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 E 
 
 E R 
 
 T O 
 
 Dr. SAMUEL JOHNSON: 
 
 OCCASIONED BY 
 
 HIS LATE POLITICAL PUBLICATIONS, 
 
 W I T H A N 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 SOME OBSERVATIONS ON A PAMPHLET LATELY 
 
 PUBLISHED BY Dr. SHEBBEARE. 
 
 "-■»/- 
 
 " Here let thofe reign ^ whom pensions can incite 
 « To 'vote a PATRIOT blacky a courtier ^hitei 
 ^'-Explain their country's dear-bought rights away, 
 *' And plead for pirates in the face of day i 
 *• With SLAVISH tenets taint our poifon'd youth, . 
 **Andlendai.YKtheconfdenceefTKVTH»''* 
 
 ' JOHVSOW. 
 
 LONDON: " 
 
 Printed for J. TOWERS, in Fore-Striet. 
 
 M,DCC,LXXV. 
 
 [P»IC1 ONE IHILIING AND UX-PINci.J 
 
> ) 
 
 ,- t 
 
 
 »\ 
 
 4T 
 
 
 p • * 
 
 ' ♦ I 
 
 
■oxnnnvaMHP^ 
 
 ( 
 
 E 
 
 E R 
 
 T O 
 
 Dr. SAMUEL JOHNSON, 
 
 S I R, 
 
 ?''^c^'*lHEN a man, who has rcLdered 
 -yy- ^ himfelf eminent by his pro- 
 ^ dudtions in morals, and in poi 
 k.^ <S^^ lite literature, engages in poli«* 
 tical contentions, and in thofe which are 
 apprehended to be of great national impor- 
 tance, it may reafonably be expected of fuch 
 a writer, that he fhould dillinguifh himfelf 
 not by party violence and rancour, but by 
 pioderation and by wifdom : and that at leaft 
 he (hould not; wholly lofe fight of that libe- 
 rality of fentiment, which fiiould charadc- 
 rize the fcholar ; nor of that decency and 
 politenefs, which fhould adorn the gentle- 
 man. But unhappily your political pro- 
 ductions have been chiefly remarkable for 
 
 t B bitter- 
 
»"t> J ■*■.., .^f^/ l-**.*.-:!..^., ^.'/-.^J.-^^, 
 
 I » 1 
 
 bittcrnefs of invcdlve, unjuftand uncandid 
 reprefcntations, the moll: bigotted preju- 
 dices againd them whom you oppofc, 
 and the higbefl flrains of coPitcmptuous 
 infolchce. You have written in a manner 
 which mud; degrade you in the judgment^ 
 of the impartial public, in a manner 
 utterly unworthy of a great, or liberal, 
 or philofophic mind, and for which even 
 your being a royal p^inlioner cannot apo* 
 Jogize. 
 
 M 
 
 * When I firll: heard that a penfion had 
 been conferred upon you by thofe in 
 power, I hoped that it niight have been 
 given a^ the reward of merit. I ktiew 
 that your literary labours, your elaborate 
 Didionary, and other works, in which 
 you had difplayed great force of genius, 
 cxtenfive knowledge, and uncommon pow- 
 ers of lan^ruage, had given you a juft claim 
 to public fupport and encouragement. I 
 thought it not impoiTible, that thofe by 
 whom your penfion was procured, might 
 have been fatisfied with rewarding your 
 ingenuity, without impoiing any fervices 
 on you unworthy of your charadler. But 
 the ufe that has been fmce made of you, 
 
 renders 
 
.■•? 
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
 K f 
 
 renders it fuflicicntly ppparent, that a pen- 
 fion was conferred on you with other 
 views. It now Teems probable, that your 
 known Jacobitical principles, which, how- 
 ever flrange it may be thought, appear 
 now to be in high clUination at court, were 
 among your chief recommendations ; and 
 that it was thefe, added to the hope of 
 employing you in the fervice of your new 
 mafters, which really occafioned your being 
 placed in the lift of royal penfioners. 
 
 ; J> 
 
 •i.^ 
 
 Kit./' C 
 
 It has been faid, that few men arc 
 capable of bearing profperity well; and 
 if receiving a penfion may be confidercd as 
 a fpecies of profperity, it appears fufficiently 
 evident, that this has not had a favourable 
 ciFedl cither upon your head, or upon your 
 heart. Not one truly valuable piece has 
 iflued from your pen, fincc you received 
 the royal bounty. From that time, your 
 native pride and arrogance appear to have 
 been augmented j and your latter pieces 
 are far from breathing that virtuous fpirit, 
 by which your former writings were gene- 
 rally diftinguifhed. Inftead of employing 
 your talents in the fervice of the republic 
 of letters, and in benefitting mankind, 
 
 B 2 you 
 
!»' 
 
 •if 
 
 4L 
 
 [ 4 1 
 
 you are now dwiadled into the rancbrous 
 writer of a party; and produce only fuch 
 performances as the Falfi* yllarm, the 
 thoughts on the tranfadlions refpeBing Falk" 
 land's IJlands^ and the Patriot, 
 
 During the laft reign, you were gene- 
 rally confidered as one of the moft bigottcd 
 Jacobites in the kingdom. It is commonly 
 faid, tha: you fcarccly ever fpoke of the 
 family on the throne with any degree of 
 temper or decency; and you not unfre- 
 quently exhibited in your writings your 
 iiveriion to the government. It was then 
 a fubjed of your moft pathetic com- 
 plaints, that England was opprrffed with 
 ixcife (a)y that it was a cheated and a 
 groaning nation^ and a beggar d land (bj. 
 We were then curfed with a penfaned band^ 
 and with hireling fenators ', and it was a 
 thought lefs age luWd to servitude (c). 
 
 You 
 
 ■ II I ■ III ■ m ill *»■ I I » I i II 
 
 (a) Vid. London, a Poem, in imitation of the third 
 fatire cf Juvenai, publUbed in Dodfley'3 Mifcellanies, 
 vol. I. p. 188. 
 
 {b) London^ ut fupra^ p. 189, 19 19 196. 
 (c) London^ ut fufra^ p. 189, 296, X97. 
 

 I s ] 
 
 You then wiflied for thofc happy days 
 of old, whea jufticc was uprightly and 
 impartially adminiftered. You fighcd for 
 the age of Alfred, bccaufe, as you in- 
 form us, 
 
 Fair Ju/Jice then^ without eonjiraint ador\l^ 
 Held high tiyeji tody fealty but dccp'd thr /word \ 
 No /pits were pnid^ no SPFC I AL jVRlf.s i/iaivn, * 
 Bie/f Jge ! but ah ! how diff'rtnt from our own ! (d) 
 
 But whatever evils the nation fufFcred from 
 in iniquitous government in the laft reign, 
 they are, it feems, happily removed in the 
 prcfenti fo that you can now difcover no- 
 thing to complain of, but the (urbulence 
 and wickcdnefs of the popular party. 
 
 As this country was fo much opprefTed, 
 and laboured under fuch a variety of evils, 
 in the reign of George the Second, it may 
 amufe a fpeculative man to enquire, by 
 what means fo happy a revolution in public 
 affairs has been effectuated in the Reigu 
 of George the Third. Are our taxes lef- 
 fened ? No, Is the nation freed from 
 excife ? No. Are the rights of the fubjecfl 
 .' more religioufly prefcrved? No. Is Juf- 
 
 tice 
 
 (d) London f uifupra. 
 
..[61 
 
 ticc more impartially adminiftered in our 
 courts of law ? No. Are fpecial juries lefs 
 frequent ? No. Has the commerce of the 
 nation been encreafed, and its interefts 
 better attended to ? No. Are our Parlia- 
 ments more incorrupt, and lefs under the 
 influence of the court ? No. What is it 
 then that has fo wonderfully changed the 
 face of public affairs, as entirely to reconcile 
 the author of the Rambler to the go- 
 vernment ? The whole may be anfwered in 
 one fhort fentence. The grievances of the 
 kingdom are removed ; the nation is no 
 more in a groaning or a finking (late; for 
 Dr. Samuel Johnson has a pension. 
 It follows, as a neceffary confequence, that 
 wifdom prefides over our council?, that 
 all complaints againfl: the adminiflrarion 
 muft be unjuft and unreafonable, and that 
 we have the happinefs to poffefs *• a govern- 
 «* ment approaching nearer to perfedion, 
 •* than any that experience has known, or 
 *' hiitory related fej 1 " 
 
 :S5- 
 
 I 
 
 
 You have obferved, fFalfe Alarm, p. 28.) 
 that ** the acceptance of a place contami- 
 
 ** nates 
 
 (i) Faifc Alarm, p. 45. 
 
[7 ] 
 
 " nates no charader;" and you have pro- 
 bably the fame ideas of the acceptance of 
 a penfion. But furely the characTters of 
 thofe men are contaminated, who are in- 
 duced by a place, to facrificc thfe rights of 
 their country; or by a penfion to write in 
 defence of meafures that are oppreflive and 
 iniquitous. As to your engaging in vinw 
 dication of an arbitrary iadtoiniftrationi 
 fome allowance ought, perhaps, to be 
 made, for that attachment to defpotic 
 principles which you early imbibed, and by 
 which you have fo often diftinguiflied your- 
 fclf. That bigotry which could lead you 
 to celebrate in the higheft ftrains of pane- 
 gyric, that moft eminent high-church 
 faint, archbifliop Laud, and that zeal iii 
 favour of tyranny which could induce you 
 to deplore the death of the Earl of Straf- 
 ford f/J, may perhaps be pleaded in ex- 
 tenuation of your condud. And as you 
 appear to have been always difpofed to 
 juftify the tyranny of the Stuarts, you 
 
 were 
 
 (f) X'ld, the Vanity of human wiOies, a Poem, by 
 ISamuel Johnfon, printed in the 3d volume of Dodiley't 
 Colle^^ion of Pocnis« and alfo in the 2d volume of Mif- 
 cellanies and fugitive pieces, publiihed by Davies. 
 
[ M 
 
 were already half prepared to defend dc- 
 fpotic proceedings under a prince of another 
 family. Though your Jacobite prejudices 
 gave you a prediledion in favour of the 
 Stuarts, yet it might fomewhat reconcile 
 you to the government of the Houfe of 
 Hanover, if you had reafon to believe that 
 principles were now adopted at court, 
 fimilar to thofe of that family, whofe 
 attempts to enflave the nation had been 
 the caufe of their expulfion from the 
 throne. But whatever allowances may be 
 made to you on this account, you arc Ail! 
 extremely cenfurable for thofe notorious 
 fallacies and mifreprefentations, and that 
 grofs fcurrillity, with which your late, 
 political produdions fo much abound. 
 
 As a fpecimen of the moderation and. 
 civility with which you have exprefled 
 yourfelf concerning the party whom you 
 oppofe, I fhall colledt a few of the rheto- 
 rical flowers, and polite phrafes, which 
 are fcattered throughout your political 
 pieces in fuch bountiful profufion. Of 
 Junius you fay, that be burji into notice 
 with a blaze of impudence ; and of Mr. 
 Wilkes, that he was a varlet driven out 
 
[ 9 1 
 
 bf the Tloufe ivith public infamy. The po- 
 pular party are ftiled by you a dcfpicable 
 faoiion, bellowers of/edition, ruffians who 
 would gain power by mi/chief and confufiont 
 and thiffe who having Jixed their hopes on 
 public calamities^ Jit like vultures waiting 
 for a day of carnage. You alfo fay, " Of this 
 " fadion what evil may not be credited? 
 *' They have hitherto fhewn no virtue^ 
 *' and very little wit, beyond that mif- 
 " chievous cunning, for which it is held 
 /* by Hale that children may be hanged"--^ 
 You have alfo difcovered, that they arc 
 more wicked than the Devil. — " As they 
 " have not the wit of Satan, they have 
 ** not his virtue.*' — " Their hope is male- 
 *i volence, and their good is evil." fgj — 
 And you likewife complain of the howl of 
 Plebeian patriot ifm^ and the howling violence 
 
 of patriotic rage, 
 
 I 
 
 Is this the language of a man whofe 
 ^updcrftanding has been refined by litera- 
 ture? Is this the language of a fcholar, 
 a gentleman, or a pbilofopher? In the 
 
 C heat 
 
 (g) Thoughts on the tranfa^ions rtfpeP/mg Falkland^$ 
 IJlands, p. 41* 70, -J I J &c. f^iii, alfo the Fal/t Alarin»^ 
 
[ xo ] 
 
 heat of a political controverfy, fuch fcur^ 
 rillity might not have been wondered at in 
 low and vulgar minds ; but furely fomething 
 better might have been juftly expeifled from 
 a teacher of morals, and a profefTed im- 
 prover of our language. Nor do the terms 
 in which you have expreffed yourfelf of 
 them whom you oppofe, convey a very 
 favourable idea of your heart. The ut- 
 mofl ftretch of candour cannot lead any 
 man to fuppofe, that you believe one half 
 of the evil that you have faid of the 
 popular party. You muft be the moft 
 prejudiced man in the kingdom if you do : 
 and if you do not, have you any right to 
 be confidered as a man of principle, or 
 probity? 
 
