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SEMPLB JM RELATION TO THE OREGON TERRITORY- IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, February 22, 1844. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY BLAIR & RIVES. 1841 ■xk:-J. Thef ation : Resolved Governme the provisi United Sta Britain am ties, signed Mr. A Mr. P tors, in g and appa despond But, fc since the ther subj of the mi ing no pi Senators them wh and iipoi Before permitted ant stibje which pr TheC Virginia, rom the the whol of the pe could nol !0 highly SPEECH. The following resolution, offered by Mr. Semple, being under consider- ation : • ' Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested lo give notice to the British Government that it is the desire of the Government of the United States to annul and abrogate tlie provisions of the third article of the convention concluded between the Qovernment of th^ United Stales of America and his Britanpic Majehty the King of the United Kingdom of Qreat Britain and Ireland on the 2()th October, 1818, and iudetinitely continued between the same par- ties, signed at London the 6;h August, 1837. Mr. ATCHISON addressed the Senate as follows: Mr. PpEsioENT: I will not long trespass upon the forbearance of Sena- tors, in giving my views on the subject of this resolution. The greatdelay and apparent reluctance to enter upon its discussion, had rather led ine to despond of any action whatever. But, for the last few days, despondency has yielded to hope, particularly since the remarks of a Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Bates,] on ano- ther subject, when he vindicated, with so much zeal and fire, the interests of the manufacturing portion of his constituents. When a subject involv- ing no principle but that of profit and loss, dollars and cents, will elicit from Senators so much zeal, so much eloquence, — what may we not expect from them when they approach a question of national interest, of national honor, and upon which an empire is at stake? Before I proceed to the discussion of the resolution just read, I must be jpermitted for myself, and those Senators who act with me upon this import* nt subject, to repel some imputations or misconceptions as lo the motives hich prompt us to action. The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, (the Senator from irginia,) in his remarks upon this resolution, said : "That the Senators "rom the western Stales were resoli?cd on having this territory; whether he whole is incontestable or not, were they resolved to have it, at the co.st f the peace of this nation. He did not mean to use discourtesy, but he ould not help declaring that it had pressed itself on his mind, that they had highly excited and inflamed their imaginations on the subject, that even wnn if an arrangement could b« made with Great Britain to surrender peace> able possession of the country, the gentlemen would be almost unwilling to^ accept it, because it wa^ not obtained at the expense of a war with Eng- land. That it was not so much a desire for the territory itself, as a feeling of chivalry — a desire to run a muck at Great Britain — no matter which side came off victorious." Again — the Senator says : '* This was a confession of peace he was willing to make — although born south oi Mason and Dixon's line — that he would rather obtain the rights of the nation, in relation to the Oregon Territory, without war, and without any vaporing spirit, not called for by the occasion," &c. I have read the Seuator's remarks, as 1 fnid them reported in (he Con- gressional Globe ; and which, from my own recollection, I believe to be substantially correct. Had those remarks been confined to this chamber, I ■ would now let them pass; but they have gone forth to the world. Western Senators have also been denounced In some of the most influential and widely circulated journals published in the United States, as having con- spired together to plunge this country into a war with Cngland — and that, too, for the sordid and inglorious purpose of reaping pecuniary advantage. The imputation is unfounded, and carries its refutation on its face. Who will believe, for one moment, that such cold blooded and heartless senti- ments should harbor in the breast of an American Senator, or should be entertained by an American citizen — that, for the sake of gold, we would subject our beloved country to all the ravages and misery attendant upon war ! I do not believe that the honorable Senator intended to impute such mo- tives to us : his remarks were made under the excitement and in the heat of debate, when there was no time to weigh the full import, meaning, and force of words and phrases; but tliey have gone forth to the world, and such has been the construction put upon them. The remarks apply to the west alone — no Senator from any other section of the Union being noticed— though others are equally favorable to the measures proposed. In answer to the Senator, I will ask him, whether the trade and commerce of the west will not suffer equally with that of every other portion of the Union, in the event of war? Will we not be compelled to contribute our proportion of men and money to the defence of the country, and the prosecution of the war? I will refer the Senator to the history