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JOSEPH HOWE, OF NOVA SCOTIA, ON THE UNION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES, AND ON THE RIGHT OF BRITISH COLONISTS TO REPRESENTATION IN THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENl'. BY THE HON. FRANCIS HINCKS, MEMBER OIF THE LEOISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF CANADA. LONDON : J A M E S RID G W A V; ,'\'' 100, P I C C A D I L L V. tkh "i'^v.*- * w ..■■■^/'- ■•■. ••'i. ';• v\ \'^^3B LOHnoN : pmiSTEB BY T. BBETTELI., BOFERT 8TBBET, HAVMAKKET. w ,10^'' R E P L Y. T CAN say with all biucerity that nothmg but a paramoiiHt sense of duty could induce me to enter into a discussion on colonial affairs at so very un- seasonable a period as the present. I therefore deeply regret, and I believe that I do so in common with the best friends of the colonies in this country, nie republication in London of a rather remarkable speech delivered in the House of Assembly of Nova Scotia, in March 1854, by the Hon. Joseph Howe, a gentleman holding a high and responsible office in that Province, " On the " Union of the North American Provinces, and on '^ the right of British colonists to representation in " the Imperial Parliament and to participate in " the public employments and distinctions of the " empire." The object of this republication is stated in the preface to be, " To induce the mother " country to draw more closely the ties which " bind her to her friends, and to accord to them " the privileges without the enjoyment of whicii, " it is quite clear that some of the changes that " Mr, TIowo nntioipatos may Rpoo("lily come to "■ pass." As these " changes" iiivolvo notliiug more or less tlum the (hsmombermctU of the empire, it has seemed to mc absolutely iiecessmy that Mr. Howe's speech should b(^ nupwcred, and that the jieople of British America should be relieved from tlie imj)utarion of concurring in the oi)inioiis therein expressed. It is an old adage that " Silence gives consent," and I certainly feel it my duty to ])revent tiio possibility of its being supposed that I participate, in the slightest degree, in the views enunciated by Mr. Howe. It may be thought extraordinary that l\Ir. Howe's speech shouM have escaped animadversion at the time of its deli\ery. For my own part I iiave only to say, that it would not have occurred to me to enter into a discussion as to the merits of a speech delivered in the course of debate in the Assembly of a sister Province, and which had led to no result. If either Mr. Howe or Mr. Johnston had suc- ceeded in obtaining the sanction of the Legislature of Nova Scotia to any new principle of ( olonial government, there can be little doubt that some action would have been taken both in Canada and New Brunswick on the subject. But as Mr. Howe was unable to convince the Assembly, of - which he was then a member, of the soundness of his views, it was deemed unnecessary to call atten- tion to them in Cariuda. The case, however, b(!COTncs very difForcnt, when an appeal is made to the Imperial Parliament, by a genthnnan repre- senting the Nova Scotia Governnunit. in this country, to comply with certain demand-i under a kind of menace, that, in the event of non-com- pliance, most important " changes" '• may spef.'diiy " come to pass." I am aware that Mr. ftowe's pamphlet has caused much sur^'rise to tliose wlio have been under the impres.sion that the British North. American Provinces were in a highly prosperous and contented state. 1 have but limited means of judging how far the people of Nova Scotia are satisfied with their Constitution, i but I entertain a strong conviction that Canada would protest most emphatically against every one of the schemes, brought under consideration in Mr. Howe's speech, as substitutes for the system of Government under which she is enjoying a degree of prosperity and freedom not surpassed in any other country in the world. The simple and practical mode of meeting Mr. Howe is by an inquiry as to his authority for de- manding a change in the Constitutions of tlie British American colonies. Has the Government of Nova Scotia authorised him to make such a demand ? Has either branch of the Legislature of that Province addressed the Crown on the subject"? I apprehend not. Most assuredly neither in Canada nor in New Brunswick has there been any legislative action to warrant a demand for constitutional 6 1^? changes in their name. Such chancres ought, iu my opinion, to he discussed among the people, who are more particularly interested in them, and the result should be conmiunicated to the Imperial Parliament through the only legitimate channel, viz., a despatch from the Governor of the colony to Her Majesty's Secretary of State. It must be borne in mind that Mr. Howe, though not actually a inomber of the Government of Nova Scotia, fills a very important situation under it, an.l in that capacity has visited England armed with the authority of tluit Government to enter into im.