 Such is your rancour againft all who 
 have engaged in any oppofition to the 
 court, that you cannot exprefs yourfelf 
 with decency even of the Earl of Chat- 
 ham. The eloquence of that illuflrious 
 nobleman, who is unqueilionably one of 
 the greateft ornaments of his age and 
 country, is defcribed by you under the con^ 
 
 temptuous 
 
[ " ) 
 
 tcmptuous ^pptlhtion of feu.'ia/ gM/e (h)\ 
 and you obferve that it will be happy for 
 him, ** if the nation fliall at laft difmifs 
 ** him to namelefs obfcurity." But how- 
 ever highly you may eftimate your own 
 talents, be aflured, that you will he ex- 
 tremely fortunate in this refpedt, if your 
 fame fhouid be as lafting as that of the 
 Earl of Chatham, whofc name will be 
 mentioned with didinguifhed honour in 
 the annals of this country, fo long as any 
 records of it fhall be preferved. 
 
 The people are frequently honoured by 
 you with the polite appellation of the 
 rabble \ and the citizens of London, and 
 the freeholders of Middlefex, are alfo 
 fpoken of by you with fimilar contempt. 
 They have been both adlivc in the oppo- 
 fition to the court, and muft therefore 
 experience the effecfls of your loyal indig- 
 nation. The inhabitants of London, have, 
 indeed, long been under obligations to 
 you, for the genteel terms in which you 
 
 C 2 have 
 
 (g) Thoughts on the Tranfaftions icfpcdling Falk- 
 land's IHands, p. 37* 
 
[ " 3 
 
 have fpokcn of their city. It was thus dc- 
 fcribed by you many years fince : 
 
 London, the needy villain's general home^ '" '''^^ 
 The common Jewer of Paris and of Rome » 
 
 The freeholders of Middlefex h^ve alfq 
 the honour to be thus diftinguifhed by 
 you: *• Mr. Wilkes, and the freeholders 
 «• of Middlefex, might all fmk into non- 
 ^' exigence, without any other effe(f^, 
 ** than that there would be room made 
 ** for a 7:c'w rabble, and ri new retailer of 
 •* fedition and obfcenity (i j.'' It is need- 
 Icfs to make any remarks en this pafTage, 
 It is equally characterized by politenefs 
 and humanity. 
 
 In your lafl: political publication, the 
 Patriot, fpeaking of the opponents of 
 government, you fay, •* The greater, far 
 ** the greater number of thofe who rave, 
 *' and rail, and enquire, and accufe, 
 ** neither fufpedl, nor fear, nor care for 
 " the public J but hope to force their Way 
 ** to riches by virulence and invedivc, 
 " and are vehement and clamorous, only 
 
 " that 
 
 ^i) Falfe Jlarm^ p, 35. 
 
[ '3 1 
 
 *' thftt they may be fooner hired to bo 
 *• filent ("kj.** That this aflertion is noto- 
 rioufly untrue, mud be evident to every 
 man who will confider it. A great majo-* 
 rity of thofe who are diflatisficd with the 
 meafures of government, and who teilify 
 their difcontent, cannot poflibly have any 
 hope of acquiring riches by their oppo* 
 fition, or cheri(h any hope of being bribed 
 to filencc. But you have, with an equal 
 difregard to truth, alfo pafled a fimilaf 
 unjufl and undiftinguifliing cenfure of the 
 popular party, in the Fa/Je Alarm, You 
 there commend the King for having neg- 
 levfled or forgotten the many petitions fent 
 to him from different parts of the king- 
 dom; becaufe you fay, ** he might eafily 
 '* know, that what was prefented as the 
 ** fenfe of the people, was the fenfe 
 ** only of the profligate and dijfolute fl)" 
 That this is a grofs falfhood muft be 
 evident to every candid perfon in the king- 
 dom,^ of whatever party. Among thofe 
 who approved of the petitions to the 
 throne], and who joined in their complaints 
 of thofe grievances of which the petitions 
 
 con-* 
 
 •r*" 
 
 (k) Patriot, p. 5, 6. (I) Falft Alarm^ 48. 
 
I 14 1 
 
 contained an enumeration^ were many of 
 the worthicft perfons in this country ; and 
 not a few who were diftinguiihed both 
 by abilities and learning, at well as by 
 integrity. Surely then neither party vio- 
 lence, nor the influence of a penfion, can 
 be pleaded even by your friends as a jufti- 
 fication of what you have written. Nor 
 can you poflibly vindicate yourfelf, unlcfs 
 you think it ri^ it to fupport the caufe of 
 your patrons, not only by a total difregard 
 of candour, but by the mofl grofs devia* 
 tions from truth and juftice. 
 
 You obfervc in the Patriot ^ p. i, that 
 " at the end of every fcven years comes 
 ^ the Saturnalian feafotii when the people 
 >• of Great Britain may pleafe themfehes 
 *^ with the choice of their reprcfentativcs. 
 ** This happy day has now arrived, fome- 
 «* what fooner than it could be claimed.'* 
 Your romparifon here of the period of 
 cledlion with a Roman feftival, wherein 
 the Jla*\ies were put on a level with their 
 maJierSf appears to convey in it a compli- 
 ment to your countrymen not of the moft 
 flelicate kind. And as to your remark, 
 that this bafpy day bas arrived fomewhat 
 
 fooner 
 
t J5 1 
 
 Jooner than it could be claimed, for which 
 you fccm to fuppofc that the people arc 
 under fomc obh'gation to ad ininift ration, 
 it is, I believe, far from being generally 
 apprehended, that the unexpected diflb- 
 lution of the parliament arofe from any 
 dcfire to gratify, or to ferve the people. 
 And if it was done with the views that 
 are fuppofed, little gratitude can be due 
 from them on that account* ,, 
 
 , \ . . 
 
 • In the courfe of thofc obfervations, 
 wherein you profefs to point out the marks 
 which diftinguifh true patriots from thofe 
 who falfely aflumc that charadler, you 
 fay, ** Some claim a place in the lift of 
 ** Patriots by an acrimonious and unremit-, 
 " ting oppo](ition to the court. This mark 
 ** is by no means infallible. Patriotjfm 
 *' is not necefTarily included in rebel- 
 ** lion fmJJ* Was it your defign here, to 
 infinuate, that oppojition to the court and 
 e fynonimous terms ? Something 
 appears to have, been intended. 
 I to adminiftration i 
 
 rebelli 
 
 >ppoiiti 
 
 jrely 
 
 for the fake of opppfition, or when en- 
 
 gaged 
 
 ii .j » i.i i 
 
 J " ■■ ■ 
 
 111 "■ . ■■ 
 
 (m) Patriot^ p. 4. 
 
gaged in from private views, Is not Patriot 
 tifm, may readily be granted. But if the 
 prevailing meafures of government are un-^ 
 juft, pernicious, and dcfpotic, the purclt 
 public virtue would didtatt an oppofitioni 
 to fuch an adminiflration : and it is natural 
 and rcafonablc for the people to conlidcr 
 thofe as their friends, who diftinguiih 
 themfelves by their oppofition to mcafurei 
 of this kind. With whatever caution the 
 people may eledl their rcprefcntatives, they 
 are often liable to be deceived. But they 
 always a6l rightly in electing fuch men for 
 members of the Houfe of Commons, 
 whom they believe to be friends of free<» 
 dom, and difpofed to join in a vigorous 
 oppofition to all fchcmes for aggrandizing 
 the power of the crown, or depriving the 
 people of their rights. 
 
 You fay. Patriot y p. 4. that ^' a maa 
 ** may hate his king, yet not love hi* 
 ** country.'* I (liall not difputc this affer- 
 tion, becaufe I confider yourfelf as an evi- 
 dence of its truth. In the laft reign, no 
 man fufpedled yon of any affe<5l:ion for the 
 King : and yet there were rcafons to be- 
 lieve that you had not nuich more for your 
 
 country. 
 
 lit 
 
■4 
 
 [ '7 1 
 
 country. When the red of the nation 
 were rejoicing at the advantage which 
 they had gained over their enciiiics by the 
 conqueft of Louiibourgh, you fccmed to 
 view it with difgull; and therefore wrote 
 an Eflay in the JJLt, calculated to depre- 
 ciate the merit of the EnglKh in that 
 capture, and to leiTcn the gancral joy on 
 the occaficn, under the pretence of iliew- 
 ingthe partiality of national hillorians (^nj. 
 You remark in that cllay, that ** there is 
 •* no crime more infamous than the vio- 
 " lation of truth." It would have been 
 much for your reputi'tion as a moral man, 
 if you had attended more to this confidc- 
 ration in your late political produdions. 
 However, that you are not tindured witli 
 many prejudices in favour of your country, 
 is fufficiently apparent to thofe who are 
 converiant in your writings f^oj. And let 
 
 D 
 
 il 
 
 (n) rU. the Idler ^ N* 20. -•' . 
 
 (o) Vid. Dr. Johnfon's attempts to juftity the pro- 
 ceedings of the Spaniards, in his Thoughts on the 
 traofa^ftions refpeding Falkland's lilands j and his argu- 
 ments in favour of the conduct of the French \i\ America, 
 in " Obfervations on the State of Affaires- in 1756," 
 reprinted in the third volume U Mircellaucous and 
 Fugitive Pieces. 
 

 [ »8 ] 
 
 it alfo be remembered, that no man can 
 with propriety be faid to love his country, 
 who will be induced by a pcnfion to defend 
 violations of the rights of his fellow fub- 
 jedls. As to that ^ablic liberty, by which 
 England has long been fo honourably di- 
 Ainguifhcd from other nations, the very 
 idea of it appears to be offenfive to you : 
 and the acrimpny with which you have 
 criticifed Dr. Blackwell's •* Memoirs of 
 •* the Court of Auguftus," (p) fcems to 
 have arifen from no other fource, than 
 your diflikc of that ingenious writer; on 
 account of the zeal which he had difco- 
 vcrcd in fupport of liberty, and the com- 
 mon rights of mankind. 
 
 You obferve, Patriot ^ p. i6. that "a true 
 «* patriot is no laviCh promifer: he under- 
 " takes not to fliorten parliaments: to re- 
 ** peal laws ; or to change the mode of 
 '* repr'^fentation, tranfmitted by our an- 
 << certors." If you mean by this, that no 
 true patriot will undertake to efFcduate 
 thcfe things himfelf, becaufe every indi- 
 ' vidual 
 
 (p) Vid. thjs third volume of Mifcellancous and 
 TugUivc Pieces. 
 
C '9 ] 
 
 Vidual knows that they arc not within hI"S 
 power, you fay what may be true, but 
 what is nothing to the purpofc; for no 
 man, wlicthcr Patriot or otherwifc, has 
 undertaken any thing fo abfurd. But if 
 you mean, that no man, confiilcntly with 
 the charadlcr of a true patriot, can promifc 
 to ufc his endeavours, and to vote for 
 fliortening the duration of parliaments, 
 for repealing bad laws, or changing the 
 mode of parliamentary reprefentation, your 
 affertions arc without proofs and, as I 
 apprehend, totally repugnant to realbn. 
 