of our last war with England. Was the west then exempted from the ravages of war? — did western men dwell in peace, secure from the operation of British arms ? No, sir. The north- citizens We beli( west and the southwest were the great battle fields of that war. It was in the remote regions of the then infant west, and by western arms, that our most lecessary, glorious victories were won— our brightest laurels achieved ; it was thew reaty of U that our ( it is said asters of of North Missouri, consin^ in arms, anc The S territory i Britain — tor, by Ih measures discretion rather ha not called History justice, c( any para! by either and aie t( body of tl south of ! mountaiui We ha England; territory, i shall not I vent it; ai and to the The Se country h] expense of No, sir, th; ours; that believe tho citizens, di encourage ider peaco- nwillingta with Eng- tis a feeling which side snfession of ind Dixon's relation to ' spirit, not 9 that our country sustained llje most disastrous and bloody defeats But, sir, it is said that the seaboard would be exposed to all the hazards ond dis- asters of the condlct. In answer to this, I will refer gentlemen to the map of North America. Will not the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, and Arkansuo, together with the Territories of Iowa and Wis- cotisiuj in the northwest, be as much exposed to the operations of British arms, and those of her savage alLes, as the seaboard? yhe Senator from Virginia says that "it is not so much a desire for the territory itself, as a feeling of chivalry — a wish to ^run a muck' at Great Britain — no matter which side comes oft' victorious." 1 suppose the Sena- tor, by this, means to say that we would madly and unadvisedly adopt such, measures as must inevitably lead to war; that our "chivalry" exceeds our discretion; that we go farther than he i& willing to go; that he would rather have the territory without war, and without any ''-vaporiu^'' spirit, not called for by the occasion. History teaches us that chivalry, if it is constituted of courage, fortitude, justice, courtesy, a spirit of enterprise and adventure, is not confined to r advantage. I any parallels of latitude or longitude. Those qualities are not engendered face. Who by either heat or cold ; they are moral qualities, that flourish in all climes, and aie to be found under every garb. They are possessed by the great body of the people of the United States — whether to the north or to the south of Mason and Dixon's line — whether west or east of the Allegheny mountains. We have not conspired together to plunge our country into a war with England; but, sir, we have conspired together to maintain the unity of our territory, and the rights of our country; we are resolved that our territory shall not be dismembered, either by negotiation or by force, if we can pre- vent it; and I trust that branches of this conspiracy extend to the north and to the south. The Senator from Virginia says that we are unwilling to obtain the country by negotiation, or other peaceable means ; we must have it at the expense of the peace of this nation ; wi> must have it at the price of a war. No, sir, this is not our object. We are of the opinion that the country is of men and ours; that we have an indefeasible right thereto, a title without a flaw ; we the war? Ipbelieve that the honor and the interest of the country, and justice to our itizens, demand that this Government should adopt measures that will ncourage and lead to the occupation of the Oregon Territory by our itizens. We believe that the first step proper to be taken, although not absolutely n the Oon- ilieve to be chamber, I . Western iiential and [laving con- I — and that, irtless sentl- |, or should we would ndant upon ite such mo- in the heat teaning, and 3 world, and apply to the ig noticed — In answer to the west will in the event land. Was n men dwell The north It was in the lat our most lecessary, is to give the notice to the British Government, required by the it was thefflBreaty of 1827 ; then will the right of British subjects to occupy the Oregon Territory, in common wilh American citizens, cease— a riglit acquired' under the convention of 1818. We will then be thro\wi back upon our undoubted title to the country ; then, and not till th./),willwe have re- gained all the advantages we have lost by our unfortunate negotiations in relation to that country. This Government cnn then adopt such measures as shall be deemed right and proper, without fear of a breach of faith, with- out violating any treaty obligation. We are assured that if we stand still with our arms folded— if we will but wait a little longer, it will all be settled by negotiation. This we have been told for the last twenty years, time and again. We have been deceived ; we are tired of this kind of diplomacy. What have we to gain by negotiation with Great Britain ? Experience teaches us that we have all to lose, and nothing to gain, by negotiation with that power ; and that, too, whether our demands be just or unjust, whether our title be good or bad. What cnn we expect from a negotiation concern- ing a remote territory — a territory near forty-five hundred miles from this city — when we, but a short time since, surrendered a large portion of' the territory