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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed begikining in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planr < bject. I saw in the Old State House in Boston a copy ot a hand-bill that was circulated October, 1835, offering a reward of $100, raised, it said, by a number of patriotic citizens, to reward the individual who shall lay hands on Thompson the abolitionist, so that he may be brought to the tar kettle before dark. It called him an infamous scoundrel and closed with the words : " Friends of the Union, be vigilant." And this to occur in 1835, and less than forty miles from Plymouth Rock, is no WOT ler that I^well wrote : It "Massach'iHetts, God forgive her, She's akiieelin' with the rest, She thet o\ fh' to ha' cleiig ferever In her gr;ind old eagle nest ; v,r K'^nm 10 She thet oiigh' tc> stand so fearless While the wracks are round her hurled Holdin' up a beacon peerless To the oppressed of all the world." I'wenty- seven years later, notwithstanding that State laws, judicial decisions and public sentiment were against the slave, the great Lincoln, stirred with a sympathy for the oppressed that would do no discredit to him who stood on Mars' Hill in the morn of Christianity to declare God " hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth," issued the proclamation that assured freedom to 4,000,000 of blacks. " A case was recently presented to the Supreme Court of Indiana in which a widow had brought suit ao^ainst a saloon keeper and his landlord for damages done to the widow's property, and the enjoyment of her home, by the establishment and maintenance of a saloon adjoining her residence. The defendants pleaded a license under the law of the State authorizing the saloon business. The license law of the State of Tndiana made no exception as to locality and the saloon keeper flaunted his license in the face of the widow with the utmost confidence that she was powerless and without relief under the law. In its first decision upon that question, the Court held that the widow was not entitled to any relief. A petition for rehearing was presented, considered, and sustained. The Court having thus opened the case for reconsideration gave to the question presented remarkable and very unusual attention, and finally decided : first, that the widow had a right of action ; second, that the saloon keeper and also his landlord, Tiho had leased the property for saloon pur- poses, were each liable for damages ; third, that the license was no protection to the business in that locality ; fourth, that an orderly saloon in an orderly residence neighbor- hood is, per se, a nuisance. In reaching these conclusions the Court was compelled to disregard and annul largely the letter of the license law ; to declare that no statute could authorize by it ' provisions or give its protection to any act or business spch as the business in the case 11 presented ; that the saloon business is offensive to good morals and sound sentiment." Mr. Ritter thus leads up to a discussion of the saloon question. He quotes from a decision of the United States Supreme Court in 1891. "The statistics of every State show a greater amount of crime and misery attributable to the use of ardent spirits obtained in these retail liquor saloons than to any other source." In 1887 the Presby- terian Church of Canada said in her temperance report : " The conviction is deepening and intensifying throughout the Church, and throughout the land, that the liquor traffic is an unspeakable and unmitigated evil ; that it is a seductive and corrupting power, making humiliating inroads on the Church herself ; and that fidelity to Christ and compassion for men forbid any compromise with a foe so terrible, or any method of settling the controversy short of its utter extermination." In 1894 the Methodist Church of Canada said : " The liquor traffic of to-day is the greatest stumbling block in the Church's progress, is fraught with untold evils to humanity and spreads desolation over the length and breadth of our fair Dominion. . . . That we are unalterably opposed to all efforts to regulate the liquor traffic by taxation or license, high or low. These afford no protection from its ravages, but, on the other hand, entrench it in the commonwealth, throw around it an artificial garb of respectability, and make the people partakers of and responsible for the evils resulting there- from. 'It is impossible to legalize the liquor traffic without sin.' " Mr. Ritter says : " This being settled, that any business that produces or tends to produce misery or crime is immoral and unlawful, it follows that the business that produces the most misery and crime is the most immoral and the most unlawful. Therefore, as 'the statistics of every State show a greater amount of crime and misery attributable to the use of ardent spirits obtained in these retail liquor saloons than to any other source,' the saloon business is the most immoral arid most iinlaviful business known to society. . . . Lottery, gambling, prostitution and all other immoral business enterprises of like character cannojb be licensed by law, because of their immorality. 