 Uld 
 
 That long parliaments are a very con- 
 fiderable national evil, is the opinion of 
 many of the bed and moft intelligent 
 friends to the free conflitution of this 
 country. And with refpc(5t to any man 
 who is of thcfe fcntiments, what can there 
 be inconfiftent with true patriotifm, in his 
 declaring to thofe whom he offers to ferve 
 as their rep'-efcntative, that hfi will ufe his 
 endeavours to procure a law for fliortening 
 j the duration of parliaments ? There can be 
 nothing in this repugnant to the pureft 
 prniciples of patriotifm; and your affertioa 
 mud, therefore, be wholly groundlefs. 
 
 D 2 ' Ir 
 
 ;.av. 
 
w 
 
 - [ 20 ] . • 
 
 It is the lame with rcfpcdl to a promife 
 made by a candidate, to ufe his endeavour* 
 10 procure a repeal of any other laws that 
 are apprehended to be detrimental to the 
 nation. The people have a right to J^pply 
 for a repeal of fuch laws^ and there can 
 be nothing inconfiilcnt with public fpirit, 
 that thofe who offer themfelves to be 
 truftccs for the people, fhould make de- 
 clarations of their readinefs to comply with 
 the requifitions of their conftituents. 
 
 As to changing the made of reprefe: tation ^ 
 tranfmitted by our ancejlors^ all who have 
 conlidercd this fubjedt with any degree of 
 attention, muft be convinced of the mequa- ' 
 lity of the prefent mode of parliamentary • 
 reprefentation, and that it is produdive of 
 great evils to the conltitution (q). In 
 what refpedt then can it poffibly be incon- 
 flent with true Patriotifm, that a candi- 
 date for the office of member of parliaftient, ' 
 (liould promife that he will ufe his endea- 
 vours 
 
 Pi 
 
 (q) See this matter accurately dated, and placed in 
 a very ilrong and juft light, in a valuable work lately 
 publilhcd, iniitlcd, Pelitical Difquifitions^ vol. 1. 
 >' 39— 72- 
 
 i 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 vours to procure a rcdrefs of this grievance? 
 You fay, that the true Patriot knows, 
 that " futurity is not in his power." Every 
 man knows this, and nothing more has 
 been required of any candidate, but that 
 he fhould ufe his endeavours to efFedtuate 
 what was required of him by his confti- 
 tuents, when it {hould be in his power. 
 As to your other obfervation, that the 
 true patriot knows, that ** all timed arc 
 ** not alike favourable to change;" this is 
 nothing but the common cant of thofe men 
 who are defirous of preventing improve- 
 ment of any kind, when it interferes 
 with their private views ; and who, when 
 they are a(hamed of objefting to amcafure 
 cvidertiy good, content themfelves with 
 faying, thut the prefent is not a proper 
 time. And indeed to people of this clafs, 
 no time ever arrives, which they fuppofe 
 proper for the difchargc of their duty. 
 To do it is not their aim ; they arc only 
 folicitous for fome new excufe, or plau- 
 fible evafion* 
 
 " M\JCH lefs," you fay, " does the trud 
 " patriot make a vague and indefinite pro- 
 *• mile of obeying the mandates of hii 
 
 <c 
 
 QOli' 
 
^w 
 
 t 22 ] 
 
 *' conftituents. He knows the prejudices ^ 
 «* of fadlion, and the inconftancy of the 
 '« multitude." But upon this it may be 
 obferved, that the notion that members; 
 of parliament arc not under an obligation 
 to obey the inftrudtions of their conditu- 
 entSy is a novel dodrine. It was not un- 
 frequent formerly for members of the 
 Houfe of Commons, and fometimes the 
 whole body of them, to refufe to vote, 
 till they had confulted thofe who fent them. 
 And both Houfe s of Parliament have often 
 been adjourned to give them time to do 
 this. Lord Coke fays, " It is the cuftom 
 *' of parliament when any new device is 
 ♦* moved for in parliament, on the King's 
 " behalf, for his aid, or ths like, that 
 <* the Commons may anfwer. They dare 
 <* not agree to it without conference with 
 " their countries (r)** And furely no- 
 thing can be more juft, than that thofe 
 who adt as the deputies of others, fliould 
 conform to the inftrudtions of tliofe from 
 whom they receive thetr delegated power. 
 As to the apprehenfion, that Injudicious 
 inftrudtions might be fent to the members, 
 
 let 
 
 ' ' '" ' ■ ■ I !■■ !■ ^.1 II I I , I 
 
 ir) Vid. Political Difqiiifitions, vol. I. p. 19J, 
 
 ■'h 
 
 
 
 200. 
 
 'I !i 
 
I 
 
 let it be remembered, that this woul4 
 hardly be the cafe with many places in 
 the kingdom at once; and therefore, if 
 it (hould happen in a few places, could 
 not be fuppofed materially to affedt the 
 final determination of the Houfe. When 
 inflrudlions have been fent to members 
 from many parts of the kingdom at 
 once, they will, I believe, always be 
 found to be in favour of fomc objed: 
 of great and evident national utility j and 
 when thcfe inftrudions have been difre- 
 garded, it has been to the public detri- 
 ment. The prejudices of faSlion^ and the 
 inconjiancy of the multitude^ which you fo 
 doloroufly bewail^ would not be in any de- 
 gree fo prejudicial to the nation, not even 
 the prejudices of the Jacobite fadlion, as 
 the having a Houfe of Commons regard- 
 lefs of the fenfe of their conftituents, and 
 ready to vote as any minifter fhou. 1 diredt 
 them. 
 
 As in the laft parliament, the dependance 
 of the Houfe of Commons on their confti- 
 tuents feemed often to be forgotten, or 
 difregarded; and the connexion evidently 
 was, in genera), not between the members 
 
 and 
 
II 
 
 f 24 ] . 
 
 * 
 
 and their conftituents, but between the 
 members and the mL^Ifler, it was high 
 time that the people fhould propofe fome 
 tejist in order to fecure the fidelity of their 
 rcprefentatives. And the particulars to 
 which they were required to declare their 
 affent, were of great national concernment, 
 and of evident utility ; and not matters of 
 difficult difcuffion, or which depended 
 on times and circumftances. It would 
 have been well if tefls of this kind had 
 generally been propofed to candidates 
 throughout the kingdom; it had been 
 much talked of; and to prevent this, by 
 taking the people unprepared, was pro- 
 bably a principal caufe of the fuddcrt dif- 
 folution of the laft parliament. 
 
 You have alfo laboured in sSt, Patriot 
 to vindicate the ^ebec AB ; and in fup- 
 port of it you urge, p. 1 1 . that " Perfe- 
 « cution is not more virtuous in a Protef- 
 ^* tant than a Papifl; and that while we 
 «« blame Lewis the Fourteenth, ' for his 
 «* dragoons and his gallies, we ought, 
 f* when power comes into our han^s, to 
 V ufe it with greater equity/* This is 
 only confounding the ilate of the queilion, 
 
 by 
 
[ *s 3 
 
 by an attempt to refute principles that 
 were not advanced by the opponents of the 
 A^, It was never pretended, that it 
 would have been jufl: to perfecutc the 
 Papifls in Canada, or to have deprived 
 them of the exercife of their religion. 
 But there was furely no necefTity for giving 
 Popery fuch a legal eftablifliment there, 
 under a British government, as that their 
 priefts (houlJ have the fame right to claim 
 their ecclefiaftical revenues, as the clergy of 
 the eftablifhcd church in England. It has, 
 indeed, been faid by another apologill 
 for the Quebec Adl, that " when the free 
 " exercife of the national religion was 
 ** given to the Canadian nation, it could 
 ** never be underftood that they were to 
 •* be deprived of their clergy ; and if not, 
 ** a national provifion for that clergy fol- 
 " lows of coui'fe /^j^.*- But why fo? Arc 
 the Proteftant Difl'cnters in England de- 
 prived of their clergy ? And yet it is well 
 known, that no legal provifion is made for 
 their maintenance. They are fupported 
 only by the voluntary contributions of the 
 
 !i 
 
 ,«f ' 
 
 
 E 
 
 diflent- 
 
 (s) Letter to the Earl of Chatham on the Qiiebcc 
 Billj attributed to Sir VVillian^ Meredith, p. 24, 25.- 
 
; t «6 ] 
 
 dillenting laity. Would it not have been 
 fufficient, if the Popifh clergy had been 
 put upon the fame footing ? They would 
 hardly have complained of ill treatment in 
 this cafe. Indeed of whom could they have 
 complained? Not of the Englifli govern- 
 ment, who allowed them the free exercife 
 of their religion, and left the laity to fup- 
 port them as liberally as they plcafed. 
 And furely the Popifh laity could not have 
 complained, when they were allowed li- 
 berty of confcience, and permitted to fup- 
 port their clergy in that way which they 
 thought beft. Neither clergy nor laity, 
 therefore, could, with any (liadow of rea- 
 fon, have complained of the Englifli go- 
 vernment; for if the clergy had not thought 
 themfelves fufficiently fupported, they 
 would have had no blame to throw on any 
 but their own people. And let it be fup- 
 pofed, that in confequence of the laity not 
 being compelled to pay the clergy, Popery 
 had decreafed in Canada. Would this 
 have been thought an evil, by a truly Pro- 
 teftant King, or a truly Proteftant Parlia- 
 ment ? It is impoffible. 
 
 It 
 
[ 27 1 
 
 It may be faid, * that Popery was tlic 
 religion of the inhabitants of Qaebec, 
 when it was taken by the Enghfli; or, as 
 you exprefs it, that " the inhabitants, 
 ** being French, were always Papifts." 
 Be it fo : but is that a rcafon why French 
 Papifts, in a country conquered by the 
 Englifh, (hould be put on a better footing 
 than Proteftant DifTenters in England ? Is 
 it juft, or reafonable, or decent, that in 
 any part of the Britifh dominions public 
 provifion fhould be made for a PopKh 
 clergy, whilft: a legal toleration is refufed 
 in England to Proteftant Diflenting mi- 
 nifters ? 
 
 \m 
 
 You fay, that " when Canada with its 
 ^* inhabitants was yielded, the free enjoy- 
 ** ment of their religion was ftipulated; a 
 ♦* condition of which King William, who 
 ** was no propagator of Popery, gave an 
 ♦* example nearer home, at the furrender 
 ** of Limeric" ft J, It was certainly rea- 
 fonable, that when Canada was con- 
 quered, a ftipulation ftiould be made to 
 the inhabitants of the free exercife of their 
 
 E 2 religion; 
 
 Q- 
 
 
 (t) Patriot^ p. 12, 
 
u 
 
 [ 2i ] 
 
 religion; and it would have been extreme 
 
 injnftice and inhumanity to have violated 
 
 that ftipulation. But there was no ncccf- 
 
 fity, in conlcquence of the capitulation 
 
 made with the Canadians, that an ai5t of 
 
 Parliament fliould afterwards be pafled to 
 
 compel them to pay their own priefls. 
 
 The cafe of the furrender of Limeric, 
 
 therefore, is not a limilar one, nor can 
 
 with any propriety be urged in fupport of 
 
 the Quebec Acft; for it is tliat which is 
 
 now jullly the fubje^Il of complaint, and 
 
 not the articles of capitulation, or the 
 
 adherence to thofe artickif. 
 
 You obferve. Patriot y p. 13. that if liberty 
 of confcience ** be an indulgence, it may 
 *' be allowed to Papifts, while it is not 
 «* denied to other fedsj" and that " thofe 
 ** at leaft, v;ho enjoy a toleration, ought 
 ** not to deny it to cur new fubjedts,'* 
 I am far from confidering liberty of con- 
 fcience as an indulgence of government. 
 It is a right of nature, which no govern- 
 ment can deprive men of, without being 
 guilty of inhumanity and injulHce. - If 
 the penal laws againft Papifts, were ever 
 fiefcnfibJe, it muft have been from politica} 
 
 ^onr 
 
t> 
 
 t 29 ] 
 
 confiderations, and a regard to the fafety 
 of the ftate. How far they were juftifiable 
 on that ground, I Ihall not now enquire. 
 But it may be remarked, that the confi- 
 dering Proteftant Diirenters and Papifts as 
 equally entitled to favour under the pre- 
 fent government, is a kind of novel doc- 
 trine. However, if it were juft, the Dif- 
 fentcrs would dill have reafon to complain. 
 At a time when a legal eflablidmient, and 
 public maintenance for the clergy, have 
 been granted to the Papifts in Canada, the 
 Diflenters in England have been refufed 
 a legal toleration ! 
 
 f rt y.f,t li i itn J i!' 
 