of one of the States of this Union ? I allude to the State of Maine and the Ashburton treaty — a treaty made in this city, and ratified irk this chamber. We have but little hope of obtaining anything like justice, or even the semblance of justice, by a negotiation with England. The treaty made between this Government and Great Britain in the year 1818, so far as it relates to our claims on the northwest coast of America, was unfortunate for the interests of this country ; so was the treaty of 1827, and so has been every proposition to treat upon this sub- ject. At almost every step we have committed a blunder. Our title, which was perfectly good, perfectly clear, before negotiations commenced, has now, by reason of those very negotiations, become somewhat complicated. The treaty of London, entered into on the 20th of October, 1818, the third article of which this resolution proposes to annul and abrogate, is in these words: " Art. 3d. It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest const of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years, from the date of the signature of this present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers: it being well understood that this ogree- -ment is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two contracting powers may have to any part of the said country ; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." ;ht acquired' :k upon our we have re- gotiations in ch measures ffaith, with- f \ve will but re have been jn deceived ; Experience otiation with ust, whether ;ion concern- i miles from je portion of the State ot id ratified in like justice, id. itain in the ^est coast of so was the an this sub- r title, which menced, has complicated, er, 1818, the )rogate, is in ed by either J Mountains, gation of all I years, from ;els, citizens, t this agree- ich either of ountry; the ig to prevent The first and second articles of (he cottvention between this Govern rmnt and Great Britain, entered into in the year 1827, arc as follows: " Art. lat. All the provisions of the 3d article'of the convention concluded between the United States of America and his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the 2dth of October, 1818» shall be, and they are hereby, continued in force in the same manner, as if all the provisions of the caid article were herein specifically recited. *' Art. 2d. It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parlies, in case eil^er should think fit at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due no/tce of twelve months to the other contracting parly, to annul and abrogate this convention ; and it shall, in such case, be ac* cordingly annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said terra of notice." The only saving and beneficial clause in either treaty, so far as the in- terest of this Government was concerned, is the clause authorizing the abro- gation of the treaty by giving twelve months' notice. We should avail our- selves without delay of the benefits of that clause. We can only do so by passing this resolution. The reasons for entering into the treaty of 1818, were much stronger than those for entering into the treaty of 1827. At the time the convention of 1818 v/as ratified, our title was not perfected; but, even then, it was indisputably good against iingland, although there was an outstanding title in Spain, goodagainst all the world. We claimed the country, and based our title, as ngainst England, upon our right acquired from France by the purchase of Louisiana in the year 1803, and from the disci^very of the mouth of the Columbia river by an American citizen, (Captain Grey, of Boston,) in the month of May, 1792^ He sailed up the river some distance, surveyed the coast on both sides of the river, and be- stowed the name of his vessel upon it, which it has borne from that day until this. In the years 1805 and 1806 the river was also explored by Lewis and Clark, American citizens in the service of their Government, from its sources in the Stony mountains to the Pacific ocean. But I do not propose to discuss the title, further than to mention the sources from whence we derive it. By a treaty with Spain in the year 1819, we acquired hor title to all the country on the northwest coast of America, north of the parallel of 42 degrees oi north latitude, and extending as far north as 61 degrees of north latitude. Spain acquired her title bv •» series of discove- ries, commencing in the year 1582, a short time after the conquest of Mexi- co, beginning at the Gulf of California, and extending her discoveries as far north as 61 degrees, performing every act necessary to be done by the law of nations to give her a good title to the countries discovered by her. This can be shown conclusively when the proper time arrives. 