12 For the same reason, any law that undertakes to license saloons is void on legal principles well settled, and must be so declarec^ by the courts. . . . License systems for lotteries and license systems for gambling have been declared void by the, courts. Slavery in England was destroyed by decision of the King'" Bench. Slavery in the United States was abolished by the proclamation of the Chief Executive. . . . Lord Chancellor Cottingham, of Engl '^ ad, a few years ago said : 'That it is the duty of courts ot equity, and the same is true of all courts and of all institutions, to adapt its practice and course of proceed- ings, as far as possible, to the existing state of society, and to apply its jurisdiction to al) these new cases which, from the progress daily making in the affairs of men, must con- tinually arise, and not, from too strict an adherence to forms and rules established under very different circum- stances, decline to administer justice and to enforce rights for which there is no other remedy.' . . . The Supreme Court of Indiana in a recent decision said : ' A statute which should attempt to authorize prize-fighting would most certainly be opposed to the spirit of the Constitution, and indeed that of the law itself, long since defined wO be a rule of civil conduct prescribed by the supreme power of a State, commanding what is right and prohibiting what is wrong.' But it is claimed by some defenders of the saloon system that if it were not for that system anyone and everyone could conduct the saloon business without restrictions. Upon this very point when the question was in issue the Supreme Court of the United States in 1891 said : ' There is no inherent right in a citizen to thus sell intoxicating liquors by retail. It is not a privilege of a citizen of the State or of the United States.' ... I affirm with the utmost confidence that no Act of the Legis- lature that attempts to license or regulate and restrict any business that is iminoral, or that tends to the promotion and encouragement of immorality can be valid ^he Supreme Court of the United States, the Supreme Court of Indiana, and the Supreme Courts of other States have, in legal effect and contemplation, held that the saloon business is an immoral business. If it is it cannot be legally licensed. ... It seems to me, that under the A v> I \ 13 \< •i enlightenment and development of civilization and educa- tion the most surprising thing presented to our view is the continuance and prosperity of this greatest crime and misery producing system. That of all the theories and systems of legislation upon any subject the worst and most destructive should survive with us (speaking of Indiana) more than one hundred years, is beyond comprehension. I arraign this system before the good citizens of this State, and the whole nation with its one hundred years of record and history, every page of which is stained with !';;>od, and which is condemned from every source worthy of consider- ation, and charge it with every crime known to man, and deny that it has one redeeming trait." In 1839 Lord Brougham said, when speaking in the House of Lords : "To w^hat good is it that the Legislature should pass laws to punish crime, or that your Lordships should occupy yourselves in trying to improve the morals of the people by giving them education ? What can be the use of sowing a little seed here and plucking up a weed there if these beer-shops are to be continued to sow the seeds of immorality broadcast over the land, germinating the most frightful produce that ever has been allowed to grow up in a civilized country, and, 1 am ashamed to add, under the fostering care of Parliament ? " A few years ago the Woodstock Sentinel- Review, under the heading, "Cruel, Callous Neglect," recorded the shame- ful neglect of four small children, the eldest seven years and the youngest only four months old. The mother was dead. The children had been left for days without food. "The father," said the paper, "has been idling his time away about the bar-rooms while his children were locked up at home crying for bread." These bar-rooms were, alas that it must be said, licensed by the Christian voters of Wood- stock and Oxford. The Scott Act could never have been repealed without the votes of many church members. I saw the following in a religious paper : "A wretched mother dropped dead ... at the feet of her son who had been a burden and a sorrow to her. This son, who was thirty years old, instead of helping his mother spent his wages for whiskey. At last the mother concluded that committing him as an habitual drunkard might lead to hiSi 14 refbriaatidn. She was called to the witness stand to swear to the complaint, but the strain was too great lor her, and she dropped dead with the words upon her lips : * It is breaking my heart.' " What makes such scenes possil-le? Did Christian men recognize the fact that moral and civil law tire parts of the same thing, and then compel the legislators to pass laws bearing the impress of a moral uplift, could such heart-rending incidents occur 1 The failure to recognize this principle, and the fear of the consequences to their political party, the outcome of such failure caused a number of ministers, editors and others of the States to so treat J. G. Wooley that he felt com- pelled, when addressing an Endeavor Society in a Presby- terian Church, to say : " For in the midst of hissing minis- ters, and money-grabbing editors, and dirt-eating oflficials, in the scud and fog and eclipse of faith-destroying ecclesias- ticism, when *I saw the prosperity of the