- portiait financial arrangements on its behalf. J^et me suppose an aiialagous case. Were the Im- perial Government to send out to one of its dependencies, on a special laission, a gentleman holding a higti otfice under the Crown, though not i}i the Cabinet, and were that individual to take advantage of his presence in such dependency to lepublish a speeoh delivered iu his place iu Parlia- ment, jn a subject wliolly unconnected with his mission, and on which he had no authority to offer any suggestion, and to accompany it with the alarming intimation that, unless his propositions were adopted, there was reason to apprehend the dismemberment of the (;mpire ; were it possible to suppose that an individual employed by the Imperial Government could act in the manner described, he would only do precisely what Mr. Howe has done. I wish to treat Mr. Howe with fl all the respect to which liis poKifion entitles him. u'ul to discuss his proposition s^i in a fair and candid manner, but I cannot refrain from declaring thai his present appeal to English public opinion, on a question ^vhich has hardly been even discussed in any of the North American colonies, has been as injudicious as most assuredly it has been ill-timed. Witii these preliminary observations, I shall proceed to review Mr. Howe's speed i: — I confess that I learn with very sincere regret, that a gentle- man, who advocated so strenuously the introduction of llesponsible Government into the colonial sys- tem, as a means of affording to the people of the colonies all the constitutional freedom which they could desire, has arrived at the conclusion that some new change is required, and that British America should " aspire to consolidation as an " integral portion of the realm of England, or " assert her claims to a national existence," The first alternative, and the one which it is the special object of Mr. Howe's speech to recommend, may, in my opinion, be very easily disposed of; and had Mr. Howe attempted to shew how bis scheme could be worked out, he would piobablj' iiave convinced his hearers if not himself, of its imprac- ticability. What is the nature of Mr. House's claim on behalf of the colonies, to representation in the Imperial Parliament ( We are told that " Scotland has fifty-three members to represent her " interests in the Imperial Parliament," and that f I'*,, I: 8 " Bvitisli America, with an equal population, Ims " not one;" and iigain,t]iat the State ol Ohio *' has " but a million >ind n half of p«'oplc, yet she Iuim " not only hor State I.e^islaturn and GoNonmu^nt " as we hav(!, but sends nineteen members to the " Nntional Congress." Seotlaiul is repn^sentcd in the Imperial rarliament, for the obvious reason that her people are directly affected by all the Acts of that l^arliatnent ; they have to share in the burthens of taxntion for the payment of the Na- tional Debt, for tlie maintenance of the army and navy, and fur tlie support of the (yivil Government. [ cijnnot for one moment believe that Mr. Howe coTttemplates a complete legislative union between the mother country and the British North Americaij Colonies similar to that subsisting between the various parts of the United Kingdom; the colonies to share all the res]ionsibilities of their fellow subjects here, and to have their affairs administered us fdimcvly, in Downing Street, thi ir Local Legis- latures being cxtmguislicd, and as a ii(^)stitute for them, a representation in the Imperial Parliament of some fifty or sixty members. Neither can I believe that he intends seriously to claim on behalf of the colonies, the right to be represented in the Imperial Parliament, and at the same time to be exempted from the l)urthens already referred to. The cry of the old colonies against the mother country, was " taxation v ithout reprLsentation, is " iyranny," If Mr. Howe's propositions were ear- ■ft 9 ilcd out, t.licro woulil be a cry in tlic motlior country np^ainst the colonics, — " rcpresentntion without tux- ** ution, is tyranny." As then, it upj)eurs to mo that, representation in the Imperial I'arliament, without the accompaniment of full participation in all the imperial liabilities, would be a most unreasonable demand ; and as I am well assured that any pro- position to obtain representation on such terms as I have indicated, would be rejected ])y the whole population of British America, I am, I think, justi- fied in my observation, that if Mr. Howe had attempted to shew how his scheme could be worked out, he would have convinced his hearers, and perhaps himself, of its impracticability. I need scarcely remind my readers that ther«; is no analogy whatever, between the State of Ohio and the British North American Provinces. It is true, that Ohio is represented in the National Congress, and justly, because her people contribute equally with the other states to the expenditure of the Federal Government. The " Territories" of the United States, notwithstanding that their inhabitants are subject to the same federal imposts as their fellow citizens in the states, have no representation' in congress, their public functionaries are appointed by the Federal Executive^, and they are simply permitted to send delegates to congress, who may speak, but not vote. I need not dwell further on this subject, but shall proceed to the consideration of the other alternative suggested by 10 Mr. Kowo, viz., — a national existence. It is not necessary to follow Mr. Howe in his eloquent de- scriptions of the enormous territory, the salubrious climate, the large population, the magnificent rivers and lakes, the exhaustless fisheries, and boundless forests of British America. He cannot have a higher opinion of these colonies than I have, and I am willing to admit that they may fairly bear comparison with independent nations, both of the present and of past ages ; but I emphatically deny that it is their interest to seek an independent national existence. I use the term independent, advisedly, and I do so, because I cannot admit that British America has no national existence. It is part and parcel of an empire, certainly not inferior to any other in the world, and its people are entitled to claim the protection of that empire, and to participate in all the advantages of British subjects equally with any other portion of Her Majesty's subjects. It has already then, a national existence ; and Mr. Howe admits that this is accompanied with a degree of freedom unsurpassed elsewhere, — he says, " The very tone of this debase " proclaims Nova Scotia a free country; and that, " whatever we may lack, we have the first best gift " of God to man, — freedom of thought, of speech, " and of public discussion. The people of this " country select every public officer from one end '■'• of it to the other, either directly or by their " representatives, with one single exception. 'J'lit^ u n il n ii il Lieut.-Governor alone is appointed by the Im- porinl Governinont. We have more poner over tliose who manage our aflaiis than they have in England, where the Peers are permanent — tie Crown liereditary. Our people, in their Tovvvi meetiiifl^s, do their local bii!>ines8 — this Legis- lature forms the Administration and sustains it. Wc are as freo as any x'eople in Europe, Asia, or Africa ; and as for America, I believe the ])rin- ciples of the British constitution secure a sounder state of rational freedom than the constitution of the Republic." With such advantages then, what object is to be attained by an independent existence 1 What arc the grievances existing under tlie present co- lonial system, for which a remedy is required. I have examined Mr. Howe's speech Avith the greatest attention in order to discover, if possible, the grounds of his discontent, and to consider whe- ther similar grievances are felt in Canada. The first allusion that T find to the importance of Imperial Ilepret^entation is tlie assertion in })age 46 that the question of reciprocal trade with the United States " would have been setth^d long ago " if North America had a voice in the making of treaties, and in the discussions of the Imperial '- Parliament." This is mere assertion. Mr. Howe must prove that obstacles were placed in the way of the treaty by the Imperial Government. I have had at least as good an opportunity as Mr. (( 12 Howe of forming an opinion on this subject. I made several visits to Washington while negotia- tions were pending, and I was, for some years, in communication both with Sir Henry Lytton Bulwev and Mr. Ciami)ton. The principal cause of the failure of former negotiations, it is well known, arose from the refusal of the Imperial Government to treat, unless the coal of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia were included in the free list. It is clear from another passage in the speech which I may as well notice in the same connection, that if Nova Scotia had been consulted, instead of the treaty being " settled long ago " we should have had no treaty even now. Referring to the Fisheries, then the subject of negotiation, Mr. Howcf says : " What have you got to do with " it] What influence have you? Who repre- " sents you in London or in Washington, or dis- " cusses the matter in your behalf? " There is much more eloquence on the same subject which need not be quoted, the substance being that if ten Nova Scotians had seats in the Imperial Parliament the treaty giving up the fisheries would never have been carried out. Let this grievance be fairly examined. The British Possessions, including Nova Scotia, were most anxious for a commercial treaty with the United States. The terms had long been a subject of negotiation. An important branch of the question was the fislieries. A dispute existed betweca Great Britain and the United States as to 13 the right to fish in certain waters, and in other waters regarding which no