconsistent witli themselves — that " it is hiird to see how these distant dependencies can ho otlier than sources of mili- tary weakness to England;" hut that it is only from " their connection with her and her Imperial diplomacy, and from that alone, that their liahility to he involved in war arises;" and that, as "territorial rapacity does not exist in the United States," that liepuhlic is not in the least " disposed to aggress npon Canada." From whence, then, can the Dominion — the only portion of the Colonial Empire on the same mainland with any great Power — he a source of " military weakness" to England, unless she and the States unexpectedly develop a disposition to quarrel? Is liussia or any other Power likely to march an army across the Pacific to invade Canada, or in like manner to attack Australia or South Africa? If these latter dominions cannot he reached by any overland expedition, and if the chance of Canada being thus attacked from the United States is so extremely remote, it is oidy by stretching improbabilities to the uttermost tiiat the Colonial Empire can be said to be, and that only in one direction, a possible source of "military weakness" to the Mother Country. That — with their fine harbours, fortified jiorts, increasing marine popula- tion — the Colonies could soon, with Imperial Federation and an organized system of defences, become a source of enormous strength to England and each other, needs no space to demonstrate. Pur, only three pages beyond the paragraph wliich begins with the statement that " England would have to defend the Colonies," and goes on to say that they would be " sources of military weakness," Mr. Smith tells us tliat \^ fv IS I THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLANP, 169 t^ ft: " Australia lies in an ocean by herself, she entan<;^e8 England in no liabilities or responsibilities beyond the possible necessity of protecting her in a maritime war." Disriiptionists, in trying to prove the weakness occasioned by each portion of the Empire to the others, only succeed in showing how important it is for them all to be bound together for the sake of combined strength. Iveasons -which are assigned to England in favour of dirtintegratiou may be arguments against it for the Colonies, and vicg versCi-, in short, disintegrationists only state to the one the advantages to the other of continuing the union, and flatter them- selves that they are demonstrating its inutility. Nothing could bo more doleful than the picture which Mr. Gold win Smith draws of the evils occasioned by " the complete want of national spirit in the Colonics." The astounding statement is made that "no pride is felt in the country," that "the very productions of a dependency are apt to be rated low by its own people." Such passages reveal a depth of pessimist despondency, which clearly accounts for the distorted vision with which the writer views the entire relations of the Empire. Having been born and brought up in Australia, I am bound, for once in this article, to speak in the first person, in order to testify that what is described is totally at variance with everything I have felt myself, or have known of the feelings of others with regard to that country, and of all I have ever heard from Canadians and South Africans respecting their portiuns of the Empire. jMr. Anthony TroUopo has (h'scribed ('olonists as given to " blowing," or bijasting of themselves and their country; and chero is more fear of ^'oung communities, like young people, thinking too much ib stead of too I/O FEDERAL BRITAIN. 1 i! little of thoraselvcs. Lover of old England and strong Imperialist tlioiigli I am, it has always Loon my prido to own Australia as tlio land of my birth, and to avow that she possesses my strongest afflictions. All tliose feelings perfectly harmonize ; for, if I may be pardoned for quoting what I wrote some time ago,^ — "the highest perfection, the most complete greatness of which any Colony, or oven the Mother Country herself, is capable, is not to be found in the isolation of single com- munities, or even of great groups of States, but in the unity of a common Empire, whose magnificent territories stretch into every clime and quarter of the globe, and whose combined strength will, with the blessing of God, be a sure guarantee of security and peace to the weakest as well as the strongest member of that Empire." Or, as Sir Henry I'arkes so well j)uts it — after picturing the greatness which Australia must achieve if she were to become an independent Power — " She would miss her higher destiny, her rightful share in what may be a more glorious rule than mankind has ever yet seen ; " and " to be included in a Confederation, so all-powerful and beneficent, is what my feeble voice would claim for Australia." In Mr. Smith's expression of general dissatisfaction with everything, it is only to be expected that the office of Colonial Governor, and especially Governor- General of Canada, should be included. What harm it has done may be estimated by the statement that, " If Canada had a chance of becoming a nation inde- pendent of the United States, she owes the loss of it, in no small measure, to a governor-general of the ' In tho conclusion to my '* Eiirly History of tlio Colony of Victoria." THE CONTRACTION OF ENGLAND. 171 it, ho (.f . I moro active kinel." If this bo rocogni/od as a fact, great as tho services of Lord Dufferin aro acknow- ledged to have been, it will constitute his chief claim to tho lasting gratitude of the people of tho l^ominion, as well as of the whole Empire. The Canadian Pacific Railway, and the Federation itself, do not escape tho universal censure upon all things connected with the Colonies and India in which Professor Smith indulges. The dead cause of disintegration is not likely to be galvanized into life, by the combined efforts and ability of Mr. John Morlcy, Professor Goldwin Smith, and Mr. Frederic Harrison. These and other able writers may try their best to stem the rising tide of material interest and national sentiment, which already runs so high, both in this country and tho Colonies, against any further severance or division of tho P)ritish race. The spirit of national unity has been one of tho most beneficent influences in tho enlightened progress of modern times. It has made Italy ; it has made Germany. An opposite tendency will not un- make England. She will not submit herself to the shrivelling prescriptions of an insular philosophy. National magnetism, with the power of a loadstone, is drawing together Great and Greater Britain in closer indissoluble union. The maintenance of that union is tho highest political object for England and for the Colonies. It is a national policy. It ought never to be made a party (question, savo only in so far as the opposite sides in our Parliaments should vie with each other in producing tho best means of giving it effect. It is truly Conservative, for what is better worth conserving than our Empire from disintegration ? It is Liberal in tho best sense of the lui^ 172 FEDERAL BRITAIN. term, for what can bo nioro liberal and onlightonod than the idea of maintaining the brotherhood of the British race — of keeping the people of England and of the Colonies, of all creeds and classes, nationally united, never to be aliens to each other? If union be desirable for the sake of strength, and strength for the sake of security and peace, our Empire will ultimately need to be organized on a permanent basis, with a Federal CJovernmont not less efficient than those of some of the greatest Powers to which the Empire of Great Britain will not be inferior. There will surely not be a dearth of states- men in our expanded territories, and increasing popu- lations, to provide such an organization as soon as it may bo required. In the mean time, it behoves the people of the Empire to keep the question well in view; for the rapid growth of the Colf^uies is proi)el- ling us towards Federation, at a speed which is fast awakening general recognition. ; It' ( 173 ) CTTAPTER IX. MARKING rnoGRES.S AND DEVELOPMENT. ProgrosB in fifteen years from 18G9 — Position of the Colonial Knipire in tliat year — llow New Zealaii'l beeanin ublo to nianii!j;n her internal affairs — Duty of Parent State to Infant Colony — Rapid establishment of Canadian Federation and Australasian self-governnit.nt — Express speed of Colonial projj^rcss — Leading men favourable to Unity of P^inpire — Ivord Norton and " Imperial Federation ; Its Impos8il)ility " — Colonial growth docs not admit of slow growth of institu- tions — Ago of Colony of Victoria shows tliis — When singlo Parliament and Kxeentive can manage domestic and external all'airs — Federation indisi)ensable for United States of America and United Empire of Great Britain — llesolutious of (Con- ference on Imperial Federation of 1884 — Federalists need not propose detailed Constitution — For governments to do this — What Federal Government has done for nations that have adopted it — Fuglish Parliiiment giving up control of foreij.'n affairs — Entanglement of foreign questions with domestic jiarty politics — Division of labour — Colonies submitting to Imperial taxation — iNIr. Service on their bearing exjtense of defences — Interests in common — DilVerences of Fiscal policy — Amount of products of United Kingdom taken by Protec- tionist Victoria — Lighter taxation — Co-operative defence-- Peace — Effects of war — Kor England and the Colonies to stand ttlonc — Feeling towards United States — No further division of British race. The considoratioii of tho question having so far advanced, I felt it would be profitable to note pro- gress made, so availing myself of an invitation to bring the subject before tho yoc'al Science Congress at Birmingham, on September l^th, 1884, I read a paper which, with a few omissions, to avoid repetitious II II mr mmm 174 FEDERAL BRITAIN. in this work, forniH tho present chapter. I cxphiincil at tho ontsot that, as ono of tho Honorary Secretaries of tho provisional coinnutteo for organizing; tho now Federation Society, I did not appear in any reitro- eonfativo capacity, hut was alono responsible for this utterance. At tho Bristol Congress of this Association, in 1869, I'h) gland and her Colonies formed tho subject of a discussion which was opened by three or four papers — ono of theso being my first on tho question. Tho fifteen years which have since elapsed seem an age in the growth of everything which tho energy of our people has been planting and cultivating in tho new lands of (Ircat r>ritain. Progress — social, political, commercial, educational, locomotive, telegrapliic — has marked the period, and has led to a condition of things between England and the Colonies satisfactory beyond all the hopes and anticipations of those of us whci, in 1809, were firm believers in and decided advocates of, the permanent unity of the Empire. What was tho position of tho Colonial Empire at tho time of the Bristol discussion ? Briefly this — Affairs in New Zealand were then the chief source of anxiety, doubts being seriously entertained whether, on the withdrawal of the Imperial troops, the Colonists would bo able to hold their own against the Maoris. Tho wise introduction, however, of a stream of emigration from this country soon increased tho popu- lation of the Colony so as speedily and for ever to settle that question, and to enable New Zealand to manage her own internal affairs without needing further aid from this country. It may be asked, in passing, if a similar influx from the teeming population of this island into South Africa might not also prove MARKING PROGRESS AND DEVELOPMENT. I75 a peaceful solution of the liifiicultlcs of that countiy, ami cauBo that, in a few years, its present troubles shall also bo matters of the jjast. Experience abundantly proves that Colonies, after rotpiirini^;, during a few years of infantine weakness, the support of the Mother Country, may grow, not only able to manage their own internal affairs, but to bear a share in maintaining the strongtli and defen- sive power of the Empire. The parent would bo un- natural and cruel, as well as unwise, to grudge a short period of trouble and expense in tending olfspring wlio were certain to repay, with interest, the cost of their early rearing. What may bo true of parent and child is more certain to bo so of parent State and olfspring Colony, for death in the former instance must inter- vene to prevent the benefit of the relationship) being perpetual.^ It is difficult to realize, that fifteen years ago that great and successful Federation, wliich ha:j given to Canada the appearance and substantial advantages of a matured and long-settled State, had not come into existence. In Australasia, also, constitutional self- government had then only entered its teens, for it was but thirteen years old — 1S56 having been the year of its establishment in almost all tho C^olonies at the Antij)odes. Telegraphic communication with them had not been opened, nor had tho great Canadian Pacific Railway, which will so soon bo completed, been commenced. The importance of New Guinea to tho Empire, or to Australia, was not then thought of. One of the first times that it was suggested was in a paper by ]\lr. AVestgarth, at the I'ly mouth Congress of this Association, in 1872. A Uritish Protectorate ' See page 37. 1^1 176 FEDERAL BR ITALY. K has just licoii established in the island. So rupidly do questions spring- up and ripen, that tliey re([uiio the constant watchfulness and the timely handling of the rulers of the Empire. The slightest sketch of the developments of (.^olonial (|uestion8 and policies must demonstrate the importance of hjoking well before ns when — with the over-increasing express speed of modern and especially of Colonial progress — we find ourselves hurrying into the future, with its still more numerous growths, and larger and more rapid developments, of questions and policies. Most men of intelligence and observation, like that rising statesman Lord Kosebery, usually return from visiting any of the leading groups of Colonies deeply impressed with the conviction, that the unity of the Empire should be permanently maintained. Among the strongest advocates of this policy are those who know the Colonies longest and best, and have seen most of their early growth — eminent men like Sir Alexander Gait, Sir John Macdonald, Sir Henry Tarkes, Mr. Service, Sir Julius Vogel, and also one of the ablest and most experienced of Colonial Governors, Sir Hercules Kobinson. Lord Norton differs from these and otlier weighty authorities ; but his ideas of the relations with the Colonies seem to date from a period of official connection with them in Downing Street, when tliey were in a state of mere infancy. Those who can only conceive of them in that condition will agree with " Imperial Eederation : Its Impossibility," in the Nineteenth Century Uevlcw for September, 1884. A representative public man fiom an important Colony recently remarked to me that Imperial Federation had been brought " within the range of practical politics." To say that a question is outside that range may be y MARKING PROGRESS AND PEVELOrMENT. \TJ a convenient mode of dispoKing of it, for tlioso who lack cither the ta.sto or tlio capacity for dealing with great and important considerations. IJnt the investigation of no ((Ueistion hearing npon tho future of our growing Empire can wafely ho said to bo unpractical. Tho speculations of yesterday are tho urgent questions of to-day, which will have to he settled to-morrow. Modern Colonial growth does not tarry to admit of tho slow development, however desirabh', of such institutions as maybe required cither for the regulation of tho internal alfairs of Colonies, or of their relations with each other, or with tho Mot)"^.'r Country. I\Ien still llvo whose memories stretch beyond the half century — which, to-day, wants exactly two months of being complete — since tho llenty brothers, the first permanent white settlors, landed on what is now tho Colony of Victoria, with its population of nine hundred thousand. Even I can remember seeing, when a child, the goats grazing on what are now some of the leading streets of its capital, Melbourne. I distinctly recollect when Victoria, tho Port Philip district of New South AVales, was formed into a separate Crown Colony, and when tho question of its having responsiblo self-government came within the range of practical politics, just thirty years ago. No wonder that any ono remembering such things should feel strongly that this question of Imperial organization or Federation is sure rapidly to ripen. It ^v ill matter little what the organization may bo called if it give* a sufficient voice in tho management, and a fair share of tho burden of our common concerns, to all our dominions. The common central authority would have to utilize the common resources of tho Empire, to gather up its strength for tho defence of all N ! 178 FEDERAL BRITAIN. its membors, to regulate its relations with foreign States, to manage all its affairs which arc not Provincial or Interprovincial, to raise from all its territories the revenues required for such pMri)0.ses. Any authority performing suuli functions must be a Federal authority, unless no Provincial Parliaments were in existence, and the power of legislating both for Provincial and Imperial purposes were centred in one general Parliament. Within certain limits it is possible for a single Parliament and Executive satisfactorily to perform the double functions of managing the domestic and the external affairs of a nation ; but when a people extends over a vast territory like the United States it is impossible for a single Government efficiently to legislate for, and administer the multitudinous concerns and interests of millions of men. Provincial govern- ment for local affairs, and Federal government for general and external concerns, are therefore indis- pensable to perfect organiscatiou. The very national life of our American kinsmen depends ujjon such an arrangement. They might, of course, with a want of spirit and energy — the opposite of their character — have been content with an impotent policy of disorganization, disintegration, division, contraction, which a few very insular philosophers recommend to Eiigland as her wisest Colonial policy. Nothing short, however, of suicidal mania is likely to induce her to inflict upon herself the mutilations they advise —the amputation of some of the stoutest limbs of her Empire. If Provincial self-government and Federal govern- ment bo necessary for the United States of America, a fortiori, they will bo so for the future United Empire of Great Britain. At the Conference on Imperial f« mg rii- ica, liro Hal MARKING PROGRESS AND DEVELOPMENT. 