wicked,' and 'was envious at the foolish,' and 'm}'^ feet were almost gone,' I heard the flag of the Church of Jesus Christ straining at its halyards and flapping in the swirl of oncoming revolu tions; and I looked up and spelled out the blood-red letters on its ground of snow : ' The liquor traffic can never be licensed without sin, and no political party has the right to expect nor ought it to receive the vote of a Christian man so long as it stands committed to the license policy or refuses to put itself upon record in an attitude of open hostility to the saloon.' . . . Standing beneath that flag, . . . I ^^g of you to be strong. For I call you to service where each success will look like a new kind of failure, where there will be rarely a cheer but such as come from the blue lips of helpless agony, and where the brightest thing in sight for years to come, may be the tears that glisten on the haggard cheeks of drunkards' wives and mothers ; and the most inspiring music you shall hear will be the wails of little children crying in the night that has no dawn ; where victories will open up new labors and anxieties, and where, perhaps no rest will come, until under the cumulative heartache of it all, you yearn for the tender grace of a grave." Alas ! that the Church of Jesus Christ can be charged with criminal indifference. What is the reason foi* this ri?' 15 indifference'? I sometimes think that the bar-rooms strongest defence is the spirit of intense partyism of the day. Church members have been so afraid of hurting the party to which they belong that they have been indiffiereat when widows and orphans have pled for protection from the ravages of this blighting, blasting, withering, damning bar-room system. " Hear O heavens, and give ear O earth, for the Lord hath spoken," — '* Destroy not him with thy meat for whom Christ died." But "you cannot make men moral by Act of Parliament." The man who makes such a statement does so because of a confusion of terms. He seems to think that as civil gov- ernment cannot enforce religion, or forms of religious worship, or control matters of belief, neither can it enforce morality or control moral conduct. Why put the drunkard in jail 1 To make him moral by Act of Parliament. Why arrest the man who sells indecent literature 1 To conserve the morals of the community. The seller does not force anyone to buy. Then why place the hands of the law upon him 1 Is it not said, "That stolen waters are sweet 1 That if you attempt to prohibit its sale the boys will get it in some way ! That it is not wise to compel the boys to get it in an underhand manner, so vou had better license its sale in order that you may keep watch over it and then ask the pulpit and the press to urge the boys not to buy." No ! People do not talk that way about the sale of indecent literature It is only when dealing with the "gigantic crime of crimes " that some men talk as if th(;y were bereft of reason. It is only when dealing with the infamous liquor traffic that some good men advocate giving the evil side all the benefit of the law. Why do we legislate against certain kinds of gambling? To conserve the morals of the people. Have we not need to blush over the fact that when New York State prohibited gambling at horse races our own Ontario furnished at Fort Erie a safe retreat for the gamblers from the other side? Why have we outlawed the lottery, prize-fighting, and most of the immoral practices of the day ? Why treat with legal re- spect a system that, according to Gladstone, has brought more heartache and wretchedness to this world than war, pestilence and famine ? If the law cannot do as much as 16 We wish towards making men moral, in God's name let us stop making men immoral by Act of Parliament. Why by license or tax give a legal status to that which is fruitful only in wretchedness and crime ? Why protect by law a traffic which merits the following statement by Sir Oliver Mowat : "An enormous proportion, probably three- fourths of the vice which prevailed at the present day, of the crime which they had to contend with, of the lunacy, the idiocy, the poverty and the misery of every kind, was owing to the foul evil of intemperance. When from one frightful cause such enormous evils resulted, it was no wonder that the humane, the benevolent, and the Christian were excited in their endeavor to provide some remedy." I like the trumpet tones of Lord Chesterfield's address in the House of Lords in 1743 : " Vice is not to be taxed but to be suppressed. Would you lay a tax upon a breach of the Ten Commandments ? Would not such a tax be wicked and scandalous ? Luxury may very properly be taxed, but the use of those things which are simply hurtful — -hurtful in their own nature and in eveiy degree — is to be prohibited. If these liquors are so delicious that people are tempted to their own destruction, let us at length secure them from these fatal draughts by bursting the vitils that contain them. Let us check these artists in slaughter, who have reconciled their countrymen to sickness and to ruin, and who spread over the pitfalls of debauchery such baits as cannot be resisted." Bishop Ireland, in 1889, de- livered a speech that contained the following burning words : " The Catholic Church is absolutely and irre- vocably opposed to drunkenness and to drunkard-making. In vain we profess to work for souls if we do not labor to