dispute existed, Ameri- can fishermen, contrary to treaty and without the sanction of their own Govcniiment, were in the liabit of fishing, frequently with the connivance and sanction of the colonists themselves, witli whom they carried on a sort of contraband trade. The Empire had to send a fleet, at great expense, to protect the fisheries. If Nova Scotia or British North America had had an " independent national " existence," unprotected by Great Britain, the United States would have made short work, both with the fisheries and the navigation of the St. Lawrence, to which they also set up a claim. As it was, England, after vain attempts to obtain a treaty that would be satisfactory to all the Provinces, sent on a special mission a distinguished nobleman of pre-eminent talent, thoroughly acquainted with the question in all its phases, and by that nobleman a treaty was effected which was ratified almost unani- mously, not only by the Imperial Parliament, but by all the Colonial Legislatures interested, and also by the Congress of the United States. I know of no previous instance in which a treaty has h^d to pass through such an ordeal. Mr. Howe, no doubt, i magines that the Earl of Elgin represented Cana-« dian interests at Washington, as he asks the Nova Scotians, " Who represents you in I^ondon or " Washington, or discusses the matter in your " behalf r' If so, he is mistaken. The Earl of Elgin m- U R'ceived the Queen's (ommands through the Secre- tary of State for Foreign Affairs, the Earl of Claren- don, and took his instructions from him, and not from the Secretary for the Colonies. There was no preference given to the interests of one province over another, although a most unworthy jealousy of Canada was manifested in Nova Scotia. When the Earl of Elgin was requested to undertake his im- portant mission, it seemed to him desirable that he should have the assistance at Washington of some member of each of the respective Governments of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Ne^ BrunsAvick, for the purpose simply of consultation on any point on which he might desire advice, but in no way to exercise any control over the negotiations. I happened to be in England at the time of his appointment, and his Lordship did me the honour to require me to accompany him to Washington. He wrote in good time, and by the same mail to Sir Edmund Head, then Lieut. -Governor of New Brunswick, and to Sir Gaspard Le Marchant, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, informing them of the time of his departure, and probable arrival at New York, and giving each of them the opportunity of sending a member of his Government to meet him. Sir Edmund Head acted with promptitude, and the Hon. J. W. Chandler, a member of his Government, joined the Earl of Elgin at Ne^v York. The Lieut-Governor of Nova Scotia deemed it un- necessary to send any one, and consequently that 15 province was not represented. It did not suffer in conscqiienrc. As on former occasions " Coal " was a raam cause of difficulty, and the insertion was obtained. To make the treaty entirely satisfactory to iiritish America, the free registration of British r1 lipping should have been included. Canada was deeply interested in this concession, as much so, 1 should imagine, as Nova Scotia. The principle of the treaty was the free admission of raw products. Ships, most assuredly do not come under that category, and the American negotiators contended, with reason, that the question was surrounded with difficulties, as nearly all the articles used in ship building were subjected to duties in the United States, and so many questions would arise, that, by the insertion of such an article, the success of the treaty would be endangered. That Lord Elgin effected all that it was possible for any diplomatist to gain, I firmly believe, and I had good opportuni- ties of judging. And now let me ask Mr. Howe whether, in sober earnest, he believes that ten Nova Scotians in the Imperial Parliament could have prevented the ratification of a treaty satisfactory to the other provinces, to the mother country, and, as I believe, to the majority of the Nova Scotians themselves. Were the people of England, who had to bear the expense of protecting these fisheries, an expense much greater than all that Nova Scotia made out of them, to have no voice in the settle- ment of the question 1 Were the other provinces 16 to lose the nuniprous benefits conferred by the treaty owing to the selfishness of a single colony? And what has Nova Sc(»tia lost ? The exclusive riglit of fishing, which she really never enjoyed, because it is notorious that the United States, fishermen have for years gone wherever they pleased, v/hilc she has gained the free admission of her fish into die best market she can pi)ssibly have, into a country with a population of tliirty millions of people, and in addition to this the free admission of her coal and all other natural