 The DifTenters are not only obliged to 
 
 contribute their full fhare towards the 
 
 fupport of the eftabliflicd clergy, and the 
 
 national worfliip, and to maintain their 
 
 own clergy feparately ; but the mod un- 
 
 juft and oppreflive laws are ftill continued 
 
 againft them, by which their moft learned 
 
 and moft refpedtable minifters are fubjeded 
 
 to pains and penalties, to heavy fines, and 
 
 to imprifonment. Thefe laws, it is true, 
 
 are not at prefent put in force j but the 
 
 Diffenting clergy are conftantly liable to 
 
 profecutions, and yet have been repeatedly 
 
 refufed 
 
 I* 
 
 ::: ^>» 
 
 :,v 
 
 i^ 
 
[ 30 ] 
 
 refufcd any legal fccurity. And this at 
 the very period when Papifts arc placed on 
 fuch a footing by a Britifh Parliament, 
 that they have the freeft exercife of their 
 religion, are not required to pay to the 
 fupport of any clergy but 'their own, who 
 have a legal maintenance afforded them, 
 and who are not (hackled with any fuch 
 fubfcriptions, as are required by law of 
 Diffenting minifters in England. Are the 
 Proteftant DifTenters in this country lefs 
 entitled to liberty of confcicnce, than the 
 Papifls in Canada? If they have only an. 
 equal claim to it, why is it granted to the 
 latter, and the legal enjoyment of it re- 
 fufed to the former? I do not, indeed, 
 remember to have met with any ProtefVant 
 writer, except yourfelf, who ever thought 
 that the Proteftant DifTenters and the Pa- 
 pifts were to be confidered as on an equal 
 footing under this government; and I be- 
 lieve no man, pretending to be a Proteftant, 
 has ever in this view given the Papifts the 
 preference, at leaft iince the Revolution, 
 excepting your colleague Dr. Shebbcarc. 
 
 But your dedre of conlldering the Pro- 
 teftant Diflenters as on a level with the 
 i Papifts,. 
 
it 
 
 it 
 
 I 3t 1 
 
 Papifts, probably arifcs from that averfion 
 to them which you fometimes difcover, 
 and of which wc have a curious fpecimeti 
 in the Faife Alarms p. 52. Speaking of 
 the oppofition, you fay, *« None can indeed 
 wonder that it has been fupportcd by 
 ' the fe^ariest the conjiant fomcnters of 
 fedition, and never-failing confederates of 
 ** the rabble^ of whofe religion little now 
 ** remains but hatred of ertablifliments." 
 Of this malevolent and injurious account 
 of the Diflenters, I (hall fay but little ; it 
 is unnecefTary; as its manifeft want of 
 juftice, and of truth, muft be evident to 
 every equitable and impartial member of 
 the eftablifhed church, I fhall, however, 
 obfervc, that it may be coniidered as fome 
 tolerable kind of evidence, that the reli- 
 gion of the Diffenters is not very near 
 being extinguished in this country, that 
 there arc now upwards of eleven hundred 
 Diffcnting congregations in EnglancJ* fup- 
 ported by voluntary contributions among 
 themfclves, without including either Me- 
 thodifts or Quakers. 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 But it is not only that part of the 
 Quebec Adt which relates to the Romi(h 
 
 religion 
 
[ 32 3 
 
 religion that is cenfurablc; what is Aill 
 more alarming is, that fo conlldcrablc a 
 part of the BritiOi dominions ihould have 
 a dcfpotic government eftablidjcd in it. 
 The inhabitants arc not only deprived of 
 trial by jury in civil cafes, but the govern- 
 ment of the province, and the power of 
 making laws, arc inverted in perfons ap- 
 pointed folely by the king and privy coun- 
 cil. No alTembly of the peopL*, as in 
 other 13riti(h colonics, is to be allowed; 
 it being at prcjent inexpedient fuj-, and wc 
 
 have no reafon to expedt that thofe in 
 power will hereafter difcover its expedi- 
 ency. The management of the colony, 
 therefore, is entirely entrufted to the King, 
 and the creatures of the crown; and- the 
 perfons who arc nominated for this purpofe 
 by his majcfty, and who are honoured with 
 the title of a legijlative council, have alfo 
 power given them to make ordinances touch^ 
 ing religion, which may diredt fines, to any 
 amount, orimprifonracntfor three months, 
 as they {Ball think proper ; and they may 
 enad fevercr laws relative to religion, 
 if they are fuch as his majefty fhall be 
 
 gracioufly 
 
 (u) Fid. the Aa. 
 
[ 33 1 ■ 
 
 gfacioiiily pTcafed to approve. The King 
 may alio crcdt futh courts of criminal, 
 civil, and ecclcfiaftical jurifdidion, as he 
 J}mII think necejfhry and proper. And the 
 boundaries of the province of Quebec arc 
 extended by the htX^ that the advantages 
 pf this blefTed fyltcin of government may 
 be the more widely difFufed. 
 
 • For what purpofe was Quebec retained 
 by England at the laft peace? Was it 
 that it Oiould be made an Englifh colony, 
 in which EngliHi fubjedts might have the; 
 liberty of fettling? If this was any part 
 of the defign, it appears to be almofl: en* 
 tirely defeated by the Adl. What maa 
 deferving the name of Engli(hman, who 
 has ever enjoyed the bleffings of freedom, 
 or formed any juft notions of its value, 
 would ever chufe to retire to the province of 
 Quebec, where no religion but the Romiih 
 is countenanced by gbvernment, and where 
 French laws, and-an arbitrary government, 
 are eftablidied? Of what ufe then is Que- 
 .bee to this Kingdom, or what purpofe 
 does our poflcflion of it anfwer, under 
 fuch circumftances, excepting merely the 
 aggrandizement of the power of the crown ? 
 
 F All 
 
 i" 
 
 jf 
 
[ 34 ] 
 
 All the future Englifh fettlcrs in Canada, 
 as well as thofe who are now there, are, 
 while this adt continues in force, to be 
 deprived of their freedom and their laws ; 
 though it has been acknowledged by an 
 advocate for the Quebec A6t (ivj^ that 
 the EnglKh who are now fettled in the 
 province, *\ fervently defired to be governed 
 ** by the laws of England." Was not 
 . fome regar'l dac to Englifh Proteftarts, 
 as well as to French Papifts? Or,, was 
 Canada conquered by Britifh arms» that 
 Briti(h fubieds might be compelled to fub- 
 jnit to Gallic laws ? 
 
 You obferve, that " Quebec is on the 
 ** other fide the Atlantic, at too great a 
 ** diftance to do much good or harm to 
 « ' the European world." It appears, how- 
 ever, that your worthy colleague and 
 brother-penfioner, Dr. Shebbeare, is of 
 opinion, that Quebec may be made very 
 ufeful in promoting the purpofes of admi- 
 niftration. The Quebec Adt, he fays, 
 '* has eflabliihed an ample and siUFPi- 
 " CIENT FoacE to qucll thc democratic 
 
 " ipirirs 
 
 (w) Letter Xq the £arl of QhatLam, p. iS, 
 
 •■'Si? 
 
C 35 1 
 
 ** fpirits of the Americains (x)'* What 
 thanks Jire not due to thofc refined politi- 
 cians, who have formed a fcheme of em- 
 ploying an army of French Papifts, to 
 keep the New England heretics in order, 
 or to exterminate them if they Ihonld prove 
 refradoryl It is an admirable projedt; 
 and fimilar to that attributed to Charles I. 
 of endeavouring to crufh his rebellious 
 Englifh fubje(T:s by an army of Irifh Catho- 
 lics. The politics of Charles were alfo 
 very refined; but it may not be amifs to 
 remember, th«Jt they at length brought 
 him to the fcaffold. 
 
 V' 
 
 III 
 
 % 
 
 tc 
 
 t* 
 
 You obfervc, Patriot ^p, 22, that '* that 
 man is no Patriot, who juflifies the ri- 
 diculous claims of Ameriran ufurpation; 
 ** who endeavours to deprive the nation of 
 " its natural and lawful authority over its 
 «* own colonies." But it may very juftljr 
 be queftioned, whether the authority now 
 cliiimcd over die Americans be either na- 
 
 F 2 tural 
 
 (x) Vid. Dr. Shebbeare^s Pamphlet, p. 30. This 
 Writer alfo fays in another place, that by the laft 
 peace the nation acquired ** a number of loyal fuhjeSfs 
 ''to oppofe the rebellious intentions of the demtcratlc 
 ^^ fe£lari(s in America," p. 69. 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 tural or lawful. There are, perhaps, other 
 claims, at Icaft as ridiculous, as thofe to 
 ^hich you huve given that appellation. Nor 
 do I apprehend, that it is a jufl impeach- 
 ment of any man's patriotifm, that he difap- 
 proves of the late proceedings refpedling 
 the Americans, or that he thinks more 
 may be alledged in vindication of the 
 colonies^ than will be admitted at St. 
 James's. 
 
 Yov fay. Patriot, p. 23. ** He that 
 *' accepts protedticn, ftipulatcs obedience. 
 *< We have always proteded the Ameri- 
 . **cansi we may therefore fubjedl them 
 *' to government." This argument is not 
 good. We protedled the Portuguefe in the 
 liift war, but no man fuppofed that on that 
 account v/c had a right to their obedience, 
 or to fubje5i them to government . And 
 however differently ths Americans may be 
 circumftanced, from their more intima<^c 
 connexion with Great Britain, it is cer- 
 tain, that our having protected them, even 
 though we had not done it from a regard 
 to our own intereft, can give us no right 
 \Q reduce them to flavery. 
 
 You 
 
 »)-^". ■**■.• 
 
 iH^ 
 
[ 57 ] 
 
 You obferve, that the " power which 
 ♦* can take away life, may feize upon 
 *' property. The parliament may enadt 
 ^* for America a law of capital punifh-* 
 ^« mentj it may therefore eftabliih a mode 
 ^* and proportion of taxation." Perhaps 
 the beft n^ethod of refuting this argument, 
 is to fhew the confequences to which it 
 w®uld lead. If it be admitted, the King 
 and parliament mufl be the abfolute and 
 uncontroulable lords of the Americans. 
 If the Britifh parliament, in which the 
 Americans have no reprefentatives, can 
 enadt any laws of capital punifliment re- 
 fpeding them, can take away life^ feize 
 upon property^ and tax them at pleafure, 
 are the Americans, in a political view, 
 tnore free than the inhabitants of the em- 
 pire of Morocco ? Are not their lives, pro- 
 perties, and privileges, wholly at the 
 difpofal of others ? If it fliould be fuppofed, 
 contrary to fa£t and late experience, that 
 ^hey would not meet with rigorous treat- 
 ment from a Britifh parliament, this makes 
 no alteration in the argument. The Negro 
 who has a kind niaifler is as much a flavc, 
 as he who has a fcvcre one. When all 
 this is confidered, perhaps it may cafily be 
 o ». difccrned. 
 
 ^4 
 
 \i 
 
 \\ 
 
 W 
 
difcerned, to whom ridiculous claims ought 
 moft juftly to be attributed. 
 
 The prefcnt conteft with America ap- 
 pears to be one of the moft uahappy, in 
 which this country ever was engaged. It 
 is a conteft in which we have almoft every 
 thing to lofe, and in which nothing can 
 be gained. What may be the event of it, 
 or how fatal its confequences, either to 
 Great Britain or the colonies, no man can 
 forefee. Whtf i we crufli them by force, 
 or they are fuccc^sful in reiifting our pre- 
 tenfions, in either caie this nation muft 
 greatly fufFer. And ftiould our enemies 
 on the continent take this opportunity of 
 attacking us, how perilous would be our 
 lituation ? Can thofe then, whatever offices 
 they may hold, be confidered as real 
 friends to this country, who arc precipi- 
 tating fuch meafures againft the Americans, 
 at may, in the event, bring the Britifli 
 empire to the brink of deftruflion? Is it 
 more probable, that this condu(ft is die* 
 tated by wifdom and by juftice, or by the 
 mere luft of power, without any regard to 
 the moft important interefts either of Great 
 Britain, or the colonies ? 
 