drive out an evil which is daily begetting sins by the ten thousand and peopling hell. In vain we boast of civiliza- tion and liberty if we do not labor to exterminate intem- perance. Education, the elevation of the masses, liberty — all that the age admires — is set at naught by the dreadful evil. The individual conscience is the first arm in opposing it, but the individual conscience has to be strengthened and supplemented by law. The claim of the saioon keepers to freedom in tiheir traffic is the claim to spread disease, sin and pauperism." The late Cardinal Manning stated the 17 case in homely but expressive words : " It is mere mockery to ask us to put down drunkenness by moral and religious means, when the legislature facilitates the multiplication '^f the incitements to intemperance on every side. You luight as well call upon me as a captain of a ship and say, ' Why don't you pump the water out when it is sinking V when you are scuttling the ship in every direction." Some years ago fourteen thousand clergymen of the Church of England in the Motherland memorialized the House of Lords asking the aid of new legislation, with words that ought to rouse the conscience of Christian Canada : " We are convinced, most of us, from an intimate acquaintance with the people, extending over many years, that their condition can never be greatly improved, whether intellectually, physically, or religiously, so long as intemperance extensively prevails among them, and that intemperance will prevail so long as temptation to it abounds on every side." Some will say, " Why all this talk about law ? Hav3 the Lord's ambassadors failed 1 Has the Gospel lost its power 1 Have you parted with the Sword of the Spirit and taken to braining men with a legal club V I answer, first, that these questions are just as applicable to the laws against lotteries, prize-fighting, gambling, the violation of the Sabbath, the sale of indecent literature, theft, etc., as to the law that prohibits the bar-room. I answer again, that the man has parted with his common sense who gives of his money to erect a church, and pays a man to stand in the pulpit to fight the liquor traffic, and then refuses to speak and work and vote for the repeal of the law that places a " pitfall of debauchery " across the street for the perpetua- ation of the liquor traffic, for the wrecking of homes, for the blasting of reputations, for the maddening of brains, for the destruction of manhood and the damning of souls — in a word, for the undoing of the very work you have paid God's ambassador to do. What would God have us do with a traffic that destroys men ? " If the ox were wont to push with his horn in time past, and it hath been testi- fied to his owner, and he hath not kept him in, but that he hath killed a man or a woman ; the ox shall be stoned, and his owner also shall be puo to dea,tl^." I answer again in the inspiring words of tl^e 18 i\- i Presbyterian Church of Canada : *' It is clear that the general community are more than ever convinced that the liquor traffic must be suppressed, and that throwing the cloak of respectability about the liquor traffic, by the con- tinuance of the license system, cannow be much longer tolerated. Some take refuge in the fact that license means to restrict, yet it is confessed by all th.'it license clothes with respectability a destructive traffic, aj)d sanc- tions that which should call forth our holiest mfiledictions. Truly the strength of this sin is the law — a law that makes the noblest good of society a dream, and mocks the noblest efforts of Christian energy. The drunkard is to be plied with moral considerations to-day as vigorously as in the past. The philanthropic argument — abstinence for the sake of others — still retains all its Christ-like beauty . . . for those who are in no personal danger. But the belief has ripened into conviction that the time has come when those who manufacture or sell strong drink must be re- strained by the strong arm of the law." I answer lastly, that every Christian citizen will always be true to human- ity's highest hopes. He will have a sublime relationship to his God, his country and his home. While his kingdom is not of this world he will devote untiring energy to the lifting up of this world so that it may become the kingdom of our Lord and His Christ. He will be very familiar with and passionatel}'^ fond of Heaven's statute law. But he will also be interested in the statutes of his country. When he finds laws upon the statute books that endanger the liberties or morals of the people he will not weary in highest endeavor till the law becomes a protection instead of a menace to the homes of the land. Ts prohibition a success 1 I have not discussed that question. I did not set out to do so. I desired to point out the shame and sin of a licensed liquor traffic. 