1 79 Federation, on July 2i>, 1884, it was iniauimoiisly resolved — '• 1. That in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire some form of Federation is essential." " 2. That for the purpose of influencing public opinion, botli in the United Kingdom and tho Colonies, by showing the incalculable advantages which will accrue to tho whole Eminre from tho adoption of such a system of organization, a society be formed of )nen of all parties to advocate and support tho principle of Federation." This is the deliberate conclusion of one of the most important gatherings of distinguished Colonists, and English Members of Parliament, of all shades of opinion. Imperial Federation was barely mentioned at the Bristol Congress of 18G9, the Colonies not having then sufficiently emerged from infancy to admit of its con- sideration. Before the remaining fifteen years of the century have expired, it will probably be established, at least in an elementary form. But what must the complete organization be ? Federalists are sometimes challenged to go into details, and to produce a Constitution. They would not be the practical men they are if they were to do anything of the kind. They would bo acting as if thcv were mere theorists, proposing something which had never been tried by tho test of being practically worked, and which consequently could only be explained by being elaborately drawn out upon paper. Every well- informed man knows what Federal government is — that it is a well-tried and efficient system ; that without it tho United States would not bo; that it has delivered Germany from tho liability to bo divided and governed by a Napoleon ; that it has saved the Austrian Empire from being broken in pieces ; that it i8o FEDERAL BRITAIN. has made the D(jininion of Canada, and enabled tlio different races of Switzerland to remain united fur niiitiuil protection, when without it, even in so small a territory, tliey could not have held together as a free and independent State. As the 3Ilnutes of the Views of lliG Committee presented to tlio recent Conference puts it, "the details" of Imperial Federation should bo "left to be adjusted by those authoritatively empowered to arrange them on behalf of this country and the Colonies, when the time shall arrive for the formation of such Federativ. ^1 ; " all that is now needed being that " the nature and ditreront forms of Federal Government " at i)resent working in the M^orld be sufficiently con- sidered, *'so that the people of the Empire, both iri tliese isles and beyond the seas, may be better able to decide as to the exact form of that Government which they may prefer whenever they shall feel that the time has arrived for its adoption." It has been objected that Imperial Federation could not bo carried out unless the present British rarliament were to hand over to a new Farliamcnt, representing the whole Empire, the control of foreign' affsiirs and general defence, if this bo so, the division of labour which would be thus effected would in itself com- l)ensato the old country, for giving the new countries of the Empire a share in the management of Imperial affairs ; for then the British Isles would have a Parlia- ment of their own exclusively devoted to their domestic concerns, to which, from overpressure of work, and attention divided between home and Imperial affairs, the prestont Parliament cannot give tho time demanded. The entanglements of foreign and domestic questions ' Pages 20, 53, 08, 158. '^-i •9 MARKING PROGRESS AND DEVELOPMENT. l8l ', ». would no longer 1)0 possible, to the great relief of many reflecting men, who ma;- often feel their sympathies divided between the political parties or. these ques- tions. It would also, for other reasons, be a great national gain if foreigr affairs were placed beyond the contentions of domestic party politics. England would gain far more than she would give up by taking the Colonies into partnership in the government of the Empire ; for the national security would bo placed beyond doubt, without the burdens of the taxpayers of the British Isles being increased. They would, on the contrary, be lightened, for a fair share of represen- tation extended to all parts of the Empire would be attended with the constitutional obligation to contri- bute to the Imperial revenue, which, for co-opeiative defence, would bo a much lighter burden on all the people of the Empire than separate taxation for separate defence. But objectors will perhaps assert that the Colonies would not submit to taxation, even if they had repre- sentation.^ Canada and Australia have, however, repeatedly shown their disposition to help the Mother Country. The Australian Colonies have just taxed themselves for an Imperial purpose — the establishment of British authority in New Guinea — although they are to have no control over the expenditure of the money they have voted. And what did !Mr. Service, the Bremier of Victoria, say in his speech, made June 19th, 1884, when ho carried the Assembly of the Colony unanimously with him in his policy? Speak- ing of defences, beyond those of their coasts and harbours, which the Colonies tliemselvcs maintain, the words of Mr. Service were : '• Why should the people > See pages 92, UC, 1C2, WX l82 FEDERAL BRITAIN. . I \\ of England bear tlie cost of protecting us ? . . . In tlio more infancy of Colonics, it is right and proper for England to spread hor wings over them, and to cnfildo them to grow up without foreign intervention until they are able to protect themselves ; but that we who are placed in a prosperous part of the world — prosper- ous far beyond our fellow-countrymen in England — should desire for one moment to take money out of their pockets when wo can spare it far better out of our own is a thing, at all events at this day, no Australian will contend for." There is the right Imperial ring, the true Federal spirit, sounded forth by a Colonial statesman, who not long ago expressed the hope that he might yet sit in this country, in some legislative body which should represent the whole Eniiiire. It is sometimes asked, with little thought. What interests ^ have this country, Canada, and Australasia in common, that they should stand together and sup- port each other, perhaps at the risk of getting into wars ? In the Pacilic Ocean alone their great and growing commercial and political interests are already identical. They all will become more and more interested in the Suez Canal and the questions affect- ing it. That important highway to this country from Australia, will practically be the only tiade route from the latter into the Mediterranean, as the ramifications of her commerce become more extended. j\lr. ])alton has shown that, commercially, Australia and Canada are already almost as much interested in I'elgium as England is, and that they promise at no distant dato to bo so to a greater extent. It is sometimes asserted that diflferences of fiscal > Pagus 130, 198. MARKING PROGRESS AND DEVELOPMENT. 1 83 policy, about which all commimities may, perhaps, never think alike, must bo fatal to our Federal Union. But tarifll's do not even now interfere with the good relations between the members of the Empi re. Victoria, the most protectionist of Colonies, takes £12 5s. 2(/. per head of her population, of the productions of this countr}'. New South Wales adheres to free trade, and so do most of the other Colonics. Canada indulges in a mild form of protection. But if the protectionist Colonies were to enter an Imperial Federation, retain- ing their provincial tariffs, that would not prevent them from adding materially to the strength of tho Union ; and they would be the more likely, of their own free will, to abandon duties restrictive of trade with their fellow-subjects than if, by separation, theso fellow-subjects were to be made foreigners to them. Restrictions to trade, more incompatible with national unity than any imposed by Colonial tar ills, fettered tho commercial relations of tho peGj^)le of this single island not so many years back. Tho organized unity of tho Empire means, in tho future, lighter taxation, greater efficiency, economy of defence, and absolute security for this country and for the Colonies. Upon both, separation — a thing as much treason to our people as to our Sovereign — would entail as great additional expense as the ditl'erence between inditferent, and costly isolated defence and perfect but cheap co-operative defence. There is one policy, 0110 interest of tho many wo have in common, which is above all others su})reuie, and that is the maintenance of peace. War, however victoriously we might come out of it, must at best be au enormous evil to tho whole British people, both in these isles and beyond the seas. But it is not to be I 1 84 FEDERAL BRITAIN. \ I m avoided, ratlicr to bo courted, by any national indi- cations that wo arc prepared to submit to anythiii;; rather than enter into it. An unsuccessful maritime v,ar would be destructive to the old country and to the Colonies ; it would stop the looms of Lancashire, extiiii^nish the furnaces of I>irmin<2;ham, and blij;ht Colonial growth ; it would raise ])rovisions in this country, which are so largely imported, to siege prices. Even in a war successful to us, cruisers wouhl, witli ten times the destruction of the Alabama and Shenan- doah, sweep our merchant-ships from the ocean. Till better influences prevail in the world, to an extent which they have never attained at nny period of human history, unhappily, one of the wisest and most practical ways of avoiding war will be to bo prepared for it. Mr. Cobden — one of tlio greatest friends of peace and commerce — was in favour of maintaining a powerful British navy. Mr. Childers said, five years ago, that that navy should be etj^ual to the combined fleets of any three other Powers. For England to stand alone, and for the Colonies to bo independent, and to maintain efficient naval defences to safeguard their interests as great Towers, would rec^uire that each should keep up " bloated armaments," for which their taxpayers would be heavily burdened. But by combining their strength in joint co-o])erative defence, fewer war-ships and flghting men, and much lighter taxes, will suilico to ensure the security and the power of a united British peo[)le. A strong man is less likely to be provoked into a fight than one doubt- ful of his strength; the biggest boy is seldom the bully of the school ; even the Newfoundland dog can, without loss of dignity, remain pacific under provoca- tion. The United Empire of Great Britain, armed '■I II I MARKING PROGRESS AND DEVELOPMENT. 1 85 ••(( II 1^ upon tlio ocean — far within tlio capaLilitios of its increasing wcaltli and population to bear dofensivo arming — would bo so strong that all its dominions could iiursuo their internal development conscious ot" tho security of a joint protection, and their external commoroe would bo at peace. " When a strong man armed kcepeth his palace, his goods arc at peace." iSo would it bo with our strong United Emijirc. Good wilTand friendship with other nations should not be the less our ptdicy ; we should seek to " live peaceably with all men." But foreigners may misunderstand us — may regard us with jealousy, bo fickle in their esteem of us — alliances with them may fail us. Tho constancy of tho affection of our own race and nation must, then, bo our consolation. There is one great people whoso interests, ?deas and sympatliies run parallel with our own, whoso welfare wo should over desire, whoso national unity wo should hope may, like ours, bo for over jireserved — a people who, if wisdom had presided in our councils a century ago, might have continued ono with us — our noar kinsmen across tho Atlantic. Wo wore, unhappily, divided from them by a policy tho reverse of that which has long been cementing the unity of our parent State and offspring communities.' Our great principle is that there shall be no further division of the British pt.'ople. IMay God forbid it ! Our greatest policy is tho organization of our union for tho mutual security, happiness, and peace of (dl its members, for tho attainment by them all, both col- lectively and severally, of tho highest perfection of which they are capable. That perfection is to bo found in their organized union, not in their being split into sections, not in their disintegration and isolation. ' See pages 43, i7, 145, 213. 1 86 FEDERAL BRITAIN. qH! CIIArTEK X. ESSKNTIAL I'laNCllM.ES OF ISKITISH !• KDlillATIOS. Mr. Forstor nnd "tlie idea realizing itself" — Imperial Fudoralists not j)I('(lgf'(l to (IctiiilH, l)nt drsirc diKCiissidii of varioiia tjchciiHS — i'l'ot'i'ssionul critics — Ftdt-ralistd do not propuso Constitiitioiia — rmsent relations — Sentiment without orga- nization — No feasililo Hcliemc? — Combiniition "on an ('(juitalile basis " — KqiiitabU; representation — I'osition ot' Indiii — Imperial taxation — Self-governing Colonies to retain eoniplet(! control of tlieir Provincial alVai is— Temporary ex- pedients— Imperial rarlianient and INIinistry — I'resent Im- perial Varliiuncnt might liecomo that of Empire — Distinct OIK! would be required for I'rovincial ull'airs of British Isles — Our common interests, everywhere — Basis of strength of (Jreat Towers — Sir Alexander Stuart on raising an Imperial revenue — Suggestions of Sir Alexander (Jalt and INIr. 'J'hos. Macfarlano — Mr. llofmeyr's proposal atCohmial Conference — Annual cost of Naval construction — Objection to subsidies. On the next occasion, when called on to open a dis- cussion of the question, it occurred to me that it would be useful to define the principles which must form the basis of all Federal imions whatever may be the details of their organizations. This chapter, therefore, formed the contents of my paper read at the opening of the series of confeiences, held under the auspices of the Royal Colonial Institute, at the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, on ]\[ay 28th, 188G. The Duke of Manchester occupied the chair, and, in opening the proceedings, said : " In recent speeches of distinguished persons, references have been made to ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION. 1 87 tlio Federation of the Empire. The idea has been advocated in tlio most eloquent terms, and, from the tone of the speakers, one miglit siip[ioso tbcy had im- bibed the idea with their motlier's milk. It is most gratifying to tlioso vdio started the idea, and wlio have constantly advocated it, to find that it has taken such a hold on tlio public mind ; but I think wo should all have been pleased — we who advocated Iho Federation of the Hinjiiro originally, and in the face of consider- able ridicule- -I say we should all have been pleased had some recognition been made of those first efforts. Still, we are gratified with the results, and I am sure no one more so than one of the most energetic advo- cates of this policy — Mr. Labilliere — whom I will now ask to read a paper on the subject." It was as follows : — Had a text been required for my subject to-day, I should have chosen words of that great and, throughout the length and breadth of the Empire, most popular of statesmen, whoso rooent death has created an irrei)arable blank in the many gather- ings of this Colonial Exhibition season — where his presence would have been so welcome, and his voice would have been heard with so much interest and approbation. The words of ]\Ir. Forster to which I refer occur in his famous Edinburgh address — which gave such powerful expression to the principle of the Unity of the Empire — where it is shown that if the people of the Mother Country and of tiie Colonies only make up their minds that their unity shall last, " the idea will realize itself." I would venture to extend this expression to the mode of organization by which that unity is to bo maintained, namely, Imperial Federation, and to say that if wo accept the principle of that policy — to which Mr. Forster gave tho powerful ^ % ISS FEDERAL B RITA IN. I'i Kupport, of tho last years of his invalnal)lc life — " tlio idea will realize itself," when tho peoph; of the Empire have become sufliciently fuiniliarized with it. IMy desire in opening this discussion is, that wo should hring our minds to the conclusion that tho principle of tlie jiermanent unity of tho Empire, having already proved itself of such vital force — in laying hold of tho national feeling of all our ]>ritish fellow-subjects — must become of much greater practical potency; that it must produce more solid cohesion, develop more elTectivo organization, assume order, shape, embodi- ment. In other words, the sentiment of unity must evolve the practical principle of Imperial Federation, which " will realize itself," by this country and tho Colonies, succeeding in })roducing such an effectivo Federal Government as will meet their joint require- ments, and bo in harmony with their views and insti- tutions — a Government which will safeguard all their common interests, without interfering with their pro- vincial alFairs. The stage which has now been reached in the pro- gress of Imperial Federation can be best described, by an expression recently much quoted, as that of " inquiry and examination." It is surely not tho least hopeful sign in the prospects of our policy that its advocates refuse, at this early stage of its discussion, to pledge themselves to details, or to any preference for one or other of the various forms of Federal Government, which at present exist or have existed in the world. If Imperial Federalists, instead of being practical men, wero mere speculative theorists, one of the first things they would have done would have been to frame some ulaborate, and jjrobably fantastic, constitution, and to dogmatically prescribe it as the only possible form of ESSENTIAL PRINCirLES OF FEDERATION. 