 You 
 
[ 39 ] 
 
 You aflert in the Patriot^ p. 27, that 
 fhofe can lay no claim to the illuftrious ap- 
 pellation of patriots, " who impute want 
 «' of public fpirit to the late parliament." 
 I confefs, that had it not been for your 
 information, I Hiould never have fufpcdled, 
 that faith in the public fpirit of the laftt. 
 parliament, was an efTential mark of pa* 
 triotifm. But you are an uncommon 
 genius, and have therefore a right to make 
 uncommon difcoveries. 
 
 
 You ground your argument in fupport 
 of the public fpirit of the laft parliament, 
 on their having pafled Mr. Grenville*s bill 
 for determining contefled eledions, and 
 another for abridging the privileges of 
 members of parliament. It (hould feem» 
 that the good works of the laft parliament 
 were not very numerous, becaufe different 
 advocates in its favour fix on the fame two 
 adts as evidences of its virtue. A fellow 
 labourer with yourfelf in the rpyal vine- 
 yard, the Rev. Mr. John Wcfley, did 
 alfo, near four years ago, though at fecond 
 hand^ allege thefe adts in juflification of 
 
 the 
 
 „>. 
 
 .ax ^i 
 
 I! 
 
 \iS 
 
 i f 'I 
 
 ! i 
 
 n 
 
 ii 
 

 i 4? 1 
 
 the King's laft parliament (y). But I 
 fliould. rather be pf opinion, that /wa 
 good afts, in the courfc of abo«t kv^vi 
 years, could hardty bo a proof th« a par- 
 lianoent had no deficiency of public fpicit. 
 Some perfons may pofSbly thiak, that the 
 merit of thefe two a<fts w^smuch more 
 than over-balanced, by; the iniquity of the 
 new Game and Dog A^s, thq Royal mar- 
 riage ad, the Eaft-India compsipya^i the 
 Bofton Port Ad, the Aft forjOhaoging the 
 government of the province of Maffachu- 
 fct*s Bay, and the Quebec A€i;; x\sxX to fpeak 
 of tb^ violation of the righto^ ledion.by 
 the laft parliament, and the U :ility with 
 which they voted half a million of tl^o 
 public money to pay ciyilj Jift debf $, >yifh- 
 out examination or accoHfl^. . ., . , 
 
 '"I^ there an impartial nian ifi this coun- 
 try, who underftands its conftltiitidni wl^o 
 will affert, that the laft HoUife of Con^- 
 mons adted like the real reprefentatives of 
 the people? In how many inftances, du^ 
 ring the feveit years wherein they were 
 aflembled, did they vDtc in conformity to 
 
 {y) Vid. Wcfley*s Free Thoughts on the pref«nt 
 State 9f public Affairs, Svo. 1770, p. a6, 27, 
 
 I'r 
 
[ 4r ] • '' 
 
 the Wiflics anii intereft of their cohdituents^ 
 when they were contrary to the will and 
 pleafure of the minifter, or of his maftcr? 
 Or can it be conceived poiTible, that thd 
 Prime Minifter would have dared fo openly 
 to diredt the determinations and proceed-* 
 ings of the laft Houfe of Commons, if 
 they had pofleffed any proper fenfe of their 
 own dutyi or their own dignity ? 
 
 If under the itiofl folemn obligations 
 to adt on behalf of thofe by whom they 
 were elected* the laft Houfe of Commons 
 aimed invariably fupported every meafure 
 df the minifter for the time being; if 
 inftead of confidering what was the fenfe 
 of their conftitucnts^ they attended only 
 to the nod of the prime minifler; if in- 
 ilead of being the guardians of the people's 
 rights, they were the mere creatures of 
 the crown, on the proceedings of which 
 they ought to have been a check ; if they 
 were induced by places, penfions, con- 
 tracts, lottery -tickets, and other douceurs, 
 to facrificc the intcr^fts of thofe from 
 whom they received their delegated power* 
 and for whom they (hould have adled a$ 
 faithful truAees ; if this w^ the charafter 
 
 G of 
 
 it' 
 
 tM\ 
 
[ 42 1 
 
 of the majority of the laft Houfe of Com- 
 mons, and I believe few impartial men 
 entc-taiij many doubts upon the fubje<St, I 
 kn«, no words in our language, that can 
 convey too fevere a cenfurc of their bafenefs, 
 fervility, and treachery to their conftituents, » 
 
 It 
 
 In the 3 2d page of the Patriot y you 
 fay, " That the next Houfe of Commons 
 ** may adt upon the principles of the 
 ** laft, with more conftancy, and higher 
 ** fpirit, muft be the wifh of all, who 
 " wi{h well to the public." But this is 
 merely your affcrtion, :and appears to be un- 
 fupported by reafdn or by truth. I believe, 
 on the contrary, that it is the (incerc wifli 
 of all who are friends to the free cohfli- 
 tution of this country, that the new Hbiift 
 of Commons may a£i on principles exceed^ 
 ingly different from the laft; that tbcy 
 may attend more to the real interests of 
 the nation, and lefs to their own private 
 emolument 3 that they may be more tender 
 of the rights of the people, and Icfs ready 
 to comply with the requifitions of tJie 
 miniflry; and that if they do difcovcr 
 more fpirit than the lad, it may not be 
 exerted in trampling on the privileges ©f 
 
 thofe 
 
 If 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 thofe whom they reprefent, and whom 
 they are bound by the mod facred obliga- 
 tions to defend i but in treating with the 
 contempt and indignation they deferve, 
 any efforts of a firft Lord of the Treafury, 
 to direct their dehberations, or to controul 
 their parhamentarydecifions; anil in bring- 
 ing knavish miniders to judice, and to 
 that exemplary punilhment which they de- 
 ferve, though they (hould take fhelter 
 behind the chrone. 
 
 It is fomewhat curious to obferve, how 
 much your Jacobitifm is apt to break 
 forth, not withf landing your pre fen t zeal 
 in fupport of the government of a Prince 
 of the Houfe of Hanover. All your new- 
 ly acquired loyalty to George III. cannot 
 make you forget your much- favoured 
 Houfe of Stuart, nor wholly remove your 
 attachment to it. It was too deeply rooted, 
 and become too natural to you, to be to-> 
 tally eradicated : 
 
 Naturam ixpilUs furca^ tamen ufqui recurnU 
 
 In the Falfe Alarm, p. 51. you fay, 
 that " the ftruggle in the reign of Anne, 
 
 G 2 <* was 
 
( 44 ] 
 
 »* was to exclude or rcftore an exiled Ksfig/^ 
 This exiled King was the Pretender. And 
 notwithftanding the many rcfplendent vir- 
 tues which you have difcovered in his pre- 
 fent majefty, you are far from paying any 
 compliments to his predcccffors fince the 
 pxpulfion of the Honfe of Stuart. For 
 you inform us, that the prince from whom 
 you received your pcnfion, and in whole 
 reign of confcquence your loyalty com- 
 menced, is *' the only king, who, for 
 " a/mo/i a century, has much appeared to 
 f defire, or much endeavoured to deicrve*' 
 the aiiHEdions of the people f^zj. The 
 ca'ution> and attention to chronology, with 
 which you exprefs yourfelf here, is truly 
 admirable; you compliment his prefent 
 majefty, but take <jare to exclude from 
 your lift of thofe Kings, who defcrved the 
 affedions of the people, William III. 
 Ceorge I. and George II. At the fame 
 lime, leaving room for your readers to draw 
 all honourable conclufions in favour of their 
 predeceiTors, the Stuarts; whom you have 
 entirely excepted from your cenfure ; and, 
 indeed, it ought to be remembered, that 
 
 • - . ■ if. 
 
 , .(5iJ Falfc Alarm, p. 50, 
 
[ 45 1 
 
 if, peradventure, they had a few faults^ 
 they were amply atoned for by that divine 
 and hereditary right, which refidcd in thttir 
 facred perfons ! 
 
 ♦ Yo u obferve of Falkland's IJland, Patriot, 
 p. 20. ^* that it is a bleak and barren fpot 
 ^* in the Magellanic ocean, of which no 
 ** ufe could be made, unlcf^ it were a place 
 ** of exile for the hypocrites of Patriotifm." 
 But, perhaps, a better ufe might be made 
 of it. It would at lead be as well adapted 
 for the reception of men, who, though 
 born under a free conflitution of govern- 
 ment, have no fenfe of its value, or con- 
 cern for its prefervation ^ who are ready 
 to proditute their talents in the fervice of 
 every minifter who will employ them ; or 
 who have fo much attachment to defpotlc 
 principles, as to be for ever incapable of 
 becoming real friends to that public liberty, 
 by which this country has been (b long, and 
 io honourably diftinguifhed. Men of flavifh 
 principles mufl ever be unworthy members 
 of a free Aate. And as to yourfelf. how- 
 ever unwilling you may now be, when 
 you can bafk in the beams of royal favour, 
 fo remove to a fpot lik» this^ there was a 
 
 time 
 
 '1^ 
 
m 
 
 111 
 
 r 46 ] 
 
 time when you feemecl to languish for 
 fuch a retreat: when you pathetically 
 exclaimed^ 
 
 Has Htav'n riferv'd^ in pity tn the poor, 
 
 Ko pathUfi wajie, %r undlfcov«r*d /Jjore ? 
 
 Kofeeret ijland in the bound left main ? 
 
 Nt peaceful dtfart^ yet unclaim'd by Spain? 
 
 ^ick let ut r'tfr^ the happy J cr . explore. 
 
 And hear Oppression's Insolence no more (a). 
 
 
 .1. 
 
 It is a misfortune which has attended 
 your political y'ltings, that they have de- 
 graded your own c'haradler, without ren- 
 dering much fcrvice to thofe by whom 
 you were employed. I believe no writer 
 of your abilities ever engaged in politics, 
 whofe produdions were of fo little efFcdt, 
 and fo unprofitable to his patrons. And 
 you may in many refpedls be confidered as 
 a memorable inftance of human weaknefs* 
 For though you havs given evidences of 
 great force of genius, you have at the 
 fame time difcoyered fuch little prejudices^ 
 and fuch bigotted attachments, as would 
 have difgraced a common underilanding. 
 
 You 
 
 ' I 
 
 
 (a) Johnfon^s London, utfupra* 
 
[ 47 1 
 
 if You will probably, with that haugfaCw 
 nefs which is natural to you, but whic^ 
 even your bci^ friends mud acknowl^e^g^ 
 to be a confide rable flaw in your chara^^^r* 
 affedl to difregard whatever can be offered 
 againft your condudt, or your writings. 
 But fhould you ever again really be influ- 
 enced by thofe principles of virtue, which 
 you have fo forcibly inculcated on others, 
 you will regret that your time has been 
 mifemployed in the vindication of meafures, 
 which ihotilii have excited the indignation 
 of every honed man. I would, however, 
 wifh you to remember, (hould you again 
 addrefs the public under the charadter of 
 a political writer, that luxuriance of ima- 
 gination, or energy of language, will ill 
 coinpenfate for the want of candour, of 
 juftice, and of truth. And I (hall only 
 add, that fhould I hereafter be difpofed to 
 read, as I heretofore have done, the moft 
 excellent of all your performances, the 
 Rambler, the pleafure which I have been 
 accuflomed to find in it will be much di- 
 minifhed by the reflexion, that the writer 
 • of fo moral, fo elegant, and fo valuable 
 a work, was capable of proftitutrng his 
 
 tale'^ts 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 itl! 
 
[ 48 ] 
 
 talents in fuch produdlonB, as iht Pdlfe 
 Alarm^ the thoughts on the TranfaSiions 
 reJpeBing Falkland*s I/lands, and the Pa^ 
 triot. 
 