8 Xhc treaty of 1818, without any consideration whatever, granted to Brit- ish subjects a joint right to occupy the Oregon Territory with our citizens; but this occupancy has been joint only in terms, but several in fact. The benefits of the provisions of this treaty have enured solely to British sub- jects ; and, from the very nature of things, could not be otherwise. In the year 1810, Mr. Astor, a merchant of New York, establistied at the mouth of Uie Columbia river a depot for the purpose of carrying on the fur trade; and in the years 1811, '12, and '13, his trading establishments were ex- tended to several points on the ( olumbia river and its tributaries, and a successful trade established. In the mean time, war having been declared between the Uiiited States and Great T aun, m tlie year 181H Mr. Astor's establishments on the Columbia river and its tribntories were broken up, and surrendered to a British armed force ; and then, /or the first time, the country fell into the possession of the Britisli Government, and American .citizens were expelled from the country. Between the year 1813 and the year 1818, the Hudson Bay Company took possession of the whole cmin- !ry, established posts for the purpose of trade in almost every part of it, and consequently obtained an influence over the various Indian tribes not to be shaken ; and, by means of their grent capital, their influence with the Indians, and the additional advantages of bringing their merchandise free of duty into the country, they broke down all competition. Our citi- zens, notwithstanding thefr perseverance and enterprise, were tmable to compete with the British fur companies, and were compelled to aban- don the country; so that the joint occupancy resulted to the almost ex- clusive benefit of British subjects. Indeed, the only occupancy on the part of American citizens, until within a few years past, has been confined to a few fur-trappers and missionaries. With all these facts before them, our rulers negotiated the treaty of 1827. British subjects have had the almost exclusive enjoyment of that territory — and that, too, by virtue of ne- gotiation, not of right. Efforts have been made by our Government to settle our rights to the Oregon Territory with England, at various times. The territory in dis- pute between the two Governments, lies between the parallels of 42 and 64° 40' north latitude, extending from the Rocky mountains on the east, to the Pacific ocean on the west. Both Governments having by treaty ceded to Russia all their claims north of 54° 40', in 1823 Mr. Adams (then Sec- retary of State) instructed our minister to o^er to the British G /•^rnment the parallel of latitud^51° north, as our northern boundary J!> tl.u Oregon Territory, for the reason that it included the entire valley c' ihe Columbia river. This proposition was rejected ; then the parallel of 49" vvatt oiTered ; and this proposition, made with a view to conciliate, was also rt-]>icied with cd to Brit* ir citizens; act. The rilish sub- e. In the lio mouth fur trade; were ex- ies, und a 1 declared Ir. Astor's roken up, ! time, liie American 'i and the lole coun- part of it, tribes not cnce with rchandise Our citi- unable to i to aban- ilmost ex- cy on the 1 confined fore thena, ; had the tue of ne- hts to the ry in dis- of 42 and tie east, to aty ceded then Sec- •^mment o Oregon Ddutnbia li .uTered; cittd with contempt. And let it be borne in muid that England set up no cxdusiva claim to the ter itory ; she only insisted that tlie country icas open to the whole world; whilst the United States claimed the exclusive riglu to the country, under the various titles heretofore staled. When all propositions made by our Governmf'nt were thus unceremoniously rejected, the qucii.on wos asked of the Hriiish Government, Whut portion of the territory will satisfy you ? The answer was : Although we set up no exdusice claim to the country, we are willing to extend the 40lh parn. !' "f latitude due west, until it intersects the most northeastern branch of the i ulunibia river, and from thence, with the river, to its mouth. A very ..lodesl nnd reaxvnable proposition, indeed, to come from a party who it up no exclusive right to the conn'^-v ! A proposition leaving the United States ^v•i^h a front on the Pacific ocean of 4° 18— and that, too, without a hn\bor on the whole coast iliat would shelter a canoe! reserving to herself 8° 22 of latitude, extend- ing along the coast of the Pacific, and embracing sojne of the best harbors on the western coost of America, the complete coirimaud of the Uiouth of the Columbia river, and which would give them an island almost as large as Great Britain itself! This proposition was too monstrous to be enter- tained by even this most pacific of all Governments; though F have reason to believe that tiie proposition was rejected by the then adminis- tration, as is p'ainly intimated, lest the people should not approve, and the Senate refuse to ratify the bargain. But, sir, England preferred the joint occupation of the country— a part- nership — rather than the proposition sijbmitted by herself; for she knew that this joint occupation would exist nowhere but upon the parchment on which the treaty was written — that the entire use and control of the coui)> try would be hers in fact. Another objection urged by the Senator from Virginia — for, in his brief re- marks the other day, he embraced all the objections urged to this resolution — is, that courtesy forbids its adoption, or any other action on the part of this Government at ^/«5 time. And why? The British Government, upon our own invitation, he says, has sent a special minister with full powers to settle ull this matter ; he comes clothed in the white garments of peace, bearing the