products (and her industry is only employed in obtaining such,) into the same market. Mr. Howe has not hesitated to speak freely of Canada and of Canadians in his speech. He will permit me to express ray opinion as to the course of the Nova Scotia Government. The " surrender of the fisheries," it was well known, would be a cheval de hataille in the hands of the opposition loaders. The Government was afraid to take the responsibility of agreeing to the treaty, and it therefore held it to be the safest policy to keep away from Washington, to let matters take their course, and when the treaty was effected, to make a great grievance about the loss of their fisheries, to abuse the Earl of Elgin and the Imperial Government, to pass the Act ne- cessary to give effect to the treaty, as if under compulsion, and then quietly to enjoy all the advantages which it confers. No one knows bet- ter than Mr. Howe, that some of the very railroads 17 (( which he 78 raising money in England to construct, ure priucipany rt quired to carry tlie traffic which ihpi Karl of Elgin's treaty will bring to the colony. Mr. Howe's next grievance is thus stated: — " Does any man believe that any company woidd " have monopolised for thirty years the mines " and minerals of an entire province, had British " America been represented in the Imperial Par- " liament ? That monopoly would go down before a searching investigation, for a single night, in " the House of Commons. No ministry could " justify or maintain it." If this grievance be really so apparent, it is most extraordinary that Mr. Howe does not furnish the facts to some mem- ber of the House of Commons, numbers of whom, I venture to assert, would be only too glad to get hold of a case that " no ministry could justify or " maintain." Or if the subject be one to which only a Nova Scotian can do justice, there are other expedients which might be resorted to. Mr. Howe might petition and ask to be heard at the bar of both Houses, to plead the cause of his country against the monopolists, or, what would bd better still, he might obtain an address from the Nova Scotia Legislature embodying the grievance, and I have no doubt, judging from the course pursued towards Canada, that he would get justice. But I must not dismiss this subject without a few more observations. I have made myself suffi- ciently acquainted with the " Mines and minerals B 18 (( question" in Nova Scotia to be able to fbim an opinion on its merit'?. During the period when the territorial revenue of the Crown in the colonies was managed under the authority of the Secretary of State for the colonics and the treasury, and without the concurrence of any provincial autho- rities, certain leases of mines and minerals were i^ianted. A large quantity of land was conceded without any reset vation, (or if any, the precious metals alone,) while, in all other concessions the reservations weri^ made. I have always under- stood that there ii^ abundance of coal and iron in the tract in which there is no reservation, but if so, no capital was employed in developing this source of wealth. Nova Scotians manifested no desir<^ to lease, and it became evident that a large -^m*^- 32 letters oxpriissing regret for his delay, With a positive assurance that he would follow by the next steamer from Halifax. Meantime a change of Government had taken i)lace in England, and the whole question had to be discussed with the Earl of Derby and Sii John Pakington. I have been blamed by many for acting with precipitation and rashness in these negotiations. It is hardly possible to conceive the misunder- standings and embarrassments caused by Mr. Howe's repeated failures to fulfil the undertaking of tlie Nova Scotian Government. I was detained in England at great inconvenience, and when I knew, from reliable sources, that my mission would be fruitless, and at last almost compelled to act with abruptness, when I found, after obtaining an interview with the Earl of Derby, for Mr. Howe, Mr. Chandler, and myself, on a day when, if the former had fulfilled his promise, he would have been in London, that I was doomed to further disappoint- ment, — Mr. Howe coolly informed us that he could not come at all. The only excuse ever given to us( was the pressure of an election, and important public busineys. The election however was over in ample time, and nothing should have prevented the Government of Nova Scotia from fulfilling its pledge. Had Mr. Howe been unable to come himself, he should have procured the services of one of his colleagues, or of some other person worthy of the confidence of his Govejnment, and 33 duly accredited to tlie (Jolonial Secretary. I nord not now revive discussion on the decision ol' l>ord Derby's Governmetit ; 1 shall merely avail myself of the present opportunity to explain that I never complained of that decision any more than 1 did of a want of personal courtesy towards myself by Sir John Pakington. What