1S9 Federal Government. They are not likely to do any- tliinf; of the kind. The Imperial Federatioji Leajj^uo has Vieen wise in not putting; forward any scheme, but in invitinj^ tlie discussion of various schemes, so that the public mind of the Empire may be made up upon the ({iietstii 1 , by l)ecoming familiar witli tlie idea of Federal Government, and with the many forms which that Government may assume. No dc)ul»t the League has incurred the censure of some critics, for not having produced a fully developed plan. But it must bo re- membered that the professional critic is a destructive being, who flourishes by pulling to pieces the sugges- tions and policies of men who are endowed with con- structive faculties. Withhold from him details, and you deprive him of much of the very food which is essential to his existence. It is possible to smother in its infancy a great principle by over-clothing it with details. No doubt, if it live and grow, it must sooner or later be provided with these, if it is to become a force of practical utility. It must, therefore, bo only a question when, and by whom, a detailed scheme of Imperial Federation shall bo authoritatively proposed. In the mean time, it would be bad advocacy of tho question to divert tho public mind from the formation of clear conceptions as to essential principles, by insist- ing upon tho importance of details before thoso principles have been well considered and generally approved. It will bo for individuals and societies only, to suggest modes by which a practical Federal Constitu- tion can be given to the Empiie. It will be fen* tho Governments of the United Kingdom and of the self- governing Colonies to propose, to agree upon, and to establish such a constitution. fl IQO FEDERAL BRITAIN. lioforo Hpoiikirijj; of tho cKHcntial prinoiplos of Im- poriiil FecItTation, J should liko to notice ono objuction ruisotl by soino friomlH of tho Unity of tho Empire, wlio meet every proposal for more eflicirnt organization of our Imperial syhtem, by askinj^ what could bo more satisfactory tlian the existing; state of feeling between England and the Colonies. They point to the splendid sjjirit which sent the New Soutli Wales regiment to Suakim, and which caused the other Australian Colo- nies, as well as the J)ominion of Canada, to olfer troops for similar service. No doubt a strong national Im- perial feeling, which, as far as sentiment can go, leaves nothing to be desired, dictated these olfers, and would load to still more substantial assi.stance being rendered in the event of its being more urgently needed, lint if it were — if the safety or interests of the Empire were seriously jeopardized by war with any great Power or combinations of Powers — it would doubtless be a subject of regret that timely organization had not been combined with national sentiment, so that that motive power should wield machinery of defence of irresistible force for the protection of the Empire. Sentiment is one of the great mainsprings of human action ; it makes and maintains nations, but not with- out organization. A nation is but a mob without organization. The most numerous mob may be im- pelled by the strtmgest sentiment, but it is powerless the moment it has to face a mere handful of men so organized as to walk in step and to hold their rifles and bayonets at the same angle. Sentiment by itself cannot save our unity, our Empire, from being shaken, shattered, or blown into space, by Powers which would bo broken by the shock of coming into collision with the herculean strength, which would be produced by ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION. 19I tlio conildn.'itioii of our Tnipcrial scntiinont with rm|>ori;il organi/ation. Federation would save our lOuipiro in war, or, l)etter still, I'niui war. Those who assert that nothin<^ is needed heyond the admirahlo Imperial sj)irit which so happily exists, remind nio of the patriotic hut impraetioai man who dechired that a standing arm}- was not iXMiuired, " f(jr," said ho, " if an enemy were to invado this eounlry, the spirit of the people is such that they would rise up as ono man." " Yes, and they would he knocked down as ono man," was the reply of that practical statesman. Lord ralmerston. Objectors to Imperial Federation sometimes dispose of the subject, to their own entire satisfaction, in a single sentence to this effect — "I have never heard a feasible scheme proposed, and do not believe it is possible to frame ono." Although it cannot be supposed that those who make such observations, altogether forgot that there are several Federations at present in the world, it is clear that they have never studied the different varieties of Federal Government, and have very hazy notions as to what it really is. The existing systems are quite compatible with provincial control of provincial concerns ; and this would be more so with a Federation of such an Empire as ours, in which the distinction between general and local questions would be so much more clearly defined by the oceans, which, while separating our dominions, form such splendid highways between them — highways which only require, for the absolute safety of our communications along them, an organized system of Imperial defence. What, then, are the essential principles of Imperial Federation ? ! !IH I FEDERAL BRITAIN. (1) In tho language of tho programme of the League — " Any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine on an equitable basis the resources of tho Empire for the maintenance of common interests, and adequately provide for an organized defence of common rights." (2) Combination "on an equitable basis" implies that all those who combine shall have a voice in the Government whereby the " common interests " shall be maintained ; and this can only bo given to Canada, Australasia, South Africa, and tho West Indies, by extending to them equitable representation in a Parliament of the Empire. ^' I leave out India from tho list, because tho idea of bringing representatives from that country to London, or even of admitting them to any elected Indi.an legislatures, has never been seriously proposed ; and it wouhl be unwise to complicate tho consideration of tho question of the representation of the whole of our British fellow-subjects — of the race which has created Parliamentary institutions in the world — with the question of giving representation to an Oriental people, whose ideas, history, traditions, and modes of government so essentially differ from those of Europe in general, and of England in particular. ^/ Tho possibility or impossibility of mahing India a member of our Imperial Federation ought not for one moment to retard the Federal union of our British fellow- countrymen in these isles and beyond tho seas. India, governed as a dependency by an Imperial Federal I*arliament and Executive, would be in as good a position as she is at present under the control of the existing Imperial Parliament. If India is to be held in tlu! future, it must be by the federated power of ESSENTIAL PRINCtPLES OF FEDERATION. 1 93 a the of tho Empire, not merely by the ytrength of these distant isles. An *' eqiiifaLlo basis" of representation could not bo fixed with mathematical accuracy as rej^ards population, wealth, and extent of territory, although it might bo approximately adjusted. To prevent somo Colonies from feeling that they wore left out of our Imperial system, rej)rc'sentation might have to bo given to tliom, though they would not be entitled to it according to tho scale adopted with regard to tho larger dominions. It might bo so in the case of Mauritius, Malta, Natal, and one or two of tho West India Islands, if they r'ould not bo satisfactorily included in groups. The distrilmtion of representation would require careful consideration, but it could doubtless bo adjusted so as to satisfy the fair claims of all the people of tho Empire. Tho franchise need not be uniform. (3) Kepresentation having been arranged " on an equitable basis," there would bo less difficulty in dealing with the question of Imperial taxation. Taxation and representation go together. Tho repre- sentatives of the Empire would be powerless when they assembled unless the Imperial Parliament could command tho "sinews of war," by being able to raise a sufficient revenue to maintain the defences of tho Empire and to defray tho expenses of its common government. There could bo no practical or sentimental grievance in a Parliament, in which tho whole Empire was fairly represented, directly imposing taxes throughout all its Dominions. Taxation should of course be adjusted so that its burden should bo equally borne. The Federal Constitution might even specify certain sources of revenue to be, either i^ 1 SI ' ll 194 FEDERAL BRITAIN. •I If I wholly or partially, reserved for taxation by tlio rarliameut of the Empire. A very few items would bo quite sufBcicnt for the purpose, and everything else could be left to be taxed by the provincial Parliaments. These need suffer no curtailment of their powers, except in so far as certain rights of general taxation might bo reserved to the Parliament of tlio Empire. Suppose, for example, tobacco, wines, and spirits were thus set apart, they alone would yield a very largo Imperial revenue. An income-tax, not to exceed ?>d. in the pound, would also bring in considerable sums from all quarters of the Empire. It can be easily seen that if it were desirable to limit the taxing powers of the Federal Parliament, ample margin could be given it to enable it to raise, even from a very few items, sufiicient revenue for purposes of peace or war.^ (4) The last, but not least, essential principle — which is perfectly compatible with an efficient system of Federation, and without which it would be impossible to work its machinery of government — is that the self-governing Colonies should retain complete control of all their provii cial aifairs. J very clear-sighted Imperial Federalist always keeps this steadily in view. All our Dominions and Colonies should be secured in the rights which they now enjoy, of regulating their own fiscal systems upon such politico-economical principles as they, rightly or wrongly, consider to be most sound and suitable to their own interests. A Federal Government ought not, and would not, even if not prevented by any Constitutional restriction, attempt to force Protection upon this country, the most Free Trade portion of the Empire, or Free Trade upon Victoria, the most Protectionist. Federation ' See page 201. ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION, 1 95 i> 10 o 11 coukl, just as easily as our present Imperial system, be worked without uniformity of tariffs. It must also bo borne in mind that, with the diversity in the circumstances of the old and of the new territories of the Empire, it is quite possible that one fiscal system may be most suitable to one community, and the opposite system to another, unless, out of the complicated conditions and ramifications of commerce, conclusions of universal application can be evolved with absolute mathematical certainty. There are peo[)le who value Imperial Federation by the trade advantages which they expect to see flowing directly from it. Whatever the policy may eventually lead to, it is not likely at first to cause the removal of existing trade restrictions. If, however, it should never do so, it will give, both in peace and war, a security to the commerce of the whole Empire immeasurably greater than can otherwise be extended to it ; and that would bo a more valuable gain than the removal of existing trade restrictions. Time will not permit mo to consider whether Itnperial Federation should be preceded by any of those councils of advice which are sometimes recom- mended, but which, at least, could bo only temporary expedients. The growth of the Empire is rapidly unfolding the practical question, how we shall have to provide ourselves with as complete a legislative and executive organization as any of the great Federal States possess, if efficient organization we are ever to have. That means an Imperial Parliament and Ministry. This is the principle which, if accepted, will, in the words of Mr. Forster, " realize itself." It is not at present profitable to dwell upon details, though we may well glance at them and turn over in \ fi •^mm 196 T^EDERAL BRITAIN. «< our minds alternative schemes; for, fortunately, we are not bound to only one. Imperial Federalists have clearer ideas on the question tluui may bo often supposed, for tlicy wisely abstain from dogmatically prescribing any particular Constitution. Wo have already complete systems of provincial self-government — the marvellous growth of a very few years. All wo want is a really Imperial government. One way in which this could be obtained would be by the present Imperial rarliamcnt making itself so in reality, as well as in name, by exclusively devoting itself to the affairs of the Empire. To do this it would have to hand over the })rovincial concerns of the United Kingdom to a Pailiament of the British Isles. One legislature would be sufficient for the transaction of all provincial business. I touch not the burning question of separate local government, or of Homo Ilule, in these isles, for it is no part of our question of Imperial Federation ; it is for the l>ritish people within these seas, and for them alone, to settle their own domestic affairs. If the present British Parliament were to effect a desirable division of labour by divesting itself of provincial concerns, and by devoting itself to Imperial affairs, it need not retain so many members in the House of Commons, and a duo proportion of the reduced number would have to be Colonial representatives. Whether there should be an Imperial Upper Chamber would be a question more of convenience than of principle, for the control of land systems and the regulation of the laws of private property would be vested in the provincial I'arliaments. To the House of Lords, even if all the English peers were to bo members of an Upper House of the Empire, as well as of that of the United ESSENTIAL PRINCJfLES OF FEDERATION. 1 97 Kingdom, Colonial statesmou could be admitted as lift) poors. I am not proposing a plan, but, l)y way of illustra'- tion, I am shovvi.ig that we can conceive of many ways in which Imperial Federation can be carried out, and that some of these ways may bo quite upon the lines of, may be merely expansions of, existing institutions. The principle once accepted, the details can be worked out, and wo shall not fail to secure for our Empire all the advantages which our German connections, our American cousins, and our Canadian brothers have secured for themselves, from the adoption of the only system of government adapted to their circumstances and wide-spread territories, and a fortiori to chose of the Empire of Great Britain. Briefly to recapitulate the essential principles of Imperial Federation, which must bo embodied in any form of Constitution : — 1. Equitable combination for maintenance of com- mon interests and defence of common rights. 2. Equitable representation in an efficient Imperial Parliament. 3. Equitable system of taxation to raise Imperial revenue. 4. Equitable guarantee of all existing rights of provincial self-government, including control of fiscal policies. Any paper on this subject must be incomplete. Time would not permit us to go the whole round of this great question. We cannot in a day take in all the beauties and wonders of this great Exhibition of the Empire, much less can we realize the possibilities, or rather the certainties, as far as anything human may be said to be certain, of future Imperial develop- 1 1 98 FEDERAL BRITAIN. I ': mont and greatness of which this Exhibition, splendid as it is, is merely the earnest and forerunner. Neither can we in our contemplation, in our consideration of this great policy, grasp it in all its bearings, and picture to ourselves the grand certainties of peace, jjower, security, and happiness to all the dominions and lands of our Empire, to the greatest as well as the least of them, involved in the realization of Imperial Federation. I have been reluctantly obliged to pass many points without notice at which I should like to linger. There is one which I must just mention — our common interests.^ Wo aro sometimes told that there are not sufficient of these to require common organization, much less Imperial Federation. Not many interests common to the British Isles, Canada, Australasia, South Africa, and the West Indies ! Unless I am in a dream or under a delusion, I see our common interests in north, in south, in east, and west ; in the Old World, in the New ; in every clime, round every coast, in every sea. In all the great ocean highways they preponderate over those of all other nations. We have in the (preservation of these highways, for the uninterrupted communication of our people with each other, and the undisturbed flow of our commerce, one great, one sufficient reason, if there were no others, for Federal organization. We have the highest common interest in the maintenance of peace, in the secure development of the internal prosperity of all our dominions and territories. The only sure guaran- tee wo can have for these, and all our other common interests, is in our united organized strength. If any one present doubts whether (mr common interests ' Pfiges 130, 182, 237. % ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION. 1 99 .J. aro numerous or groat enough to require to be safe- guarded on sea and land by our federated power, let him look around him in this place ! Let him take another walk through this Exhibition, and if he does not return, before the close of the discussion, to avow himself convinced, he must be hopelessly proof against every argument. Many great Empires have existed in the past. Their ruins may bo seen thickly scattered over the old continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa. They were all raised by the sword and perished by the sword. Great powers exist at the present day, but, with two exceptions, their very existence depends upon military strength. Not so with the United States and the Empire of Great Britain. Both rest upon the solid basis of the peaceful victories of our British race. Imperial Federation will consolidate, organize, crown, the greatest colonizing achievements the world has ever seen or can ever see. It will be the noblest union of free men, of self-governing com- munities, who, by their own free will, will bind them- selves in one indissoluble, world-wide nationality, under one flag, under one sceptre, in order that they may enjoy the greatest blessings of security, power, and peace. In the discussion which followed, the late Sir Alexander Stuart, who had recently been Premier of New South Wales, said : " Mr. Labilliere lays down as one of the essential conditions ' an equitable system of taxation to raise an Imperial revenue.' I am afraid that is just one of those stumbling blocks which must, if enlarged upon, cast back for a long period that which we all so much desire. He has enumerated certain articles which must bo made the subject of li 200 FEDERAL BRITAIN. taxation hy this Imperial Parliament. So far so good. They are the articles wliich are fairly distributed among consumers of the British race. But I cannot help remarking that tliere is nothing upon which our fellow-Colonists are so touchy, I may say, as any interference with their fiscal arrangements. Freedom in this respect is an essential part of our constitution. ... It is, after all, one of the essential points of British freedom that a community like ours shall be entitled to tax themselves and to dispose of the taxa- tion as thoy choose, and, once having obtained that right, I do not think the Colonists are at all likely to listen to any proposal that involved their parting with any portion of it. I am quite aware, of course, that if there is to be an Imperial Parliament or a Federal Council, all parts of the Empire must join in defraying the expense. . . . Let the expenditure, whatever it bo, be fixed on some equitable principle . . . and then let each Colony understand that ... it must bear a certain proporticm of the cost, and let it do this in its own way . . . We do not wish to see England bear the expense of that which is for our good, and we are therefore quite prepared to pay the additional expense. . . . We say we will find the money. It is no matter to you how M'O find it." To this I replied : " The system suggested by Sir Alexander S'uart — namely, ti^at the Provincial Parlia- ments should impose all taxes, and hand over to the Imperial Exchequer the proportion of revenue to be contributed by their respective Provinces — was one way of arranging the details. But, as a thorough-going Imperial Federalist, I do not shrink from the principle that, if equitable representation were given to all portions of the Empire, the Imperial Parliament might « 4 ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION. 20I i? bo entrusted with powers of general taxation. The powers of Federal taxation which I advocate are only those possessed by all the existing Federal I'arlianients. But what has been suggested by Sir Alexander Stuart would answer the purpose, if more acceptable to the people of the Empire." The objection to giving the Imperial Federal Parliament powers of taxation is purely sentimental ; and no doubt, if such a legislature wore established without them, they would soon bo granted, as the confidence of the Empire in it grew, as it would. Imperial taxation, practically, would not be felt, for with the growing wealth and population of the Empire, it would become really infinitesimal. A very little calculation will prove this. Sir Alexander Gait once estimated that a penny a ton levied on all ships entering the ports of the Empire would yield several millions. JVIr. Thomas Macfarlane, of Ottawa, has phown that 5 or 10 per cent, customs duties, raised throughout the Empire, would produce a large revenue. This suggestion corresponds with the proposal made, in the Colonial Conference of 1887, by Mr. Ilofmeyr, leader of the Dutch party in the Cape Colony, whoso efforts and sympathies for the unity of Empire must be highly appreciated. In a very able speech,^ he introduced the subject of " The feasibility of pro- moting a closer union between the various })art8 of the British Empire by means of an Imperial TariiF of Customs, to bo levied independently of the duties payable under existing tariffs, on goods entering the Empire from abroad, the revenue derived from such tariff to be devoted to the general defence of the ' Report of Froceediugs of the Conference, page 4G3. 