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 ^ 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
^^■\ 
 
 ♦•-r-^p 
 
PKOBLEMS 
 
 OF 
 
 GREATEli BRITAIN 
 
 liV THE 
 
 Eight Hon. Sir CHARLES WENTWOKTH DILKE. Bakt. 
 
 AUTHOR OK 
 
 'fiUKATKR UKITAIN-; 'tHK KALL OK 1>RINCI: KLORKSTAN OK MONACO,' 
 
 'TUK I'RBSEXT I'OSITION OK EUROl'KAN POLITICS,' AND ' THK BRITISH ARMV ' 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES 
 VOL. I 
 
 WITH MAPS 
 
 Honlron 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK 
 1890 
 
 All rights rcserfcd 
 
■hi 
 
 2580SI) 
 
TO 
 
 my friend 
 
 His Excellency 
 
 Geneual sir FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, Baronet 
 
 V.C. U.C.B. O.C.I.E. D.C.L. LL.D. 
 
 COMMANDEH-IN-CHIEP IN INDIA 
 
 I DEDICATE 
 
 THIS HECORD OF THAT PEACEFUL PROGRESS OF 
 
 GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 WHICH IS MADE SECURER BY HIS SWORD 
 
 B 
 
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vraa «( I •■ nil 
 
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 >ui I * ■ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 L\ 1866 -G7, on leaving Camlmclge, I made a 
 journey round the world on which I wrote a book of 
 travel, the name of which has lived while the Ijook is 
 wholly out of date. Owing to the success of the title 
 of Greater Britain, the work, since the cessation of its 
 sale as a new book, has continued to be in demand — a 
 demand which has shown no tendency to decrease with 
 the lapse of years, — but has been a source of embarrass- 
 ment to the author, who could not but feel that the 
 work had become in a great number of points wholly 
 inapplicable to existing circumstances. In 1875 I made 
 another journey round the globe, after which I added 
 two chapters to Greater Britain, and, by the insertion 
 of footnotes, tried to bring my volumes up to date ; 
 but the attempt was a failure, as the whole scheme of 
 the work would have had to be recast in order to 
 prevent it, in many passages, from conveying inaccurate 
 impressions. As regards two subsequent journeys, in 
 each of which I made my way half round the world, I 
 have not attempted to write of them in the form of a 
 record of travel ; I have thought, however, that there 
 was room for an entirely new book upon the same 
 
 /jl 
 
Vlll 
 
 PRE FACE 
 
 .sul)jects as those treated in the orifrinal work, but dealt 
 with from the point of view of political and socinl 
 observation and comparison rather than from that of 
 descriptive sight-seeing. 
 
 This then is not a book of travel, but a treatise on 
 the present position of Greater Britain, in which special 
 attention has been given to the relations of the English- 
 speaking countries with one another, and to the com- 
 parative politics of the countries under British govern- 
 ment. The MM. Reclus have shown the usefulness of 
 one form of such general works, and I have tried to do 
 for the statecraft and legislation of the colonies and 
 possessions of England across the seas what they have 
 done for the geograj^hy of the world. In making the 
 attempt to survey the position and prospects of 
 Greater Britain, and to re-examine, after a lapse of 
 twenty years, the lands of English government and 
 English tongue, I am encouraged by the feeling that, 
 although the task may be a difficult one, and in 
 some respects almost impossible of accomplishment, 
 there exists no recent work in which it can be said to 
 have been performed. There are indeed general sur- 
 veys of the British Empire in the German and French 
 tongues, and one of them — M. Avalle's book — is the best 
 work upon the colonies and dependencies of the United 
 Kingdom ; but in English we have little since Martin's 
 book except mere pamphlets, or books of reference such 
 as the excellent Colonial Office List, or general treatises 
 on colonisation with no special reference to the legisla- 
 tion and the circumstances of the moment. Some 
 
 
 
^{^•fir^rmu^ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 \% 
 
 M 
 
 iiuthors, sucli as Dr. Dale, have written excellent books 
 on groups of colonics, which will be mentioned in due 
 course, but have not dealt with ♦^^he Empire as a whole ; 
 and Mr. Fox-Bourne, who has gone lightly, and Professor 
 Seeley, who has gone deeply, over a wider field, have 
 surveyed it mainly from the point of view of history. 
 Even supposing that my inquiry into the present posi- 
 tion of Greater Britain should be proTiounccd a failure, 
 I may at all events be able to feel that in attempting it 
 I have pointed the way to others, who may contrive to 
 make better use than I have done of the raw material. 
 That material in my own case has chiefly been amassed 
 l)y some industry in reading many things that issue 
 from colonial presses, and discussing the matters to 
 which they relate with colonists of all pursuits. 
 
 It would, indeed, have been impossible to have even 
 attempted to enter upon the task without assistance 
 from many inliabitants of the colonies described, and 
 from persons who have made themselves acquainted 
 with the legislation and condition of various portions of 
 the Empire. As, however, I have sometimes found it a 
 necessity to take a view diametrically opposed to that 
 which some at least of my informants hold, 1 almost 
 hesitate to name them with a word of thanks for fear 
 they might be supposed to be thus committed to opinions 
 which, as a fact, they in some cases must disapprove. 
 It is better with this caution to run the risk than to 
 appear ungrateful for much kind, courteous, and valuable 
 hel]). Among those to whom I am under deep obliga- 
 
 tion for 
 
 answering my questions, for contributing 
 
PREFACE 
 
 memoranda upon special colonies, or for reading manu- 
 script or proofs, I should wish to mention the Agents- 
 General of the colonies, from all of whom I have received 
 unfailing help, and whose collections of statistics and of 
 laws have been freely open to me, and especially my 
 friend Sir Charles Mills, whose personal fund of informa- 
 tion with regard to all matters relating to South Africa 
 has been .-i ' my disposal by his kindness, although it is 
 possible thui he may not approve of my conclusions. I 
 must also specially name Mr. J. E. C. Bodley ; as well as 
 Mr. Francis Stevenson, M.P., who has paid much atten- 
 tion to the position of our Crown Colonies ; Mr. W. A. 
 M'' Arthur, M.P. ; Mr. Alexander Sutherland and Mr. 
 Patchett Martin of Victoria ; Mr. Clegg of New South 
 Wales ; and Mr. Stanley Grantham Hill of Queensland. 
 The officers whose help I gratefully acknowledged in my 
 book upon the British army, have assisted me in the 
 chapter upon Imperial Defence, and I have also to 
 express my acknowledgments to my secretary, Mr. 
 
 H. K. Hudson. 
 
 CHAKLES W. DILKE. 
 
 76 Sloane Street, 
 
 Nevo Ymr's Day, 1890. 
 
 } 
 
r< » .i« i i ».-|it.-»>rfc.. 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 IXTKODUCTIO.N 
 
 FAOK 
 
 Part I.— NORTH AMEKICA 
 
 ' IIAl'. 
 
 I. Newfoundland • . . . , 
 
 II. The Dominion of Canada 
 
 III. The Dominion of CAyAv>\— continued . 
 
 IV. The United States, Canada, and the West Indies , 
 
 11 
 
 26 
 
 128 
 
 Part II.— AUSTRALASIA 
 
 I. Victoria 
 II. New South Wales 
 
 III. Queensland ... 
 
 IV. Australia and New Zealand 
 
 18.3 
 266 
 329 
 376 
 
 Part III.— SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 I. Thk Cape 
 tl. South Africa 
 
 465 
 5U 
 
LIST OF MAPS 
 
 British North America 
 Australia 
 New Zealand 
 South Africa 
 
 To face page 9 
 181 
 415 
 463 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 ige 9 
 181 
 415 
 463 
 
 The British Empire, with its protectorates, vnd even 
 without counting its less defined spheres of influence, 
 has an area of some nine million square miles, or, very 
 roughly speaking, of nearly three Europes ; revenues 
 amounting to some two hundred and ten millions 
 sterling; and half the sea-borne commerce of the 
 world. This empire, lying in all latitudes, produces 
 every requirement of life and trade. We possess the 
 greatest wheat granaries, wool markets, timber forests, 
 and diamond fields of the world. In tea we are 
 rapidly reaching the first place, and in coal, iron, and 
 copper at present hold our own with all mankind. In 
 sugar we stand well ; in tobacco India and Jamaica 
 produce fine qualities which occupy the third place, 
 after those of Havana and Manilla, and are beginning to 
 compete with them ; and our coffee, though the produce 
 is small in bulk by the side of that of Brazil and 
 Java, is now the finest that there is. As regards food 
 supply, it is certain that we might, if we pleased, be 
 entirely independent of any foreign source. The states 
 of Greater Britain thus scattered over the best portions 
 of the globe vary infinitely in their forms of govern- 
 ment, between the absolutism which prevails in India 
 and the democracy of South Australia or Ontario. 
 
 The dominant force in bringing that empire together 
 
PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 ■7 
 
 and in maintaining it as one body has been the eminence 
 among the races of the world of our own wrell-mixed 
 people. As to the ultimate result of their high deeds 
 there can be no doubt. The greatest nations of the old 
 world, apart from us, are limited in territory situate in 
 tem^ierate climes, and France and Germany and the 
 others can hope to play but little part in the later 
 politics of the next century, while the future seems to 
 lie between our own people — in the present British Em- 
 pire and in the United States, — and the Russians, who 
 alone among the continental nations of Europe are in 
 possession of unbounded regions of fertile lands, outside 
 Europe, biic in climates in which white men can work 
 upon the soil. Towards the middle of the last century 
 France appeared at one moment to be the colonising 
 power of the future. Her Canada and Louisiana to- 
 geth'^i' gave her the whole west-centre of North America, 
 ancl India seemed already hers. But now the English- 
 speaking people have conquered India, almost the 
 whole of North America, the greater part of Polynesia 
 with Australasia, and most of the opened parts of 
 Africa. Their position, however, at the present is a 
 mere index to their probable position in the future. 
 The increase of the race, and the increase of that larger 
 body who speak its tongue, are both keeping pace with 
 the figures suggested in the dreams and speculations of 
 half a century ago. More than a hundred million people 
 speak English as their chief tongue, and vastly more 
 than that number as one of two languages ; while four 
 hundred millions of people are, more or less directly, 
 under English rule. 
 
 In the future conflict of rivalry between our own 
 and the Great-Russian people, we have upon our side 
 the advantage of combining in our race the best qualities 
 
«<4M 
 
 IXTRODUCTION 
 
 of the foremost races of tlie old world, with the result 
 that in our daughter-countries there are present courage, 
 national integrity, steady good sense, and energy in 
 work such as are perhaps unknown elsewhere. Con- 
 siderable as is the power of assimilation of subject races 
 possessed by the Russians, our own people seem, to 
 judge from American and Australian experience, even 
 better able to swallow^ up Germans, Scandinavians, and 
 the other less numerous emigrants from Europe ; and 
 while we have in the point of bravery in fighting against 
 obstacles no advantage over the Russians, who are our 
 equals in that respect, we do possess in the greater 
 hopefulness of our national character a point in our 
 favour which is perhaps rather a cause than a result 
 of the very different political circumstances under which 
 the English and the Russians live. While it is probable 
 that neither the democratic autocracy of Russia nor the 
 constitutional and parliamentary democracy of Great 
 and Greater Britain may be a permanent political form, 
 it is possible that those institutions which we have 
 invented for ourselves will develop more easily, and with 
 less revolutionary shock, into the ultimate political forms 
 of society than is the case with the institutions of our 
 Russian rivals — the only rivals worth considering so far 
 as our race-history goes, if we ignore for a moment the 
 immediate dangers that grow out of the temporary 
 military position of the United Kingdom itself. 
 
 A comparison between the three great growing 
 powers, of which two are mainly Anglo-Saxon, shows 
 that the British Empire exceeds the Russian Empire 
 slightly in size and vastly in population, and has treble 
 the area of the United States ; that its revenue is more 
 than double that of Russia, and nearly three times that 
 of the United States ; while its foreign trade greatly 
 
m 
 
 1 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 in 
 
 li' 
 
 exceeds that of the American Union and vastly exceeds 
 that of Russia, although no exact comparison between 
 the British Empire and the United States in trade 
 can be made, inasmuch as it is impossible accurately 
 to distinguish, in all cases, trade between the Empire 
 and foreign countries, from trade which is really carried 
 on between various portions of the Empire itself and is 
 similar to the local trade of the United States. In ship- 
 ping the British Empire surpasses the whole world, but the 
 manufactures of the United States have gained rapidly 
 upon our own, and already perhaps equal ours, although 
 it is difficult to make a precise comparison, on account 
 of differences of classification. In coal production the 
 British Empire still stands far before the United States, 
 while Russia hardly appears upon the list, and we not 
 only stand second in the extent of our coal measures for 
 future use, but first as regards the possibilities of the 
 supply of coal to shipping for the North Atlantic and 
 for the whole of the Pacific. In the production of 
 gold the British Empire and the United States stand 
 upon a fairly equal footing, and each of them produces 
 nearly double as much as Russia. In silver the United 
 States possesses an overwhelming preponderance. In 
 iron the British Empire and the United States are run- 
 ning a race in which the latter must in the long-run 
 win, while Russia is all behindhand. In wheat produc- 
 tion our empire exceeds the production of the United 
 States, and each of them produces nearly double as much 
 wheat as Russia ; but in maize the United States is far 
 ahead. In wool the British Empire stands first of the 
 three, and has nearly double the production of Russia, 
 which itself exceeds by more than a third that of the 
 United States. In cattle the United States stands first, 
 the British Empire second, and Russia third ; while in 
 
 I 
 
/ 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 s 
 
 horses Russia stands first, the American Union second, and 
 the British Empire third. In slieep, as in wool produc- 
 tion, the British Empire is predominant, and Russia 
 occupies the second phice ; but in pigs the order is 
 reversed. In railway mileage the United States stands 
 altogether first, having more than double the mileage of 
 the British Empire, and Russia is nowhere in the race. 
 On the whole, then, we may consider that for the present 
 the British Empire holds her own against the competi- 
 tion of her great daughter, although tlic United States 
 is somewhat gaining on her. Both are leaving Russia 
 far astern, and it is possible that the growth of Canada 
 and Australia may enable the British Empire not only to 
 continue to rival the United States, but even to reassert 
 her supremacy in most points. 
 
 In spite of my having entered on this brief examina- 
 tion of the relative positions of the three great powers 
 of the future, it will be remarked that in the course of 
 some of my speculations I once more put out of sight, 
 as I put out of sight in Greater Britain, the political 
 separation that exists between England and the United 
 States. In these introductory words I desire to call 
 attention chiefly to the imperial position of our race as 
 compared with the situation of the other peoples, and, 
 although the official positions of the British Empire and 
 of the United States may be so distinct as to be some- 
 times antagonistic, t'.ie peoples themselves are — not only 
 in race and language, but in laws and religion and in 
 many matters of feeling — essentially one. 
 
 There is another point of view from which the 
 present and future of the British Empire are full of 
 interest : our offshoots or daughter-countries are trying 
 for us political and social experiments of every kind. 
 While Germany with her State-Socialism and Switzer- 
 
PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 :i 
 
 i 
 
 \k ; 
 
 land with her Referendum arc initiating experimental 
 legislation which is full of interest, the action of our 
 own colonies and of the United States in the social and 
 political field has this vastly greater importance for us — 
 that it is taken among our people and under circumstances 
 which more closely l/Ouch us here at home. One reason 
 why little attempt has yet been made to promote the 
 methodic discussion of colonial experiments is that there 
 is a great deal of ignorance in the colonies about eacjii 
 other, and they are only now beginning to overcome an 
 apparent reluctance to study one another's institutions. 
 The very fact of the newness of the ground in this 
 respect makes the comparative study of Australian and 
 Canadian institutions one of the most interesting 
 possible, and one specially and peculiarly important 
 for ourselves. 
 
 While, however, we have so much of which to be 
 proud in the development of our tongue, our trade, our 
 literature, and our institutions, there is a corresponding 
 present and temporary weakness to which it will be 
 necessary in due place to call attention. The danger 
 in our path is that the enormous forces of European 
 militarism may crush the old country and destroy the 
 integrity of our Empire before the growth of the newer 
 communities that it contains has made it too strono- for 
 the attack. It is conceivable that within the next few 
 years Great Britain might be drawn into war, and 
 receive in that war, at the hands of a coalition, a blow 
 from which she would not recover, and one of the 
 consequences of which would be the loss of Canada and 
 of India, and the proclamation of Australian independ- 
 ence. Enormous as are our military resources for a 
 prolonged conflict, they are inadequate to meet the 
 unprecedented necessities of a sudden war. We import 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 rer 
 'or 
 
 half our food ; we import the immense masses of raw 
 material which are essential to our industry. The 
 Nulueraljility of the United Kingdom has become 
 greater with the extension of her trade, and, by the 
 universal admission of the naval authorities, it would 
 be either difficult or irapossil)le to defend that ti-ade 
 against sudden attack by France, aided by another 
 considerable naval power. Our enormous resources 
 would be almost useless in the case of such a sudden 
 attack, because we should not have time to call them 
 forth. 
 
 Such is the one danger which threatens the fabric of 
 that splendid Empire which I now attempt to describe. 
 
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 NORTH AMERICA 
 
 Vol. I 
 
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CHAPTER I 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND 
 
 'I'he nearest t(i Great Britain of those of her colonies Newfound- 
 which possess resp()nsil)le government is also the colony ^'''"' ' 
 which claims to be the oldest English settlement in 
 connection with the British Crown. XewfoundlancI has 
 a history which has been full of interest ever since the 
 Hrst colonisation by Sir Humphrey Gill)ert in 1583, 
 wlien a number of ships sailed for St. John's with a 
 view of peopling the island with inhabitants of all 
 kinds. Although the project proved a failure, shortly 
 after this time Newlx)un(Uand became the resting-place 
 of English lishermen, who were joined by a resident 
 Irish population. The Calvert family established them- 
 selves in one corner of the island ; but it was not until 
 near the end of the seventeenth century that any 
 attempt by England for the government of the settle- 
 ment was made, while our rights were dis])uted by the 
 French, and our young colony was contiimally harried by 
 them. A division of rights in Newfoundland between 
 Great Britain and France has unfortunately continued 
 in some degree up to the present time, with evil (!onse- 
 (juences which I shall have presently to trace. New- 
 foundland now includes a large part of Labrador, which 
 continental territory of the colony is three times as 
 large as Newfoundland proper, but almost uninhabited, 
 
PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ARl' I 
 
 'Roman 
 Ciitlioli ■ 
 cism. 
 
 1^ 
 
 having Imt 4000 people in its vast solitudes. The 
 colony itself being outside the confederation of the 
 Canadian Dominion, has to be dealt with separately 
 in that consideration of the })resent position of the 
 North American colon ies upon which 1 now embark. 
 
 Not only is Newfoundland peculiar in her situation 
 and conspicuous as a colony for her great age, but also 
 worthy of notice in another marked respect. The colony 
 is one in which the Roman Catholic community is some- 
 what more numerous than are the members of the 
 Church of England, and in which the bodies represent- 
 ing British Nonconformity or Scotch Presbytcrianism are 
 small, with the exception of the AVesleyan, lately merged 
 in the united "Methodist Church of Cana(hi." In Canada 
 itself we shall find that the Roman Catholics more com- 
 pletely outnumber the Church of Engl md, while in the 
 Dominion the ]\Iethodists are, next after the Roman 
 Catholics, the most numerous religious body. But in 
 Canada the Presbyterians are very nearly as numerous 
 as the Methodists, and far more numerous than the 
 Churchmen ; moreover, the Roman Catholics predomi- 
 nate in one Province and the Protestants in the 
 others, while in Newfoundland there is no such geo- 
 graphical separation. The effect of the religious position 
 of Newfoundland was brought markedly before the 
 world at the time when, the Irish population in Queens- 
 land having objected to receive Sir Henry Blake as 
 Governor, and their view having been approved by the 
 Queensland Government, it was pointed out that he 
 during his governorship of Newfoundland had ruled 
 successfully the most Irish of our colonies and the most 
 Roman Catholic of our self-governing colonies, except 
 Canada. The Irish, however, of Newfoundland are 
 Newfoundland -born ; and the descendants of those who 
 
PARI" I 
 
 CHAT. I 
 
 NE WFO UNDLAND 
 
 n 
 
 A. The 
 
 of the 
 
 paratcly 
 
 of the 
 
 »iirk. 
 
 dtuation 
 but also 
 e colony 
 is somc- 
 , of the 
 ipresent- 
 iiism are 
 ^ merged 
 1 Canada 
 ore coni- 
 e in the 
 Roman 
 But in 
 umcrous 
 lian the 
 iredomi- 
 in the 
 ich o-eo- 
 position 
 ore the 
 Queens- 
 ilake as 
 l)y the 
 that he 
 id ruled 
 he most 
 except 
 [ind are 
 ose who 
 
 went tliither in the seventeenth century, and of those 
 who joined them in 1798, do not possess the fulness of 
 Australian knowledge as to the doings of Dublin Castle 
 olticials, or the writings of "Terence j\PGrath." The 
 Pioman Catholic clergy and the educated portion of their 
 flocks were anxious to adopt a conciliatory i)olicy, and 
 carefully abstained from rousing the feeling which might 
 easily have been excited after the objection which had 
 Ijecn previously taken by the Protestants to the nomina- 
 ation of a Roman Catholic Governor. St. John's itself 
 is the centre of the Roman Catholic population of New- 
 foundland, and out of 37,000 people in the two districts 
 of St. John's, East and West, over 23,000 are Roman 
 Catholics. As a result of the state of things which has 
 been described, education in Newfoundland is strictly 
 denominational ; its administration in chief is vested in 
 three persons, who represent the three leading denomi- 
 nations — Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist ; 
 and the schools of each Church are managed and 
 inspected by the representatives of these bodies respect- 
 ively. The education grants come out of the general 
 revenue of the colony, and pass through the hands of the 
 Superintendents of Education, nominfited each of them 
 by one of the three principal denominations. To them 
 the inspection of schools is entirely confided, and the 
 Boards of Education in the various districts are also 
 nominated by the three Churches and are entrusted with 
 the appropriation of the grants. There is no Govern- 
 ment superintendence, and the whole power is left 
 to the independent jurisdiction of the denominational 
 superintendents and Boards. The system therefore is 
 peculiar, and stands at the opposite pole from the school 
 system of most of our other self-governing colonies. In 
 practice the Roman Catholics manage their own schools 
 
7 
 
 u 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AUT I 
 
 exclusively themselves, and the Government grant goes 
 to the Bishop, who can virtually dispose of it as he 
 pleases. The Church of England and the jNIethodist 
 Church to some extent act together, for in the outlying- 
 districts, distant from the towns, the Anglican and 
 Methodist inspectors alternately inspect the schools of 
 both denominations. There is in Newfoundland one 
 Congregational school, and this I believe is inspected 
 by the Church of England and the Methodist inspectors 
 alternately, in the same way. 
 
 Denominational feeling, especially as between Pro- 
 testant and Roman Catholic, runs high in Newfoundland. 
 Elections often turn upon it, and have sometimes been 
 accompanied by riot and loss of life. AVlien a distin- 
 guished local politician. Sir Aniljrose Shea — for a long time 
 Speaker of the Assembly, who had been the delegate to 
 Quebec at the time of the Confederation negotiations, 
 and the delegate of the colony to Washington for the 
 Fishery Treaty — was proposed by the Colonial Office for 
 Governor, he being a Roman Catholic, all the Pro- 
 testants in the island were against the nomination, and 
 an exchange was effected between Sir Ambrose Shea and 
 Mr. Henry Blake, at that time the Governor of Bahamas. 
 The most curious feature of the hot party feeling which 
 exists is that no great principle appears to be at stake in 
 the controversy. Protestants are not anxious to upset 
 the denominational system of education, and most of 
 their leaders are pledged to it as strongly as are the 
 Roman Catholics. The struggles which I have men- 
 tioned seem to take place upon the question of nominal 
 ascendency, and a Roman Catholic majority appears, when 
 elected, to pursue much the same policy as an adminis- 
 tration supported by Protestant votes ; but as a fact the 
 Prime Minister has been almost invariably Protestant. 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 NE IV FO UNDLA ND 
 
 15 
 
 mt goes 
 t as lie 
 ctliodist 
 )iitlying 
 lan and 
 hools of 
 iiitl one 
 ispccted 
 spectors 
 
 en Pro- 
 
 mdland. 
 les been 
 , d 
 
 )ng time 
 eo'ate to 
 tiations, 
 for the 
 fficc for 
 le Pro- 
 oil, and 
 lea and 
 lamas. 
 which 
 ;ake in 
 upset 
 iiost of 
 ire the 
 men- 
 ominal 
 , when 
 niinis- 
 ict the 
 estant. 
 
 "'i\ 
 
 The Roman Catholic objection to the interference of a 
 Protestant State in matters in any way connected with 
 religion is in Newfoundland so strong that the colony 
 has no system for the registration of births or deaths, 
 and this owing, it is said, to the opposition of the 
 priests, who would have to make the returns, and who 
 do not desire to be under the control of the State ; but, 
 on the other hand, the objection is not pressed against a 
 relio-ious census, which is very completely carried out, 
 and which forms to some extent the basis for the dis- 
 tribution of the education grant. If a registration 
 system should be introduced, it will be because some 
 amateur statisticians have lately been declaring St. 
 John's to be the most unhealthy town in the civilised 
 world, and stating that the death-rate over the whole 
 city is 35 in the thousand — a statement which can only 
 be effectually disproved by the introduction of a proper 
 system of registration. 
 
 As is the case also in Canada, the revenue of the Taxes, 
 colony is drawn chiefly from customs duties, more than 
 half the receipts coming directly from customs, and, also 
 as in Canada, so far as Dominion taxation is concerned, 
 there is no direct taxation, althouoh there are in some 
 cases local lates, as, for example, the water-rate in the city 
 of St. John's, which curiously enough is mentioned as a 
 franchise base in the acts relating to the representation 
 of the people. The customs tarifi' is mainly a revenue 
 tariff, and there being few manufactures other than those 
 connected with the fishing interest, with the exception 
 of some tanneries and small iron foundries, it has not at 
 present the effect of incidental Protection except in the 
 case of rope. Whatever may ultimately be the case in 
 the settled parts of the colony, the present distribution 
 of the population upon the island, and the sparseness of 
 
Ill 
 
 16 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART I 
 
 Labrador. 
 
 population in the Labrador district of tlic colony, 
 would make the collection of direct taxation cost more 
 than the revenue to lie collected. The whole population 
 is barely 200,000 ; although the total area, with Labrador, 
 is twice as great as that of the young colony of Victoria, 
 or, without Labrador, half as great as Victoria. The area 
 of the island is considerably larger than that of Ireland, 
 and the area of the whole colony greatly larger than that 
 of the United Kingdom, The most populous part is the 
 peninsula of Avalou, — once the first Lord Baltimore's, — 
 on which stands the city of St. John's. On several of 
 the bays, not included in what is unhappily still known 
 as the " French Shore," of which presently, there is a 
 considerable population ; but otherwise the inhabitants 
 of Newfoundland are sparsely scattered, and a large 
 part of the interior of the island can hardly be said to 
 have been thoroughly explored. The collection of direct 
 taxation under such circumstances would indeed be costly, 
 and, moreover, the fishing people of the island are for 
 the most part almost without money, and in the habit of 
 carrying on their business transactions by the exchange 
 of goods in kind. The colony, although old, is back- 
 ward. The municipality of St. John's, now lately 
 brought into existence, constitutes almost the first 
 attempt at true local government in the country, and it 
 is a municipality created with small powers, which, how- 
 ever, will probably be soon increased. 
 
 Labrador is still Arctic and uncivilised. The small 
 immigrant population is mainly French from the St. 
 Lawrence and from the formerly French parts of Nova 
 Scotia. Eider-duck, silver-fox, and black-fox, with seals 
 and fish, rather than wheat, arc the products of Labrador; 
 but the climate is healthy, and in the long run Labrador 
 may rival Norway as a health resort. 
 
I'AKT I 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 NE I VFO UNDLAND 
 
 17 
 
 large 
 
 m 
 
 The backward nature of even the island part of the 
 colony is illustrated by the prevalence of tlic truck 
 system, or payment of wages in goods, and the condi- 
 tion of tlic fishermen is descril)ed by the opponents of 
 that system as abject servitude. Tlie cod -fishing 
 industry is carried on by the poor population, who catcli 
 the fish either from schooners on the l)anks that lie off 
 the coast, or by means of traps and engines at the 
 harbours. For the bank-fishing various kinds of bait 
 have to lie secured according to the season of the year 
 — herring, squid, and caplin. The cod-fish are brought 
 to establishments upon the coast where are erected 
 what are known as " stands " ; they are cut o])en by a 
 class of men called, in the trade, "cut-tliroats" ; the 
 livers are set aside for the best oil, other portions of 
 the entrails for cod oil for machinery, and the fish are 
 split, salted, and left to dry. For all the processes, 
 especially for catching the cod and bait, expensive 
 o-car is needed, and the cost is advanced to the 
 fishermen by merchants upon the mortgage of the 
 catch. The maintenance of the fishermen durino- the 
 fishing season is provided for by tlie merchants, wdio 
 supply them with clothing and fiour at, it is said by 
 opponents of the system, an exorbitant rate of interest. 
 At the end of the fisliing season the fishermen have 
 sometimes to balance their accounts upon the wrong side, 
 and some of them are said to go on year by year in debt, 
 and seldom to be able to make a fresh start even on the 
 profits of a good season. The merchants contend that 
 they run great risks, and that frequently they get no 
 return from the supply of boats and gear. They were 
 till October 1889 strong in the House of Assembly, 
 and they made out a fair case with regard to their 
 profits. The fishing folk seemed to accept their situa- 
 
 Nuwlbiind- 
 liiml Fish- 
 eries. 
 
'I 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 tion ns a part of their somewhat primitive existence, 
 but in the rceont elections made a considerable demon- 
 stration of their power and turned out the merehnnts. 
 They spend the fishing months in hardship and peril 
 upon the bnnks, and the cold months in inactivity; 
 and in the long and trying winters the distress is great. 
 For some years past the Government has periodically 
 relieved the wants of those who have been unable to 
 support themselves, l)ut a stand was lately made ngainst 
 the granting of Government relief to able-bodied men, 
 to the destruction of the self-reliance and independence 
 of the population, and in 1888 it was decided that relief 
 from public funds should be confined to the infirm, 
 the widows, and the orphans. Large sums have been 
 from time to time expended upon relief works, and 
 with a disastrous effect upon the finances of the colony, 
 for road-makino- cannot be carried out to advantage in 
 such a climate at the period of the year when distress 
 is at its height. In 188G the expenditure upon the poor 
 amounted to nearly a quarter of the total expenditure, 
 and to more than a third of the total revenue apart 
 from loans, but the state of things was somewhat 
 better in 1887 and 1888. It has been charged against 
 the system that members of the Assembly have obtained 
 grants for the poor in the interior by reporting that 
 the people in their districts were dying of starvation, 
 and have used the grants as instruments of political 
 corruption. Generally speaking the condition of the 
 w^orking population must be looked upon as backward. 
 The societies of Foresters and Oddfellows, and the 
 trade unions, which flourish as greatly in most of 
 the colonies as at home, have little strength in New- 
 foundland, where they are represented only by a few 
 
 benevolent societies among the Roman Catholics and 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 NE I VFO UNDLA ND 
 
 19 
 
 hy ii ship Wright's union at St. Jolin's. Tin; colony 
 is loyal to tho imperial connection, in spite of a 
 gonoral hclit.'f that the Americans would extinguish 
 l^'rench claims to which we submit. Tiie li'ish Roman 
 (Jatholic inhal)itants pluce the crown above the harp 
 on the llau- that floats ui)on St, Patrick's Hall, and the 
 I'rotestant population wlien it wants to grumble at suj)- 
 [loscd disloyalty has to [)oint to the drinking of the 
 immortal memory of St. Patrick on one occasion on St. 
 Patrick's Day before the toast of the Queen's health — a 
 (piestion of eticpiette as to the rcs])ective precedence of 
 deceased saints and living sovereigns on which much 
 might l)e said on either side. Confederation with the 
 Dominion of Canada seemed })ossible in 1888. The 
 Electors' Qualification Act, 1889, raised — l)y a peculiarity, 
 confined to Newfoundland among all l^ritish colonies, 
 unless we count the tiny dependency of Norfolk Island — 
 the electoral age to twenty-five, as in Japan and Spain, 
 and in other respects gave manhood suftrage. This 
 legislation was supposed to be connected with a local 
 desire to prevent the younger people from casting their 
 votes upon the side of federation. The fishermen of 
 twenty-five are mostly married, while those of twenty-one 
 to twenty-five who are not yet married are generally 
 intending emigrants. The confederation question has 
 been settled in the negative, Jind Newfoundland con- 
 tinues to stand apart. The chief matter which was at 
 issue in the discussion of federation was that of tariff', 
 and the Newfoundlanders gave up the idea of joining 
 the Dominion because they did not desire to replace the 
 revenue tariff by a protective tariff. The merchants 
 were against confederation, Avhich would have disturbed 
 their business ; but the lawyers and some of the politicians 
 were in favour of the change, which would have given 
 
 ..^ 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 J 
 
 \ ': 
 
 20 
 
 PROIiLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ARI' I 
 
 The Freiicli 
 Shore. 
 
 tlicm ii larger field, (liviit Britiiiii lias no rod.soii to 
 (;()mj)laiii of NowfouiKllaiidcrs stundiii^t^ out, for most of 
 tli(! iiujiorts (except food) to Newfouiulhiiid come from 
 the United Kingdom — food comini;' to u consi(lerui)lo 
 extent from C^uiadu, ulthoiigli cliietly from tiu; United 
 States. 'J'lic cx])oi't trado in salt-fish is largely to Brazil, 
 S[)ain, and Portugal, in which countries the fish is 
 consumed in Lent; but there is a (considerable trade in 
 the inferior classes to our West Indies, where the fish 
 is eaten by the coloured people. Had confederation 
 taken place C'anadian capital would ha\'e come in 
 to increase the 84 miles of Newfoundland railroads, 
 and the side of the island nearest towards Nova 8cotia 
 would have been brought into a, closer connection with 
 the mainland, with the result of a development of 
 Newfoundland's mineral resources. Confederation is not, 
 however, now likely to be again mooted for some time, 
 for that shrew^d politician Sir AVilliam AVhiteway ajtpears, 
 on the wdiole, now to have made up his mind against it. 
 Altliouifh the island is reffiirded as a fishini]!; island, and 
 cod, seals, and lobsters are the staples of Newfoundland 
 trade, there is excellent timber, great mineral wealth, 
 and rich land which, if the Newfoundland summers 
 were always as long and good as that of 1889, would 
 support a considerable population. Some day the 
 country, which is at present knowai only as having 
 fisheries almost equal to those of the United States, will 
 become celebrated for something besides cod-fish and 
 icebergs, or " cods, dogs, and fogs," as the Bishop of 
 Newfoundland put it at the Lambeth Conference ; and 
 it should not be forgotten that the colony possesses coal. 
 The main difficulty of Newfoundland arises from its 
 relations with the Government of France, and those of 
 its peculiarities which I have already mentioned are 
 
 f.t 
 
CIIAl'. I 
 
 NKIVFO UNDLAND 
 
 21 
 
 >pCiU'S, 
 
 lavmo' 
 
 lop of 
 
 and 
 
 coal. 
 
 mi its 
 
 lose 
 
 
 small as compared with the extraordinary aiionialy of a 
 llriti.sli colony not ijosscssini^ full rii^dits over the whole of 
 its own soil, liy the Treaty of Utrectht of 17l.*J the 
 strui^wles between h^n.^land and France for tlie posses- 
 sion of tlic ishmd were Ijrouf^Iit to an end, and there 
 were reserved to Franr-c rights over m, ])ortiun of the 
 coast wliieh is known as th(^ Frent.-h Shore. These 
 rights were unfortunately confirmed hy all the treaties of 
 tlie eighteenth century, and l»y tliose of 1814 and 1815, 
 although the strip of coast itself was varied in 1783. Tlie 
 people of the United States also j)0ssess l»y treaty the 
 right of landing to dry fish and nets on a small strip of 
 the Newfoundland shore. It is a pity that the termina- 
 tion of the great Napoleonic struggle was not made the 
 occasion of a settlement of the extraordinarily dangerous 
 questions then pending and still pending between the 
 French and ourselves both in Newfoundland and in 
 India ; (juestions out of which it is not too much to say 
 that, but for an amount of tact upon both sides which 
 cannot be permanently counted upon, war might arise 
 at any time. Disputes have been kept from coming to 
 a head in the case of Newfoundland hitherto, chiefly Ijy 
 the spirit of conciliation displayed by the otiicers of the 
 British and French navies in command of the respective 
 squadrons upon the station. Attempts have been 
 made to bring our disputes with France to an end by 
 conventions which have been many times agreed upon 
 between the countries, but which have failed to be 
 accepted by the Parliament of Newfoundland. The 
 part of the coast, upon which French rights exist, has 
 been divided by these conventions, but the provisions 
 reserving to the French tlieir establishments upon the 
 portion of the coast which they actually occupy season 
 by season for curing fish, and giving up the rest of the 
 
PROBLEMS OF GREATER liR/lAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 Froncli Shoiv to settlenu'iit, were marked by the same 
 woiikiu'ss which was found in the Treaty of lUrecht 
 itself. None of the conventions solved the (juestion 
 at issue ; they all of them left the same ditlieulties to 
 be fouii'ht oN'er in the ]U)t distant future, and the 
 NewfouiKllaiiders were perfectly justiiied in their oppo- 
 sition. Over and over again riots have been caused 
 ])y the ejection of colonists from French dryino-pluces. 
 WJieu Ihitish subjects occui)y portions of the coast 
 not at present taken up by French establishments the 
 French turn tlu^m out by force. The Newfoundlanders 
 claim that the right given to France, by the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, to catch fish upon this shore and to dry them 
 upon land, does not include that of erecting lobster- 
 canning factories, for lobsters are not fish and canning- 
 is nol drying. The French operations involve the 
 exclusion of the British population of a British colony 
 from the occupation of the soil and from the workino- 
 of miiu'S in a large portion of the interior. The French 
 maintain that by their treaties with us they enjo}- 
 the exclusive right of fishery between Cape St. John and 
 Cape Hay, passing round the north of the island, and 
 that all British fixed settlements of whatever nature on 
 this coast arc contrary to treaty. The Newfoundlanders 
 maintain that we have a concurrent right of fishery so 
 long as we do not interfere with or interrupt the fishery 
 of the French, and that w'hile we have no right to fixed 
 fishing settlements upon the French Shore, we have a 
 right to fixed settlements of any other kind. In practice 
 the French bar the mouths of the rivers with nets and 
 ruin the streams for salmon fishery, while we maintain 
 that they have no rights to river fisheries. 1 myself agree 
 'vith the Newfoundlanders that the last arrangement, 
 which was come to at Paris in November 1885, was no 
 
 * 
 
CHAT. I 
 
 NE I VFO UNDLA ND 
 
 slieiy 
 lixed 
 
 settlomoiit of the question, and tliat tlio French conces- 
 sions, which fell to the ground through th»> o[)position 
 of tlie c.ohjny, were tudy concessions upon ])apcr. The 
 French })roniised to give up hirge pt)rtions of the coast, 
 which, however, consisted chiefly of slieer cliif or of 
 districts otherwise useless for all |nir[)Oses. 'V\w New- 
 foundlanders, while jn-aising, as all praise, the tact and 
 ability of Sir Clare Ford, think that he was placed at a 
 disadvantage by not having a highly-skilled naval ex- 
 pert as a colleague, while the French had on their side 
 an ofHcer who knew eviiy inch of the coast and who 
 used his knowledge. The Newfoundlanders assert that 
 in tlie coast over which France was to surrender her 
 rights there was not a landing-place for a canoe. The 
 very presence of the French tishernien u})on the coast, 
 bringing together as it does French and Ikitish men- 
 of-war, although the otHcers of the two scpiadrons try 
 to live upon terms of courtesy and of friendliness, 
 iiives rise to a constant risk of national irritation. The 
 French fishermen, who inhabit rude dwellings u[)on the 
 shore during the fishing season, dismantle them in 
 winter, when they retire to their own ishuuls of St. 
 Pierre and Miquelon, or evi'u cross the Atlantic to 
 France, and leave the frames in eharoe of Ena'lish 
 colonial keepers; and the (piarrels which arise upon 
 such (piestions are but one kind of dispute out of 
 many which occur. In all probability the French 
 will not give up their fishing rights, or the essential 
 portion of them, until after some great change has 
 taken place in the powi'r of the Newfoundlanders, or 
 until after a European war, and all that wc can hope is 
 that the tact which has been displayed u[)on both sides 
 in the past may continue to exist in the future between 
 the representatives of the Western Powers. 
 
7 
 
 M 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 Bait. 
 
 \\ 
 
 Americi 
 rights. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Meanwhile a recent Act of the Newfoundland Icfris- 
 laturc has resulted in somewhat rcducinc; the value of 
 the French fishery. The Bait Bill of 1887 prohil)ited 
 the exportation of the bait used for the cod fishery, and 
 the operation of this Act has already had some efiect. 
 The best bait is only procured in the early season on 
 shores where the French have no rights, and they had 
 been dependent on the Newfoundland fishers for their 
 supplies of bait. They, as well as the Americans, who 
 are also aftected by the Bill, now have witli ditficulty 
 to fish for their own bait and to go some distance for 
 it, and in this way they lose the first market of each 
 season. The French, however, now assert that they 
 find that periwinkles, which grow everywhere, form 
 good bait ; but this is doubtful. The French bounty 
 system is a hardship to colonial fishermen. The New- 
 foundlanders say that French-caught fish is sold for 
 12s. Gd. a French hundredweight or quintal, and British- 
 caught fish for 14s. 6d. because it is better prepared; 
 but the French fishermen receive 8s. 6d. bounty. The 
 Newfoundland Parliament would l)e glad to remove the 
 restrictions laid down in their Act if the French Govern- 
 ment would abolish bounties ; but if the efiect of the 
 Bait Act had been the partial withdrawal of the French 
 from the shores of Newfoundland, it would have been a 
 step in the right direction, for the present condition of 
 afi'airs with reQ;;ird to the French Shore is a disorace 
 to our standino' as a nation. 
 
 The Americans of the United States possess, as I 
 have said, in Newfoundland the right by treaty to land 
 on and use a strip of coast, but only so long as it is 
 unsettled. There is, of course, less danger, on account 
 of the words of limitation, that confiicts will arise 
 upon the "American Shore" than is the case with 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 NE WFO UXDLAiXD 
 
 25 
 
 
 to the French Shore, which is not affected 
 
 by any equally sensil)le and just provision. 
 
 It is possil)le that the United States, which would 'i'l'^^ futuru 
 
 ot Xuw- 
 
 Ije glad to possess the fisheries of Newfoundland, and touiuiiand. 
 
 the outpost on the route of all Atlantic trade with 
 
 Europe which Newfoundland affords, may make offers 
 
 to the Newfoundlanders to quit the British Empire 
 
 for the Union. The latter are, however, more likely to 
 
 use these proposals for the purpose of putting pressure 
 
 on the Canadians or on us at home, to bring the French 
 
 claims to an end by purchase, than they are to leave us. 
 
 It is ])ossible that Irish emigration and emigration from 
 
 the Western Highlands and islands of Scotland may begin 
 
 to flow into Newfoundland, which offers to the children 
 
 of the mist good cheap land, suitable for family colonisa- 
 
 , tiou, and near at hand, in a climate somewhat similar to 
 their own. In the next chapter — that on Canada — we 
 
 •; shall see how such immiorants to the Dominion have 
 prospered in the West. 
 
 as I 
 land 
 it is 
 count 
 arise 
 with 
 
 VOL. r 
 
 D 
 
' I 
 
 Britisli 
 North 
 
 America. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 Emigration 
 from the 
 United 
 Kiugdoin. 
 
 Continental Britisli North America, the area of which, 
 roughly speaking, may be said to be nearly equal to 
 that of Europe, or about equal to that of the United 
 States, has until recent years been looked upon as an 
 icc-l)ound desert, fringed by a fertile strip along the 
 border of the United States. 
 
 Since 1829 there has been a considerable emigration 
 from the United Kingdom to western Canada, but 
 an emigration which has never in late years been equal 
 to the emiijration to the United States, althouQ-h 
 that federation is under a different flag. It has been 
 stated by Mr. Burnett, than whom no higher authority 
 upon the question could be found, that British emigrants 
 do not as a body care whether they go to lands under 
 or not under British rule, and cross the seas to the 
 United States, Canada, Australasia, the Argentine 
 Eepublic, or the Transvaal, at the prompting not of 
 sentiment but of interest. Irish emigrants have on 
 the whole preferred, when free agents, to quit the 
 shadow of the British flag, and the United States have 
 accordingly in the past received the majority of the 
 emigrants from the United Kingdom, Many of those 
 who are set down t(i Canada in the tables have only 
 journeyed through Canada to the Western States, so 
 

 CHAP. U 
 
 T//E DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 27 
 
 of which, 
 ■ equal to 
 le United 
 poll as an 
 along the 
 
 MiiiQ,Tation 
 nada, but 
 ecu equal 
 although 
 has been 
 authority 
 emiiiTants 
 ids under 
 as to the 
 lAro-entinc 
 L<x not of 
 have on 
 quit the 
 lates have 
 |ty of the 
 of those 
 |iave only 
 states, so 
 
 ■.&k 
 
 m 
 
 that the census, and not the emigration statistics, 
 must be our guide. Up to a period between 1830 
 and 1840 the emigration from the United Kino;dom to 
 Canada exceeded our emigration to the United States, 
 both being, however, comparatively small ; but from the 
 commencement of the Irish famine the tables were turned, 
 and the gold rush to California increased the dispropor- 
 tion. In 1852 the emigration from the United Kingdom 
 to the wliole of British North America fell to about 10 per 
 cent of our total emigration, and it has remained at about 
 that figure up to a recent j^criod though it is now 
 beginning to increase ; while nearly 70 per cent of the 
 persons of British and Irish origin emigrating from the 
 United Kingdom in tlie last thirty-six years have gone 
 to the United States, and nearly 20 per cent to Austral- 
 asia, or double as many to the vastly more distant 
 southern colonies as to British North America. It is 
 also a remarkable fact that the proportions going to the 
 United States, to Australasia, and to British North 
 America have been, till lately, fairly constant, although 
 the Irish element was at one time predominant in the 
 emigration, while the English element is predominant 
 now. Of the total number of emigrants from the 
 United Kingdom who have gone to the United States 
 since 1853 the Irish outnumber the English; at the 
 present moment the English vastly outnumber the Irish 
 among the emigrants, but still resort mainly to the 
 United States, although the emigration to the Trans- 
 vaal and Argentine Republics is now rapidly increasing 
 in extent. Three times as many natives of the United 
 Kingdom are living in the United States as in the 
 wliole of our colonies put together. As among colonies 
 it is, however, the fact that in the last few years, 
 while emigration to Australasia has declined, that to 
 
^ 
 
 28 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 
 
 ! 
 
 Canada has remained steady, and is now, as I have 
 said, on the increase, and that at the present moment 
 Canada is receiving a Larger number of British emigrants 
 than are going to Austrahisia. 
 
 It is striking to notice to how considerable an extent 
 British emigration fails to follow the flag, even when 
 tempted to remain within the Empire Ijy the magnificent 
 soil of Manitoba — the land legislation of the western 
 Provinces of Canada Ijeing nevertheless, as we shall 
 see, as liberal as that of the United States. Another 
 curiosity of emigration is the fact that until the 
 last year or two as many British emigrants of the 
 farming class were going to Australasia as to Canada, 
 and that far more than half as many are going thither 
 at the present moment ; yet Canada gives free grants 
 of land, while in Australia the land has to be bought 
 for money, and in the Canadian North West the 
 land is prairie land which can be ploughed at once, 
 while in Australasia it is as a rule either too dry for 
 farming or has to be cleared of bush. The British farm- 
 ing emigrant to Manitoba needs but little capital, and 
 requires only the means of living until he has brought 
 his land under cultivation ; whereas in the least arid por- 
 tions of Australasia he requires capital both to buy and 
 to clear his land, and has to find the money after he has 
 23aid for a far more costly journey. While in Canada he 
 receives free IGO acres, which need no clearing, in 
 Australasia he must either buy land, costing at least £1 
 an acre, and pay perhaps .£10 an acre to clear it, or take 
 land in districts in which drought is deadly. 
 
 There has been a recent revival of some suggestions 
 by that most al)le former Agent-General of Canada, 
 Sir Alexander Gait, now retired from very active 
 public life, which proposals have been once more put 
 
PART 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 29 
 
 I have 
 moment 
 niu'rauts 
 
 n extent 
 [in Avlien 
 onificent 
 western 
 sve shall 
 Another 
 mtil the 
 5 of the 
 Canada, 
 y thither 
 ie grants 
 e bought 
 Vest the 
 at once, 
 dry for 
 tsh farm- 
 ital, and 
 Ijrought 
 arid por- 
 l)uy and 
 T he has 
 iiuida he 
 
 U-nig, 
 
 m 
 least £1 
 or take 
 
 jgcstions 
 Canada, 
 active 
 liore put 
 
 forward as a basis of colonisation by farming families. 
 Tlie idea Ijy which the adoption of the scheme may 
 be recommended to Parliament at home, is that relief 
 would be felt in London and the great towns if the 
 current of unemployed agricultural lal)0ur setting 
 towards the cities could be diverted. Sir Alexander 
 Gait has tried to meet the objection that emigration 
 takes from home many of the best of our workmen, 
 who go to Canada and Victoria and the United States, 
 and help these countries to build up manufactures by 
 the use of our picked labour, while they shut out 
 our goods by higli duties. His scheme is one 
 mainly intended for placing the agricultural classes 
 in agricultural districts, and it is meant to be self- 
 supporting or nearly so. Sir Robert Herbert is a 
 high authority upon this subject, and he has told a 
 Committee of the House of Commons, after carefully 
 considering every plan that has been laid before the 
 Colonial Office, that the Government must expect a loss 
 of money. Now this means that those who stay behind 
 i; are to be taxed for the benefit of those who go, while 
 any interference by Government in emigration must tend 
 to destroy the present magnificent system of emigration 
 by self-help, which takes from the United Kingdom some 
 two hundred thousand people every year. It must also 
 be remembered that there is a strouQ- feelinn: among 
 English workmen against organised and widespread 
 emigration, which they think is offered to them only 
 as a substitute for social and political reform. Then, 
 too, it is admitted that the emigrant families under the 
 new scheme must be helped by a large advance of money, 
 ;; as the crofter Government emigrants were helped, in 
 ■± order that they may live while they bring the land 
 I under tillage ; but it has yet to be shown that, given 
 
 a. 
 
 m 
 

 30 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 the fact that steady families are selected. ' could not 
 do, ill many cases, as well with such a es made to 
 
 them in connection with their trades ' ^land. There 
 douhtlcss will be much said for tl .iiadian plan of 
 discoura2jino: individual immio-ration, and of encourao;in<:j 
 the immigration of farming families. No objection can 
 be raised to the Canadian principle of helping family 
 colonisation by allowing the exporting agencies to take 
 the security of the land for the advance of money ; 
 but when Government aid is asked for, even for a 
 nearly self-supporting scheme, it is certain to be 
 pointed out that the poorest and the weakest will be 
 among those who stay behind, and who are to be 
 taxed to meet the deficit, while the value to the motlier- 
 coun'u/y of the ex})ortation of farming families is prob- 
 lematical. 
 
 Canada refuses to take our paupers, except our pauper 
 
 children who are bcino- sent there to the oeneral 
 advantage ; and the feeling against pauper immigration 
 is as strong in Canada as it is in the United States, 
 and is indeed almost as powerful as that in Australia 
 against convict immigration. In other words, the 
 colonies are now only willing to receive those whose 
 expatriation is hardly to be looked upon as an advantage 
 to their country, and it will be difficult to induce the 
 home-staying population to assent to taxation in any form 
 to help even Sir Alexander Gait's well-thought-out scheme. 
 On the other hand, there are many benevolent people who 
 arc willing to incur a certain risk in aiding emigration, 
 and it is probable that, even if Government should 
 decline to assist except in organising eifort, such defici- 
 ency in funds as might arise under the Gait Scheme could 
 be met by voluntary help. In any case it is probable, 
 as will be seen, that the tide of emigration will for the 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CIIAl', I 
 
 THE 1)0 MIX ION OF CANADA 
 
 3' 
 
 )ul(l not 
 made to 
 
 plan of 
 )uraging 
 tion can 
 g famil}' 
 to take 
 money ; 
 n for a 
 I to be 
 D will be 
 :e to be 
 ) mother- 
 is prob- 
 
 Lir pauper 
 ! oeneral 
 nitration 
 States, 
 Australia 
 mis, the 
 se whose 
 tlvantage 
 L(luce the 
 any form 
 it scheme. 
 ( iple who 
 iiio-ration, 
 t should 
 h defici- 
 me could 
 probable, 
 11 for the 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 --4 
 
 1 
 
 future flow more strongly towards Canada. Even at 
 the present mighty rate of growth of the American 
 nation, many years beyond the limit of the present 
 century must elapse l)efore the lands of the United 
 States are all occupied by settlers. The people of the 
 British Islands are, however, becoming aware, on the one 
 hand, that the United States will not always remain open 
 as an emigration field, antl, on the other hand, that we 
 possess a Far AVest superior in fertility to many States and 
 Territories of the Union, and in climate not much less 
 favoured. 
 
 In the past there was a vague idea at home that 
 our possessions extended beyond the Eocky Moun- 
 tains to British Columbia ; the Pacific Station of the 
 fleet at Vancouver Island was known to those who 
 had friends or relations in the navy ; but in the not 
 distant time when British Columbia could only be 
 reached after a long voyage round Cape Horn, or by 
 a tedious voyage across the Isthmus of Panama, or 
 even, later, by tlic tiring journey by way of San 
 Francisco, the most remote regions of British North 
 America to which adventurous emiOTants made their 
 way were those Ijackwoods of Canada which are now 
 within nine days of London. 
 