I did complain of was fully explained at the time, and being foreign to the present discussion, is not worth reverting to. All that I desire to establish ig, that when Earl (irey declined to carry out Mr. Howe's scheme, I had had no connection of any kind with Railway negotiations, and that when I was connected with them, it was liord Derby's Government which refused to carry out the new scheme agreed to by the three provincial Governments, and upon grounds which, whether politic or not, involved no breach whatever of " national faith," or of " a national " pledge." Lord Derby simply refused the Imperial guarantee for any other line but the one recom- mended by Major Robinson, and advocated by Nova Scotia up to that time, and, moreover, the one ap- proved of by Mr, Howe, though, in order to obtain unanimity, he was compelled to assent to another pro- position. I confess that it seems difficult to acquit Mr. Howe of having acted in l?ad faith to Canada and New Brunswick. The Governments of the three Provinces had been negotiating on the subject of the Railway; Mr. Howe and his colleagues broke off the negotiation, — dissenting from the views of the %,j ifi ;i4 Canadian and New Brunsw'.k delegates. Under the strong pressure of public opinion, manifested by a large public meeting in Halifax, called by the mayor, on a most respectable requisition, the Government of Nova Scotia yielded, and pledged itself to co-operate for tlic common object, and to send a delegate to England. It failed to fulfil this pledge, tacitly withdrew from the negotiation, and left Mr. Chandler and myself to press upon the Imperial Government a measure which we well knew was most unfavourably looked on. It will not be pretended, even by Mr. Howe, that Sir Morton Peto or Mr. Jackson exercised any influence on Lord Derby's Government, and I may further add, that they could have had no interest in pre- venting the guarantee. My own opinion from the first was, that as the money for the Ilailway would have to be furnished by England, under any cir- cumstances, it was most desirable to secure its construction by eminent English contractors. That opinion had been communicated both to my col- leagues and to the Governor-General, the Earl of Elgin, before I knew of the decision of the Imperial Government; and I had obtained authority to re- quest Messrs. Peto and Co. to undertake the neces- sary surveys, with a view, if possible, to a contract. I have now, I submit, completely disproved Mr. Howe's charge,that the Imperial loan of £.7,000,000 was prevented by *' jobbery and corruption," or that one Nova Scotian in Parhament, even had that one 35 been Mr. Howe himself, could liave obtained it. 1 shall not, however, leave the .aso here. "NVcre Mr. Howe's serious charge true, I have shewn that it could have had no bearing whatever on the loan of ;C. 7,000,000, unless, indeed, Lord Derby and Sir John Pakington were accomplices with the Contractors and myself. But I cannot allow Mr. Howe to insinuate a charge against myself personally, — which having been more openly made elsewhere, — I will not affect to misunderstand. The insinuation is conveyed in the Avords: "Enough " is written upon stock books and in the records of " courts in Canada, to give us the proportions of " that scheme of jobbery and corruption." It is untrue that one word is written " in the records of " courts in Canada," having relation to the Grand Trunk Railway; and the allusion to stock books has reference to a base and unfounded allegation, that I had been bribed with £.50,000 stock to give a contract to Messrs. Peto and Co. The charge has been fully investigated by select committees of either House of the Canadian Parliament, and entirely disproved. Had it been true, it is obvious that the suflferers would have been the Company, the Directors of which are fully acquainted with all the facts, and have been aware, from the first, that the attacks against me were conceived in falsehood and malice. But Mr. Howe lias him- self been subjected to similar attacks, and ought, therefore, to have been the last man to insinuate IS 36 (luirges, — of the truth ^i which he has no evidence whatever, — on the authority of partisan newspajjers. I have, perhaps?, devoted too much attention to this Uaihoad question, and sliall therefore pass on to Mr. Howe's next grievance : " Ocean steamers " carry Britisli mails past British provinces, to " reach their destination through a foreign state." This is the charge. One would imagine that the Nova Scotians might be satisfied, without incon- veiiicikcing not only the United States, but England and Canada, oftener tlian once a fortnight. That is a grievance thattliere will be very little sympathy with anywhere but in Nova Scotia, and the remedy is a simple one, viz., — let Nova Scotia provide ocean steamers for herself; Canada is experiment- ing in that way, and will, I have no doubt, succeed whenever we have a restoration of