202 FEDERAL B RITA IX, Empire." The pith of the proposal is contained in tliis passage from the speech : — " Now, supposing that we were to levy an average lato of two per cent, all round (the tariff might bo arranged so that one class of goods should pay more than another), that £352,000,000 representing the foreign imports of the Empire, would give a revenue of not less than £7,000,000. That is a revenue which would pay for a very considerable part of the British Fleet. It would relieve the Colonies from the payment of subsidies, and at the same timo Hiat it would be paid by the Colonies it would bo paid by Great Britain too." What more fitting than that £7,000,000, in what- ever manner to be raised from the entire Empire, sliould be annually expended upon the construction of war-ships, which are absolutely essential to maintain that naval supremacy without which our unity — our Empire — would be at an end, and the coasts and com- merce of its several dominions exposed to any foe who might prove superior to us upon the ocean. The Times, in one of its articles on " The Strength of the Navy," at the end of 1893, estimated that at least £5,500,000, for naval construction, will in future be annually required to keep us equal to France and liussia. Mr. ITofmoyr does not favour subsidies, to which Sir Alexander Stuart clearly pointed ; and the plan of the former shows that there are ways of raising Imperial revenue without interfering witli Colonial fiscal arrangements, as the latter seemed to fear. In an earlier part of his speech, Mr. Hofmeyr said, " I doubt very much whether you would find that a system of subsidies would answer in the long run. il ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERATION. 203 You would, ill that case, find very soon that the principle of representation would be asserted by the Colonies. The system of subsidies, if developed to any extent, would practically amount to u tax, and where you have a tax, the people who bear tlie tax sooner or later ask to be represented. In other words, you might find a system of political federation brought to the fore." This he rather fears, not because he is not in sympathy with the idea, but because ho evidently does not wish immediately to face its diffi- culties, which he appears to over-estimate. But if subsidies would be a tax leading to federation, surely what Mr. Ilofmoyr proposes would be similar in nature and results. " All roads lead to Rome." The more the question is thought out, the less serious seem the difficulties of satisfactorily arranging, in more ways than one, the mode of providing a revenue for the Empire. We shall see at page 235 the re- spective proportions of revenue at present provided by England and the Colonies, for the defence of their joint commerce. Harm may be, and has been, done by want of tact and by persistence in pressing this con- sideration. Given fair representation in the Councils of the Empire, to all its British populations, and there will be little fear of any of them being backward in contributing to its support la f ■ 204 FEDERAL BRITAIN. U\ ClIArTEU XI. T.ATHIl ORJKCTIONS OF MR. GOLDWIN SMITH. Objections in " Canada and tlio Canadian Question " — Ovorpowor- inj^iippiiiionts with nnnieronri intern ij^ntion.s — Answered iiryju- luents repc'ated — Objection to nw! of word "Knipin;" liko Prol'essor Freeman's to words '' Imixrial " and " Federal " — Mi^'lit eqnally object to " Mililary "— Cireut Britain "a Canton of (Jreiiter Britain " — Mr. For.ster's answer — " Natural Coinbination.s" — " liCgiijlative clamps" — " Thoufjhts of ordi- nary citizen " bctyoml his own circle — Federal Government and British IMonarchy — ''Novelty in political architectun;" ^Federation between federations am! non-federal States — "Whose (li])lomacy is to iirevail?" — Federation under prcs- Huro — French Canadians — I'rofessor Freeman and the j^ood will of the IJuitcnl States — Federation of Enfrliali-speakin See imt,'es 43, 47, 14."), 185. . / h . I 214 FEDERAL BRITAIN. are mado by the party conventions, and neither of the Canadian parties has yet dechared for Continental Union." And this, notwithstanding the advocacy of the greatest champion of Imperial disruption ! Ho says, " During a residence of more than twenty years in Canada, I have sehlom met with a Canadian who, if he had thought at all freely on these matters, did not in private avow or betray his conviction that a change must some day come." This is a starting axiom in the federal proposition. AVe have just heard what little way, Mr. Smith con- fesses, annexation has made with Canadian politicians, though he tries to make out it is in considerable favour among the people. Let us see what he has to say about Canadian independence. " To independence, I must confess, I was myself at one time inclined. . . . But the movement found little support, and though it is now being revived in opposition to Continental Union, it seems not to have much strength in itself." We have thus, by Mr. Goldwin Smith's process of elimination, got rid in Canada of independence and annexation — except in the most cherished wishes and thoughts of the philosopher, who has been so long chasing the Will o' the Wisp of British disintegration. What then remains, seeing that things cannot always continue as they are, but Imperial Federation? Thirty years ago Mr. Smith preached in England the breaking up of the Empire, only to rouse the spirit of the nation in favour of its permanent unity; and that feeling has culminated in the widespread and growing acceptance of the federal principle. After more than twenty years' advocacy in Canada, he seems, on liis own showing, to have there achieved similar results. What was said of Stuarts and Bourbons may be said ?.' LA TER OBJECTIONS OF MR. GOLD WIN SMITH. 2 I 5 of him as regards this question — He seems '* to have learned nothing and to have forgotten nothing." As to annexation and independence, he tells us that neither political party has been induced to touch them, whilst wo have had numbers of politicians, on different sides, including some of the most eminent statesmen of the Dominion, espousing the cause of British Federalism. As it is elsewhere pointed out,' annexation is not likely to commend itself to French Canadians, any more than to those of the British race ; and Mr. Gold- win Smith's observations are not calculated to render it more acceptable. In one place he says, " By the French Canadians tenacious of their separate nationality, the name of Imperial Federation is abhorred ; " and further on we find, " Though the forces of Canada are inadequate to the assimilation of the French, by the forces of the United Continent they would probably be assimilated, for all essential purposes, not less easily than the French in Louisiana." Never was net more visibly spread in sight of birds, than in this attempt to ensnare the French Canadians into annexation. If they abhor Federation, for the reason assigned, a fortiori they must abhor annexation, as the thing most of all to be avoided if they want to preserve their individuality. Next, they should oppose independence, as only a halt on the way to annexation. The only alternative for them, therefore, is Imperial Federation, even if they regard it as the least of evils ; for in it alone can they hope for escape from being completely swamped and obliterated, which is the simple meaning of Mr. Smith's " assimilation." Although their British fellow- ' Pages 211, 241. i ^1 ( I ■ r, 1 i 216 FEDERAL BRITAIN. (■anadians would not, iu so many resi)ects, l»e uffoctod by annexation, thoy would lose much by it — "if there wore anything special to be conserved in ( 'anada," by tlio continued existence of the Dominion, which is denied b}' implication. For British and French Canadians, alike, indepen- dence means insignificance beside, then absorption by the United States, and finally total obliteration. Instead of Canada holding her head high, as a great Dominion of the Empire of Great Britain, her very name would be wiped out of the map of the world; her present Brovinces would be lost in the crowd of States of the American liepublic. But a modern Cato proclaims, with iteration, that Britain as an Empire, and Canada as a Dominion, must bo blotted out — JDclenda est Carthago/ in K ml ( 217 ) CHArTEU XII. FUAMING A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. ^ I; .| Expcrlcnoe in initiiitiiif? Federal Unions— Conferences unci Con- vcntions for purpose — Initiativo in snniiuoninjj them witli (Joverninents, also of formulating^ detailed plans for tlieir con- sideration — ^Ir. Justice Ilolroyd's view — Imperial Federation Ijeap;iie framinj? sclienies — Its deputation to Lord Salisbury — Reasons for leavinf? CTOvcrnments to formulate idans — Leajjue's Iteport — Deputation to Mr. Gladstone — Dissolution of Tieafjue — Kxamplo of ConlerLiice of 1887 — Federation question excluded from its consitleration — Object-lesson it pjave — Con- ferences : to arrange bases of Federation — for special pur- poses — to meet periodically — Examples furni>lied by Ginadian and Australian Federaticm Conventions — Wlio shouM lirst propose Federation? — An Imperial Conference and Conven- tion — Crow" Colonies — Bases of Federal scheme to be laid down by Confercnct — Convention to frame Constitution from it — Ratification by railianunts. There is as practical an answer to the inquiry how our Federation is to he brought about, as to the ({ues- tion of the form it should assume. As to both, wo must go upon the lines of the experience which the history of the system of government aflbrds, rather than upon any fresh theoretical suggestions. The features of our union, though doubtless striking in their individuality, will bear a strong likeness to the whole Federal family, with more close resemblance to one member than to others. It is only on the meeting of a Conference of the Governments — pledged to the essential principles of Federation, but free to work out' 2I8 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Fm the details — that wo shall bo able to form any idea of what model will bo taken from which to sliapo our Constitution. The steps and civcumstancos loadii our adoption of tho system will also in many rosp. ts, doubtless, correspond with the evolution of existing federal unions. We should, however, above all tilings, seek to avoid having the history of that of Grormany repeated with regard to ours — that a great war, how- ever glorious for our Empire, should be tho means of hastening its Federation. Were it to bo so, there would bo universal regret among all our people, that they had not, by previous union, organized their strength for the war, and probably thereby have averted its outbreak. It is most likely and desirable that the Fcdei of our Empire will bo approached, by means of pie- liminary (conferences of the Governments, as was that of Canada when undertaken and carried through, and as that of Australia has been, already with partial success — ultimately no doubt to bo fully realized. When public opi ion throughout the Empire has become sufficiently ripe for Federation, our people will not wait for, or even look to, private individuals or societies to formulate schemes, but will expect their Governments to work out fcr them a practical Consti- tution, by means of Conferences and Conventions. One among many objections to any plan being prepared, at least unofficially, for the meetings of such bodies would be that until the members of the first pre- liminary Conference compared views on the subject, it would bo uncertain whether an elementary Con- federation, or a more complete Federation, would be more acceptable to the Governments ; so that on whichever model the scheme might be framed, it , t.S, FRAMING A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 219 might not bo that whicli tho onicial delegates cleKircd. ISIr. .histicc Ilolroyd, President of tho Imperial Federa- tion League in Victoria, at one of its meetings in Melbourne, in September, 1S!>;J, very c' early viewed tho position — "Statesmen — representatives of tho people to be federated — must settle the federal Con- stitution ; and Federationists did not seek to put them- selves in tho place of Statesmen, but to constitute themselves a force behind them." Tho Imperial Federation League wisely started without adopting or formulating any plan. If, lunv- ever — departing from the original idea of its founders and from the lines upon which, in ( 'anada and, so far, in Australia, federal institutions have been success- fully evolved — it had framed a detailed scheme of federation, it world have entered upon dangerous ground. It is not l individuals, however influential personally or as an organization, to draw up a consti- tution, and, in eifect to say, " This is what we propose to tho Empire." They may, however, render invalu- able service by expounding the essential principles of federation, by suggesting diiferent forms in which it can be adopted, and by instructing the people of tho Empire as to the history and working of existing federal systems ; but, it cannot bo too constantly remarked, that to propose a plan is for those delegated to do so by the responsible Governments of this country and of the Colonies, and for them only. The drawing up of a federal scheme, even by the Govern- ments concerned, was not a condition precedent to tho meeting of the conferences, of official delegates who framed the Canadian federal constitution, or of those which have recently been at work with a similar object in Australia. Tlie League did much, and, had t ! 1 1 !lj 220 FEDERAL BRITAIN. it continued to exist, might have done more, to ripen the question for practical adoption by the statesmen and Parliaments of the Empire ; but to father any- particular scheme would have been outside its proper functions, and would certainly have impf'ired its usefulness. The League seems to have been rathr: drawn in this dir, .tion by the reply of the then Prime Minister to the deputation which, in June, 1891, asked him to convene another (.*olonial Conference. Lord Salisbury suggested that delegates should not be invited from the Colony " unless we are prepared to lay before them for discussion some definite scheme." But herein is the danger of going <'urther than submitting as a basis certain broad essential principles. Any scheme pro- posed may not commend itself to the Prime Minister of the day, and he may refuse to summon a conference to consider it, or, should he approve of it, some of the Colonies may decline to entertain it. Then what would the League have done? Gone on framing schemes, till it should hit upon one which would draw the Governments together in a conference? There is also this disadvantage in submitting a cut-and-dried detailed system of federal organization to delegates from the Colonies. It would prevent them from taking that part, which it is desirable they should have, in the foundation work of the mighty structure of a federated Great Britain. All the sons of the Empire should have a share in the honour of initiating and achieving this great undertaking. By provoking criticism of the details of a single plan the League would assuredly have compromised itself; by standing upon its iirst principles, as well as upon the ground of precedent and experience, it could have declined to take ) : FRAMING A FEDERAL COXSTJTUTIOX. 231 »fe' o lie )f upon itself one of the functions of the Governments — the proposal of an Imperial Federal Constitution ; and no one would have more highly appreciated such a position than a statesman like Lord Salisbury, had it been taken up and explained to him by the deputation from the League. The League, however, submitted to a special com- mittee of eleven, only three of whom had been Colonists, the task of forming a scheme ; and after more than a year's deliberation a report was published, which contains some valuable original suggestions, in addition to many which had been previously made. Altliough the report, which was adopted at a meeting on November 16, 1892, is throughout its course skil- fully steered clear of details, and of prescribing as essential principles of federation things that are not, it grazes rather seriously against one of these rocks, in proclaiming Intercolonial Federation a condition pre- cedent to Imperial Federation. The words are, under the head of " Mode of Colonial Kepresentation " : — " When the provinces of Australasia and South Africa are each united under one Government, as Canada now is, and those tliree doniiuions are represented in London by a memher of eacli Government respectively, such representatives should be available for consultation with the Cabinet when matters of foreign policy affecting the Colonies are under consideration." But this would carry us scarcely a step beyond where we are at present, for the Agents-General are now available to be consulted as suggested ; and the delay of years, proposed in the recommendation, is just what any Minister would take his stand upon were lie dis- jjosed to shelve the question. The report proceeds to define how the United Kingdom, and " the three groups of self-governing Colonies," are to be represented in a ■* 1 ?