olive-branch in his hands. Sir, I, for one, fear (and I believe that the peo- ple of the United States fear) a Biitish ^^ negotiators^ more than I or they fear British arms or Britisli power. We have been met with this argument, or similar ones, for the last quarter of a century. Whenever we propose ac- tion upon this subject, the ready answer is, that we are -precipitate; the matter, i//(/( alone, will be settled to our satisfaction hy negotiation — a negotiation " about to be commeuced," or « pending ; or, that we will Tiolate some treaty stipulation already existing ; or, that the country is not . i worth contending for ; or, that the representative form of government^is not adapted to so wide-spread a territory— we are already too wmieldly for our form of government ! Such arguments are but mere pretences to avoid action. Why do not Senators at once avow iheir unwillingness again to struggle with British power; that we will yield our rights to the territory— that we will yield our interests, our honor, rather than again encounter the claws of the British lion ? 1 1 will tell Senators that western men will not be satisfied nor convinced with such arguments. Sir, I have witnessed the deep anxiety, the intense feeling exhibited by the pioneers of the Far West— men who live upon the very verge of civilization — when the contest about our northeastern boimd- ary was in progress ; when men were looking to their arms as the most appropriate means of settling that question. On post days, when the mail was expected to bring news from the east, the hardy and chivalrous sons of the Far West would assemble around their post offices, and with the deepest anxiety inquire the news from Maine. A deeper anxiety could not have been felt, or expressed, if their own beloved State had been threatened with dismemberment. Maine had our deepest sympathy, and we would gladly have rushed to assist her in repelling the invader from her soil. If an honorable Senator now upon this floor could have heard the com- mendations heaped upon him by the hov ' yeomanry of the west, for the manly position he had taken and ocr il i during that controversy, and knew the deep interest they take in the Oregon question, he would not content himself with barely voting for this resolution, but he would advo- cate it. I allude to the late Governor of the State of Maine. 1 cannot describe the burst of indignation —the deep feelings of mortification — which were exhibited when it was understood that a treaty had been ratified, and that we had yielded one inch of the territory in dispute. "V^e are — we should be — tired of negotiation, when it is attended with nothing but loss and disgrace. But I confess that I do not see in what manner the passage of this resolu- tion can affect negotiations ; 1 see no want of courtesy to England, or to the British minister. This resolution was offered in the Senate long before we heard of a special minister; and shall the action of the American Sen- ate depend upon the going and coming of British ministers ? 'i'he treaty of 1827 expressly provides that, when either party becomes dissatisfied with the bargain, they may annul and abrogate it by giving twelve months' previous notice. In my humble opinion, instead of retarding or prevent- ing negotiations, it will hasten them ; it will be one evidence that the United iJtates is in earnest— that we are resolved to assert our rights to the Oregon Territory. I have my doubts whether there is the least desire on the part 11 iment^is not IdUy for our ces to avoid ess again to territory — counter the f convinced the intense re upon the tern bound- s the most en the mail rous sons of the deepest d not have uened with }u)d gladly d the com- le west, for oversy, and would not ould advo- I cannot on — which atified, and fe are — we othing but Ibis resolu- d, or to the ong before irican Sen- 'i'he treaty dissatisfied ve months' or prevent- the United the Oregon 3n the part of England (o treat at all upon the subject : let her alone for a faw years, and tlie country will be hers — and that, without negotiation ; she will then be in a condition to hold it. Trapping and trading for furs has, in a great degree, ceased to be profitable in those regions; agriculture and commerce is the business to which British subjects are now turning their attention. Let either England or the United States settle the Oregon Territory with a population of ten or fifteen thousand arms bearing men, and it will be a most difficult matter to dispossess them. This England is doing; this we can do — and that in a very short time — by adopting the proper measures, and such measures as England cannot complain o( ; such measures as she herself has adopted ; and measures, too, that will not trench very deeply upon the treasury. Give us the countenance of our Government — give us your protection — give us government and laws, and we will soon fill up the country; we will take possession of it, and will keep that possession : do but assure us that we will not be traded off — that we arc not to become British subjects — that we are to remain members of this still glorious re- public, we will take possession, and w^ will keep that possession in defiance of British power. The groat ma;3s of the American people are still