1 wanted to show that men who love God and home and country, whatever else they may do, can never legalize a traffic of which the Church of England in her Canterbury Report could say : " The results of intemperance, as por- trayed in the evidence before your committee, are of the most appalling description. To this cause may be traced many of the crimes and miseries wliich disturb the peace of l',^.r--- 19 states, and poison the happiness of families ; while it depraves the character, . . . and brings thousands to an early death. Jt is found to fill our prisons, . . and, — more than any other cause or complication of causes, — to frustrate the efforts and baffle the hopes of all who have at heart the elevation and welfare of our people. . . . ^o evil more nearly affects our national life and character; none more injuriously counteracts the spiritual work of the Church ; and therefore no question more immediately demands the zeal of our clergy, the attention of our states- men, the action of our legislature and the thoughtful aid of our philanthropists. Nor can any sacrifice be esteemed too costly, ... to re iiedy what may be shown by . . undeniable evidence to be sapping the founda- tions of our prosperity, . . . and destroying . . . its moral and religious life. In review of the inquiries of parliament as to the evils caused by this vice, and the conclusive evidence laid before its committees, it is a matter of surprise to us that the legislature has not long since interfered." We cannot license a traffic of which a committee of the Senate of our Dominion could say : " In short, it is a cancer in the body politic which if not speedily eradicated will mar the bright prospects and blight the patriotic hopes of our noble Dominion." The great McCheyne said : "I never see a sign 'licensed to sell spirits' without thinking it is a license to ruin souls." " Certainly," says Presbyterian Assembly Report, " the Church, God's chosen instrument for regenerating society, can never acquiesce in a legalized wrong. She must protest against this shame of our civilization, even though she speaks to deaf ears. She can afford to brave for centuries, if need be, the fiercest hate of avarice and lust. But never, as God's witness for truth and righteousness, can she lower her standard, tone down her testimony, or make any com- promise with a traffic so hurtful to men." Is it not high time to stop licensing a " throne of iniquity," to cease " framing mischief by a law." (Ps. xciv. 20). But "if we cut down the license tree instead of lopping off a branch here and there, we will raise a great amount of opposition ; we will stir up the bad passions that are in men ! " ^Y^^t 20 I then ? Must we fold our arms and give a certain number of bar-rooms swing, in the awful work Lord Chesterfield said a licensed traffic would do: "The propagation of disease^ and the suppression of industry and the destruc- tion of mankind." Shall we not rather settle the question right, though at the cost of quiet or the disturbance of peace, when to be quiet and peaceful means to let the bar- room carry on its workiL of corruption and crime, of sorrow and sin, of wasting and wrecking, of despair and death 1 If we love the right we can never rest while the law aids the bar-room to corrupt our politics, destroy our homes, and "sow the seeds of immorality broadcast over the land." Man's great Master said : "Think not that I am come to send peace on earth ; I came not to send peace but a sword." " First pure, then peaceable." Ruskin says : " No peace was ever won from fate by subterfuge or agreement ; no peace is ever in store for any of us, but that we shall win by victory over shame or sin — victory over the sin that oppresses, as well as over that which corrupts." But there are difficulties in the way. What of them 1 *' Peopled and Avanned is the lowland, And lonely and cheerless the height, But the peak that is nearest the storm-cloud, Is nearest the stiirs of light." I like the words of the late Mr. Grady: "The best reforms of this earth come through waste, and storm, and doubt, and suspicion ; the sun itself, when it rises on each day wastes the radiance of the moon and blots the star- light from the skies, but only to unlock the earth from the clasp of night, and plant the stars anew in the opening flowers. Behind that sun, as behind the temperance move- ment, we may be sure there stands the Lord God Almighty, Master and Maker of the universe, from whose hand the spheres are rolled to their orbits, and whose voice has been the harmony of this world since the morning stars sang together." ... 21 A NOTE ON PROHIBITION. Why did Halton repeal the Scott Act 1 Not because it was a failure. The temperance people were able to show that all the ministers of the Gospel (with perhaps four exceptions), both members of Parliament and a majority of the Gouty Gouncil were against repeal. Three newspapers in the county wrote against and only one for repeal. No one believed there was anything like as much liquor con- sumed as under license. We were able to say that the Act had greatly reduced crime. Take this fact, that for twelve assizes in succession and twelve sessions of the peace, twenty-four courts in all, not one criminal sentence was pronounced. Where is the county that protects by law this nefarious traffic that can say that at no general court held during six consecutive years has a criminal sentence been pronounced 'i Then look at the other side. Eleven or more of the men who circulated the repeal petition had been fined or sentenced to gaol for violation of the law. At least twenty- seven of those signing the petition were similarly dealt with for being law-breakers. The liquor party had been beaten twice at the polls, driven from the platform, and their statements, one after another disproved by the logic of events. And yet the Act was repealed. What was the result of repeal 1 There had been twelve assizes without a