 In the early days indeed of the emigration move- The opcn- 
 ment of the present century, and when that movement t",e ^v^,°[. 
 was in its infancy, Canada attracted, it has been seen, oF'the'^*''' 
 as large an emigration from Europe as did the United American 
 fetates. Just as m our tmie, moreover, we have witnessed 
 a great migration of Canadian people into the United 
 States, so from the close of the American War of 1814 
 up to about 1820-30 there was a large migration of 
 Americans into Canada. The United Empire Loyalists, 
 who had fled or been removed into Canada at the con- 
 
 
[IT 
 
 -; — -^r — r^ 
 
 32 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 clu.sit)!! of tlie RevolutiouMiy War, had left friends in tlie 
 United States, and tlieir friends gradually joined them 
 in large nunil)ers, and were indeed known as a elass by 
 the name " Late Loyalists." Besides the Loyalists, 
 or persons who disliked republican institutions, and more 
 or less preferred the rule of the British Crown, there 
 were in these early days a good many Americans who 
 found that money was to be made more easily in Canada 
 than in the United States, and many Americans who 
 were Republicans in sentiment came into Canada for 
 the sake of gain. All tliis immigration was, however, 
 to Ontario or to the non-French portions of the present 
 Province of Quebec. About 1830 the rich valley of the 
 Mississippi began to attract world-wide attention, and 
 the gradual opening up of the region known as the 
 Western States, being ultimately followed by an 
 immense famine -emigration from Ireland, gave an 
 enormous impetus to the prosperity of the United 
 States. The fertility of the maize districts of the new 
 lands not only attracted that stream of immigration 
 from Northern Europe which since that time has never 
 ceased, l)ut also drew large numbers of the inhabitants 
 of Canada across the frontier. 
 The devei- Mcanwliilc Canada's North West, the counterpart of 
 thTcaua- the Western States, similar to Minnesota, and as suitable 
 for wheat as Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa are suit- 
 able for Indian corn, was locked up, and continued so to be 
 until the territorial claims of the Hudson Bay Company 
 were purchased, under the Rupert's Land Act of 1868, 
 by the Canadian Government in 1869. A year later 
 the North-West Territories were added to the Dominion, 
 which had been created by the British North America 
 Act in 1867, and the Province of Manitoba was admitted 
 into confederation, and in 1871 British Columbia. 
 
 dian North 
 West. 
 
I'ART I 
 
 ClIAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 33 
 
 ds in the 
 iccl them 
 , cLass by 
 
 ;ind more 
 vn, there 
 cans who 
 n Ccanada 
 cans who 
 mada for 
 however, 
 e present 
 ey of the 
 tion, and 
 n as the 
 by an 
 gave an 
 ! United 
 the new 
 iiigration 
 las never 
 habitants 
 
 ;erpart of 
 s suitable 
 are suit- 
 d so to be 
 Company 
 of 1868, 
 Tar later 
 >ominion, 
 America 
 admitted 
 yolumbia. 
 
 
 Canada hastened to make up for lost time in developing 
 the new reirion, and t^ ere are now a hundred million 
 acres of land surveyed for settlement, while railway 
 development is steadily proceeding. In 1880 a contract 
 was siirned for the building of the Canadian Pacific 
 Railway, and in 188G the first through train ran from 
 Montreal to Vancouver. The completion of this line of 
 communication from ^Vtlantic to Pacific, succeeding the 
 political acts of which it was the consc(piencc, has pro- 
 duced a phenomenon never seen before in the world's 
 history, and never likely to be seen elsewhere, — two 
 countries with a common frontier 4000 miles in length, 
 three -fourths of which is an artificial frontier — two 
 countries under diiierent Hags, inhabited by people to a 
 great extent of identical race, speaking the same tongue, 
 each governed by free Federal institutions, and each now 
 provided with independent parallel lines of communica- 
 tion bringing ocean within one week of ocean. On the 
 maps this artificial partition of the continent had existed 
 for generations, but for half the period the western 
 territories of the two powers were, comparatively speak- 
 ing, unexplored, and for the remainder of the time the 
 northern was dependent upon the southern for its com- 
 munication with its own remoter regions. The utility 
 of a new overland route to the East and to our Australian 
 colonies, and the strategical value to the Empire of the 
 Canadian Pacific Railway, will be dealt with by me here- 
 after ; but a fact often overlooked in England is that 
 hitherto the western centres of population of British 
 North America have been more intimately connected 
 with districts lying south of them across the American 
 frontier than with places east and west of them within 
 the Canadian border. Emigration from Quebec has 
 flowed in the direction of New^ Endand and of New York. 
 
34 
 
 PROliLEMS OF GREATER R RITA IN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 f \ 
 
 Suiieriority 
 of soil ill 
 Ciuwidian 
 Nortli 
 
 Wi'st. 
 
 \ \ 
 
 \ 1 
 
 \Viiiiii[)('^', allci' its i'a|ii(l rise, Wiis in closest communica- 
 tion with St. l^iul, and Uritisli ( V>Iuml)iii (incliuling Van- 
 couver Island) was eliicHy dependent on San Francisco, 
 and, in a less deirrce, upon Portland (Oregon) and on the 
 growing American seaports on l*nget Sound. The 
 Canadian "national policy" of 1871), with its protective 
 tariff, would not have prevented relations across the 
 frontier in all these cases becominuf even closer and 
 more intimate, had not the new trans-continental line 
 opened u[) fresh developments of commerce and com- 
 munication from West to East and East to West. 
 
 Although it is true that years and perhaps genera- 
 tions must elapse before even the increasingly rapid 
 peopling of the Western States and Territories of the 
 Union fills with population the vast extent of the Ameri- 
 can Repul)lic, yet it must be borne in mind that a large 
 proportion of the centre and west centre of the United 
 States is desert land, only fit for agriculture after the 
 supply of irrigation, which, in immense tracts of territory, 
 is impossible at paying rates. There are three great 
 systems of (communication between the Eastern States 
 and the Far AVest. The Southern Pacific Railroad, 
 which passes through the arid plains of Western Texas, 
 New ^Mexico, and Arizona, lias opened up a less favoured 
 country than that which is traversed by the Union 
 Pacific, which runs through Colorado, Utah, and Nevada ; 
 and the latter districts themselves are inferior to parts of 
 Nortli Dakota, Montana, Idaho, and Washington, which 
 are served by the Northern Pacific route. The country 
 traversed by the three main lines is least valuable on 
 the southern route, and increases in agricultural utility as 
 we go north ; and when the British frontier is crossed the 
 same superiority in the northern regions is again found 
 up to the point at which climate becomes too severe 
 
 A 
 

 TART I 
 
 iiiminicn- 
 liiiu; Van- 
 'liincisco, 
 1(1 on till' 
 1.1. The 
 )r()tc(.'tivt-' 
 crosH the 
 ioser and 
 nital liiR' 
 111(1 com- 
 st. 
 
 s genera - 
 oly rapid 
 es of the 
 lie Ameri- 
 at a large 
 le United 
 after the 
 territory, 
 ree great 
 n States 
 xailroad, 
 n Texas, 
 favoured 
 le Union 
 Nevada ; 
 o parts of 
 11, which 
 country 
 uablc on 
 utility as 
 ossed the 
 nil found 
 00 severe 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 35 
 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 for the growth of wlu^at. iMudi of the hind through 
 which the Ciinadiiin racillc line passes is superior to that 
 in any portion of tiie west-central districts of the United 
 States. Nor is tiic good land of our Canjidian North West 
 confined to a narrow fringe on either side of the new 
 Pacilie read. Tlie best land in the Far West of the wiiole 
 American continent is .said to be found upon the valley 
 of the North Saskatchewan, op])ositc to the giant peaks 
 of tlie liockv Mountains which form the frontier between 
 liritish ('ohimbia and Alberta. Of the superiority of 
 the Canadian Far West to the land in the sanu; longi- 
 tude! across the American frontier there can be no 
 doubt. 
 
 There is another particular in which it is frequently 
 urged that Canada has an advantage over the United 
 States, as to which I have myself more <loubt, and that 
 is nearness for tradi; purposes to Europe. Canada is 
 indeed geographically nearer than the United States 
 both to Euro[)e and to Asia, and the more northerly the 
 main lino of communication across the world is made 
 the shorter it will be. From Britisli Columbia to Japan 
 is a less distance than from San Francisco to Japan, just 
 as from Glasgow to Quebec itself is a far shorter distance 
 than from Liverpool to New York. It must, however, 
 be remembered that the Great Circle route across the 
 Pacific is subject to tempestuous weather otf the Aleutian 
 Islands at the mouth of Behring Sea, and we have to 
 inquire if the most northerly Atlantic route can be 
 worked under more favourable conditions. 
 
 Every year sees produced some new scheme of 
 improved direct communication between the British 
 Isles and British North America. There is a plan 
 for running a railway along the south coast of New- 
 foundland in connection with a steam-feny between 
 
 I'rnJoctM 
 lor sliui't 
 rniltus to 
 Kiiropu. 
 
 "'■l 
 m 
 
 i 
 
1 
 
 "iizmc-jcKzx:rm 
 
 , i^""* >-«r«PH 
 
 r^ 
 
 36 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 Cape Ray and the opposite point of Cape Breton. By 
 tills means Montreal is to be brought within five and a 
 lialf days of London. The journey from Montreal to St. 
 John's by railway and steam-ferry is to be completed in 
 twenty-four hours. St. John's is only 1730 miles from 
 Qucenstown, a voyage which, in these days of Atlantic 
 steamers making five hundred knots a day, can be done 
 in three and a half days, leaving a margin of twenty- 
 four hours for the remainder of the way from Queens- 
 town to London. Advocates of this plan confidently 
 assert that the Newfoundland route would not only 
 bring the Canoxlian Dominion closer to England, but 
 would divert most of the American passenger traffic, 
 which now goes from New York, on account of the 
 advantage which a sea passage of 1800 miles possesses 
 for a dyspeptic people over one of 2800 miles. There 
 are, how^ever, difficulties in the way. If the channel 
 between Cape Breton and Newfoundland were as clear as 
 that between Holyhead and Qucenstown a sea passage 
 of GO miles in a ferry-boat would be a serious difficulty, 
 but even during the short Newfoundland summer these 
 coasts are frequently wrapped in impenetrable fog, the 
 recurrence of which would destroy all certainty in the 
 regulation of the traffic and of the mails. Moreover, 
 even if the difficulties of the Gulf of St. Lawrence were 
 overcome, it would not be worth the while of any owners 
 of fast steamships to ply between St. John's and Liver- 
 pool for the brief season during which St. John's would 
 be really available for trade and j^assage. The duration 
 of the Newfoundland winter and the almost entire cessa- 
 tion of navigation upon the Newfoundland shores during 
 half the year are little realised by the advocates of the 
 short ocean routes. At the same time, fog and ice are 
 drawbacks to some extent shared by all the routes, 
 
PART I 
 
 CllAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 37 
 
 on. By 
 ve and a 
 ial to St. 
 [Acted in 
 ilcs from 
 Atlantic 
 be done 
 twenty - 
 Qucens- 
 nfidently 
 Liot only 
 and, but 
 jr traffic, 
 t of the 
 possesses 
 1. There 
 channel 
 I clear as 
 passage 
 ifficulty, 
 Her these 
 fog, the 
 y in the 
 oreover, 
 Qce were 
 owners 
 ll Liver- 
 's would 
 duration 
 ■e cessa- 
 during 
 Is of the 
 ice are 
 routes, 
 
 % 
 
 because it sliould not be forgotten that Newfound- 
 land projects so far into the Atlantic as to lie upon 
 even the road from New York to Northern Europe. 
 Another of the sclicmes involves a railway down the 
 north bank of the St. Lawrence to that point of Labrador 
 where the Atlantic meets the Straits of Belle Isle, If 
 it is supposed that a railway could pay expenses in the 
 short season during which the ports of Labrador could 
 alone possibly be utilised, there is then the further objec- 
 tion of the danger, even in summer months, of the coast 
 of Labrador on account of fogs and iceljcrgs. 
 
 A third project for bringing the Dominion closer to 
 the old country is the Hudson Bay Scheme. Its advo- 
 cates argue that the railway journey from the Atlantic 
 seaboard to JManitoba is too long for immigrants. The 
 'W'estern States of America, they say, were not settled 
 by immigrants who came thither direct from Europe, 
 but by those who Hocked in from the more sterile 
 of the New Enolnnd States, and the averao-e British 
 immiurant has not the means to undertake a lono- 
 land journey immediately after his sea voyage. They 
 ar^ue that immij^rants from the United Kiuodom 
 who arc bound for Manitoba arc apt to disappear 
 before they reach Winnipeg by the Pacific route, 
 dispersing at ]\Iontreal to swell the already crowded 
 labour market of Ontario, or to cross the frontier 
 into the United States. Manitoba and the North 
 West must be content, they think, with the surplus 
 of the East until a direct route is established from 
 England to some point upon the coast of Hudson Bay, 
 Thus immigrants might be conducted into the very 
 heart of Canada by an ocean voyage shorter than that 
 from Liverpool to New York, — by a journey the same 
 length as that from Liverpool to ^lontrejd ; the distance 
 
If 
 
 ii 
 
 ■THi^aVMa-'VB^^ta 
 
 38 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 from Liverpool to Port Nelson or to Fort Churchill, 
 both on the west coast of Hudson Bay, being about 
 2900 miles. This project has not been received with 
 much enthusiasm either by the Dominion Government 
 or by the Provincial Government of Manitoba, the 
 argument against it being the ice-bound condition of 
 the waters of Hudson Bay during the greater portion of 
 the year. The route might be used for immigrants if a 
 good deal of money were spent upon it, but immigrants, 
 without trade, would hardly pay, and by the time that 
 the route was opened in the spring, goods intended for 
 the North West might have reached there by other 
 roads, while the autumn closing of Hudson Bay might 
 come too early for the transport of the produce of the 
 North West itself. It has been suggested that steam- 
 saws might be used for keeping open the channels after 
 they had been blocked by ice, but this is not a 
 hopeful project. 
 
 Although the various schemes put forward are per- 
 haps a little visionary, it is not to be thought that 
 communication between Canada and the mother-country 
 is never to be more rapid. All that can be asserted is 
 that there is no immediate prospect of a more direct 
 communication than that which now exists between 
 Rimouski on the St. Lawrence in the summer months, 
 and ILdifax in the winter, and this country. That the 
 Canadian communications are not yet in a thoroughly 
 satisfactory position is shown by the ftict that there are 
 towns in Ontario which do a trade with the Maritime 
 Provinces of the Dominion and find it cheaper to send 
 their goods by rail viA the United States. The north 
 shore of Lake Erie, for example, exporting goods to Nova 
 Scotia and New Brunswick, largely sends them by rail 
 to Boston and then by sea, instead of using the Canadian 
 
 \ 
 
 If 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 39 
 
 .^liiu'cliill, 
 igr about 
 v'cd with 
 ^^eriiment 
 oba, the 
 (lition of 
 )ortion of 
 rants if a 
 migrants, 
 time that 
 ■ntled for 
 by other 
 lay might 
 ice of the 
 at steam- 
 nels after 
 is not a 
 
 are per- 
 .ght that 
 country 
 serted is 
 e direct 
 between 
 months, 
 That the 
 oroughly 
 there are 
 Maritime 
 L- to send 
 he north 
 
 to Nova 
 1 by rail 
 
 anadian 
 
 raih'oads or the water-way of the hikes and the St. 
 Lawrence. 
 
 That Canada has a prosperous future before her there Future of 
 can be no doubt. Of all the lands under a temperate 
 (dimate to which Jjritish emigrants can go, North 
 America is by far the most accessible, and until that 
 continent is completely filled it is unlikely that in great 
 numbers they will go elsewhere. The Argentine Republic 
 is farther oil", and is a land of Spanish and Italian 
 speech; and South Africa has been too largely peopled by 
 Dutch and natives, wlule Australia is still more distant. 
 Canada, like the United States, teni])ts the immigrant 
 by free grants of land, and in the North West, as we 
 have seen, no clearhig is required, so that the intending 
 immigrant has, as compared with those who go to other 
 parts of the globe, the cheapest journey, and the least 
 (■x[ienditure to face when he arrives at his journey's 
 ond. The immigrants arc still too few, l)ut they soon 
 niulti[)ly, for Canada prt)duces men on the scale on 
 which she produces timber, and the Canadian popula- 
 tion increases by natural growth at a wonderfully rapid 
 rate. Of five millions of people in Canada,, four millions 
 are Canadian -Ijorn — a very different state of things 
 from that which we shall find existing in Australia. 
 On the other hand, while Australia is a land almost 
 (pertain to be free from the scourge of war, in North 
 America we have to lace the fact that there are between 
 the people of our own race, established to the north and 
 to the south respectively of the artificial line which I 
 have described, causes of dispute which I shall presently 
 attempt to investigate. 
 
 The nearest to Europe of all parts of British North The Pro- 
 America after Newfoundland and eastern Labrador, u'"'Txin[ 
 
 which, as they do not form a part of the Dominion of 
 
 in- 
 1011. Novii 
 Scotia. 
 
40 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 Canada, have bccu already dealt with, is the Province of 
 Nova Scotia, made up of the peninsula east of the Bay 
 of Fundy, and of the island of Cape Breton. Not only 
 is Nova Scotia nearest absolutely to Enoland after New- 
 foundland, but nearest, not excluding Newfoundland, 
 for purposes of navigation ; its harbours being open in 
 the winter. It is the unrivalled fishery of the Nova 
 Scotian coast that has cjiven rise to the hcartburninos 
 and disputes with which, in the last chapter of this part, 
 I shall have to deal. 
 Acadic. Nova Scotia has sometimes been called Acadia, while 
 
 the name was formerly extended to the whole of the 
 ■Maritime Provinces of the Dominion, including Prince 
 Edward Island and New Brunswick, and forming an 
 old French colony. The name Acadie is said to have 
 been derived from a Micmac word " cadie," signifying 
 " plenty," whence the country was styled La Cadie in 
 a charter from Henri IV in 1G04, when the settle- 
 ments were founded. Acadia is a name now rarely 
 used, and chiefly rememljered indeed in connection with 
 the deportation of the French Acadians in 1755. Poetry, 
 not fact, makes popular history, but Longfellow's pictur- 
 esque account of the sad story of Grandpru is so fanciful 
 that the American historian of Canada, also a distin- 
 guished son of Harvard, has suggested that the author 
 of Evangeline confused Acadia with Arcadia. However 
 that m.'iy be, fewer than GOOO Acadian French were 
 deported by the British Government for refusing to take 
 the oath of allegiance to the British Crown, but at the 
 present time there are in Nova Scotia more than 40,000, 
 in New Brunswick nearly GO, 000, and in Prince Edward 
 Island over 10,000 persons of French descent — or 1 10,000 
 in the ancient French province of Acadie, as against the 
 5000 or GOOO who were sent away ; and so far from 
 
I'ARl' I 
 
 roviuce of 
 ff the JJay 
 
 Not only 
 iftor New- 
 tbimdlantl, 
 g open in 
 
 the Nova 
 rtl)urnings 
 f til is part, 
 
 adia, while 
 lolc of the 
 liiiij; Prince 
 oiining an 
 id to have 
 ' signifying 
 a Cadie in 
 the settle- 
 low rarely 
 ction with 
 Poetry, 
 w's pictur- 
 so fanciful 
 ) a distin- 
 the author 
 However 
 [ench were 
 ucr to take 
 Ibut at the 
 lan 40,000, 
 e Edward 
 1-110,000 
 oainst the 
 far from 
 
 CHAT. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 41 
 
 refusing allegiance to Great Britain, like the Acadians 
 of the last century, they are among the strongest 
 supporters of our rule. Nova Scotia, like Newfound- 
 land, was fought for by England and France. The 
 French attempted to occupy it in 1598, and again 
 in the following year, while in 1G04 a French Pro- 
 testant colony was actually established in Nova Scotia, 
 which failed on account of the destruction of the 
 Protestant party in France, and was succeeded by a 
 colony under the auspices of the Eoman Catholic 
 Church. But the latter was soon destroyed by an 
 expedition connnanded by a Virginian English cap- 
 tain, and Nova Scotia was named and claimed and 
 granted by James I. of England, and the Scottish 
 order of Jjaronets founded, although a small French 
 jiopulation remained in the peninsula. After fighting 
 and dispute, and the cession of British rights in Acadie 
 to France by Charles I., the formation of the company 
 of New France by Richelieu upon a priestly base, with 
 the direction to exclude Protestants, the conquest of 
 Acadie by Lord Protector Cromwell jind its recession to 
 1 'ranee, Acadie once more became a Jesuit preserve. A 
 French writer has pointed out the weakness of the 
 colonial system which was established there — the ecclesi- 
 astical organisation of the colony, burdening the colonists 
 with tithe, made Government oppressive. The main 
 reason for the foundation of the colony in the view of 
 the Church was the protection of the natives, who 
 neN'ertheless were in fact destroyed almost as ra[>idly 
 as in the neighbouring possessions of the English Crown. 
 The prevention of the sale of drink to natives, which 
 was enforced by law, was found to place the French 
 colonists at a disadvantage as compared with the 
 
 American English, without saving the native races; and 
 VOL. I E 
 

 h 
 
 ' i 
 
 s/, 
 
 .1 
 
 I' I 
 t ■' ! 
 
 
 . I 
 
 ii I 
 
 Halifax. 
 
 42 
 
 I'ROIiU-MS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 it is indeed u striking fact that M. Paul Leroy-Bcaulieu 
 has drawn a pictui'c of Acadia whicli in many respects 
 reseml)]es that wliicli might be drawn of Basutohmd and 
 parts of Becluianaland in the present day, and lias given 
 as a reason of tlie downfall of the French power in 
 America the ado])tion of those very principles upon 
 whicii ]>ul)lic opinion in Great Britain desires to proceed 
 in Soutli Africa. Nova Scotia was formally ceded to 
 England by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, and received 
 the grant of a legislative Asseml)ly in J 758, but the 
 island of Cape Breton remained French until the con- 
 (piest of Canada. That island was afterwards sometimes 
 under the Nova Scotian Government and sometimes 
 not, and from 1784 to 1820 formed a separate British 
 colony. In 18G4 Nova Scotia, with New Brunswick, 
 took the first step whicli led three years later to the 
 British North America Act and the confederation of 
 the Dominion of Canada. 
 
 It has been said in jest that the drum-beat of Britain, 
 which pi-eviously followed the morning round the world, 
 now stops at Halifax, the Nova Scotian capital, which 
 is our only military station held by regular troops 
 upon the continent of America ; l)ut while it is true that 
 no garrison of the British imperial army is found west 
 of Halifax until we reach the coast of Asia, yet the red 
 coats of the Royal ^Marines are sometimes seen as far west 
 as jNIontreal, and again at the headquarters of the North 
 Pacific squadron on Vancouver Island, where they will 
 soon be joined by a small force of soldiers chosen and 
 sent out from England, whether in British or in Canadian 
 pay. Between Montreal an<l the Pacific the forces of 
 the Empire are represented l)y the Dominion militia. 
 To the English traveller who comes to Halifax as a first 
 landing-place upon the American continent, Halifax may 
 
% 
 
 IV 
 
 I' ART I 
 
 CHAI'. II 
 
 ■JJ/£ nOMLMOX OF C AX A J) A 
 
 43 
 
 oy-Bc;mlicu 
 my respects 
 utoliind and 
 1(1 ]i;is oiveii 
 •li power in 
 iciples upon 
 s to proceed 
 ly eedi'd to 
 iind received 
 '58, l)iit the 
 itil the con- 
 Is sometimes 
 I sometimes 
 [irate Britisli 
 Brunswick, 
 hiter to the 
 federation of 
 
 it of Britain, 
 
 \ the world, 
 
 pital, which 
 
 uhir troops 
 
 is true that 
 
 found west 
 
 yet the red 
 
 I as far west 
 
 f the Xortli 
 
 ■e they will 
 
 chosen and 
 
 n Canadian 
 
 lie forces of 
 
 lion militia. 
 
 [ix as a first 
 
 alifax max- 
 
 Miave an American nppearaiiec on account of the numher 
 of wooden houses and the darkening of the air by 
 
 Uelegraph and telephone wires; hut to one who returns 
 to Halifax from the United States the place looks English, 
 with its En.glish citadel, its red-coated soldiers, and 
 ti'im villa residences in the woods on tlu; north arm of 
 the magnificent harboui'. The completion of the inter- 
 colonial railway from (^lel)ec, down the St. Lawrence, 
 through New Brunswick, and across Nova, Scotia to 
 Halifax, has made Halifax the winter port of the 
 Dominion, and in a<lditi(m to an export trade of fish 
 and lumber, and excellent Nova Scotian coal, manufac- 
 tures are springing up in it. 
 
 Tiie coal-mines of Nova Scotia are at present the most cwi. 
 important in the Dominion. It is indeed a happy fact that, 
 though the "two Canadas " had no coal, by the recep- 
 
 . ;tion into the Dominion of the Maritime Provinces and 
 of iU'itish Columbia and \'ancouver Island, as well as l)y 
 .the annexation of the North AVest, magnificent coal-fields 
 have been conferred upon Canada. The coal-mining 
 iiulusti'V in the North-West Territories is new, and has 
 "been brought into existence by the development of the 
 ibranches of the Canadian Pacific llailway, but local coal 
 fi'om the Rocky Mountain beds is l»eing tried upon 
 that line. There is excellent coal upon Vancouver 
 Island, which will be most ini[)ortant in the future, as 
 it is the only good coal upon the North Pacific ; but 
 Kova Scotia still holds her own as the chief coal-pro- 
 ducing Province of the Dominion. There are fine coal- 
 ^elds in Cape Breton and in the isthnms which connects 
 the peninsula of Nova Scotia with New Brunswick, and 
 some of the coal is of the best qualitv, thou'di the 
 r)ritish Columl)ian coal fi'tches a higher 2)rice from its 
 bring situate on the Pacific coast, where coal is scarce 
 
44 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I' ART I 
 
 ii 
 
 Gold. 
 
 Gaelic. 
 
 Sir Cliavlcs 
 Tupper. 
 
 New 
 Brunswick, 
 
 i I 
 
 
 indeed. Novii Scotia is alrcad}' raising- nearly two 
 million tons a year, and is exporting n quarter of a 
 million tons to the West Indies, Newfoundland, and the 
 United States. Nova Scotia also shares with British 
 Columbia the most productive gold-fields of the 
 Dominion, but, while British Columbian gold is as yet 
 in part alluvial, the Nova Scotian gold has all along 
 been obtained from quartz. 
 
 Not only is there a French population in Nova 
 Scotia, but also, oddly enough, a British non- English- 
 speaking populati(jn, whose hinguage, however, has been 
 l)rought from the British Isles. A portion of the Scotch 
 Highlanders of Nova Scotia are a Oaelic-spcaking 2)eople, 
 of whom some do not understand the English tongue, 
 and, while those near the coal-mines of Pictou are chiefly 
 Presbyterians, the Highlanders at Antigonish possess 
 churches dedicated to Celtic Catholic saints. Nova 
 Scotia has given to the Dominion, in the person of the 
 statesman of LJnited Empire L(jyalist descent who 
 brouoht her into the Canadian federation, Sir Charles 
 Tupper, a possible future Prime ■Minister of Canada. 
 
 The Province of New Brunswick is maimed by a 
 monstrous boundary line. The greater part of the State 
 of ]\Iaine l)elongs geographically to New Brunswick or 
 to Lower Canada, and that a large portion of that State 
 is not British territory is the fault of our own repre- 
 sentatives. ]\Iore than half a century after the treaty of 
 peace between the mother- country and the revolted 
 colonies, a President of the LJnited States made a fair 
 proposal to the British Government, and its rejection, 
 and the subsequent Ashburton Treaty, with the result 
 of the creation of the present l)oundary, form a monu- 
 ment of that ignorance and neglect of national inter- 
 est which have often unfortunately characterised the 
 
V 
 
 PART I 
 
 ClIAl". II 
 
 THE DOMIXTON OF CANADA 
 
 45 
 
 lu'iirly two 
 uartcr of a 
 uul, and the 
 vith Biitisli 
 Ids of the 
 Id is as yet 
 IS all along 
 
 3n in Nova 
 lon-Englisli- 
 ^er, has been 
 )f the Scotch 
 iking people, 
 ^lisli tongue, 
 )U are chiefly 
 inish possess 
 ints. Nova 
 )orson of the 
 es('cnt who 
 Sir Charles 
 (•anada. 
 aimed by a 
 of the State 
 runswick or 
 f that State 
 own repre- 
 he treaty of 
 le revolted 
 nade a fair 
 s rejection, 
 1 the result 
 in a monu- 
 lional inter- 
 terised the 
 
 J action of our inip(>rial representatives. Had ordinary 
 ^Mliploniatic skill been made use of Ijy ns in 1842, wo 
 sliould have obtained a tract of territory, the importance 
 of whi(-h to Canada has only been realised since the 
 development of railways. 'I'lie junction in New Bruns- 
 wick of the Intercolonial IJailway, where the lines from 
 St. John and from Halifax meet, is nearly due east of 
 lilontreal ; Imt in order to reach that point from Montreal 
 without passing through the territory of the United 
 States, the railway has to run through nearly three degrees 
 of latitude to the nortli. Among the consequences of 
 the Ashl)urton Ti'caty are an additional outlay of ten 
 million dollai's in the first cost of the Intercolonial 
 Eailway, and the removal of Nova Scotia for jiolitical, 
 military, and commercial purposes 200 miles farther 
 from the cai)ital and from the chief Provinces of the 
 I)ominion. The extra charge on the transport of coal 
 alont," would make a difference of a dollar a ton in price 
 to the consumers in the Provinces of Quebec and of 
 Ontario. The Grand Trunk Railway runs through 
 American territory to an American port, and the greater 
 portion of the trailic of the Canadian Pacific line will 
 pass, as well as the greater portion of that from the 
 Province of New Jirunswick to the Canadas, over 
 American soil. 'I'he population of New Brunswick is to 
 a great extent composed of descendants of he United 
 Em [lire Loyalists who left New England at the conclusion 
 of the peace and founded the city of St. John. Although 
 they hated republican institutions, they were as democratic 
 in many of their ways as were the rest of the American 
 ,; colonists, and the New Brunswick Assembly preceded 
 the Assembly of Victoria itself l)y conducting iu tlie 
 last century a series of struggles with its Legislative 
 Council precisely similar to those which have raged 
 
 J 
 
46 
 
 /'A'o /!/./■:. US (>/■• c,ri:ati:r i'>RirAi.\ 
 
 lAKI I 
 
 H 
 
 1 
 
 rriiu'c 
 EihvHii 
 Isluii.l. 
 
 ill our tiiiK^ ill tli(3 i»TCiit jnrold oolonv of Anstrnlifi. 
 Tlic li.uiil ill Xi'W Druiiswick, as in N'ictoria, was as 
 1o jiayiiicnt of uuMnlicrs, and the dead lock Itetwet'U 
 tile two ll<»iiscs was of t]iorou,i;ldy Victorian complcte- 
 uess. The |»i'oi)I(' of New IJruiiswick arc cliiclly con- 
 nected with sliiji-lmildiii'j,', with tlie valualde fisheries, 
 and the hiin1)cr tra<h'. 'I'lie citv of St. John, iiichidini'' 
 two districts which virtuallv form part of it, ahhoiii>h 
 uiuh-r separate forms of local go\ernnient, lias 40,000 
 people; )Ut New Urunswick follows American exam})le 
 in havini;' its capital established elsewhere tliaii in its 
 chief town, and the pi(;tiU'es(|ue city of Fredericton, the 
 Provincial seat of government, is small. jMannfactnrcs 
 are beginning to be develo})ed in New lirunswick, and 
 the interior is well adapted for fiirniing, and has less bad 
 land in proportion to its area than any Province of the 
 Dominion exce])t Prince Edward Ishmd. The New 
 Briuiswickers are by no means wanting in Ji sense of 
 their own importance. Tlie Americans are inclined 
 to ridicule under the term " Ijlue noses" — a name 
 derived from a species of potato, and properly speaking 
 applicable to Nova Scotians only — the inhaljitants of the 
 British Maritime Provinces; but New Brunswick replies 
 that she could beat any two out of the tlirec nearest 
 New England States, and that her militia arc superior 
 from every point of view, except that they possess fewer 
 general othcers. 
 
 The beautiful island which is named after the father 
 of the (.^iieen is sometimes called the garden of the 
 Canadian Dominion, and is a lovely Province of farm- 
 steads, villages, and rural towns. Long depressed by an 
 aristocratic land system — M'hich is now a part of ancient 
 historv, for the absentee landlords and tenant farmers 
 have given way to a peasant proprietary farming their 
 
lAKT I 
 
 CHAT. II 
 
 Till-: DO MIX JON 01' CANADA 
 
 47 
 
 Australiii. 
 I, was as 
 ; l)Ct\VL'eU 
 
 complete- 
 icily con- 
 lishcries, 
 
 iiichurmg 
 , allliouoli 
 as 40,000 
 II ('\ain[ile 
 hail ill its 
 rietoii, the 
 niiftu'tiiros 
 swick, ami 
 as less Itad 
 iiice of the 
 The New 
 a. sense of 
 ■e inclined 
 -;i name 
 speaking 
 laiits of the 
 ick replies 
 ec nearest 
 I'c siijierior 
 ssess fewer 
 
 the father 
 len of the 
 of farm- 
 ijscd by an 
 I of ancient 
 (it farmers 
 mino- their 
 
 :v^ 
 
 own hinds — Priinc l-^dward Island is entering UjM»n ;i 
 course <»f r.ipid agricnltir.al (h-velopment. Most of 
 the couiiti'N- is ch'arc(l ;iiid the greater portion of it 
 occupied, liiit liiiid is still to l»e bought cheaply, as 
 the l^jiiglish-spcakiiig colonists who mainly inhabit it 
 have not the s.inie attachment to the soil which is 
 found among the French, and looking u[)on the West 
 as the land of [)romise are willing enough to move. 
 Th(? i-Wwi drawback to I'rinee J'^dward Island is the 
 dilliciilty of regular c(miniunieatiou with the main- 
 land during the winter months, owing to ice in 
 Northunilici'Liinl Sti'aits. The po|iulation is, never- 
 theless, growing dense, and the island is more than 
 twice as thickly populated as any other Province of 
 the Dominion, and very densely popuhited for a <'olony, 
 although, of course, sparsely inhabited as com[»ared with 
 bjiigland. 
 
 As we pass westward by the railway, or up the 
 St. liawivnce to Quebec, the shores recall the early 
 settlement of Canada by the French. The ancestors 
 of the inhabitants of the lower St. Lawrence were 
 partly Bretons and [)artly Normans, ami, living in 
 the neighbourhood of the sterih; rock scenery of the 
 ^Saguenay, thev have not become more Parisian than 
 they were when they left France, although they are not 
 less French. The French have been at Gaspi' since 
 1534, although nearly one hundred years later they were 
 coiKpiered, and Canada held for three years, by England, 
 and it may now Ix; pretty safely said that, whatever else 
 may happen upon the American continent, this part of 
 it will not speak English, and that this branch of the 
 l-'reneh race Avith its extraordinarily prolific nature is 
 loo tough a morsel for our digestion. Professor Seeley, 
 indeed, whose name cannot lie mentioned in connec- 
 
 I'l-.tvincL' of 
 '{'Ill' French 
 
 ( 'illKllliullS. 
 
t I 
 
 r , 
 
 48 
 
 PROIiU:,US OF GREATER URITA/X 
 
 I'ART 
 
 tioii witli .sul)je(;t.s relating to our coloninl eni))ire, even 
 when 0110 (liHt'rs IVoui liini, witliuut tlio .stjitoiucnt tluit 
 he is Hiic of the few iiKxleni writers who po.s.seHS u 
 point of view wliieli ren(U!rs all that they write ii.sefiil 
 to the world, has said that in Canada as elsewhere the 
 alien element is likely ultimately to disappear. The 
 prophecy may come true, for all things are possiljle, 
 but is at variance with all that we know of the past 
 and present of the French Canadians in their own 
 stronghold of (Quebec. Tiie increase by natural growth 
 of the French -Canadian race has been the subject of 
 remark in many books. 'i\)C(pieville already found 
 ten times as many French Canadians as there had 
 been at the British concpiest, and said that they were 
 as French as he was, and much more like the French 
 than the Americans are like the I'^nolish, M'hich is 
 still true of tlicir descendants. Besides the vastly 
 greater nund)er that exist within the Canadian bound- 
 aries now than Tocqueville found, we have to re- 
 member the French - Canadian population in New 
 England, which also as yet retains its tongue. The 
 Canadian French have even assimilated Hiuhlanders, 
 Between the Saguenay and Quebec, in the district of 
 Charlevoix, there is on the left Ijank of the St. Lawrence 
 the s('ifj]iio)'ij of ]\lurray, which was granted to one of 
 Wolfe's ofhcers and settled by his men. Frasers, 
 ^PNeils, and other Scottish names abound, but their 
 owners can speak no word of English or even Gaelic. 
 When Jacques Carticr of St. ]\Ialo took possession of 
 Gaspe in the name of God and the King of France, 
 and put up Ids cross with the escutcheon bearing 
 three Jieurs de lii^ and the inscription " Vive le roy 
 do France," he founded the only great offshoot of the 
 French race, and the most God-fearing, although the 
 
 M 
 

 PART I 
 
 [)ire, even 
 
 llCllt tllllt 
 pOSSCHS Jl 
 
 •ito use I'll I 
 wlicru tlio 
 L'.ir. 'riio 
 p()ssil)le, 
 ' tlic pjist 
 tlit'ir owu 
 •ul ujrowtli 
 iuhjcct of 
 (ly found 
 there had 
 they were 
 lie French 
 wliieh is 
 he vastly 
 in l)ound- 
 'c to re- 
 in New 
 ue. The 
 hhinders. 
 listrict of 
 Lawrence 
 to one of 
 Frasers, 
 l)ut their 
 in Gaelic, 
 ession of 
 |f France, 
 bearing 
 "<' Ic roij 
 lot of the 
 louo'h the 
 
 -"^ 
 
 ^M 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 rilE DOMINI 0\ OF CANADA 
 
 49 
 
 I'Vcticli iiKtnanihv has Keen lon'-ir dead in nortiiern 
 North America tiiaii in iMirope. 
 
 Wiini the GO, 000 French colonists hecanic, for 
 o-ood, Ih'itish subjects in l7()-"5, the I'^n.^iish, allhoiio-h 
 they IkhI sworn to resj)ect their customs, expfi'tcd to 
 absorb tlii'in. We behaved at (^)uebee as wc l)c]ia\-e(l at 
 Cape Town, and uilh the same result. After causinnr 
 insurrection we were comj)elled to nive way and to keej) 
 our ]>roniise. At one tinu^ wo forced upon the French 
 our laws, our laiiiL;'ii!iiL;c, and in a measure our iclJLiion. 
 Tlie French resisted, at first (piietly, and then in arms, 
 as the Diitrli at the Cape resisted, at first in arms, and 
 then (piietly ; but in each case the defence won, and 
 Quebec is now as Frencli as Stellenl)osch and The Paai'l 
 are Dutch. There was, however, a eui'ious interlude in 
 Canada. Durini;' the wars in which the United States 
 ;it tempted to drive us out of Canada, the Canadians 
 fought upon our side. The only moments at which we 
 were ever popular in Lower Canada, until wc gave her free 
 l^'rench institutions, were the moments wluiu the Ameri- 
 cans were trying to expel us. " Papineau's Rebellion" 
 of 18:i7 (and Papineau himself had fought for us in 
 arms against American invasion, as, too, Washington 
 had fought for us in his youth) won for 'inada the 
 constitution of February 1841 by which .^ .j obtained 
 Home Rule. It gave the F'rench but little in the direct 
 form, l)Ut it gave them the means of winning everything 
 they asked, and they soon carried the use of the French 
 language in all the documents of Parliament, and the 
 ecpiality of French with English as the language of 
 debate. At the time of Tocc|ucville's visit he pointed 
 out that the French -Canadian newspapers published 
 with care everything that could inliame popular passion 
 against the British. It is indeed the case that when 
 
 ■'i*»* 
 
so 
 
 PROIUJCMS OF CREATER BRrrAL\' 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 \ r 
 
 Te .Dl'UUis well' Sling- in {\\v Frencli-Cnnndiaii Koniaii 
 Catholic c'IiuivIk's, on the ocfasioii of the Qncon's acces- 
 sion, the conoTco-atioiis walked out. lUit Madame de 
 Tocqucville, an ^^nglislnvonian herself, was able after 
 her husband' h to show, in the notes which she 
 
 contril)ute(l t(j his works when ihcy wci'e reprinted, 
 that tlie liberties granted to Canada by the imperial 
 Parliament have })aeitied that country, and have con- 
 verted the Province of Quebec into one of the bulwarks 
 of the liritish Kmpiie. Soon there came about that 
 union of the two peoples in heart and spirit which 
 the recent administrati(»n of Sir Hercules Robinson 
 lias also left behind it at the Cajie, l)ut which in 
 Canada the Protestant o2ipositi(»ii to the Jesuit Ihll has 
 lately shaken. Sir (leorge Cartier, the Conservative 
 statesman who led the French Canadians at the time of 
 the accom}tlisliment of Confederation, had himself as a 
 young man taken part in Papineaii's Pebellion, l)ut there 
 never was a stronger supporter of a united empire than 
 my host at Ottawa in the year of the passing of the 
 Hill. 'I'he i^'reneh in Canada have grown from the 
 GO, 000 of the conquest to over 1,400,000 in Canada, 
 with 700,000 in the United States. There were parts of 
 The Townships in Lower Canada which \vere by a 
 majority English-speaking at the time of my first visit 
 to the American continent in 18()G, which ar(> by three 
 to two Fren(;h at the present time. The French are 
 increasing in numbers and spreading as regards geo- 
 gra})liical limits, and they are now so numerous in parts 
 of the State of ]\Iaine as to have succeeded in some cases 
 in seating their members in the State legislature. 'J'he 
 Canadian Government have l)een driven by French 
 feeling to establish a re})resentative in Paris to assist in 
 guiding F^'eiich emigration towjirds Canada, but without 
 
'y. 
 
 r.\K r I 
 
 I Koiium 
 n's acces- 
 idanic (Ic 
 1)1(' after 
 rliicli she 
 ivpriiitecl, 
 
 iin})en;>l 
 i;iv(.' con- 
 
 liuUvarks 
 Ixnit tliat 
 rit which 
 
 Ivdhinsoii 
 which in 
 t Bill has 
 iiservativo 
 lie time of 
 
 II self as a 
 
 but there 
 
 ipire than 
 
 inu; of the 
 
 IVoiu the 
 Canada, 
 e parts of 
 v]v by a 
 (irst visit 
 by tliree 
 •I'uch are 
 viU geo- 
 s in parts 
 ome eases 
 u'c. 'I'he 
 French 
 assist in 
 It witliout 
 
 ciiAr. II 
 
 77/ A" DOMIXION OF CAXADA 
 
 51 
 
 m 
 
 
 sucess. 'riiat in the Dominion, created by the Federa- 
 tion of 18G8, the ohl race prejudice; condemned as 
 '"odious" by tlie Que(>n's father, the Duke of Kent, and 
 dc])h)red fifty years later by ('harles Ihdler, writing in 
 Lord Durham's nanu', continues, is only the stronger 
 testimony to the value of those Federal institutions 
 which have built u[> a great daughter-power out of the 
 discordant elements. 
 
 I have, it will be seen, by inferciu'c instituted a 
 comparison betw(>en the French of fjower Canada and 
 the South African Dutch. In both cases we found the 
 alien peo])le in the land and dispossessed their mother- 
 country of tlie pro\iiiee. In each case they have clung to 
 their language and their institutions, and in each country 
 the lanu'uaue of the non-Enolish colonists may now be 
 made use of in the leixislature. r)oth races arc filled 
 with an intense conservatism, and the French of Canada 
 and the Dutch of South Africa are now in fact almost 
 the only survivino- true Conservatives living under free 
 institutions. Both races are prolific, and in each case 
 religion is a powerful factor in the national life, and has 
 more political, social, and viuiiiestic influence than is 
 usually found among Christian communities of the present 
 day. The difference between the Boer and the French 
 Canadian is not the ordinary difference between Calvinist 
 and Catholic, for, curiously enough, although, as will be 
 seen when I come to treat of the C*ape, the Afrikander 
 Boer makes use of Scripture terminology in ordinary 
 conversation as copiously as did the Puritans of l^^liza- 
 beth's reign or the Covenanters of the Western High- 
 lands, in his mode of life he is less rioid — or narrow if 
 we choose to call it narrow — than is the French Canadian. 
 Let us take dancing as an example. It is a Puritan 
 tradition to hold that exercise in abhorrence, while in 
 
 !• rciii'li 
 I ';ili:iili:ilis 
 mill Dutch 
 AtVikaii- 
 ik-rs. 
 
52 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TAUT 1 
 
 \ ' 
 
 Attituili! of 
 the Frc'iuli 
 Canailiaus 
 towards 
 France. 
 
 Romnii C^atliolic coniitrics it has usually received the 
 sanction of the Churcli. Yet, \Yhilo no Boer festivity is 
 ever celebrated witliout a dance of portentous length 
 and energy, among the French Canadians dancing now 
 lies under the frown of the ecclesiastical authorities. 
 In South Africa, indeed, some jwvd'ikantA discourage 
 dancing, but their teaching upon this point meets with 
 no success, while the Frencli l)isliops are obeyed. The 
 Eoman Catholicism of Lov^'er Canada was always of a 
 severe type. In the time of Colbert there was an angry 
 correspondence between him and the Bishop of Quebec, 
 the latter wishing to shut up public -houses, while the 
 Minister refused. 
 
 Both the French Cnnadians and the Boers have kept 
 a certain connection with their former mother-countries, 
 but in the case of the French Canadians the tie is one 
 of sentiment rather than of sympatliy, for the inhal)itauts 
 of Quebec are Catholic and j\ronarchical even more 
 perhaps than they are French, and many phases of 
 modern French tliought are repulsive to the majority 
 among them. When, after the events of 1871, some 
 supporters of the Commune of Paris came to Montreal, 
 I believe that they met with a reception such as might 
 be given to extreme members of the Italian Left at 
 the Vatican itself. Now that there is easy communi- 
 cation between France and Canada, a few Canadians, 
 botli priests and laymen, go to seminaries and schools 
 in France, — no large number ; but the younger men 
 in the Province of (Quebec have taken the French tri- 
 colour as their Hag, and another curious example of pro- 
 French sentiment lies in the frequency of the name of 
 Napoleon as a C*hristian name in some parts of the 
 Province. Through the fact that the similarity of 
 language leads in Canada to the study of French laws, 
 
PART I 
 
 vcd the 
 tivity is 
 5 length 
 ing now 
 ;horities. 
 scourage 
 sets with 
 id. The 
 ays of a 
 an angry 
 ' Quebec, 
 vhile the 
 
 lavc kept 
 3ountries, 
 tie is one 
 habitants 
 en more 
 uises of 
 majority 
 1, some 
 Montreal, 
 s might 
 Left at 
 ommuni- 
 nadians, 
 1 schools 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 53 
 
 
 oer men 
 ■cnch tri- 
 ^ of pro- 
 name of 
 Is of the 
 iarity of 
 Ich laws, 
 
 ..'>.' 
 
 '':'!< 
 
 m 
 
 there is a certain artificial ado})tion in Canada of French 
 public institutions, as, for example, the school savings 
 banks, which arc copied from a French model. In one 
 admirable respect, indeed, the French Canadians bear a 
 close reseml)lance to the peasant class of France. Their 
 fruo-ality is remarkable, and in ]\lontreal, where Britons 
 and Frenchmen are not given to needless praise of one 
 another, there is heard on every side testimony to the 
 industrious, prudent, and saving disj)osition of the 
 French. 
 
 The language of the hahitants, or liahltans as the uuutant 
 word is often written in the French of the jDast and of 
 the future, has become somewhat mixed with English 
 phrases. Cardinal Taschereau talks the dignified French 
 of the Grand Siecle, and although his style may be 
 archaic, his conversation would be a delight to a 
 French purist of the old school. The peasant or the 
 shopkeeper, however, will say " Je n'ai pas de change" 
 for " I have no change." He will describe dry goods 
 on his signboards as " Marchandises seches," and will 
 call out when he is busy, " J'ai un job a remplir." In 
 public meetings we hear of " les minutes," and the 
 seconder of a resolution is officially called " Le 
 secondeur." For the use in the Dominion Parliament 
 of "li'orateur" for "the Speaker," and for the cry 
 " Ecoutez " for " Hear, hear," there is good French 
 authority. Change is now in the direction of purifica- 
 tion, and day by day in the speech and writing of the 
 educated among the French-Canadian peo})le, local words 
 are giving way to the more scientific forms of modern 
 French. The British North America Act l)ro^'ides that 
 either tongue may be used in the debates in the 
 Federal Houses, that both must be used in the jounuds, 
 and that the Acts both of the Dominion Parliament and 
 
 A 
 
f 
 
 ml 
 
 54 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 i ' 
 
 i 1 I 
 
 L ii 
 
 iM 
 
 of tlic Quebec; legi.sliitiuv. must be printed in Ijotli 
 liini^unoo.s. After ii motion has been seconded in the 
 Dominion Houses it is rend in English and French Ijy 
 the Speaker if he l)e familiar with both tongues, and if 
 not, he is bound to read the motion in one language 
 and to direct the clerk to read it in the other. I'rovision 
 has hitherto been made for the use of the French language 
 not only in Quebec and in the Dominion Parliament, but 
 in the Houses of Manitoba and of the North West. An 
 agitation is, however, on foot to banish the ofticial use of 
 French from these parts of the Dominion. We are far 
 from the days when, the two provinces of Canada having 
 been united under one Parliament, it was provided that 
 English should be the only language used in legislative 
 records. This was })art of the policy, to which even 
 Lord John Russell had at one time given his adhesion, 
 of denationalising the French Canadians ; l)ut this clause 
 was repealed in 1848, and the whole policy has followed 
 the clause into oblivion. The speakers in the Dominion 
 House who wish to exert the widest influence make, 
 nevertheless, a point of addressing it in English, and ]\Ir. 
 Laurier, the acting leader of the Opposition, is an ehxjuent 
 instance of a French-Canadian memljcr who speaks in 
 English with admirable effect. This matter of laniiuaue 
 is one of many points in which the French Canadians 
 know that they would make a l)ad bargain if they 
 were to join the United States. They are well aware 
 that they would not be permitted to speak French in 
 Congress, and still less to have the proceedings printed 
 in their tongue. In certain schemes whi(,'h have been 
 published in America, dis])laying the political arrange- 
 ment of Canada after the i)roposed annexation of the 
 Dominion to the United States, the Province of Quebec 
 is divided into two States — Montreal and Quebec. This 
 
 \\ 
 
I'Aur I 
 
 ciiAi'. II THE DOMIMOX OF CA.YADA 
 
 55 
 
 in l)otli 
 1 ill the 
 'eiicli l)y 
 es, and if 
 laiigungc 
 Provision 
 language 
 neiit, but 
 est. An 
 ial use of 
 ^^e are far 
 la baving 
 ided that 
 egislative 
 lich even 
 adhesion, 
 ;his clause 
 k followed 
 Dominion 
 ce make, 
 and ]\lr. 
 elotjuent 
 )eaks in 
 aiiguage 
 •auadians 
 if they 
 ell aware 
 <\'ench in 
 ;s printed 
 ave been 
 arrange- 
 11 of the 
 f Qm'])ec 
 3C. This 
 
 is of course held out as a ]»ri])e to Montreal, where exists 
 the I'hief friction Ijctween Frciidi and liriton ; but the 
 l)roposal is not one calculated to enamour the French 
 Canadians with aiiiirxation. llxcn if Quclicc Province, 
 in its present size, became a State of the Union it would 
 have a, verv ditlerent relative ini[)ortance from that 
 which it now enjoys; but if it were s[)lit up, the French 
 iiilhienee, notwithstanding the toughness of the French- 
 Canadian race, would be overwhelmed. At the present 
 moment the French are not oidy conquering the small 
 Ihitisli element in Lower Canada, but are migrating into 
 ( )ntario as well as into the United States, and there is a 
 stream of Frenchmen, in spite of their fondness for their 
 own Province, })assing westward along the main line of 
 the Canadian Pacific Eailway. Quebec suffers a slight 
 loss on the whole by migration, and Ontario gains. 
 
 The chief sign of the infh)w of the French into riu' Ficneh 
 Ontario is the establishment of French schools in tJie '" ^"""'•'• 
 districts where the immigration has taken place. In 
 two counties lying lietween Ottawa and ]\I<jntreal there 
 are al)out sixty French s(;hools, that is, schools in which 
 the teaching and use of French preponderate over the 
 teaching and us(; of English. These two counties of 
 Ontario are united for Ljcal government purposes, and 
 the county council has ten French members out of 
 twenty - four. The original settlers of this part of 
 Ontario were United Em[)ire Tioyalists who came in from 
 New England and New York after the Revolutionarv 
 ^Var. The French immigration liegan about forty years 
 ago, and the incomers occu})ied the low lands which 
 had been rejected by the l^ritish settlers, who still 
 hold the upper lands, but an^ hemmed in on all sides 
 l»y haJfitanfs. Many English farmers have sold out 
 and left for Manitoba, and others are likely to follow 
 

 56 
 
 riiOULEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 I'AKT 1 
 
 \ » 
 
 I ■/, 
 
 tlicir exumple. It is no (loul)t the increase of the French 
 popuhition in Ontario whicli lias been a potent cause of 
 recent demonstrations in that Province amiinst Frencli 
 Canadians and their religion. The less narrow Pro- 
 testants assert that, although in northern and eastern 
 Ontario the French population is increasing, a large 
 proportion of the Frencli in these districts are l)econiing 
 less distinctively French, and are growing more like the 
 English in dress, in w;iys of living, and even in tongue. 
 The Roman CVitholic populatit)ii of Ontario do not by 
 any means universally make use of the separate-school 
 system, and more than half of their children are said 
 now to attend the public schools. The French in 
 Ontario are becoming xVnglicised l)y the operation of 
 powerful causes, and this change suggests that the busi- 
 ness of the whole continent will ultimately be transacted 
 in tlie English tongue, and that only those who are 
 williuijc to be left l)ehind in the race will neolect to 
 learn English, at all events as a second language. Such 
 a chantje as is occurring among the Ontario French 
 would never have happened under any system of 
 government which did not give them absolute freedom. 
 Had they been forced to send their children to the 
 public schools it would have l^een a matter of pride 
 with them to speak nothing but French in their own 
 homes ; but as the contrary view has prevailed they 
 have less resisting force, because the patriotism of race 
 docs not enter into the account. Not only has an 
 olHcial representative of Canada 1)eoii placed in Paris, 
 as we have seen, but an attempt is being made by pri- 
 vate French Canadians to introduce French iinmiurants 
 into the French portions of Ontario, and the editor of 
 a French newspaper, published in Ontario, has taken a 
 leading part in the introduction of the Frenchmen of 
 
II.IIL«PU J"».iJUlJl 
 
 ,*J( 
 
 v 
 
 TAKT I 
 
 [■u CUM'. II 
 
 77//: J)C)ML\70N OF CAXADA 
 
 57 
 
 ■ the Freiicli 
 
 L'llt CilU.SO of 
 
 iiist FreiK^li 
 
 larrow Pro- 
 
 aiid eastern 
 
 iig, a large 
 
 fe becoming 
 
 lore like the 
 
 I in tongue. 
 
 do not by 
 
 larate- school 
 
 •en are said 
 
 French in 
 
 )perati()n of 
 
 lat the busi- 
 
 e transacted 
 
 )se who are 
 
 neii,lect to 
 
 lage. Such 
 
 lu'io French 
 
 system of 
 
 te freedom. 
 
 rcn to the 
 
 r of pride 
 
 their own 
 
 ailed they 
 
 lisrn of race 
 
 ily has an 
 
 1 in Paris, 
 
 idc by pri- 
 
 inniigrants 
 
 editor of 
 
 las taken a 
 
 ichmen of 
 
 Fnince. As yet only a few tliousands have come, 
 while there are nearly 300,000 Germans in Canada who 
 liavi! come in without assistance, although they hardly 
 ret-'iin so much separate nationality in Canada as they 
 do in the United States. 
 