uncor- rupted : trade, commerce, speculation, and the love of dollars and cents, have not as yet become the all absorbing passion : such sentiments as national honor, national glory, and patriotism, still reign paramount in their bosoms. You may tell them that the Oregon Territory is a desert waste ; yon may tell them that the only road to that country is through vast plains of burn- ing sands; of the broad and deep rivers in their way; of the snow-capped mountains that must be scaled ; you may array before them the countless bands of fierce and savage warriors to be ent antered : — all this will only hasten their preparations; men, women, and children, all partake of the common feoling — all are governed by the same noble impulses. The deep and broad river, the trackless wilderness, the snow-capped mountain, the war-whoop, the tomahawk and scalping knife, danger and peril, only nerve them to the enterprise. This spirit of adventure and enterprise alone has settled this vast wilderness of the west with her now teeming millions; and this will settle all that immense territory of ours to the Pacific ocean — and that, too, before this generation passes away. " Let Congress only take some step toyvards the occupation of Oregon," writes an intelligent farmer oi the Far West, '(and the prairies of the west will present thescene of thecru- sade of Peter the Hermit; our wagons and people will be strung along the road in one unbroken column, from the frontiers of Missouri to the Rocky mountains, like the Goths and Huns of old ; a nntion will emigrate, not for the purpose of destroying, but of building up empires." 12 Mr. President, I will vole for (his resolulion, because it will leave us free tonct untrammelled by treaties; but, at tlie same lime, 1 am of the opinion that we can establish military posts in the Oregon Territory, and march an army there, without violating any treaty. This right, ifl mistake not, has been admitted by England, but accompanied with the threat, that if the United States sent soldiers there, England would do the same. We can grant land to our citizens, without disturbing the joint occupancy authorized alone for the purpose of trade; we can organize a govenunent for civil pur- poses, without disturbing the rights of British subjects under the treaty. Sir, this England has done; she has extended her laws, not only over the Oregon Territory, but over the whole territory east of the Rocky mountains, to the frontiers of Iowa, Missouri, and Arkansas. This act of the British Parli- ment was passed in the year 1821. The 6th section of the act reads as fol- lows : " And be it further enacted^ 'I'hat from and after the passing of this act, the courts of judicature now existing, or which may be here ifter estab- lished in the province of Upper Canada, shall have the same civil jurisdic- tion, power, and authority, as well in the cognizance of suits, as in the is- suing process, mesne and final, and in all other respects whatsoever, within the said Indian te'-itories, and other parts of America, not within the limits of either of the provincesof Lower or Upper Canadi or of any civil Government of the United States, as the said courts have, r are invested with, within the limits of the said provincesof Lower and 'V -"er Canada, respectively," 6cc. The same section provides that actions relating to lands, not within Up- per Canada, shall be decided according to the laws of England. The 8th section of the same act provides that persons residing in the Indian terri- tories, who shall refuse to obey process, shall be committed and conveyed 4o Upper Canada, Sec. The 10th section authorizes his Majesty to appoint justices of the peace for said territories. The 11th section authorizes his Majesty to issue commissions, under the great seal, empowering justices to hold courts of record for the trial of criminal and civil offences. Section 12 defines the jurisdiction of the courts established in the preceding sec- tions ; their civil jurisdiction is limited to £200; and where the offence com- mitted shall subject the offender to capital punishment or transportation} then the territorial judges are required to send the offender to Upper Canada for trial. 1 will ask Senators whether England has not violated the treaty by that act. Oh, no, sir ; but if this Congress should propose any measure of like character, we should hear the cry raised in this chamber that we were about to violate a solemn treaty— the alarm would be sounded — war would be the inevitable consequence — our seaboard would be endangered — we should be about " to run a muck at England.' 