peace. Mr. Jlowe likewise complains of the Imperial policy regarding emigration. I am not, however, aware that the colonics are restricted from adopting any means to encourage immigration which they may think expedient ; and certainly they have no right to complain of measures adopted by the Imperial authorities out of their own resources. Mr. Howe's final grievance, and the one which has called forth his greatest eloquence is, that there .is no field for ambition in the colonies. He says: " Sir, I do not envy our neighbours in the United " States their country, their climate, or their insti- " tutions , but what I do envy them is, the bound- i 37 " 1< .s« field of honouiablo ambition and rivalry, in '• which the ix)or(»st man in the smallest State may '* win, not merely colonial rank and position, but the " liighest national honours." Mr. Howe is of opin- ion, and there I shall nssuredlynot contradict him, tliat in the colonics are to bo found men equal inevery respect to tlios(» who, in the United States, become " Soniitoiis, I'on Ign Ambassadors, Governors, Secre- " taries of Stato, (.'oiamaudcrs of Squadrons, or " Leaders of,Avrni(^8." And then he declares that his " heart sinks when lie thinks of what British " America has to offer." For my own part, I feel more inclined to view the picture in another light. My own career has been in some respects similar to that of Mr. Howe. I do not regard with envy the classes referred to by him, nor do 1 acknowledge any superiority in their position over my own. But it is strange that Mr. Howe should fjiil to con- trast his situation, as I do mine, with that of men in £hgland, with our advantages, sucli as tlioy are, who have had no wuch field for their ambition. It is surely some satisfaction tliat we can continue British subjects and enjoy British institutions, and at the same time attain the standing which we have both won.' And I cannot help adding, as a native of the United Kingdom, that w,hile in a British colony I have reached the highest object of ambition, my chances of political distinction in the United States would have been small indeed. But what means Mr. Howe by saying : — " I will live under no flag with a ^1 38 " brand of inferiority to the other British races " stamped upon my brow." Is this becoming language for a man who has attained the highest position in the Government of his native province 1 My. Howe in his aspirations after a new state of political existence, in order to obtain a larger field for his ambition, seems to have forgotten that all indep(i]uient states are not on a level. There are European kingdoms which stand much lower in estimation than the North American provinces, which ^Ir. Howe affects to think are treated with so little consideration. My own calm and delibe- rate conviction is, that the British provinces, under their present constitutions, present as fair a field for an ambitious man as they could do under any other circumstances. It is true, that were the provinces formed into states and united with the Great Ame- rican Federation, their public men might compete for a few higher prizes than they can do now. But it must be recollected that the value of the prizes more within their reach would be seriously dimi- nished. A Canadian minister occupies a much higher position in the eyes of the world, than a secretary in Michigan or Illinois." All the local prizes svould be deteriorated in value, and the pro- bability of obtaining any of the others would be small. And it must not be forgotten that, in our present connection, the still higher prizes to be gained in England are not beyond our reach. When Mr. Howe alleges ihat the colonies have 39 never supplied even an Under Secretary of State, he may be literally coricct ; but an office of equal rank and importance was recently filled up by a gentleman who though an Englishman by birth liad resided several years in a c;olony, and there is nothing to prevent Mr. Howe hims(4f from trans- ferring liis talents to the EngHsh arena, should ho be of opinion that Nova Scotia affords too limited a field for their rlispiuy. I do not think tluit Mr, llowc can make much ^of his " brand of inferioiity," as illustrated by there being no colonist in the British Ministry; and he might easily have furnished a better illus- tration than the one given, of the court paid to strangers from the Uniced States in preference to those from the colonies. It so happens that the precedence given in passing passengers' baggage to "• bearers of despatches " applies equally to all, as I can assert from personal knowledge ; and if Mr. Howe experienced the discourtesy of Avhich he complains, it must have been owing to accident and not to the system. The Massachusetts cotton spinner in the diplomatic box was doubtless the American minister himself, the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, I hardly think it fair to dwell seriously on this topic, for i\Ir. Howe was probably in- dulging in a joke, although assuredly the tenour of his remarks is anything but mirthful. I am well aware that Mr. Howe's observations on this topic will be rattier popular in the North T » .