 The existence of large and solid communities of 
 French Canadians in New England presents some curious 
 features. They replace New Englanders, who are [)our- 
 ing into JNIontana and the two Dakotas, and it has 
 been estimated that sometiiing like half of the French- 
 Canadian population of the United States is hi New 
 Entrland, while it is in the New Eiiijhind States that 
 o 50.000 French Canadians are conspicuous from their 
 situation in tlie midst of a population entirely unlike 
 them in race, religion, and manner of life. The 
 Cnn;idi;nis of New England gain their livelihood as 
 farmers, carpenters, wheelwrights, and operatives in 
 cotton and woollen mills. Some of the factories in 
 liliode Island are entirely worked by French Canadians, 
 and in that State, until within tlie hist few years, they 
 have shown no disposition to l)ecome naturalised or 
 Americanised in any way. They still keep very much 
 to themselves, and hold but litth; intercourse with 
 operatives of other nationalities, and have often refused 
 to unite with them in strikes. The American French 
 bear a good character as law-abiding, frugal, and sober 
 workmen, easily taught the use of machinery and the 
 2)rocesscs of manufacture. The usual course of their 
 inmiigration is for a family to come down from Canada, 
 the father obtaining work as a connnon labourer, the 
 mother taking cJiarge of the house and of the usually 
 enormous family of children, and the sons and daughters 
 as they grow up getting work in mills. They live 
 
 jeconomically, and save their wages to send to Canada 
 VOL. I F 
 
 French 
 Ciinadiaiis 
 ill tilt! 
 riiit.il 
 
 Sl;itus. 
 
i 
 
 ll^i 
 
 58 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER Ji RITA IN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 for iiivostmc'ut in land in tlio township fntni wliicli tlicy 
 cumo. AVlien their end lias been accomjtlished the wliole 
 family often goes to Canada in the spring and works until 
 the end of summer, and then returns to the mills for the 
 winter months. As the parents grow oUler they remain 
 in Canada, and the children go l)a('k to the United 
 States and send remittances home, and neither the old 
 nor the young, until very recent }'ears, have been in 
 the habit of learning to speak or even to understand the 
 English tongue. Within the last few years, however, 
 the education laws of the United. States have begun to 
 break down this system, having a less complete French 
 family life to concpier than existed in Lower Canada 
 itself, in which we faihjd to fuse the races when we 
 tried to do so. Tliere has Ijeen a struojile between 
 the two classes of schools. Frencli- Canadian pi'iests 
 have been educated, in the United States, and placed in 
 charge of Canadian schools in New England, where many 
 parochial French schools have been founded. Gradually 
 the influence of the parish priests of Canada, which has 
 always l)een strongly exerted to keep the people at 
 home or to bring them back when they went aA\'ay, has 
 been weakened, and a persistent and successful eti'ort 
 has recently been made by both the political parties 
 in New England to induce the French Canadians to 
 become naturalised, with the result that a good many 
 of them have become members of State leo;islatures, 
 while the commissioner from the State of Ehode Island 
 to the Paris Exhibition of 1889 was himself a French 
 Canadian. Still it may be said that at present the 
 French Canadians remain, on the whole, a community 
 apart. There are New England Victories in which are 
 operatives who have been employed there for fifteen or 
 twenty years, and who cannot speak a word of English. 
 
 
 .:«■ 
 
 .sm^ 
 
I'AKl' 1 
 
 ell tliey 
 
 wliole 
 ks until 
 
 1 iov the 
 romaiu 
 United 
 
 ■ the old 
 been in 
 tand the 
 lowever, 
 Degun to 
 3 French 
 Canada 
 ^vhen we 
 between 
 n priests 
 placed in 
 ere many 
 gradually 
 yliich has 
 leople at 
 nvay, has 
 ful effort 
 il j)arties 
 adians to 
 )od many 
 n-islatures, 
 xle Island 
 a French 
 esent the 
 mmunity 
 which are 
 ifteen or 
 r English. 
 
 CIIAI'. II 
 
 /■///i DOMLXIOX OF CANADA 
 
 59 
 
 m 
 
 The incDniing of French Canadians to N»nv England 
 under contract, wliich usc(l to l>c conunon, lias been 
 checked by the enforcement of iVmerican laws for])id- 
 ding the im[)ortation of lal)our under sucli conditions. 
 Of tlie great numbci- of Frcn<'h-Canadian newspapers in 
 the New Eiighin<l States many have no doubt l>een 
 started with interested political views, l)Ut it is easy to 
 see from the nature (»!" their contents tluit the readers 
 <lo not pay much attention to subjects not Canadian, 
 and that tliese iidiaiiitants of the United States are 
 more interested in (juestions rehiting to France, or to 
 their Cliurcli, than in those wliich have to do with the 
 United States. 
 
 That desire of the Lower Canadians to retain the 
 French nationaUty which kept them on our side during 
 the American wars will always leave the Quebec Province 
 rathei- British tliaii American in its sympatliies, 'Wo, 
 (Canadians are wilHng enough to make their fortunes in 
 the United States, but mostly on condition that they may 
 return one day to Canada, and they do not believe that 
 it would l)e possible for them to enjoy the same measure 
 of insurance of their national peculiarities in the event 
 of their absorption in the United States as they now 
 enjoy under the Act of 18G7, which makes Quebec a 
 separate Province with a Parliament of its own. 
 
 If there were not many other reasons for desiring 
 tliat the l)onds between the Canadian Dominion and the 
 United Kingdom shouhl be rather streno-thened than 
 relaxed, there woukl l)e a sufficient one in the fact that 
 we are now ourselves upon good terms with botli 
 French-Canadian Roman Catholics and British-Canadian 
 Protestants, between whom, under an independent 
 system, a conflict would be probable. Tlie success that 
 the principle of federal self-government has achieved 
 
 Flit 111 I- (tf 
 the Fii'iii'Ii 
 Cniiiicliiiiii. 
 
6o 
 
 J'A'U/,'Lh\]/S OF GREATER liR/TAlM 
 
 lAKr I 
 
 I'f 
 
 I 
 
 \\ . 
 
 ill uuitiiiff in one C;iii;i(li;ni lV»\ver two ract's and two 
 religions so distinct — the success the same principle has 
 liad ill luiilini'' three races and two religions in Switzer- 
 land — seems to show tliat int dilHculties arc too great to 
 be conquered in tliis fashion. It is probable that federa- 
 tion sufli as that of Canada would have kept the old 
 American colonies themseh'cs in permanent connection 
 with the 1 British Crown. 
 TiK-ii i.a^t. One reason for the present attachment of the French 
 Canadians to the Empire is to be found in the fact that 
 although for many years they had their disputes with us 
 as to their liberties and rights, they had not enjoyed 
 free institutions when under the Crown of France, and 
 the liberties which they possess in so full a measure at 
 the present time are of wholly modern growth. When 
 (■olbert was laying down the principles up(m which 
 French Canada should be governed, it was proposed to 
 him by a Governor that provision should l)e made for 
 the summoning of an assenil»ly in the future; but the 
 j\[inister severely reproved him, saying that he must 
 always follow in Canadian affairs the forms used in 
 France, and that, as the Kings of France had decided 
 not to call together the French States-General, having 
 indeed the design of ultimately ridding the kingdom of 
 the very theory of their existence, the Governors of 
 Canada must take the greatest pains to gradually sup- 
 press every form of collective action, " it Ijeing wise 
 that each man should speak for himself, but that no one 
 should speak for all." 
 
 Surprise has often been expressed that the purely 
 German popuhition of xVlsace should have proved, since 
 1789, and up to 1870, the most patriotic citizens of 
 France ; and in the fact that they owed their social and 
 political liberties to the French conquest is to be found the 
 
lAur I 
 
 and two 
 
 ciplc has 
 Switzcr- 
 ) iii'cat to 
 [it federa- 
 t the ohl 
 onncctioii 
 
 le French 
 fact that 
 }s witli us 
 t enjoyed 
 ance, and 
 leasure at 
 1. When 
 on whicli 
 ■oposed to 
 made for 
 liut the 
 he must 
 used in 
 decided 
 1. havino- 
 nL!,'dom of 
 Tuors of 
 ally sup- 
 einu' wise 
 at no one 
 
 (' purely 
 
 rd, since 
 
 tizens of 
 
 social and 
 
 found the 
 
 4 
 
 ciiAr. II 
 
 THE DOMIXIOX OF CANADA 
 
 6l 
 
 explanation. So, too, in Canada, altliouoli the defeat 
 and concpiest of the Kreiidi were t'ojjowed for a lime 
 l»y a continuation of arliitrary government, tlie lil)erties 
 which the French Canadians now enjoy under the British 
 Crown, heing new 1<» I hem in history, an; a powerful 
 cause of tlicir general loyalty. JMoreover, in the case of 
 the Canadians, the excesses which followed the French 
 Itcvolution for long years severed any sentimental con- 
 nection hetweeii the Catholic, monarchical, C^anadian 
 population and the people of France itself 
 
 When I wrote of Quebec in 18G8 I laid much stress Quebec 
 upon the striking apjiearance of the city. To say that"^' 
 the town is in pictures(jueness and in jjosition unrivalled 
 on the American continent is poor praise for the capital 
 ot" Lower Canada. In the grouping of its buildings 
 "the Ancient Capital" rivals Edinburgh, and its situa- 
 tion on the heights above the St. Lawrence does not 
 sutler in comparison with that of Lisbon as it rises 
 on the sharp hills from the Tagus. After the dreary 
 monotony of many of the American cities of the Ncn-tli 
 and the North West the eye is not fastidious, but the 
 beauty of (.Quebec, whether seen from afar or viewed from 
 its own terrace, appeals even to those whose life has lieen 
 spent among the loveliest cities of the old world. Within 
 the walls, too, at every turn, one discovers some bit of 
 architecture which calls to mind a corner of a (]uiet French 
 provincial town, and many of the modern buildings of 
 C)uel)ec are not inharmonious, but are, on the contrary, in 
 keeping with the style of the old city. AVhile signs are not 
 wanting throughout the countries of English s})eech that 
 as our race conquers the non- Russian globe it will estab- 
 lish everywhere in its cities one dull level of unloveliness 
 in architecture, and while even now the most experienced 
 traveller finds it dithcult, in examining a photograph of 
 

 
 V I 
 
 [ 
 
 62 
 
 PROnr.EMS OF GKEATIIR nRITAIX 
 
 PART 1 
 
 any now settlement of Eiifjlish-spenkinp^ people, to say 
 if till' scene represented lies in ]\l;initol>ii, in Texas, in 
 South AtViea, or in tlie l>ack country of New S(»utli 
 Wales, tlie colonies of tlie liatin races have in their 
 towns some old-world |)ietures<|ueness-- - (^)uel)ec like 
 (ioa, iMaeiu), iiavaufi, and many more, it would seem 
 as though (he penalty of the expansiim of JMi^hind, 
 whether in her own colonies or in the United States, is 
 the destruction of much of the heauty of the world; 
 hut if architectural superiority belongs to the Fiatin 
 race prospei-ity follows on the Anglo-Saxon trail. The 
 city of Quthcc, although in the rising portion of the 
 world, is now a stationary town, which actually decreased 
 in population between 18G1 Jind 1871, although it has 
 risen again since the latter date. The slow increase 
 of population in (^hiebce is especially significant on 
 account of the fruitfulness of the l'rench-( anadian race, 
 among whom families of ten or twelve children are 
 normal, and of eighteen to thirty not unknown. Various 
 causes have been assigned for the comparative decadence 
 of Quebec. The Orangemen of Ontario ascribe it to the 
 ascendency of the Roman (.*atholic Church, which can 
 hardly be looked upon as a sufficient cause. Employers 
 of labour lay the l)lame on the Ship Labourers' Union, 
 Riviihynf ^vhich has i)rescribed a higher rate of waires and shorter 
 hours than those of INIontreal, with the effect of driving 
 a portion of the shipping trade liiglier up the great water- 
 way of C^anada. Others say that the destruction of the 
 forests near Quebec has spoiled the lund)er trade, and 
 others that the real reason why some part of its commerce 
 has left Quebec is that the British community, which, 
 in spite of the preponderance of French pojjulation, 
 directs the trade of Montreal, is more enterprising than 
 the French Canadians all-powerful at Quebec, and that 
 
I'Aur I 
 
 ClIAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMIXIOX OF CAXAPA 
 
 63 
 
 lie, to Hjiy 
 Texiis, in 
 ew South 
 ' ill tlicir 
 t'l)ec lil<t' 
 »ul<l scclll 
 li]ii<;ljiii(l, 
 StutoH, is 
 ic world ; 
 the liJitin 
 •ail. The 
 )ii of tho 
 (Ic'crcnst'd 
 igh it has 
 / increase 
 iicaiit on 
 (lian race, 
 Mren are 
 Wnrioiis 
 I'cadenee 
 it to the 
 liich can 
 iii[tloyci's 
 s' Union, 
 d shorter 
 f driving 
 at water- 
 on of the 
 rade, and 
 ommcrce 
 ,y, which, 
 Duhition, 
 iiig than 
 and that 
 
 ■^ 
 
 its energy lias nuuh' Montreal the head of navigation lor 
 sca-LTdiiifr vessels and the ccntic <»r Canadian coinnierce. 
 It used to he said ill the old days that there were two 
 advantages which Montreal could not steal from (^)uel>cc 
 — the citadel and the tide. The citadel remains as an 
 attraction to the tourists of the whole world, l»ut tin' 
 deepening of the channel has rolihed (^^uehee of the 
 control of the ocean shipjiing trade, and iMontreal has 
 liecome the j)oint of transfer for Western freight and 
 the ]ioiiit of distribution of import trade. The owners 
 of ocean strainers are certain, indeed, to make the 
 head of navigation as far inland as they can, and 
 esjtecially in the present state of railway develoinneiit 
 ill liower Canada. The waterway of the St. Law- 
 rence, however, is Mocked for navigation for half the 
 year, and eti'orts are heing made to firmly cstahlish 
 llalifa.x as the winter i)ort of the Dominion. The 
 city of (^)uel)ec is connected by rail with Montreal by 
 the north shore railway, which extends to Ottawa, but 
 the intercolonial line has its termination on the .south 
 bank of the St. Lawrence at Levi or Levis (now ofll- 
 cially styled Levis, and named after the Chevalier de 
 L('vis) opposite to Quebec, and there is no through rail- 
 way communication west and east through the Lower 
 Canadian ca[)ital. Quebec contributed largely towards 
 the building of the north shore line, but has not retained 
 control over the administration, and the tariff of charges 
 for the 180 miles from ^Montreal to Quebec is often com- 
 pared with that from Quebec to Halifax — a distance of 
 G80 miles — the former bi'ing on certain classes of freiuht 
 one-third higher than the latter rates. The completion 
 of the Canadian Pacific line to the Atlantic through 
 the State of ]\Liine has been partly caused by the diffi- 
 culty in the past of bridging the St. Lawrence at Quebec. 
 
1 
 
 64 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 
 r 
 
 >[o)itroal. 
 
 Nevei'tlick'ss the river banks are Iiigli, and the deep water 
 channel could in the present state of science be crossed 
 by a single s])an lofty enougli to admit of the passage 
 of vessels of the tallest masts. Even the beautiful land- 
 scape would not bo interfered with by a. bridge, f(n- a 
 handsome bridoe is no disfi<>urenient to tlie finest land- 
 scape, as may witness the Victoria Bridge at INlontreal 
 or the tubular bridge across the JNlenai Strait, and the 
 most practicable site for a bridge near Que])ec is several 
 miles distant from the city, where the familiar features 
 of the scene would not be interfered with. A bridge 
 across the river would divert freight which is now carried 
 to the ports of the State of JNIainc, and, in addition to 
 assisting the development of Halifax as the winter 
 port, might restore to Quebec a share of the shipping- 
 trade. Until (^Uiebec is made a ci'ntre of railway com- 
 munication the complaint will undoubtedly continue 
 that -'^uebec wages are on a lower scale than those of 
 ]\Iontreal, for tlu; terms upon which the Ship Lal)ourers' 
 Union insist ari' an exception to the usual rate. 
 
 At the extreme west of Lower Canada lies ^Montreal, 
 hardly belonging to tlie Province of Quebec by its geo- 
 graphical situation, and in dispute l)etwecn Upper and 
 Lower Canada as regards its population. Containing 
 within the city and the suburbs 200,000 people, and 
 possessed of handsome buildings, it must be regarded as 
 the first city of the Dominion, although the next census 
 will probably reveal tlie fact that Toronto has crept up 
 to it, if not passed it, in the number of its inlial)itants. 
 In one respect jNIontreal resembles the largest city of the 
 United States — New York, luimely, that although it has 
 always been the largest city in the land, it is not the 
 capital either of the country or of the federal unit. In 
 another respect there is similarity between the cities, 
 
^ 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DO M IN 10. \ OF CANADA 
 
 65 
 
 deep water 
 be crossed 
 le passage 
 tiful laiul- 
 idge, for a 
 iiiest laiid- 
 ; jMontreal 
 t, and tlie 
 
 is several 
 ir features 
 
 A bridoe 
 ow carried 
 (1(1 it ion to 
 ;lie winter 
 L> shipping 
 hvay com- 
 r continue 
 those of 
 
 .abourers' 
 
 !\b)ntrcal, 
 
 ^y its geo- 
 
 pper and 
 
 ontaiiiiiig 
 
 ople, and 
 
 yarded as 
 
 xt census 
 
 crept up 
 
 labitants. 
 
 ity of the 
 
 .igli it has 
 
 not the 
 
 unit. \\\ 
 
 he cities, 
 
 namely, that both owe much to their geographical situa- 
 tion, ^loutreal standing on an island at the meeting of 
 the (Ottawa and the St. Lawrence, as New York stands at 
 the junction of the East and the North river ; but Mon- 
 treal, though comparatively small, is a finer city than New 
 York, both in architecture and in the background given to 
 it by the wooded slopes of Mount Royal. If Quebec is the 
 most picturesque city, Montreal is the most sumptuous in 
 appearance of all towns of the American continent. Its 
 chief feature is the splendour and the nund)er of its 
 churches, and " ]\Iark Twain," who as a good American 
 is used to cities full of chun.'hes, said of it that he was 
 never previ(jusly in a city where one could not throw a 
 brickl)at without breaking a church window. To one 
 wlio comes to Montreal knowing the statistics, which 
 show that a large majority of the inhabitants are lioman 
 Catholics, the sight of the crowd of d(3mes and spires 
 gives the impression that he is in a city swarming with 
 Jvonian Catholic churches; but on in(piiry it is found 
 that the crosses and the rose windows and the gargoyles 
 ]»elong in some cases to the Anglican Church, and in 
 many to ^lethodists, Presbyterians, Unitarians, and other 
 soci(.'ties, whose early existence involved protest against 
 ecclesiastical emblems. Although Montreal is a French- 
 Canadian city, in the sense that the majority of its 
 inhabitants belong to the French -Canadian race, the 
 British minority are so far superior in wealth that, 
 except for a certain beauty which is unusual in Anglo- 
 Saxon towns, a month niiglit be passed in the cldef 
 (juarters of Montreal without the discovery being made 
 that it is not an English city. The teeming French 
 population dwell in their own quarter, which is so separate 
 from the parts where are the finest business streets and 
 the handsomest private residences that excitement may 
 
in 
 
 u.^^ 
 
 66 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 prevail in the French qunrter over an election or a .strike 
 witliont a sign of it being seen in the English (juarter of 
 the town. The existence of French and English popula- 
 tions side by side in " Tlie City of Churches " is the chief 
 cause of friction l)et\\ ecu the two races in the Dominion. 
 The British minority of ^Montreal, largely Scottish by de- 
 scent or birth, strongly Protestant, rich and enterprising, 
 includes the chief men of the community, and this section 
 is given to complain that progress is retarded by the French 
 (Canadians, who, being in a majority, make use of the 
 wealthy part of jMoutrcal as the milch cow of the whole 
 Province. There is, moreover, in the city of ^Montreal a 
 large Irish population, which at the last census numbered 
 nearly 30,000 out of a total of 140,000 people. These 
 are, with few exceptions, Roman Catholics, and although 
 they do not in any way coalesce with their French 
 co-religionists, they vote with tliem in questions that 
 affect the Church, which include most questions in the 
 Province of Quel)ec. It is now com2)uted that the 
 Komnn Catholics are to the Protestants in ^Montreal 
 nearly tliree to one, jmd the number and the imposing 
 ai ■'^hitecture of the churches belonging to the minority 
 are the more to be wondered at. Tlie very existence of 
 such churches is a proof of the w^ealth and activity of 
 the British community in the city. jMontreal flourishes 
 in spite of religious and racial disunion and of political 
 vicissitudes. The city seems to thrive upon religious 
 warfare, race antipathy, and social division. Neither 
 has the removal of the seat of government of the country 
 injured it, nor the withdrawal of the British garrison, 
 though these changes have placed Montreal society on a 
 commercial instead of on an official basis. The reason of 
 the continued and increasing prosperity of the town is 
 that its naturally fine position has caused it to become 
 
TART I 
 
 V u strike 
 |iiarter of 
 li popula- 
 tlio t'hief 
 dominion, 
 isli by de- 
 erprising, 
 lis section 
 he French 
 ISC of the 
 tlie whole 
 lontreal a 
 niini1)ere(l 
 e. These 
 . al thou oh 
 ir French 
 tions that 
 )ns in the 
 that the 
 .Montreal 
 niposing 
 minority 
 istenee of 
 tivity of 
 lourishes 
 })olitieal 
 relio-ioiis 
 Neither 
 e coiintrv 
 oarrison, 
 iety on a 
 eason of 
 town is 
 ■0 become 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 67 
 
 both a centre of railway communication and the liead of 
 the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and the sight of 
 Atlantic liners and British men-of-war lying off the 
 wharves makes it ditlicult to realise that the ocean is a 
 thousand miles away, and the nearest salt water two 
 hundred and fifty miles down the St. Lawrence. 
 
 (,)uel)ec, like Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, has institu- 
 a nonunated l pper House, while rrince Lclwanl Island hovinLr, 
 has an elective Upper House, and Ontario, Mani- 
 toba, and British Colunil)ia one chanil)er only. The 
 names of tlie deputies of the Legislative Assembly of 
 Quebec are nearly all French, and the names in the 
 Legislative C'ouncil French liy an ovcrwhebniiig majority. 
 It is natural that this should be so, as the census of 
 1881 siiowed that out of 1,800,000 persons of French 
 race in the JJominion 1,000,000 formed the French- 
 siieaking poj)ulation of Quebec. The nieml)ers of l)otli 
 Houses are paid. As the Province has the control of its 
 own constitution — subject only to the p()ssi])ility of a 
 veto rarely used — it enjoys manhood suffrage and a 
 purely denominational system of education, which latter 
 is guaranteed to it, while it also keeps up the institu- 
 tion of a virtual parochial establishment of the Roman 
 Catholic Church. It is represented in the JNIacdonald 
 Cabinet, which governs the Dominion, by Sir Hector 
 Laiigevin, who is a brother of a Itisliop, the past editor 
 of religious journals, a wa-iter of treatises on ecclesiastical 
 hiw, and a Commander of the Order of Greo-orv the 
 Great ; whiU^, upon the other side, the Province claims 
 Mr. Laurier, the member for (^)uebec East, who professes, 
 however, a strong desire to cement tlie two races into 
 one nation. Of French Provincial politicians Mr. 
 Honore Mercier, the Prime Minister of Quebec, is the 
 most prominent, and seems likely to lead the Lower 
 
T 
 
 ^jfrT 
 
 68 
 
 PRO/iLEJ/S OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 \- 
 
 PartiL's. 
 
 CiiUiulinus (liiriiio; his whole life. The Province has not 
 only the alteration of its own constitution and the school 
 system, but the disposal of Provincial pul)lic lands, poor 
 law or charitable institutions, a portion of the public 
 works, power of imposing direct taxation for local 
 purposes, loans on Provincial credit, offices, otticers and 
 public servants, matters concerning property, the civil 
 laws, and the administration of justice; and Quebec 
 enjoys, therefore, as much as she pleases of the French 
 civil laws. The criminal law of England prevails through- 
 out the Dominion. The French Canadians possess their 
 own civil code, which has grown from the Roman law 
 through the Customary usages of old France, but has been 
 powerfully allected by the codification of French law ])y 
 the First Napoleon. It is maintained by the opponents 
 of the Roman CVitholic Church that l)y the (^)ueljec 
 system there is State aid to religion, and the institution 
 of the fdhrique gives colour to that view. Of social 
 peculiarities in the Province of Quebec one is the 
 clause in tlie Quebec Li(|uor Act allowing persons to 
 be put under notice by their relations in order to pre- 
 vent their being served with liquor, a, principle which 
 we shall find further developed in one or two other 
 Provinces and colonics, and which also exists in some 
 States of the American Union. The (Quebec law has not 
 been generally enforced, although drunkards in country 
 districts are made to go a good many miles for their 
 li(|Uor, and the " Dominion Alliance for the Suppression 
 of the Liquor Traffic " is now taking the matter in hand. 
 The Quebec Parliament is a little lively, and there is 
 within its walls a local division of parties into Liberal 
 (National) and Conservative ; or Rouges and Bleus 
 (I^leus having in Canada exactly the opposite meaning 
 from that which it bore in France in 1793), which is 
 
I'ART I 
 
 CIIAl'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 69 
 
 i has not 
 lie school 
 uLs, poor 
 le public 
 for local 
 iccrs aiul 
 the civil 
 I (Quebec 
 le French 
 through- 
 scss their 
 )nian law 
 :, has been 
 •h law by 
 )pponents 
 e (,)ucl)ec 
 iistitution 
 ( )f social 
 e is the 
 crsons to 
 
 r to pre- 
 ile which 
 Iwo other 
 
 in some 
 iv has not 
 
 I country 
 for their 
 tpression 
 in hand. 
 
 II there is 
 lo Libera] 
 
 .1 Bleus 
 
 I meaning 
 
 which is 
 
 not the same division as exists in Ontario affairs 
 Ijctween the "Tories," who style themselves Liberal- 
 Conservatives, and the "Grits" or Liberals. 
 
 The (.^)ucbec Lil)erals now ol)jcct to l»e called 
 " Rouges," and claim to be a new party, and Mr. 
 Mercier r('})udiates the term '" Liberal" and most of its 
 (^)uel)ec associations. Li the days of Sir George Cartier 
 the Conservative party of (^)uel)ec had had the undivided 
 support of the Roman Catholic Church, and the Liberals 
 were of the European type, and opposed to all exten- 
 sions of clerical iuHuence. Tlie leading men of the 
 (^)uebec Liberal party belonged to rinstitut Caaadiev 
 at ^lontreal, which was distinctly anti-clerical, l)ut the 
 Church bent her influence to the destruction of the 
 society and excommunicated its members. The body 
 of a Mr. Guibord, thus excommunicated, was left in the 
 dead-house for several years while the Privy Council 
 iuvestiuated his rig] it to interment in liis own freeliold 
 grave. The society was Ijrul^en up. The Liberal l)arty, 
 wliich as long as it was anti-clerical was in a minority 
 (except for one brief term), became as clerical as the 
 Quebec Conservative party, and under jMr. j\Iercier's 
 lead siyles itself National and is triumpiiant. 
 
 Tlie loyal inhabitants of the Premier Province of tlie Ontario 
 Dominion, as Ontario loves to style lierself, boast that 
 of all England's possessions it was first occu2)ied in a 
 manner uni(j^ue in the history of Pritish colonisation. 
 Whereas England has obtained colonies elsewhere l)y 
 conquest, by exchange, by purchase, l>y discovery, 
 Ontario is the only Province of the Jilmpire wliich was 
 first settled by men M'ho deliberately gave up their 
 homes to maintain their allegiance to the British flao-. 
 The land beyond the Coteau du l^ac was in French 
 times unbroken forest excel )t for the forts at Niagara 
 
70 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART I 
 
 r\ 
 
 and wlicrc Kiiii^stuii ikjw stands, and the political 
 existence of Ontario really connnenced when, late in 
 the last century, under tlic name of Upper Canada, 
 it was <livided from the old Province of (Quebec to 
 be the home of the United Empire Loyalists. Ontario 
 was settled chieHy by those from New York and from 
 the middle States, and especially Virginia, while those 
 from New England withdrew to New Brunswick and 
 Nova Scotia. The descendants of the United Empire 
 Loyalists are among the most vigorous and the most 
 successful of the inhabitants of the Dominion. The 
 Province of Quel)ec is in many respects virtually un- 
 chanued since I wrote of it in 18G8. Ontario, on the 
 other hand, has become a new country since that time, 
 and while Quebec is still from many i)oints of view, as 
 it always was, a i)art of the old world, in Ontario we 
 reach one of those young oH'shoots of Great Britain 
 which are recognised in Australia and New Zealand, in 
 Natal, and in the Eastern Province of the Cape. It is 
 in considering the condition of Ontario, of ^lanitoba 
 and the North AVest, and of the Pacific States of the 
 Dominion, that one has to realise the immense impetus 
 given to British North America by federation. Just as 
 in Syria, in Central Asia, or in Baluchistan, the traveller 
 feels as though he were among people who lived a 
 thousand years ago — in Ontario, as in Australia, he is 
 in the midst of a population who seem to be living half a 
 century later than his own time. Although the Province 
 of Ontario is smaller than that of Quebec, and consider- 
 ably less than half the size of British Columbia, yet it is 
 larsfer than the six New England States with New York, 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and ]\laryland ; nor do its 
 climate and soil compare unfcivourably with those of the 
 ten States named. Its average yield of wheat to the 
 
I'AR'r 1 
 
 political 
 1, lato in 
 Canada, 
 luebcc to 
 Ontario 
 and from 
 lile those 
 wick and 
 [1 Empire 
 the most 
 ion. The 
 ually iin- 
 •io, on the 
 that time, 
 f view, as 
 )ntario we 
 it Britain 
 iealand, in 
 pc. It is 
 .Manitol)a 
 es of the 
 |e impetus 
 Just as 
 traveller 
 lived a 
 |dia, he is 
 ng half a 
 Province 
 consider- 
 yet it is 
 lew York, 
 )r do its 
 se of the 
 t to the 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 71 
 
 o 
 
 cuitivated acre during ivccut years has been consider- 
 alily above that of the best grain-producing countries of 
 the Union, although JMinnesota still raises more wheat 
 than the sparse settlement of Canada allows the Dominion 
 to ])roduce. Ontario is an excellent country for wool and 
 cattle -raising, and for wine. In minerals and in timber 
 it is rich, and every })art of it has easy access to its 
 markets. Peopled as it is by a robust stock, Ontario 
 has a future full of promise. 
 
 The eity of Toronto, the capital of the Province, dis- Toronto, 
 plays the energy which characterises Ontario as a whole. 
 If ]\lontreal is the finest city of the Dominion, Toronto 
 is l)ecoming the most prosperous and is the most pro- 
 gressive. Its increase of po})uhition gives promise of a 
 growth approaching that of the great American commer- 
 cial centres. Between 1801 and 1881 Toronto doubled 
 its population, and, if recent estimates may be relied 
 upon, it has already again done so since the last census 
 — the population being at that time 8G,000, and being 
 estimated at from 170,000 to 180,000 in 1889. No two 
 cities in the whole world are less alike than the capitals 
 of the neighbouring Provinces of Ontario and Quebec, 
 tlioudi neither is American. While (Quebec is French, 
 Toronto is more English than American, and looks like 
 one of the southern suburbs of our own London, adorned 
 with a trans-Atlantic e(juipment of innumerable electric 
 wires. Toronto has no great beauty, and its site upon 
 a tlat lake-shore gives it no natural advantage to the 
 eye ; but there is about the city an air of business anima- 
 tion which yields an agreeable impression of vigorous 
 grinvth. As in Montreal, the churches form the chief 
 architectural feature, but the buildings of the University 
 constitute a dignified group. The educational and reli- 
 gious activity of " The Queen City " is as striking as its 
 
1*^ 
 
 '/^' 
 
 72 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER liRrVAIN 
 
 r.\KT 1 
 
 If 
 
 fl 
 
 \J !■ 
 
 ooniinci'cial enterprise. It is to the fact of its luiving 
 become a <i;reiit niilroacl centre that tlic prosperity of the 
 hike-side capital of Ontario is due — no less than eight 
 lines converu'ino- there from difi'erent directions. 
 Ottawa. Ottawa owes its position of capital of the Dominion 
 
 to the jealousies of the greater cities. The situation 
 of the town on the high 1)anks of the Ottawa, close to 
 the boiling falls, is superior to that of Washington 
 on the low lands of the Potomac, and, thougli the 
 Gothic Houses of Parliament are not of the size of the 
 classic Capitol of the United States, the grouping of the 
 legislative and departmental l)uildings on three sides of 
 an imposing square makes a finer single architectural 
 display than anything to be found in AVashington, where 
 the handsome public edifices are scattered about and lost 
 in a wilderness of villas. The Parliament Lil)rai'y at 
 Ottawa is perhaps the finest building of its kind upon 
 the continent, and a block of new Government oiKces, 
 in the immediate vicinity of the great group, has just 
 been completed, the design of which is a model for the 
 erection of pul)lic offices. The arrangement of the 
 Houses of the legislature combines features which are 
 found at Westminster and at Washington. The Upper 
 House, though it is called the Senate, and though its 
 members, following the American custom, frequently 
 adopt their official rank of Senator as a titular prefix, is 
 in its arrangement, with seats upon opposite sides of the 
 chamber, on cither hand of the Throne, constructed on 
 the British plan. On the other hand, in the House of 
 Commons, which adheres so closely to English names as 
 to confer the style of ]\r.P. on its members, the seats are 
 arranged in circular form after the pattern of Congress. 
 A sittiuu" of the Dominion House of Commons is an 
 orderly spectacle compared with a session of Congress ; 
 
TART 1 
 
 CHAP. 11 
 
 THE DO M IN 10 X OF CANADA 
 
 73 
 
 s hiiviiig 
 ty of the 
 all eight 
 
 dominion 
 situfition 
 , dost! to 
 ishiiigton 
 Duoli tlie 
 izc ot tlic 
 uo' of tlie 
 13 sides of 
 hitectunil 
 (HI, where 
 t aiitl lost 
 iil)raiy at 
 :iiid upon 
 lit offices, 
 lias just 
 4 for the 
 t of the 
 yliicli are 
 ic Upper 
 houo-h its 
 equeiitly 
 prefix, is 
 les of the 
 uc.ted on 
 House of 
 Innmes as 
 seats are 
 Congress. 
 |)ns is an 
 Jongress ; 
 
 I; 
 
 but although the Lower House at Westminster has lost 
 in recent years some of its character for decorum, it is 
 severe in its formality as compared with the Canadian 
 Lower House. One of the most soher journals of the 
 Dominion, lately descrihino; an unusually (piiet <Iivision. 
 said that "it looked all right in Hansard," hut "to the 
 galleries it appeare(l as though a comic opera had been 
 replaced by a lesson in arithmetic." During the last 
 session, when the most important division of the year 
 was taking place, the members on l)otli sides sang the 
 j\Iarseillaise in chorus — the choice of the song, liowever, 
 having no political significance. It seems incredil)le, 
 but it is the case that, in the interval after the division 
 bell has rung, tlie Canadian members not infre(]uently 
 call on some one with a good voice to sing a song with a 
 rousing chorus, in which the other members join, and the 
 Frenchmen, being musical, are first asked, and often, 
 thouoh "clerical" in feelino', start the Marseillaise for fun. 
 
 The society of Ottawa is mainly official, and revolves society an.i 
 around the residence of the Governor-General at Rideau ^'" ' " ""'"" 
 Hall. The city is, however, not entirely given up to 
 Parlitiment and the offices ; there are lumber mills upon 
 the Chaudiere ftiUs, which employ many workpeople, who 
 form the nucleus of a large industrial iDopulatioii. Al- 
 though Ottawa is geographically within the Province of 
 Ontario, it stands on the extreme frontier and is also near 
 that portion of Ontario which is almost as French as is 
 Quebec. There are in conse(|uence signs of the exist- 
 ence of a French element, and the French notices over 
 the street shops cannot be put up entirely for the benefit 
 of the Quebec members and their families who "board" in 
 Ottawa during the parliamentary session. Ottawa city 
 returns one of the fifty -four French members of the 
 Dominion House of Commons. 
 
 VOL. I G 
 
rn 
 
 f 
 
 
 f 
 
 74 
 
 PRO BLEATS OF GREATER nR/TAIX 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 Tlic Governors -General since confederation have 
 Incn men ol" the highest mark, and [.ords DuH'eriii, 
 Lome, Fiansdowne, and Stanley of Preston have done 
 nuieli for Canada, l)ut of all those who make Ottawa 
 their Iiome for a portion of the year, and of all 
 men in Canadian politics, there is one figure whiitli 
 rises a])ove Meeroys, and aJjove other statesmen of all 
 sii .ic.im parties. The position of personal influence which Sir 
 Maaioiiai<i. JjjIjj^ s^ Ihicdoiiald liolds in tlie Dominion is unicjue 
 among tlie politicians of the Britisli Emi)ire. If it were 
 possible to institute a com})arison between a C(jlonial 
 possession and a first-class European power, Sir John 
 ^lacdonald's position in Canada might he likened to that 
 (»f Prince Bismarck in the German Empire. In personal 
 characteristics there is much in " John A.," as he is often 
 styled, to remind one of another European statesman 
 now deceased — Signor Depretis, the late Prime ^Minister 
 of Italy, — for there are certainly not a few points 
 of resemblance between "The Old Stradella " and 
 " Old To-morrow," as Sir John is also familiarly 
 called, from his custom of i)utting oft' all disagreeable 
 matters. The Prime Minister of the Dominion is 
 frequently likened to Mr. Disraeli, but this is chiefty a 
 matter of facial similarity, a point in which the resem- 
 blance is striking. The first time that I saw Sir John 
 Macdonald was shortly after Lord Beaconsfield's death, 
 and as the clock struck midnight. I was starting from 
 Eustoii Station, and there ajjpeared on the step of the 
 railway carriage, in Privy Councillor's uniform (the right 
 to wear which is confined to so small a number of persons 
 that one expects to know by sight those who wear it), 
 a figure precisely similar to that of the late Conservative 
 leader, and it required indeed a severe exercise of pres- 
 ence of mind to remember that there had been a City 
 
TART I 
 
 CHAr. II 
 
 THE DO MIX ION OF CANADA 
 
 75 
 
 tioii have 
 
 Dutleriii, 
 
 liiivo (loue 
 
 lC OttUWil 
 
 lul of all 
 Lire which 
 lion of all 
 which Sil- 
 ls iini(|iie 
 If it were 
 a colonial 
 Sir John 
 eel to that 
 n personal 
 he is often 
 statesman 
 e ]Ministcr 
 DW points 
 ^^lla" and 
 familiarly 
 sagreeable 
 minion is 
 chiefly a 
 e resem- 
 Sir John 
 I's death, 
 ing from 
 p of the 
 the right 
 )f persons 
 wear it), 
 iservative 
 of prcs- 
 n a City 
 
 hiUKjUct from wliicli the Mppnrition must l»e coming, 
 and to rapidly iirrive by a process of exhaustion at the 
 knowlcdfje that this twin brother of that Tiord Beacons- 
 field, whom shortly before I had seen in the sickroom 
 which he was not to leave, must be the Prime JMinister 
 of Canada. Sir John Aiacdonald's chief outward note is 
 his expansiveness, and the main point of diiference from 
 Disraeli is the contrast between his buoyancy and the 
 well-known sphinx attitude. jMacdoiiald is the life and 
 soul of every gathering in which he takes a part, and in 
 the exuijerance of his anticpic youthfulness Sir John 
 Macdonald reseml)les less ^Ir. Disraeli than Mr. Ghid- 
 stoiie, wiiose junior he is by a few days more than five 
 years, and whom he also successfully follows in House 
 of Commons tactics or adroitness, as well as in his 
 detestation of those who keep him past midnight chained 
 to his House of Commons seat. Sir John j\[acdonald 
 has had unrivalled experience as a first Minister — from 
 confederation up to nearly 1873, and from 1878 to 
 the present time. Dominion Parliaments live lonf^ 
 considering that their duration is limited to five years, 
 the dates of the last four dissolutions having been 
 January 1874, 1878, 1882, 1887; but Canadian^Minis- 
 tries live longer still, and that of Sir John Macdonald 
 seems eternal. 
 
 The comj.osition of his Cabinet is a monument to his The Mac 
 powers of management and to his skill. There never ll'abii't 
 w^as a ministry so singular for the successful admixture 
 of incongruous elements. Sir Hector Langevin, who 
 is eleven years younger than his chief, although Sir 
 John ]\Iacdonald looks his junior, represents the French 
 Eoman Cathohcs, together with Sir Adolphe CViron and 
 ]\Ir. J. A. Chapleau. Sir John Thompson, the Minister 
 of Justice, is a Eoman Catholic of a very different type, 
 
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 76 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 l)eing by birth a Nova Scotiaii Presbyterian. Another 
 Roman Catholic memljer of the Cabinet became cele- 
 brated in 1882 as the mover in the Dominion House 
 of the address to Her Majesty praying that she would 
 grant Home Rule to Ireland. Side by side with these 
 sit as colleagues high officials of Grand Orange Lodges, 
 and such is the influence of the Prime jMinister that 
 they, carrying with them many non-official Orangemen, 
 voted against the disallowance of the Jesuits' Estates 
 Bill of Quebec, in the famous division of last year, in 
 face of the hot opposition of the whole Orange Societ}^ 
 of Ontario and of every Protestant Church. 
 
 Since confederation, Sir John Macdonald has been, 
 as I said, perpetual Prime Minister, save for the five 
 years when Mr. Mackenzie's Reform Administration was 
 in office. Mr. Mackenzie, who, like Mr. Service and i\Ir. 
 Deakin of Victoria, and many other leading colonial politi- 
 cians, has declined knighthood, has now to a great extent 
 retired from active politics. ]\Ir. Blake, the well-known 
 Minister of Justice and President of the Privy Council 
 in the Reform Administration, a frequent visitor to 
 London, has been compelled to give up public life on 
 account of ill health. The most prominent parlia- 
 mentary survivors among the leading members of the 
 Mackenzie Government are Sir Richard Cartwright, the 
 former Minister of Finance, and Mr. A. G. Jones of 
 Halifax, who have both been conspicuous in urging 
 commercial union with the United States, although both 
 represent distinguished United Empire Loyalist families. 
 The acting leader of the Opposition, now certain to 
 become its chief, is J\Ir. Laurier, a French Canadian, but, 
 
 as I have hinted, a master of the English tongue. He 
 also for a short time held a portfolio in the Mackenzie 
 Cabinet, but is a younger man than his former colleagues. 
 
 V 
 
CIlAl'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 77 
 
 By the laws botli of tlic Dominion and of the Pro- 
 vinces the same men cannot serve in the Provincial and 
 in the Dominion Parliaments. There is an exception to 
 this rule, for members of the Quel)ec Upper House can 
 sit also in the Dominion Senate ; but the rule is absolute 
 as regards representative l)odies, and the exception is 
 wholly unimportant. (Jf Provincial statesmen the most Provincial 
 eminent are Mr. Mowat, who has been the Liberal ^'° ' ''^'"""' 
 Prime Minister of Ontario for the last seventeen years ; 
 and Mr. Mercier, the first Minister of Quebec — already 
 named ; and Cardinal Archbishop Taschereau, the re- 
 spected head of the French Roman Catholic community, 
 may perhaps be reckoned among them, though he holds 
 no political or legislative position. The word Opposition 
 is a confusing one in Canada, where the one party is 
 in permanent power in the Dominion or Federal Govern- 
 ment and the other party in the Provinces ; but I may 
 incidentally remark that, while we speak in England of 
 "Her Majesty's Opposition," the Conservatives of Ontario 
 have attempted to better the phrase, and style them- 
 selves "Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition." 
 
 That the tone of politics is on the whole higher in roiiticai 
 Canada than in the United States, and that there is less 
 abstention from politics among some of the best men 
 than is the case across the border, may be seen from the 
 class of members who sit in both Houses of the Dominion 
 Parliament, and in the Provincial legislatures. Party 
 feeling runs high Ijoth at Ottawa and at Toronto and 
 Quebec, and at moments of extreme bitterness Canadian 
 politicians, both Federal and Provincial, make serious 
 charges against their opponents, but, nevertheless, the 
 best men are throuo'hout the Dominion . willino; or 
 anxious to undertake parliamentary duties. In the 
 United States many of the best citizens are absorbed in 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
/v ' 
 
 ff 
 
 :1 
 
 78 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 the pursuit of wealth, and the great railway and banking 
 maonates are seldom to be found either in Congress or 
 in State legislatures. The wealthy, and unfortunately 
 a large proportion of the most highly educated, among 
 American citizens shun political life as a career with 
 which honest men of substance should have nothing- to 
 do ; but in Canada the rich men, like Sir Donald Smith, 
 and the chief inhabitants of all the principal cities, arc 
 active legislators. The fact that members are paid l^oth 
 in the Federal and in the Provincial Houses does not 
 call forth the imputation that they seek seats for the 
 sake of the stipend, and scandals of corruption are all 
 but unheard of. The Canadian political press stands as 
 high as do the Canadian politicians. There are leading 
 journals in Toronto and in Montreal which may be com- 
 pared in general character with such paj^ers as the 
 Liverpool Post or the Manchester Guardian, and it is 
 remarkable, considering the proximity of the United 
 States, how little the newspapers of Ontario and Quebec 
 are infected by the sensationalism of a portion of the 
 American press. The amazing headlines which are so 
 conspicuous a feature of the leading journals of New 
 York exist in Canada only in the mildest form. The 
 French press contains a good deal of characteristic 
 Canadian journalism, very different from any matter 
 published in France. In several of the newspapers 
 excellent French style is found ; but there are be- 
 tween fifty and sixty French journals published in the 
 Dominion, of which more than a quarter are daily 
 papers, and the style in some of them would puzzle 
 a Parisian reader. An effort to improve French- 
 Canadian style is noticeable in Canada, which is similar 
 to the constant striving after classical Greek to be met 
 with among the journalists of Athens. 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINIOX OF CANADA 
 
 79 
 
 with 
 
 •^ 
 
 The bitterest of Canadian politieal controversies of 
 recent years has been that which lately arose over the 
 power and position of the Roman Catholic Church in 
 the Province of Quebec. Tliat Church in French Canada 
 is predominant and privileged. The spires of its 
 churches are conspicuous in the smallest hamlets. The 
 cassocks of the priests are met at every turn, and the 
 mere perusal of a French-Canadian newspaj^er will be 
 sufficient to show that in the Province of Quel)ec the 
 Church of Rome has a stronger position than in an}- 
 Catliolic country in Europe — stronger even than in 
 Belgium or in Ireland itself. Sentences of excommuni- 
 cation are published by some of the Lower Canadian 
 journals, with the names of the offenders, almost in the way 
 in which bankruptcies are gazetted in communities less 
 ecclesiastical. Even in Belgium, where political laymen 
 take part in religious processions, it would be thought 
 remarkable if leading statesmen appeared in the costume 
 in which Mr. Mercier, the Prime Minister of Quebec, 
 was attired at a festival held lately at St. Hyacinthe. 
 This chief man of a British Province which adjoins the 
 United States appeared in the gorgeous raiment of a 
 Papal order, which included white breeches trimmed 
 with red, a green satin vest, a red mantle, a hat with 
 white feathers, and a breastplate set in brilliants. 
 
 Mr. Mercier's speeches are often as ecclesiastical 
 as his costume. In July 1889 he made one on the 
 spot where Jacques Cartier landed, in which he said 
 that the thought which " had arisen uppermost in his 
 mind while he had assisted at the solemn sacrifice of the 
 mass by a Prince of the Church that day " had been of 
 " the immortal Jacques Cartier and the heroic Jesuit 
 missionary kneeling at the foot of the Cross, and that 
 those heroes were with them that day, and that their 
 
 The Roman 
 
 Ciithnlic 
 
 Churi'h. 
 

 \i 
 
 II I ii 
 
 So 
 
 PROIiLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 words of greeting and of warning to their compatriots 
 would l)e, 'Cease your fratricidal strife; be united.' 
 In the name of their religion, in the name of their 
 country, he would say to them, * Cease your fratricidal 
 strife; l)e united.' For the benefit of their religion, 
 for the benefit of their country, and for the benefit of 
 Canada at large, he urged them to remember that, stand- 
 ing in the face of a common danger, the roncje and the 
 hleii should give place to the tricolour. The demonstra- 
 tion of that day had been a triumph for the national 
 cause. Their nationality was insulted, their institutions 
 were decried, their language, their customs, and their 
 laws attacked ; and there were those who were ready to 
 achieve success by the discomfiture of their compatriots. 
 They were but two millions of people in the midst of 
 sixty millions. The Government of which he was the 
 head was ready to disappear if that would be the means 
 of uniting the French-Canadian people for the triumph 
 of their sacred cause, for the sake of their nationality 
 and their religion. Their strength lay in the union of 
 the people with the clergy, for to the clergy the French 
 Canadians owed what they were to-day, and if they were 
 a great and patriotic people it was due to the faith of 
 their fathers, which they had maintained. For the sake 
 of their religion, and for the sake of the Dominion at 
 large, the French Canadians must be united. The 
 agitation which was being conducted in Ontario was a 
 baseless and a dangerous agitation, and if the French 
 Canadians were to accept the provocation that had been 
 offered them they might not be the first victims of that 
 agitation. Profiting by an act of justice that had been 
 rendered by the legislature of Quebec, in the full 
 authorit ^ of its constitutional powers, the fanatics of 
 Ontario were depriving the French Catholics of some of 
 
CIIAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 8i 
 
 their dearest and most cherished riglits by the most 
 insolent and insulting agitation ever indulged in by a 
 people, conducted by the same men who were saying 
 that the French Canadians had no liirht to teach their 
 children French in the Province of Ontario, Let them 
 contrast that action with the conduct of tlie French 
 Catholics of Quebec towards the Protestant minority. 
 The Protestants of (Quebec were given one-third of the 
 educational grant, and they were not asked what they 
 taught in their schools, but were allowed to teach a 
 different creed and a different lano;uao;e. These men 
 who had been treated with so much generosity and 
 liberality were now joining the fanatics of Ontario. 
 The Queliec legislature had its documents translated 
 into English for the benefit of the few^ English members, 
 and these fanatics would not allow French to be taught 
 in Ontario. The French - Canadian people were too 
 generous to retaliate on the minority. It was useless to 
 imagine that they would ever cease to be French and 
 Catholic." It will be seen that this speech is a valuable 
 indication of the drift of the internal politics of (Quebec, 
 and of their bearing upon the politics of the Dominion. 
 Eoman Catholic interests are, however, unlikely to be 
 really trampled upon in a country in which the Poman 
 Catholics possess, as they do in Canada, some 42 per 
 cent of the relic^ious w^orld and are almost as immcrous 
 as the three next great denominations put together. 
 
 Bishops and priests exercise in Lower Canada a 
 somewhat minute supervision over the lives of their 
 people. They, of course, discourage mixed marriages, 
 and they do so to such an extent as to strongly 
 promote the homogeneous character of the French- 
 Canadian population. Some grief is caused in the 
 city of Quebec, during the periodical residence of the 
 
n 
 
 82 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER lUilTAlX 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 fi 
 
 % 
 
 Govornor-Geiicral, l>y the foct that no (lispcusation for 
 (hiiiciiiir is Ji'iven to French-Canadian hulies on the occa- 
 sion of Viceregal balls. Archhishop Fabre of Montreal in 
 a recent pastoral warned the faithful against a niiml»er of 
 wicked and donl)tful practices, contained in a list which 
 brought together amateur theatricals, circuses, and snow- 
 shoe tramps. The legal holidays imposed by the civil 
 code of Quebec include a number of Church festivals not 
 recognised in Protestant countries ; but the bishops are 
 also strict as regards Sunday observance. 
 
 In the greater portion of the Province of Quebec 
 there is little active opposition to Eoman Catholic 
 pretensions, but at Montreal, where the Protestant element 
 is larger, there is some friction and considerable feeling 
 agains^ the powers and privileges of the Church. 
 The Christian Brothers have a large printing establish- 
 ment at Montreal, and there are complaints that this 
 house, which pays no taxes, should enter into competition 
 w'ith employers of labour who have to pay high muni- 
 cipal rates. Similar complaint is made regarding a 
 laundry on a large scale connected with the Good 
 Shepherd Reformatory. French Roman Catholic influ- 
 ence is, however, strong in Canada even outside the 
 Province of Quebec, and the action of the Corporation of 
 Ottawa, the capital of the British Canadian Dominion, 
 may be contrasted with that of the municipality of the 
 capital of France, the eldest daughter of the Church, in 
 the matter of change of names of streets. At Ottawa 
 the name of " Water Street " was recently altered to 
 that of " St. John Baptist," in honour of the patron 
 saint of the French Canadians. It may be interesting 
 to note that in this most Catholic country in the world 
 the Queen's name and not the Pope's takes the first 
 place on the toast -list of banquets even of Catholic 
 
CllAl'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 83 
 
 
 societies. Last St. Joliu's Dny, the chief annual festival 
 of Quebec commenced in the morning with high mass, 
 at which the Cardinal officiated, the host being elevated 
 to the sound of l)uules and a salute of artillerv, while 
 in the evening, at the banquet of the societies which 
 had attended this solemn service in the Basilica, the 
 first toast was offered " a la Reine." 
 