 I am> Sir» 
 
 » V • V* • ' «• 
 
 Your very humble Servant. 
 
 I M 
 
 
 
 ^li 
 
IP— .. 
 
 n- 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 f' mi. 
 
 m 
 
h 
 
 #»a(r«.l|l!«<iWbMI|«**!lllWliSfc;- .f .W*«*trlf*<^l>sisr >Mtil.'< •• ', •• 
 
 <•«»-« V'^WftTiti-.^lW*:- 
 
 SSBBBiBiaii 
 
I SI ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 IT is fomewhat worthy of obfervation, 
 that at the prefent period, the pen- 
 fioned-advocates for the court fhould be 
 of opinion, as it appears they are by their 
 writings, that the bed method they can 
 take of gratifying their, patrons, is to de- 
 grade the charadters of King William and 
 Queen Mary, to traduce the revolution, 
 and the mofl illuArious patriots of the lad 
 age, and to pour out the mod fcurrilous 
 abufe on the Protedant DifTenters. Of 
 this we have an extraordinary fpecimen in 
 a piece lately publidied I ^ Dr. Shebbeare, 
 intitledy " An Anfwer to the Queries con- 
 ** tained in a letter to Dr. ohebbeare 
 ** printed in the Public Ledger, Aug. lo. 
 ** together with animadverfions on two 
 «« fpeeches," Sec. in which he has aJfo 
 made a comparifon between the public 
 and privaf.e virtues of their prefent m - 
 jcdies, aad tljofe of King William and 
 
 , H 2 Queen 
 
t 58 1 
 
 Queen Mary ; and likewifc, as the Dodlor 
 himielf fays, fairly Jiated the merits of 
 Roman Catholics, and of Diflenters from 
 ^hc Church of England, refpeding allegi-* 
 ance and liberty, and their claims to nati- 
 onal protection . 
 
 It is not my defign to enter into a par- 
 ticular examination, or refutations of Dr. 
 Shebbeare's voluminous pamphlet. It is 
 the 4efs neceffary, as the Dodtor's perfor- 
 mance is fo full of grofs fcurrility, and 
 evident malignity, and fo totally deflitute 
 of ferty appearance of ju (lice, or of candour^ 
 that it carries in a great degree its own 
 antidote with it. I ihall, however^ make 
 a few obfcrvations on this cwrious pro* 
 dudlion. 
 
 
 
 Im the preceding letter, I have given 
 fomc inftances of the politenefs with which 
 Dr. Johftfon has treated the popular party, 
 and thofe againft whom hp has thought 
 prdpcr to engage. In like manner, I 
 fhall**hcre' fckdt a few fpet:imens of a (imr- 
 lar ftile from Dr. Shebbeare 5 as both ht 
 and his brother-peniioner have much dif- 
 tinguidied theacvfelvefi in this wav^ though 
 
 if 
 
( 53 1 
 
 it may be prefumcd, that neither of theft 
 courtly gentlemen acquired this kind of 
 language in the drawing voo-tx. 
 
 Dr. Shebbeare ftiles the popular party, 
 f&e remor/e/e/s crew of ft cjent patriots fa), 
 and alfo fayS;, they '* are thefpaivn of thofo 
 «* who were uniformly rebels to the fb) 
 «* beft of Kings (cj,'* The Americans, he 
 ftiles gracelefs fubjeSfs^ trans- Atlantic fecf 
 taries^ and rebellious iuj^rates fdj. He alfq 
 fays, they were cor^cious of their internal 
 rottennefs of foul (e)\ and that from their 
 hearts ♦^ H would be exceflively more dif* 
 *^ ficvlt TO eradicate ingratitu4e, than to 
 ^* diveft arfenic of the power of poifon- 
 ** ing (f)*' The Diffcnters he compli- 
 ments with the title of feblarian crews, 
 and alfo fpeal(s of the infernal altar of 
 Prefbyteriau perfidy, iff whofe religion re- 
 gicides ALONE are faints (g). The 
 pifliop of St, A — ^ph, he fays, is a fpeecb* 
 
 printing, 
 
 (a) P. 132. . .. ^ 
 
 (b) The poi^or, it i$ prefumed, means thQi)lci]ed 
 Martyr. 
 
 (c) Shebbtare^s Pamphlet, p. 92. (d) P. m, 
 
 , .(/; P. lu, (f) -P. iiOs lu. (g) P. 173, 174. 
 
 
 k 
 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 printing Ifcariot fhj ; and he is of opinion, 
 that Bifliop Burnet was ** as greut a villain, 
 *' and merited death as much as Garnet," 
 the Jefuit, who was executed for being 
 concerned in the powder-plot fij. 
 
 This is a mod admirable hiilorical flyle! 
 and from which the public may be enabled 
 to form fome judgment, of what is to be 
 expeded from the Doctor's projeded Hif- 
 tory of England. For though Dr. Sheb- 
 be^re's late piece be not properly an Hiftory, 
 y^t it contains fo many hiftorical fadts, or 
 at lca(l what he has thought proper to give 
 a3 fuch, that it may reafonably be fuppofed 
 he intended it as a fpecimen of bis biAorical 
 talent^. 
 
 ,5'. 
 
 ifV 
 
 The Dodor fays of the truly illuftrious 
 Algernon Sydnev, not only that he 
 was 2i fanatic vijionary fkj, but that ** no 
 ** hiitory has yet produced a more fan" 
 •* guinary and ungrateful traitor (l)f And 
 he has quoted a pafTage from one of Syd- 
 ney's letters to Henry Savile, in order to 
 confirm the charge of corruption, which 
 has been lately brought againft Sydney, 
 
 grounded 
 
 {h} P. 124. (/; P. 145. W P- 55* V) Pf Jtf 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 grounded on Barillon's letters, as published 
 by Sir John Dairy mple (m). But this 
 pretended new evidence againft Sydney, 
 appears to be founded on nothing but a 
 wilful perverfion of the meaning of his 
 letter. For it muft be manifeft to any 
 man, who will read the letter referred to 
 by Dr. Shebbeare (n)^ that Sydney, who 
 wrote from London to Savile then in 
 France, and who was giving him an ac- 
 count of the ftate of public affairs in Eng- 
 land, when he faid, ** You know Monf. 
 ** Barillon governs us, if he be not mif- 
 ** taken," meant only, that Barillon thought 
 he managed the councils of the Englifli 
 court; and not that he governed Sydney 
 and Savile as individuals. It is well 
 known to be common for private perfons, 
 when converfing on political fubjedts, to 
 ufe the phrafe our affairs^ when fpeaking 
 of the public affairs of the kingdom; or 
 ^; to 
 
 to 
 
 Ih 
 
 (m) Vid, fome obfervations on tWs fubje£l in "An 
 <' Examination into the Nature and Evidence of the 
 •« Charges brought againft Lord William Ruflel and 
 *• Algernon Sydney,^ by Sir John Dalrymple, Bart, in 
 ** his Memoirs of Great Britain/* 8vo. 1773. 
 
 . (n) Tii. Letters of Sydney to^ Savile, edit. 8yo. 
 
[ S6 1 
 
 to fay the French have defeated, or out^ 
 witted us, when the perfons fpeaking have 
 not the Icaft reference to themfelves a« 
 individuate, but only fpeak of themfelves 
 as members of the community at large« 
 It is evidently in this manner that Sydney 
 ufcs the phrafc governs us, in the letter 
 referred to. So that Dr. Shebbeare, whca 
 he quoted this pa-ffage as a proof, that 
 *^' Sydney and Savile were fecretly in- 
 *« triguing with the French court," is un- 
 qucftionably guiky of a grofs and fliamc- 
 ful miffeprefentation. 
 
 As to the Dodlor*8 ri&flexions againil 
 SvDNEy, on the fuppofition of his being 
 a republican, it may be fufficient to ob- 
 ferve. that if this juftly celebrated man, 
 in confequence of the abufe which he bad 
 fecn of regal power, was of opinion^ that 
 a republican form of government would 
 be moft advantageous to the people of this 
 country, there are few men of fenfe who 
 will form a very unfavourable opinion of 
 him on that account. The great defign for 
 which civil government is eftablifl^ed, is 
 the promotion of the intereft and happi- 
 nefs of the peoples and modes of govern- 
 
 ment 
 
^57 ] 
 
 meftt are of little confequence, but fo far 
 as the/ are more or lefs adapted to that 
 end. The private intereft of a particular' 
 prince, or family, is of trifling confidera- 
 tion, when compared with the welfare of 
 a whole nation. 
 
 'As Dr. Shebbeare fcems to take a pecu- 
 liar pleafure in blackening fome of the 
 moft excellent charafters, and cfpecially 
 if they have been friends to public liberty, 
 he has introduced Lord Somers, as one 
 of thofe, ** who had violated the c^nfti- 
 " tution, and plundered their country.** 
 Btit as it is no part of my defign to enter 
 here intd a minute examination of the 
 c6ni}iidt of Lord Somcrs, I (hall content 
 fn ftsn' with infer ting a part of what has 
 ^eh faid of this Cf'-sbratcd nobleman, by 
 Mi*. Addifonand Mr. Horace Walpolej 
 -ae it is poflible that^ the public may pay 
 mearfy as much regard to their opinion upon 
 -Aii fufejedt, as to that of Dr.-Shefebeare. 
 
 " 'Mr; Adoi'^on obferves, thftt-l-ord 
 SoNtEHs" <* hdd worn himfelf qui ^n his 
 ' " &p|)lication to - iuc-h ^ftudies as o^ade -him 
 ;A< ,>j^l ^r omamei>tal to the Wdrld, in 
 
 
 «< 
 
 con- 
 

 i 5» 1 
 
 '* concerting fchcmcs for the wdfare of bU 
 " country, and in profecuting fuch mca- 
 •• fures as were ncccffary for making thofc 
 •• fchemes efFedual : bnt all this was done 
 ** with a view to the public good that 
 <« fhould rife out of thefe endeavours, and 
 " not to the fame that fhould accrue to 
 V himfclf. Let the reputation of the 
 f * adtion fall where it would ; To his 
 •• country reaped the benefit of it, he was 
 " Aitisficd. As his turn of mind threw off 
 ^' in a great meafure the oppofitions of 
 •* envy and competition ; it enabled him 
 ** to gain the mod vain and impradli- 
 *' cable into his deigns, and to bring 
 ** about feveral great events for the fafety 
 *• and advantage of the public, which 
 *' mufl have died in the birth, had he been 
 *' as defirous of appearing beneficial to 
 *' mankind, as of being fo. As he was 
 *' admitted into the fecret and mofl retired 
 " thoughts and counfels of bis royal mafler 
 •* King William, a great fhare in the plan 
 ^* of the Protef^ant fucceffion is univcrfally 
 " afcribed to him. And if he did not cn- 
 <* tirely project the union of the two king- 
 V domSy and the bill of regency, which 
 y fcem to have been the only methods in 
 " • *« human 
 
r 59 ] 
 
 •« human policy, for fccuring to us fo in- 
 *' edimable a blcfling, there is none who 
 " will deny him to have been the chief 
 •* condudlor in both thefe glorious works.'* 
 
 *• His life was, in every part of it, fet 
 •* off with that graceful modefty and re^ 
 ** fe* ve, which made his virtues more 
 '*' beautiful, the more they were cafl in 
 ♦' fuch agreeable fliades. His religion was 
 ** fincere, not oftentatious; and fuch as 
 *^ infpired him with an univerfal benevo- 
 '* lencc toward all his fellow fubjeds, not 
 " with bitterncfs again ft any part of them. 
 ** He (hewed his firm adherence to it as 
 ** modelled by our national conftitution, 
 ' * and was conftant to its offices of devotion, 
 ** both in public and in his family. He 
 «* appeared a champion for it with great 
 reputation in the cafe of the fevcn 
 bifhops, at a time when the church was 
 really in danger. To which we may 
 " add, that he held a ftridl friendship and 
 correfpondence with the great Arch- 
 bifhop Tillotfon, being afted by the' 
 fame fpirit of candour and moderation j 
 *' and moved rather with pity than indig- 
 ^* nation towards the perfons of thofe, who 
 
 I z *« differed 
 
 «< 
 
 <« 
 
 <« 
 
 €t 
 
 4t 
 
 €* 
 
 I 
 
•^ ilfftrcd from hirti in the uncflcntial parts 
 •' of Chriftlanity, His great humanity ap- 
 •* peared in the minuted circumftanccs of 
 '* his convcrfation. You found it in the 
 ** benevolence of his afpedl, the compla- 
 <• ccncy of his behaviour, and the tone of 
 -** his voice. His great application to the 
 *• fevercr ftudies of the law, had not in«* 
 •* feded his temper with any thing poiitive 
 ♦* or litigious. He did not know what it 
 •* was to wrangle on indifferent points, to 
 ♦• triumph in the fuperiority of his under- 
 *' {landing, or to be fupercilious on the 
 ^* fide of truth. He joined the grcateft 
 •* delicacy of good breeding to the great^ 
 f« ftrength of reafon." 
 