criminal being sentenced, but at the first assizes under license two criminals were sentenced. Again : The con- victions for assault, drunks, etc, for fifteen quarters under Temperance Act, were eighty-eight, for similar offences for the quarter ending December, 1888, the first full quarter under license, forty. The figures are worth repeating : Gonvictions for fifteen quarters under temperance law, eighty-eight, and for one quarter under liquor law, forty. In eighteen counties under license in 1884, Temperance Act (save parts of two counties) in 1887, and license again in 1890, the committals for drunkenness for the respective years were 685, 236 and 512. Then take fifteen counties under license for all the years and the figures are 2,985, 2,999 and 3,020. Mr. F. S. Spence, states in the Vanguard^ 22 that in fifteen counties the commitments for drunkenness for the two years before Scott Act were 942, for the two Scott Act years 387, and for the first two Hcense years after repeal 776. The Presbyterian Temperance Report of 1889 says : "And yet the good effects of the Scott Act have been amply attested, and are now seen in a more lurid light by the results of repeal. In three con- tiguous counties in Ontario forty -four sessions had watched the working of the Scott Act for three years, and now have watched the change to license for one year, and their verdict is distinct and clear as to the superiority of a prohibitory "In these Ontario counties measure. Again. where the Scott Act has been repealed, the change in every case has been for the worse. There is absolutely no ex- ception to this." Prohibition is also successful in England. The Canterbury Report says : " Few, it may be believed, are cognizant of the fact, which has been elicited by the present enquiry, that there are at this time within the Province of Canterbury, upwards of one thousand parishes in which there is neither public-house nor beer-shop ; and where, in consequence of the absence of these induce- ments to crime and pauperism, according to the evidence before the committee, the intelligence, morality and com- fort of the people are such as the friends of temperance would have anticipated." I add the w^eighty words of Ladj' Somerset, who, in writing to Lord Hamilton, withdrawing her endorsement of State regulation of vice, said : " It is final proof to me that as long as regulation of any kind can be resorted to as a remedy, it will always be regarded as the one and only panacea." THE BEST COMPANY FOH THE BEST RISKS. We Want Willins: Workers In the cause of Temperance to point out to their friends the fact that the Temperance and General Life Assurance Company Is doing a splendid work for Temperance by keeping con- stantly before the public the fact that total abstainers live longer and are better lives for Life Insurance than non-abstainers are), and by publishing a clean paper, full of valuable information for Temperance advocates and for intending insurers, which is sent to all applicants free of charge. The splendid success this Company is having must make it a powerful factor in educating the public and in advancing the cause of Temperance. It should have the patronage and active support of advocates of Tem- perance, for it is unquestionably the Total Abstainers' Company of Canada. All readers of this pamphlet are requested to ask for "Our Advocate." Hon« G* "W. Ross^ President, Ht Sutherland, Managing Director, Head Office •* 6lobe Building, Tsronfo. Ih f I : 1 r OVER 75,000 SOLD. ^ In His Steps OR, ''OlbatttPotiiajcsusDo?'' . . BY . . REV. CHAS. M, SHELDON. Paper, 25 Cents Postpaid. "Sinjfulmly impressive. . . . It is a sermon in action, and one that cannot fail to touch the heart." — New York Christian Advocate. "The definite and practical purpose of illustrating religion in business life is impressed sk Jfully, and the book will have a large influence for good."— Congregationalist. "There is much in the book to think of, and it cannot but enlist the sympathj', however it may affect the judgment of the Christian disciple who reallj' desires to * follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth.' "—The Watchman. "No one can read the book and fail to ask himself these questions with deep seriousness : Dare I do as Jesus would do were He in my place ? and Dare I not do as He would doV— The Pacific. Do not fall to get a copy of John M. Whyte's New Song Book. NUGGETS OF GOLD A COLLECTION OF ROUSING Battle Songs for the Temperance Campaign. Single Copies, 25c. each. Postpaid. Per Dozen, $2.50; Per Hundred, $17.00. Carriage Extra. Nearly all of the songs are of Mr. Whyte's own composition, and are here published for the first time. Th^y have been tried from the platform, and received with enthusiasm. The one song,- "He Could Drink or Leave \i Alone," is itself worth the price of the book. Others that will prove fa\ orites are : No. 4, "Down With the Traffic ;" No. 10, " Have You Noticed That?" No. 13, "Who Killed the Man?" No. 22, "Would It Mean Anything to You?" No. 40, "The Road to Glorv Goes Anudder Way ;" No. 42, "A Dollar Bill or Two." Those ure some of the richest " nuggets," but there are plenty of others. Temperance lodges and other organizations should at once get a supply of books. Note the great reduction in price on quantities. TORONTO : WILLIAM BRIGGS WESLEY BUILDINGS / MONXRBAL I U. W. COi^TES Halifax : S. F. HUESTIW, >ff / .«v. ■.>■