 The Church of Rome within the Province of Quebec a virtual 
 
 state 
 
 has the powers of a State Church, and indeed greater chmcii. 
 powers than those enjoyed by the Church of England 
 in England and Wales, but remains unfettered by State 
 restrictions. By an Act of George 111 passed in 1774 
 the clergy of the Church of Rome may receive their 
 accustomed dues with respect to such persons as profess 
 the religion of the Church of Rome, and it is under this 
 law that the Church in Quebec now collects its tithes. 
 According to the " Coih des Cures" tithe is due upon 
 the crops harvested " by every proprietor or tenant pro- 
 fessing the Catholic religion " ; but any one who has 
 once been a Roman Catholic cannot evade payment by 
 merely alleging that he no longer belongs to the Church, 
 and he has to produce a formal declaration of apostasy 
 or a certificate that he is recoOTiised as a member of a 
 Protestant Church. ]\Ioreover, the Church has the 
 power to assess and raise rates for the support of ecclesi- 
 astical fabrics, and there is also an exemption of Church 
 property from municipal taxation. The recent contro- 
 versy on the Jesuits' Estates Bill illustrates the position 
 of the Roman Catholic Church in Quebec and the feeling 
 outside that Province with regard to it. After the 
 suppression of the Society of Jesus by Clement XIV, 
 the Jesuits' property in Canada was confided to the 
 Legislature of Quebec to be devoted to purposes of 
 education. When the Jesuit body was reinstated in 
 
 . 
 
I 
 
 i\ 
 
 84 
 
 I'ROHLEMS OF GREATER liRITAES 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 favour at Rome it bcunii from tinu^ to time to demand 
 hack tli(! property; and in 1888 tlie Provincial Legisla- 
 ture passed an Act by wliicli the Lieutenant-Governor in 
 Council was autiiorised to pay to the representatives of 
 the I'oman Catholic Church a large sum as a quittance 
 for all old claims — the sum to remain as a special 
 dcjjosit until the Pope had ratified the settlement and 
 made known his wishes as to the distribution of the 
 money. The Pope gave nearly half to the Jesuits, and 
 divided the remainder between the Laval Un versity and 
 the dioceses of Lower Canada, and the mone}', as though 
 to irritate the Orangemen, was handed over on Gun- 
 powder Plot Day, 5tli November 188!). The same Act 
 appropriated a far smaller sum — but to judge by popula- 
 tion a fully proportionate sum — to the Protestants ( oe 
 used for the purposes of higher education. Immediately 
 an agitation s})rang up in Ontario among Orange and 
 Protestant bodies to j^revail upon the Governor-General 
 in Council to use his power of veto against the Provincial 
 Act, which was denounced as infringing upon the 
 supremacy of the Crown, reserved in the Act of George 
 III of which I have spoken, and while the whole Jesuit 
 Act w^as characterised as unconstitutional, the subsidy to 
 Protestant education was called a bribe. The unusual 
 course was taken of bringing the question before the 
 Dominion Parliament, but in a full House of Commons, 
 202 members being present out of 215, only 13 could 
 be found to vote for the resolution in favour of the 
 disallowance of the Provincial Act. Although party 
 feeling is bitter, the motion had the effect of uniting the 
 (Tovernment and the Opposition, and the overwhelming 
 majority who voted against advising the Governor- 
 General to veto the Act consisted for the most part of 
 English Canadians of every shade of political opinion, 
 
 I 
 
 ' 
 
C'UAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMIXIOX OF CAXADA 
 
 85 
 
 and ill most cases of iinimiioachable Protestantism. 
 After the division tlie House adjourned, l)ut before tlie 
 memliers left they all joined in singiiiL!,' " CJod save the 
 Queen." It should be added tliat the iVitestant 
 minority in the Provincial r.cgislature of Quebec had 
 previously assented with unanimity to the IJill. The 
 curious fact of certain Privy Councillors in the Dominion 
 Lower House, who are opposed to one another on every 
 subject except their common Protestantism, voting 
 together for this Roman Catholic Bill, shows that there 
 was an overwhelming feeling throughout the Dominion 
 that the legislation was constitutional. But, even 
 though constitutional, it could have l)een vetoed, and 
 all the Protestant religious bodies passed resolutions in 
 ftivour of a veto of the Act. A Presbyterian clergyman 
 who declined to denounce the vote of the House of 
 Commons was comj^ared to the profligate ahhes of the 
 court of Louis XV. The politicians had virtually 
 agreed to shelve the question by discussing it on 
 the constitutional point, which could only be settled 
 iu one way, and possibly had so agreed because, the 
 Roman Catholics being united and well drilled, neither 
 party could aftbrd to incur their hostility. But the 
 Protestant objection is to the character and policy 
 of the Act, and the controversy has drawn attention to 
 the privileges of the Roman Catholic Church, and has 
 led to the formation of "Equal Rights Associations." 
 Although there is this bitterness of feeling between 
 the Protestants of Ontario and the Roman Catholics 
 of Quebec, in the Lower Province the population, 
 except at Montreal, willingly accept the privileged 
 position of the Roman Catholic Church, On the 
 occasion of Archbishop Taschereau's elevation to the 
 Cardinalate, the first official visit of congratulation 
 
m 
 
 L 
 
 86 
 
 rROIiLEMS OF GREATER nR/TA/.V 
 
 I'ARl I 
 
 which His Einincnce received was from tlie AiigH(;aii 
 r.ish(>[) of Moutrenl, accompanied l>y liis ('ha[)ter ami 
 ;ill tlic archdciicoiis of tlie tliocesc. The eeremoiiiid of 
 tiie reception of the l>irctt;i at Quebec was one in 
 whicli tlie wliole pojjulation took part, and the day 
 was (<bserved as a, }>ul)lic holi(hiy, wliile tlic artiUery 
 of the militia fired a salute when the Cardinal gave 
 the benediction from the balcony of the Basilica. 
 The Roman Catholic Church in Quebec accords seats of 
 honour in its cathedrals and all its churches, as of right, 
 to the Queen's judges and all the high otHcials of the 
 colony. While, however, the claims of the Roman 
 Catholic Church in Quebec meet therewith g-^neral accept- 
 ance, the position of that Church, as by far the largest 
 religious community in the Dominion, intensifies resist- 
 ance to its claims in other Provinces ; and the Orange 
 body in Ontario is not confined to the Protestant Irish, 
 but counts among its members many Englishmen. An 
 attempt, too, is being made in Canada to form a united 
 Protestant body, and the ]\[ethodist Conference (repre- 
 sentins: tlie Methodist Church of Canada wdiich unites the 
 Wesleyan and the other INIethodist bodies) and the 
 Presbyterian General Asseml)ly have entered into nego- 
 tiations with the Anglican Provincial Synod of JNIontreal 
 with a view to attempt a union. The neighbourhood 
 of the highly organised branch of the Roman Catholic 
 Church in Lower Canada makes Ontario Episcopalianism 
 evangelical in its type. The Methodists are the 
 second, the Presbyterians the third, and the Church 
 of England the fourth religious body in number of 
 meml^ers in the Dominion. 
 Position of It has already been pointed out that the privileged 
 
 the Roman . . n ^ t-, n ^ ^^ ri^ ^ • r^ ^ i 
 
 Catholic position 01 tlic Komaii Catholic Church in Quebec tends 
 Canada and to prcvciit a movcment towards absorption by the United 
 
 I:-1 
 
CIIAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMIMOX OF CANADA 
 
 87 
 
 
 States. No two things can indeed be in greater contrast i" t'lo 
 than the surroundings of the lieads of the lioman Catholic staten. 
 Church in the United States and in Canada respectively. 
 Cardinal Tasehereau, holding a reception in his old palace 
 at Quebec, in a gallery hung with the pictures of his pre- 
 decessors from the earliest French days, is the end)odi- 
 ment of the aristocratic Roman Catholic system. Cardinal 
 (lihbons receiving visits in his unpretentious house at 
 Baltimore represents the modern democratic side of the 
 activity of the Church. The difference in the surround- 
 ings of the prelates is the distance -which divides the 
 France of Louis XIV from the America of our time, and 
 
 the co-exist' e in North America of two cardinals 
 
 so different in their views of the position of the 
 Church is an instance of the comprehensiveness of the 
 Church of Rome and the elasticity of her system. 
 Cardinal Tasehereau has a unique position in Canada in 
 possessing the respect of all parties in the Dominion, and 
 it has l)een seriously suggested by some of the Protestants 
 of Alontreal that they would gladly see the government 
 of the Province of Quebec absolutely in the Cardinal's 
 hands, as they would have under his government a sense 
 of security which they state that they do not at present 
 feel. I may add that one reason prompting this peculiar 
 display of Protestant feeling may be that the Cardinal 
 and his secular clergy are generally supposed not to be 
 on terms of amity with the Lower Canadian Jesuits, who 
 were reincorporated by an Act of the Quebec legislature 
 in 1887. 
 
 Of the " Liberal" members of the Dominion House Constitu- 
 of Commons about a third are French - Canadian opposition 
 '^ Nationals," who, though still called "Reds" by their ^';,';.j;;f. 
 opponents, are, as has been seen, not " Reds " in the '"^"'■• 
 Continental sense, as they have mostly strong Roman 
 
Tl 
 
 "!•-*:/ 
 
 •■ wg i* t 1i .—j w w iw 
 
 ■ 
 
 88 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART 1 
 
 Catholic sympathies, while of the remaining two-thinls 
 a good many are also Roman Catholics — of Irish 
 race. The Conservatives contain in their ranks, as 
 an essential portion of the majority by which thc}^ 
 govern the Dominion, the French-Canadian Blues ; but 
 the Tories of the remainder of the Dominion are strongly 
 Protestant. One of the marvels of equilibrium wdiicli 
 are found in Sir John Macdonald's rule of the majority 
 consists in his Ijeino; able to hold tos'ether his Oranoe- 
 men an his Roman Catholics when religious questions 
 are under discussion, and there is indeed always a risk 
 that if his great personality were removed some of 
 the strong Protestants of the Dominion miolit besin 
 to favour annexation to the United States as a means 
 of swamping their Roman Catholic opponents. 
 
 The existence of this and other serious danoers is 
 a source of strength to Sir John Macdonald himself. 
 In colonies in g-eneral there is a feclint>', as we shall 
 see wiien we come to deal with Australia and South 
 Africa, that changes of government do good, inas- 
 much as in young countries they accustom more men to 
 tlie re3ponsil)ilities of power, and train up statesmen to 
 fill gaps in the ranks of the colonial leading men. 
 Owing to the possession of po\ver in Canada for so 
 long a period Ijy the same statesman, there is in 
 Canada a lack in numbers of experienced politicians. 
 But the danger of absorption by the United States, in 
 consequence of religious and other disputes, is in 
 Canada so pressing that these considerations fall into the 
 background, and those who earnestly desire to preserve 
 the Dominion as it is all feel that they must do their 
 best to strengthen the hands of the Prime Minister, 
 He rules by a Conservative majority, although there are 
 Conservative majorities in only two of all the Provincial 
 
 
CUM'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 89 
 
 Houses. Uiitario and Qucl)c'C have a commanding 
 position in the Dominion owing to their population, 
 wealth, and culture, and yet the Liberals are in power 
 both in Ontario and in Quebec, while the Tories are in 
 power in the Federal Parliament. There are Provinces 
 the Parliaments of which are overwhelmingly Liberal, 
 and wdiich, nevertheless, send a Tory phalanx, elected 
 virtually by the same electors, to the Dominion House, 
 The fact is that the opinion of the whole country sustains 
 the general policy of the Macdonald party for the main- 
 tenance and development of the Dominion, although 
 Liberal and even democratic views prevail with regard 
 to local affairs. The Macdonald Government is a govern- 
 ment by the Tory party, but there is nothing reactionary 
 about it, and nothino- inconsistent with local Liberalism. 
 Moreover, the Liberalism of one Province is a very 
 different thing from the Liberalism of another. Li 
 ecclesiastical matters some of the Quebec " Reds " re- 
 semble the Ultramontane party of Germany or the 
 clerical Conservatives of Belgium. Li large portions of 
 Canada the Macdonald Government is chiefly looked 
 uj^on as a business Government, building railways by 
 subsidies of land and money, and creating great steam- 
 ship lines. "Conservative" — or rather "Liberal-Con- 
 servative," for that is the accepted term — is only a 
 convenient label for the Macdonald party : Sir John 
 MacdonakI for many purposes is the party ; and Dominion 
 politicians are perhaps best classed as those who " want 
 to keep Macdonald in " and those who want to turn him 
 out. The " Grits," or Ontario Liberals, are in the habit 
 of stating that Sir John's ^predominance is brought about 
 by gerrymandering practices, as the Dominion and the 
 Provincial votinsj districts are in some Provinces not 
 the same ; but this cause cannot account for the large 
 VOL. I H 
 
HMpnc 
 
 m 
 
 KMki 
 
 90 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 I 
 
 : 
 
 figures and the permanence of the majority. Otlners say 
 that the immense influence of the Canadian Pacific rail- 
 road is the reason of that political omnipotence which 
 they ch:'plore. But the fact is that Sir John Macdonald's 
 Government is looked upon as "National" and "Cana- 
 dian," though he himself is a Scotchman born and only 
 Canadian by his training ; and nothing in its traditions 
 offends the natural democratic sentiment of the Pro- 
 vinces, which finds local expression in the return of 
 Liberal legislatures. 
 iiiustiatLd An analysis of the Quebec members, in the Dominion 
 } UL jec. j^Q^^.^j, House and in the Quebec Legislative Assembly, 
 throws a good deal of light upon the relations between 
 Provincial and Dominion politics. Quebec has G5 
 members in the Ottawa House of Commons, of whom 
 37 are called Conservatives and 28 Liberals; 11 of the 
 Conservatives and 4 of the Liberals having names not 
 French. The Quebec Legislative Assembly has the 
 same number of memljcrs elected for the same districts, 
 and the franchise is almost identical. C/omparing the 
 election to the Quebec Assembly in October 188G and 
 that to the House of Commons in February 1887, the 
 House of Commons being elected by a somewhat larger 
 constituency than was the Provincial Assembly — in 
 Quebec West, which returned a Conservative to the 
 Federal Parliament and a Liberal to the Provincial 
 Asseml)ly, the Lil)eral at the Provincial election had 
 been returned by a small majority, and at the Dominion 
 election the Conservative was returned by a hirge 
 majority on a much larger number of votes. The 
 Liberal poll had increased, but the Conservative poll 
 had increased in considerably greater proportions. A 
 Ross coalition Ministry had lasted in Quebec from 
 January 1884 to January 1887, the Prime Minister 
 
 
of 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 91 
 
 calling himself a Liberal, but his colleagues, of whom 
 two were French and three English or Irish, calling 
 themselves Conservatives or Liberal - (Conservatives. 
 After a o-cncral election, and the resignation of the 
 Prime jNIinister in January 1887, INIr. Taillon, his At- 
 torney-General, formed a Government with three of 
 his ohl colleaijues and one additional Eno-lisli Liberal- 
 Conservative ; but the Ministry fell in two days, and Air. 
 Mercier formed his Government with sev( -.olleagues, 
 of whom four were French and three English or Ii-ish, 
 the former Prime Minister, Mr. Ross, being one. The 
 Taillon Conservative Administration had been turned 
 out on a party vote which showed 28 Conservatives to 
 35 Liberals, and it was on this majority of 7 that Mr. 
 Mercier formed his Government. The chief questions, 
 however, that come before the Quebec House are ques- 
 tions in which Catholic or French -Canadian national 
 feeling is involved, and in these the majorities are over- 
 whelming. In the great division of 188G, on a motion 
 expressing regret at the execution of Kiel after his 
 second rebellion in the North West, the members were 
 41 for to 18 against ; and on the question of the Jesuits' 
 Estates Bill there was no minority. On Church questions 
 there is little difference between the Quebec parties. 
 The extreme men on both sides believe that Kiel died 
 only because he was a Frenchman of the Roman Church, 
 and was killed by English Orangemen and fanatics; but 
 this feeling carried into power Mr. Mercier, just because 
 the Quebec Conservatives were connected with the Con- 
 servatives of the Dominion who had ordered or silently 
 permitted the execution. A section of the Ultramontane 
 Conservatives, known as the " Castors," however, joined 
 Mr. Mercier's Liberals in his new "National" party. 
 Shrewd and far-seeing, the Quebec Minister has now 
 
fr; 
 
 ■! I. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART I 
 
 EdiieatioM. 
 
 tSeiiiirute 
 
 schools. 
 
 won the support of the Church authorities, and sweeps 
 all before him at the local polls. Quebec Liberals in 
 the Federal House of Commons vote with the Ontario 
 Liberals or " Grits " on party questions, as, for example, 
 on commercial reciprocity, fisheries, and the treaty- 
 making powder ; but there is a very general belief that 
 if the Liberals should come to power after the retire- 
 ment of Sir John Macdonald, they would hardly 
 persist in their American poli-y in its sharper form. 
 ]\Ir. Lii.urier is, as I have said, the leader of the 
 Federal Oppositio^^ in the Dominion Parliament, but 
 he does not meet with INFr. Mercier's success, perhaps 
 becau' e he has to explain away his votes to Protestant 
 public meetings; and 26 Quebec French Canadians 
 habitually oppose him, while only 24 vote regularly in 
 hiij support. 
 
 One consideration which, when we come to the 
 Australian colonies, we shall find to be of political 
 importance, in causing the break-up and fresh formation 
 of parties, does not greatly enter into the Dominion 
 affairs of Canada. Education is delegated to the Pro- 
 vinces, and the Federal Government has with regard 
 to it no power except to secure that in the Provinces 
 in which there exists a separate or dissentient school 
 system for the benefit of the minority that system is 
 maintained. There are "separate" or "dissentient" 
 schools in Quebec and in Ontario for the benefit of 
 the Protestant and the Roman Catholic minorities re- 
 spectively, and these are guaranteed by the British 
 North America Act. In Manitoba there are separate 
 Roman Catholic schools, and these might be protected 
 under the same statute by the Viceregal veto. In 
 Quebec the Council of Public Instruction is divided 
 into two committees, the one composed of the 
 
 rj; 
 
CHAP. 11 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 93 
 
 Roman Catholic liicrarfliy aiiJ an equal number of 
 Roman Catholic laymen appointed l)y the Lieutenant- 
 Governor in Council, and the other composed of 
 Protestants, partly a2)pointed by the Lieutenant- 
 Governor, but with CO - optative memliers. Any 
 minority, however small, in a school district, may 
 declare itself to be dissentient, and either form a 
 separate school or join with the dissentients of some 
 neiohbourino' district to form one, which becomes 
 entitled to a grant from the municipal school funds. 
 In Ontario the Roman Catholics form a larger minority 
 than do the Protestants of (Quebec, and the separate 
 school system attains larger proportions, although more 
 than half the Roman Catholic children in Ontario are 
 believed to attend the j)ublic schools. The difference 
 in the working of the two systems, which accounts 
 for Roman Catholics sending their children to public 
 schools in Ontario, is that (while the Protestant 
 separate schools of Quebec are undenominational) the 
 Roman Catholic separate schools of Ontario are ecclesi- 
 astical, and give an education generally thought to be 
 inferior to that obtained in the public schools. The 
 public schools of Quebec are strictly Roman Catholic 
 and denominational. The exj^enditure upon educa- 
 tion, both district and Provincial, is singularly high, 
 and the school attendance throughout the Dominion, 
 in spite of the sparseness of the population in large 
 portions of its territory, is perhaps the highest in the 
 world. 
 
 We have seen in the case of education how the Fe.ierai- 
 Federal system, by leaving the subject to the Provinces 
 (except so far as the separate schools of the " two 
 Canadas " were guaranteed at the time of Confederation), 
 avoids dangers which in a country of sharp reltgious ditti- 
 
 
 Slll. 
 
l-i 
 
 
 il 
 
 94 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PAirr I 
 
 culties would otlicrwise have been great, and on a close 
 consideration of CVmadian affairs we shall discover that 
 the same cause of peace is one of general operation. 
 Canada is a country which presented dilficulties in the 
 way of united government as great as could be easily 
 conceived. Elsewhere there are united in one country, 
 u})on a federal plan, three races, not altogether friendly, 
 and two religions : l)ut in Canada were found tlie 
 same two creeds, in fierce conflict, and races separated 
 by memories of constant \var or of the grinding 
 tyranny of past ages. The compilers of the Canadian 
 census of 1881 undertook a difficult task in trying t<> 
 divide the Canadian people among the different nation- 
 alities from which they spring, but it may be assumed 
 that the risk of error in this matter affects all races 
 equally, and that, on the whole, the figures are not 
 far wrono;. The Dominion had then, as I have said, 
 about 1,300,000 French, while we may class together 
 the 900,000 English and the 700,000 Scotch as being 
 united by history, for most purposes, into a body of 
 1,000,000 Britons, representing those who carried on 
 continued warfare with the ancestors of the French 
 in North America. One million Irish are separated 
 from the English -Scotch combination by recollections 
 of the penal Ic.vs of previous ages and of what they 
 think oppression. While the majority of the Irish, 
 and the French, together form a Roman Catholic popu- 
 lation not very different in numbers from the Scotch 
 and English and Ulster Protestant population, the 
 remainder of the inhabitants of the Dominion con- 
 sisted in 1881 of a quarter of a million of Germans, 
 now increased to over 300,000, and of Scandinavians 
 and persons of United- States- American descent. The 
 Scandinavian and Icelandic element is now^ increasing 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 95 
 
 rapidly. The jcaloiLsies of the two great races and of 
 the two chief Provinces had caused the adoption upon 
 federation of the provision that Quebec and Ontario, in 
 spite of the superiority in numljer of popuLation of the 
 hitter Province, shoukl have equal representation in the 
 Senate ; but the historic claims of Lower Canada upon the 
 representation question were disallowed in the creation 
 of the Lower House, where representation was allotted to 
 the Provinces in strict proportion to population, and upon 
 a self-acting system, such as we shall also see at work 
 in some of the Australasian colonies. In Switzerland 
 many of the ditKculties of federation were removed by 
 the fact that the cantons had an ancient history which 
 made of them virtually sovereign States coming freely 
 into union, as was also the case in fact and theory with 
 the old English colonics when they formed themselves 
 into the United States, but in Canada this basis for 
 confederation was wanting. 
 
 Before federation there existed in Canada intense 
 religious and racial jealousies ; and in another delicate 
 matter of importance, namely, local finance and interests, 
 the various colonies had set up custom-houses against 
 one another, and all of them traded with and depended 
 on the United States more than with or on each 
 other. The Provinces (except in some degree the " two 
 Canadas"), with their then distinct systems of govern- 
 ment, isolated by the absence of transit facilities, 
 were as separate as so many foreign countries. At 
 the same time the United States held open wide 
 her arms, and the set of opinion towards aggregation 
 into large communities worked towards absorption 
 into the United States rather than towards British 
 North American union. Some are shocked in the 
 present day when they hear of resolutions in Congress 
 
96 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKl' I 
 
 suggesting tlic reception of Canada into the States 
 system, but whiK' I was in Canada in July ISGG a 
 detailed Bill was introduced and read twice in tlic 
 House of Representatives at Washington " for the 
 admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, 
 Canada East and Canada West, and for tlie organisa- 
 tion of the territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and 
 Columl)ia." The United States were to assume the 
 debt of the Provinces and to give an annual grant in 
 aid of local expenditure, promising to construct the 
 Pacific railroad, and to improve the canals so that 
 large ships sliould l)e able to pass into the Upper Lakes, 
 wdiile the Bill also provided for buying-out the Hudson 
 Bay Company. 
 
 The only remedy for sucli a state of things was 
 confederation, but the obstacles in the way appeared to 
 be insuperable. By the prudence of the authors of 
 Canadian federation these difficulties were conquered. 
 It was decided that the ne\>r Dominion should have 
 all powers except those delegated to the Provinces 
 by the constitution, thus reversing tht system wdiich 
 exists in the United States owdng to the sovereignty 
 of the various States, but which in Canada w^ould not 
 have had wdthin it a germ of historical truth. The idea 
 of a new Canadian national unity w^as fjivoured by the 
 creation of a local Privy Council. The defence of 
 Canada w^as naturally placed under the Dominion, as 
 well as the customs, trade, and currency. The old Pro- 
 vinces received the control of their public lands, forests, 
 and mines, but lands in the territories of Manitoba 
 and the North West, as yet at that time unsettled, 
 were to belong to the Dominion. Generally speaking, 
 it may be said that the Federal Government has all 
 powers necessary to the unity, permanence, and devclop- 
 
 V "-W*. 
 
CHAT. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 97 
 
 ilKe. 
 
 mciit of the Dominion, and tlie Provincial Government 
 power over the daily local life of its inhabitants. 
 
 Our own has Ijeeii a federal aoe. The year 18G5 ^ ^'lemi 
 saw the victory of the principle in the United States ; 
 18G7-G8 the new birth of Canada through the adoption 
 of the system I have described ; 1870 the creation, in the 
 German Empire, of the strongest federal system of the 
 Continent of Europe ; 1874 the adoption in Switzerland 
 of a federal constitution greatly improved over that of 
 1848. In 1885 was laid the foundation of the edifice 
 of Australasian federation, while portions of our West 
 Indian Crown colonics have recently been brought 
 together under similar systems ; and in South Africa 
 alone of the countries in which the experiment has been 
 attempted has a complete failure — and this perhaps 
 only temporary — as yet occurred. The difficulties which 
 have been conquered in Canada by federation are greater 
 than those wdiich the founders of the constitution of the 
 United States had to fiice. The territory now adminis- 
 tered by the Canadian confederation is as extensive as 
 the territory now ruled from Washington. The Roman 
 Caiiiolic and Protestant populations are more nearly 
 equal in strength than is the case in the United States, 
 and the fact that nearly a third of the people speak a 
 different tongue from the majority, and have a far 
 diffe^'ent history, prevents the creation of a homo- 
 geneous nationality such as is found across the border. 
 On the other hand, the very fact of the existence of 
 the United States, in its enormous power, upon the 
 Canadian frontier, has furnished the necessary reason 
 for a Canadian federation, to the success of which 
 "combination -to -prevent -absorption" is the key, and 
 which was hurried into existence on the lapse of 
 the Reciprocity Treaty at a moment when many 
 
98 
 
 PROIU.EMS OF GREATER n RITA IN 
 
 I'ARr I 
 
 
 tl 
 
 Aincricuiis were expeetiii,i4' iipplieatioii for admissiou to 
 the Union from what they h)oke(l on as a l)ankrnpt 
 coh)ny. 
 
 The cli'tails of tlie Canadian constitution can be fully 
 .studied in the various admiral )le works of Dr. Bourinot 
 and ]\Ir. Todd, to which has now to be added a work 
 of home production by Mr. Munro. If Dr. Bourinot's 
 views of the situation are too optimistic, the writings of 
 Mr. Gold win Smith may supply the necessary corrective, 
 but it is the fact that the latter author has scored up 
 ajjainst the Canadian constitution a great number of 
 points which are not specially applical)le to Canada, but 
 which are as true of the mother-country. For example, 
 he has made an attack upon the existing state of 
 things in Canada on the ground that the power of 
 dissolution has virtually passed to the Ministries, 
 Federal or Provincial as the case may be, and has 
 pointed out tliat at recent dissolutions the question 
 was simply whether dissolution would be a good 
 move in a party game. But it is a well-known fact 
 that the date of dissolution after a Parliament has 
 existed for three or four years is in England, and indeed 
 in every constitutional country in these djiys, in the 
 discretion of the Minister, and that there is nothinu' 
 peculiar in the recent action cither of Sir John Mac- 
 donald or of the Prime Minister of Ontario in this 
 matter. It is indeed an unfortunate thing for Canada 
 that the great English writer and powerful contro- 
 versialist who has taken up his residence within her 
 borders should write so strongly as he does, in English 
 and American organs of opinion, against the " National " 
 policy of the Liberal-Conservative or Macdonald Admi- 
 nistration. Canadians prefer to fight the matter out 
 among themselves. 
 
 W 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 99 
 
 Generally spoukiii^-, the main difierence l)et\veeu the caiia.iiMii 
 Canadian constitution and tliat of the United States li';;'^^'^;';:,';;;' 
 is that in the newer eonfederation the central power is •^''t"ii"i''^' 
 for stronger, as compared with the Provincial legisla- 
 tures and executives, and in this point the Canadian 
 Dominion resembles the German Empire more than the 
 United States. The Dominion Parliament keejts in its 
 own hands the Criminal law and the law of marriage, 
 the appointment of the judges, the nomination (jf the 
 Lieutenant - Governors of Province's, and the militia 
 system, all of which are in the United States left to 
 the various States. The Dominion has a veto — virtually 
 exercised by the Prime JNlinister, though in the name 
 of the Crown — upon the legishitiou of the Provinces, 
 while no such veto, if the local laws be constitutional, 
 exists in the United States. Another superiority is 
 given to the central power in Canada by the fact that 
 the Senate, which in the United States is elected by 
 the States, and in equal numbers and not upon a 
 population l)ase, is in Canada appointed by the central 
 Government, with the result, however, that the 
 Canadian Senate is a less useful body. The Canadian 
 constitution follows that of the mother -country, and 
 differs from that of the United States in allow- 
 ing Ministers to sit in Parliament. Mr. Gold win 
 Smith asks what confederation has done for Canada, 
 and I cannot but think that the very existence of 
 Canada in the present day as a powerful self-governing 
 community is an answer. Canada, like Switzerland, 
 seems to have reached the ideal of a federal power 
 as traced by Tocqucville when he said that what 
 was needed was that the central power should be 
 given immense prerogatives, and should be energetic 
 in its action towards the provinces, whilst the pro- 
 
lOO 
 
 PROBLKMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 TnilHTinl 
 Fuduratioii 
 
 vincos themselves were to have perfect loeal freedom, 
 the splierc of tlie eeiitnil power W\\\g strictly defined 
 by the constitution. Canada possesses the cond»ination 
 of central dignity and strength of government with 
 local liberty and variety in the Provinces, and when the 
 completion of tlie federation of Australia, l»y the 
 entrance into it of the mother-coh)ny, if not of New 
 Zealand, presents us witli a similar picture at the 
 other extremity of the Pacific, three English-speaking 
 federal powers will dominate that greatest ocean of 
 the world. Canadian federation is declared by Sir 
 Henry Parkes to be the model on whicih tlie future 
 institutions of the British States of Austrnb'a are to be 
 built up. 
 
 In Canada and in Australia the bearing of local 
 federation upon Imperial Federation is frequently 
 discussed. Just as in Australia most of the warmest 
 advocates of local federation arc averse to formal 
 proposals upon Imperial Federation, although ardent 
 advocates of a strong empire, so in Canada there is a 
 similar feeling among leading men. It is regarded as 
 safe for Canadian politicians to talk enthusiastically 
 about Imperial Federation in the abstract, provided 
 it be understood that no serious practical action is 
 to be taken towards that end, but Sir Charles 
 Tupper's recent suggestions are view^ed with some 
 misgiving. There is, however, a certain tendency 
 among some Canadians towards a partial tariff union 
 with the mother -country upon a protective base, and 
 the advocates of Imperial Federation in the colony 
 are forced to work upon tliese lines ; but in the 
 opinion of Sir John Macdonald's Cabinet it is desir- 
 able that Canadian public men should avoid other- 
 wise committing themselves upon Imperial Federation. 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 lOI 
 
 The principle is looked ii[)oii with clistUvoiir l)y a lar^i' 
 jKirt of the popuhitiou as posnibly involviiii^ liabilities 
 for proje(!ts whieh they think of purely imperial eon- 
 cern, such as the maintenance of Heets other than 
 those intended for the defence of Canada itself Sir 
 John Maedonald has pronounced impractical)le any 
 project of a common legislature for Canada and the 
 United Kingdom, and appiirently holds the same views 
 in favour of ultimate alliance upon ecpial terms as 
 are popular with the younger statesmen of Australia. 
 The general Canadian opinion is that it is a mistake to 
 suppose that the alternatives Ijcfore Canada are those 
 of independence, acceptance of Imperial Federation, or 
 annexation to the United States ; and the prevailing 
 tone of thought is in the direction of a continuance of 
 the present system, which, on the whole, gives satisfaction 
 to a majority of the Canadian people. It is ver}' 
 generally admitted that from a purely material point of 
 view it might n<>t be a bad thing for Canada to join the 
 United States, and the Liberals make use of this feeling 
 when they propose closer trade relations with the Union ; 
 but, on the other hand, tlicy repudiate the over-zealous 
 members of the party who profess their willingness to 
 accept annexation, and the feeling of the French Koman 
 Catholic Canadians in favour of their present privilege 
 is, as I have said, a powerful argument against a change. 
 Mr. Mowat, the Liberal Prime j\Iinister of Ontario, has 
 spoken as strongly against annexation to the United 
 States as Sir John Maedonald himself. 
 
 When it is remembered that, as I have pointed out, ACanadiau 
 four millions out of five millions of the Canadian popula- "'^ '°"' 
 tion are Canadian - born, it is seen that Canada has 
 successfully passed through the " birth crisis " in which 
 Australia finds herself at the present time. It is a 
 
™e5s 
 
 mmimm 
 
 102 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 Cauailiaii 
 (let'euce. 
 
 rommoiiplace of political discussion in our colonies of 
 the South Seas that separatist feeling must spring up as 
 the population becomes less and less British -born and 
 more and more Australian-born, or "native-born," as it 
 is there called ; but in Canada the })02iulation has become 
 Canadian to a far greater extent than the population of 
 the most Australian colonies is Australian. The British- 
 born English and Scotch element in Canada is extremely 
 small as compared with that in Queensland, or in 
 New South Wales, but Canada, owing, I think, to the 
 success of federal institutions, is, in spite of the neigh- 
 l)ourhood of a rival and attractive English-speaking power, 
 less separatist in feeling than is young Australia. The 
 eifect of the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway 
 has l)een great in knitting together the various portions 
 of the Dominion ; but there are two weak points : the 
 one that the railroad, useful as it is in peace, could 
 not be held in a war against the United States, and 
 the other that Canada has not made the necessary sacri- 
 fices for an effective colonial defence. Although the 
 success of Canadian confederation, considering the 
 difficulties of race, of religion, and of geographical con- 
 formation, has been as remarkable as that of Swiss 
 confederation, Canada should imitate Switzerland in 
 another matter if she wishes to remain a self-respecting 
 and independent power, and should bring her brave 
 citizen soldiery into a condition more closely resembling 
 that of the Swiss in numbers and in training. 
 
 The permanent corps of Canada are small in pro- 
 portion to those of the Australian colonies, and some 
 of the less important among those colonies have a larger 
 regular fully paid force than has the Dominion. The 
 "active militia" and "partially paid" force of Canada 
 consists of about 37,000 men with a tendency to de- 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 103 
 
 crease, and this is a nunil)ei* which is distinctly inferior 
 to the requirements of the case. However much we 
 may trust the pacific intentions of the United States 
 and the friendliness of her people, we can hardly be of 
 opinion that a country under a separate flag, with a fron- 
 tier purely arbitrary and of enormous length, can occupy 
 a position consistent with her dignity as a separate Con- 
 federation unless she possess a defensive force which 
 would have some chance of repelling a possible attack. 
 As matters stand it is universally admitted by li^uropean 
 military authorities that large jjoi'tions of Canada would 
 be overrun by the American militia immediately upon a 
 declaration of war. The Canadian Pacific Railway, the 
 waterway of the St. Lawrence and thj Lakes, and the 
 mastery of the canals, would be lost at once, and while 
 Quebec could be covered by a British fleet, as well as 
 perhaps the ])eninsula of Nova Scotia and the islands of 
 Cape Breton and Vancouver, the whole of the rest would 
 lie open to an American invader. Canada jiossesses an 
 enormous advantage in having placed her militia under 
 the central Government instead of under the federal 
 unit ; but, on the other hand, while she has good mili- 
 tary schools for officers, numbers are so overwhelmingly 
 against her that she is bound, in my opinion, if she 
 wishes to stand apart from the United States, to increase 
 the num1)ers of her active militia, instead of allowing 
 them to diminish. Moreover, the training received by 
 the active militia, and especially by the rural battalions, 
 is sadly short, while they have no proper equijiment, 
 transport, or reserve of arms. Of wholly unprovoked 
 invasion the Dominion runs no risk, but war between the 
 United Kingdom and the United States, though happily 
 improbable, is a possible contingency for which the 
 Canadians are unprepared. Considering the danger to 
 
I04 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AUT I 
 
 whicli Ciinada is exposed, and the remote cliaracter of 
 any which can threaten Victoria or New South "Wales, 
 it seems an extraordinary fact that more should have 
 been done in the Australasian colonies for defence than 
 in the Canadian Dominion. The expedition against 
 Eiel was admirably conducted by the Canadian authori- 
 ties, but the nundjer of men moved was small, and the 
 feeding them by civil contracts was a mere matter of 
 expense. It may also be admitted that the Canadian 
 militia possess fine fighting qualities, but this fact only 
 makes us regret the more that they should be organ- 
 ised with so little system. Compared with Canada, 
 Switzerland itself is a first-class military power. As 
 Canada stands at the present moment it is confessed 
 that it would be hopeless for her to attempt in the event 
 of war the defence of the country west of the great lakes. 
 Manitoba and the North- West Territories would be aban- 
 doned on the outbreak of hostilities, and, the Dominion 
 being cut in half, British Columbia would probably be 
 detached from the confederation, with the result of a 
 complete collapse of the whole Canadian system. The 
 eastern wheat supply would be cut off by the occupa- 
 tion of New Brunswick and of the townships on the 
 St. Lawrence ; the coal supply from Nova Scotia 
 and British Columbia would be prevented, and the 
 Dominion would be ruined. As long as Canada 
 refrains from providing adequately for her defence, 
 her wish to remain apart from the United States 
 cannot be regarded as assured. At the present 
 moment not only is land defence ill provided for, 
 but naval defence is non-existent, except so far as it 
 is supplied by the United Kingdom at the cost of 
 the people of the mother-country ; and the Canadian 
 Dominion, which has an enormous shipping trade, and 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 lo: 
 
 fei'liiiL 
 
 which is in fact one of the first-chiss shipping powers of 
 the worhl, pays no contril)ution towards defending that 
 trade at sea. 
 
 It is certain that as lono- as Canada remains a Jiritish Canadian 
 colony, but fails to take sufficient steps for hei- own 
 protection, we stand at a disadvantage in negotiations 
 with the ITnited States. As a general rule, when one 
 country is invulnerable by another the advantages and 
 disadvantages of that situation are reciprocal. If Great 
 Britain did not own Canada, the United Kingdom and 
 the United States would stand to one another in a 
 military sense in the same relation in which Great 
 Britain and Germany stand to one another, each of them 
 to all practical purposes invulnerable by the other. But, 
 holding Canada as we do, we naturally have to think 
 twice before even standing up for our own in any dis- 
 cussion with the Government of the United States. 
 The Canadian frontier is absolutely indefensible by 
 England, and there are great difficulties and drawbacks in 
 the way of its defence by Canada herself. If Canadians 
 were unanimously anxious at all cost to maintain their 
 independence of American influence or domination they 
 would keep up a large organised defence militia. As a 
 fact Canada does not do so, and her organised militia 
 is, as has been seen, not sufficiently numerous to be able 
 to make any serious defence of her enormously long 
 frontier line ao-ainst American levies. On the other hand, 
 the overrunning of the Dominion by the United States 
 in the event of war would appear, when considered from 
 a point of view wider than that of mere British interests 
 in North America, to be a serious blow to the United 
 Kingdom, and the loss of Canada by force would prob- 
 ably have a good deal of influence U2)ou our position in 
 
 Australia and in India. It is impossible for us of our- 
 VOL. I I 
 
r 
 
 II 
 
 1 06 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 selves to strike out any new policy upon these sul)JLH;ts, 
 and evident that we must follow Canadian lead. The 
 majority of the present Dominion 0})position are in favour 
 of commercial union between Canada and the United 
 States, but not iu favour of political union. Commercial 
 union, of course, implies Free Trade in fiivour of a nation 
 under another Hno- und differential duties as against the 
 mother- country. There are oljvious drawbacks to the 
 adoption of this policy, but so difficult is a permanent 
 continuance of the present state of things, if Canada 
 refuses to provide adequately for hor defence, that it is 
 possible that people in the mother-country might resign 
 themselves to this curious and anomalous arrangement, 
 which we shall have, in a later chaptev, to consider. 
 In the ranks of the Canadian Conservative majority there 
 is, as has been seen, a considerable United Empire 
 element, but commercial interest may in the long-run 
 be stronger in Upper Canada than Canadian national 
 feeling among the Irish, Scotch, and English settlers. 
 AVitli the French Canadians it is otherwise, and it is 
 possil)le that their objections to political union with 
 the United States will be more lasting than those of 
 the people of Ontario. 
 
 We must conclude, then, that an immense change 
 has been produced in Canada by federation. A 
 majority of the Canadians are attached to their federal 
 institutions, and as yet desire politically to work out 
 their future apart from the United States, although 
 many of them lean towards a closer commercial connec- 
 tion with that country. While some would attempt 
 to gain a better market for Canadian produce through 
 an imperial customs union, even these are disinclined 
 to undertake in return heavy imperial burdens, and 
 in fact prefer their own Dominion federation, in alii- 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 107 
 
 aiice witli tlic motlier-couutry, to Imperial Federation, 
 which they think might weaken their system, and will 
 not trust their jtrotective tariff to what might prove a 
 Free Trade imperial majority. The feeling of the French 
 Canadians, who naturally prefer a Canada in wldch they 
 are king to being swamped either in the United States 
 or in imperial British confederation, also tends in the 
 direction of keeping matters as they are, and, failing 
 a strictly Protective imperial customs union \\'\\\\ little 
 other union about it, the drift of opinion in Canada, as 
 we shall find also in Australia, appears to set in the 
 direction of local federations in alliance with one another. 
 One practical form in which the points which we 
 have been discussing have lately become nuitters at 
 issue in active Canadian politics concerns tariff arrange- 
 ments and commercial treaties. During the session of 
 1889 a resolution was brought forward in the Canadian 
 House of Commons in favour of giving to the Dominion 
 the right of negotiating and concluding treaties. It 
 was generally felt that the ol)ject sought for was the 
 power to conclude treaties with the United States, with 
 special reference to commercial treaties. It was not 
 denied by the supporters of the resolution that if treaty- 
 making powers were conceded to a colony the latter 
 would have no means of enforcing a treaty, nor would 
 the country with which the treaty was made have any 
 means of enforcing it, except by war with the mother- 
 country. It is a fact that in bygone days British 
 diplomacy has cost Canada dear ; but that di[)lomacy 
 in relation to Canadian affairs is now controlled from 
 Ottawa, and no British Government would run counter 
 to the wishes of a self-governing colony in the regulation 
 of its fiscal affairs. Not only do the colonies now 
 possess and exercise full power in tariff matters, shaping 
 
 'I'lie trortty- 
 
 iii.'ikiiii,' 
 
 power. 
 
T 
 
 1 08 
 
 PROIiLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 * I 
 
 their policy to suit the needs or supposed needs 
 of tlieii* pe()2)les and the geographical position of their 
 lands, even where the policy adopted is hostile to the 
 interests of the mother-country, but the colonies have 
 practically a supreme voice in making commercial 
 treaties with foreiun countries which concern themselves. 
 There are many recent cases which illustrate the freedom 
 of action which we give to Canada. There were negotia- 
 tions carried on at ]\Iadrid for several years, first by 
 Sir Alexander Gait and afterwards by Sir Charles 
 Tupper, for a commercial treaty between Spain and 
 Canada. Full power was given to the Canadian High 
 Commissioner to negotiate directly with Spain, the char- 
 acter and scope of the proposed treaty being left to his 
 determination ; and the only reservation which was made 
 l)y the imperial authorities was that when concluded 
 the convention should be signed by the British jNlinister 
 at jMadrid in order that Great Britain might become a 
 party to the instrument, and, by being at the back of 
 Canada, might secure the enforcement of the treaty. Sir 
 Alexander Gait, however, informed the imperial Govern- 
 ment that Canada would not entertain proposals for 
 differentiation against the goods of the mother-country. 
 We have also oranted to the leadinu; colonies the rioht 
 of inclusion in or exclusion from commercial treaties, 
 concluded between Great Britain and foreign countries, 
 at the choice of the colonies themselves, and the im])erial 
 authorities are in the habit of submitting to the Canadian 
 Government as well as to the Governments of the other 
 leading colonies drafts of all conventions of this character, 
 with a recpiest to know whether they desire to be in- 
 cluded or left out. Sir Bichard Cartwright, who moved 
 the address praying that Canada might be empowered 
 to appoint diplomatic agents of lier own, competent to 
 
 I 
 
Sir 
 
 try. 
 
 ght 
 
 ties, 
 
 ies, 
 
 rial 
 
 iaii 
 
 liei' 
 
 ter, 
 
 iii- 
 
 ^ed 
 
 L-ed 
 
 t to 
 
 CHAP. 11 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 109 
 
 sign commercial treaties, reocived general Liberal siip[»()rt, 
 and was beaten only by the usual party majority. The 
 speech of the mover pohited to a cutting of the connec- 
 tion with the mother-country ; l)ut ( Jppositions of all 
 kinds in all countries are given to doing curious things, 
 and it can hardly l)e supposed, I think, that those who 
 voted with Sir Richard C-artwright concurred generally 
 in liis speech, or had fully considered the consequences 
 of the carrying of his resolution. 
 
 The trade of Canada, checked by protective duties, 'I'lio tiiuie 
 is not on so large a scale as Australian trade, only partly " 
 subject to the operation of Protection. The area of 
 Canada is as great as the area of Australasia ; the popu- 
 lation of Canada is larger. The railway mileage of Canada 
 is greater than that of Australasia, and as great in pro- 
 portion to population ; Init although (Ainada possesses 
 maonificent fisheries and a lund)er trade which is the 
 first in the world, her total trade is oidy on the scale of 
 the trade of a single Australian colony. It is pleaded 
 in favour of the " national " or protective policy that it 
 has built up manufactures ; Ijut the Canadian market is 
 not a large one, and the manufactures do not show 
 well in exportation. Not only is C^anadian trade 
 rather on the scale of that of a single Australian colony 
 than on that of Australasia as a whole, but the f*ana- 
 dian revenue and expenditure and debt are small as 
 compared with ordinary colonial figures. The debt of 
 Canada is one -third the debt of Australasia, although 
 the latter has, as I say, the same area and a smaller 
 population. The Australian colonies all of them raise 
 vastly larger revenues in proportion than does Canada, 
 and they deliberately adopt the policy of spending 
 money freely upon railways and upon local public works. 
 Canada, having over 12,000 miles of railway, and a mag- 
 
y 
 
 4 
 
 no 
 
 J'KOliLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 TAKT I 
 
 iiifict'ut system of canals made chietly at tlic piil)lic cost, 
 may be looked upon as having obtained her public works 
 more cheaply than Australia. While Government does 
 not make the railways in the Dominion, as it does in 
 almost all of the Australasian colonies, the Dominion, the 
 Provinces, and the ]\Iunicipalities all help railways: the 
 Provinces to a very large extent, as in (.>)uel)ec, and the 
 nmnicipalitics to almost as large an extent, csi)ecially 
 in Ontario. But in the case of the municipalities there 
 is au example of the Referendum (similar to that which 
 exists in England in the case of the adoption of the 
 liibrary Acts, of a de(dsion as to triennial elections of 
 Guardians, and a few other matters), for by-laws of 
 the Councils have to be submitted to a poll of the rate- 
 payers before the sul)sidy can be given. It must amuse 
 Australians to notice the apologetic manner in which 
 Canadians often speak of their expenditure, inasmuch 
 as a far larger expenditure in Australia is universally 
 admitted to need no defence in young countries, where 
 English money can be borrowed chea})ly, upon the credit 
 of the colony, to execute public works, while colonial 
 capital is producing a larger return in undertakings for 
 which British capital would not be lent. The longer 
 among the Australian railways have chiefly been made 
 in districts w^here the land was nearly worthless, whereas 
 the Canadian Pacific railroad, passing for the most 
 part through fertile territory, has been built largely out 
 of grants of land. It is probable that the policy of 
 Canada will in the future approximate more closely 
 towards the Australian model. More money will be 
 spent ; more taxes will be raised ; and, to judge by what 
 we shall discover when we come to deal with these 
 questions in Australia, probably with the best results. 
 Canadian trade is certain rapidly to increase. The 
 
^ 
 
 CHAT. 11 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 III 
 
 pec 
 t ies, 
 
 uliari- 
 
 Dominion is becfinnincf to send to the United Kinodom a 
 Hul)stantii(l amount of wheat, already ms Lirge as the 
 amount which comes from Russia, althouuh still a small 
 ([uantity as com] tared with that which comes from India 
 or the United States. 
 
 Canada possesses, as already mentioned, a self- u-t;isiiitivc 
 acting system of redistribution of seats in Parliament, 
 and there arc in Canada a much greater number of dis- 
 qualifications of persons from voting than in the mother- 
 country. For instance, the Judges of the Suj^remc 
 Court, and of the Superior, District, and County Courts 
 of Provinces ; the Revisers ; and persons of jNlongolian 
 or Chinese race, are all disqualified by law from taking- 
 part in elections. .„ The interest in politics is great, 
 the percentage of votes polled at elections being higher 
 than the average in Endand, which is unusual in the 
 (!asc of colonies where large districts are sparsely settled. 
 The whole of the polls at a general election are held on 
 one day, a point in which it is prol table that the mother- 
 country will shortly follow colonial example. Indians 
 possess one of the several Canadian franchises in the 
 older portions of the country, but are altogether 
 excluded in the greater part of the West. Parlia- 
 ments are quin(juennial, an arrangement which slightly 
 exceeds the average colonial term, and members of both 
 Houses, as I have incidentally said, are paid. As 
 regards Provincial systems, neither Ontario nor British 
 Columbia has an Upper House, while Manitoba succeeded 
 in inducing hers to take part in its own abolition. 
 Other Canadian peculiarities will be named when I come 
 to discuss the comparative politics of our colonies. 
 
 Canada is well supplied with local government insti- Local gov- 
 tutions, and the system of local government adopted in 
 Ontario may be looked upon as nearly perfect, and 
 
 iTiiiiieut. 
 
1 1: 
 
 J'KUliLEMS OF CREATKR liRlTALX 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 certainly tlic Ijest in tlic whole woi-ld. The rural 
 portion of the conntiy is comprised in townships, the 
 villages with a population of over 750 beinu; separately 
 governed, as well as the "towns," with a po[)uhition oT 
 over 2000. The "cities," with over 15,000, are also 
 separate, hut with more highly organised institutions. 
 The council of every village or township consists of one 
 reeve and four councillors, and the county coun(;il con- 
 sists of the reeves and deputy-reeves of the townships 
 and villages within the county. Women ratepayers 
 vote, and I should add that 8ir John ^lacdonald is in 
 favour of giving them the political vote as well. In 
 Quebec also the county council is composed of the mayors 
 of the several municipalities of the county. In .Manitol)a, 
 as in Ontario, the an(,'ient names of reeve and warden arc 
 made use of, and that of pvejet, for warden, in (Quebec 
 in the case of the elective chairman of the county council. 
 Some of the Ontario wardens for many years used a cocked 
 hat and a gown when in the chair, being of opinion that 
 this assumption on their part conduced to respect and 
 order. There is local taxation on real property, and on 
 certain descriptions of i)ersonal property, including all 
 bonds and stocks, and, in Ontario, on incomes. Great 
 difficulty is found in obtaining accurate returns, for the 
 purposes of local taxation, of securities held by indi- 
 viduals, and little light is thrown by colonial experience 
 upon the best means of solving the difficulty which has 
 always been felt iu England with regard to local taxa- 
 tion of personal property. The Dominion municipal 
 system generally is superior to that of the United 
 States. It is a remarkable fact that in local govern- 
 ment the mother -country — which really invented the 
 whole system, or developed it out of Saxon institutions 
 to a higher pitch of perfection than was reached 
 
CIIAl'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 113 
 
 * 
 
 elscwlioro — should now lag far behind licr Canadian 
 and Australian colonies. Even the Act which has at 
 last been passed in England is admitted by its authors 
 to be an utterly imperfect measure, needing to be 
 completed by the creation of the district councils, out 
 of which the county councils should in fact have been 
 built up. In the North American colonies no truce is 
 to be found of that fear of trusting the elected repre- 
 sentatives of the people with the control of the local 
 police which is met with in the English Act ; and 
 in all cases there is that close connection between the 
 district and the county which was wholly wanting in 
 the English measure even as first introduced, and before 
 the clauses relatini'' to the districts were for a time 
 abandoned. Tlie peculiarities of Canadian Li(|uor 
 Legislation will be dealt with in tiie second volume. 
 
 Trade unions have largely increased of recent Labour 01 - 
 years in the Dominion, especially in the Province of Tni'uT '°"' 
 Ontario, some of the oi'ganisations being Provincial, """'"''• 
 some Dominion, and others having their headquarters in 
 the old country — for instance, the machinists, whose 
 organisation is a branch of the British Amalgamated 
 Society of Engineers. Some of the Canadian trade 
 societies are upon an international base, as, for ex- 
 ample, the painters' : in other instances we meet with 
 American unions, especially in the case of towns near 
 the frontier of the United States ; and finally, there 
 are powerful branches of the Knights of Labour in 
 some of the laroer towns. A considerable number 
 of Canadian members of that order wish to form a 
 national Dominion organisation — a movement which 
 implies impatience of " American dictation," and is 
 resisted at headquarters in the United States. There 
 are instances where the Knights of Labour have 
 
 1 1 
 
T 
 
 114 
 
 PKOliLEMS OF LiREAlER BRITAIN 
 
 TART 1 
 
 heeii altic to seciiri'. improved tcnns for worknicn in 
 C'auada ; l)ut the cniployors of laboui' in Ontario, \vlio as 
 a riil(! liavc no oltjcction to tho cxistcnco of trade organi- 
 sations, HL'cni to stand in sonic dread of tiio nanu; of 
 this American union, and tiiere have been cases where 
 emi)loyers iiave declined to employ men belonging to 
 the organisation ot" tlu; Kniuhts of Labour. Certain 
 trades in Canada have voluntarily left the American 
 organisation, as, for exami»le, in Hamilton, Avh(>re some 
 have formed a brotherhood of their own, on the ground 
 that in the case of arl)itration they (h) not wish to put 
 the matter into the hands of men who know nothing of 
 their parti<!ular business. The Unions are not strong 
 enough in Canachi (although they have shortened hours 
 and raised wages) to be able in all cases to go on strike 
 where non-union men are employed. The eigarmakers 
 of Montreal, who give a, "l)lue label" to manufacturers 
 paying union wages — a mark whi(;h is supposed to be 
 advantageous to the sale of the cigars consumed by the 
 working classes — have only a seventh of the persons (in- 
 cluding women and children) employed in the local trade. 
 I have mentioned the decline of trade at Quebec on account 
 of the supposed "tyranny" of the Shiplal)ourers' Union, 
 which insists on an eight-hour day. The printers of Quebec 
 struck not long ago for a nine-hour day, their demand 
 being formulated for them by a ])ranch of the Knights 
 of Labour and by a printers' union of French workmen ; 
 and the employers raised against the men the prejudices 
 of the Roman Catholic Church upon the sul)ject of secret 
 societies, the Knights of Labour being denounced as a 
 "masonic society." The French-Canadian boatmen are 
 often forced by their French employers to sign a 
 declaration that they do not belong to any society 
 whatever. The Masters and Servants Act of Canada is 
 
CHAr. II 
 
 /•///•; DDMIXION OF CANADA 
 
 ».'5 
 
 a most juitiqimted piece of Icsjjisliitioti, and it; is an 
 aiiia/in«;' tact that the Montreal Ihiions liavc not lu'cn 
 strong' cnoutrh to force its repeal, altiioun;li it is true that 
 incoiporated towns have tin; right to make their own 
 by-laws u])<)n the siihject. The miners' organisations 
 are powerful in Nova Scotia, and Unionism generally — 
 partly American — at Halifax, the capital. 
 