*4| 40 American colonics. Tliore is no doubt a pre- vailing impression, whether well or ill founded, that colonists receive very little attention in England, and that marked courtesy is extended towards visitors from the United States. It would be easy to shew that there is a great deal of misconception on this point; but it cannot be denied that a certain degree of inconvenience is felt by the colonists, owing to their having no representative either in England or in the other European countries. This is felt more particularly by a class which ought to receive every encourage- ment. I mean persons in easy circumstances who trav(jl for instruction and amusement. It is believed, — whether justly or not I am wholly unable to say, — that persons of this class from the United States, enjoy many social advantages through the agency of the various American ministers stationed in Europe ; and this impression seems to be shared by a very enlightened author who travelled a few years ago in the United States and Canada, Mr. Seymour Tremenheere, who, in his admirable work, " Notes on the United States " and Canada," thus refers to the subject : — " Again, when a citizen of the United States, " of no great mark perhaps in his own country, " comes to this, he naturally feels a desire to see, " if he has the slightest pretensions to be admitted " into it, something of the remarkable society con- " gregated at a certain season of the year in the 41 ;; (C (( (C «% a n i(. a n a ii it li (( i( metropolis. He has the minister of his own country to apply to; and accordingly the in- habitant of the smallest State of the Union, or of the most distant city in the great valley of the Mississippi has a ready mode of access, if it be meet that he should have it, to some portion at least of that distinguished society. I lioard it frequently asked in Canada, * Why should ' the inhabitant of Maine, Vermont, or New ' Hampshire, be better off in that respect, Avhen * he visits England, than an inhabitant of ' Canada and a siibje ■■ of the British crown V " Why should not tlivj j king men of the colonies, ' on temporary visits to England, have oppor- ' tunities of being properly introduced at the ' House of the representative of their colony in ' London.' One of the most painful results of a separation from tliis country Would then be obviated, — that of cutting off, to so great an extent, the opportunities of social acquaintance and intercourse with the best men of the day. Were the option given to CV-rida, the first in importance of our colonies, th . ■ '. v/ould be little doubt, I apprehend, of her soon fl a Jing fit men to represent her ; and as little, it n.»ay fairly be expf>cte^ rpraov.<.g ev.al f»'^~; , hole united, '-■*"r/'':r::rt::eta.y expense; ^^tr;Tw vTatUtbeyWdn., -.ne and It mu.t be, clea imi,ortanc. can be no gnevance of an> „ ^^^^^^.^^ Harhig now considered m oetau .titut-.ons of he ^-* ^^.^^ ^hat there .s ^""™^ Twbat «r for discontent, it cannot be „o ground wh^^^e^ ,,,, var.oas necessary to discuss ^^^ ^^ substitutes schemes which he has s gS ^,^^^,.^„^^„,^ ,. representation in tbe P^ ^^^^ ^^.^^ ^^ and -l«-\f ,;;;;,, „f these is " annexation Howe's approval. Ltie nr ^^^. . to the United States; and though ^ to find that Mr. ««- /;;* ^ :Lrgu.„ents ^^vocatesofthis — h.^^ in their favour, I m-'st " j,;^ . a,e other consideratiovis -^^^^ ^ ^^,^ . fr„„. any thought of -™-ati- ^ ^^^_^ ^^^^^^. ™'^™. "^ r Crll a union effected, it objections to. N^ere 43 must be obvious that the powers given to the f{!d«jral Government must hv taken away from the local Governments. This would cause discontent, and moreover, the people would never be satisfied to pay the expense of double Governments and Legislatures. So long as the colonies are protected by England federation is unnecessary ; and should unfortunately that connection cease, IMr. Howe may rest assured that there will be no second federal system in North America, unless indeed it be brought about by a separation between the free and slave States. I have only to repeat in conclusion that believing as I do that the present colonial system is all that caln be reasonably desired, and that the grievances stated by Mr. Howe, have no existence, I think it much to be regretted that, at a time when public attention is absorbed with questions of paramount importance, there should be even a whisper of dis- content from the colonies, and I am of opinion that Mr. Howe would have advanced the interests of Nova Scotia much more by displaying her great resources, and the stability of her institutions, than by inducing people in England to believe that she aspires aftei' an independent national existence. LONDON: PRINT*!) BY T. UmsnELL, RL'PKHI' 9TKBET, II AV MAHKEl'.