■■■ 222 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Council to deal with Imperial defence. Intercolonial Federation in Australia and South Africa is a question for the people of these portions of the Empire to decide for themselves, and no one else should prescribe that policy to them ; and although we may be morally certain that the Australians will federate among them- selves within a very short time, it is surely imprudent to declare that their doing so is essential to Imperial Federation, especially as it does not follow that, if for any reason they should i)refer to remain as they are, their organized federal union with the rest of the Empire is out of the question. Then to say that Imperial federal organization must wait till Inter- colonial Federation is carried out in South Africa is to declare that the former policy, even in the elemen- tary form in which the report of the League suggests it, cannot be initiated for probably a quarter of a century — a long time for the Empire to wait for that adecpiate organized defence which its commerce, common interests, as well as piovincial security re- quire. Even if Intercolonial Federation were indi - pensublo to Imperial Federation, surely the adoption of the latter policy ought not to be delayed during all the years required to mature the former in South Africa ; but, as soon as it has been established in Australia, she ought with Canada to bo federally organized with the United Kingdom — South Africa coming in as soon as she has arranged her own internal federation, even if she could not join in her present condition ; which seems to present no greater obstacles to her being represented in any Council of the Empire that may assemble in London, tlian it did to her taking part in the C/olonial Conference of 1887. It is there- fore to be regretted, that the League did not put Inter- 11 FRAMING A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 223 colonial Focloration under its heading of " Pleasures conducive but not essential in (Imperial) Federation." On April 13, 1893, a large and influential deputation from the League waited on the Prime jMinister to present the report ; and the sympathetic reply of Mr. Gladstone — in which he said, " The maintenance of the unity of the Empire and the consolidation of that union is an ohjoct dear to us all " — is significant, as indicating the progress of opinion among the leading- men of all parties. The next wo hear of the League is, unhappily, its dissolution at the end of 1893. This might, and surely ought to, have been avoided. Even if it were necessary to cut down the office expenditure, a small committee, with an honorary secretary, should have kept the Central League alive, considering that cc many branches continue to thrive. But still the death of the League does not affect the life of the cause. There is much in the plea that the principle, having got such a hold, re(piires no organization to promote it. The Executive put the case for self-destruction at its best, in the following terms : — 1 <•' |r- " Iliiving elicited from the heads of the two great parties in tlie State recognition of the supreme importance of the question involved, the League had brought the matter to a point at which it might be and ought to be loft in the hands of the Imperial Government. The proposal for a Conference had approved itself to both the late and the present Prime Minister. All that the League could do towards this end would be to continue to jiress successive Governments to take a step admitted to be desirable, if not essential, and, having regard to the character of its organization, it was mure than doubtful whether such pressure would be likely to be etloctual. The Comnnttee expressed its confident belief that the interest of all parts of the Empire alike would inevitably demand the solution 224 FEDEKAL BRITAIN. V- I ' of the Imperial question, and recorded its profound conviction that the solution reached would be on the lines of Imperial unity, not of disintegration. Wliilst recognizing that activity on the part of those spocially interested in the various aspects of the question would still be necessary to render efl'ective the aspiration towards national unity which now ])erraeates all classes of the community, the committee expressed its op'nion that the Imperial Federation League had reaciied the lim ts of its cOective action." A meeting, on November 24, of the Council of the League adopted this report and resolved on dissolu- tion. This seems at least a tactical mistake, as some opponents will, doubtless, attempt to make capital out of it to use against the cause. Here we have another great principle destroying the shell in which it has been hatched. The (Conference of 1887, by which extensive measures for defence were initiated, must be regarded as the first British Imperial representative assembly ever convoked ; and the creation of the Australian naval squadron was its great stroke of federal work. But the question of Imperial Federation was expressly omitted from the consideration of this Conference, which was so federal in its nature and action. The exclusion was a wise and statesmanlike provision; for it was bc-tter that the first Conference should give a practical object-lesson in the working of Federation than that it should have discussed the theory. Every one acquainted with the proceedings of the Conference, must recognize that all that was needed to constitute it a federal assembly of the Empire — of a vory rudimentary kind, no doubt — was that its sittings should be fixed to take place at regular intervals. Another point practically demon- strated was that by such a Conference the first steps FRAMING A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 225 tho igs could best bo taken, officially to frame the conditions of Imperial Federation and to draw up the heads of a Constitution for the Empire. Before that, however, is attempted. Conferences may be held for special purposes, such as the consideration of the question of commercial treaties with Foreign nations. In fact, if it were decided that a Conference should take place every second or third year, there would doubtless bo many important subjects for its consideration. Besides the illustration furnished by the Conference of 1887 of the way in which British Federation could be brought about, when tho opinion of tho Empire is ripe for it, we have the example of how the union of Canada was framed. Mr. Doutre describes it in his " Constitution of Canada." The first step was taken by the passing, in 18G1, of a resolution by the Legislature of Nova Scotia, which with those of New Brunswick and Prince Edward's Island appointed delegates, in the beginning of 180-1, to consider tho union of the Maritime Provinces. In October of tho same year, on the invitation of the Governor-deneral, a Convention met at (Quebec, to consider the larger question of Canadian Federation. Ontario and Quebec were represented by six delegates each. New Brunswick and Prince Edward's Island by seven each. Nova Scotia by five, and Newfoundland by two. Seventy- two resolutions were adopted, only one vote being allowed to each Province. The Convention sat with closed doors, and only tlie results %/ere published. This is the very opposite of the suggt stion that a Conference, to consider Imperial Federation, should have cut-and-dricd plans prepared for it beforehand. At first the proposals of the delegates were not favourably received in the Maritime Provinces, so II m 226 FEDERAL BRITAIN. that the bill — based on the resolutions of tho Convention — introduced to the British Parliainent, was limited to Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, as the otlier Provinces were not con- sidered to liavo sufficiently consented. We have also very recently had before our eyes tho evolution of a scheme of Australian Intercolonial Federation.^ Tho first Convention, much like that just referred to, was preceded by a Conference resembling that held in this country in 1887. The bases of uni(m havin<^ been agreed upon in Sydney by this preliminary Conference, were approved by all the Australian Parliaments, who also cliose delegates to represent them in tlie Convention. This oody, to which tho six Australian Colonies appointed seven delegates each, and New Zealand only three, met in Sydney, in March, 18i>l. It soon drew up the Federal Constitution, which to be established will have to be enacted by the diiferent Parliaments. This has not yet been done, obviously in consequence of the severe financial crisis which so soon after set in throughout Australia. By a similar process of evolution, an Imperial Federal Constitution would have to be formed. With Intercolonial Federation established in Australia, there would be six Parliaments and Executives con- cerned in creating the Imperial Federal Union, those of the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Cape Colony, Natal, and Newfoundland — the portions of the Empire with self-govorn'ng institutions. If, however, Australia should not be federated, the Provincial Governments and Legislatures of the several Colonies * Soc Mr. Howard Willoughby's "Australian Federation," more extensively referred to at pages 82-84. FRAMING A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 22/ )erial I With f;ralia, con- I those Cape bf the rever, [ncial )nies more would have to take part in tho work of framing tho Constitution of tho Empire. Now Zealand has more recently declared against entering an Anstralas-ian union, though Imperial Federation has found con- si lerahle favour in tho Colony. Although the Crown Colonies might not be asked to join the Conference and Convention, for the same reason that they were not invited to the Conference of 1887 — namely, that for the most part their delegates would be chosen by the Cohmial Office — representation in the Imperial Parliament would have to be given to them, either separately or in groups, according to their importance. The question from whom the proposal to form the Federal Union should come, is really of little con- sequence, although some people seem to make a great deal of it. There are those who would have England and the Colonies stand, with extreme courtesy bowing to each other, at the threshold of Federation — like two over-polite Chinese gentlemen, neither of whom will take a step forward before the other. Some people are so dogmatic as to the propriety of the proposal coming from the Mother Country, whilst others are as strong in contending that it should be made by the Colonies, that a difficulty would seem to present itself, somewhat similar to that which may occur in ordinary life, if the one of two interesting young persons wIk^sc future welfare may depend upon union, has not tlie courage to broach the question. Their happiness then will altogether depend on whether the other is stnjng- minded enough to exercise the privilege which Leap Year is said to confer. It matters not from whom the proposal for Federation cfunes, only that, as it is most fitting in family life, that tho offer for partnership iSJlJi 228 FEDERAL BRITAIN. in his business should bo made by tho parent to the sons, so the same good feeling would suggest that tho offer of partnership — in the great Empire which she has formed, and nourished and protected in its weaker days, for tho benefit of them all — should be made by Old Britain to tho Young Britains beyond the seas. " The Imperial initiative would be the proper mode of setting to work," as Mr. Gladstone remarked, in concurrence with tho deputation from tho Imperial Federation League, in April, 1893. It might, therefore, be a standing instruction to all the Governors of the self-governing Colonies, to let it be understood by their Ministers, that tho Imperial Government was always open to entertain tho question of organized union and partnership in the Empire. An Imperial Conference — on whichever side pro- posed — being assembled, would, in order to lay down the bases of a scheme of federation for the con- sideration of an Imperial Convention, have to declare that — 1. For the promotion of common interests and the maintenance of common defence, it is desirable that a Federal or Confederate Union of tho Empire bo organized. 2. That it be left to the Convention to say which of these forms of union is preferable, and upon what bases representation should be allotted to all the self- governing dominions of the Empire, and how the CroAvn Colonies should be admitted, individually or in groups, to the union. 3. That India be under the control of the Imperial Federal Government — to the future consideration and decision of which the question of giving representation to that Empire be left. FRAMhYG A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 229 4. That an Iiuporial roveuue, to which all parts of tho Empire sliall equitably contribute, bo provided. 0. That all existing rights of Intercolonial Federa- tions and Trovincial Self-government, including con- trol of fiscal policy, bo fully guaranteed by the Federal Constitution. 6. That an Imperial Convention of representatives of tho United Kingdom and self-governing Dominions, and Colonies of the Empire, be assembled in London. These bases of union would have to be approved, and representatives to the Convention chosen by the various Tarliaments. The Convention would then proceed to frame the Constitution, decidinir— 1. Whether the union should be a Confederation, in wliich only the Governments should be represented, or a Federation which would give the people of the Empire the direct election of members to an Imperial Parliament. 2. If a Federation, it would have to decide whether the Parliament should consist of one or two houses, and whether the upper one should be chosen, as in the United States and Germany, to represent the Governments, whilst the lower one should represent the people. 3. It would have to allot the number of members to the British Isles, to each Colonial Dominion, and, where there was no Intercolonial Federation, to each self-governing Colony; but tho regulation of tho franchise and of the electorates, by which tho members should be chosen, could be left to be decided by the respective parliaments. 4. Tho Convention would ^iave to provide for the representation of the Crowxi Colonies, giving Malta, Mauritius, and Jamaica a member each, and grouping m > 5 ■•I 230 FEDERAL BRITAh^. the other West Indian Islands and the West African Colonies. None of them might he entitled to repre- sentation upon a hasis of minierlcal allotment ; hut a hard-and-fast rule would have to ho avoided, or exceptions made, so as not to leave out of our Imperial system some Colonics, whose population and wealth would always he helow any standard that mif;ht he fixed. The principle should rather he, to make all our territories and islands feel at h(jme in the Empire, than to apportion federal representation hy the Rule of Three. 5. The Imperial Convention would have to define tlio nature and functicmsof tlio i\Iinistry and Executive of the Empire ; which would have to include a Premier, ministers of Foreign affairs, War, IMarine, and a Law Adviser — a Minister of the interior, if not the Fremiur, transacting with the Colonial Governments thohusiness now conducted hy the Secretary for the Colonies. The Constitution would have to provide that ministers should ho responsihlc to the I'arliament, or, as in the United States, hold office for a fixed period; which might he the duration of the Parliament with which they came into power. It could also ho provided that no Imperial Ministry should ho without an Australian, Canadian, and South African memher. 6. The Convention would have to determine the mode of raising an Imperial revenue ; ^ either hy ag]"eeing that the Parliament of the Empire should have unlimited powers of taxation, or that only upon certain sjiocified sources of revenue, should the Con- stitution empower it to levy duties, or that it should have no power directly to impose taxes, hut only to require the Dominion or Provincial Parliaments to « Seo pages 193, 199. FRAMtNG A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 2\\ ill 1- d ;o contril)iito subHidies from tho revenues raised l)y tliciii ; or, as in Germany, whoro the Imperial LogiMlaturo lias limited powers of taxation, it might bo j)rovided that, in case of need, our Parliament of tho Empire mi^ht resort to subisidies, to sui)])lemont any deficiency of revenue, arising fnmi the sources of taxation, to which it was limited by tho Constitution, proving inadequate. 7. The Imperial Convention would have to decide what questions would have to be treated by the Con- stitution as Imperial, and what should remain Pro- vincial. Tiiis,' we have seen, would not bo a matter of much difficulty. 8. Provision would have to bo made for tho establish- ment of some Supremo Court, to which, at least, all questions aifecting tho Imperial Constitution should be referred. 9. An express provision might bo put in the Constitution, fully guaranteeing to tho Intercolonial Federations and the self-governing Provinces, all their present rights of control over their internal affairs, including tariff and fiscal arrangements — in which they need in no way be restricted, save only as they are at present, in not being allowed to adopt differential duties favouring foreign countries moro than those within the Empire. Such a guarantee of Provincial rights would really be superfluous, seeing that any of these which were not expressly limited by the Con- stitution — which would havo to bo ratified by the Colonial Parliaments — would continue in full force. 10. A further safeguard would bo provided by a provision that any alterations in tho Federal Consti- tution, after establishment, should require similar ratification, or at least to be adopted by three-fourths • Sec pages 94-114. 232 FEDERAL HK/TALV. J of the Doiiiinion rarlianionts, that is, by three out of thoHo of the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and South Africa. It is quite possilde that at first one of the throe last named might remain out of the union, as several of tlio Canadian Provinces did for a time when the Dominion was ostahlifshed ; hut it wouhl ho possible to begin with the United Kingdom and tlie two otlicrs, or only Canada^ — whichever rcnmined out, being probably soon drawn in by the benefits and dignify which Imperial Federation would be seen to confer. Were a union established, even only in an elementary form, the confidence in it which would grow from its existence, would doubtless lead to its being rendered more complete, as experience indicated, in what respects it recpiired improvement and development. That grand structure — our system of free institu- tions and constitutional governments — wliich spans the Empire, is rapidly approacliing completion. To give it stability, security, and symmetry, the koy-stone of Federation will have to be placed in the arch. ( 233 ) CllArTEli XI 11. A FKW (;ONCLUDIN(> CONSIDEIJATIONS. Fedcriiiion only of value if it r.onfor fiacal and coiumoToiiil udvmitii^'cs ? — ]\Ir. D'Ksterro Taylor oti Colonifts shariiiir di;fcnco of coinnurce, and advan(a','08 of IiMpcrial J"'(!dc!ratioii to that of Australia — Went New South Wah-H to iiiakf; Free; Tradt! and Victoria I'roteciion, conditiniiK of joining a British Federation? — Aims of tho Imperial Federation Ii(!aj,Mio and United Emi)iro Trade Loagiic — Intercolonial Federation in Australia and Imperial Federation — (Jrowth of comnion interests bet\ve((n Canada ami Anslralia — Importaneo of British Federation to South Africa — Sir Frederick Youn«; on tho Huhject — Australians and indepemlenco — Mr. Dal ley and Mr. Dcakin on Unity of Empire — Ettect of Annexation of Canada to Uniteil States on ijuestion of Imperial Federa- tion — Australia not to separate till she can defond herself — Which division of the Emi)ire shall be <,'reatest in tho future, and how it may attain lushest splemlour — Appointment of ( governors, how affecting the Imperial connection and the IVovinces themselves — Intercliange of Statesmen and olllcials between diffenuit parts of tiio Empire — The Koyal Family in our federal system participating in the benefits of Imjxrial Federation — Its members as Governors of Frovinces — Heirs to the Throne as Viceroys of Intercolonial Federatiims — Monarcliy better suited to the Empire than Republicanism — Title of Sovcniigii and Empire —Burke's picture of " two extremities" of i)rogres8, and that seen by Queen Victoria — Her inlluence on success of our Constitutional (iovernments — The first Sovereign of our Federated British Empire. Many minor points, and even strong arguments in favour of the policy advocMtod in this work must bo omitted, but there are a few further considerations which can not be passed by without observation. Something more must be said as to the exceeding ^m '34 FEDERAL BRITAIN, naiTowneSvS of the view, which regards Federation as not worth having, nnle.sK it can promise direct fiscal and commercial advantages. British Federalists yield to no men in appreciating the value of agreement between all parts of the Empire, as to tariffs aiul commercial relations, if such a thing can be arrived at ; but they liave no sympathy with what may bo called the " nothing like leather " view, which makes com- merce everything, and, not looking outside the counting- house, fails to see the enormous benefit trade would derive from the security of well-organized Imperial defences, even if Federation could do nothing more for it. But there arc people who speak as if they regard unicm for defence of the Empire and its trade as of little account, if it do not secure greater facilities for direct commercial gain — so vitiated may become the vision from always beholding things through fiscal and commercial spectacles ! It would be to safeguard the trade of the Empire that the greater part of the expense of federal defence would have to bo incurred. Mr. H. U'Esterre Taylor, a very able advocate of British Federation in the Colony of Victoria, in a lecture in August, 1803, demonstrated to Australians the vital importance to their commerce of Imperial Federation ; and his arguments are equally conclusive if addressed to the Old Country as well as to all the (Vdonies. lie strongly urges upon the latter their obligation to iake a larger share of the expense of joint defence. Beginning, he says that "10 millions of the Enipire had no voice in those general questions by which their whole future might be affected. In questions of war they were absolutely without any voice whatever." Ho goes on to speak of " the com- merce of the British Empire amounting to 1200 millions A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 235 Lu 11- 38 I sterliiif^, and out of that some 4G4 millions was com- merce bclongiiij^ to her Colonies, in which England, had no interest;" and ho declared that it "was an anomaly," that whilst "one-third of the commerco <»f the British dominions was commerce in which England's Cohjnies were interested . . . 