 Of the friendly societies wliicii flourish in the 
 Province of Ontario and the city of Montreal, the iMan- 
 chester Unity of Oddfellows is one of the strongest, as 
 is the case throughout the English-speaking colonies. 
 The societies are agitating for federal legislation upon 
 friemlly societies, not being satisfied with the Ontario 
 Act, and desiring to obtain uniformity throughout the 
 Dominion. The Independent Order of Foresters is also 
 prosperous, but the Order to which the greater numl)er 
 of Canadian foresters belong is not the Ancient Oi'der 
 of Foresters of the old country, but a Dominion order 
 having l)ranches in the United States, the supnnne 
 court of which, however, cannot sit out of Canada, 
 and the chief offic(^rs of which must be resident in 
 the Dominion. Many employers and companies have 
 imposed on their workmen systems of compulsory insur- 
 ance, which are as un})opular with the men as such 
 systems must be everywhere, the Grand Trunk Railway 
 system being similar to that of the Great Western 
 Railway of England. There is a growing feeling 
 in Canada that the Dominion Government should 
 follow the successful example of New Zealand, and 
 set up a system of Government insurance. Already 
 the insurance companies doing business in the 
 Dominion are compelled to make a deposit with the 
 Government as a security for policy-holders, and a 
 Government Superintendent of Insurance examines 
 
 FricuiUy 
 snck'tii'.s. 
 
/ 
 
 r 
 
 Factory 
 Acts. 
 
 Hours of 
 labour. 
 
 Il6 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKr I 
 
 and reports to Parlininciit \\\ nii aniuial 
 
 thoir accoinit? 
 l>lue-lH)ok. 
 
 Since the growth of protoctod iiuiniifaotures iiiuler 
 the tariff of 1879, cliild labour has been hirgcly omph)ycil 
 in sugar factories, glass works, and cotton mills, and 
 th(> Factory Acts which have been passed in Ontario 
 and Quel)ec have not been adequately enforced by 
 inspection. Tn Ontario two whole years elapsed after 
 the passing of the Act before inspectors were a[)pointed, 
 
 d 
 
 ifter th 
 
 h 
 
 ap])onitment it was 
 before they got to work. The Quel)ec Act was not 
 passed till 1885, but it has hardly been put in force, 
 and its very existence is still unknown in some manu- 
 facturing centres. Although it prohibits the employment 
 of boys under twelve and of girls under fmirteen, 
 children are as a fact still employed who are much 
 under the aues named, it is not difficult to detect one 
 powerful cause for the supineness of the Trovincial 
 authorities in })utting in force their laws. The statutes 
 of Quebec and of Ontario upon the subject are not 
 uniform, and where the laws of one Province impose 
 severer restrictions than do those enacted by its neigh- 
 Ijour, competition furnishes a strong temptation to the 
 former not to put its regulations in force for fear of 
 driving trade out of the Province. There is conse(puM\tly 
 a growin., feeling in Oanada in favour of the enactment 
 of J)ominion factory legislation, but there is some doubt 
 as to the powers of the I^Ynleral Government in this 
 respect, although, if the British North America Act does 
 not confer the right to deal with the (juestion, each of 
 the Provinces might give its consent to a oeneral Act. 
 
 The Oanadian rule as regards hours of labour is 
 that ten hours constitute a working day, l)ut there are a 
 good many exceptions, and some of the Quebec cotton 
 
 J 
 
( 
 
 < 
 
 CllAl'. 11 
 
 THE DOM I MO X OF CAXADA 
 
 117 
 
 mills, wliLMv cliildrcu arc unfortunati'lv cniitlovcd, arc 
 said to work nearly thirteen hours. On the other hand, 
 the nine-hour system prevails very generally through- 
 out Ontario in many ti-ades, and the hours of labour in 
 some trades are eompulsorily shortened in Avinter by 
 climate. iSrill, the street-car drivers work twelve hours 
 thi'oughout the Dominion, and sho[) - assistants arc 
 enn)loyed for extraordinaril}' long hours. One firm of 
 tobacco manufacturers at Hamilton has made the experi- 
 ment of a gradual reduction of hours from ten to nine, 
 with the result that there has been no diminution what- 
 ever in production. A Canadian Royal Commission 
 reported in 1889 to the efi'ect that the Factory Acts 
 shoukl be strengthened as regards the employment oi' 
 women and children, so as to absolutely forbid more 
 than eight hours a day or fifty-one hours a week, and as 
 regards the labour of men they reconmiended that all 
 Government contracts should stipulate for hours of 
 labour under them not to exceed nine. I shall have 
 to return to their report in my general clia[)ter ui)on 
 Labour, but may here say that the commissioners were 
 unanimous upon the point, and stated that their ground 
 was that, the Federal Government setting an example, 
 Provincial and municipal bodies would follow, with the 
 result that the working classes would luive more leisure 
 for the acquirement of knowledge. 
 
 Not only are the working classes of Canada badly 'rnuk 
 ott' as compared with those of our Australasian colonies 
 in several of the points which have been mentioned, but 
 the payment of wages in goods still exists in an aggra- 
 vated form in certain portions of the Dominion. It is 
 no doubt diliicult to work the lumber trade, where gangs 
 of men are despatched great distances, or the lishing 
 trade, without some resort to truck ; and the condition 
 
?/ 
 
 118 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ARl' I 
 
 
 conditio)!. 
 
 of the fislicrmeii of the JNIaritime Provinces of the 
 Dominion is suj^erior in this respect to that of the 
 fishermen of Newfoundland, although very little money 
 circulates among them. Even in their own Provinces, 
 however, they constitute a class so entirely apart that 
 their grievances do not appeal to the working population 
 who oet their living on shore, while the inhabitants of 
 cities like Toronto and jNIontrcal have no more know- 
 ledge of their modes of life than they have of those of the 
 Esquimaux of Batiin Land, also their fellow-countrymen. 
 There appears to be no Canadian legislation against 
 truck, l)ut a system of infrequent payment of wage 
 beino; common, there seems to be oround for such 
 legislation. Fortnightly pay-days are more usual in 
 Canada than weekly payments, and many Canadian 
 workmen have to wait a month or six weeks for their 
 wages, although the Unions have pronounced for w eekly 
 payments, upon Fridays. There are people in jMontreal 
 who make a practice of buying the deljts of working- 
 men at a discount, as the law wdtli regard to seizure of 
 wages is favourable to the creditor, and these points 
 too contrast sharply with what will be found to be the 
 power of the working classes to enforce their views in 
 our other colonies. 
 
 Althouo'h the condition of the workins; classes in 
 Canada is inferior to what we shall discover to l)e the 
 general colonial standard, it has improved during the 
 last few years — a point which will doul)tless be scored 
 to the advantage of Protection. Wages are high, hours 
 of labour are shorter, while the necessaries of life are 
 lower in price, with one grave exception, namely, 
 that the rents of dwelling-houses have risen in the 
 larger cities. House rent has been increasing even 
 more rapidly than wages, and although houses may be 
 
 \ 
 
 
.,. <I.M..-^W< 
 
 CHAI'. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 119 
 
 |in 
 
 lio 
 lie 
 
 Ire 
 
 hour. 
 
 (jbtaiiiL'd at l(nv rents in tliu outskirts of tlic cities, 
 as, for example, at Toronto, tlie i>riees are e(|ualise(l by 
 car fares. In Canada, as W(> shall find also in Australia, 
 while tlie working classes pay a very large proportion of 
 their income in rent, they ol)tain for the outlay much 
 better accommodation than is found in the old country, 
 and single families not infrequently occupy houses 
 containing from five to eight rooms. 
 
 The higher wages whicli are obtained for labour in iiiimiiiiu- 
 Canada, as com})arcd w4th England, tempt thither a i;,'i 
 considerable number of British immigrants in addition 
 to those farming colonisers of whom I lia\'e already 
 spoken at the beginning of this chapter. The home 
 Government advertise in London, throuuh the Emi- 
 grants' Information Office, that the average time taken 
 on the voyage to Canada is nine days, against forty-five 
 to New Zealand and fifty-five to Queensland ; the lowest 
 fare for unassisted passages .£4, as against 16 guineas to 
 New Zealand and 15 guineas to Queensland; and they 
 state that there is a demand for good farm-lal)ourers, a 
 slight demand in two or three districts for mechanics, 
 some demand for general labourers, a demand for miners 
 in j^arts of the colony, and a good demand for female 
 domestic servants. The more detailed circular for the 
 emiuration season of 1889 gives a full account of the 
 depots for the temporary reception of the immigrants ; 
 shows that there is a fiur demand for car})enters, painters, 
 and plasterers in some parts of the IJominion ; • < ates 
 the high wages obtained l)y bricklayers, i)lasterers, and 
 masons ; explains the cheapness of the necessaries of 
 life ; and generally exhibits the Dominion in a tiuthful 
 and tempting light. The Canadian Government has 
 ceased to give assisted passages, and it is unlikely that 
 help to immigration will be revived, as the workmen in 
 
I20 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER RRITALY 
 
 TAUT 
 
 tlic lnrg(3 towns of ()ntari(j uro as stroii!];ly opposed to 
 immioration as are those of Australia itself. The policy 
 of assistiiiii' immiuraiits is now at an cud in almost 
 every British colony possessing responsible institutions. 
 There are two kinds of immigration which take place 
 largely in the case of Canada even since the abolition of 
 assisted passages, namely, that of labour under contract, 
 and an immigration of children exported by philan- 
 thropists or by Boards of Guardians. The towns com- 
 plain that immigrants arrive often late in the summer, 
 and are not prepared for the stoppage of many branches 
 of industry by the rigours of a Canadian winter ; and that 
 the result is that, while the inhalutants have to support 
 themselves upon their summer savings, the immigrants 
 undersell them in many trades. Some years ago there 
 was a considerable amount of pauper immigration, 
 mainly Irish, from the United Kingdom, and it is un- 
 fortunately the case that a good many of these people 
 have remained at Toronto, in streets of their own, in a 
 condition of helpless poverty ; and the families from the 
 east end of London are looked upon as efj^ually unsatis- 
 factory. It is said that their children never have a 
 chance in Canada, as they are brought up with the old 
 bad atmosphere about them, the parents having acquired 
 a habit of dependence upon chance work or upon outside 
 help. On the other hand, the information as to the 
 success of " orphan and deserted " pauper children 
 is of the most encouraging kind, but there is an 
 objection to reformatory boys. Some Canadians, how- 
 ever, hold, to put it in their own quaint language, 
 " that the country is quite capable of producing all 
 the children it requires," and it is possible that in 
 the future even child immigration may be stopped. 
 Canadian feeling sets strongly against what is called, 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 121 
 
 in Transatlantic phrase, poor persons being "dumped 
 upon our shores " ; and the Viceroy has already power 
 to prohibit it by proclamation under the Immigration 
 Act of 1886. It is, indeed, probable that the Dominion 
 Government will soon be forced to follow the lead of 
 the United States by putting this power in force, and 
 providing for the inspection of ships bringing immi- 
 grants, with the intent to send back, at the expense 
 of the shipowners, the cripples, the sick, and those who 
 have no money and no friends ready to receive them. 
 There is the more reason for such action that, in con- 
 sequence of the operation of this law in the United 
 States, undesirable immigrants, who would be rejected 
 at New York, are now making their way to Canada. 
 
 The A?nerican Union prohibits the importation of 
 labour under contract, and it is said that an English 
 clergyman, whose preaching, when he was on a visit, 
 had pleased a New York congregation, was prevented 
 from landing on his return in consequence of his pro- 
 spective flock having then brought him over under con- 
 tract to pay a certain stipend for his labour. This law 
 is likely to be imitated by Canada, which has, as I have 
 already said, suffered from the rejection, under its provi- 
 sions, of many of her own emigrants from Quebec to the 
 New England States. The importation of labour under 
 contract helps employers to resist the just demands of their 
 workmen, and enables them to coerce the domestic labour. 
 
 The incoming of immigrants of an undesirable class 
 throws heavy burdens upon the charitaljle institutions, 
 and the House of Industry at Montreal, for example, is 
 overcrowded in winter, and its managers have to give 
 outdoor relief to a large number of families of this descrip- 
 tion. It is proposed to legislate against the importation 
 of immigrants between October and March, a season 
 
 o 
 VOL. I 
 
 K 
 
'1 
 
 122 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 Spoit. 
 
 at which it is impossible for them to obtain work on 
 account of the severity of the weather ; nnd when it is 
 objected that it is difficult to prevent British subjects 
 from landing in. British colonies, it is pointed out in 
 reply by the Canadians that the settlement laws of the 
 old country do not permit paupers to become charge- 
 able to parishes to which they do not belong. The 
 resistance to immigration comes, however, chiefly from 
 Ontario and from the city of Montreal. In the Pro- 
 vince of Quebec generally, French speech is a check 
 to British immigration, and in New Brunswick, Nova 
 Scotia, Manitoba, and the North West, immigrants do 
 well and are well received. It may, however, be re- 
 marked that the very existence of a public feeling of 
 any kind is a consequence of the existence of large 
 centres of population, nnd that Winnipeg is the only 
 British city west of Ontario which can properly be so 
 described. It is not unlikely that the recommendation of 
 the Eoyal Commission on Labour will be carried out in 
 the establishment in the Dominion of a Inbour bureau 
 similar to that founded at Washington in 1884, with a 
 view to the more equal distribution of the labour of 
 which there may be a surplus in one part and a de- 
 ficiency in other parts of the Dominion. There remains 
 the problem of Chinese innnigration, which applies on 
 a large scale, in the case of Canada, at present only to 
 British Columbia (including Vancouver Island), but 
 which will engage our attention, and specially as con- 
 cerns Australia, in the second part of this volume. 
 
 The northern climate, with its long winter, seems to 
 have prevented the development among Canadians of 
 that extraordinary love of sport which is manifest in 
 Australia ; but, compared with the Americans of the 
 United States, they are a sjDorting people, and in 
 
 I 
 ( 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 123 
 
 (le- 
 
 to 
 of 
 in 
 he 
 in 
 
 Lacrosse. 
 
 Willi IT 
 
 LMIIR'S. 
 
 certain exercises, as, lor exaui[>le, in sculling, the Cana- Scuiiiug. 
 (lians have been able to hold their own even with 
 the Australians, and to beat the mother- country. 
 Indeed the only practical shape which up to the 
 present time has been taken by the idea of imperial 
 unity seems to be the selection of the rivers of the old 
 country for tlie struggles of tlie oarsmen of Australia 
 and of the Dominion. The national game of Canada is 
 Lacrosse — a French -Canadian pastime of Indian origin 
 — wliile the American Base-l>all and the English Cricket 
 are also played. The most characteristic sports, how- 
 ever, of the Canadians are their winter amusements, 
 universally indulged in by the population. Eink-ska ting- 
 is a fine art in Canada, tobogganing is an accomplish- 
 ment : but sleii'hini'' and snow-shoeiufj, thouuli often 
 pastimes, are also normal methods of locomotion during 
 the long winter. There is no prettier sight than a 
 meet of one of the four-in-hand sleiuhino- clul)s, and 
 the ice -carnivals of Montreal and other cities attract 
 spectators from all parts of the world. 
 
 If we turn next to things of the mind we shall dis- Littnituie. 
 cover, as might have been expected, that Canada has not 
 as yet a really great literature of her own, I have 
 mentioned two authors out of many writers of admiral )le 
 treatises upon the practice of Parliament, upon local 
 government, and upon law, Avhich have appeared from 
 the presses of the Dominion ; but of literature purely 
 Canadian the best perhaps is still to l)e found in the 
 works of Ilaliburton, whether in the now superseded 
 humour of Sam Sh'ck, or in the volumes of his his- 
 tories, remarkable as they are for their excellent style. 
 Ilaliburton's otherwise admirable histories are somewhat 
 disfigured by party prejudice, and just as a French 
 judge — Brillat-Savarin — in his time distinguished, and 
 
n 
 
 124 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER Hrr-r^r^/ 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 Canadian 
 poetry. 
 
 eeleljrated for his works on jurisprudr s now remem- 
 
 bered only as the first of theoretical j, so HaH])urton, 
 
 although thanked in his place in t. .assembly of Nova 
 Scotia for one of his serious works, will be best known 
 to posterity as Sam Slick. There is, however, no lack 
 of quantity in Canadian literary production. The yearly 
 review of literature, science, and art which is given in 
 Morgan's Annual Register (an excellent publication) fills 
 more pages than do similar accounts of British productions 
 in the annuals at home. Every year there are published 
 in Canada many volumes of original poetry, history, 
 and fiction, theological works without end, and scientific 
 books of considerable value, as well as legal and educa- 
 tionax handbooks. At present, however, there are but 
 few living Canadian writers who have more than a local 
 reputation. Among those whose works are known 
 throughout the English reading world is Dr. Bourinot, 
 already named, author of a series of volumes worthy to 
 rank with the works of Erskine jNIay ; and among 
 scientific and educational writers there is the distin- 
 guished name of Sir William Dawson, of the M^Gill 
 University at Montreal. 
 
 Of Canadian poets, on the whole the best is Mr. 
 Douglas Roberts, a writer now in his thirtieth year, 
 the son of the rector of the Church of England 
 cathedral at Fredericton, New Brunswick, and origin- 
 ally a schoolmaster by profession, who published when 
 in his twentieth year a volume through a Pliiladeli)hia 
 house. Mr. Lighthall, in his Souf/s of the Great 
 Dominion, the Canadian anthology, tells us that Mr. 
 Roberts is now a professor of modern literature in 
 a Nova Scotia college. Roberts's "Canada" is a 
 poem which has much political interest, and which 
 begins — 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 125 
 
 in 
 a 
 
 icli 
 
 " O Child of Nations, ^'iant-limbcd, 
 
 Who stand'st anionfj; the nations now 
 Unhcedi'd, unadorned, nnhymnt'd, 
 With unanointed brow, — 
 
 " How long the ignoble sloth, how long 
 The trust in greatness not tliino own ? 
 Surely tlu! lion's brood is strong 
 To fnjnt the world alone ! 
 
 " How long the indolence ere thou dare 
 Achieve tliy destiny, seize thy lame, — 
 Ere our proud eyes behold thee bear 
 A nation's franchise, nation's name ? 
 
 " The Saxon force, the Celtic fire. 
 
 These are thy manhood's heritage ! 
 Why rest with babes and slaves ? Seek higlier 
 The place of race and age." 
 
 It is, of course, unreasonable to expect literature 
 of the first class from British North America, with 
 five millions of population, when so great are the 
 difficultios in the way of Transatlantic literature caused 
 by English competition, by the feverish race for wealth 
 and absence in young countries of a leisured class, that 
 even the United States, with its sixty millions, does 
 not produce much literary work of the highest order. 
 On the other hand, while the pressure upon Canadian French- 
 literature of that of England, and of Canada's great books '*" 
 next-door neighbour, does not, of course, affect French- 
 Canadian literature, there are other causes which militate 
 against the production in C^anada of high-class work in 
 French. Every 3/ear brings forth its crop of pretty verses, 
 of which some, such as the Chansons Populaircs of Ernest 
 Gagnon, have had more than an ephemeral success. 
 The Church, how^ever, discourao-es the readino; both of 
 modern Parisian literature and of many of the French 
 classics, and the French booksellers' shops at Montreal 
 
 8 
 
w 
 
 126 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER /I RITA IN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 TI1C Fine 
 Arts. 
 
 and Quebec somcwluit resemble in their stocks the 
 semi-ecclcsiastiejil lihraries ibiiiid in French provincial 
 cathedral towns, while the best-known French books 
 have to be bought at the English bookstores, as the 
 Church practically exercises expurgatorial authority 
 over the catidogues of the booksellers of its flock. It is 
 somewhat difhcult, thei'cfore, for French - Canadian 
 authors to study the Frencrh models of l)est style. A 
 French-Canadian poet, M. Frechette, is the author of a 
 poem as interesting in its teaching as the "Canada" of 
 Mr. Roberts. It is called " Le Drapeau Anglais," and 
 describes a French-Canadian father calling on his son to 
 admire the flag of the United Kino'dom, the olories of 
 which he tells at length, and ends by bidding his son 
 bow the head before this emblem of Canadian prosperity 
 and freedom. The son replies — 
 
 " Mais, pi'iL', pjmloimez, si j'o.se. 
 
 N'eii est-il jias 1111 autre, a nmis ? 
 All ! celui-li\, cV'st autre elio^ic : 
 II faut le baiser a ^'eiioux ! " 
 
 Art education is progressing in the Dominion, and 
 Princess Louise and Lord Lome, during the term of 
 office of the latter, did much to encourage the Fine Arts 
 in Canada, founding the Canadian Academy of Art, and 
 also the Canadian Art Gallery at Ottawa. There exist 
 now grants by the Academy to art schools at Montreal, 
 Toronto, and the Dominion capital, as well as an annual 
 exhibition. A very large proportion of Canadian school 
 children learn draAvino- while commissions are beino; 
 given to Canadian scidptors for statues for erection in 
 various parts of the Dominion. Some of the private 
 collections of pictures at Montreal bear comparison with 
 those of the rich men of New York, as, for example, the 
 gallery of Sir Donald Smith, which contains Henner's 
 
PART I 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 rilF. DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 137 
 
 " La Source " nnd Jules Breton's *' La premiere Com- 
 munion." For the latter beautiful j)icture an enormous 
 priee was paid. 
 
 Cajuula is too near to the United States and too near Compiui- 
 to Great Britain for her indigenous art and literature to Austmiin. 
 stand a fair ehancc at present, and although she has 
 taken the lead over Australia in the i)orfecting of her 
 political institutions, she must be admitted to be a little 
 behind our South-Sea colonies in many of these points 
 which I have lately mentioned. Her press is good ; her 
 poetry not as yet equal to that which we shall find 
 Australia has produced ; her impatience of direct taxa- 
 tion, as comi)ared with colonies raising a large budget 
 expended with admirable skill, most striking ; her 
 labour, although well paid, not yet more politically and 
 socially powerful than that of the mother-country ; and 
 lier condition generally more like the old world than is 
 the thoroughly modern and typical colonial growth 
 which we shall find existing in Australia. In one 
 respect, indeed, Canada seems to have led the way, 
 namely, in that temperance legislation which has per- 
 haps too hastily been pronounced a failure, and which 
 I shall discuss separately in my second volume. 
 
CHAPTER ni 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA — continued. 
 
 TJic West. 
 
 Maiiitoi.n. The transition from the (*nn;i(l;is to Manitoba is one 
 from a comparatively old civilisation to a region of new 
 settlements, wliicli are of such recent growth that, even 
 where centres of })opulation liave arisen, the conditions of 
 life are undeveloped ; and although the growth of cities, 
 springing into being with jdl the features of modern town 
 existence, is rapid on the American Continent, the time 
 has hardly yet arrived for comparing the people of the 
 Canadian West with those of Old Canada or of the 
 Maritime Provinces. In Quebec, as at the Cape, several 
 cities have arrived at years of respectable antiquity. In 
 Manitoba the towns are even younger than in Australia. 
 The Ancient Capital will celebrate its tercentenary in less 
 than twenty years. Soon Montreal will complete what 
 is awkwardly called, in Canadian phrase, its "quarter- 
 millennium " : indeed, the same year will see the 250tli 
 anniversary of Montreal, the 400th anniversary of the 
 landing of Columbus, and the silver wedding of the 
 Provinces of the Dominion. The city of Trois Rivieres 
 is older than Montreal. The most thriving towns of 
 Ontario have a record, like many of the Australian cities, 
 of only a little over half a century. Toronto has recently 
 celebrated its jubilee, and about the same age are 
 
 ij 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIAN WEST 
 
 139 
 
 i 
 
 . 
 
 Trjunilton — the fourth city of tlio Dominion — and 
 liondon, wliicli i.s becoming so im[)oitiint tliat travellers 
 from the metropolis of the Empire have to inscribe their 
 addresses as ** [jondon, I^'n^.," or it is inferred that 
 they hail from "London, Out." Kinoston, the pros- 
 perous site of the military colleoe, on \a\\w Ontario, is 
 somewhat ohler ; but all these (;ities, as well as 
 those which date from the French tinu's, retain 
 certain characteristics of the era before railways. The 
 new growths in tlie western section of the Dominion, 
 whicli one day perhaps will outstrip them all — for 
 Canada at present contains no city which is in popula- 
 tion of the first, or even of the second raidc of the 
 whole world — display those features only which have 
 come into existence in Greater Britain iu the latter half 
 of the nineteenth (century. 
 
 The capital of ^lanitoba is the only (nty of the new Winnipeg. 
 North West which displays true features of town European 
 life. Distant over 1400 miles from Montreal, it is now 
 reached after a journey from that city of two days and 
 three nights. Formerly known as Fort Garry, the Hud- 
 son Bay Company's chief post, it possessed in 1871 a 
 population of 250 : ten years later its inhabitants w^ere 
 about 8000, and in 188G had increased to 20,000, while 
 the population is now said to be 30,000 — probably more 
 than a fifth of that of the whole Brovince of Manitoba. 
 Winnipeg is recovering slowly from the effects of a 
 *' boom," the accounts of which show that AVinnipeg par- 
 takes of the nature of the cities of the new civilisation, 
 in which a boom is as invariable an incident of early life 
 as the distemper of the youth of dogs. The architecture 
 of Winnipeg, though as yet unprepossessing, is ambitious, 
 and its main street is of a width in whicli the tratHc 
 of Biccadilly w^ould be lost. Winnipeg is, without doubt, 
 
13© 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 Miinitolin. 
 Origin of 
 till' i)opn- 
 hitioii. 
 
 dcstini'd to be the metropolis of the central Canada of 
 the future, lying as it does half-way between jMontreal 
 and the Pacific, in the midst of a district the soil of 
 which is perhaps the richest in the world. It is already 
 a railway centre of immense importance, lines radiating' 
 from it like the spokes of a wheel, and the politics of 
 the local legislature are chiefly concerned with rail- 
 roads. It is needless now to enter into the dispute 
 between the Domiiuon Government and the Province 
 on the subject of the monopoly rights of the Canadian 
 Pacific Pailway ; suffice it to say that it is highly 
 probal)le that, had the Canadian Pacific line not been 
 l)uilt, j\Ianitoba would by this time have gravitated 
 towards the United States, as before the construction of 
 the line its communication with the outer world lay 
 through Minnesota. 
 
 In 1886, the year after the second Kiel rebellion, a 
 census was taken of Manitoba which went into detail as 
 to the origin of the people, a similarly elaborate census 
 of the three districts of Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, and 
 Alberta in the North-Wcst Territories having been taken 
 eleven months earlier. Althouoli so short a time has 
 elapsed since these enumerations, considerable changes 
 have occurred in the numbers of the jieople, and also 
 in their places of origin. On the last day of July 1886, 
 of the 108,000 inhabitants of Manitoba 34,000, mostly 
 grown-up, had been born in Ontario, and the same 
 number, mostly children, in Manitoba ; England and 
 Wales togethei supplied over 10,000; Scotland and 
 Quebec nearly 6000 apiece ; and Russia the same 
 number, partly Mennonites and partly Polish Jews; 
 Ireland more than half that number ; the United States 
 and Iceland about 2000 each. There were also 8000 
 half-breeds, mostly French. The foreign element is now 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIAN WEST 
 
 131 
 
 increasiiicr, and iu the North -West Territories therf 
 arc, in addition to the settlements of Scotch crofters, 
 of French Canadians, and of Londoners from the East 
 End, colonies of Tsechs from Bohemia, of Slavs and 
 of ]\Iaoyars from Ilnugary, of Germans, of Rouman- 
 ians, and of Scandinavians, as well as Icelanders. The 
 Scandinavian element is tliat which, after the English, 
 has been increasing most rapidly of late years (though 
 in 1889 the German immigration was greater than the 
 Scandinavian), and in the last few years the Scandi- 
 navian immigration has exceeded that from Scotland 
 and Ireland tooether. ]\Ianitoba, having been chiefly 
 settled at first from Ontario, is mainly Protestant. 
 It may be seen, from the list I have given, how widely 
 different are the communities springing up in the 
 North West from those of the old Provinces of the 
 Dominion, and this fact wdll make the growth of Mani- 
 toba and of the Territories an interesting study. 
 
 The first nucleus of a poj)ulation were the Selkirk 
 settlers, who had their confiicts with the Hudson Bay 
 Company. The life of these men and of the half- 
 breeds, far fi-om the residence of visible government, 
 was one calculated to develop independent spirit to 
 resist outside authority ; and the rebellion of 1869-70, 
 and its recrudescence in 1885, were as much a conse- 
 quence of the supposed wrongs of settlers living remote 
 from government as of reasons of race. Into this 
 scattered community have been introduced the lietero- 
 geneous elements that I have mentioned, ])ut in all 
 probability their absorption will present little difficulty as 
 compared with that of French Canadians. The whole 
 population will assimilate itself to the original Anglo- 
 Scotch element, and instead of the babel of tongues heard 
 now within the distance of one day's drive, English will 
 
*p 
 
 Hi 
 
 132 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART I 
 
 become universal. Manitol^a stands, however, an inter- 
 mixture of all races gathered in a land where there were 
 no institutions and no traditions save those of freedom. 
 
 One foreign community in the North West is likely 
 for some time to remain isolated — that of the Glerman- 
 Russian Mennonitcs, whose chief settlement lies between 
 Winnipeg and the United States frontier, where they farm 
 profitably large tracts of land held upon a communal 
 system : the one instance of the kind in Canada. They 
 are a frugal, industrious people, and number now at least 
 10,000. Their German ancestors were given land in 
 Southern Russia by tlie Empress Catlierine, and the 
 recent adoption by Russia of the Armed Nation system 
 having destroyed their exemption from military service, 
 they have found another resting-place in jNlanitoba. 
 
 The rapid growth of these immigrant communities 
 is accounted for by the fertility of the soil, and although 
 the total yield of wheat is not yet great as compared with 
 that of the United States, that wheat is of excellent 
 character. It is found, however, that wheat farms can- 
 not hold their own arjainst the occasional uncertainties 
 of the summer, and mixed farming is now in vogue. 
 The people who make money in Manitoba are those who 
 have moved on from Ontario, and who are thoroughly 
 acquainted with Canadian winters and with the farming 
 systems to wliich they give rise. The European immi- 
 grants live, but only live, and do not realise fortunes. 
 The homestead law gives them IGO acres of land for 
 each male person of the age of eighteen years, on pay- 
 ment of a mere office fee, subject to the commencement 
 of residence and to the immediate cultivation of reason- 
 able portions, and ultimately to the continuance of 
 residence and cultivation, and the erection of a hal)ital)le 
 house. The settlers obtain their supplies from Winni- 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
^M& 
 
 fT 
 
 CHAf. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIAN WEST 
 
 'jj 
 
 
 peg, and send their wheat to its stores, and the rapid 
 growth of this raih'oad centre is a necessary conse- 
 quence of the system. Although the winter is in some 
 sense a drawback, it is supposed to conduce to the fer- 
 tility of the soil, and in the west of Manitoba and in 
 Assiniboia and Alberta it is less cold than farther cast, 
 and as we approach the Rocky jMountains warm winds 
 so often melt the snows that wheels are used throuohout 
 the winter. Sheep do not seem to do well in Manitoba 
 as a rule, but cattle thrive ; and it is a curious fact that 
 just as the most tropical portions of Australia are found 
 unsuited to sheep, but suitable to cattle, so the most 
 northerly portions of the Great Plains are also suitable^ 
 to the creatures of the wider range. AVheat, however, 
 is a special product of the North West ; the growth of 
 wheat is spreading fast, and there can be no doubt that 
 out of the Territories will be carved several Canadian 
 Provinces of the future as large and as productive as 
 Minnesota. Areas are vast in the Dominion : France 
 or Germany could be dropped into the salt lake that 
 is known as Hudson Bay, and be far from filling that 
 single Canadian inlet. jNIanitoba possesses no legis- 
 lative peculiarities as yet, for in abolishing her Council, 
 and so giving herself a single chamljer, she only 
 followed the example of Ontario and of British Colum- 
 l3ia, which had done without an Upper House. The 
 early presence of the French in ]\lanitoba had been 
 recognised by the establishment of the use of the 
 two tongues in otticial documents, and by that of a 
 separate - school system ; but, under the influence of 
 the strong feeling now prevalent among the Pro- 
 testants of the Dominion, the Provincial Government 
 are abolishing the dual - language system, and have 
 pledged themselves to bring in a Bill to put an end to 
 
'34 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 Assiiiiboin. 
 AlliLTta. 
 
 the separate dcnoniiiiatioiial schools. As I read Clause 
 93, sub-section 3, of the British North Americ-a Act, 
 which bears upon the point, there will, however, be au 
 appeal to the (jlovcrnor-lieneral in Council against the 
 Provincial law should it pass, and if that be so it is not 
 likely that the separate schools will l)e in fact abolished. 
 From Winnipeg to the foot-hills of the Eocky Moun- 
 tains, by railway, is a distance of about 900 miles. The 
 prairie is apparently as level as a table, but a gradual rise 
 takes place, and Calgary, the last town upon the prairie 
 before the mountains are reached, has an altitude of 
 ;U00 feet, or 2700 above Winnipeg. New towns are 
 dotted along the line, some of which, like Portage la 
 Prairie, rose too swiftly at the time of the j\Ianitoba 
 " boom." A temporary depression following on the un- 
 natural prosperity of that town caused its municipality 
 to repudiate its debt, while the Provincial legislature of 
 ]\[anitolja passed a Bill indemnifying the town against its 
 creditors. The growing communities along the railway 
 have an air of progress, and the prosperity of the neigh- 
 bourhood may be gauged by the size of the "grain 
 elevators " which si)eak to the productiveness of the sur- 
 rounding country. The smallest and newest of these cities 
 of the future are better })rovided than English towns 
 with the telephone and tiie electric light. There is a good 
 deal of local colour in places. After the Territories are 
 entered the mounted police are frequently seen in their 
 scarlet patrol jackets, performing with efficiency their 
 extended duties — from looking after the Crees and Black 
 Feet to regulating the liquor traffic and watching the 
 American frontier for smugglers ; and when the foot- 
 hills are approached the cowboys, with the hats and 
 saddles and stirrups found all the way from the North 
 of Athabasca to the south of Mexico, show that ranching 
 
:li 
 
 'g 
 
 ciiAr. in 
 
 THE CANADIAN WEST 
 
 135 
 
 thrives. The TEudsoii Bay Company used to spread the 
 report throughout tlie world that the region closed by 
 its all l)ut imi)enetrable wall was buried in eternal snows. 
 r^ord Selkirk's men had lived upon the soil since 1813, 
 Init their colonisation was on too small a scale to have 
 become generally known. Thtn-e is no douljt that 
 the climate of this region is much more temperate 
 than either that of eastern Canada or that of Maine. 
 The contiguous States of North and South Dakota have 
 progressed in a manner unequalled in the history of the 
 Union. Some of the land in the Territories is alkaline, 
 like a great portion of Colorado and Utah, though not 
 so heavily covered with the soda as are Nevada, Arizona, 
 and New Mexico ; but it is discovered, as has been found 
 by the Mormons, as well as in Baluchistan, that when 
 broken up it is fertile. In the ranching country of 
 the foot-hills the bunch grass which covers the prairie 
 as far as the eye can reach looks as little nutritious as 
 the arid vegetation of central xVustralia or of the South 
 African Karroo, ])ut in reality there is no better pasturage 
 in the world. 
 
 There is coal all over the North-Western Territories, 
 both in the prairie district and in the mountains ; and 
 the anthracite f(nind in the Rocky Mountains near the 
 boundary of British Columbia is closer to San Francisco 
 itself than are any of the anthracite coal-fields of the 
 United States. 
 
 The northern part of the Territories is now known 
 as " Canada's great reserve," and the districts upon some 
 of the larg(3st rivers in the world, which flow northwards 
 into the Arctic regions, produce agricultural country 
 even up to the G6th degree of latitude, and present 
 none of the usual characteristics of a sub- Arctic country. 
 It is possible that in the extreme north-west of Canada 
 
 Cnal. 
 
 S;isk!ltcll 
 
 c\v;ili,Atlia- 
 biisca, anil 
 "Tlic 
 Xortli 
 Wust." 
 
136 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER n RITA FN 
 
 TART 
 
 Govern- 
 ment of tin.' 
 TiTritorits. 
 
 British 
 Columbia. 
 
 there exists a reunion of settlement as remarkable and 
 as unexpected as that district of Australia " behind 
 the range " which, long looked upon as sterile, is now 
 becoming the most valuable part of the new continent. 
 
 The Territories of Assiniboia, Alberta, and Sas- 
 katchewan are governed by a Legislative Asseml)ly, 
 and possess elective but not responsible government. 
 Three judges sit in the Assembly as legal experts on 
 the nomination of the Governor-General, and without 
 votes, along with twenty -two elective members. The 
 Lieutenant-Governor is allowed to choose four members 
 of the Assembly as a Council for Finance. He rules, 
 from his seat of Government at Regina, xA-thabasca 
 which is outside th(^ represented Territories. All the 
 members of the Assembly are paid, but the Canadian 
 Dominion takes the receipts from the Territories, and 
 provides the funds for carrying on the government. The 
 electors are male non-alien householders, resident a year 
 in the Territories and three months within the district. 
 The Territories are represented both in the Senate and 
 in the Dominion House of Commons, and so possess a 
 superiority of constitutional position over the Territories 
 of the United States, which send only delegates without 
 votes to the lower House of Congress. 
 
 The passage of the Rocky Mountains by the railway 
 has practically added to the British Crown a province 
 of enormous extent and of boundless capacity, for when 
 the sjold discoveries on the Fraser river had brought a 
 population of Californian diggers between 1856 and 
 1858, and the country was given the name and the 
 status of a colony, its connections were with the United 
 States. Li 18G6 the colony of Vancouver Island and 
 that of British Columbia were united — the mainland 
 supplying the name and the island the seat of govern- 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIA.\ WEST 
 
 137 
 
 ment— but the new country was still virtually rcaohod 
 onlv from San Francisco. When in 1871 Britisli 
 Columbia was admitted into the Dominion it was with 
 the promise that the railway should be made. Its 
 representatives came to Ottawa after a sea-voyage to 
 San Francisco, followed by a weary journey across 
 tlie United States, and it was a case of Federation 
 under difficulties. Esi^uimalt Harl)our was the remotest 
 of all the stations of the British fleet, and this very 
 fact kept up the feeling of distance and of isolation. 
 The inaccessil)ility of the colony prevented all similarity 
 between it and the rest of British North America, but 
 Victoria, the capital, is a curiously English city. 
 
 British Columbia has a far laroer area than the 
 other Provinces of the Dominion, and will some day 
 be divided, if its northern country turns out to be as 
 capable of development as seems prol)able from what 
 is known of it. Roughly speaking, British Columbia 
 is of the size of New South Wales, or of France with 
 Italy, Holland, and Belgium. When the Canadian 
 Pacific line was finished its population, including Indians 
 and Chinese, was estimated at between GO, 000 and 
 90,000, but large portions of the interior are yet unex- 
 plored, and even the ranges crossed by the railway lie in 
 a country hardly trodden by the foot of man until the 
 exploring party which made the railway survey first 
 went over it. The mountain scenery which commences 
 on the railway within the boundary of All)erta, where 
 a large reserve has been made for a national park, is as 
 fine as any in the world ; and these mountains serve as 
 a barrier for British Columbia against the severe winter 
 cold of the continent to the east, and in the valleys 
 between the ranges, and upon the Pacific Slope, there 
 are not only vast tracts of magnificent forest land, but 
 
 VOL. I L 
 
'38 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AK r I 
 
 Coast 
 
 tOWDS. 
 
 also stretches of open itrairie, extremely fertile uikI well 
 adapted for farming. 8ome of the country in the valleys 
 has a climate sufficiently dry for the hind to require irri- 
 gation, but the lakes afford an unlimited supply of water 
 for that purpose. On the coast of the south part, lioth 
 of the mainland and of Vancouver Island, the climate 
 is one of the mildest and most equable in the world. 
 Victoria is an agreeable place for residence, but although 
 it has been favourably affected by the opening up of 
 the Province, it views with regret the rise of a rival on 
 the mainland at the terminus of the Canadian Pacific 
 railroad. Hitherto the only town of considerable size 
 upon the mainland had been New Westminster, which 
 was the seat of government during the short period 
 in which Britisli Columbia was an independent colony 
 separate from Vancouver Island ; but the railway has 
 left New Westminster upon one side, and has planted 
 at its terminus on llurrard Inlet a new city which has 
 l)een named Vancouver ; and the fact that V^ancouver is 
 not on Vancouver Island is likely to prove as great a 
 stumbling-block to the schoolboys of the future as the 
 anomaly that Washington City is not in Washington 
 State, or the fact that Mont Blanc is not in Switzer- 
 land. 
 
 The laying-out of the city of Vancouver has been 
 executed on so excellent a plan that the town deserves 
 to be cited as a striking exception to the ugliness of the 
 urban settlements of the Anglo-Saxon race. Its situa- 
 tion would take a good deal of spoiling, jDlaced as it is 
 on a gently rising peninsula with a background of forest, 
 while across an arm of the sea rise the soft outlines of a 
 magnificent mountain range. The site chosen is a good 
 one, not only as regards its picturesqueness, but also 
 from the points of view of commerce, of defence, and 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 THE CAXADIAX WEST 
 
 139 
 
 of natural drainage ; and Burrard Inlet is a landlocked 
 harbour 1 1 miles long and from 2^ to 3 miles Ijroad, 
 and one of those Sounds of which it is said that all the 
 navies of the world could ride within it. Vancouver — 
 tit that time Granville, and originally Gastown — was 
 destroyed by fire in the first months of its existence, 
 but has risen again rapidly from its ashes, and has now 
 a population of over 13,000 people. 
 
 Victoria is distant six hours' steam across the Straits, vancouv.i 
 The naval station at Es(]uimalt gives an official air to 
 the place exceeding that supplied by the seat of a 
 Provincial government and the residence of a local 
 Lieutenant-Governor. In the law courts both judges 
 and advocates wear the English forensic wig, British 
 Columbia being the only Province of the Dominion 
 where that custom is followed. On the other hand, 
 although there is a decorous British air about everything 
 in Victoria, the street scenes are less English than in 
 many other parts of British Xortli America, owing to 
 the presence of large numbers of Chinese and Indians. 
 Victoria shows no decadence through the rise of the 
 city of Vancouver. Much of the prosperity that the 
 railway is bringing to the western coast of the mainland 
 will travel over to the island, which admits of great 
 development. Vancouver Island ; practically unex- 
 plored, but is know^n to contain tracts of prairie ca})able 
 of producing wheat, while its forests will become of 
 value, as are already the coal mines of Nanaimo, north of Coai. 
 Victoria, and connected with it by railway. Both these 
 collieries and the still larger Wellington coal-fields are 
 close to the sea. Canada, which possesses, in Nova 
 Scotia on the Atlantic and in Vancouver Island on the 
 Pacific, two magnificent coaling stations, receives British 
 forces, as we have seen, for the defence of Halifax, and 
 
I40 
 
 PROHLEMS OF GREA TER BRITAIN 
 
 TAKI I 
 
 OciriKi-. desires to receive thorn for the defence of Vancouver 
 Island, but hns not l)een al)h^ to a^ree with the lionie 
 Government as to the latter station because the 
 I )omini()n contends that the mother - country should 
 defend it, as "Canada can do without it," and it is 
 needed for the British fleet. The (toal-shipping ])orts of 
 Nova Scotia, although not far off from the defended 
 Halifax, are themselves defenceless, and Vancouver 
 Island is not yet in a position of defence. The home 
 Government lately proposed a partnership between 
 Canada and the mother-country for its protection, and 
 some men who were to be sent out to form the nucleus 
 of the force, and to organise and train the local militia, 
 were to have been borne upon the Canadian rolls and paid 
 by the Dominion Government. The imperial Govern- 
 ment were prepared to find the armament, ammunition, 
 and submarine stores ; the Canadian Government provid- 
 ing the garrison, although marine artillerymen and 
 submarine miners were to have been sent from England 
 to instruct the force. The important armament, how- 
 ever, that was to have gone to Esquimalt was sent else- 
 where, the home Government stating that they did not 
 feel justified in keeping the guns in England to await the 
 completion of fortifications which were only in contem- 
 plation. The arrangement of June 1888 broke down, and 
 the arrangement of May 1889 broke down, and I fear 
 that the naval head(|uarters at Esquimalt are still inade- 
 quately defended ; that Burrard Inlet — the terminus of 
 the railway — is not defended at all ; and that the same 
 is the case with the coal mines themselves. It is hardly 
 necessary to point out the strategic importance of the 
 naval station at ^'ancouver Island, which w^ould inevit- 
 ably be attacked by Russia in the event of war unless 
 our naval predominance in the North Pacific were 
 
CllAI'. ill 
 
 THE CAXADIAX WEST 
 
 141 
 
 A 
 
 route. 
 
 tre 
 
 conii)letc. In tlie ('Mujuliau reply <>f .Inly 188i) Cannda 
 insisted on a British loivc l)eing maintained in the 
 Straits as a condition on wliieh ahjne tlie Dominion 
 couhl bnild Ibrtitieations. 
 
 Both the practical ntility Jind the military import- The 
 ance 01 the new du'cct communication witli tJie racitic ovL-riaii<i 
 coast turn upon the value of the road as a route l)etween 
 Great Britain and China and between the United 
 Kingdom and her Australasian colonies. As compared 
 with the journey by New York and San Francisco, the 
 distance from Liverpool by Halifax and Vancouver to 
 Yokohama or Shanghai is less by over 500 miles, while to 
 Auckland and to jNIoreton Bay the distance is about the 
 same ; and some arc inclined to see in the Canadian 
 Pacific line a binding force for the closer union of the 
 British Empire, For the first time in the history of 
 Greater Britain it is possible to travel from England to 
 Australia by an overland route (hi which that phrase, 
 from the proportion of land to sea on the passages, has 
 a real significance) without traversing a yard of soil not 
 British. As regards the route in time of peace, con- 
 sidered as a passenger route, the people from the 
 Australasian colonies who make excursions to the 
 mother-country are accustomed to luxurious accommoda- 
 tion and swift travelling, and although many Australians 
 have already taken advantage of the Pacific route, the 
 steamers running across the Pacific to Dominion soil are 
 hardly as yet, either in speed or comfort, of a class to 
 tempt travellers to choose it as against the Suez Canal. 
 The class of accommodation which they require is, 
 however, already provided on the passage across the 
 Atlantic and on the journey across the continent, rail- 
 way travelling on the Canadian Pacific line being more 
 comfortable than that on the American " roads," and the 
 
; ( 
 
 142 
 
 PROliUCMS OF GREATER 11 RITA L\ 
 
 I'Aki 1 
 
 impi'ovemL'iit ui»(>ii tin- I'licific Ih pretty Hurc to conit'. 
 Letters have been .sent from lOii^laiid to Vjineouver in 
 twelve clays; a time wliicli we shall doubtless soon see 
 redueed to ten. From there to Yokohama is under 
 4500 knots, which eventually will give the Suez (*anal 
 route but little elianee ; while the distance to Auck- 
 land from Vancouver is under 0300 knots, and that 
 to IJrisbane under G400, so that it is easy to see that 
 when swift ships are put on, this intercohniial line 
 will enter upon a serious competition with the route Ijy 
 the Suez Canal. The Canadian rojid, however, cannot 
 compete with the canal for the carriage of China tea to 
 Enu'land ; but the local freight tratKc between China 
 and Canada is on the increase, and there is hope of a 
 trade with Australia in Canadijui i)roduce, including 
 Vancouver Island timber and British Columbian salmon. 
 It is a question whether, in consecpience of the 
 completion of the railway, the naval station at 
 Esquimalt should be moved to Burrard Inlet. The 
 southern point of Vancouver Island, in the San Juan 
 Straits, at which Es(|uimalt stands, three miles to the 
 west of the city of Victoria, and nearer therefore to the 
 ocean, is very close to American territory, Victoria and 
 Esquimalt being immediately opposite the entrance to 
 Puget Sound — an almost landlocked arm of the sea 
 running due north and south, on the shores of which 
 some of the most important ports and cities of the 
 future of the whole United States are springing up. 
 Burrard Inlet has an entrance a few miles to the north 
 of the United States frontier, and just within the Sound 
 are the terminus of the transcontinental railway and the 
 city of Vancouver. When the naval station was first 
 established at Esquimalt, over thirty years ago, it was 
 in an isolated British colony, ftirther removed from 
 
CHAP. lit 
 
 THE C AN A 1)1 A. \ WEST 
 
 143 
 
 ^ 
 
 coinniuiiicatioii wiili Kn<;Iaii(l, rxcc'[)t llirmigli a foreign 
 country, tliaii Australia itself. At tlint time tlie settle- 
 ments on the Paeilie Slope of the I'nited States were 
 also far from the centres of ]>oj»uhiti()n in th.it 
 country, and the only praetie;il route to tlu-m was l»y 
 the Isthmus of l*an;inia. Russia again had a very 
 ditl'erent position on the I'acitie from that taken l>y her 
 now; and the city of Victoriji, small as it was, was the 
 only important British settlement on the North Pju'itic, 
 there being no large town upon the mainland. It is 
 impossible to conceive a shar[)er contrast than that 
 which is to l)e found in the present condition of this 
 portion of the Pacific coast. San Francisco has become 
 a city of the first rank; Seattle and other towns in the 
 extreme north-west of the old territory of the United 
 States are rising fast, and Russia has a i)owerful 
 squadron in Pacific waters. These facts alone would 
 have greatly altered the conditions even without the 
 opening of the Canadian Pacifi(; road, which has brought 
 our North Pacific station within twelve chiys' post of 
 England, and is phinting a popuhition upon the main- 
 land of Ihitish Columl)ia. In favour of Esquimalt the 
 home Government urge that a d dock has been 
 completed there at great cost, and should not be 
 abandoned without the strongest reasons, while Esqui- 
 malt is not subject to a land attack from the United 
 States, and they look upon Burrard Inlet as a dangerous 
 trap in which our fieet might possibly be one day caught. 
 On the other hand, it is pointed out by many Canadian 
 authorities that the dockyard and dry dock at EsquinuUt 
 are on an unprotected spit exposed to the fire of any 
 passing ship. Even if Esquimalt were made impreg- 
 nable it could not prevent the seizure, Ijy a land force, 
 of the terminus of the railway, or, if we had not local 
 
hi 
 
 144 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 supremacy at sea, of tlie coal mines by a naval expedition. 
 Stress is laid iip^' ^lie fact that Burrard Inlet possesses 
 a fine harboui. adapted for a naval establishment 
 
 and a coaling station. It is also nearer to the Nanaimo 
 coal mines than is Esquimalt, and independent of even 
 that supply owing to its communication with the mines 
 on the mainland. As a matter of fact, however, if 
 Canada were as inclined to protect herself as is Australia, 
 she Avould have amply defended both Esquimalt and 
 Burrard Inlet. 
 
 For a good many years to come a land attack upon 
 Burrard Inlet must be improbable, inasmuch as between it 
 and the American frontier there is only one road — a forest 
 track impassable for artillery; and there are two rivers to 
 be crossed, of which one is the Fraser, not bridged in the 
 lower portion of its course. Almost the whole Canadian 
 Pacific Raihvay lies more open to attack from the American 
 frontier than does its terminus at Burrard Inlet, but 
 while the risk from organised attack must everywhere 
 be great, the danger from mere raiders is not of so extreme 
 a nature as is commonly supposed. There is no bridge or 
 other structure between Montreal and the Columbia river 
 — nearly 2500 miles, which, in the event of its destruction, 
 could not be replaced by a temporary structure over 
 which trains could pass within two days, unless, indeed, 
 the spot were h(.'ld in force by a hostile army. From 
 the Columbia to the Fraser river bridge there are half a 
 dozen structures which would require from five to ten 
 days to replace, but these are on a section of the line 
 which lies far to the north, within the mountains, and 
 are, like the terminus itself, practically inaccessible to 
 mere raiders. Given the fact that the Canadian Pacific 
 line has little to fear from raids across the border, although 
 doubtless exposed in its prairie and eastern portions to 
 
 I 
 
^» 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIAN WEST 
 
 145 
 
 attack by an organised force, it may be taken into 
 consideration as a means for the rapid transit of troops 
 except in the case of a war with the United States. 
 Troof)s could be sent from Halifax to V^ancouver in 
 from six and a half to seven days, and the line has 
 tlie means of providing at short notice trains furnished 
 with baggage and accoutrement cars, and provision and 
 kitchen cars sufficient to allow 5000 troops landed at 
 Halifax on a Monday morning to be at Vancouver on the 
 next Monday ; while field artillery and cavalry in small 
 numbers could be sent across in eight days. The largest 
 guns can be taken over the line, but two weeks' notice 
 is required in the case of guns over 30 tons. On the 
 other hand, there is liability to delay in winter from the 
 snow, but the risk is not considerable, as through the 
 winter of 1888-89 the majority of the trains from 
 Montreal to Vancouver were exactly punctual, and the 
 greatest detention from snow was two hours in a journey 
 of nearly six days. 
 
 The only peculiarities of the Canadian Far West are 
 to l)e found in the presence of large numbers of Chinese, 
 and in the nature of the Provincial taxation of British 
 Columbia. At the date of the opening of the Canadian 
 Pacific line the number of Chinese in British Columbia 
 was calculated to be about 25,000, of whom 3000 were 
 in the city of Victoria. The local legislature of a Pro- 
 vince has, under the British North America Act, no 
 jurisdiction in respect of relations with foreign powers. 
 A section of that Act indeed gives to Provincial leoisla- 
 tures the power to make laws regulating immigration, 
 but these powers are expressly limited so as in no way 
 to interfere with those of the Dominion Parliament. 
 The British Columbian legislature, taking the same 
 course as had previously been taken in the United 
 
 Tlie 
 Chinese. 
 