 Mr. Addifon alfo obferves, that as Lord 
 Somcrs gic::*ly contributed in his political 
 capacity " to the cHablifliment of th^ 
 " Proteftant interefl, and the good of his 
 ** native country, he was always true to 
 ** thofc great ends. His charadter was 
 " uniform, and confiilent with itfelf, and 
 f* his whole condudt of a piece. His 
 «* principles were founded in reafon, and 
 ** fupported by virtue foj," 
 
 Mr. 
 
 j; ' .Ml ' ■ ' . 
 
 (cj Freeholder, No. ^9. 
 
.[ 6i ) 
 
 Mr. Horace Walpole fays of Lord 
 SoMERS, that " he was one of thofe 
 «* divine nxeni who, like a chapel in a 
 ^* palace, remain unprofaned, while all 
 ^' the reft is tyranny, corruption, and 
 ^* folly. All the traditional accounts of 
 ** him, the hiftorians of the laft age, and 
 ^' its beft authors, reprefcnt him as the 
 «* moft incorrupt lawyer, and the honeft- 
 •* eft ftatefman, as a maftcr orator, a gc- 
 ♦• nius of the fineft tafte, and a patriot of 
 '* the nobleft and moft extenfive views j 
 '* as a man who difpenfed bleflings by his 
 f* life, and planned them for pofterity," 
 
 ** The momentous times in which he 
 ^* lived, gave Lord Somcrs opportunities of 
 f* difplaying the extent of his capacity, 
 ** and the patriot! fm of his heart; oppor- 
 ** tunities as little fought for the former, 
 f* as they were honeftly courted and pur- 
 f* fued for the latter. The excellent ba- 
 ^* lance of our conftitution never appeared 
 <* in a clearer light than with relation to 
 ** this Lord» who, though impeached by 
 •• a mi%uided Houle of Commons with 
 ^* all the intemperate folly that at times 
 f« di%raced the free flates of Greece, yet 
 
 ♦'had 
 
[ 62 ] 
 
 '^ had full liberty to vindicate his innocence, 
 '* and manifeft an integrity, which could 
 ^' never have fhone fo bright, unlefs it 
 *' had been juridically afperfed." 
 
 
 " It was no inglorious part o^ this great 
 ** Chancellor's life, that when removed 
 '* from the adminiflration, his labours 
 ** were ftill dedicated to the fervice of the 
 ** government, and of his country. In 
 *« this fituation, above all the little pre- 
 ** judices of a profeflion, for he had no 
 ** profeflion but that of Solon and Lycur- 
 <* gus, he fet himfelf to corredt the grie- 
 ** varices of the law, and to amend the 
 *f vocation he ^ id adorned /^^Z* 
 
 Such was the man, who, becaufc he 
 was a Whig, and a friend to liberty, hath 
 been reprefcnted by Dr. Shebbeare, as a 
 plunderer of his country, and a violator of 
 its conflitution ! 
 
 In the 94th page of his pamphlet. Dr. 
 Shebbeare has given a quotation from Dr. 
 
 Price's 
 
 (p) Catalogue of Royal and Noble Arthors, fccond 
 edition, vol. !!■ p. 107, in, 112. 
 
i H 1 
 
 Ffice*s ** Appeal to the Public on the fub- 
 "jedl of the national Debt;" but in fo 
 difhoncft and difingenuous a manner, as 
 few writers, befides himfelf, would have 
 ventured to be guilty of. The Dodor ob- 
 ferves, that * even Dr. Price, in his ap- 
 
 * peal to the public, p. 39. in enume- 
 
 * rating the caufes of our prefent evils, 
 
 * introduces that of " giving fecurity to 
 ** the Hanover fucceffion. This, fays he, 
 " is in truth the fundamental grievance of 
 *' the kingdom; and that patriotifm, the 
 ** firft objedl of which is not the removal 
 *< of it, tan be nothing but an impofture." 
 
 It is evident, that Dr. Shcbbeare here 
 meant to impofe upon the public, by re- 
 prefenting Dr. Price as having fpoken of 
 the Hanover fucceffion as the fundamental 
 grievance of the kingdom. But this is a 
 moft fhameful mifreprefentation ; for the 
 grievance alluded to by Dr. Price was, 
 the pernicious influence which has been 
 obtained in the Houfe of Commons. After 
 ipeaking of the Sinking Fund not being 
 appropriated to its proper purpofc, and 
 fuppofing that this partly arofe from a view 
 to the dependance created by the national 
 
 debt,* 
 
 \ir 
 
debt, and the fecurity that gave to tM 
 Hanoverian fucceHion and the adminiftra-i ' 
 tion, Dr. Price proceeds ais follows : " For 
 «* like reafohs and with like views, a pcr- 
 '* nicious influence was maintained and 
 ** promoted in the Houfe of Commons,^ 
 ** which has fapped the conftitution ; and' 
 *« which may in time eftablifh among us 
 •* a tyranny of the moft intolerable kindi 
 " a tyranny attended with the mockery of 
 ** all the forms of liberty; a tyranny 
 ** created, fupported and fandified by a 
 •'Parliament. —This is, in truths 
 *' the fundamental grievance of the king- 
 ** dom ; and that Patriotifm, the firft ob- 
 '« jcdt of which, is not the removal of it^ 
 ** can be nothing but an impofture. Td 
 ••this grievance we owe, among other 
 «* evils, the lofs of the finking fund. Had 
 ^' the guardians of the flate been under no 
 *• undue influence, they would have been 
 *• more faithful; and could not have given 
 «* up this great fecurity of the king- 
 •«dom/^^A" 
 
 Those who compare this paflkge a,t 
 length with the mutilated and unfair quo- 
 tation 
 
 (^J Dr. Price*8 Appeal, p. 38, J9, 
 
tation made by Dr. Shebbcare, will at once 
 fee the flagrancy of his mifreprefentation, 
 and be convinced how little credit can be 
 due to fuch a writer. Indeed, he hath 
 been guilty of this mifreprefentation for 
 no other purpofe, than to give an inju- 
 jurious opinion to the public of a moil 
 refpedtable man, who is much and defer- 
 vcdly eftcemed for his learning and abili- 
 ties, and ftill more for the worthinefs and 
 integrity of his charader. ..: - . 
 
 But the greateft demerit of Dr. Price 
 is, his being a DilTenter; and this charge 
 lies equally againft Dr. PRiESTLEY,whofe 
 free and rnanly fpirit has alfo given offence 
 to Dr. Shebbeare. And, therefore, he 
 hath taken occafion to introduce an ini- 
 perfedl quotation from his " EiTay on thp 
 *' firft principles of government," partly 
 for the purpofe of making Dr. Prieftley ap- 
 pear to write bad Englifli. But Dr. Sheb- 
 beare ftiould have remembered, that what 
 Dr.. Prieftley has faid in defence of the ex- 
 ecution of Charles the Firft, was on the 
 fuppofition of that prince's being a con- 
 vidied tyrant ; fo that Dr. Shebbeare has 
 paid but a very auk ward compliment tolii^^ , 
 
 I 
 
 ::»• I _: 5 
 
 •• r 
 
t 6^ i 
 
 prefent Majcfty, in fuppofing th«, on Dr. 
 Prieftley's principles, he was in any danger 
 of being brought into the fame fituation/r A 
 
 ft- f f 
 
 Dr. Shebbear£ is very much difplcafccf 
 with Mr. Lee, for having faid, with refe- 
 rence to Sir John Dalrymple, ** Not that" 
 " i blanie an hiftorian for laying hAs 
 ** before his readers, but I blame him' 
 ** for prejudging a caufe by prclimi** 
 nary remarks of his own ; yet this is 
 the cafe of the compiler of the book 
 ** in queftion ; he prefaces his anecdotes 
 *' with a prejudication of charaders." In 
 all this, Dr, Shebbeare fays, there is not 
 one fy liable ©f truth. For " thefe pre- 
 •* liminary were pofterior remarks, and 
 *' were not printed in a preface to the 
 "Memoirs; and therefore could be no 
 " prejudication of the charadters, unlefs 
 ** that which follows precedes the thing 
 " Whiqh it fucceeds. They w«rc printed 
 ** in a preface to the fecond volume, con** 
 ** taining a coUcdtion of ftate-papcr$, iii*. . 
 •* eluding indubitable fads, two years after ' 
 ** the Memoirs had been publifhed. And 
 
 «€ 
 
 t( 
 
 mi^ 
 
 liimm 
 
 " thus 
 
 4 
 
 (r) Vid. Shcbbeare's pamphlet, p. 93, 94, com- 
 fa;fd with Dr. Frieftlcy't Effay, p. 40. 
 
^,v 
 
 ,*■ 
 
 [ 67 ] 
 
 *' thus it happens, that the cafs which 
 '** Mr. Lee blames has no exigence |^j-^**. 
 But notwithftanding the conficlcnce with 
 which this is aflerted, it is evident, that 
 ^his attack on Mr. Lee, and vindication 
 of Dalrymple, is founded on nothing but 
 fophiftry and mifreprefentation. The char- 
 ges againft Ruflel and Sydney, which have 
 fo ipuch excited the attention of the pub- 
 lic, were not contained in the firfl: volume 
 of Sir John Dalrym pie's Memoirs ; but in 
 the papers publifhed in the fecond -, and 
 it was the preface to this volume, that 
 contained the paflTage for which Sir John 
 Dalrymple has been cenfured. So that 
 what Mr. Lee faid was ftridly true, that 
 Sir John Dalrymple had prejudged the 
 caufe " by preliminary remarks of his 
 ** own i" and *' prefaced his anecdotes 
 *' with a prejudication of charadlers." Nor 
 is the mere unfupported alTertion of Ba- 
 /illon, admitting the papers in queftion to 
 bo genuine, by any means fuiiicient to 
 f rove, that the charges againft Ruflel and 
 JSydney are " indubitable fads {^fj*'* 
 
 K2 Amongst 
 
 (s) Shebbeare, p. 63* 64. 
 
 (t) Vid. thfs fubje^t further confiderod, in the 
 EtCMmmatkn^ Uq, before referred to« ' 
 
 
 r 
 
1) 
 
 ,'^' 
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 Amo^^gst others, againfl whom Dr. 
 Shebbcarc hath poured forth his abufe, 
 arc thofe clergymen of the cftablifhed 
 church, who have lately alTcmbled occa- 
 fionally at the Feathers tavern, in order to 
 confult about the proper means of procu- 
 ring fome relief in the cafe of ecclefiafti- 
 cal fubfcription. Of thefe gentlemen, he 
 fays, that ** their principles are the fame 
 ** with republicans and regicides (ii),' and 
 therefore intimates, that it is neceHary 
 •* to be watchful of their adlions." But 
 can there be a more egregious abfurdity^ 
 than to take it for granted, that a man 
 muft be a republican and a regicide, or 
 of the fame principles, becaufe he thinks 
 there are fome errors in the thirty-nine 
 articles of the church of England ? 
 