19». G<;Z. out of every pound for its maintenance and safety was paid by Great Britain, and 0(Z. by her Colonies." Mr. Taylor states that " some i:()0,000,000of Austra- lian commerce pass across the ocean every year, ex- clusive of the commerce that goes round our shores. All this goes up to Northern Europe . . . and is as safe as if it were sent from one street to another. And why ? " The answer is conclusive for aiiy thoughtful man in Australia — in Old or New B'itain — " Because wo are part of the Empire. But if wo were an in- dependent nation, we would have to look out for our- selves. * It % % It * " Why the whole of tlu^ XGO,000,000 of commerco we trade in might bo ruined and irreparable injury done to us. The practical experience of independent nations is that they have to establish naval stations wherever they trade, in order to protect their interests. England is an examjjle. How are wo to get naval stations in the Northern llemispheie which will enable us to preserve our interests in this way? And tlion look at the cost! Why Australia couldn't get a naval station in the Northern Hemisphere at any price, exce[)t conquest." (A most imptu-tant consideration for Aus- tralia, newly urged !) " It will, therefore, bo lor men who advocate separation to find something better than Imperial Federation for the Colonies. Altogether, I think if we wore to have a quarrel we should have to 2^6 FEDERAL BRITAIN. do tho same as tho Siamese liavc clone — to rim away." And this notwithstanding that Australia, like all other countries, has her swashlmcklcrs who would rival those of America, in " whipping all creation ! " Everything tends to show that fiscal and commercial policy must ho left open questions between different parts of the Empire. Then is Federation hopeless or undesirable? Suppose New South "Wales wore to refuse to join, except on condition of completely retain- ing her Free Trade policy, and Victoria to decline unless, in like manner, allowed to have her way in her own territory with regard to Protection, would it not be the extreme of folly to reject either of these two great Colonies? On the contrary, should tliey not both be most cordially welcomed into a union of tlie Empire as important members, which could add greatly to its strength, and would be prepared to fulfil all their federal obligations. It is too much to expect the speedy adoption of a uniform fiscal policy, or peihaps that all the self- governing provinces, and dominions of the Empire will ever take the same view of politico-economical ques- tions. Nor, however much this might bo desirable, is it indispensable to Imperial Federation, the primary object of that policy being, by united defence, to assure peace and security — the most important essentials of commercial prosperity. The policy of the Imperial Federation League p/its that of the United Empire Trade League may be much the most desirable ; but if we can only have that of the former minus that of the latter, will commercial men decline its advantages ? Our merchants are not so short-sighted as not to perceive that the security of trade i?i, or from, war is of greater iuiportauce than the most perfect fiscal or '3 HP '<%c^^ i.^;:Krn-^^iS^i*j:;^. of is : Ito of lor A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 237 commercial arrangometits, which an outbreak of hos- tilities might utterly and for ever derange. The United States have never replaced their mercantile marine, destroyed by a few cruisers during the Civil War. The insurance of perfect defence by land and especially at sea — which Imperial federal organization alone can provide — will be the most valuable boon to the entire commerce of the Empire, however desirable the policy of the Trade League may be. That society will, therefore, do harm if it make the mistake of insisting on its policy being an indispensable condition of Imperial Federation. It is evident that the (|uestion of Intercolonial Federation in Australia will for a time stop the way of Imperial Federation. Any failure of the Australians to federate would retard the latter policy, for it would at first be thought — erroneously, however — that Colonies which could not federate among themselves could not federate with, the Empire ; although Imperial Federation would reipiire the STirrender of far less by the Provincial Governments, and could be worked either with or without Intercolonial Federation. The adoption of Australian Federation would also delay Imperial Federation, for our Australian brothers would have enough to do for a time, in getting their federal institutions into working order. This done. Imperial Federation would come to the front, and conld be more easily arranged by four great responsible (iovernments in the Empire — -those of the liriiish Isles, Canada, Australia, and South Africa — than by the much larger number of Governments which, without Intercolonial Federation, would have to deal with the question. Tendrils of common interest are so fre([ucntly throw- ing themselves out from diiferent branches of the 238 FEDERAL BRITAIN. 11 Empire, and entwining themselves with those stretch- ing from other branches, that pen must be kept constantly in hand if they are to be noted. This work was just finished as Mr. Bowoll, Canadian Minister of Trade, and Mr. Sandford Fleming, the eminent engineer of the Pacific railway, returned from their important mission to Australia; and it has been arranged that a conference, which ministers or dele- gates from that country shall attend, is before long to bo held in Canada, to consider the development of commerce between the two Great Britains which face each other in the Pacific. Already a line of steamers plies between them, and direct telegraphic connection is likely soon to follow. On no account should the cable be allowed to touch any but British soil.^ Tlie importance of Imperial Federation to Canada appears throughout this volume, as clearly indis- pensable to her future existence ; that it is the far most desirable policy for Australia has also been demonstrated. Its growing value to South Africa has already been seen ; so that even the people of the Orange Free State, and the Boers in the Transvaal, may well come to recognize that it will be best for them to become self-governing I'rovinces of our great British union. Sir Frederick Young, who has suid and done so much that is valuable in promoting British Federation, shows how essential it will be to South Africa, in words whi; v, for the most part, are of wider range than even the extensive region to which they arc applied. He says: — " "What is wanted is Imperial Federation, as the goal to be ultimately reached, to render South Africa politically satisfied * Seo page 112. 2 III his " Winter Tour in South Africa," p. 140. '1 Tififci III' A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 239 has the lal, 'or •eat aiil bo led and contont. Imperial Federation means a constitutional system, under which she would be no longer misruled and misunderstood, by a Government, in which she has no share." " It is not, as is frequently untruly asserted by writers and speakers who have neither studied, com|)rehended, nor under- stood its theory and intentions, its end and aim, that it means the subjugation of the independence of the Colonies to the control of the Mother Country. As one of its most earnest " (and he miglit have added, earliest) "advocates, 1 emphatically protest against all such erroneous interpretations, as a libel on the principle put forward, as a plan for National Government. On the contrary, the project of Imperial P^ederation, without any arriere pcnaee, clearly and distinctly involves the condition that the Colonies themselves are to take their adequate part, and share with the Mother Country in its future concrete constitution. In the brief but exprcssiv ■ phrase I have already publicly adojjted, Imperial Federation means, ' the Government of the Empire by the Empire.' lu Imperial Federation, therefore. South Africa would be fairly and influ- entially represented, along with the other Colonies of Great Britain. In union with them she would take her part in guiding the policy and directing the destinies of the whole British Empire." There are, doubtless, some Australians under the delusion that the greatest future for the Island- Continent lies in independence, as there are Canadians and South Africans equally unwise in thinking that the same policy will bo best for their respective countries; but no greater aspersion could bo cast upon the intelligence and knowledge of the Colonial born than to suppose that many of them are of that opinion. I cannot believe that my Australian fellow-country- men — whose welfare has always the first place in my heart whenever I advocate Imperial unity and federa- tion — will ever allow themselves to be misled by men, not of Colonial birth, who have been trying to get .1 II 240 FEDERAL BRITAIN. into their favour by advocating separation from the Empire.' Two of the ablest of native-born statesmen — the lato Mr. Dalley, of New South Wales, and Mr. Deakin, of Victoria — have pronounced in no uncertain terms in favour of a United Empire, the latter declar- ing: that " to combine in one the dominions of the British race all the world over," will be the means of " reaching the highest political organization which it is possible for us to have, and so to found an Em- pire the like of which has never been seen in the world before." As we have already seen, Sir Henry Parkes has truly said that in independence Australia would " miss her higher destiny." To stand separate from the Empire, and, isolated, to face great Powers establishing them- selves as her neighbours, — France not far off in Asia, Madagascar and New Caledonia, Russia at Yladivo- stock, and possibly in the Persian Gulf and even in India, Germany in New Guinea — may, to romantic or hot-headed admirers, seem a grand, heroic position for Australia; but those who love her most, and desire for her what is best, must regard it as foolish and Quixotic. For years she would not have a navy to prevent one of these Powers from landing sufficient forces, to appropriate large tracts of her Northern and North Western territories, nor would she be able to march troops overland to drive out the invaders. * It is remarkable that iu Qiu'onsland, the youngest of the Australian Colonics, with the sinallcst pcrctutago of native-born population, this idea has perhaps taken niorst hold. Wliereas in Canada, where there are so many people, with several generations of Colonial ancestors, it is extremely weak. No doubt in Queens- land, th(! most unwise Imperial action, or inaction, respecting New Guinea, has caused a passing irritation. It ia satisfactory that the would-be leader of an independence party was so utterly defeated at the last general election in the Colony. m I the smen L Mr. irtain eclar- f the neans wliich L Em- world J truly iss her inpire, thcm- 1 Asia, ladivo- en in ntic or ion for desire h and avy to ficient rn and ible to ■vaders. of the ive-born bereas in leratioua Jueens- specting Isfactory utterly A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 24 1 Saying tliis no more disparages Australians than the Earl of Chatham's famous -words disparaged British soldiers — " I know their virtues and their valour and that they can achieve anything hut impossibilities." A Russian newspaper recently avowed that it is the aim of Muscovite policy to secure an outlet to the Indian Ocean. No douht it is, even if India be not the ultimate goal of the ambition of Russia ; whose acquisition of that country would probably prove of more serious and lasting importance to Australia even than to England. Against such an event both can only find adequate insurance in the organized strength of our federated Empire. With the Colossus of the North striding south, and with the possibility of his coalescing with other Powers or of their maritime forces becoming formidable in her waters, independent Australia would need a much larger navy to safeguard her enormous coast-line, of 8,000 miles, than the British Isles if independent of the Empire, or an independent Canada, or an independent South Africa, or, indeed, any other nation would require to protect its less extensive seaboard. Even compared with her friendly American vis-a-vis in the Pacific, Australia, if standing apart from the Empire of Great Britain, would always look to disadvantage, for her people must for ever be greatly outnumbered by those of the United States. The same may be said of Canada, were she to stand an isolated figure beside her great Southern neighbour ; and her annexation to that Power would make Imperial Federation of even much more importance to England, Australia, and South Africa, as the only means of preventing them from having the appearance of dwarfs among the nations of the future — high above which must tower the American Union, unless Great Britain in i 1- 242 FEDERAL BRITAIN. federates, and, perhaps, Russia succeeds in colonizing with her people, or otherwise consolidating, the Empire she has acquired by conquest. For none of our dominions, old or new, can inde- pendence of the Empire be desirable, or even safe, for many long years. It needs no prophetic vision, but only a reasonable estimate of the future growth and circumstances of nations, to enable us to affirm, that for Australia — and what fuUows may almost word for word be said of Canada and South Africa — it would be perilous to become independent before the year 2000 ; but more probably long afterwards it would be unsafe or undesirable. Were Australia at present willing to enter into that position — which would close some of her brightest prospects, without opening any as good to her — she would stake what now seems her inevitable and most desirable destiny — she would risk the now apparent certainty of political unity, even within her own territories — she would tempt the in- trusion of other nations, and might have rooted in her soil communities speaking alien languages. Her future might, easily and for ever, bo changed; seeing that for years her condition will be sufficiently plastic to take shape from different moulds. For the sake of the individuality she now desires for herself, if for no other reasons, Australia will do well to secure, on a permanent basis, the organization of her union with the Empire. It has been cynically suggested that Australia should not think of going out of the Empire, till she can dispense with all aid in the way of defence from England. Were Australians capable of approving of such a policy of meanness, England would bo justified in at once leaving: them to themselves. f, on a witli jtralia ill slio from Ing of stified A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 243 Young communities may, liko young porsouH, pass through a period of existence when they fancy tliat the most dignified, proud, and enviable position for them is to stand absolutely alone, and without paternal or fraternal help or support, to do everything for themselves. When, however, the years of hobblede- hoyhood — which, happily, are few — are past, the advantages of association and partnership witli those nearest of kin are fully appreciated. The good sense, high education, political and general, of the great majority of native-born Australians will, doubtless, restrain any minority from placing their country in any absurd or objectionable position — will prevent them fiom tolerating an undignified spread-eagleism and falling into provincial narrowness — and will clearly demonstrate to them, as to people in all parts of the Empire, that the dignity, development, security, and self-government of its greatest, as well as of its least important dominions, will be best sustained and safeguarded by well-organized Imperial unity. Whether England, Canada, Australia, or South Africa shall be the greatest in the future — and to whatever height of national splendour she may rise — her position in the world will be grander, safer, more peaceful and dignified, as a member of the United Empire c»f Great Britain, than as the greatest fragment of that mighty Power if, unhappily, it were broken in pieces. The question of the appointment of Governors is of great importance, whether regarded as affecting the relations of the Colonies with the Mother Country, or of the Intercolonial Federation with its Provinces, or in its effect on these individually. The great link, until Federation produces a much greater, between the Imperial Government and the Colonies is the ! ■f! 244 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Governor appointed by tlio Crown. Since the establish- ment of the Canadian Union, tlie (iovornor-Genoral is tiie only one of these links remaining with liritish Federal America, the Provincial Governors being appointed by the Dominion Executive. In the ]dan of Australian Federation, approved by the Convention of 1891, it is provided that the Governor-General shall be appointed by the (jucen, but that the Parlia- ments of each of the Federated Provinces shall be left to decide how their resi^eetive Governors shall be chosen ; so that the present system may still be con- tinued. This, from every point of view, seems the most des'i'able, being certainly most so for the Provinces .nemselves. With systems of constitutional government, such as obtain in our Empire, worked by political parties, the Governor, the representative of the (^neen, should be as free from all suspicion of party l)artiality as her Majesty herself has always been. This cannot bo if the Governor be selected in the Colony, either by its Parliament or by popular vote. ])uring his term of office, the man who ought to hold high and evenly the constitutional scales however fairly he might try to do so, would be regarded by the party vanquished by him at his election, as a trium- phant opponent. This is objectionable enough in the States, where our system of changing ministers, when the majority in the popular Chamber goes against them, does not exist. How much worse it would be with us had we elected Governors ! They would not infrecpiently