.46 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER li RITA IX 
 
 I'AKi' I 
 
 ; ! 
 
 IS 
 
 , 
 
 States and in our Australian colonics, on several occa- 
 sions passed resolutions denouncing the Chinese, and 
 soliciting the Parliament of Canada to enact a law pro- 
 liihitino- their incoming; indeed at one time local leois- 
 lation, ofdou1)tful legality, upon the matter became the 
 subject of a decision by the Courts, In 1884 there was 
 appointed a Dominion Commission of inquiry which 
 found that the great body of white inhal)itants did not 
 wish for the removal of the Chinese already established ; 
 that their presence did not prevent an immigration of a 
 good class of white settlers, and had not an injurious 
 effect upon the labour market ; and that the moral and 
 sanitary dangers attributed to Chinese immigration were 
 exaggerated ; but the Commission recommended that, as 
 regarded further accession to the Chinese population, 
 moderate restrictive powers should be obtained and made 
 use of. The consequence of these recommendations has 
 been that, while the Chinese are prohibited from entering 
 the United States and some of our Southern colonies, 
 they can enter the Dominion on payment of a license 
 fee. The result of the prohibition in force in the United 
 States has been to largely increase the influx of Chinese 
 to British Columbia, and a considerable proportion of 
 the newcomers smuggle themselves across the American 
 frontier. There are in British Columl.ua boot and shoe 
 factories employing Chinese labour, to which I shall 
 allude in my chapter on the Protection of Native In- 
 dustries. The building of the Canadian Pacific line has 
 had some bearing on the recent attitude of the Dominion 
 towards the question, both during construction, when a 
 large amount of C hinese labour was employed ui)on the 
 railway, and since its completion, for it was pointed out 
 that it would lie futile to open up a new road of com- 
 munication with China, and then to prohibit a large 
 
CHAT. Ill 
 
 THE CANADIAX WEST 
 
 147 
 
 11- 
 ;is 
 )ii 
 
 lici 
 
 n- 
 i'e 
 
 
 l)roportioii of the resulting traffic. Impartial testimony 
 from Canada shows that the Chinese are not only a hard- 
 working, but a quiet and an honest people. They are now 
 beginning to find their way to some of the larger cities 
 of eastern Canada. Their chief calling in the towns is 
 that of laundrymen, but they also make excellent 
 gardeners, cooks, and waiters ; and the most determined 
 opponents of immigration in Canada themselves acknow- 
 ledge that as yet there need be no limitation put upon the 
 importation of domestic servants, for which class there 
 is a demand greatly in excess of the supply. At the same 
 time, in the Dominion Franchise Act, the expression 
 "person" means any male person including an Indian, 
 and excluding a person of Mongolian or Chinese race. 
 Australian example shows that it is impossible to strictly 
 confine the Chinese to merely domestic work, and it is 
 possible that the power of the trade unions will ultimate!}' 
 assert itself in Canada, as in Australia, against the Chinese, 
 and cause a stop to be put to their immigration, as 
 may be done, without further legislation, by use of the 
 Viceroy's powers. The Knights of Labour organisation 
 is being tried as a means of ridding British Columbia of 
 the presence of the Chinese, after the plan that has been 
 pursued in the adjoining American State of "Washington. 
 
 There has lately been introduced into British 
 Columbia a local system of Provincial taxation which 
 is remarkable for establishing a poll-tax, of three dollars 
 a head, on every resident of the Province except clergy- 
 men of the various denominations. 
 
 The Select Committee of the House of Commons on 
 colonisation had before it on two occasions in 1889 a 
 gentleman, calling himself "Colonisation Commissi<mer " 
 from British Columbia, who proposed a scheme for taking 
 out 1250 crofter fiimilies from Caithness and the neigh- 
 
 The Hritish 
 C'oluiiibiau 
 systLMii of 
 I'rovincial 
 taxation. 
 
 Iiiuiiiiira- 
 
 tinu 
 
 sclieines. 
 
148 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREA TER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 boiirliood to Vanconvcr Island at a cost of £150,000, 
 which was to be advanced by the imperial Government 
 on a guarantee of repayment from the Province ; but 
 it is to be hoped that the Committee will support the 
 Treasury in the objections which the latter raise to the 
 financial provisions of the scheme. 
 Conclusion. We may find in the Australian chapters political 
 developments more interesting than are to be met with 
 in Canada even in the working of the Dominion federal 
 system, interesting as that is. But, however beautiful 
 may be New Zealand or Tasmania, the English traveller 
 round the world cannot leave without reorct the oreat 
 northern British country, with her Atlantic and Pacific 
 coasts alike remarkable for noble harbours, for shores 
 and rivers teeming with fish, backed by an interioi- 
 traversed by unrivalled waterways. At either end of 
 Canada are dark forests yielding the best timber in 
 the world ; in the centre, prairies producing the finest 
 of all wheats where till lately were only winter snows 
 and summer flowery swards; in the west -centre the 
 grandest of snowy peaks ; and at each end and in the 
 middle of her great iron way inexhaustible coal-realms of 
 the yet undethroned steam king. The one drawback, if 
 Canada desires to remain unabsorbed by the neighbouring 
 Republic, is the absence of sufficient means for defending 
 all these treasures in the event of war. 
 
 1' 
 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES, CANADA, AND THE WEST INDIES 
 
 In entering upon a necessarily Itrief examination of 
 the present and prol)able future relations between the 
 two English - speaking communities upon the North 
 American continent I should remind my reader of the 
 considerable constitutional difference Ijetween Canada 
 and the United States, in spite of there being in each of 
 the two countries a supreme Federal Government com- 
 prehending a union of States or Provinces. In Canada, 
 as has been shown, all powers are held by the Federal 
 Government excepting those delegated to the Provincial 
 legislatures, and both Dominion and Provincial powers 
 proceed from the Crown. In the United States the 
 presumption is that, where the law is silent, power in 
 any given matter belongs to the State, but the sovereign 
 States have delegated certain powers to the Federal 
 Government, and all powers proceed originally from the 
 people, while the Federal Government is unable l)y the 
 constitution, did it wish to do so, to confer titles, to 
 establish or give a preference to a particular creed, or to 
 restrict the liberty of the press, of speech, or of public 
 meeting. In Canada the Provinces have no militia, 
 as the States of the Union have, l)ut the militia belongs 
 to the Dominion ; and while, on the other hand, in the 
 United States there are no subsidies ammally paid by 
 
 Dissiiiii 
 l.u'itifs 
 
 iK'tWl'L'll 
 
 Caiiaila ami 
 tli(! UiiiU'il 
 Stat.'s. 
 
IiO 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER FIRITAIX 
 
 VART I 
 
 j! ).t 
 
 ■ y 
 
 \ '•. 
 
 \ \ 
 
 ■( 1/ 
 
 the Federal Government to tlic States, in Canada there 
 are such subsidies paid out of Dominion revenue to 
 each Province — a system \vhi('h it is sometimes proposed 
 to introduce into the United States constitution for the 
 purpose of facilitating the introduction of British North 
 America to the Union. 
 
 Leaving political for racial resemblances or distinc- 
 tions, 1 am struck, in considering Canada and the United 
 States, with the similarity of their component parts 
 and the difference of the result. It is true that in 
 the United States the Irish-born element is stronger 
 in proportion to the English and Scotch-born than is 
 the case in Canada, but there arc more German-born 
 people in the United States than there arc Irish, and 
 the mixture of the Irish and German races is jDroducing 
 a people physically very like the English. JNIoreover, 
 the English, Scotch, and Welsh immigrants to the 
 United States are rapidly gaining upon the Irish, and, 
 while the numljer of the Irish-born in the United States 
 is slightly on the decrease, the numl^er of those born 
 in other parts of the United Kingdom who inhal)it 
 that country is increasing fast. The negro element, 
 large in the United States, and predominant in the 
 British West Indies, is almost non-existent in Canada, 
 but it cannot be said at present to greatly affect 
 American Federal affairs, and it does not mix with 
 the remainder of the population. While, however, the 
 white race is, substantially speaking, in its origin the same 
 upon the two sides of the border, climate, or soil, or 
 institutions, or manner of life, have produced remarkable 
 dissimilarities of type which must strike every observer 
 of the countries. Even if we put out of consideration 
 the French Roman Catholic population of Canada, 
 the superficial dissimilarity between the English 
 
 V 
 
CIIAI'. IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 III 
 
 Ciuijuliiuis and their Americjiu iieigliliours across the 
 Itorder is reinarkal)le. If we compare, for instance, the 
 inhabitants of the .Maritime Provinces and (Jntario with 
 the New Englanders or rnral in]ial)itants of New York 
 State, we find that, ahhoiiLili the Ontario men mav differ 
 in some slioiit detjree from the Nova Scotians (their 
 difference being, however, no more than is found to exist 
 in adjacent counties in Enghmd), they diti'er from the 
 inhabitant of Elaine or of \'ermont, who is close upon 
 their border, in accent, intonation, and choice of hmguage, 
 as much as does a Cornishman from a Lowhind Scot. 
 Nevertlieless tliey often descend from a common ancestry 
 of less than a century and a half ago. On the other 
 hand, the similarity of American to American is becoming 
 daily more marked throughout the Union — the Cali- 
 fornian growing like the New Yorker, who is separated 
 from him by a distance as great as the ])readth of the 
 Atlantic, and the Texan like th(^ inhabitant of the Dakotas. 
 Canadians from the border are more like English 
 Afrikanders, or Victorians, or Englishmen of the old 
 country, than they are like Americans of the United 
 States, and this although in Canadian society there is 
 less of the mere imitation of English fasliionsand pursuits 
 than is found in those wealthy American centres that 
 follow the lead of New l^ork. When a Canadian hunts a 
 fox it is generally l)ecause his father hunted with the 
 garrison or his grandfother hunted in the old country ; 
 but when an " American Angiomaniac " rides after a 
 drag, and arrays himself in scarlet so to do, it is because 
 he fancies the practice English. The main reason of the 
 difference which exists between Englishmen, whether in 
 Canada or in our Australian or other colonies, and the 
 Americans of the United States is, I am convinced, 
 to be found in the circumstances under which the old 
 
152 
 
 PA'0/iLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 'IViKk-iicy 
 of the 
 Caiiadiiuis 
 to look 
 across the 
 border. 
 
 colonies of Aniurioa were fir.st founded. To tliose who 
 have studied tlie American " coh^nial " portraits of the 
 first half of the last century, it must seem possible that 
 the American peculiarities had heeu evolved before the 
 separation from Great liritain. The revolution oave 
 public form to a sharp distinction which had alreadv 
 grown up, and the type which existed l)ef()re Washington 
 has Ijeen imposed, by the strong individuality and 
 character of the American people, upon the Irish and 
 other settlers who in vast numbers have gradually 
 drifted into their midst. The Mississippi vjdley in the 
 first place, and the North West later, have themselves 
 been colonised mainly from New England, and the 
 moral and pliysical features which are predominant 
 throughout the United States are of the old JMassa- 
 chusetts type. The New England character was formed 
 by emigration for the sake of religion, and by conflict 
 with nature under a harsh climate and upon a sterile 
 soil, and the granite state of New Hampshire and its 
 equally " dour " neighbours have sent out into the West 
 a granitic people. 
 
 The tendencies which, in spite of such dissimilarities, 
 are to be found in certain quarters in Canada towards a 
 closer connection with the United States are political, 
 or rest upon actual or fancied interests, and are not to 
 be ascribed to social or sentimental causes. There is a 
 widespread feeling in the Dominion that, although the 
 new nation seems vigorous and healthy, it is somewhat 
 "out of sorts." Nothing is hopelessly wrong with 
 Canada. It has the vitality of a young country, and 
 the undeveloped power that lies in its territories is 
 immense ; liut Canadians think (little as they have spent 
 or borrowed as compared with prosperous Australia) that 
 they have borrowed and spent a great deal of money of 
 
CIIAI'. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 'J.i 
 
 late years, and tliat the results of the cxpeiulituro arc not 
 yet siitHcieiitly apparent. The coniniert'ial situation of 
 Canada under tlie so-railed Niitional, or proteetive, policy 
 of Sir John Macdonald continually affords an opportunity 
 for unfa\'oural)le criticism and for the suggestion of 
 radical remedies as a tonic. One set of pi'oph; very 
 naturally prescribe absolute freedom of trade, acconi- 
 [)anie<l by direct taxation ; another set, imperial customs 
 union, more or less complete ; another, a re-adjustment 
 of the tariff on behalf of infant industries, with 
 higher duties upon certain classes of goods and free 
 admission of others. Another ascribes the mahidy 
 of the country to the predominance of the Roman 
 Catholic religion ; and it is not to be wondered at that 
 a large section look across the frontier to the United 
 States, and find in the prosperity of that country a 
 reason for associating with its future, in a greater or less 
 degree, the fortunes of the Dominion, 
 
 It must not Ije supposed that a majority of the Cana- Kxto 
 
 tent Mini 
 
 dians hold these last-named views. Allusion has been oi this ' 
 made in tlie second chapter to the fact that, while the '^'""''-'"'■•^• 
 majority in the Dominion Parliament is in favour of 
 tlu! " National " policy of Sir John JMacdonakl, in the 
 Provincial legislatures, elected virtually by the same con- 
 stituencies, the majority belongs to the Federal Opposi- 
 tion. This fact shows that, while the public sentiment 
 throughout the Dominion, outside Quebec, is Liberal 
 or Radical, or at least progressive, some of the electors 
 who support Liberals in Pro\'incial legislatures are 
 inclined, through a sentiment of Canadian nationality, 
 to give Sir John jNlacdonald a free hand at Ottawa. 
 j\[oreover, the chief function of an Opposition is to 
 criticise, and, inasmuch as Sir John Macdonald, with 
 that parliamentary astuteness which marks liis character, 
 
 VOL. I iM 
 
•54 
 
 PROni.KStS OF ORE A TRR HRITAIN 
 
 lART I 
 
 Political 
 
 union 
 
 witliL'nited 
 
 Statis. 
 
 : 
 
 has formed liis Cabinet of men re[)re.sentin_L;" eveiy sliade 
 of opinion in domestic or Provincial mutters, the ( )[)po- 
 sition are almost driven to find their battlefields in 
 criticism of the "National" ])oli(;y of his Government. 
 At the same time they are afraid to declare themselves 
 free traders, on account of the interests which have grown 
 up under a system of high duties, and indeed pledged 
 themselves to Protection just before the last general elec- 
 tion. The Dominion Opposition are therefore as it were 
 forced to suggest, with a view to the re-invigoration of 
 their country, or the ejection from ottice of Sir John 
 Macdonald, remedies which arc apt to be misunderstood. 
 The suggested changes in relations with tiie United 
 States fall under one or other of the three heads of 
 unlimited reciprocity, commercial union, and complete 
 or political union. As to the last, it may be said at 
 once that the Lil)eral Opposition at Ottawa repudiate 
 the idea, and that in the ])ominion there are but 
 few persons in responsible positions, and but a small 
 section of the electorate, who are open advocates of 
 annexation or absorption by the United States. ]\Ir. 
 Goldwin Smith indeed objects to the word " al)sorp- 
 tion," and speaks of eventual "union" between Canada 
 and the United States ; but a union between five 
 millions and more than sixty millions of people couhl 
 hardly be a union upon e(pial terms, and although 
 Canadian population will fast grow, it will no more 
 catch up that of the United States than does the age 
 of a younger catch up that of an elder brother. It 
 is a curious fact that most Canadians are inclined 
 to think themselves more free than they would be 
 were they citizens of the United States. In the 
 case of annexation or absorption the democracy of 
 Ontario would have but little weight at Washington, 
 
I 
 
 (1 
 
 1 
 
 CIIAl'. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 '55 
 
 wliile uudcr tlio existing system it is (loniiii;iiit at 
 (jttiiwa, except ill eeelesiiistiefil Ji flairs, Tlu; power of 
 tile President and the ;d»senee of Ministeriiil responsi- 
 bility to ( V)n<»Te3S are features of tlie American federal 
 system wliicii are not rej^iirded with favour upon the 
 Canadian side of the border line. Hut increased trade 
 faeilities for Canad;i, and a better market, are ideas 
 as popular, as union with the United States is, at all 
 events for the moment, the reverse. 
 
 Unrestricted reciprocity is no new policy with the inn- 
 Canadian Liberals. Before the elections of 1878 the neiiiro-ity. 
 policy of the ]Mackenzie Government was free trade 
 between Canada and the United States, combined, 
 doubtless, with Protection against the world, which 
 was apparently thought consistent with free -trade 
 opinions, for J\Ir. JMackenzie has been since 1875 one of 
 four Canadian members of the Cobden Club (two of the 
 others beincf Sir Richard Cartwright and Mr. Gold win 
 Smith). This was the remedy ])roposed in a period of 
 distress ; and to the fact that Sir John Macdonald at 
 that time formulated, as a rival remedy, the policy of 
 increased Protection, known as the National policy, is 
 due the defeat of the Liberal party. Since 1878 
 Canada has made much prcjgress, and although there 
 is at least room for doubt whether even greater rapidity 
 of advance might not have been secured under com- 
 plete free trade, a majority of the voters seem inclined 
 to think that the progress has been in a considerable 
 measure the result of the protective policy. Manu- 
 factures haye undoubtedly grown up under Protection ; 
 the Canadian Pacific Railway has been built ; and the 
 Canadian North West has been thrown open for settle- 
 ment, although that settlement might, indeed, have 
 been better promoted by free trade The Liberal 
 
 ii 
 
 u 
 
156 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART 1 
 
 jMirty, under .Mr. liiiuiitr, Sir liicluinl Curtwriolit, ami 
 ]\ri'. A. (J. Jones, liMs tn justify its existence. Its mem- 
 bers point to the tulmloiisly <i^reiit increase of popiilatiim 
 in i\Iinnesota and North Dakota as compared witli that 
 in the neinidjourinu; parts of (*anada. Tliey say, too, 
 that in twenty yeai's the Dominion liaa trebled her 
 debt, trel)led her taxation, and added Init 30 per cent 
 to her po}adation. Tliey empliasise the fact that 
 althou;j;h, even in Ontario, Cjinada. has territory superior 
 in tlieir o])inion to any hind in the Tnited States, 
 there is an increasing' exodus of Canadians across the 
 border, and tliey seem confident that unrestricted free 
 trade with the United States wouhl renuidy all these real 
 or jtretended evils. There is, however, a ditHculty in 
 establishing unlimited r('ci[)rocity, namely, that ever 
 since a period some time anterior to the lapse, through 
 American action, of the old Reciprocity Treaty in 18GG, 
 the set of American opinion has been against unrestricted 
 intercourse, and there is little doul)t, in spite of occa- 
 sional all but unanimous resolutions of Congress, that 
 the United States will continue to decline it as a one- 
 sided bargain. The American protectionists hold that 
 the Canadians would ol)tain by rciprocity a free market 
 of sixty-one million people for their raw nuiterial in 
 cxcliange for a. free markt't of five million people for 
 the American nuinufacturer ; and they l)elieve that the 
 American markets would be flooded with British ooods 
 imported through Canada, with the result of a break- 
 down of the American revenue system, 
 conuiier- The last Consideration which I have mentioned has 
 
 cuii union. ^^-^ ^^^ Canadian advocates of free intercourse with the 
 United States to see that there is no hope of their 
 obtaining unrestricted reciprocity without discriminat- 
 ing against the goods of other countries, until indeed 
 
 I 
 
I 
 
 CIIAI'. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 '57 
 
 I 
 
 the I'liitetl Statos Jire prcpiinMl to sco their u(lviintii«5e 
 ill tVeo trade with the wliulc worhl. They advoeatc 
 (^onimercial union, inid tlie i(h'a li;is made \va\' iinion^ 
 tlie chiHsr'iS intere.stecl in auricnlture, in tindter, and in 
 tislieries, \\\\ (•!' whom h>ok cawrlv for the American 
 market. Tlicrc are, however, stupen(h>us dillienlties in 
 the way of that eonnnei'cial uiuon wliieli is pi-oposed 
 by Mr. (loldwin Smith. ItH first result wouM he 
 the destruction of the ])rotected industries of the 
 I)(3niinion. Moreover, it is not only a lar<;e class of 
 Canadians who are opposed to that destruction. ( )ne 
 result of the policy of levying protective duties against 
 the United States has been that throughout the eastern 
 parts of Canada American c;i])italists liave established 
 branches of their manufactories, and these would ])e 
 extinguished by commercial union. Some who favour 
 commercial union are, like JMr. (Joldwin Smith, free 
 traders, but think that free trade throughout the Ameri- 
 can continent is worth obtaining, even at the cost of a 
 protectionist policy as against countries outside that area, 
 including the mother-country, while some of those who 
 advocate the same view are theoretical jn'otectionists. 
 There is also another cross division of parties among them, 
 as some of them desire to see the connection with Great 
 Britain conthiue, whereas others, few and scattered, desire 
 ccmmiercial as a first step towards political union. 
 
 It is contended by the opponents of commercial 
 union that it would necessarily lead to complete or 
 political union, for Ottawa would otherwise be allowed 
 no voice in regulating the common tariff of the two 
 countries. Canada would agree to take a percentage of 
 the gross customs revenue collected at the seaboard, but 
 the tariff would be fixed at Washington. The Dominion 
 would become commercially dependent upon the United 
 

 158 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 r.AKT 1 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 States, and could liardly contiiuio to bo politically 
 dependent upon CJreat Britain while admitting American 
 goods free and proliil)iting the importation of many 
 classes of British goods. The majority, indeed, of Cana- 
 dian writers and politicians believe that commerci;d would 
 sooner or later be followed by political union. This is 
 the opinion of nearly all those who are op})osed to taking 
 the first step, as well as of some of those who advocate 
 It, although these look upon annexation as far off. Others 
 of the advocates of commercial are determined to resist 
 political union. There is as yet, as I have shown, 
 no annexation })arty in Canada. There are, however, 
 from time to time momentary ebullitions of discontent 
 at temporary grievances, which take the form of 
 an expression of desire for union with the laiited 
 States, l)ut they arc in fact only manifestations of 
 dis ..itent at incidents of the existing order of things, 
 and are not serious proposals for absorption. Strong- 
 Protestants in Ontario have made such demonstrations, 
 called forth ])y "Jesuit ascendency"; others have been 
 caused by the railway grievances of Manitoba ; but, 
 taking the country through, Canada does not desire 
 poliLicai union. During the hot discussion on the Jesuit 
 Bill, threats of helping to procure al)sorption were 
 made indeed upon both sides. C'ertain descendants 
 of the United Empire Ijoyalists, who came to Canada 
 to be away from repul)lican rule, threatened to return 
 straightway to that Government, and cfpially loud 
 protestations of the desire for annexation came also 
 from the fiercer men amono- that French Roman Catholic 
 population, who as a fact would cling to British rule 
 after those of Biitish orioin had turned aoajust 
 it. These manifestations were not, in my belief, 
 seriously intended upon either side. The prevail- 
 
 \ 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 159 
 
 ini;' popiiliir seiitimeiit of (Jauuila asks with Mr. Talou- 
 Lt'S[H''raiice — 
 
 "Shall wo liiuak tliu jili^lit ol' vdiith, 
 And i>lf(li,'L' us to an alien lnve I" 
 
 And re]»lios also witli him — 
 
 " r.iitaiii lioro us in her Hank, 
 
 I'.ntain nursed us at our liirth, 
 llritaiu I'eared us to our rank 
 '.Mid the nations of tlu> earth." 
 
 It wouhl ii(»t {t])pear thtit across the Ijorder tliere is reeling in 
 any strong feeling in ftivour of annexation. Too much states. 
 stress ought not to be hi id u]>on oectisiontd suggestions 
 of resohitions in Congress, or upon newspaper utter- 
 ances, u})()n this point. When things tire dull the 
 tmnexation of Canadti nitikes an excellent headline, but 
 the resolutions and the articles have the op])osite effect 
 in Canada from that tipptirently intended by their 
 iiuthors, jis the Cantidians resent being thus disposed of 
 l)y their neighbours, and return the compliment by 
 [)repiiring Bills for the admission of the New England 
 States to the Dominion. Americtin statesmen as a rule 
 thiidv that their country is big enough tis it is, and 
 wire-pulling politicians are not tinxious to disloctitc the 
 present balance of politictil power by the admission of a 
 number of new States containino- a larffc French Roman 
 C^atholic eleuK .d. Although there are Americans of the 
 Hepublictiii ])arty who think that Cantida would counter- 
 balance the " Solid South," there are other Americans who 
 consider that the existing status of Ctmada is a pledge 
 of peace between Great Jh'itain and the United Sttites. 
 They think that En<;land is restrained from declaring war 
 with the United States, under occtisiontil provocation, 
 bectmse she is aware that such an act would involve 
 the loss of the greater part of Cantidti by invasion, 
 
 1 
 
! <i 
 
 1 60 
 
 PROnLE}rS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 t 
 
 1 I'' 
 
 ! f 
 
 ';l 
 
 Causes for 
 clieei-t'ul- 
 ness in 
 Canaila, 
 
 find tlicy believe tliat were Canada, after a war, to Ije 
 annexed l)y the United States, England would pr()l)al)ly 
 retain Giuraltars at Halifax and Vancouver Island, which 
 would form a constant source of iri'itation between the 
 countries. It is often said by them that the Canadian 
 frontier is a good insurance against the bombardment 
 by British Heets of American hai'bours along five or six 
 thousand miles of coast. The argument is, however, 
 a little fanciful, l^ecause the provocations wliicli are 
 received by Great l^ritain from the United States 
 almost invariably concern Canadian interests, as for 
 example in the fisheries of the JNlaritime Provinces or 
 of Behring Sea. The American Senator Hoar, who has 
 made the best speech tliat I have found among those 
 delivered by Americans in favour of the absor])tion of 
 Canada in the United States, has declared that if Canada 
 comes into the Union it must be of her own accord when 
 she finds that hostile tariffs cannot l)e maintained along- 
 such a frontier as both countries become filled, and that 
 commercial union is impracticable. Senator Sherman, 
 the loudest annexationist in the United States, has 
 spoken as fiercely against reciprocity with Canada as 
 has his brother-senator and brothcr-annexationist against 
 commercial union. 
 
 The argument in favour (^f commercial union or 
 annexation, which is drawn from a contrast between the 
 countries on either side the border line, is perhaps un- 
 reasonable. Althouo;h Canada is of the si/e of the 
 United States, a portion of its territories is found in 
 ever -frozen Arctic lands, and those arguments are 
 fallacious which are liased on a comparison of the entire 
 area with that of the United States, lying wholly 
 in a temperate zone, with the exception of the outlying 
 possession of Alaska. If some adjacent territories be 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 '■\ 
 
 \^ 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 i6i 
 
 compared — Nova 8(*otia uiid New Jji'iinswick with 
 Maine, (Quebec with New Ilanipsliire an<l A'^ci-moiit, 
 Ontario with western New York, tlic Territories witli 
 Montana and Idalio — the eom])arison is not diseoiirag- 
 ing-, for it must be l)orne in mind that Canada's North 
 West was not opened up by I'ailway communication 
 until lono- after the North West of tlie United States, 
 It is sometimes said that jManitoba and Dakota started 
 side by side eighteen years ago on ecjual terms, and tliat 
 the two Dakotas liave now five times tlie population of tlie 
 Canadian Province ; l)ut long before the so-called start of 
 Dakota tlie American N(jrtli West had l)een opened up as 
 far as the eastern and southern boundaries of that district, 
 whereas the limits of known Canada lay far eastward of 
 Manitoba. A country of the rich resources of INIanitoba 
 and the 'iV'rritories must soon attract a sufficient poj^tu- 
 lation now that the railway communication from ocean 
 to ocean has been made tlirough it, and it is probable 
 that these fertile lands will become the wealth-centre of 
 the Dominion, and communicate to the whole of it a new 
 pros2)erity. It is, as I have said, sometimes asserted that 
 the only possil)le paths for Canada lead to annexation, to 
 independence, or to Imperial Federation with a limited 
 customs union; l)ut I cannot myself see any reason 
 why Canada, if she takes those reasonable steps for her 
 own defence which are a condition of the existence of a 
 self-respecting nation, should not, if she so wishes, work 
 out a prosperous destiny for herself under her present 
 relations with the British Crown. Canadian opinion is 
 so set upon J'rotection tliat it is useless to argue that 
 the wiser commercial policy for Canada might Ije that 
 which she seems the least likely to ado])t, namely, one 
 of unrestricted free trade. Canada is and will be mainly 
 an agricultural country, and ought, one would suppose. 
 
1 62 
 
 PROBLEMS OF ORE A TER BRITAIN 
 
 TAKr 1 
 
 Fisheries. 
 
 to promote the sale of her jiroduce to the best advantage, 
 and tlie su[)[)]y in return for it, for her agricultural 
 population, of the cheapest goods that can be procured. 
 But, whctiier under a system of Protection or under a 
 system of free trade, Canada, if she pleases, can, in an 
 international sense, keep matters as they are. 
 
 1 have named the fishery disputes between Great 
 Britain and the United States, with the details of which 
 it is unnecessary that my readers should be burdened. 
 The question on the Atlantic coast is one which only 
 affects a, portion of the seiiljoard, and has little interest 
 for the IJominion at large except as a matter of n;itional 
 sentiment ; while to the United States it is an infini- 
 tesimal matter, which concerns only a handful of New 
 England fishermen in a pojndation of sixty millions. It 
 was certain that the breakdown of the Keciprocity 
 system between Canada and the United States would 
 lead to a revival of that antagonism upon the fisheries 
 question which had in fact preceded Reciprocity. 
 Canada was certain once more to enforce her view of 
 the provisions of existing treaties, which had never 
 been easy to interpret, and had so long been dormant 
 as to have become forgotten, while the United States 
 were certain to resent such action. The abrogation first 
 of the Recdprocity Treaty and then of the Fishery Articles 
 of the Treaty of Washington had once more brought the 
 relations of Canada and the United States under the 
 stipulations of 1818, and there was a difterence of 
 opinion between Canada and the United States as to the 
 powers of the Canadian Government under the first 
 article of the Convention. The nesjotiations which took 
 place between Mr. Chaml)erlain and the United States 
 plenipotentiaries in the winter of 1887-88 led, as is 
 known, to an agreement and a treaty as well as to a 
 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 CANADA 
 
 163 
 
 modus civouU, and altlioiioh the treaty was aecej)ted in 
 Canada and Newfoundland it was not ratified by tlio 
 United States ; but the modus vivendl lias prevented 
 fresh troubles upon tlio Atlantic coast. On the other 
 hand, the Jiehring Sea question, in which the United 
 States have succeeded to the "rights" of Russia, against 
 which they had formerly protested, was not dealt with, 
 and remains open — the United States apparently main- 
 taining on their Pacific coast the opposite principles from 
 those on which they act on the Atlantic side, and 
 m;ikini>- the claim for treatini; the waters adioininL!; their 
 coasts and islands as territorial waters, which they dis- 
 pute upon the Atlantic coast when made on a smaller 
 scale by Canada. It is probably, the case that the 
 Americans have deliberately raised the Fisheries question 
 in Behring Sea in order to In-ing home to the Canadians 
 the American ol)jections to the course with regard to 
 fisheries pursued by the colonists in recent years upon 
 the Athmtic side. The authorities of Nova Scotia, 
 before the Reciprocity Treaty of 18;"54, used to draw a 
 line from headland to headland, and then claimed the 
 right to exclude the Americans from l)ays, however wide 
 the entrance; and although the extreme assertion of the 
 headlands view has now been given up, the Americans 
 resent it in every shape, and, if they are giving it a 
 great extension in Behring Sea by showing a disposition 
 to treat the whole of that sea as consisting of territorial 
 waters, this may be done in order to force our hand. 
 The Americans have little idea of suti'cring themselves 
 to be driven by Canadian legislation into a revival of 
 the Reciprocity Treaty, which they consider to have 
 been one-sided, and they arc content therefore to be 
 excluded from the territorial or inshore fisheries, because 
 they will not pay the price which they formerly paid 
 
1/ 
 
 V n 
 
 164 
 
 PROBLEMS or GREATER BR ITALY 
 
 I'ART I 
 
 I 
 
 i If 
 
 Weiplit of 
 the United 
 States, and 
 liressure 
 upon 
 Canada 
 
 for the ])i'ivilcgc of using tlieni ; 1)ut they complain of 
 the hcadhinds doctrine in every form, and also of tlie 
 exclusion of American fishing-boats from Canadian ports 
 by recent Canadian legislation. The modus vivcndi 
 protocol loses its force on the 15th February next, and 
 negotiations are once more in progress at Washington 
 as I write. From the date of the rejection of the 
 recent Treaty by the Senate of the United States the 
 matter had slumbered, except as regards Behring Sea, till 
 November last, when it was revived by our very able 
 jNlinister. That Sir Julian Pauncefotc may be able to 
 bring al)0ut a settlement of the questions in dispute will 
 be the prayer of every true friend of either country. It 
 is understood that, after bringing to a conclusion the 
 negotiations for a new 1'roaty of Extradition, he has 
 taken up the Fishery (juestion in connection wdth the idea 
 of a limited Reciprijcity Treaty, to be proposed l)y us. 
 
 The pressure of the United States on Canada, not 
 only in the fisheries cjuestion but also in that of com- 
 mercial relations, is heavy, from her bulk and })opulation, 
 connected as she is at numerous i)oints with Canada by 
 railroads. It is almost as trying to Canadians to live 
 next door to the United States as it is to Asiatic Princes 
 to live next door to Russia. But the attention of the 
 Americans has long been, and is still at the present 
 moment, more turned towards the south than towards 
 the north. There arc parts of Mexico in which vastly 
 more American capital is invested than is the case in 
 Canada, and even Central and South America receive more 
 constant attention from the United States than does the 
 Dominion. The Washington (Government in this winter 
 of 1889-90 is assuming the position, fairly conquered from 
 the world, of patron of all the rej)ublics of America, North 
 and South ; and we must look forward to an eventual 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 THE WEST INDIES 
 
 165 
 
 protcctoriite, which, great as is the weight of the 
 United States in the worhl, will bring to it an 
 increase. The Spaniards of Mexico and of Central and 
 ►South America have given way to an active and intelli- 
 gent mixed race of Spanish, Indian, and Negro blood : 
 and it is a remarkable fact that while the English in 
 North America, who on the whole adoptcid a humane 
 treatment of the natives, have in fact destroyed them, 
 the Spanish, who robbed and massacred through two- 
 tliirds of the New World, have themselves very largely 
 been absorbed by the Indian race. The populations, 
 however, which the United States is attempting to call 
 into subordinate alliance with itself are not all Hispano- 
 Indian, and in the Argentine Republic an infusion of 
 Italian, French, and Irish blood varies the civilisation of 
 South America, 
 
 The enormoiis weight in America of the mass of 
 the United States presses tremendously both upon 
 Canada and upon our West Indian Islands, If then- 
 were no custom houses between Canada, and the 
 United States the bulk of the Dominion trade — 
 indeed, comparatively speaking, almost the whole of 
 it — would be done by the Canadians with their con- 
 tinental neighbours. As it is, a large proportion of 
 Canadian and of AVest Indian trade is done with the 
 United States in spite of tarift' difficulties ; and the 
 West Indies tend to come more and more within the 
 sphere of American inliuence. In 1885 the United 
 States Government proposed to us a draft treaty between 
 itself and the West Indies, which was ecpially desired by 
 both parties, or at all events by a portion of our W^est 
 Indian dominions as well as by the Government of the 
 United States. The treaty suggested was a Reciprocity 
 Treat V giving favours to West Indian goods which were 
 
 Jiiid oil tlif 
 
 WfSt 
 
 liulii-s. 
 
 I'loposfd 
 AiiiL'iiciUi 
 
 CUStl)lll-i 
 
 treaty witli 
 the British 
 West 
 Indies. 
 
1 66 
 
 PROliLEMS OF GREATER RRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 J 
 
 not oxtondeil to the goods of other coiinti'ios, niul pro- 
 posing special redurtions of duties in the West Indies 
 upon articles imported from tlie United States. ( )ne of 
 the articles of the draft treaty professed to be u most- 
 favoured-nation clause, but it contained words providing 
 that the clause was not absolute, but was only intended 
 to api)ly in cases where e(|uivalent consideration was 
 iiivcn. The effect of this would be that if there were 
 such a treaty between tlie United States and France, 
 and the United States were to reduce their duties on 
 French cottons in consideration of a reduction of the 
 hijih French duties on American wheat, England 
 would not, under a most-favoured-nation clause of this 
 description, obtain the reduction on her cottons unless 
 she gave (which as a free-trade country she would be 
 unable to give) to the United States specially among 
 all nations some equivalent to the French reduction 
 upon wheat. Such a most-favoured-nation clause is with- 
 out value, and is a mere cause of dispute. Conversely, 
 another article provided that the privileges of the treaty 
 were not to l)e granted to other nations by reason of the 
 existence of a most-favoured-nation clause in existing 
 treaties, unless any such nation gave an equivalent. This 
 was obviously a clause jn-oviding for the violation by us 
 of our own treaties, and was in itself a reason wdiy it 
 was impossible for us to agree to the propositions. A 
 (dause in the draft treaty gave a power of denunciation 
 of the treaty in the event of any change of tariff, so that 
 any change of tariff of any of the West-India>^lands 
 would have had to be submitted to the United States. 
 Another clause barred the possibility of commercial 
 union between the AVest-India Islands and other parts 
 of the British Empire. The general effect of the 
 treaty would have been to tighten the relations be- 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 Tin-: WEST INPIKS 
 
 \(>7 
 
 twccii our West Iiulian colonics and the United States 
 at the ex[»ense of tlie relations l)etwc('n the colonics ;iiul 
 the mother-country. 
 
 The objections to the draft treaty pro[)osed were 
 indeed far stronger than would be those to a com}tlete 
 connnerciid union. There is a great difterence between 
 a connection arising n.-iturally out of um-cstricted 
 trade, and one brought about by a scries of artificial 
 restrictions in defiance of the plain words of treaties 
 and of the uniform practice of this country. A com- 
 mercial union l)ct\vcen Canada and the United States, 
 or between the West Indies and the United States, 
 or between all three, might be inconsistent with our 
 treaties as formerly interpreted by ourselves, l)ut as 
 the contrary pretension has been set up by many other 
 l)owers of recent years, and has been assented to by 
 other powers and tacitly accepted in some recent cases 
 by ourselves, it is probable tliat such a, union might 
 be lawfully set on foot. The recent customs union 
 between the Cape and the Orange Free State, to which 
 I shall have to allude in the chapters on South Africa, 
 is a case in ])oint, although the arrangement has been 
 limited to land trade on account of the objections of 
 the Foreign Office and the Board of Trade. It is probable 
 that if Canadian sentiment were to demand complete 
 customs union with the United States, which, as I have 
 shown, at present it does not, it would be accepted, 
 though unwillingly, by our Government. In the case 
 of the West Indies there was some doubt about there 
 being a distinct colonial opinion in favour of the treaty, 
 and there was also the ffict that the colonies were mainly 
 Crown Colonies, and all of them colonies in which the 
 majority of the population, being black, played but a 
 secondary part in public afi'airs. 
 
1 68 
 
 I'lionLE.us or greater uritain 
 
 I'Aur I 
 
 ; 
 
 ( 
 
 l'l'll|10S,'ll'< 
 
 t'i)i' iiniiin 
 
 ln'tWi'iMl 
 illllllllie'lt 
 
 ami till' 
 
 As ii .sct-oir M^iiiiist tlie {irran^fMnciit proposed 
 l)etwe('ii tlie British West - India Islands and the 
 United States, private nei;-otiations took place in 1884 
 between Canada and some of (Hir West Indiiin (iovcni- 
 
 ments with a view to union. 
 
 Tl 
 
 le neiiotiations were 
 
 [)ushed most actively in the case of Jamaica, but they 
 wen; all aloniu;' informal, neither Jamaica nor Canada 
 feelinjjf itself entitled to negotiate directly, and the 
 Colonial OtHce I'cfusing to entertain the (question. 
 
 The hindi 
 
 nd 
 
 d 
 
 (Idle ch 
 
 DillereiiCL' 
 in position 
 tuwanlstlie 
 Uuiteil 
 States, of 
 Canada and 
 tin.' West 
 Indies 
 respective- 
 
 mimercial and middle classes 
 ill Jamaica, so far as their views became known, 
 were anxious for union, and there was also a party 
 in Canada, in favour of it ; but there was a good deal 
 of doubt as to the sentiment of the majority of the 
 coloured population in Jamaica upon tlie matter. The 
 home authorities pointed out that the Canadian Covern- 
 ment were unprovided with any machinery for ruling 
 a dependency, and they thought Jamaica unprepared to 
 be phiced in the same political position as a Canadian 
 Province, and declared that they could not see their 
 way witli regard to the proposals. The West Indies do 
 but a small trade with the Dominion as compared with 
 that which they either do at j)resent or would do imder 
 better commercial relations with New York and the 
 nearer American ports. The trade of Jamaica, Barbados, 
 Trinidad, and British Guiana with British North America 
 is, for example, about one-tenth of their trade with the 
 United States. 
 
 The West Indies stand in a very different position 
 towards the United States from that occupied l^y 
 Canada. In the case of Canada we have seen the strong 
 reasons that exist for believing that commercial union, 
 if it is ever brought about, will be a step towards 
 political absorption. But one of the very reasons which 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 THE WEST INDIES 
 
 169 
 
 prompt sonic Aiiu'ricaiiH to desire the annexation of 
 Canada, sliould a wish for it in due time arise to the 
 north of tlie horder-line, tells stroii^dy against the 
 jidoption of a similar i)oli('y towards the West- India 
 Islands, CJanada has, comparatively speaking, no negro 
 po[)ulation, and some theorists of the United States find 
 a reason for wishing for its absorption in the supposed 
 necessity of counterbalancing the increase of negroes in 
 the South by an increase of white population in the 
 North. On the other hand, the British West Indies are 
 becoming black c(jmmunities, tilled with a i)easant pro- 
 prietary of the negro race — very similar, that is, to some 
 of those Southern States in which the growing numbers 
 or the prepondiu'ance of the blacks form the only night- 
 mare of the American people. While it is possible that, 
 from reasons connected with mines and railways, and 
 the course of trade, the United States may one of these 
 days annex parts of Mexico, after they have already 
 become American in population and in sympathies, it 
 seems likely that, as regards the other southern countries 
 with which they have to do, the Americans will look 
 rath'^r for commercial and political hegemony, secured to 
 them in return for naval protection and by commercial 
 treaties, than towards a policy of actual inclusion of 
 those countries within the boundaries of the United 
 States. 
 
 There is a larger (piestion than that of the total or 
 partial absorption of Canada or of the British West 
 Indies, already discussed, which lies behind, and must 
 necessarily be in the minds of those who tliink upon 
 this subject. Mr. Henry George, Professor Hosmer, and 
 others have in their speeches or writings pointed to a 
 time when all the English-speaking peoples will form 
 one league, securing among them freedom of trade, 
 
 VOL. I N 
 
 Future re- 
 lations of 
 the United 
 Stiites and 
 of the other 
 English- 
 speaking 
 peoples 
 generallj'. 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 V 
 
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 O 
 
 
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 1.8 
 
 1.6 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 ^ 
 
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 ^\ O 
 
 rv 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
 
 '^^ 
 
 ;\ 
 
Ltf 
 
 "^^ #3 
 
 c?. 
 
 
I70 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREA TER BRITAIN 
 
 PART I 
 
 i J 
 
 " Greater 
 Britain." 
 
 '.I ■• 
 
 ■ s 
 
 uniform currency, common postal laws, as well as 
 absolute predominance in the world, and consequent 
 perpetual peace. The reconstitution of the family bond 
 in countries ruled by those of whom the vast majority 
 are of English race is no doubt a beautiful idea, and it 
 may be admitted that even the bringing of all mankind 
 under a single Government, capable at least of preventing 
 w^'lr, does not present difficulties much greater than 
 some of those with which the statesmanship of the 
 world has successfully grappled in the jDast ; but in a 
 book dealing with the present position, and not with 
 dreams, it is necessary to ask, before indulging in specu- 
 lation as regards the distant future, whether, in ftict, a 
 federation of the English-speaking world would not be 
 as difficult of accomplishment as a federation of all the 
 peoples of the globe. Jealousy, the great dissolvent, 
 would be more likely to be present in the former than 
 in the latter of these cases, and either the British Empire 
 or the United States could more easily accept a world- 
 wide union than fusion only with the other. At the 
 same time it is, of course, tlie duty of us all to do 
 nothing that can increase these jealousies, and every 
 Briton must at least be proud that the United States, 
 which form in the classical sense the truest colony of 
 Encfland, are certain to share or to divide w^ith other 
 English - speaking communities at present subject to 
 his authority the empire of two -thirds of the globe. 
 
 When I made use of the term " Greater Britain " for 
 the countries of English speech or English governmc^nt I 
 gave the position of honour to the United States, by 
 devoting to that country the first part and the largest 
 part of my book. If a popular usage, in taking possession 
 of my title, has applied it chiefly to the English countries 
 outside of the United Kingdom remaining under British 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 171 
 
 government, to the exclusion of the United States, I at 
 least can have but little sympathy with that restriction 
 of its scope. In the controversy upon this point between 
 Professor Seeley and Professor Freeman 1 cannot but 
 feel that the former has perhaps not given a sufficiently 
 predominant position among the glories of England to 
 the foundation of so ma^niiicent a daughter- State as 
 is the American federal republic. Professor Seeley has 
 said, " To us England will be wherever English people 
 are found;" but he has, in writing upon the expansion 
 of England, with a certain contradiction of his own good 
 saying, distinguished sharply between his Greater England 
 and the United States. He has indeed remarked that 
 " the United States are to us almost as good as a colony ; 
 our people can emigrate thither without sacrificing tlieir 
 language or their chief institutions or habits," ana has 
 pointed out, in eloquent and pregnant language, the 
 extent to which the American Commonwealth exercises 
 influence upon ourselves, while at the same time receiv- 
 ing from us equal influence through our literature, and 
 has declared that the whole future of the planet depends 
 upon the mutual influence of the branches of the English 
 race. There is, however, as between the British Empire 
 and the United States, too much tendency to encourage 
 petty jealousies and to exaggerate small differences ; 
 while many look back to the fact that 
 
 " . . . we were one in the days 
 When Shakespeare wrote his plays," 
 
 rather to empliasise their belief that we are not one now 
 even in race or spirit. It should indeed never be for- 
 gotten for a moment that the United States is a true 
 colony of England, our other so-called colonies being 
 rather dependencies across the seas, possibly on their 
 
T 
 
 172 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 
 
 The United 
 States. 
 
 ,1 
 
 way to grow into allied nations of the same tongue. It 
 is a curious fact — as has often been pointed out, and 
 especially and most ably by Mr. Lucas of the Colonial 
 Office (now charged with the care of British emigration) 
 in his Historical (Jeography — that none of the English 
 colonies, commonly so called, fall under Sir George 
 Lewis's definition of a colony, the conditions of which, 
 however, are fulfilled by the United States. 
 
 To present a complete picture of the Union in a book 
 which deals with other topics, or, for that matter, in any 
 book at all, would be impossible, and, as Tocqueville 
 observed, could it be written, such a work would certainly 
 be as wearisome as it might possibly be instructive. 
 What can wisely be done in this direction has lately 
 been accomplished by Professor Bryce. It has been 
 said of the Americans that no people ever lived under 
 conditions of existence which made it more likely that 
 they should be at once so happy and so powerful. It 
 is possible in these days to go further, and to say that 
 no people ever were at once so happy and so powerful, 
 or so likely to continue in this pleasant position. But 
 a question which every thoughtful American must ask 
 himself is how far his country answers to the magnifi- 
 cent description of the ideal modern democracy in the 
 first chapter of Tocqueville's work. It is probable 
 that Tocqueville himself thought that on the whole, and 
 subject to the limitations which he himself pointed out, 
 America would become that ideal democracy, and that 
 he was only checked in the strength and warmth of his 
 statements having special regard to American democracy 
 by the fear constantly present to him, as is shown by 
 his more intimate letters, that the enthusiasm called out 
 in him by the promise of America would be turned 
 against him in France, where he belonged to the Roman 
 
 ,1 
 
CHAI". IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 173 
 
 ;( 
 
 Catholic Conservative party. T am ready, for my part, 
 to maintain that in the United States, as well as in 
 Canada and in Australia, there is every ground for hope, 
 judging from the democratic progress of those countries 
 in our own times, that that amount of political corrup- 
 tion which still exists will disappear, and that this one 
 blot having been removed, these English - speaking 
 countries will present a picture of a more general and 
 complete Christian civilisation than the world has ever 
 shown. Already in America, and in Canada and Australia, 
 there is, except as regards the treatment of the negroes 
 and Chinese, a deep respect for the laws which all have 
 helped to make. Already, while individual liberty 
 is prized, the authority of the State is respected, and 
 regard for justice is combined with a fervent patriotism. 
 Already there is a manly give-and-take between 
 different classes, combining respect for superiority of 
 any kind with a total absence of servility ; and there 
 is discernible neither a tendency to anarchy on the one 
 side nor (as b-^tween white man and white man) a 
 tendency to oppression. 
 
 The chief changes in the United States since I wrote 
 of them, other than those which concern mere growth, 
 such as the existence of a city of 120,000 people at a 
 spot which was absolutely desert the first time that I 
 passed it, concern the modification in the condition of 
 the Southern States, and the fears which negro pre- 
 dominance in some of them have occasioned. This 
 gravest of American problems has not, perhaps, suffi- 
 ciently engaged the attention of Mr. Bryce in his 
 admirable work. In the State of South Carolina there 
 are twice as many negroes as white men. In Missouri 
 the negroes are to the whites as three to two, and in 
 Louisiana the blacks distinctly outnumber the whites, 
 
 Changes in 
 tlie United 
 States in 
 the last 
 twenty 
 years. 
 
 Growth of 
 tlie negi-o 
 jiopuhition 
 in the 
 South. 
 
 .' 3. 
 
^■■1 
 
 '74 
 
 PROBLEMS OF G NEATER BRITAIN 
 
 PARI I 
 
 1 
 
 1 ' 
 
 wliile in North Caroliiui, Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, and 
 Florida, taken together, the two races are about equal 
 in numbers. The statistics are not yet clear as regards 
 the relative rate of increase of the races under negro 
 freedom, but the better opinion is that the rate of 
 increase of the free negro considerably exceeds the rate of 
 increase of the Southern white. On the other hand, 
 the fact that Ijlack population received an impetus 
 l)y the abolition of slavery, which may not continue 
 when the negroes have to provide aljsolutely for them- 
 selves, and are supplied with the check of the possession 
 of property, may affect the figures, and the development 
 of manufactures in Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee is 
 bringing Northern emigrants into the South. The black 
 population is gaining ground in education, but is still 
 illiterate compared with the white American race. 
 Attitmie of Tlicrc luis been a remarkable retreat on the part of the 
 United States Government, and of the population of the 
 North, from the attitude of compelling the Southern 
 States to treat the negro as an equal. For many years 
 everything that could be done vt'as done, both by law 
 and by Northern public opinion, to bring about this 
 result ; but of late the matter has been left to the 
 Southern States themselves, and the negro has lost his 
 political power in those States, and undergone consider- 
 able social oppression in some of them. Six million 
 negroes have, since the war, been received into member- 
 ship of the American nation ; their males of full age 
 into American citizenship ; but their treatment in the 
 States in which they mainly live first went forward to 
 equality, and has now gone back to an inequalit}' more 
 severely felt than in the days of slavery. It has been 
 declared in the strongest and most emphatic terms on 
 behalf of the South that " the South will never adopt the 
 
 Nortli 
 
 aud of 
 South. 
 
CUAl'. IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 175 
 
 ■< ' 
 
 social iiiturmiiigling of the races. It can never be 
 driven into accepting it. The assortment oi' the races 
 is wise and proper, and stands on the phitform of eqnal 
 accommodation for each race, but separate." The mean- 
 ing of this is that the blacks are in most places not 
 allowed to enter the churches, schools, or theatres (except 
 separate portions of theatres reached by separate en- 
 trances) of the whites unless they go there as the servants 
 of the whites, and that, not to take up time by mention- 
 ing special instances, everything is done that can be done 
 in order that the two races should never meet. From 
 State juries the blacks are virtually excluded. The 
 Southerners declare that if the race instinct did not exist 
 it would be necessary to invent it as " the pledge of the 
 integrity of each race, and of peace between the races." 
 The " boycotting " of the white teachers of the blacks is 
 now commencing, and as some of them have taken the 
 side of the blacks, to the extent of travellino; in the negro 
 " cars " in the trains, social ostracism has been the result. 
 There can be little doubt that the South wall in 
 the long-run be beaten in the contest upon which it 
 has entered with such clear views. It is difficult to 
 suppose that a democratic people will for any long 
 number of years tolerate the conferring of practical 
 equality upon the roughest of the emigrants from 
 Europe and refuse it to every member of the black 
 race, however cultivat'^d and refined. There are now 
 in the South gi'eat numbers of admirable high schools 
 for blacks, and there are universities for blacks 
 turning out excellent students, while even ultra- 
 Southerners speak of the gentleness and essential nobility 
 of the black race in the highest terms. At the present 
 moment, in some of the States, the most cultivated 
 black woman of the South is made to travel in the 
 
 •r 
 
176 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 negro " car," wliicli is generally an inferior " car," while 
 the " ladies' car," set aside for white women, carries the 
 rouijhest emigrant women from tlie lowest classes of 
 Europe. It is difficult to imagine that such a state 
 of things can long continue, and it is a curious example 
 of the way in which any al)use may be defended fr(jm 
 hal)it to find ministers of Christian Churches writing 
 in defence of the doctrine of the separation of the races. 
 The white-man's church, which is open to the greatest 
 criminal, which is supposed to welcome all, is closed 
 in some parts of the English -sjiteaking world to the 
 black face alone, and Christian men and Christian 
 ministers are found to defend this practice, of which 
 the dangers are, however, grave. As the " Episcopalian " 
 Bishop of Kentucky has said, "This is all I plead for, 
 that separation from us is for the negro destruction, and 
 perhaps for us as well." An attempt is being made at 
 the present moment — which has not yet become what 
 is known in America as a "live issue" in the political 
 world — to either drive out or disfranchise the negro, or 
 at least to limit that political power of which he has not 
 lately, however, contrived to make much effective use. 
 It is asked indignantly, by Southerners and by some 
 Northern members of the democratic party, whether the 
 negro has the education, the integrity, the knowledge of 
 American institutions, that make him more deserving 
 of the electoral franchise than American men of eighteen 
 or twenty, or than American wives and mothers. It is 
 admitted that the Southern whites have now for some 
 years past controlled the negio vote, and that the negroes 
 have left off supporting Republican " carpet-baggers " 
 from the North, and vole in great numbers with their 
 employers ; but, on the other hand, it is asserted that 
 this result has been attained by much electoral corrup- 
 
 
 r 
 
I 
 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 177 
 
 tion, {ind, in any case, may not prove lasting, and the 
 Northern public arc asked whether they intend that in 
 several of the States negro majorities shall eventually 
 rule. It is pointed out that in a comjiact group of 
 thirteen States the negroes form nearly half the popula- 
 tion, and are increasing more rapiilly than the whites, 
 and that America must look forward to the whole South 
 passing under negro electoral control, while amalgamation 
 of the races is so hateful to the notions of the Southern 
 whites as to be impossible of attainment. With regard 
 to amaliramation the Southern sentiment is carried in 
 some States to the point that the known existence of a 
 single drop of negro blood in the veins of a woman 
 essentially white makes her a negro for all social purposes, 
 and in practice drives her from the country. It may be 
 also taken as admitted that Southerners generally are 
 willing to allow that the reduction of the political influence 
 of the negroes in recent times, in spite of their growth 
 in numbers, has been brought about in some degree by 
 illegitimate means, although they contend that the very 
 fact that it has been brought about, in whatever manner, 
 shows want of governing power in the negro race. 
 