13 ve us free iiniori that mnrch an e not, has hnt if the We can luthorized civil pur- enty. Sir, le Oregon ins, to t!ie ush Parli- nds as fol- ng of this ftcr estab- jurisdic- in the is- 3r, within Mthin the any civil 5 invested Canada} ithin Up- The 8th ian terri- conveyed o appoint )rizes his ustices to Section ding sec- snce com- wrtatiotii Canada he treaty measure we were ar would sred — we England has expended her laws over a country to which she did not pretend to have jurisdiction ; and those laws, in tlieir operation, are not confined to her own subjects ; but an American citizen may, felon-like, be dragged in chains to Upper Canada upon a charge of having committed an offence against British laws upon American soil ! And will our Gov- ernment longer permit such things to exist? The honor of our country forbids it. But it is said that our rights to the Oregon Territory will soon be settled by negotiation. What assurance have we for that, when the President himself seems to be in a state of uncertainty in regard to this matter "^ la his message to Congress, in 1842, we are informed that this subject was about to be negotiated ; at the same session, this was assigned as a reason for not answering a respectful call made upon him for information, by the Senate, in relation to this very matter. The President, in his mes- sage to this Congress, informs us that negotiations are about to comment^c at London ; and now we are informed by tlie Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, that the British Government has appointed a special minister, or a minister with full powets, to settle this dispute ; and that the subject will be entered upon in a very short time at Washington. In the early part of this session, a resolution was introduced by an honorable Senator from Ohio, asking the President for information upon this subject; but this resolution was voted down, and now we are left to grope our way in the dark. I can s^e no good reason why this negotiation should be carried on in the dark — should be concealed from the Senate. 1 hope that our Government will ask nothing but what is right and just, and that no propositions will be entertained but such as are based upon just and honest principles. But, sir, this phantom of war seems to haunt the imaginations of Sena- alors opposed to this resolution. The goddess Bellona — the horrid goddess — clothed in her most awful garb, seems constantly to flit before their eyes; this distressing idea seems to have taken as complete possession of the imaginations of some Senators, as chivalry has that of others. , If, in the prosecution of our just designs, upon our own soil, in our own country, we should be so unfortunate as to incur the wrath of England, and war should follow, let it come— -ay, sir, let it come, in all its most destruc- tive forms. It may so happen that, whilst England is warring for a remote corner of the globe, to which she has not the shadow of a claim, she may lose what she has upon this continent. Instead '"" indulging myself in drawing pictures of our cities stormed, sacked, anu burnt, and the scabcurd ravaged, and my ears stunned with the thunder of British cannon and the clash of British bayonets, I indulge- 14 in other and brighter visions. We will drive the Enghsh from this conti- nent, and from the islands appertaining to it. I see American arms tri- umphant in every battle, both by land and sea. I further imagine that Eng- land has filled the measure of her iniquity; and, like all other nations which have gone before her, grasping at universal dominion, in the midst of her pride and her power she nmst speedily fall. Sir, I would war with England, in the defence of our just rights, until she was shorn of all her power on this continent ; and then we would have vindicated the great principle laid down by Mr. Monroe, in his seventh an- nual message — that the "American continents were no longer open to Euro- pean colonization." The very power of England is a reason, with us, to submit to no wrong from her. Suppose we substitute a sister republic (Mexico) for England, as to her right to the Oregon Territory: what would then be the state of affairs ? The President, perhaps, would have recom- mended to Congress to provide the means, and give him the authority to take immediate possession of the country ; and we should then, perhaps, find eastern Senators as full of chivalry, and as warlike, as western Sena- tors. I would submit to wrong and injury from no nation of the earth, but least of all from England. I will, upon this floor — in this hall — candidly avow, that if, in the course of events, we must have war, let it be with England, our ancient and inveterate enemy. I think we could strike a harder blow, and with more hearty good-will. We could encourage each other with the recital of the many wrongs and injuries which we have re- ceived at her hands, in peace and in war, in youth and in manhood. Yes> sir ; if we are to have war, let it be with England ; she is a foe worthy of our arms. Whether this Government will assist and encourage her citizens, or not, in the settlement of this territory, they will do it — your power cannot check it. You might as well attempt to turn the waters of the Missouri river back upon its sources in the Rocky mountains, as to turn back the flood of population from the shores of the Pacific ocean ; the Alleghanies may be piled upon the Rocky mountains, and our people will scale them. The march of empire is westward ; nothing will, nothing can check it ! Unless this Government shall take some decisive step very soon, a con- test between American citizens and British subjects will be inevitable. The germs of a collision already exist, and it requires but a little more to bring about the conflict. The first scalp that shall be taken, the first drop of blood that is shed, will bring about that very war which is so much dreaded. 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