have to call upon the party opposed to theirs to form a cabinet, and then the Prime Minister, the chief adviser of the Governor, would perhaps be the very man who had been the chosen champion of the opposite party in the contest with him for the governorship. |iU', % "(jpBWl I I I .1 I I ' '**'^*lf^ 'g A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 245 Whatever might bo his decision, when askocl to grant a dissolution, would bo embarrassing for him. Ilo would bo sure to bo accused of looking to the interests of his political friends ; or, from extreme conscientious- ness, ho might adopt tlie alternative least desirable for the country, by inclining, with an excess of im- partiality, the scales to the side of his opponents. Socially — and this is a most important con.sidoration as to the head of the State under our constitutional systems — however personally acceptable he and his wife might be, a Governor, selected from among the party statesmen of a Colony, could never be as generally acceptable and become so widely popular^ as most of the governors sent from England for many years have been. But it may be contended that such a fine piece of patronage as the Provincial Governorship ought not to be withheld from the Parliament of the Province, or, at least, from the Executive of the Intercolonial Fede- ration, to which it belongs, and certainly ought to be reserved as a sj^lendid prize for the laudable ambition of Provincial public men. It may be re- marked, in passing, that to them a well-organi/ed Federation of the Empire would open up greater and more numerous prizes. Considerations of patron- age and premiums for individuals, however regarded b}' professional politicians, are small compared to those alfecting the best interests of the state. To gratify the Provincial Parliament with a groat exercise of patronage, and also to satisfy individual ambitions, a hundred times in a century — were the election of Governor annual, or twenty times were it, as it would bo sure to be, every five years — would be mere dust in the balance, compared to the importance to the scores 'TT C' 'il \''\ 246 FEDERAL BRITAIN. of millions of people, who in a Imiidred years would 1)0 concerned in having- the head man of tlieir Province Hulocted in the best possiMo manner. It is, tliorefore, mainly on tlieir account +' at the continuation of the present mode of appointing (lovernors is to be pre- ferred. As Mr. Willoughby puts it — from the Colonial point of view, in his well-weighed consideration of the question, in which ho inclines to the existing system — " Tiio difference of opinion as to the right policy to be pursued, whether to make the Governorship of the Colony a local or an Imperial appointment, will occur, not in England, but in Australia itself." Whenever the question may arise of the Transvaal and Orange Free State coming into the Empire, there would bo no reason, with Imperial Federation, why they slumld not retain the election of their presidents, should they prefer it. Looking solely to the interests of the Provinces in the question, it is impossible to suggest a better S3''stem than selection of Governors by the Crown. It is free from the worst objections which can bo urged against hereditary monarchs and elected presidents. The con- nection of the Provinces with the Empire can, however, be perfectly maintained without it, as we see in the instance of Canada. With the establishment of Imperial Federation, it would not be England that would make the appointments, but the Sovereign, on the advice of the Federal Ministry, in which the Colonies would bo well represented. The Provincial Governors would have little or no business to transact with the Imperial authorities, where there was an Intercolonial Federation, as they would be under its Governor-General. Were British Federation established, it might bo A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 247 |lit bo clesiiaLlo for Canada to restore to the Imperial Oovorn- niout the appointment of the Provincial Governors, for tlio reasons above assij^nod, and also for others of importance. It would be well, under a federal systoni, to provide for a considerable interchange of officials and public men between tlio diHt'rent portions of the Empire; so that those wlio should have to conduct its central government should liave as extensive an acquaintance as possible with its various territories. It would also be of great advantage to these that they should have among their public and official men, those who could bring back to them experience derived from having served for a time in other parts of the Empire. Canadians as well as Englishmen might well go as Governors to Australia and Australians to Canada. It is to be hoped too, that public men, starting in the Provinces — and rising to the Inter- colonial Federal Parliament, and then to that of the Empire, or even taken direct from their own Provinces — would be made Governors of the Presidencies, and even Viceroys of India. The Colonial constitutional systems, though not yet long in existence, have produced men quite equal to the highest of these positions. To avoid invidious mention of living men, two recently dead may without hesitation be named — Sir Alexander Gait and Sir John Macdonald. With Crown Colony Governorships also open to public men from the self-governing Colonies, these would gain more than they would lose by leaving the appointment of their governors with the Imperial Ministry; and then the Diplomatic and Consular services of the Federated Empire would bo open to statesmen and officials from all its parts. Even now, young men from the Colonies can conipete for these, as also for the Homo and Indian Civil 248 FEDERAL BRITAIN. Services and the Arm}' and Navy ; and it would only bo necessary that some j^reater facilities should bo afforded them for preparing and going in for the required examinations. Q'he Royal Family, in common with the whole British race and nation, would feel the beneficial and brilliant effects of Imjjerial Federation. The sphere of its occupations, and of its usefulness might be greatly extended, by itr members being brought into constant, advantageous, and agreeable contact with the people in all our Dominions. This they would be by holding Governorships as well as military and naval positions among them. Nothing could be more fitting than that, at times, the sons and brothers of the Sovereign should bo Viceroys of the Canadian, Australian, and South Afilcan Federations. Even an heir-apparent to the throne of the Empire, although he might not be able to serve for the full term of governorship, might io so for a lime. The Duke of York might take the position in Canada for perhaps two years — even for one would be better than that he should never occupy it ; and then, were a union formed in Australia, he might also preside over that. No arrangement could be more happy than that he should go out as first Yiceroy, on the inauguration of Intercolonial Federation in Australia. 'What a splendid apprenticeship it would be, for a future monarch of the great Constitutional Empire of Great Bwtain, to preside over the free Parliamentary Govern- ments of its two greatest Dominions ! Our princes would bo trained to take their most useful parts in our federal systems ; and there is no reason why, if the appointment of Colonial Governors lie loft with the Imperiid Government, ilioy sliouhl not take A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 249 lion Kit. llO ion a no at n- es in if th Ike rrovincifil GovornorBliipoS as well as Viceioyalties, esjiecially as the iiiJividual Colonies become more populous and important. It would be narrow prejudice to say that Republican- ism has not many merits, and is nut the best form of government for some peoples — the French, fur example. For our Empire, however, Monarchy, even were it not the existing form of government, will have the greatest advantages. It will impart to it greater dignity, in many ways. It would be preferable, were it only to save us from u periodical scramble for the chieftainship of the nation, between rival candidates, with months of noise, abuse, exaggeration, and party trickery. No doubt the nuisance might be abated in America, by having the President elected by tlio Chambers, '^s in Fro nee. It is impossible to estimate the immense good our Eoyal Family could do, not merely socially, but nationally, in moving about among all our people throughout the Federated Empire. Its head, tlie Sovereign, and Eoyal Family, would bo felt to belong as much to Australians, Canadians, South Africans, as to the people of the British Isles — ^just as much as the Federal Parliament in which they would all be directly represented,. There is much in a name. What should be the official name of the Empire, and the title of its Sovereign would therefore be important. " Queen of Great I5ritain" would bo most desirable; but the words "and Ireland," M'hich now form jtart of the title, limit it geographically to these Isles. Mr. Furster — with whom I once had the advantage of a conversation on the suViject — did not think it would bo easy to get over this diffietdfy, as to the use of il 250 FEDERAL BRITAIN, " Great Britain." Neither England, Wales, nor Scotland is named in tlio title, having to ho content to he included in " Great Britain," whilst Ireland Btiinds alone in solitary distinction. If, however, sho would not he aggrieved, at heing included with the rest of the Empire in the term " Great Britain," it could easily bo defined — hy Act of Parliament or Ro3'al Proclamation, or both — to apply to the whole Federated Empire ; so that, in addition to the names of the United Kingdoms, of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, it could he printed across all our maps. Whatever name for the Empire may ho decided upon, the same word or words should include all the countries inhabited by our race. " Britain " would not need the "Great" before it, for the fact would be so very obvious wore the Empire federated. Perhaps the insertion of the words *' of the liealms of" between "Queen" and "Britain" or "Great Britain" would get over tho difficulty about Ireland — the British Isles, Australia, Canada, and South Africa, being each defined to be one of the llealms of Britain. " It is good for us to be here," exclaimed Burke in admiration of the much less remarkoble progress of the Empire of his day. " We stand where we have an immense view of what is and of wliat is past. Lot us, however, before we descend from this noble eminence, reflect that this growth of our national prosperity has happened within the short period of tho life of man. There are those alive whose memory nught touch the two extremities." In no age or country did the memory of any Sovereign touch two extremities, of progress so remarkable, as that witnessed during her reign by (Jueen A^ictoria. Among men and monarchs sho has occupied a unicpie position, as a witness of A FEW CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS. 25 1 the most marvellous panorama, the most striking transformation-scene, which could ever have been presented — and but once — to human sight. When her Majesty came to the throne, the Colony now bearing her name, and also South Australia, consisted of tiny settlements only a few months old ; a mere handful of white men had pushed as far as the borders of what is now Queensland ; New Zealand had no existence as a Colony till some years later; South Africa was in a most backward condition. No visionary had then even dreamed of the opening of telegraphic communication with Australia, or that men would bo able to travel, in a fortnight, from London to the Pacific shores of Canada. Only till death sheathed the sword of the Great Alexander, and till defeat shattered that of the Great Napoleon, did the Empires endure which their mighty deeds of war had carved out. But the peaceful Empire, raised up under the gentle sceptre of (^)ueen Victoria, has every appearance of being lasting and beneficent. It only requires, for its perfect establishment, united organiza- tion of its common dnfonce and joint concerns. It possesses all the advantages of complete self-govern- ment in all its Dominions peopled by I'ritons. It should be more fully recognized how much the success of constitutional self-government, in so many Colonies, is due to its in.'iuguration under the auspices and example of the most perfect constitutional Sovereign that ever presided over a free people. Her reign is now so nearly the longest in the annals of England, that we may hope it will becomu so by many years. Considering how the Colonial Empivj has risen under her Majesty's rule — above all the important influence she has exercised in the constitutional de- 252 FEDERAL BRITAIN. velopmentof its free institutions — what would be more fitting tlian that the Colonies should, under her, be welded together, with each other and with Old England, in permanent federal union — that she should be the first Sovereign, Queen of Britain or Great Britain — a united world-wide Empire of free, self-governing States, perfectly organized for their common welfare, into the greatest of Powers. Should such a Queen not bo the first of a long line of its federal Sovereigns, history will regretfully record the fact. I mmm^'^m iro be td, :st ed es, I to bu ry APPENDIX. -♦o«- I VENTURED to suggGst the Allowing plan of Impeiial Military Organization — which might even be adopted before Federation — to the War Office, and subsequently in a letter, published in The Colonies and Indi 111 s of be erial „'nd the )Uld jr a eu ; to ial |eiy |ny py Ind 3er a regiment. A corresponding ninnber of nominations for com- missions should, therefore, be assigned to each Colony main- taining an Imperial regiment. Thus, with a little expansion of its organization, the British army would be more thoroughly Imperial than it has ever been, and its efficiency for the defence of the Empire would be greatly increased. If each province in Canada and Australia had, in addition to its ]\lilitia and Volunteer Forces, an Imperial regi- ment of a thousand men, these portions of the Empire would he almost absolutely secure from military attack ; for, within a few days, by means of the Pacific Kailway, an Imperial army of five or six thousand regular troops could be concentrated on the western shores of the dominion to repel any force which could be landed from beyond the sea. In Australia, also, with their systems of railways, the four Colonies on the mainland could in a few days concentrate four thousand Imperial regulars. Sydney and Melbourne are considered to be completely de- feuded from naval attack; but only the Colonial governments and the eminent Imperial military authorities whom they have consulted, can say whether they are perfectly safe against an enemy who might land two or three thousand men on the coast, beyond the range of the harbour forts, and march upon either capital from the rear. Any such danger, or the holding of any position on the Australian coast, by any force which cuuld be brought frum beyond the sea, ought to be, and I submit would be, rendered impossible by such Imperial organ- ization as I venture to suggest. Besides being periodically brigaded with other Imperial regulars in other parts of the Empire, the Imperial troops in Canada and in Australia could, by means of the railway systems, be respectively brought together, every alternate yoiir or so, for manoeuvres, in which the Militias and Volunteers might take part, to the more perfect training of both regular and reserve forces. This extension of Imperial mililary organization to the Colonies would facilitate the raising in them of considerable armies, if serious danger to any of our territories or to the Empire at large should ever require them. The Commander-in-Chief, some time since, expressed regiet il i! 256 APPENDIX. that tlio Colonies had been altogether deprived of the presence of Imperial troops. It is most desirable that Britons of Colonial birth should always have some of these anioug them, which they could call their own. It may be that the Imperial senti- ment was first kindled in me by the sji^ht of a few British redcoats, whom I can distinctly remember seeing, when 1 was a very little child, marching through the streets of my native city, Melbourne. Very similar arrangements might be made as regards war vessels maintained by the Colonies, like those of the Australian squadron. INDEX. -»<>•- Aboriginal races, 107, 110, 156 Absence of design in expansion and defence of Empire, 125-129 Adam Smith on CV-louial repre- sentation, 5 ; tlie Colonial policy of his time, 42, 49 Adderley, Mr. See Lord Norton. Advantages of Unity and Federa- tion to England and Colonies, 41-48, 56, 96, 185, 243; balance- sheet of, 43, 123 Africa, Soutli, and Imperial Fede- ration, 32, 138, 170, 221-223, 243 ; Sir Fredk. Young on question, 238 African, West, Colonies, 230 Afrikanders, value of Imperial Unity to, 33, 138, 145, 238 AgentK -General, 70, 147, 221 " Agglomeration " of nations. Na- poleon on, 118 Ambassadors, representatives of Colonies never to be regarded as, 54 American to bo leading branch of Anglo-Saxon race ? 46, 213, 241 American federal Constitution, heads of, 75 Americans need not have sepa- rated, 17, 120 ; had they been in Empire during Napoleonic wars ? 121. See United States. Ancestry, men with longest Colo- nial, warm Unionists, 120, 240 Anglo-Saxon race, future of, 47, 151 ; divisions among, 47, 185, 213 Annexation of Canada to States, 170, 211-216, 241 Appeal, Final Court of, 84, 113, 231 Array of the Empire, 97, 143, 253 Arnoid-ForstLT, Mr., 29 Arts, Socioty of, 31 "Assimilation" of French Cana- dians, 215 Australia : her population and that of United States. 40, 241 ; eftect of opening of telegraph to, 22 ; greatest future for, 170, 240, 243; first elective Council in, 6; her enormous coast line to defend, 241 ; her foreign neighbours, 240 ; self-government established in, 63, 175 ; growth of common interests with Canada, 238 ; not to separate till she can defend herself, 242 ; were Ilus.-5ia in India, 241 ; United States will dwarf her, 46, 241 Australian and Canadian Federa- tion Conferences and Conven- tions, 205, 218, 225-227 " Australian Association " and Fe- deration, 13; leading members of, 12 Australian Commerce, defence of, 235 Australian Federal Constitutiou proposed, 82, 226, 244 Australian Naval Squadron, 33, 38, 138, 224 Australians and Imperial Federa- tion, 237, 239-243 s "W h I •'i^^ 258 INDEX. ** Austrahmau, The" Reasons for Imperial Federation put by, 91 Auatro-IIungarinn Fcdoriil Couati- tutiou, GU, 78, 179 B Badeti-Powell, Sir George, and the Imperial Federation Loa<;ue, 28 Hanquet on opening of telegraph to Australia, 22 IJases of Scheme of Imperial Fede- ration, 192-194, 197,228 Beacoiihiield, Lord, and Hritish Federation, 21 IJelgium, Canadian and Australian interests in, 182 Rlachford, Lord, favourable to dis- integration, 18 lllake, Mr. Edward, advocates Im- perial Federation, 10 " Bloated urmanieuts," 184 Moera and British Federation, 33, 138, 140, 238 Jioose's, Mr., "Titles of Publica- tions in Connection with Impe- rial Policy," 33 Bristol, relations with Colonies dis- cussed at, in 1869, 19,36 Britain, Great, " Canton of Greater Britain," 207 ; llealms of, 250 British Constitution " imperfect " without Federation, 5 P>ritish race, no further division of, 47, 171, 185, 213 Britons, not to be foreigners to one another, 37, 172, 183; test of their being up to standard of their race, 7; ten million unrepre- sented in Government of Em- pire, 68, 161, 234 Bryce's, Professor, " American Commonwealth," 75 Bundesrath, if only federal body in Germany ? 