 This feeling is not confined to the South, and 
 affects great bodies of people in the North. Almost the 
 whole of the courts of the Ancient Order of Foresters 
 in America have been driven from the Order, because 
 of their rules excluding negroes from membership, and 
 of the insistence of the Enolish o-overnors of the Order 
 
 CD o 
 
 upon the repeal of this restriction. It is unlikely that 
 Northern sentiment will forcibly compel the Southern 
 whites to abstain from violatinsc the electoral laws. One 
 of the two great parties which divide the country 
 supports the Southern whites in their attitude, and 
 the other is not united upon the cj^uestion, for many of 
 
 II I 
 
p 
 
 178 
 
 riiOnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I' ART I 
 
 its wealthy members have large investments in Southern 
 railroads and Southern mines and manufactures, and 
 will not risk the chance of disturbance in the South, 
 but will support a policy of non-interference with the 
 State system. In the South itself, while there is no 
 minority willing to accord to the negroes equal social 
 riglits, there is a large minority of far-seeing and 
 intellinjent men who are willinfj to make sacrifices for 
 the education of the blacks in the hope that, when 
 taught by white methods to look upon themselves as 
 American citizens, with American rather than merely 
 racial interests and aspirations, they will continue to 
 be, as for one cause and another they at this moment 
 are, divided between the t'» political parties, and be 
 no source of danger to white institutions. Our own 
 and the French experience in the West Indies will be 
 found on the whole favourable to the blacks, showing 
 that, under the fair treatment that they meet with in 
 the French and in some of the English islands, they 
 may be trusted to exercise electoral power with ad- 
 vantage to the community at large, and this even in 
 colonies in which they form an overwhelming majority 
 of the population. 
 The burden Auotlicr point in which there has been some change 
 in the situation of the United States towards the world 
 at large, since I last wrote, is in the matter of national 
 expenditure — the American Commonwealth with her 
 fabulously great prosperity, succeeding, in spite of lavish 
 and wasteful expenditure upon pensions growing out of the 
 civil war, in rapidly reducing her debt, while the European 
 countries are running a race in the prodigality of their 
 military expenditure. So small is the cost of Australian 
 defence, efficient as it is, as compared with the revenues 
 of the Australian colonies, so small would be the cost of 
 
 of arma- 
 ments. 
 
 
CIIAl'. IV 
 
 THE UNITED STATES 
 
 179 
 
 'Mi eilicieut militia system in Canada, were it to be 
 adopted, as compared witii Canadian resources, that our 
 own great groups of colonies are, and will be, as regards 
 this matter, in the same happy position as the Government 
 of the United States. The advantage whif^h America 
 thus gains in purse, in development, and in national 
 haj)piness, is shiired by Australia, which has no military 
 neighbours; and all the various daughter- lands of 
 England are blest in the contrast between their own 
 happy freedom from the necessity of vast expenditure 
 for warlike purposes, and the bankruptcy of the old 
 world. The Canadian Opposition, indeed, deplore the 
 existence of a large debt, almost entirely incurred, 
 however, for reproductive expenditure needed for the 
 development of the country, and trifling by the side of 
 that cheerfully borne and willingly increased by every 
 section of the Australian people ; but such a debt, even 
 from the point of view of the objector or the pessimist, 
 is a very different matter from the war debts of Europe; 
 or India. The effect of Continental-European expendi- 
 ture upon armies and marines must be an augmenta- 
 tion in the emigration rate, already manifest in the 
 case of Italy, and certain to continue and to spread ; 
 and this migration of the peoples from the old world to 
 the new must benefit in the long-run the possessions of 
 Great Britain more even than the United States, now 
 fast becoming filled with farming people. While the 
 Canada of to-day as compared with the United States of 
 1890 is but a small power, there is reason to expect 
 that the rate of increase of pojjulation in Canada will 
 become more rapid and the immigration rate higher in 
 proportion as the years pass by. 
 
 I quoted just now a noticeable statement as to the America 
 strength and happiness of the United States, and while, as Aifstraiia. 
 
ill 
 
 180 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER /JRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT I 
 
 we sliiill HOC ill tlic next cliaptcr, time lias called up a 
 daiigerouH rival to the Amerieaii in the Australian people, 
 so far as ha[)piness of existence goes, the United States 
 as regards power have amply fulfilled their promise of 
 fifty-eight years ago, when Tocqueville wrote. American 
 trade ;ind influence arc spreading westward across the 
 N^rth pMcitic, and if I was able to prophesy in 1867 
 that the relations of America and Australia would be 
 the key to the future of the Pacific, it is now certain 
 that three federal powers will control that ocean, 
 of which the Dominion of Canada and the United States 
 of Australasia will probably remain under the same flag, 
 but even so will ^^0 virtually, in their relations to one 
 another, distinct Init friendly powers. By the mission 
 to Australia of the leader of the Dominion Upper House, 
 with regard to communications and to trade, their 
 direct relations have now bcffun. 
 
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PART II 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 i : 
 
 ill 
 
II ' i 
 
 '!/ 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 A GROUP of colonies about 
 
 fis large as 
 
 the 
 
 Canadian General 
 
 Dominion, or as the United States, or as Europe; almost of aus- 
 wholly settled by people from the United Kingdom, but *'^'''"^' 
 still sparsely peopled, gives us in Australasia, now 
 officially so called, the prospect of a remarkable develop- 
 ment of our race under conditions of peaceful progress. 
 The western part of the continent of Australia is as yet 
 only a land of stones and flowers, and the greater portion 
 of the remainder, to the unaccustomed eye a kind of desert, 
 almost mountainless, and consequently alftiost without 
 permanent rivers. In its thirstiest parts, however, 
 enterprising colonists have gradually found that water 
 can be stored and that sheep can live. In this vast isle 
 the first city is the capital of Victoria, a colony which is 
 for Australia small — one -thirty -fourth part of the 
 southern continent — not larger than Great Britain. 
 Victoria is naturally a country of huge untidy trees, with 
 only a few feathery leaves — trees that shed their bark 
 in strips, and when cut down impede the settler with 
 hard stumps that have to be slowly consumed by fire or 
 dragged out of the ground by traction engines. But in 
 soil it is a favoured land, and in climate — except when 
 in summer the bell-birds sound their tuneful notes to a 
 red sun and the tree-crickets chirp through fiery mists 
 
 ill 
 
 it 
 
1 84 
 
 PROniEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 J'ART It 
 
 — is suitable to the English people and, even in summer, a 
 healthy country for the white man. It was u hap})y 
 thing not only for Australia, but for the ilritish race, 
 that the convicts that were sent out to Mell)ourne did 
 not remain in what is now A'^ictoria, but, after an " in- 
 dignation meeting," were removed elsewhere. 
 Victoria— When first I wrote about this interesting colony its 
 duriMg the so-called Upper House was fighting against the Lower, 
 JjJJj.J''*'"'^ with much spirit. Sir Charles Darling had not long 
 left, and the Council and Assembly were quarrelling 
 over a proposed grant of £20,000 to Lady Darling, as 
 well as about payment of members, tariff, and other 
 matters. For two years running the Council had re- 
 jected the Approjjriation Bill on account of the practice 
 of ** tacking." The public servants were being paid with- 
 out any Appropi'iation Act by the simple process of 
 bringing suits against the Government which were not 
 defended, obtaining judgment, and drawing the money 
 from the Treasury. In 1878 there was another dead- 
 lock over payment of members, the rejection of the 
 reform bill for the Council, and Mr. Berry's visit to 
 England. Deadlocks are now at an end, and the plu- 
 tocratic has learned to give way to the popular House 
 in great matters, but in small ones it still, although 
 reformed in its constitution, sometimes shows its teeth. 
 Since I first wrote about Victoria the land system of free 
 selection by agricultural settlers has received imm^^nse 
 development, and j)ayment of members for the Lower 
 House has now long been law, and has met with a success 
 which has astounded some of its former opponents, since 
 become supporters of payment. The members of the 
 Upper House are not paid, though the Lower House 
 wished that they should be, and though the Senators of 
 the Canadian Dominion receive pay. The common school 
 
CI I AT. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 .85 
 
 system since 1872, when it received its present form, 
 has braved continual attack l)y a well-organised Uoman 
 Catholic minority, consisting of a quarter of the })opula- 
 tion, and sup[)orted in this matter by the inlhience of 
 many of the clergy of the Church of Enghind, and the 
 coalitions which have 1)een formed from time to time to 
 maintain free, compulsory, secular education, without 
 aid to denominational schools, have brought together 
 Conservatives and Radicals, free traders and protectionists. 
 That bitter social and political class feeling, that hatred 
 between the S(|uatter aristocracy and the farming and 
 town democracies, which was once of singular in- 
 tensity in Victoria, has all but disappeared. While 
 democracy and State - socialism have completely tri- 
 umphed, the conservatism of those who have much tt) 
 lose has been quieted by the practical proof that their 
 interests are safer in Victoria than they are in many 
 older countries, that socialism in the French and English 
 sense is less developed in ^^ictoria than even in the 
 United States, and that a considerable body of small 
 proprietors, and of house-owning workmen, have be- 
 come sturdy supporters of the present order of society. 
 
 I have treated of the colony of Victoria first among 
 the Australian colonies because it has long been the 
 most interesting of the group. At the present moment 
 its opinions are perhaps of less immediate importance than 
 are those of Queensland, which happens to be making 
 itself disagreeable to the Government of the mother- 
 country ; but Victoria has been the leader in the demo- 
 cratic and State - socialistic movements which render 
 Australia a pioneer for England's good. Austjulia tries 
 for us experiments, and we have the advantage of being- 
 able to note their success or failure before we imitate or 
 vary them at home. Although New South Wales is 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 Victoriiitlu' 
 most iiiter- 
 estiiigoftlu' 
 Australian 
 colonies. 
 
i86 
 
 PKOnLEAfS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT U 
 
 Prospurity 
 of Victoriii, 
 
 
 i'' 
 
 slijThtly the superior of Victoria in present commereinl 
 importance, and, liavini:^ vastly lar<;cr territory, will 
 outstrip it in the race, X'ictoria, from the character of its 
 people, the nature of its history, and the situation of its 
 lands, is the most attractive as well as the most energetic 
 of the southern colonies. 
 
 In the very heginning of its career as a settlement, 
 when Port Phillip was a district of New South AVales, 
 its grassy parks, lightly timbered, and jirepared by 
 nature, as it were, for sheep, attracted a good class of 
 settlers, who l)rought in capital. Their flocks and herds 
 increased, and before the discovery of gold the possessions 
 of each true settler averaged something like 10,000 
 sheep and 1000 cattle. The gold discoveries pushed 
 Victoria rapidly along the road of progress, and squatters 
 and diggers together speedily became men of means. 
 Victoria soon attained among all countries the first place 
 in one particular. It was the district of the world in 
 which the average proportion of wealth to inhabitants 
 was greatest ; California standinsf second. 
 Victorian Victoria has not advanced so rapidly in wool produc- 
 
 Protect'ioii. tiou as havc some of the other Australian colonies, and 
 her annual gold production has dwindled to little over 
 two millions sterling ; but, while her staple industries 
 are no longer projiortionately what they were, Victoria has 
 immense capital and a great number of various resources 
 upon wdiich to rely. Her wheat exports are considerable, 
 and her export of manufactures large. It is this last 
 point which is the wonder of some of the local free 
 traders, but a partial explanation may be found in 
 that plethora of capital which has just been named. 
 Victoria now^ manufactures or makes up almost all the 
 articles of every-day use that she requires, and, in 
 spite of the protective duties of all the other Australasian 
 
 i. 
 
 W 
 
I 
 
 CtlAI'. 1 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 187 
 
 colonies save one, exjjorts sucli articles to those states. 
 r shall examine into the advance of Victorian manufac- 
 tures when I come to discuss, in my second volume, 
 colonial Protection. It is well, however, to at once put 
 in a word to nuard a^'ainst that exaggeration which is 
 prevalent as regards Victorian Protection ; the average 
 duty upon the total value of the Victorian ini[)ortations 
 has until lately been low as compared with the average 
 in many of our Crown (V)lonies, and in such self-govern- 
 ing colonies as New Zealand, the Canadian Dominion, 
 and Queensland. No douht a large proportion of the 
 Victorian imports consists of goods imported to be re- 
 exported, and especially the wool from the l)ack districts 
 of New South Wales, for which Melbourne is the most 
 convenient port ; but the average Victorian duties were 
 up to the end of tb'" ( ^ion of 1889 only 11 per cent. 
 ^'ictoria, in spite c .'rotection, stands extraordinarily 
 
 high in the list of countries which form the markets for 
 goods manufactured in the United Kingdom. With- 
 out dealing at this moment fully with Victorian Protec- 
 tion, we may nevertheless fittingly consider some ques- 
 tions, in a sense connected with it, concerning movement 
 of capital and of population. 
 
 Victoria has almost from her very birth been at the 
 head of all countries in statistics, and the Year-Book of 
 the Government statist and the other productions 
 of his office are as nearly perfect as such works can 
 be. Yet in spite of the care with which Victorian 
 statistics are compiled it is not easy to get at the 
 exact facts that bear upon the condition of the people ; 
 as, for example, those with regard to the movement of 
 population between the colonies. As far as I can under- waves of 
 stand the figures, they point to waves of prosperity and iua'de"*^ 
 depression affecting some and not the whole of the ^"'®**' 
 
 iression. 
 
mm 
 
 l88 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT ir 
 
 colonies, and causing obb and flow. For instance, in 
 1888 there luid l)een some depression in New Soutli 
 Wales, as it is said — that is, upon the coast of New 8outli 
 Wnles and in the ix'st known portions of the colony. 
 There had been also some depression in South Australia 
 and New Zealand, ;uid there luid l)een a wave of pros- 
 perity in Victoria. But, wliile immigrants had come 
 from tlie Soutli Australian and New Zealand coasts to 
 Melbourne, there had been at the same time a move- 
 ment from Victoria into the back country. In other 
 words, the immigration of one class of people was 
 counterbalanced by the emigration of another. The 
 western half of New South Wales and the greater 
 part of Queensland have been utilised by capitalists 
 from Victoria, who have found in the domains of 
 these vast colonies room which was wanting in 
 Victoria. A large share of the Riverina country of 
 New South Wales is held by Melbourne squatters and 
 Melbourne syndicates, and all up the course of the 
 Darling river the land is mainly owned by Victorians ; 
 hence the hands upon these stations are also often 
 sent up from ]Melbourne, and, as the stations grow and 
 thrive they provide for the surplus labour of Victoria. 
 Then, again, many of the sugar plantations of Queens- 
 land are owned by Victorians, and some of the cattle 
 runs of that country are in the like case. There is a 
 constant stream of labour from Melbourne to these 
 places. All the boys in Victoria who want to " rough 
 it," find Melbourne men who own " runs " in Queensland 
 or in the back country of New South Wales, and go off to 
 the wilder portion of those colonies. Again, with the 
 capital that goes out from Melbourne there goes also a 
 supply of bank managers and bank clerks, along with 
 the squatters, and the stock-riders, and the cattle-drovers. 
 
 I 
 
 W 
 
1 
 
 y 
 
 \ 
 
 cnAi'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 189 
 
 iiiul tlu' liotL'l-keo^M's nnd storo-keepcrs who uecompaiiy 
 tlii'in. Capital and lahour stream northward from 
 ]\l('ll»ourne and .sliare with those of Sydney in the 
 (levch)i»ment of the resources of the intericn-. Tlie 
 arrivals in and departures from Vietorin are l)otli high. 
 A large number of peoi)le eome there in a stat(^ of 
 poverty, anxious to make their way in a colony in which 
 rumour states that all are prosperous. After they reach 
 the pr(^mised land they find that wages in some unskilled 
 employments are higher in New South Wales, and man\' 
 go across the border, while another and a ditferent 
 stream, composed of people of more substance, as has 
 l)eeii shown, keeps also flowing northward to the neigh- 
 bonring and sparsely peopled colonics. No very weighty 
 argument for or against free trade can be founded upon 
 the emigration or population figures of the two great 
 neighbouring Australian colonies. The passing of 
 Victoria by New South AVales in totjd population was 
 to be expected, looking to the vastly greater extent of 
 land comprised in the older colony. 
 
 There can be no doubt that during the last few KngUsh 
 years, in spite of the enormous amount of local capital ylllJorii'i" 
 in Victoria, a tide of British capital also has flowed 
 into that colony. A high rate of interest combined 
 with safety has naturjdly tempted capital from Europe, 
 and while the money of Melbourne has gone off into 
 the backlands of Australia, outside the limits of the 
 colony, drawn thither by a still higher rate of interest, 
 English capital has not competed with it in these fields 
 l)ecause of the want of knowledge with regard to them 
 which prevailed at homo, but British capital has 
 replaced Melbourne capital in Melbourne itself. There 
 has been a great deal of investment of capital from 
 Europe in that purchase and repurchase of city pro- 
 
 ill 
 
IQO 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 Melbouriii 
 
 perties in the great town which was in 1888 growing at 
 . a most extraordinary rate. Sydney people used to 
 speak contemptuously of IMelbourne as a "mushroom 
 city," but it continues to be the chief town of the Aus- 
 tralian continent, and to increase more ra})idly than the 
 older capital. Unless its growth be checked, of which 
 there is as yet no sign, for the depression of 1889 was 
 l)ut temporary, half the people of the colony will soon 
 be found living in the city and its suburbs. 
 
 There are some who predict that under a more complete 
 Australian Federation than now exists jMelbourne will be 
 at once the New York and the Washington of Australia 
 — the federal capital as well as the centre of colonial com- 
 merce ; but even without the selection of Melbourne as the 
 capital, which will be prevented by the jealousies of the 
 rival cities, the situation of Port Phillip makes it un- 
 likely that Melbourne will decline. Fabulous prices are 
 paid for blocks of land in the Ijusiness portion of the 
 town, and buildings are erected as high as those at Knights- 
 bridge or at Queen Anne's Gate, and yield a handsome 
 rate of interest to the investor. The population of the 
 city and immediate suburbs increases on the average 
 at the rate of something like 15,000 people a year : from 
 three to seven thousand new houses are run up in the 
 year, so that the building trades are busy, and money 
 has been rapidly made by contractors, owners of brick- 
 yards, small iron foundries, estal)lishments for providing 
 plumbers, plasterers, and so forth. ]Money has been 
 saved steadily by the journeymen employed, and there 
 has been a large consequent increase in the savings 
 bank deposits. The "land boom" of 1888 brought 
 in from neighbouring colonies many persons with a 
 little capital who transferred their concerns to Mel- 
 bourne and set up in business there. The intiux 
 
 •^ 
 
 1 
 
i 
 
 CII.M'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 191 
 
 ho 
 
 '■e 
 
 IV- 
 
 '11 
 
 of capital has been assisted l)y aorieiiltural prosperity. 
 As a result of lier laud Icoislatiou, iu which Victoria 
 took a lead tlirouu'h haviuo- adoijted democratic views 
 upon the land question more rapidly and fully than 
 they prevailed in New South Wales, the former colony 
 has been able of late not only to supply her own 
 food-stuti's, l)ut to export wheat largely and also to beat 
 New South Wales in wine growing, in which the larger 
 colony had a start. 
 
 The price of land throughout the colony has gone tiio price 
 up fast (though there was a temporary fall in 188!))," 
 suburl)an lands rising in value in a most ama;^ing 
 way, and villas now dot the landscape for a great 
 distance all round .^Iclbourne. Some land near Mel- 
 bourne has risen in value in six or seven years from 
 £10 to £500 the acre. So far as past experience may 
 be relied upon, this extraordinary rise in the value of 
 su1)urban land is a natural process and not an artificial 
 inflation of prices, and the prices reached in most 
 districts are permanent — stationary or increasing, and 
 seldom going back at all. The land sales in Mel1)ourne 
 and its neighl)ourliood had reached, in 1888, fabulous 
 amounts, the sales by public auction attaining a figure of 
 thirteen million pounds worth of property in a year — 
 a portion of this sum representing, however, land sold 
 several times over. In 1889 the exaggerated hopeful- 
 ness of the time of the " land boom " was followed by an 
 ecpially exaggerated panic. The value of shares in 
 public companies in Victoria, judged by selling price, fell 
 two millions sterling in twelve months, but there were 
 com})aratively few insolvencies, and only some feeble com- 
 panies disappeared. The revenue continued to pour in, 
 and while the colony suflered, in c;ommon with all the 
 others, from drought, the manner in which the financial 
 
 il 
 
ii 
 
 ,, 
 
 ^r 1^' 
 
 192 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Laiid legi> 
 latiiMi. 
 
 Taxation 
 
 ilirectc'il 
 a<:aiust 
 large 
 estates. 
 
 shock was sustained l)y Victoria was a marvellous testi- 
 mony to the soundness of her position. Speculators 
 suffered, but building societies and savings banks con- 
 tinued to flourish and increase. 
 
 The experience of the land question in Victoria 
 shows that settlers are slow to occupy land for farming 
 on rental. From 18G5 and 18G9, when the system 
 of allowing the selection of land at easy rates with a 
 view to the ultimate acquirement of the freehold was 
 introduced and extended, an immenHC number of farms 
 were " taken up " in A'ictoria in the course of a few 
 years. The Land Act of 18G9 practically embodied "free 
 selection before survey " over the entire territory, and 
 was successful ; but it was not until 1883 that the leasing 
 system was fairly introduced, and very little good land 
 easily accessible was then left for occupation. There is 
 now a tendency to discourage the sale of the unalienated 
 portion of the colonial pul)lic estate, and to rather bring 
 into the market, for agricultural settlement, lands which 
 have already been purchased and are held in large 
 estates. 
 
 There exist in Victoria two forms of taxation which 
 are directed ao-ainst oreat estates — the succession 
 duty, graduated from 1 to 10 per cent according 
 to the extent of the property which passes, and a 
 land-tax which, although not graduated like the succes- 
 sion duty, is a tax with considerable exemptions, the 
 classes of exemption being so constructed that the tax is 
 clearly intended to bring land into the market. The 
 tax is 1:1; per cent a year on the taxable value, that is, 
 after deduction of the exempted amount, and the 
 whole tax f;dls upon under three hundred persons. Sir 
 Graham Berry, the author of the tax, attempted to 
 
 11 
 
 .1' 
 
 I 
 
 amend the classifications in 1880-81, but although his Bill 
 
 $ 
 
CIIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 193 
 
 would have removed some admitted anomalies, the net 
 effect of his proposed changes would have l)een to 
 increase the amount received from the tax by £70,000 a 
 year, for which reason the Legislative Council or Upper 
 House threw out the Bill. In the meantime the tax, 
 although not important, has satisfied the public mind. 
 Its principle is certain to be extended whenever the 
 colony is in want of money, but at present tlie country 
 is too prosperous to feel any such need. The ultra- 
 radical party in Victoria desire a progressiv^e land-tax, 
 increasing with the increase of area ; but their view 
 is the view of a minority, and it is generally felt that 
 before estates are broken up in Victoria by taxation or 
 by any kind of legislation many will have been divided 
 by the democratic effects of irrigation, which, as we 
 shall see farther on, makes small farms pay better than 
 large properties. 
 
 The democratic party in Victoria have for their land Land 
 maxim : " The settlement of men upon the land, instead .kMnocl-atic 
 of its sale to the highest bidder," but are not, as a body, ^^^'''^^'• 
 land nationalisers. There was at one time in Victoria a 
 Land Reform League, afterwards called the Land Tenure 
 Reform League, established in Melbourne by a Mr. 
 Gresham, who tried to get into the Victorian Assembly 
 as a land nationaliser but did not succeed. The 
 earth-hunger of the artisans, which had overthrown the 
 Crown tenants, was too strong for jNIr. Gresham. He 
 set forth his principles when standing for an agricul- 
 tural district in 18G8, and the Lea one was active from 
 1870 to 1872, upholding the doctrine that the State 
 should be the sole landlord and should never alienate 
 land. The League circulated largely a reprint of portions 
 of the Social Statics of Mr. Herbert Spencer, an ^ o 
 reprinted from the Wesitminster Review an artic^ j\\ 
 
m 
 
 I ;i 
 
 194 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 ■ '! 
 
 the laiul (jiiestioii by i\Ir. Syme, proprietfir of the 
 Mclboiu'uc A(n% sometimes called " the apostle of Pro- 
 tection." jNIr. Higiiibotham, the present Chief Justice, 
 and Mr. Syme both supported the League with their purse. 
 J\lr. Gresham afterwards stood for an urban constituency, 
 and again failed. The practical programme of the 
 League was the cessation of the sale of Crown lands, and 
 the leasing of the public domain for thirty years, with 
 security of tenure and revision of rents on the expiration 
 of the lease. I believe that Mr. Hioinbotham on one 
 occasion made an attempt in the Assembly to stop the 
 further alienation of the public estate, and Mr. Syme 
 through the Aga has often preached the same doctrine, 
 but without the effect, in the one case, of oljtaining a 
 vote of the Ass'jmbly, or, in the other case, of converting 
 the Victorian Dcople. 
 
 In a very able article in the Aldhourne Review, 
 in 1879, Mr. Syme showed how great had been the 
 loss of the community in the neighbourhood of Melbourne 
 by the out-and-out sale of the public domain, and 
 he then proposed as a remedy a tax upon land which 
 would secure to society the further increment. He 
 supported his argument from the protectionist point 
 of view, showing that the revenue from customs 
 ought to decrease in proportion to the success of the 
 Victorian fiscal policy, and that, as resort must be 
 had to direct taxation to cover the deficiency, it would 
 be well to make the owners of town and suburban 
 land contribute their full share. He therefore suggested 
 a land tax, to be periodically increased as unearned 
 increment accrued, but to be on the land alone and not 
 on improvements. The whole movement produced but 
 little result, for the Victorian artisan would not listen 
 to State landlordism ; but the rich of all classes have 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 195 
 
 
 been reached l)y the graduated progressive succession 
 duty and by the tax on L'lnds worth more than £2500. 
 
 Although there is this strong disinclination in Vic- No oi.jl-c- 
 toria to State ownership of the soil, there is no objection v'ictoviii to 
 to State interference generally. Indeed the strongest ^^11^^^';,^"^^ 
 disposition exists in Victoria, and, though in a less 
 degree, throughout Australia generally, to think that 
 the State is able to influence the prosperity of a country 
 to a larger extent than is l)clieved possible by us in 
 Great Britain, or by our descendants in Canada and the 
 United States. It is almost impossible to deny assent to 
 Victorian views in favour of State -socialism in young 
 countries. Lord Bramwell himself would become a State- 
 socialist if he inhabited Victoria. In the rich young- 
 colonies the climate and soil offer wealth in return for 
 population, but there are no people to construct the 
 public works that are needed before the wealth can be won, 
 and Government alone can do so, but can do it either 
 upon the Australian or upon the American system. 
 
 In the United States and Canada companies are 
 brought into existence by enormous prospective gifts 
 of land in return for the performance of certain opera- 
 tions, and most of the various Pacific railroads were 
 made rapidly upon this plan. The companies were 
 bribed to make them, or, if the phrase is preferred, 
 largely paid in land to make them. The Australians 
 have more logically, and there is reason to think some- 
 what more economically, decided to keep public works 
 mainly in the hands of the colonial Governments. There 
 is, in short, as I have already suggested by my reference 
 to State- socialism, a considerable tendency noticeable in 
 Victoria, towards Government interference with regard 
 to matters in which the State does not interfere at home. 
 In Australia generally the railways are the property of 
 
wfmm 
 
 Govern - 
 ment rail- 
 ways. 
 
 Board of 
 Cominis- 
 siouers. 
 
 196 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 the State, but in Victoria a similar policy is 1 )eing pushed 
 very far in many — as, for example, in agricultural and 
 horticultural — matters. The Victorian Government not 
 only help to support hospitals and charities and 
 mechanics' institutes, but also spend money more freely 
 in proportion than do European Governments on 
 elementary and university education, botany, astronomy, 
 schools of mines and design, and on parks. 
 
 The consequences of the State control of railways 
 in the colonies have been such that the majority of the 
 few private lines which had been made have been bought 
 up by the colonial Governments. ]\Iost of the lines 
 were from the first constructed, managed, and owned by 
 the State, and the results of the system in Australia 
 have been apparently at least as good as the result of 
 the opposite system in North America. The Melbourne 
 and Hobson's Bay Railway, which was in private hands, 
 was bought by Victoria in 1878, and in Tasmania, where 
 the initiation of railway schemes had been left to private 
 enterprise, the State has now bought out most of the 
 companies. 
 
 It is generally admitted in Victoria that there were 
 many blots on the system of State control of railways 
 until the appointment of a board of three Commissioners 
 independent of political influence. It is confessed that 
 the management of a large department, spending a vast 
 amount of money upon labour, when in the hands of 
 political ministers, is often worked for political ends. 
 " Log-rolling," in the construction of railways for private 
 advantage, admittedly existed. It was sometimes found 
 in Victoria that w^eak ministries, clutclung at straws to 
 save themselves from drownin<>', were willinjx to risk the 
 future prosperity of the system for a little temporary 
 help in the hour of trouble. Yet even under political 
 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 197 
 
 
 management the railways of Victoria seem not to have 
 been batlly managed on the whole, and to liave given a 
 fair amount of satisfaction to the people. They were 
 worked at a slight loss, but railwa}-s were constantly 
 being pushed out into sparsely peopled districts, and 
 the State w^as willinsx to look forward to the time 
 when, the population having followed the railroads, the 
 land near tliem would be well settled, and the railroads 
 no longer a charge upon the State. That time has come. 
 The Commissioners are now working the lines upon a 
 commercial basis, and the railway system of Victoria is 
 self-supporting, the average rate of profit on capital 
 expended having reached A:\ j^er cent. The railways 
 could have been made to pay a better return upon the 
 capital invested, but the object of the State in the colonies 
 has never been to make money directly from the rail- 
 roads, but rather to encourage industry and to render 
 service to the people. Fares and freights have been 
 constantly low^ered, so as to keep the revenue at a figure 
 which would just pay all expenses. The profit that 
 would elsewhere have gone into the pockets of share- 
 holders, with no check save that supplied by the com- 
 petition of other lines — a competition which in itself 
 implies the creation of unnecessary lines and the sinking 
 of unnecessary capital — has in Victoria been converted 
 into a means of lightening the load upon the farmers, 
 and permitting graziers at great distances from Melbourne 
 to supply that city wdth beef at moderate prices. The 
 Government of the democratic colony has not failed to 
 have regard to the desirability of lessening the obstacles 
 that parted friends residing at long distances from each 
 other, and of permitting city men, without greatly 
 increased expenditure, to live far from the town in 
 which they work. Railway fares in Victoria compare 
 
 
198 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER 
 
 J TAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 lb 
 
 favourably with those of other communitie.s, and we 
 must in addition make allowance for the difterenee in the 
 purchasing power of money. Very similar rates prevail 
 in the other colonies, and in all of them the railways are 
 worked less to pay interest upon capital than as subser- 
 vient to the common weak Persons engaged, or su})- 
 posed to l)e engaged, on missions of importance to the 
 State are granted free passes over the colonial lines. 
 The railways are used for the spread of education, and 
 in New South Wales and some other colonies the school 
 children are carried free of charge. In Victoria remis- 
 sions of fares are made in the cnsc of students in the 
 schools of mines and in the schools of design. Specially 
 low rates exist in all the colonies for suburl>an traffic. 
 The fares in the neiohbourhood of ]Mell)0urne. for a 
 district nearly 30 miles across, arc for single journeys 
 Id. a mile first-class, and fd. a mile second-class ; and 
 return tickets are given at f d. a mile first-class, and |,d. 
 a mile second-class ; while monthly, quarterly, half- 
 yearly, and yearly tickets are granted at great reduc- 
 tions, even upon these low rates. The result is a 
 wonderful spread of suburban railroad travelling, and 
 the custom in Victoria is so developed that out of 
 the large number of persons working in Melbourne 
 who come in by train every day, a considerable pro- 
 portion come to the town a second time in the 
 evening to visit the theatres. The lowness of railway 
 fares in Victoria is the more striking when we re- 
 member that wages are twice as high for shorter hours 
 as they are in England, and that coal costs nearly twice 
 as much. No one in A^ictoria now advocates private 
 ownership of railways. 
 Mileage The Victoriau system of managing the State railways 
 
 theAustrai- by a uon-poUtical Commission has been recently imitated 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTOR/A 
 
 199 
 
 lllC iisi.111 rail- 
 
 ways. 
 
 by most of tlic other colonics in the Soutii Sean, 
 extent of raih-oads now in the hands of the colonial 
 (Governments is very hirge. The railways of our Austral- 
 asian colonies have a mileage equal to half the rail- 
 way mileage of the United Kingdom. Tlie new railways 
 that are heino^ made in all the colonics are costinu' the 
 colonial Governments, in spite of the dearness of labour 
 and of machinery, only about one-tenth as much per 
 mile as the English railways cost, although the earliest 
 railways constructed in Victoria cost as much as English 
 lines. At the same time the colonial lines, on the whole, 
 arc of a more substantial type than the lines of the 
 United States, where trestle bridges of wood are used 
 instead of solid embankments. The Queensland lines 
 are of a narrow gauge, but the Victorian lines are of the 
 broadest. 
 
 We have become familiar in England of late years ck 
 with the owning of telegraphs by the State, but we have "e^'graiihs. 
 unfortunately not become acquainted with low rates. 
 Our rates in England are heavier than those which pre- 
 vail in some parts of the Continent of Europe ; but the 
 average telegraph rates of our colonies, in spite of t'.^e 
 difference in the value of money, are lower in proportion 
 to distance than are those of the old world. 
 
 Not only have the State railways of Victoria been i-nbuc de- 
 placed under non- political management, but this has {|;"|[y"'^^'^\''^ 
 been the case with the public departments oenerallv- i"'^'*''-'*^ 
 The Commissioners a})pointed to free the pul)lic service ment. 
 from the former incubus of political patronage are as 
 well paid as the judges, and as free from pressure of 
 any kind. The Civil Service Commissioners of Victoria, 
 who are three in number, began their work some five 
 years ago by visiting every place in the colony where 
 public officers were stationed, learning the nature of 
 
 Govoni- 
 int'ut 
 
 I 
 
** 
 
 ri 
 
 i 
 
 200 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 11 
 
 their duties, deterniiiiing their rehitive im])ortaiice, uud 
 (dassifying the otiicers accordingly. Sahiries were 
 systematised and made unilorni in all departments, and 
 appointments and promotions are now determined by 
 the Board. Heads (jf departments are allowed to make 
 recommendations as to promotion, but the Commission 
 is alone responsible, and, although the Commissioners 
 are much guided by the udvi(;e of the heads of depart- 
 ments, that advice does not relieve them from any share 
 of responsil)ility. They are bound to satisfy themselves 
 that the promotions recommended are right, however 
 much they may go to the officials for evidence and 
 information. While tlie officials of the Education 
 Department are under the Commissioners, the mere 
 teachers are not included in the ordinary Civil Service, 
 and their promotions are determined by a different 
 Board, partly appointed by Government and partly 
 elected by the teachers. 
 
 The Victorian Civil Service Commission has met 
 with success, and on the rare occasions when members 
 of Parliament have hinted at a desire to revert to their 
 old practices the voice of the community has at once 
 drowned the whisper of such a suggestion. The Civil 
 Service, which was at one time a byword, is now a credit 
 to the colony, and nothing can exceed the average 
 capacity, industry, and trustworthiness of its public 
 Payment of servants. A British admiral not long ago made a speech 
 in which he asserted that the Victorian Parliament can 
 be bought or bril)ed ; but he had been wholly misin- 
 formed, and his speech not only did great harm but 
 was untrue. In readinu; the comments on it in the 
 colonial newspa2:)ers I was struck by one which I 
 found in an agricultural paper, not over friendly to 
 either the Government or the Parliament of Victoria, 
 
 Success of 
 the Civil 
 Service 
 Commis- 
 sion. 
 
 members. 
 
CIlAl'. t 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 20I 
 
 It 
 
 ie 
 
 I 
 
 lo 
 
 whii'li almost un\villin,i>iy paid a trilmto to tlie 
 honesty of the Victorian loHislatmr in the t'ollowing 
 words: " Our members are l)ail cnougli at striving for 
 ortice, and wasting time over il, hut our legishiture is 
 one of the purest in the world, iliihcry and corruption 
 are ahsuhitely uidviiDwn in our pdiitics, l)ad and all as 
 they are." The newspaper in (juestion proceeded to 
 explain that the admiral had I'cceived his information 
 from an " ahsentec squatter," and tlu-n went on: "The 
 old S(|uatter was prohahly here when the large estates 
 were being formed and there was no [)ayment of 
 members. The poorest members now would despise 
 both him and his money." 
 
 A remarkable testimony to the political honour 
 prevalent in the highest places in the Australian colonies 
 is the fact that two of the leading statesmen, belong- 
 ing to ditferent colonies, who have notoriously been 
 in financial straits throughout their lives, although 
 they have for long })eriods Ijeen all powerful, have not 
 only remained scru})ulously honest, which is nothing, 
 but have never been charged with or suspected of 
 dishonesty by their most savage ])olitical opponents, 
 which is much. The Aiyiis is a Melbourne Conser- 
 vative newspaper, but the Aryns is as proud of the 
 financial purity of the Victorian Assembly as is the 
 democratic A(i<', and it is a fact tliat since payment of 
 members was introduced parliamentary money sctmdals 
 have been all l)ut unknown. 
 
 Not only were complaints once made of political loimI pov- 
 
 influence in appointments to and })romotions in the ''"""'^"*" 
 
 public service in the colonies generally, and in Victoria 
 
 among the others, but similar couiplaints were also at 
 
 one time directed against the system that obtained in 
 
 local government. Just as in France, so in Victoria, it 
 VOL. I p 
 
 \\\ 
 
m 
 
 \ 
 
 202 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 \vu8 Haiti that llio wislics of Llic admini.sti'atioii with 
 regard to clectioiiH liad nnicli to do with State aid to 
 puhlic worivs that sliould hnvo Im'ou rcgardod as bt'iiijL;' 
 of a purely local nature. AVheu 1 wrote upon Victoria 
 in 18G8, and again later in the Colxlen ('lul) volume on 
 Local (tovcnnncnf and 2\ixation published in 1875, 1 
 described the local government system of the colony. 
 There never has ])een much trouble in Victoria about 
 the towns; the ditliculty arose with regard to the outlying 
 rural districts, with j-espect to which applications used 
 to l)e made to Government through mend)ers of the 
 Assembly for assistance. The present system is that in 
 the out-of-the-way parts of the country Government 
 contrilmtes, within certain restrictions, £2 for every £1 
 raised by the rates. Tlie local bodies, of course, know 
 the local needs, and a practical test of the urgency of 
 these needs is provided by the requirement that these 
 sparsely populated localities shall find at least one-third 
 of the cost, and the plan has proved to be a fair system 
 for obtaining the advantaoes of decentralisation alonu' 
 with those of the opposite system. The roads and 
 bridges which are initiated by the sparse populations of 
 new districts are, of course, often works of general 
 utility ; just as are the main roads of England, towards 
 which the county contributes as a whole, and to 
 which, from 1881 up to April 1889, the State con- 
 tributed. The State in Victoria does not absolutely 
 confine its contributions to the rural districts, but the 
 contributions in large towiis are small, and are based 
 upon a different system. Generally speaking it may be 
 said that, while in the thiidy populated " shires " the 
 Victorian Government contributes, for the purpose of 
 assisting the population in providing conveniences 
 which are national as well as local, double the sum that 
 
 / 
 
 Ik 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 !03 
 
 i8 locally raise'd, in wrallhior aixl more [xtitiiloiis disUicts 
 the State e()iitril)uti()ii (Icclines until it ahoiit e(|uals the 
 local contribution, and in the oreat cities falls to a con- 
 ti'ibution of onc-tentli. 
 
 The principle of (Jovcriinicnt co-opnaliiMi with 
 localities has been carried into a large nuud)er of dillcr- 
 
 / ent fields in the colony of Victoria: tramways, for 
 
 exani[)le, are constru(;ted by niunicipaUtics on Uovern- 
 nient loans, the State borrowing' money for the 
 nnini('i[)a.]ities on the best terms wliich the colony can 
 command in the market, but the municipalities ulti- 
 mately l)ecoming the owners of the lines. The legis- 
 lature, in establishing tlie tramway system of Victoria, 
 gave the municipalities the choice of whether tlu^y 
 would construct the lines themselves or leave tlie 
 construction to the Government, which was willing to 
 undertake it as a portion of its railroad system. The 
 whole of the municipalities, however, twelve in numl)er, 
 decided to use the privilege conferred upon them. In 
 Sydney, on the other hand, the tramway system has 
 been kept in the hands of the Government of New South 
 Wales, and has been treated as a part of the railway 
 system of the colony. In Victoria the municipalities 
 will l)ecome the owners of the tramway lines without 
 purchase and \\'ithout payment. The tramway com- 
 panies, in the meantime, are forced to repair the adjoin- 
 ing roads, and the municipalities have n(jt merely the 
 reversion of the lines themselves, but in .Melbourne 
 alone have obtained from the companies nearly forty 
 
 I miles of excellent wood pavement, while the com2)anies 
 
 are paying a large dividend upon their shares. The 
 secretary of one tramway line receives from his company 
 a salary of £3000 a year, and is considered cheap at the 
 price, so enormous is the tramway traffic The cars are 
 
 'I'l-aliiWil.V.s 
 ill liamls ot 
 iiiutiiu'i' 
 p:ilitirs. 
 
/f 
 
 204 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 worked upon the cable system, Avitli i)ei'iect smootliness, 
 at an averaoe rate of eioflit miles an hour, imdudino; 
 stoppages ; and they stop with the greatest case to pick 
 up and set down whenever hailed. Siindhurst has started 
 its tramways upon the electric system. 
 Irrigation. Tlic uiost notable instance in Victoria of the charac- 
 teristically Victorian effort to unite central action with 
 local knowiedue and local control is seen in the irrigation 
 system, the credit of which is due almost entirely to 
 the i)resent Colonial Secretary. ^Ir. Deakin. The irriga- 
 tion system of Victoria, whicli will change the whole 
 physical as])cct of the c<:)untry as well as affect its 
 political future, and which is likely, if transported to 
 New South Wales and South Australia, to be of even 
 greater moment to those dry countries than it will l)e 
 to the colony of its origin, is one of recent date. Al- 
 thougli Victoria has a fiir average rainfall, there are 
 parts of the colony whicli often suffer from persistent 
 want of rain. On the inland side of the low' dividing- 
 range the climate is not only drier as a whole than on 
 the coast, but it has also the unha})py habit of baulking 
 the farmer's hopes. The wheat-growing land of Victoria 
 which lies in this district, where the rain is a})t to fall 
 when it is not wanted, and to fail to come in the short 
 period when it is, consists of tertiary deposits near the 
 Murray. Tlien^ in ages now long past, when the 
 ^liirray, instead of being a sickly dried-up stream, was a 
 kind of southern Nile, bearing upon its wide waters the 
 same annual gift of fertilising mud, there were stored 
 the elements of an inexhaustil)le fertility. There are 
 districts near the coast whicli are richly favoured as 
 grazing lands ; other tracts of disintegrated volcanic 
 rock where potato -farming is carried on with extra- 
 ordinary success ; but the best wheat-growing i)ortion of 
 
ra- 
 of 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 205 
 
 the colony is that wliicli 1 liave described, and it is 
 badly off for rain. Other fertile distiicts are those that 
 lie in the western part of the colony, in plains which 
 are well watered in winter l)y the AVinnncra, the Avoea, 
 and the Avon ; bnt in summer the beds of these streams 
 may be crossed without any suspicion of the existence of 
 a river in the neiu'hbourhood. Farmers sow wheat seed 
 in the depth of winter; and the soft spring sunshine 
 and frequent showers of August, and the stronger sun 
 of September, see it high ; but November burns it uj), 
 and a crop of abundant promise is apt ultimately, 
 through want of moisture, to yield nothing for the 
 farmer's pains. 
 
 Ill 1S84 a Victorian Royal Commission was appointed Mr. 
 to examine into the best methods of conserving the invitation 
 supply of water and dealing it out to the farmer when ^'■'"'""^^^• 
 in need. Mr. Deakin was chairman of the Commission, 
 and went to America, according to his instructions, to 
 study the Californian irrigation system. jNIr. Deakin 
 recommended that the State should exercise supreme 
 control over the sources of water su])ply. lie pointed 
 out the great dillerence between Victoria, and even the 
 l>ritisli colonies generally, on the one hand, and the 
 United States upon the other, as regarded the attitude 
 of the State towards every form of enterprise, including 
 the construction and management of railways, tele- 
 graphs, and water undertakings. He showed how in 
 Victoria all these were in the hands generally of the 
 State, but sometimes, as regards water supply, of 
 municipal bodies acting with money borrowed from the 
 State. In America, railways, telegra]»lis, and water 
 supply were almost invariably in private hands. The 
 State Governments in the United States had done little 
 in the way of undertaking or assisting in the construe- 
 
 v._ 
 
2o6 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 li 
 
 II 
 
 tioii of iriigjition works, while the Federal Government 
 of tlie United States maintained an attitude of indiffer- 
 ence. TJie large irrigation works of America had 
 been constructed by private persons or by companies, 
 Colorado and California had each procured a report by 
 the State engineer upon irrigation, but that was almost 
 all that had been done in that direction by any public 
 authority in the country. On the other hand, Mr. 
 Deakin [)ointed out that there has been an immense 
 deal of irrigation in America in places with a very 
 similar climate to that of Victoria and where the 
 cro^is produced are crops wdiich could be produced in 
 Victoria under irrigation. J\lr. Deakin showed how, in 
 Southern California, in Utah, and in New JMexico, he 
 had gained experience which went to prove that lucerne 
 could ])e o;rown under irrioation in Victoria with extra- 
 ordinary success. Four, or even more, crops of lucerne 
 can be raised in the course of a single year, and a 
 yield of twelve tons to the acre attained ; and lucerne 
 improves by keeping, and can be stored for three years. 
 Mr. Deakin also pointed out the marvellous future 
 which, with irrigation, lies before the dry districts of 
 Victoria in fruit growing, and especially orange cidtiva- 
 tion. Believinij as he does in the advanta^'cs of the 
 State possession of railroads, JMr. Deakin was able to 
 point out that, l)y the low freights of Victoria, the 
 farmers in the irrigated districts would be able to 
 successfully compete with the farmers of the west- 
 centre of the United States, who are crippled by 
 the heavy railway freights upon their products The 
 future that lies before Victoria in the production of olive 
 oil, of currants, and of wine, was also pointed out, and 
 the report concluded with the recommendations upon 
 which subsequent legislation has been based. 
 
 ; « 
 
 .'I 
 
 m : 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 207 
 
 1 
 
 The boundless possibilities which, under a system of 
 Avuter storage and irrigation, belong to the flat or river dis- 
 trict of New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia, 
 where now in summer the land yawns in deep fissures 
 beneath a brazen sky, form a su])ject which gives full 
 scope to IMr. Deakin's oratorical powers. At the present 
 moment the Australian colonists lose stock l)y the 
 million head every few years through drought ; l)Ut 
 with water storage, with irrigation of artificial grass- 
 lands, and with resort to ensilage, these losses could be 
 entirely prevented, while irrigation proper will bring 
 into existence fruit and dairy industries, enabling what 
 used to l)e thought the worst portions of Australia to 
 maintain a dense population in comfort with steady 
 employment and sure profits. The drawb.ack to 
 Australia in the })r('sent is the cessation of j)roductive- 
 ness about one year in three ; and certainty in itself 
 would make an extraordinary difference to the 
 prosperity of the country ; but when to certainty, as 
 regards shee}) and cattle, are added the prv'sibilities of 
 oil, orange, wine, and other small fnrming under an 
 irrigation system, it Ijecomes clear that the future of 
 the colonies lies this way. 
 
 AVhen the time came for legislation iAIr. Dcakin 
 proitosed that the Colonial Government should dispose 
 of the water to local " trusts " a})pointed to provide for 
 local needs, and that the State should at once Gfather 
 and [)u1)lisli full infoi'mation as to the :^uitability of 
 various districts of tj>v: coloj.y for irrigati-M. In June 
 188G INIr. Deakin introiluced a l>ill (;mbodying these 
 principles. Part X of the Bill provided that certain 
 classes of works should from time to time be declared 
 national works by Parliament itself; these being su(di as 
 are connected with the sources of rivers in mountainous 
 
 statu 
 
 liiniii'V for 
 iiTi;^atioii 
 
il 
 
 208 
 
 PROBLEMS UF CRE/, '\ A' BRitAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 .'! 
 
 
 I 
 
 districts, for over tliese no one trust could exercise 
 control without the danger of undue interference with 
 the rights of others. Works wliicli, though necessary, 
 lie outside the sphere of action of any local trust were 
 to be undertaken by tlie State. The chief engineer of 
 tlie Water Supply Department has, however, to certify 
 to his belief that the return from the Xoc.'A trusts 
 interested in any works undertaken as national will 
 pay interest on the money expended by the State upon 
 these works. The Jjill became law in Decend)er 1886. 
 Six districts had already aj^plied to be allowed to 
 form trusts, two-thirds of the landowners in tliese dis- 
 tricts, that is to say, generally speaking, the farmers, 
 being parties to the application. State money was 
 granted in these cases at 4^ per cent, the loan being 
 at 4 per cent, and the \ per cent covering the cost 
 of borrowing and of the relations between the Water 
 Supply Department and the trust. The largest scheme 
 was one to wat(;r 800,000 acres, the national works re- 
 quired by it costing about one and a half millions ster- 
 ling. The total schemes involved a national expenditure 
 of between three and four millions sterlino-. In 1889 
 the irrigation schemes were being rapidly pushed on, 
 and some thirty irrigation trusts had been formed. A 
 o-ranite weir 900 feet long w\as constructed across the chief 
 internal river, diverting streams on either side into the 
 rich plains of the north, the larger of them flowing 
 into the biogest storage basin in the world. It is ex- 
 pected that in five or six years cultivation will be 
 revolutionised in the large area affected l)y this scheme. 
 There has been some appearance of delay with regard 
 to actual irrigation, but it must be remembered that 
 much work was necessary to conserve and direct the 
 water upon a scientific system of storage and supply 
 
 I 
 
CHAT. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 209 
 
 before irrigation could take place, lii the Australian 
 summer of 1889-90 irrigation is really beginning in 
 Victoria, but even now only upon a comparatively small 
 scale, tliongh there will soon be 50,000 acres watered 
 under the new schemes. Time is necessary to train 
 farmers to make good use of the irrigation, and before 
 its full results are reaped some years of practi(!al 
 experience will be needed. The fruit orchards require, 
 moreover, from four to six years before they come into 
 bearing. There is much to be learnt as regards the 
 handling of fruit, and the conquest of markets for it : it 
 will, however, pay from the first, and the paying of the 
 system will ensure its further development. The water 
 has first to be stored and taken to the land, and by the 
 summer of 1890-91 the Goulburn river will be pouring- 
 life into the dry plains, and progress will be made on a 
 o[reat scale with State aid. 
 
 The principle of the Victorian irrigation scheme is, Tii,.i,r!n- 
 then, that combination of central action with local action, [n.|,^;,uo', ' 
 that plan of helping districts to help themselves, which ""'"^"'*-'- 
 we have noticed in Victorian rural local government 
 generally. The State does that which must be done l)y 
 the State if it is to be done at all, but what can be done 
 locally is left to the locality with State aid. 
 
 In addition to the Government and municipal works, ivivato 
 one private firm has started irrigation works upon wohIs.'"" 
 a large scale in a tract so dry that, when some 
 leases in it were put up to auction not long before 
 these gentlemen began their operations, the highest 
 rental offered was a penny a year for 14 acres, although 
 the principal river of iVustralia, the Murray, winds 
 round the district. There is a good deal of the ^Nlallee 
 scruljland in the north-west of Victoria which is let 
 by the State for pasture in large blocks at a penny 
 
2IO 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 for 20 acres, and ]\Iiklura was looked upon as almost as 
 poor a plaec. The owners of the Mildura property 
 gained their experience of the productiveness of an 
 irrigation system in California, where they had previously 
 started one of those great estates upon which Mr. Deakin, 
 in his visit to California for the Ijenefit of Victoria, was 
 able to see the magnificent results of irrigation. Besides 
 their INlildura lands they own also a jn-operty not far off, 
 but situate in the colony of South Australia, for both 
 properties are near the meeting of the three colonies 
 wdiicli divide the river tract. I once visited this 
 district in the summer, and, with the thermometer at 
 11G° in the shade, was not able to discover for myself 
 its charms. At the same time I ventured then to pro- 
 \vi,n, phcsy, in Greater Britain, a development of the grape- 
 1 production. g^.Q-^yijig industry, which since those days has progressed 
 indeed with marvellous rapidity. I thought that New 
 South Wales, which had the start in wine production 
 in its Riverina district, would keep the lead, with South 
 Australia for a second. Ijut it looks at the present 
 time as though Victoria would be the first Australian 
 wine-growing colony, run hard by the two others. The 
 fact is that all three possess about the same advantages 
 for grape culture, and together ought to be, with the 
 Cape and California, the future wine-growing districts 
 of the world. I have still to say, as I said before, that 
 the colonies suffer by trying to imitate the wines of 
 foreign countries, instead of being willing frankly to 
 produce their ow^n. 
 