 • Dr. Shebbeare fometimes pretends, that 
 he is not an enemy to the Revolution. 
 Of this every man may judge for himfelf, 
 when he reads the account which the 
 Do6tor has given of the manner in which 
 it was efFe(5led. ** On King James's abdi- 
 •* cation," he fays, *' a few men, un- 
 
 " eledcd 
 
 jf»J Shebbeare, p. 55, 
 
 -.'4 
 
I 69 ] 
 
 •* cle^Sted by the people, and at the exclu- 
 ** fion of all others, were called together 
 « by the Prince of Orange. Thefe tranf- 
 ** ferred the adminiftration of public af- 
 *' fairs into his hands, advifed him to call 
 ^* a convention, though not yet a King ; 
 ^* and this convention deprived King James 
 f« of all future right to re-afcend the throne ] 
 *« of the three kingdoms f^xj" In another 
 place he fays, " One hundred and fixty 
 " men, with the mayor, aldermen, and 
 " deputies of London, were confidered as 
 f « a majority of the people of England ; 
 ^* and the adminiftration of the nation 
 ** was imparted to him without the lead 
 *« application for the confent of the reft 
 *« of the nation. A convention was called 
 f* by the Prince of Orange, the members 
 <* of it were eledted, and they placed the 
 ** crown en the heads of him and the 
 *» princefs Mary, and excluded King James, 
 »* without confulting the people on that 
 ** moft momentous tranfadlion (yj.** The 
 man who wrote this muft unqueftionably 
 
 be 
 
 ill 
 
 Ml 
 ^ 
 
 (x) Shcbbcare, p. 72. 
 0) ^•99* 
 
 . r « 
 
 -'■■k-.: 
 
:.r 
 
 t 70 ] 
 
 be a very zealous friend to the Rcvolu^ 
 tion f 
 
 • It is evident, that Dr. Shebheare's ac- 
 count of the charader and adminidration 
 of King William, is full of the groffeft 
 mifreprefentations j but if it were jofl, it 
 would only prove, that too much confi* 
 dence ought not to be placed in princes ^ 
 and. that, by whomfoever the throne may 
 be filled, the people ought to guard with 
 the utmoft vigilance and caution aga^nft . 
 regal encroachments. Perhaps few prince« ^ 
 liave exercifcd their authority with! >morc 
 upright views than King WiUiam : but the 
 -hiftory of mankind affibrd^ too many in- 
 dances of princes and otheriS, who have 
 derived their pawer fakly frocn the frct^ 
 .choice of the people, aad who yet, with 
 .the utmofl wickednefs and ingratitude, have 
 betrayed the trufl: repofed in them, and-, 
 totally diiiegarded the intereds of thofe to 
 whom they owed their elevation. , ^^ 
 
 •^ i't-i i 
 
 As to the Dodor's parallel between King 
 William and his prcfent MaJ&%, i ihaU 
 only obferve, that it ia in. general very 4^fe 
 to libel dead Kings, and it may bi^pwofi- 
 
 table 
 
.•^ 
 
 C 7t ) 
 
 table to flatter thofe who are living. Bat 
 if any man were to draw a character of 
 the nrefent King, in the fame flile and 
 manner as Dr. Shcbbeare ha$ done that of 
 King William, it might poflibly involve 
 him in fome inconveniencies. The Doc- 
 tor fights on the higheft and the fafcft 
 ground 5 and his character of the prefcnt 
 King is a fufHcient proof, that his pen-^ 
 fion has not been given him for nothing. * 
 
 ' After fuch fpecimens of Dr. Sheb-» 
 bearc*s talent at mifreprefenting fadts and 
 characters, at he hath exhibited in his 
 pamphlet, the public will certainly have 
 Kttle caufe to regret their lofs, if he (hould 
 never finifh his intended Hiftory of Eng- 
 land. They may pofTibly, however, con- 
 fidcr themfelvcs as fomewhat obliged to 
 him, for having already given them fa 
 compleat a demonflration^ of his total un«*. 
 fitnefs for any work of that kind. 
 
 
 '^' Dr. Shebbe are's character of the Que- 
 bec A*^, and the compliments he pays the* 
 Biihops on the part they took m promo- 
 ting it, are truly admirable, and need no 
 comments. He obferves, p. 124, that in 
 
 this 
 
 
 § 
 
 H 
 
 Hi 
 
t 7« ] 
 
 this a6t •* no circumftancc fcems to be 6- 
 •' mitted, which humanity and the Chri- 
 ** ftian faith can didlatc: nothing cnjoincdi 
 «* but what gocd polity hath fuggefted, 
 •' and reafon c;in fupport. And in no 
 «* reign, fince this kingdom hath cxiflcd, 
 «* is there to be found one inftancc, in 
 •* which the v ifdom of the inftitution is 
 ** fo perfcdily united with the precepts of 
 ** Chrift, and the virtues that dignify the 
 " beft of men." He adds, that ** to the 
 <* immortal honour of the prelacy oj thit 
 ** realm, they have, in the enading of this 
 " law, afforded the mod un^^niable proof, 
 '* that, by the dodlrines which are taught 
 <* in the evangelical writings, their adtion*. 
 •* have been truly directed" 
 
 This inimitable defender of the go^ 
 fernment acknowledges the corruption of 
 the parliament, but defends it on the 
 principle of necejjity^ " It appears/* fays 
 he, " to be as eafy to aboliih the exift- 
 •* ence of parliaments, as to eradicate the 
 •* corruption of them (^)»* The corrup- 
 tioi» of parliament is no more neceiTary 
 
 to 
 
 «■ 
 
 f »; p- 39- 
 
k 
 
 t 73 1 
 
 to the community, than any other fpecics 
 of iniquity ; but there is no kind of vvick- 
 cdnefs, of which fome men may not dif- 
 covcr the convenience or expediency. And 
 by whomfoevcr fuch an undue parliamen- 
 tary influence may have b-'en introduced, 
 it fliould be the bufinefs of all honeft men 
 to oppofe it to the utmoft, and to endea- 
 vour to render contemptible and dcteftable, 
 all who employ, promote, or participate of 
 this corruption, which, of all our national 
 evils, is the moft formidable, and the moft 
 likely to be the deftrudtion of this coun- 
 try. 
 
 * 
 
 
 f 
 
 e 
 
 'S 
 
 e 
 
 That Dr. Shebbeare is not very ill 
 inclined towards the Romi(h religion, may 
 reafonably be inferred from the very fa- 
 vourable manner in which he fpeaks of 
 Popery and the Jefuits. But the Diffen- 
 ters, being generally friends to liberty, are 
 honoured with a great fliare of that ran- 
 corous abufe, with which his performance 
 fo much abounds. Even the penal laws 
 againft tlie Papifts, {le attributes to the 
 Prefbyterians j they arc anfwcraWe, it feeros, 
 
 ' 
 
 I 
 
 m- 
 
I 74 1 
 
 for the moft rigorous proceedings of the 
 reign of Queen Elizabeth j for, ** L eicc- 
 '«* fter, Walfinghanif and Cecil," he fays^ 
 " were Puritans." But the Dodor has not 
 very clearly informed us, who the flatcf- 
 mcn were, by whofe influence the feverc 
 laws againft Nonconformifts in that reign 
 were procured. It is probable they were 
 not Puritans, However, the Dodbor's in- 
 genuity in fuggefting, that the Powder- 
 plot in James the Firft's reign, was pro* 
 bably formed by Cecil, who, he fays, was 
 •* a Pre/by ter inn at kis foul,'* is truly admi- 
 rable ! faj 
 
 With refped to many things that arc 
 ailedged by Dr. Shcbbeare againft the con- 
 dudl of the Nonconformifts during the 
 tivil war, and under the republican form 
 of government which was for a fliorl time 
 cftabliflied, it may be fuflicient to obferve, 
 that the Diflenters of the prefent age, 
 think themfelves no more anfwerable for 
 tl;c condud of the Prefbyterians or Inde- 
 pendents of the laft century, than the E- 
 
 pif- 
 
 !■■ ' ^ ■» ■■■■ 
 
 Oi)J*. 144, 145. 
 
 I '>• 
 
'C 
 
 r 75 J 
 
 pifcopalians of the prefcnt age arc for tht 
 cruelties excrcifed by Archbifl)op Laud 
 and his colleagues, in the Star-chamber 
 and High CommifTion courts. As to the 
 execution of Charles the Firft, the Dif- 
 fenters are by no means agreed in their 
 fentiments refpeifling that tranfadion. 
 There are, however, many of them, who 
 arc far from thinking it any di (honour to 
 their anceftors, that they affidcd in bring- 
 ing a tyrant to the block. They are of 
 opinion, that Charles the Firft demon- 
 ftrably was a tyrant, and a betrayer of the 
 rights of the people, and that he well de- 
 fcrvcd the fate he met with. 
 
 le 
 3r 
 
 J** 
 
 As to the ordinance of 1648, againil: 
 hcrefy and blafphemy, referred to by Dr. 
 Sh,cbbearc, it is juftly entitled to the fe- 
 vereft cenfure j but it (hould be obferved, 
 that it was by non-conformifts to the 
 church of England that it was prevented 
 being put in execution. It may alfo be 
 remarked, that the real principles of tole- 
 ration were then very little underftood by 
 any party amongft us. Mr. Locke was 
 
 L 2 - jjjg 
 
 \:a 
 
 I- 
 
 f 
 
i: 
 
 '■^ 
 
 the firft writer who appears to have had 
 clear ideas upon the fubjedt. And if can 
 hardly be confidered as any very peculiar 
 reproach to the Prefbyterians in the time 
 of Cromwell, that they did not under- 
 fland the principles of toleration, when it 
 is remembered, that no other body of men 
 4n that age did; and that even in the 
 prefent age, when thefe principles have 
 heen Co much propagated, and fo ably de- 
 fended, the prefent Bench of Bifliops could 
 not difcover that Proteftant Diffenters in 
 England had a right to a Zf^j/ toleration ; 
 though linre their rHed-ion of the D^iTen- 
 ters bill, their lordfhips jndginents have 
 been fo much enlightened, either hy the 
 ailiO.ance of Lord North, or by fome o- 
 ther meanr, that they have not only fu'p- 
 ported the claim of right of the Papifts in 
 Canada to the free exercife of tb.eir reli- 
 j:1on, but have voted them a legal efta- 
 biidiment of it, under the authority of a 
 BritiO) Parliament, ' 
 
 ii' ^i,^. « .i .# > \ >■-* J 
 
 
 With refpedt to the Proiedant Diffen- 
 ters, they, like the members of the efta- 
 bliflied chii.ch, differ in their fentimcnts 
 
 of 
 
 / 
 
 f 
 
/ > 
 
 r 
 
 I 77 1 
 
 of feme public mcafures, and on political 
 fubje<5ts. As a body of men, however, 
 they have generally and juftly been confi- 
 dered a& firm friends to the Hanover fuc- 
 ceflian, as judging it friendly to the Pro- 
 te(}ant religion^ and to civil liberty. And 
 this attachment, of which they have given 
 many proofs, will undoubtedly continue, 
 fo long as the princes of the prefent 
 reigning family fhall regulate their con- 
 duct by the principles cf law, and of the 
 conftitution. However, it cannot be worth 
 while for any body of men to enter into a 
 formal conteft with a writer, who chufes 
 chiefly to diftinguifh himfelf by grofs fcur- 
 rility, and wijful mifcfcpr^fertfation. But 
 the Diffenters are not aihamed of their 
 principles as fuch, for they are fatished 
 that they will bear the fevereft fcrutiny; 
 and they are, therefore, ready to meet 
 the ableft of their opponents on the fair 
 ground of rcafon and of argument. And 
 if it be a reproach to be warmly attached 
 to the interefts of civil, as well as reli- 
 gious liberty, and to deteft tyranny, under 
 whatever form it may appear, it is a re- 
 proach that many of them arc well con- 
 tent 
 
 
 f 
 
 Jt 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
r 7« i 
 
 tent to bear. The friendi of freedom* 
 «nd of public virtue, art naturally objedls 
 of diflike to the fervile and the venal ; 
 and it can be no difhonour to be reviled 
 by the avowed tools of a minifter» by ftatc- 
 hirelings, and penfloned-parafites. 
 
 il -d'Ji ^^k:) Q'S ^mm l\'y.-.Ai\! 
 
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