70 Burke, on representation of Colo- niee in England, 4; on Fede- ration, 3; his descriptions of Colonial growth, 58, 250; his grand picture of " Two Exti emi- tios" of progress, and that soon by Queen Victoria, 250 C Canada, oflfcct of lier annexation to States, 170, 211-210, 241; ex- ample of, 22.") ; greatest future fur, 170, 240, 243 ; growth of her common interests with Australia, 238 ; rajjid maturity of her fede- ration, 16, 175; standing alone beside United Shites, 216, 241 " Canada and the Canadian Ques- tion," by Mr. Goldwin Smith, 205 Canadian and Australian Federa- tion Conferences and Conven- tions, 205, 218,225 Canadian Federal Constitution, 16, 69, 73, 94, 175, 225 CanadiaJi Pacific Railway, 20, 112, 171, 175 Canadians, " Assimilation " of P^rench with Americans, 215 Canadians favourable to Imperial Federation, 215 Canadians, future of French, 211, 215 Cannon Street Meetings, 1869, 19; resolutions passed at, 20 " Canton of Greater Britain," 207 Childers, Right Hon. II. C. i:., on Imperial Federation, 91 ; on strength of navy, 93, 184 Church Establishment, example of Provincial question, 104 Clarke, Sir George S. — Chapter VII., " Imperial Defence," by, 125-148 Coaling stations, 43, 83, 97, 137, 143, 161, 235 Cobden, Mr., in favour of powerful navy, 184 Coinage, 73, 83, 112 Colomb, Sir John, and Federation League, 28; on Imperial De- fence, 97 Colonial forces, 107, 144, 253 Colonial Office, position of, with Imperial Federation, 103, 110, l!lil: INDEX. 259 230 : influence at, of Lord Blach- ford and Sir Robert Herbert, 18 Colonies, the, advantages to, of Imperial Unity and Federation, 45-48,56,96; Crown and smaller, and Imperial Federation, 155, 227, 229; defence of, at different stages of growth, 37, 43, 44, 107, 155, 175, 182 ; help rendered and offered by, M4, 155, 190; pro- portion of expense of defences borne by, 140, 235; representa- tion of in present Imperial Parlia- ment, 10, 52; sharing responsi- bilities and burdens of Empire, 11, 1G2; slander on, 120, 242; standing ulono, 46, 184, 243; taking part in wars, 155; "To miss their higher destiny," 170, 240; would have to Hacrifice nothing for Imperial Federation, 92, 161, 212; would they submit to Imperial taxation? 92, 162, 181, 199 Commerce, distribution of Colonial, 132 ; security of, not best fiscal system, most important to, 129- 134, 139, 184, 195, 202, 234-237 Commercial treaties, 50, 100, 225 Common defence, expense, danger, control, and representation, 124 Common interests, 130, 103, 182, 188, 192, 198, 210, 237 " Concluding considerations, a few," 233-252 Confederation distinguished from Federation, 64, 70, 78, 84, 229 Conference on Colonial Questions, 1871, 21, 61 ; on Imperial Fede- ration, 1884, 29, 179 ; at Colonial Exhibition, 1886, 23, 186; of re- presentatives of Colonies, 1887, 33, 70, 137, 224; object-lesson taught by latter, 33, 224 Conferences preceding Australian Convention, 226 ; for special pur- poses, 142, 225, 238; meeting peri- odically, 146, 225; to lay down bases of Federation, 217, 224- 228 ; to arrange contributions to navy, 142 Constitution, framed by Australian Convention, 82 ; framed by Cana- dian Convention, 225 ; for govern- ments to frame, 72 ; for indi- viduals and societies only to suggeHt, 219 ; how ono might be agreed upon by representatives of the Empire, 228-232 " Constitution of Canada," DoutreV, 74, 225 Constitutions, alterations in pro- vincial, 109 Constitutions, English and French modes of making, 119; paper, 15, 16; rapid establishment of, in Colonies, 15, 63, 175, 177, 196 " Continental Union," by Mr. Goldwin Smith, 212 "Contraction of England and itii advocates," 149-172 Convention at Quebec in 1864, to arrange Canadian federation, 205, 225; at Sydney, in 1891, to frame Australian Constitution, 205, 226 Convention to draw up Imperial Constitution, 226, 229 Co-operative defence cheapest and most effective, 38, 47, 99 Copyright, 73, 83, 112 Council, Colonial or Imperial, 36, 54, 63, 69, 158, 195 Crown Colony representatives in Imperial Conferences, 227; in federation, 155, 227, 229 Cut-and-dried plans of Federation, 72, 218, 220, 225 P Daily News, Professor Goldwin Smith's letters in, 17, 42 Dalley, Mr., the New South Wales Imperial Statesman, 240 Dalton, Canon, on existing Federal Constitutions, 72; on trade of Colonies with Belgium, 182 Deakin's, Mr., Imperial ideas, 130, 240 A. %, v«> <% ^. % IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /// /M/. // V /^ .Si ^EfT Ay// ''•■^ ^ //,. *^^ if. ^^.%^ 1.0 I.I ■i, IM 11^ 12.2 m 110 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 -* 6" — ► ^ <^ i^ /. ' % '> ^ ^ "^ ..* /^, // O 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ''m^. ^ W^.r '4 ^ 6^ , 26o INDEX. >i Debtor and creditor account of advantages of unity, 43, 123 Decades, two, of progress, 34, i64 Defence, Imperial, 95 ; Colomb, Sir John, on, 97 ; comprehensive scheme of, principles of, 146 ; co- operative, 38, 99 ; joint at joint expense, 98 ; little considered, 135 ; of Colonies at different stages of growth, 37, 175,182; pro- portion of, now borne by Colonies, 140, 235; principally naval, 47, 71, 135; Royal Commission, 136 ; Bingle - handed, 96, 163, 183; standing Committee of, 147 ; want of design, 125-129 *• Defence, Imperial," Chapter VII., by Sir George S. Clarke, 125-148 Defence, Provincial, 98, 107, 143, 147 Delenda est Carthago, 216 Uenison, Sir William, 19 Depew, Mr., 18 Details of Federation for govern- ments to work out, 72, 165, 179, 180, 189, 196, 197, 218, 225 Differential duties, 48-50, 107, 138, 231 " Discussions on Colonial Ques- tions," 21, 61 Discussions on Unity and Federa- tion at Birmingham, 173; at Bristol, 19, 3(! ; at Colonial Con- ferences of 1871 and 1886, 21, 23, 186; at Devonport, 21; at Royal Colonial Institute, 2, 23, 40, 86, 186 Disintegration, advocates of, 41, 153, 171, 178,214; fallacies of, 42, 169; negation of a policy, 17, 164; opposition to aroused, 18 1 )ivi8ion, no further, of British race, 47, 171, 185, 213 Division of labour, 53, 158, 178, 180, 196 Does the Empire " pay "? 43, 123 Domicile, Law of. 111 Doutro'a, Mr., "Constitution of Canada," 74, 225 Dream good to indulge in, 90 Drift, 17 Dufferin's, Lord, services, 171 Dynasties and divisions preserved by German federation, 77 E " Early History of Colony of Vic- toria," 6, 170 Economists, false and true, 41-47, 50, 123 Eildy, I\Ir., paper of, on Imperial Federation, 22 Education, 105; a provincial ques- tion, 105 Educational value of Federation, 209 Elimination, process of, by .Mr. Goldwin Smith, 214 Emigration, 113 Empire, the, extension of, 32, 100, 125-129; genius of, 18 ; "Colos- sal " forces of, 10, 47, 96, 118, 148, 168, 185, 190; does it "pay"? 43,123; liow foreigners regard it, 41; love of, 7; must be de- fended as whole, 134 ; objections to word, 206 ; " Permanent unity of," 40-60; "Political organiza- tion of," 86-124 " Empire, The," by Professor Gold- win Smith, 17, 42, 164 Empires, how extended by other Nations, 126 ; raised by victories of war and peace, 199, 251 England, advantages to, of unity and Federation, 41-48, 56, 96, 117, 161, 181 ; feeding her people, 45 ; greatest future for, 170, 240, 243; " Simply a European State," standing alone, and overtaxing her strength, 117, 152, 163, 241 "Euglanders, Little," 27, 32, 42, 117, 130, irS, 211 Englishmen distrusting their country, 164 Esquimault, 83, 14? "Essential principles of Imperial Federation," 177, 186-199, 221 Ever for, unity, why not? 122 Evolution of Federal from Unity principle, 27, 35 INDEX. 261 their 3erial Vl\ Jnity Executive, Federal, 51, 5G, CO, 230 Exiiibition of 188ii proved impor- tance of federal organization, 197-199 " Expausion of Eufyland," Pro- fessor Seeley's, 3:5, 150 Extensions of the Empire, 32, 100 •' Extremities, Two," Burke's, 250 Federal Constitution frimod by Australian Convention, 82, 22G ; Constitutions existing, 72-85. Hee Executive. Federal idea, rise of, 1-31; objec- tion to use of word, 200; revival in Colonit, -Z J. lea. 11 Federal (^u isti^-Jii* See, Questions Imperial. Federalism, great success offc 10,75, 85, 89, 179 FederaliHt, The, 75 Federalists only have clear views of future, 57 ; Mr. Goldwin Siiiitii challenges them to produce plan, 1G5, 205; why they need not do so, 71, 72, 171>, 180; no mere theorists, 71, 188 Federation, definition of, 64, 84, 178, 239; l)y Professor Freeman, 91 Federation distinguisliod from Con- federation, 04, 70, 78, 84, 229; feeling way towards, 19, 35, 03 Federation essential where ter- ritories are vast, 178 ; " Fal- lacies of," by IMr. Wm. Forster of Now South Wales, 100; more essential for United Empire than United States, 178, 11>7; most complicated form of, 78 ; pro- vinces keeping out of, 75, 210, 222, 220, 232 ; rapid growth of, in Canada, 10, 175; suggestion of alterntitive plans of, desirable, 03, 219; wliat it has done for nations, 15, 75, 85, 89, 179 ; well- known form of government, 179; with Monarchies and .Uepublics, 85 Federation, Imperial, belief in unity of Empire loads to idea, 35; conditions of, 228; confer- ence and convention to frame constitution, 218, 228-232; de- tidls of, for govf-rnnHMits to ar- range, 72, 180, 189, 218 : essential principhs of, 180, 191 ; greatest of political questions, 57, 89, 123; in four sentences, 123; no mere theory, 71, 72-85, 88 ; of more importance if Canada an- nexed to United States, 241 ; origin and growth of idea, 1-34; plans of, 04; process of arriving at idea, 35, 188; Professor Free- man opposed to, 200; time to consider it, 58-00 ; were all not to join, 210, 232; wisely excluded from discussion by Conference of 1887, 224; with least hange in present Imperial Par'iament, 68, 190; without Intercolonial Fede- ration, 222, 237; who should make proposals of, 189, 227. See Objections to. Federation, Intercolonial, a ques- tion for tlie Colonies alone, 108, 222; Australian, 82, 226; Cana- diau, 73. 225; idea of, leads up to Imperial Federation, 30 ; more diliicult than Imperial Federa- tion, 55, 159; not essential to Imperial, 210, 221-223 Federation making, 217-232 lY'deration of Federations, 04, 220 "Federations, live existing," 72- 85 Fiscal policy need not be uniform throughout Empire, 48, 114, 153, 183, 195, 213, 230; not first con- siflciation of Imperial import- ance, 195, 237 Fiscal spectacles, 234 " Five existing Federations," 72- 85 •'Flag, trade following." 32, 131 Foreign alfairs, 99, 103; entangle- ment of, with domestic party politics, 100, 159, 180 Foreigners, how they regard our Empire, 41, 118, 151,185 a 262 INDEX. I 4' Forster, Mr. W. E., address by, in i 87i), 2G, iK) ; and anti-federa- tion JingDisni, 207 ; attaches im- portanco to discussion of unity question, 20 ; idoa realizinj:; itself, •JO, 187: Mr. Jolin Morlpy at- tempts t) answer him, 1.51; on title of Bovfrcign, 249 ; and Im- perial Federation Conference and League, 28-30 Forster, Mr. William, of New South Wales, on "Fallacies of Federation," Intercolonial, 100 Fortresses, 4:5, 83, 97, 130, 143, 161 Fox, Sir William, 30 *' Framing a Federal Constitution," 217-232 Franchise and electorates, GO, 193, 229 Freeman, Professor, "History of Federal Government," 89; his definition of Federation, 94 ; op- poses Imperial Federation, 200, 213; Mr. Forster answers him, 207 Free trade, how niu(;h further it might have been carried, 114- 110 French Cana; Mr. (Toldwin Smith on "assimilation" of, 215 Future, Federalists only have clear ideas about, 57 *' Fniiiro lleiations of England aud lier Colonies," 30, 01 G Gait, Sir Alexander, SO, 154, 170, 201, 247 0-ographical unity, 52, 119, 100, 191,212 George, Mr. Henry, on American separation, 17 German Federal Constitution, 50, 69, 70, 70, 94 Germany, unity of, 62, 171, 179, 218 Gibraltar, 83, 155, 165 (tladstoue, Mr., expression of sym- pathy by, 223; on American separation, 121 ; on Imperial initiative, 228; naval defence, 131 ; .strength of England, 110 Goal, ultimate. Federation, 51,238 Godlty, Mr. J. R., on Unity and l''ederation, 6-8 ; letter of, to Mr. (rladstnne, 7; list of Imperial questions, 8; "Omen of an Em- pire's fall," 7; on "In.stinct of nati<»nal pride and love of Em- pire,' 7 Governors, appointment of, 84, 103, 213-24S ; members of Royal Family as, 248; standing instruc- tion to, 228 Great jjower-mcaking capabilities of federalism, 10 Greatest of political questions, 57, 89, 123, 171, 185 Grenville, George, 2, 120 Grey, Earl, and a Colonial Council, 54 Growth of Colonies, 58, 177, 251 ; does not admit of slow growth of institutions, 15, 177 ; of Colonial questions, 40, 03, 87, 173; of Unity and Federal principle, 19, 20, 27, G3, 87 H Halifax. 83, 145 Haniilton, Alexander, and The Federalist, 75 Hamilton's, Mr. Archibald, calcu- lation as to eost of Colonies, 42 Harrison, Mr. Frederic, and "the reduotif)!! of the Empire," 153 Heaton, Mr. Henniker, 31 Heirs to throne as viceroys, 248 Herbert's, Sir Robert, beuelicial intluence at Colonial Oflice, 18 Highways of the Empire, 97, 142, 182, 191, 198, 235 Hobbledehoyhood of young States, 243 Hofnieyr's, Mr., proposed Imperial customs duty, and opinion as to subsidies, 138, T41, 145, 201, 202 INDEX. 263 calcu- is, 42 'the M8 leticial 18 , 142, states, Iperial as to 11, 202 HollaiKl, how to make England a second, IIG Holroyd's, Mr. Justice, view, 210 Homo Rule for Ireland, 21, 55, 69, 108, 106 How is Federation to be brought about? 217-2:32 Howe's, Mr. Joseph, utterances in favour of Imperial Federation, 9 " Idea realizing itself," 26, 90, 187 Imperial. Sev. Headings — Constitu- tion, C'ouncil, D'jfence, Executive, Federation, Parliament, Prime Minister, Questions, and Re- venue. "Imperial," objections to word, use and abuse of it, H6, 88, 206 *• Imperial Defence," hv Sir George S. Clirke, Chapter VII., 125- 148 Imperial Federation League, for- mation of, 28, 179 ; deputations of, to Lord 8alisl)ury and Mr. (iladstone, 220, 223, 228; formu- lation of phins by, 180, 189, 219-223; services of, 30 ; dissolu- tion of, 30, 223 Independence for Australia, Canada, and South Africa, 33, 96, 131, 183, 211-216, 235, 239-243 India, 50, 102, 247 ; eilect of pos- session of, r)y Russia on England and Australia, 241; defence of, 143, 147 ; must be held by strength of federated Empire, 102, 192 ; I'rofessor Goldwiu Smith on ac- quioition and retention of, 50, 165 Indies. Sac West. Instinct of national pride, 7 Institute, Imperial, 31 Institute, Royal Colonial, 23 ; founded, 23 ; Imperial Federa- tion discussed at, 23 ; services of, 24 Insular philosophy, 116, 153, 171, 178 Intorchnnge of statesmen and officials, 247 IntiTcolonial. See Federation. Interdependence of interests of Empire, 130, l:;3, 163, 182, 198, 210,237 Inutility of federation, proving, 169 Isolation for Great Britain and Colonies, 33, 45, 46, 241 Italy, unity of, 62, 171 Jamaica, 229 Jay antl T/t« Fcdernlist, 75 Jenkins, Mr. Edwartl, proposes Imperial Federation in 1871, 20 Jingo objections to Federation, 158, 207, 239, 243 Joint defence at joint expense, 38, 98, 100, 140, 162 K " Xents," Colonies, 164, 165, 253 Kindred people, unity of, 62, 171 King George's Sound, 83, 144 Knutsford, Lord, and Imperial Federation, 30 Lamentations of Mr. Gold win Smith, 164, 169 Land Laws for Provincial regula- tion, 105 T^eadership of Anglo-Saxon race 46, 213, 241 IjCgacy duty payable in England on property in Colonies, 112 Littleness, Policy of, 27, 32, 42, 216, 241 London Chandler of Commerce, 31 Love of Empire, 7 Lowe, Mr. Robert, advocates Im- perial Confederacy in old Legis- lative Council of New South Wales, r Lyall, Sir V., on expansion of Em- pires, ' j8 ^i 264 INDEX. \ \ M Maoaulav, Lord, on separation of United States, 121 MacdonuM, Sir John A., and Im- pcriiil retleriition. 150, 170, 194, 197, 208, 231, 239 Provincial. See Defence, Parlia- ments, Quohtions. Provisional Committee of Imperial Federation League, 28. 29 ; views of, 180 Prussia greater since merged in Germany, 101, 207 Quebec, Canadian Federation Con- vention at, 225 Queen, the. See Victoria. Queen. " Queen and United Empire," toast, 24 Queenslaud and Australian in- dependence, 240 ; irritation in, caused by New Guinea policy 240; division of, 81 Question in four sentences, 123 Questions, Imperial, 8, 95-103 ; Colonial Office in relation to Federation, 103; Difence, 95, 125; extensions of the Empire, 100; foreign affairs, 99; India, 102; naturalization, 73, 83, 84, 103; revenue and expenditure, 'd'i; Mr. Godley's list of, 8; under Canadian and proposecl Australian Constitution treated as Federal, 73, 83, 95 Questions, Provincial, 103-110 ; Abolition of Provincial Govern- ments in New Zeiiland, 80 ; al- terations ot Provincial Constitu- tions, 109 ; Canadian and Austra- lian Federations would liave to hand over but few questions to Federation of Empire, 83; Church establishment, 104; division of Queensland, 81 ; education, 105; Intercolonial Federation, 108; internal defence, 107 ; Irish Home Rule, 21, 55, 108, 190; land laws, 105; native races, 110; taxation and tariffs, 106 ; under Catiatlian Constitution, 73 Questions wiiich might be either Imperial or I'rovincial, 111-116; Coinage, 112; copyright, 112; domicile. 111; emigration, 113; Final Court of Appeal, 113 ; Fioal policy, 1 14, 116 ; marriage laws, 1 11 ; patent laws, 112 ; rail- ways, steamers, telegraphs, 112; reciprocity, 114-llG; wills, 112 Railways, 74, 83, 112 Realms of Britain, 250 Reciprocity, 50, 1 14 Red ('oat, Tlie, and Colonial-born Britons, 98, 250 Reference of questions for legisla- tion by Provincial to Federal Parliament, 84 Representation in Parliament of E:npire, 192, 197, 229 ; numeri- cal, 230 Republicanism not suited to our Empire, 249 Republics and Monarchies vith Federation, 85 Resolutions at CV.nnon Street meet- ings, 20; at Impcriid Federa- tion Conference, 1884, 29, 179 Revenue, Imperial, 98, 106; modes of raising, 193, 199-203, 230; reated :i-110 ; lovern- <0 ; al- institu- Vustra- mvc to ions to Churcli sion of m, 105: 1, 108; \\ Ilonio ; land 8, 110: ; uuder 3 e either 11-116: it, 112: Ml, 113: il, 113 : [Tiarriago VI ; ruil- fihs, 112: lis, 112 ;iial-born legisla- Ft'deral iraciit of mimeri- to our les ^v ith got mcet- Ft'dera- ), 179 ; modes )3, 230: INDEX, 267 sources of taxation reserved for, 103, 230 : s'lbsidios towards, 202 "Ri.se of the Fedenil Principle," 1-34 Robinson, Sir Hercules, 54, ITC) Robinson, Sir .John, on break-up of Empire, 133 liogers, Professor Thorold, on dis- tance of Colonies and their re- j)re8ontiition, 52, 1(10 " lioll of British drum following the sun," 98 liosebery. Earl of, and Iin|)orial Federation, 29, 30, 17G : on Sir John Mucdoiiald, 30 Royal Odonial. See Institute. Royal family in our Federal system, 248 ; members of, as governors and viceroys, 248 Russell, Earl, an Imperial Fede- ralist, 14 Russia in India aiTccting Australia, 241 S Sacrifices to be made for Federa- tion, 101, 181 : Colonies would really have to make none, 92, 1(51 Salisbury, Lord, and a delinite plan, 220 Satisfactory relations of Empire no argument against Federa- tion, 190 Schools imparting knowledge of Empire, 135, 167; military and naval, 97, 248 Sea, expansion of Britain by, 129 : l)orne trade, 128, 129; value of lo England and Franco, 140 Security, not best fiscal system, most important to trade, 195,230 Seiley, Professor Sir J. R., "Ex- pansion of England," by, 33, 127, 150 ; Mr. John Morley and INIr. Goldwin Smith attempt to an- swer, 150; proves that England, "as simply a European State," will be dwarfed, 152 Self-government in Colonies rapidly established, 15, 63, 175 ; Imperial Federation would not interfere with, 22, 56, 92, 90, 212, 239; express gunranteo of, iniKlit be in Federal Conj