 It is a curious fact with regard to Victorian wine 
 production that the part of the colony which is most 
 likely ultimately to grow fine wines is not as yet in 
 ftxvour for the purpose. Gippsland will probably in 
 the long-run produce the finest wines of all Australia, 
 

 CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 211 
 
 and very possibly the finest wines of all the world. 
 If the growing pr()liil)itionist party should ever get 
 its way in Victoria the strange spectacle will be 
 presented of one of the chief wine-producing countries 
 being under the control of an electorate which is 
 opposed to the manufacture and snlc of wine. What 
 is called "• Prohibition " in Victoria is State-prohibi- 
 tion, and even the more extreme members of the local 
 option party dislike the name " prohilntionist." The 
 first State-proliibitionist candidate ever seen in Victoria 
 appeared at the general election in 1889, and he lost the 
 £50 deposit exacted from candidates as a test of serious 
 intention, for he only polled about 70 votes in a consti- 
 tuency with nearly 3000 voters. The party that desires 
 local prohibition has, however, increased in strength. 
 But irrioation offers advantaoes which are suflticient to 
 secure its progress even if the teetotallers put down 
 the use of wine. 
 
 In the Mildura district the land with water produces 
 such heavy cro})S that the fixrms there will probalily be 
 very small and the agricultural population extremely 
 dense. Every kind of fruit that can be grown in England 
 can be raised, as well as the ])roductions of the south of 
 Italy. The crops of grapes, of almonds, of olives, and of 
 oranoes are magnificent throusi;hout the river counties 
 when water has once been applied to the soil. The 
 country upon the Murray banks has hitherto had the air 
 of a half desert — a desert varied, that is, in Australian 
 fashion, only by the occasional presence of clumps 
 of sliadeless trees — and has been looked upon as 
 almost desert even by Australian squatters. For living 
 things there are noisy crickets that seem ready to 
 eat up any vegetation that may be spared by the bush 
 fires or the hot north winds of summer. The dryness 
 
 Suroc'ss of 
 irripitioii. 
 
I 
 
 i I 
 
 1 • 
 
 Rabbit 
 
 plilglK'. 
 
 212 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 11 
 
 of the count' \ iirevented settlement, and the land 
 
 is still occ by sheep runs, and sheep runs carry- 
 
 ing but f jep. With a rainfall of from five to ten 
 
 inches, ai. ith one sheep to a hundred acres, the district, 
 although splendidly situated with regard to the shajie 
 of the whole continent, has been looked upon as nearly 
 worthless. Where water has been brought to bear upon 
 it, as for instance at the town of Echuca, the parks and 
 gardens are magnificent ; but all around the country is 
 still parched and thirsty. Within a few years it is to 
 be hoped that all this district (and there are 500,000 
 acres in the single JNlildura scheme) will be maintaining 
 thousands of those small w^orking settlers who form the 
 backbone of the colony of Victoria. It must be remem- 
 l)cred that a family can live upon five or ten acres of 
 land where the ground is treated with irrioation in such 
 a way as to grow oranges and other productive fruit, 
 and while sheep-farming keeps hardly any people in the 
 country, as compared with wheat-growing, wheat-growing 
 itself can provide for one-fifth only of the population 
 who can live upon an irrigated country growing artificial 
 grasses, vegetables, and fruit. 
 
 One dilficulty in the way of this vast change which 
 now exists was unknown at the time of my previous 
 observations — the difficulty produced by the rabbit 
 plague. In the case of the single scheme of which I 
 speak a Government Report, from the chief engineer for 
 water supply, shows that it will be necessary to put a 
 ring of rabbit-proof fence round 250,000 acres of land, 
 and nearly one hundred miles of such fencing was erected 
 in 1888 upon this one estate. The fence is composed of 
 wire netting, 36 inches wide, watli two barbed wires, and 
 there are round posts 6 inches in diameter every 66 
 feet, and rolled steel standards every 16^ feet. Some 
 
CIIy\l'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 21 
 
 of the fences arc constructed against rabbits only, but 
 some have to be made proof against l)otli rnbbits and 
 wild doo's. 
 
 1 ha\'e treated the irrigation system of Victoria as 
 being almost wholly the work of ^Ir. Deakin, for little 
 had l)ccn done Ijefore his day. In writing upon the 
 Australian colonies I shall, indeed, be forced to give a 
 considerable place to individuals, because in these 
 colonies men who, by tlieir cultivation and experience, 
 are fit for responsible positions do not form a very 
 numerous class, and those who have the ability and the 
 training to fill such positions with advantage naturally 
 become great powers in the colonial State. It is, there- 
 fore, even more necessary in these cases than in that of 
 European Powers to consider the opinions and the 
 characters of the leading men, and to treat many colonial 
 experiments in legislation from the personal point of 
 view, as their own children. 
 
 In mentioning persons who have recently played a 
 prominent part in Victoria it is necessary to begin 
 with the late Governor, who had been there from 
 1884 till 1889. The colony of Victoria assumed a 
 ditierent position on the question of the appoint- 
 ment of colonial governors when it was raised by 
 South Australia in the case of Lord Normanby, and 
 by Queensland in the case of Sir Henry Blake, from 
 that taken up by the other colonies. Victoria seemed to 
 lay down the doctrine that who the governor might be 
 was a matter which did not much concern the colony so 
 long as he was limited to his constitutional functions. 
 One main reason of this view being taken was, no doubt, 
 that the Victorian Ministry and the majority of both 
 Houses are strongly " anti-Catholic," and looked upon the 
 protest against Sir Henry Blake's appointment, which 
 
 Leiiiliii; 
 
 lUL'tl, 
 
 Tlie Oov- 
 uniorship 
 (liliiciiltv. 
 

 
 I' ii 
 
 214 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Sir lliiiiy 
 r>ocli. 
 
 The Irisli 
 in Victoria, 
 
 alone l)cciime public at the time, the Norinanhy episode 
 having been temporarily hushed up, as liaving been 
 instigated from the Irisli nationalist side. In the se(;ond 
 place, however, the then governor of Victoria was much 
 more popular thnn were the late governors of Queens- 
 land and of South Australia : and the result of this 
 state of thini>s was that tlie Victorian Parliament 
 declined to express any view contrary to that present 
 principle of the selection of governors which had given 
 them so good a one. Sir Henry Locli had taken a deep 
 interest in the colony of Victoria, and, totally unknown 
 at the time of his appointment, had completely won the 
 hearts of the people during his term of office. Sir 
 Menry Loch was a little autocratic in his understanding 
 of his office, and confined himself witli some difficulty 
 to a strictly constitutional view of his functions : but 
 he is a manly man, pleasant to look at, good-humoured, 
 cordial, frank, and full of energy and of interest in 
 his duties. Ho had travelled over the whole colony, 
 had mixed with all classes of the population, had enter- 
 tained right royally both residents and visitors to an 
 extent that must have swallowed up even his handsome 
 salary and allowances. He had been much assisted by 
 Lady Loch, whose tact made Government House 
 the centre of social interest. She was indefatiiijablc 
 in her attention to charitable and other objects, and 
 was as great a favourite as the Governor himself. 
 Coming after what was colonially called "the frigid 
 parsimony " of Lord Normanl)y, the tenure of office of 
 Sir Henry Loch proved successful from beginning to 
 end. Were all governors as well chosen there would 
 be few questions as to the mode of their appointment. 
 
 Colonial views of persons are much coloured by the 
 Irisli problem. The Irish in Victoria, although they 
 
 n 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTOR/A 
 
 21S 
 
 m;iy not all be good Romau Catholics from a ivligious 
 point of view, aro staunch Roman Catholics politically, 
 and, constituting as they do a (piarter of the po])uIation, 
 are a great political force, against which, however, of 
 late the other parties have, and not for the first time, 
 to some extent coml)ined. The Irish Roman Catholic 
 party up to 1889 appeared to have set themselves the 
 task of obtaining State grants in support of denomina- 
 tional schools, and, in furtherance of this aim, had acted 
 with every opposition against every Ministry that would 
 not promise tlie concession. When party feeling ran 
 high between the Conservatives and the Liberals upon 
 the questions of reform of the Upper House, Protection, 
 and payment of memljcrs, the Irisii party assisted to 
 put out first the Liberals under the present Sir Graham 
 Berry, in February 1880, and in the succeeding July 
 the Conservatives under Mr. Service. In 1881 the Irisli 
 leader. Sir Bryan O'Loghlen (an Irish baronet), moved a 
 vote of want of confidence in the Jjcrry Government and 
 defeated it by obtaining the support of the Conservatives, 
 who afterwards, however, refused to join with him. He, 
 nevertheless, obtained the help of a late Conser^-ative 
 whip, and, with the aid of that gentleman, composed an 
 administration which was expected at the time to last 
 only a few weeks. But the Conservatives, rather than 
 consent to the return to power of the Berry party, 
 unwillingly kept the Irisli party in otHce. Progress in 
 legislation under these circumstani^es was of course difti- 
 cult, and at the next general election the 0'Lot>hlen 
 Government, supported by the Irisli Roman Catholics, 
 was utterly routed. 
 
 Liberals and Conservatives were returned in about Couiition 
 equal numbers, and a coalition Ministry was formed »mlu! 
 under the leadership of Mr. Service, with j\Ir. Berry as 
 
PROnLEAfS OF GREATER nRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 
 \\ 
 
 Chief Sccretaiy. In this Govornmont Mr. Oilht's held 
 the portfolios of Ilailwiiys and b^diicntioii, and Mr. Deakiii 
 was Minister of Public Works and Water SiH)|)ly, and 
 afterwanls ►Solieitor-CJeneral. This partieuhir form of the 
 coalition Ministry lasted three years, during which it 
 ])ut the railways under the mana<^ement of the non- 
 [)olitieal Board I have described, and })laccd the civil 
 service out of the reach of politics. It was replaced in 
 1886 by another coalition, headed by two members of 
 the outgoing ^Linistry — ]\Ir. Gillies as i'rime Minister 
 and Treasurer, and ]\Ir. Deakin as Chief Secretary and 
 Minister of Water Supply. This coalition lias continued 
 the work of the previous coalition, has established the 
 irrigation system, and carried the Naval Defence Bill, 
 and an Electoral iUll redistributing seats. The two 
 great rival papers — the conservative and free-trade 
 Argus and the protectionist and democratic A(je — have 
 both given their general support to the coalition. The 
 Argus supports the coalition because, through it, the 
 Conservative party remains sufHciently influential to 
 prevent violent change ; but the Argus opposes the 
 Liberal legislation of the coalition, and sides with 
 the Upper House against the Lower when there is a 
 difference of opinion. On the other hand, the Age 
 supports the Liberal legislation of the coalition, but 
 OTudijes seats in the Cabinet to the Conservatives, 
 and growls at the " undue influence of the Conser- 
 vatives" in proportion to their numbers. The Age, 
 as a democratic paper, prefers excitement and strong 
 measures, does not shrink from conflict, and some- 
 what dislikes prolonged quietude and placidity. The 
 support of such papers is of moment, for the capitid 
 plays a great part in Victoria. Melbourne contains a 
 larger proportion of the population of its State than does 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 217 
 
 Icr 
 
 .1 
 
 la 
 Is 
 
 any other capital in the world, and IMelhoiirnc opinion 
 and the Melbourne press have enormous influence in 
 politics. In neither of the two last Governments — 
 that is to say, at no time since the fall of Sir liryan 
 O'Loghlen, which is a very long jteriod for possession 
 of power by one set of men in a colony — has any 
 Irish Roman Catholic, I believe, held olHce ; and 
 the Victorian Government has for all these years 
 strenuously resisted every attempt headed by either 
 Anglican or Roman Catholic bishops to touch the 
 education system. 
 
 The colony is proud of its common schools, and of tiio school 
 standinii hi<«'h in school attendance amon<T[ the Australian ■'*^'''*'""- 
 colonies. At tlie general election of 1881) the Af/e 
 suddenly came out with a fierce denunciation of the 
 Roman Catholic candidates. It was a curious fact that, 
 while at every previous election every Roman Catholic 
 candidate had declared himself opposed to tlie secular 
 system of education, at the general election of 1889 
 every single one declared himself favourable to it. The 
 new policy was not to attack tlie existing system, but to 
 be free to support a capitation grant to all private 
 schools, most of which are Roman Catholic schools, and 
 the throwing open of all scholarships and exhibitions 
 offered by the State to the pupils of such schools as well 
 as to those trained in the State schools. This policy 
 was opposed by the Government party as strongly as 
 had been the earlier policy of the Roman CVitholic 
 Church, on the ground that it was destructive of the 
 national character of the school system, and calculated 
 to intensify distinctions which it was their desire to 
 sweep away. The Age denounced an alleged alliance 
 between the Roman Catholics and the publicans, and 
 with such effect that several Roman Catholic candidates 
 
 VOL. I Q 
 
li 
 
 2li 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 f 
 
 in Melbourne lost seats wliicli they had had some 
 chance of winning. Of the GO thoroughgoing sup- 
 porters of the Government returned in a Honse of 95 
 only 3 were Roman Catholics. 
 
 By the operation of the coalition the feeling of 
 hostility between Lil)erals nnd Conservatives has been 
 for a time snpprcssed, although a severance is certain 
 to come and may come soon. Each party has kept 
 its machinery in working order, and parties are well 
 organised in Victoria. For the moment the coalition 
 stands, and the o])j)Osition itself is a coalition of all those 
 various sections who do not like the Ministers or the 
 Ministry. Substantially the coalition represents a Pro- 
 testant alliance against the Roman Catholics, while the 
 opposition includes nearly all the Roman Catholics in 
 the House. After what I have said it will be easily 
 understood how, when Sir Bryan O'Loghlen moved his 
 resolution in 1888, supporting the action of the Queens- 
 land Government aj^ainst the Colonial Oltice and Sir 
 Henry Blake, it was accepted as an Irish movement, 
 many of his own followers deserted him, and he only 
 mustered 3 votes to 59. 
 Mr. Gillies. The Prime Minister, Mr. Duncan Gillies, is of 
 Scotch birth, — a short, stout, ruddy man, of few words, 
 save when he speaks in public. He was a digger 
 in early days, was returned to Parliament by his mates, 
 and kept by them on liberal wages. He soon joined 
 the Conservative or Constitutional party, and followed 
 their fortunes for many years. Although now almost 
 the oldest member of the Victorian House in point of 
 length of service, he is still in the full vigour of health 
 and ability, and his sturdy frame and fresh -coloured 
 clean-shaven face show no trace of age. He is at once 
 the highest authority upon parliamentary practice and 
 
 r-> 
 
CHAT. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 :i9 
 
 id 
 
 9 
 
 the ablest debater in the House, of which he is, by know- 
 ledge and talent, the natural leader. Perfect lucidity and 
 extreme incisiveness are the characteristics of his speech. 
 He has nothing of the power of rousing enthusiasm 
 which belongs to the late Prime Minister, Mr. Service, 
 none of the passionate po})ular sympathies of the late 
 Liberal leader. Sir Graham Berry. Mr. Gillies is ex- 
 tremely reticent in private ; his friends complain that they 
 are never in his confidence, and his enemies accuse him of 
 contemptuous coldness and indifference. He is a man 
 of remarkable intellectual power, and one who regards 
 all (juestions in the light of pure reason ; an unsparing 
 destroyer of shams, sophisms, and pretences. Witliout 
 being popular, he is universally respected in the House, 
 while people outside are a little puzzled to understand 
 the nature of his influence. Mr. Gillies is a man too 
 cool, too little moved by sentiment to make mistakes, 
 save when his mantle has been pierced by criticism. In 
 these cases he displays a dogged persistency which 
 procures for him enemies, or causes friends to owe 
 him a grudge which may turn them into enemies one 
 day. Mr. Gillies is wanting in the power to sally forth 
 and do deeds of enterprise and daring on his own account, 
 but he has the even more useful gifts of sticking to his 
 post with courage, and, l)y dint of following one path, 
 achieving eventual success. AVithout possessing the 
 talent of originating, and without the faculty of stirring- 
 human hearts, he manages his own and the public 
 affairs in the style of a good man of business, making 
 bargains on every side, never risking much, and 
 always gaining something. His reserved and unsym- 
 pathetic manner does not prevent him from keeping a 
 close following of men, bound to him by little love 
 but all sharing the belief that those who do as Mr. 
 
220 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Gillies docs 
 
 will do ricjlit in the 
 
 end. 
 
 Mr. Gillies is 
 
 not a man who loves work for its own sake ; he is 
 not eager to do to-day what can be done as well 
 to-morrow. Cautious, circumspect, and deliberate, he 
 is, nevertheless, capable of an immense amount of work 
 when necessary. He has great powers of administra- 
 tion, though disposed to be somewhat indifferent and 
 procrastinating. Now the leader of the Conservatives 
 by sheer force of natural superiority, he has only gradu- 
 ally won the place and wrung from his party the tardy 
 and almost unwilling acknowledgment of his supremacy. 
 
 Mr.Deakin. Tlic partner of Mr. Duncan Gillies in the coalition 
 Ministry is Mr. Deakin, the leader of the Liberal party. 
 Elected to Parliament some eleven or twelve years ago 
 as a Radical, and having had to fiijht, in his first eifjlitcen 
 months in Parliament, four of the fiercest elections that 
 ever took place in the colony, he is one of the youngest 
 members of the House, and time is upon his side, as the 
 future wall show. Remarkable for his oratorical power, 
 of which Lord Salisbury has reason to remember the 
 force at the Colonial Conference, he is one of the few 
 statesmen in any country who combine energy in speech 
 with great power of work and high administrative skill. 
 He is a certain future Prime Minister of Victoria, if not 
 of a federated Australasian Dominion, and it may safely 
 be predicted that his administration, when it comes, 
 will not be the least remarkable of those that the colony 
 has seen. 
 
 Mr. Service. Mr. Scrvicc, a fomicr Prime Minister of Victoria, 
 and first President of the Federal Council of Australasia, 
 is now a member of the Upper House, of which he is 
 practically, and will soon be professedly, the leader. 
 He supports the Gillies-Deakiu coalition. His age has 
 begun to affect his physical powers, but he is still the 
 
CHAI". I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 221 
 
 eloquent speaker and the subtle leader who created the 
 Conservative party of the present time in the face of 
 desperate odds, and who led the Government and the 
 House during three most brilliant years. Without the 
 fervid oratory, the power of managing men, and the 
 clever conciliatory policy of Mr. Service, Mr. Gillies 
 would not liavc inherited the lead of an influential 
 section of the House ; for in all these attril)utcs Mr. 
 Gillies is far less potent than was Mr. Service. The old 
 Conservative leader may claim to have created the foreign 
 policy of Victoria, and even of Australia itself The 
 asfitations for savino- the New Hebrides from France, for 
 obtaining New Guinea for ourselves, and for creating 
 Australian Federation, all took their shape from him, 
 and in these movements Victoria and Queensland, which 
 took the lead, were backed by general Australian 
 opinion. INIr. Gillies, Mr. Deakin, and Mr. Service are 
 all of them Australian Federationists ; but Mr. Service 
 is, in addition, an ardent Imperial Federationist, as is 
 Mr. Gillies in a more cautious way ; while Mr. Deakin 
 prefers imperial co-operation, and looks upon Imperial 
 Federation as remote, though he is strongly opposed to 
 separation from the mother-country. 
 
 Sir Graham Berry, the present Agent-General of sir Graham 
 Victoria in London, has to a very large extent, in the ''^ ' 
 past, controlled the domestic policy of Victoria, His 
 Protection, local - option, and land - settlement views 
 are now the established policy of the colony, most 
 unlikely to be disturbed. AVith ]\Ir. Service, he was 
 the most considerable figure of Victorian politics — 
 first during the contests of the two men, and then 
 during their alliance. In the earlier years Mr. Service 
 was always analysing and refuting Mr. Berry's fiery 
 harangues, while Mr. Berry was Prime Minister and the 
 
 y "W 
 
222 
 
 Mr. Beut. 
 
 Sir Bryan 
 O'LoRhleii, 
 
 ; 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 popular idol, the best platform speaker outside Parlia- 
 ment, aud the e(|ual of Mr. Service within its walls. 
 Mr. Service and the then Mr. Berry were the first 
 re})resentatives of Victoria on the Federal Council, Sir 
 Graham Berry still ]")osscsses the confidence of the 
 thoroughgoing protectionists in a higher degree than 
 do tlie newer men. 
 
 The leader of the Opposition until June 1889, Mr. 
 Bent, who was Minister of Railways in the O'Loghlen 
 Administration, is a man of great energy and enterprise, 
 acuteness and readiness of mind— a man with much 
 knowledge of men and power of management, with a 
 fund of natural good humour, and a kindliness which 
 makes him many friends. He was an excellent whip 
 in the days when he was a whip, but was perhaps a 
 better whip than leader. He sits, I believe, as a 
 Conservative, but was driven by his alliances into 
 a somewhat varying policy as Opposition chief. 
 
 On the other hand, ]\lr. Bent's colleague in Opposi- 
 tion, Sir Bryan O'Loghlen, is a sincere Liberal, a con- 
 vinced Home Ruler, l)ut known even by his political 
 enemies to be perfectly loyal to the British connection. 
 He is a man of education — in former days one of the 
 best Crown prosecutors — a good, but too frequent, and 
 somewhat prolix speaker. With much sober judgment 
 at most times, he is occasionally guilty of blunders in 
 tactics which lead his followers into great difficulty. 
 He is an upright man, and a fair opponent when con- 
 sidered from the Government point of view. A devout 
 Roman Catholic, he would sacrifice much for his Cliurch. 
 As an administrator, when tried as such, he was slow 
 and timid. As a Parliamentarian he is somewhat want- 
 ing in quickness, — is loyal to his friends, but not infre- 
 quently injures them by a not very discreet persistency. 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
CIIAl'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 223 
 
 L'C- 
 
 The most considerable man in the colony, mnkinof 
 every allowance for the immense promise of Mr. Deakin, 
 is the Chief Justice, Mr. Ilioinbotham, who was already 
 one of the most prominent politicians in Australia when 
 I made a long stay at Mell)ourne twenty-two years ago. 
 The Chief Justice is a man of lofty character, enjoying 
 the highest possible rei)utation for political integrity — 
 an integrity so scrupulous, colonial statesmen complain, 
 as to make him occasionally impracticable. He breathed 
 into the Victorian Assembly in its earlier days its 
 deference to constitutional principle and j)rocedure, 
 which have become a portion of its very l)eing. He 
 was in his time the greatest orator that Australia has 
 heard, and no man in Australia is more revered by the 
 whole body of the people. In 1889 he became once 
 more a prominent figure in colonial affairs. Strongly at- 
 tached to the imperial connection, he nevertheless holds 
 that governors should not even communicate with the 
 Colonial Otlice upon the ordinary events of local politics, 
 but should act as constitutional sovereigns upon the 
 advice of their responsil)le JNlinisters, without even 
 recollecting that there is a Colonial Office that may 
 take a certain interest in colonial proceedings. ]\Ir. 
 Higinbotham has always condemned the instructions 
 to governors issued by the Colonial Office, and he has 
 lately got them altered, but even this victory did not 
 soften his heart towards Downing Street. Mr. Hioin- 
 botham thinks that the colonial Ministry and not the 
 governor should communicate with the Colonial Office 
 upon local affairs, and wishes governors to decline to 
 write to England upon those topics upon which under 
 his system colonial Ministers would write to English 
 Ministers. 
 
 The warrant of Sir Henry Loch provided that 
 
 Mr. Higin- 
 bothaiu. 
 
 Views of 
 Mr. Higin- 
 botliaiii on 
 tlie (Jov- 
 L'riiorship 
 (luestiou. 
 
 1^1 
 
224 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 in the event of the incapacity of the Governor the 
 Lieutenant-Governor shouhl take his phice, and on the 
 faihire of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Chief Justice. 
 The Lieutenant-Governor of Victoria up to March 1889 
 was the former Chief Justice, Sir William Stawell, who 
 was not in a fit state to discharge the duties of the 
 office, and who died in the month I name. Sir Henry 
 Loch had left the colony, and Mr. Higinbotham would 
 have become Acting-Governor had not a special step 
 been taken to prevent this. Moreover, he ought him- 
 self to have been already named Lieutenant-Governor, 
 according to precedent. Sir William Robinson, the 
 outEjoiniT Governor of South Australia, was sent to 
 Victoria to administer the Government for a time, and 
 the correspondence which had passed between Sir Henry 
 Loch, the Chief Justice, and the Secretary of State for 
 the Colonics, was at once published in Victoria by the 
 Chief Justice. It must be remembered that there had 
 been a warm discussion when Sir William Stawell had 
 been originally appointed Lieutenant-Governor, inas- 
 much as this had been construed into a slioht to Mr. 
 Higinbotham ; and by again passing him over the 
 Colonial Office provoked a revival of the Governorship 
 question, in a former stage of which Victoria had so 
 warmly taken their side. The sending of Sir William 
 Robinson as locum tenens was ill advised, because 
 aimed directly against Mr. Higinbotham. The Colonial 
 Office were, however, it is fair to say, supported by the 
 Argus, and Mr. Higinbotham put himself in the wrong 
 by some apparent loss of temper. It should, neverthe- 
 less, be remembered, that if the most loyal of our 
 colonies, Victoria, were called upon to choose her own 
 Governor, there can be little doubt that Mr. Higinbotham 
 would be that choice, whether the election were by both 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 225 
 
 mg 
 
 lie- 
 |)ur 
 vn 
 Lm 
 th 
 
 Houses or by a popular vote. Yet the Secretary of 
 State is advised by the Colonial Office that he is not fit 
 to be left in charge of the colony, according to almost 
 iinl)roken recent Australian precedent, in the absence of 
 the Governor, because he will not write a number of 
 very useless despatches. The Colonial Office cannot 
 really interfere against a Victorian majority, and the 
 more fully that fact is recognised the better. When it 
 is remembered that Mr. Higinl)otham is not a separatist, 
 but a strong suppoiter of the imperial connection, and 
 even of Imjierial Federation, the unwisdom of angering 
 him will appear. 
 
 Mr. Iliginbotham was formerly a reporter on 
 the Morning Chronicle, who had been called to 
 the English bar, and he went out to Victoria as the 
 editor of the Argus on a three years' engagement, 
 but at the end of the three years gave up newspaper 
 work, went into Parliament, and soon became Attorney 
 General. He then codified the Victorian statutes, 
 while he was conducting the protracted strujrffle with 
 the Victorian Upper House and with Downing Street, 
 and his high forehead and intellectual face wear traces 
 of the labour of a terrible five years. Mr. Higinbotliam 
 is regarded in Victoria as the most distinguished of 
 all our living colonists, and the greatest of Australian 
 statesmen. He shares with his fellow Victorians, Mr. 
 Deakin, Mr. Service, and j\Ir. Gillies, together with 
 Mr. Hofmeyr of the Cape, and many others, the colonial 
 distinction of having declined a knight-commandership 
 of our colonial order. Colonial statesmen often, how- 
 ever, look on titles of knighthood as meant as a parting 
 gift upon their retirement. 
 
 In almost every colony and dependency of Great Success of 
 
 Britain the Scotch and Irish seem to form a larger 
 
 the Scotch 
 
226 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 aiid Trisli 
 in the 
 colonies. 
 
 Victoria 
 opitosed to 
 till! idea of 
 separation. 
 
 Conserva- 
 tive policy 
 
 and more successful portion of the whole than ought 
 to be the case if the various parts of the United 
 Ivingdoni were proportionately represented in our 
 daughter - lands. Mr. Higinbothani and Sir Bryan 
 O'Loghlen are Irish-born ; J\Ir. Gillies and JNlr. Service, 
 Scotch ; Mr. Deakin and Mr. Bent are Australian- 
 born ; and Sir Graham Berry alone of those Victorians 
 whom I have sjiecially named is English. The colony 
 seems, as is only natural, about to pass under the rule of 
 the native-born. 
 
 In Victoria the young Australian party has not 
 taken up a definite position ujion the question of 
 Imperial Federation, or generally of relations with the 
 mother-country. The tie with the mother-country is 
 stronger in Victoria than in some of the other colonies, 
 and the Victorian press is more generally opposed 
 to separation than is the case with the press of New 
 South Wales. 
 
 It will be noticed from what I have said that of 
 recent years there has been in Victoria a marked tend- 
 ency towards the formation of coalition administrations. 
 Something of this kind has been seen in other colonies, 
 as, for instance, the union of Sir H. Parkes and Sir J. 
 Robertson in New South Wales, and of Sir R. Stout 
 and Sir J. Vogel in New Zealand, The Conservative 
 party in Victoria has almost necessarily to change its 
 tactics from time to time, being gradually driven from 
 one position after another. It was at first an anti- 
 digger party ; then a party opposing the "free selectors" 
 upon the land question ; then a free-trade party oppos- 
 ing the manufacturers upon Protection. It opposed 
 manhood suflrage and the extension of the franchise for 
 the Upper House. Half the party opposed State educa- 
 tion, and more than half the party opposed the local- 
 
ciiAr. 1 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 227 
 
 o})tion changes mado in tlie colonial liquor law ; while 
 the Conservative party as it now exists accepts these 
 reforms. Most of the Victorian Conservatives, including 
 the Prime Minister, privately retain free-trade opinions 
 which they do not express, just as many English Con- 
 servatives, including the Prime jNlinister, retain fair- 
 trade opinions to which they seldom give expression. 
 The Victorian Lilteral party has carried all before it — 
 diggers' rights ; land to settlers ; Protection (for the 
 Liberal party in Victoria is almost entirely protectionist); 
 manhood sutfraae ; the extension of the franchise for the 
 Council ; free, secular, and compulsory education ; and 
 local o})tion. The present policy of the Victorian Lil)eral 
 party is the maintenance of the Education Act against 
 the Roman Catholics, maintenance of Protection, exten- 
 sion of the princijde of local o})tion (existing in Victoria 
 at present only with regard to the nund)ers of licensed 
 houses in a district, and subject to the payment of 
 compensation), and the enactment of the one-man-one- 
 vote limitation upon plural sutlrage. The total dissolu- 
 tion of the Council is in view, as is also woman suffrage. 
 The future leaders of the next Liberal administration 
 are, I believe, in favour of a single chamber and of the 
 political emancipation of women. 
 
 The chief legislative peculiarities of Victoria have been 
 its grati. ited progressive succession duty, existing since 
 1870 (in which it has been followed by Queensland, New 
 Zealand, Tasmania, and New South Wales) ; its non- 
 political boards for managing the public service and the 
 railways, in which points, also, its example is being 
 widely followed ; its early closing law, which I will 
 presently describe ; its payment of members by a per- 
 manent law, in which it also took the lead ; and its 
 policy of encouraging mining by a large annual expendi- 
 
 Lilicral 
 policy. 
 
 Legislative 
 peculiar- 
 ities. 
 
228 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 ture to help prospectors — a poli(*y which is now exteuded 
 to liorticultiirjil and agriciilturul experimental work. 
 Reaction There is little disposition shown in Victoria, to meddle 
 
 Victorian'" with tlic rcsults of political changes, even although 
 pohtits. ^\^^,y ^^^y }j.(yQ been hotly opposed in the first instance. 
 Nothing like reaction has been known in this colony, 
 given though her Parliament is to the trial of experi- 
 ments. Since graduated succession duties, increasing 
 in percentage with the increase of the sums on which 
 they are levied, were established, there has been no agita- 
 tion to abolish them ; in fact, their very existence seems 
 forgotten by colonial politicians, although Mr. Goschen 
 has now commenced an elementary imitation of them 
 in the mother-country, and although a slight application 
 of the principle of graduation has also been lately intro- 
 duced into the Indian income-tax. The State control of 
 railways has not been challenged ; payment of members 
 is supported by the great majority of the community ; 
 Protection, as against the mother-country and Europe, is 
 looked upon as a matter that is settled, so that a platonic 
 ojiinion in favour of free trade does not now stand in a 
 politician's way in a protectionist constituency ; and 
 although the Anglican and the Roman Catholic bishops 
 at one time joined forces, ns I have said, to attack the 
 system of free secular education, they have not been 
 able to carry the whole of their flocks and, still less, the 
 country with them in their crusade. The Church of 
 England is now, in several of the colonies, disposed to 
 adopt a less hostile attitude towards the secular schools 
 than was formerly the case. With the possible exception 
 of Protection, as to which a new issue has sprung up in the 
 question whether an Australian, or a merely Victorian, 
 nation should be formed, there is more probability that 
 all the principles I have named will be extended than 
 
CHAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 229 
 
 that they will be curtailed. The principles of the 
 Education Act, for example, are now being applied to 
 secondary education, and are ultimately to be a])plied 
 to the universities; already the boys who distinguish 
 themselves in the common schools receive free secondary 
 cducaticjn. The graduated succession duties are likely 
 one day to develop into a graduated property-tax. As 
 it is, in 1887 tlie Land Tax Act provided that landowners 
 are to pay a heavy duty on valuation of capital value 
 over i;2500, a tax evidently intended, as I have said, to 
 break up large estates, though it has not had much 
 effect in this direction. At the s;ime time the land-tax 
 may check the further accumulation of })rop('rty in 
 the same hands, and has perhaps already limited the 
 growth of large estates. The tax is unpopular with 
 the rich, and is denounced as a " Class-Tax," but tlie 
 league for its abolition has not as yet received much 
 general support. State control is being extended from 
 railways to every description of public work, and the 
 radical land legislation of the colony is also now regarded 
 as one of the settled institutions of Victoria. 
 
 The general election of 1889 turned upon the side The general 
 issue, growing out of the main policy of Protection, of isso, 
 the answer to be given to the question, " Australian or 
 Victorian Protection?" The present coalition Government 
 put forward this principle: — To haveno fresh border duties 
 upon Australian products, and to gradually abolish those 
 now in force ; the aim being to obtain a common tariti' 
 on the seaboard of Australia, and free trade within the 
 limits of the Australian continent. The provincialists, 
 who seemed at first to make great way upon this question, 
 were at one time expected to defeat the Government, who 
 nevertheless came back with a two to one majority. 
 The difficulties in the way of the Opposition after a 
 
Australian 
 Fcduratioii 
 
 i \ 
 
 230 
 
 PliCWLEMS OF GREATER RRrrAL\ 
 
 I'Aur II 
 
 success would liavo l)oen conHidcrable. Tf they iii- 
 crcjiSL'd the border duties, rc[)riH.*ilM from New Soutli 
 Wides wouhl liuve been sure to folh)W, for 8ir Henry 
 Piirkes, run luird l)y the |)rotectioniHts, would liiive 
 been glad to trump his opponents' policy by intro- 
 ducing I'rotection under the guise of retaliation : while 
 if the protectionists had replaced him they would 
 have acted fully upon their principles as against 
 that neighbouring colony of vvliic-li they arc jealous. 
 The federal instinct, whi(!h is strong in Victoria, has 
 hitherto seemed weak in New South AVales. The 
 Victorian Government, however, staked its life on the 
 Australian federation cause, and saved it, thus avoiding, 
 at all events for a short time, the opening of a new and 
 of a stormy era of reprisals. 
 
 The Victorian Government is one of the strongest 
 supporters of the Federal Council, and has succeeded, 
 through the Council, in isolating New South Wales. In 
 the meantime the Protection question and that of colonial 
 federation are, of course, closely connected. The Vic- 
 torian stock-tax is supposed to have been a considerable 
 cause of annoyance and irritation to New South Wales, 
 and the declaration of a desire to abolish it was intended 
 to some extent as an overture to New South Wales by 
 the dominant party in Victoria. It was argued that the 
 one difhculty in the way of federation was the difference 
 of opinion in the colonies upon Protection ; that, while 
 Victoria was protectionist, the neighbouring colony of 
 New South Wales was a free-trade colony ; and that, 
 as South Australia had been increasing her duties until 
 they rivalled the duties of Victoria, and as the people of 
 New South Wales seemed about to turn in the same 
 protectionist direction, it would be a mistake for Victoria 
 to take any step towards still higher duties, and so 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. 1 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 a3« 
 
 to put herself away from tlio.se witli whom slic liopcd 
 to cojiU'see on tlio lines of u customs union. It will 
 easily he seen tliat such a question was likely to diviile 
 hoth pnrties, and it did as a fact divide the two parties 
 in Victoria. The ((uestion of the stock-tiix, that is, of 
 taxinpj Australian products as a part of the protective 
 system, divides hoth Liberals and Conservatives, and 
 divides even liiheral protectionists from Liberal prote(!- 
 tionists. The prol)al)ility seemed that if the Government 
 had proposed the increase of tiie stock-tax and of the 
 duty upon oats and barley they would have won ; but 
 they deliberately i>referred to risk their popidarity and 
 to divide their party in sup})ort of a policy which they be- 
 lieved to be Australian and patriotic, and, in my opinion, 
 they deserved high honour for the course they took with 
 a view of putting an end. to the unhapi)y exasperation 
 against Victoria existing in New South Wales. They 
 have, however, as will be seen, since yielded in some 
 measure to the ideas which they had defeated at the poll. 
 The Government frankly told their supporters at 
 the general election that they must be prc2)ared to 
 make a sacrifice, but that they were determined that 
 an interc hniial w^ar of tariffs, if it was to come, 
 should n begin with them. So far as they repre- 
 sented the protectionists of Australia, they declared 
 that iVustralian Protection had been instituted with a 
 view of developing Australian industries; that there 
 had been no thought of attacking the neifdibourinof 
 colonies by duties, but only of defending Australian 
 industries against the competition of the old world. 
 The colonies were, at the time when Protection was 
 set up, isolated communities, not bound together 
 as now by railways and commercial intercourse. The 
 Government held that the protectionist system had a 
 
232 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 Programme 
 of the (iil- 
 lies-Deakin 
 party. 
 
 national object — the creation of a national feeling. Tlioy 
 thought that Victoria was now at the parting of the 
 ways — that, if she adopted a simply Victorian protective 
 system, she would be building up from year to year a 
 stronger and stronger local Victorian feeling, which 
 would become an obstacle to any larger union to be 
 proposed in the future ; whereas if, on the contrary, 
 the customs duties were Australian, or Australasian, the 
 feeling built up would be Australian, or Australasian. 
 
 The Gillies -Deakin Government did not think 
 themselves strong enough simply to reject an increase 
 of the stock-tax, proposed by some, and an export 
 bounty upon wheat, suggested by others of their oppo- 
 nents. They crowded their budget with small doles to 
 agriculture. They proposed to give money to provide 
 shed accommodation, refrigerating trucks, and cool- 
 storage facilities ; money for increased contributions to- 
 wards local rates ; money for agricultural schools ; money 
 for boring operations where surface water was ui.robtain- 
 able, and money for bonuses for improved farming, the 
 ex|)ortation of dairy produce and fresh fruit, the estab- 
 lishment of factories for fruit -canning, fruit -drying, 
 and butter and cheese making, as well as for pre- 
 paring Hax and silk. Prizes are in fact now to be given 
 by the State not only for the articles named, including 
 raisins and currants, but for hemp, manufactures from 
 paper plants, drug plants, and dye plants, nuts, almonds, 
 tobacco, cigars, olive and other oils, perfumes, and a 
 great number of other products. 
 
 Although the Ministry attempted in this manner to 
 mitigate the opposition of the agricultural interest, the 
 members of the Government in their speeches in the 
 House appealed to far higher motives. Mr. Deakin, in 
 most eloquent terms, asked the protectionists of the 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 J33 
 
 '1 
 la 
 
 Asseml)ly wlietlicr tlicy v.'ishcd Victoria to be for the 
 future a country l)y itself, without relations, ex(;ept those 
 of commercial hostility, with all outside it ; whether Vic- 
 torians could iixnoi'c the fact that the line which divides 
 them from the other colonies is an imaginary line, and 
 that those beyond it are of the same race ; and whether 
 they should build up a national feeling which should 
 be Victorian, or a national feeliuQ; which should be 
 Australian. He refused to treat the inhal»itants of New 
 South Wales and of South Australia as foreigners : he 
 hojjed, on the contrary, to unite with them in one 
 common bond of a customs union with a common tariff, 
 and by every possible means to nourish and develop 
 the federal feeling. The Government desired federation 
 and union, making the Austi'alian continent one nation, 
 and maintained tliat the policy of the Opi^osition would 
 l)uild up liigher barriers, or dig dee^jcr gulfs, between 
 the colonies, so that, while the stociv-tax was nominally 
 the question at issue, the real rpiestion was that of union 
 or separation of the Australian colonies. 
 
 It might ahnost l)e paradoxically asserted that the 
 Victorian protectionists under ^Ir. Deakin had at this 
 moment become free traders without knowing it. They 
 aro-ued in favour of that intercolonial free trade which is 
 the only kind of free trade that is now of very much 
 practical importance in Australia ; while those who 
 were opposed t<> them were the practical protectionists 
 in dcsirinij intercolonial Protection. The hitherto free- 
 trade colonies, moreover, so far as they are becoming 
 protectionist, are adopting protective duties with the 
 view of protecting themselves against the protectionists 
 of Victoria. 
 
 The use of free-trade arguments by the Victorian 
 protectionist leader, Mr. Deakin, j»roduced a certain 
 
 VOL. I R 
 
 Viitiial 
 (•liaMj,'L' of 
 
 sniiie pro- 
 tei,'tiouists. 
 
 ("Sf (if 
 
 frcf-tiaile 
 iiiyuiiiuiits 
 
 I 
 
KK'otion 
 niiiiiil'e.s- 
 toes. 
 
 334 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITArX 
 
 PART II 
 
 by tlio 1)11) 
 
 ti'ctiouist 
 
 Icidur. 
 
 coldness towards him on the part of the Age, and lie 
 himself was forced to somewhat draw back from the 
 position he had taken np. The really consistent pro- 
 tectionists do not view with any pleasure the Victorian 
 export trade in nianufa(;tures, which Mr. Deakin is 
 anxious to preserve. Tliey say, " What have protec- 
 tionists to do with export trade ? We desire to keep 
 our local markets for our own manufacturers and our 
 own artisans — that is all." At the elections, neither 
 the A(je nor the Aryus was a very keen su})porter of 
 JMr. Deakin, for the A(je suspected the purity of his 
 protectionist principles, while the Argus, although 
 supporting the Government of which he is a memljer, 
 naturally supported its Conservative and not its Liberal 
 winjj. 
 
 The proceedings at the Victorian election of 1889 
 were, as has been seen, of much interest. The Liberal 
 wing of the Ministry pledged themselves to make 
 representations to the Colonial Office requesting the 
 further amendment of instructions issued to the governors 
 of colonies enjoying responsible government ; but the 
 main question before the electorate was that of the 
 Australian " national " principle, as against tlie purely 
 Victorian position taken up by the supporters of the 
 stock-tax. The old free traders explained that not only 
 must any general raising of the free -trade Hag upon their 
 part be a hopeless undertaking, l)ut that in their opinion 
 the vested interests which had been created by Protection 
 had become so large that it would be dangerous to sweep 
 away the tarilf; and the strong protectionists of the 
 Deakin school and strong free traders supporting the 
 Ministry went to the country upon })recisely the same 
 programme. The Trades of Melbourne discussed the 
 Protection question iu connection with the elections. 
 
 :=? 
 
CIIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 235 
 
 After tliey hnd, as usual, expressed an opinion in favour 
 of the maintenance and extension of the policy of Pro- 
 tection of local industries, the question was raised 
 whether the stock-tax should l)e supported. Some of 
 the members pointed out that it would raise the price 
 of meat, while others replied that the denial of Pro- 
 tection to the farmers would cause them to join hands 
 with the free traders and upset the whole policy. 
 ]\Ieetini>'s of "Liberals" and of "Eadieals" were held 
 during the election campaign to denounce jNIr. Deakin, 
 but the result of the polls was a triumph for himself 
 and his coalition. The " Radical })rogramme " that was 
 put forw\ard at Opposition meetings in many points 
 virtually favoured Mr. Deakin's policy, but diil'ered from 
 it in supporting the stock-tax, and went beyond it in 
 supporting an absentee-tax. Absentee taxes are theo- 
 retically popular throughout the colonies, but difficulty 
 is found in devising them in such form as not to interfere 
 with the influx of "foreign" capital. The line taken with 
 regard to the stock-tax l)y the dissentient Radicals was 
 that the coalition JMinistry, while professing to be pro- 
 tectionist, were destroying Protection by injustice to- 
 wards the farmer. The supporters of this prograiiime 
 complained that JNIr. Deakin had ceased to be a Liberal, 
 and had been converted by the Conservatives in the 
 coalition Government. 
 
 Besides the anti-Deakin Radical programme there ".m.-. 
 was also a Radical programme of sup}»orters of the .ireliiu.''' 
 Government, drawn up by a caucus including the whole 
 of the Radical supporters of the Government, and held 
 almost under official auspices, Mr. Deakin himself beino- 
 in the chair. Many of the planks w^ere similar to those of 
 the other platform, but the " country members" warmly 
 condemned the Government's attitude towards the stock- 
 
 m 
 
236 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 tax. The Radical supporters of the Government appear, 
 however, to still greatly outnumber and outweigh 
 the anti-coalition Radicals. The former naturally did 
 their best to make the stock -tax difficulty easy to 
 their country friends by encouraging them to treat 
 the tax as though it were an open question, while 
 the anti-coalition Radicals were able to enter fiercely 
 upon its defence. The chief item in the programme 
 of the coalition Government was federal unity, which 
 was put forward as the indispensable preliminary to 
 the creation of an Australian national sentiment. 
 This was denounced by their Radical opponents as 
 "Mr. Deakin's dream," and even the country portion 
 of the supporters of the Government called it " chimeri- 
 cal " ; but, owing no doubt largely to the overwhelming- 
 importance of the urban community, it carried the 
 elections, as against the stock-tax, and the two or three 
 known Liberals who associated themselves with the anti- 
 coalition movement did not stand well at the polls. 
 
 The Argus pointed out with regard to the election 
 manifestoes of the various parties that the greater 
 portion of the Gillies-Deakin programme consisted of 
 principles which are the common property of all sensible 
 citizens ; but the Argus admitted that a national party 
 was in process of formation which united old friends 
 and old foes, and which had for its object Australian 
 unity, to be l)rought al)out by free intercolonial inter- 
 change. It seemed clear that this struggle was likely 
 to last for many years, and the Argus (which, although 
 the free-trade paper, had for the moment put free trade 
 somewhat aside) strongly supported the view that the 
 policy of isolation from the rest of Australia must be 
 destructive to Victoria. 
 
 The view taken in Australia generally of the pro- 
 
CHAP. 1 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 '-n 
 
 \ 
 
 coeclings at this Victorian election of 1889 is that inter- inter- 
 colonial free trade would now indeed suit the Victorians, i,oe trade. 
 who Ijy Protection have placed their own manufactures 
 in a Hourishinc: condition. Intercolonial free trade 
 would mean that Victorian soap, candles, rope, biscuits, 
 and other articles would oljtain an excellent market. 
 But, it is argued, South Australia and Queensland and 
 Tasmania have now to protect their own manufactures 
 against those of Victoria, while if New South Wales 
 should abandon her free-trade policy it would be for the 
 very purpose of keeping out Victorian goods, and of 
 giving the Victories of Sydney a better chance in the 
 trade of New South Wales than those of ]\Ielbourne. It 
 was admitted by the more impartial politicians in the 
 other colonies that Victorian action in the direction of 
 intercolonial free trade was prompted by mixed motives, 
 and that there was a real growth of federal and 
 Australian sentiment, but it was also believed that the 
 growth of Protection in Tasmania, South Australia, 
 Queensland, and New Zealand, and the rapid increase in 
 strength of the protectionist party in New South Wales, 
 had had their eftect upon the Victorians, who had 
 already lost a certain portion of what had become n 
 very promising export trade, and feared to lose the 
 whole. On the other hand, it was pointed out that the 
 stock-tax was not really needed l)y the Victorian rural 
 districts, and being directed offensively against Queens- 
 land and New South Wales, had the effect of alienating 
 these colonies, and making intercolonial free trade 
 more difficult of attainment. The Australian view of 
 the new Victorian policy is that Victoria wishes to make 
 of the colonies a protectionist flock isolated from the 
 world, but mixing freely within Australian boundaries, 
 and that if all had had the same fiscal Icfrislation all 
 
■■ 
 
 !3S 
 
 PROIU.EMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT H 
 
 lifsult of 
 llie fjciK'nil 
 election of 
 188'.>. 
 
 alono- the scliemc iniivht liavc bcon £0.1811)10, whoroas now 
 it is somewhat late for the adoption of a policy which 
 the other colonies are inclined to look upon as a trifle 
 " smart " in the American sense. 
 
 Some of the graziers who came to pross'the stock-tax 
 upon the Government wore coining gold. One, for ex- 
 ample, never sold k'ss than a thousand fat cattle every 
 year, for each of which he obtained never less than £10, 
 having paid for them as store cattle an average of 
 £4, and incurred costs amounting to .£2 : 10s. a head, 
 leaving £3 : 10s. i)er head of profit, or £3500 a year 
 from a thousand acres of land. The gentleman taken 
 as an example had been a workman who had acquired 
 his land by paying a shilling an acre for twenty years. 
 He had paid in all, in " deferred payment" (if indeed he 
 could be said to have paid anything, for the shilling an 
 acre was not an unfair rent for the use of the land), 
 £1000, out of which he was making £3500 a year of 
 profit ; his 1 000 acres having in the meantime become 
 worth £30,000 — a sum which he had refused for them. 
 Now when the deputation, consisting of this gentleman 
 and others in a similar position, asked that cattle fattened 
 in Queensland should be kept out of the colony, they 
 did not find the view popular with the electorate, who 
 very naturally said that the graziers had done sufticiontly 
 well not to need a monopoly. The granting of this 
 monopoly it was thought would have the result of 
 closing colonial ports to the goods manufactured by 
 the Victorian artisan. 
 
 At the general election, after a redistribution of seats, 
 the jMinistry came back with sixty-four nominal sup- 
 porters in the House against the opposition of thirty, 
 and with a larije number of new members amonjx its 
 men. The stock-tax, which the Opposition had desired 
 
 \ 
 
 I'. 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 239 
 
 
 to SCO increusetl, found less support than it had before 
 the election, when the House had been evenly divided 
 with regard to it, for sixty-one candidates were pledged 
 to oppose its increase against thirty-three in its favour. 
 The young Australians, returned in considerable numbers, 
 voted against it by a large majority on account of their 
 preference for the i<lea of Australian unity, and 
 seemed for a time determined that if there was to be 
 an intercolonial war of tariifs it should not be begun by 
 Victoria. The reaction against the Imperial Federation 
 idea, which was noticeable in 1889 throughout Australia, 
 was marked among these younger men. The feeling in the 
 country upon secondary cpiestions at the 1889 election 
 showed itself in the rejection of four or five of the worst 
 parliamentary oljstructives, and a demand for the reform 
 of parliamentary procedure. lUit the main question 
 l)efore the country had been, as I have shown, that of 
 intercolonial free trade, upon which A'^ictoria pronounced 
 in favour of ]\lr. Deakin's poli(;y. 
 
 Although, however, the coalition JNIinistry had a 
 large majority, it began in the latter part of the session 
 of 1889 to show signs of approaching dissolution. 
 Parliamentary procedure was reformed, but not in 
 so drastic a fashion as the Government had proposed. 
 Pei-sonal difldculties were faced by the ejection of one 
 member of the jMinistry, but the reconstruction was 
 not sufficient to please those who had demanded it. 
 Above all, it was found that the Government had 
 lived so long that there was a orowino- feeling in favour 
 of a change in spite of the existence of that consolidating 
 force between Governments and their majorities — a 
 surplus. The coalition maintained itself by somewhat 
 unworthy promises to place fresh duties upon several 
 articles coming from other colonies, an action entirely 
 
340 
 
 PnOBLEMS OF GREATER HRITAIN 
 
 I'AKI' II 
 
 
 Results of 
 a war of 
 tarilVs. 
 
 inconsistent with the in-ognnnmo upon which they Imd 
 carried the election. The position of the Government 
 now is that tliey arc opi)oscd to all fresh intercohniial 
 duties, but have been driven into some concessions to 
 tlie ultra-protectionists in order to avoid otiiers — a sad 
 falling off from the heroic position assumed immediately 
 before, during, and just after the general election. Even 
 the high stock-tax, defeated as it was, has again become 
 a possibility of the future ; and threats are heard among 
 candidates, who were pledged against it, that if New 
 South Wales insists upon excluding Victoria from the 
 use, for irrigation purposes, of the water of the JMurray 
 river, an increased stock-tax must be put on to punish 
 her. As irrigation extends throughout the dry districts 
 of Victoria, the agricultural holders will become stock- 
 raisers upon a small scale, and a greater number of 
 persons will become interested in the Protection of 
 Victorian stock. 
 
 In the event of a future war of tarift's between 
 Victoria and New South Wales, it is possible that the 
 coalowners of the latter colony may be once more 
 threatened with an export duty \x\)0\\ coal. Some think 
 that the Victorian coal-fields in Gippsland will ultimately 
 produce coal good enough for the use of the Victorian 
 manufacturers ; but railway freights are too heavy to 
 compete with sea carriage for such an article as coal, 
 and as long as New South Wales does not put an export 
 duty upon coal, Victoria will continue to use New South 
 Wales coal in manufactures as freely as New South 
 Wales makes use of it herself. The Victorian pro- 
 tectionists did not raise an outcry when New South 
 Wales proposed to put on an export duty some years 
 ao'o, but believed that its eftect would be beneficial to 
 their views by causing a development of the local coal- 
 
 ) 
 
* 
 
 CIIAV. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 241 
 
 t 
 
 s 
 
 l\.'(k'ratioii. 
 
 winning industry. An outcry was raised in New South 
 Wales itself, however, and the proposal was dr<»})ped, 
 but it will })i'ol)al)ly be revived unless the protei^tionists 
 of New South Wales should conic to power, and the 
 adoption of nnjderate Trotcction should give New 
 South AVides a larger revenue than she knows how to 
 spend. 
 
 Australian federal feeling has ])egun to have Financial 
 not only an influence upon the question of Protec- 
 tion or free trade, but also a connection with that of 
 Australian debts and loans. The late ]Mr. Westgarth re- 
 cently made a proposal that the Australian colonies should 
 confederate for the purpose of issuing a joint guarantee 
 of their total debt. The proposal was not received with 
 much favour in Mr. Westgarth's own colony — Victoria. 
 Scjmc of the most powerful organs of the press have 
 asserted that it would be unfair to ask a colony like 
 Tasmania, whose national indebtedness is small, to assist 
 in guaranteeing the debt of New Zealand, or of Queens- 
 
 land, which is large. There does not seem to be much 
 in the objection, for all the colonies, with the single 
 exception perhaps of New Zealand, arc possessed of 
 governmental assets which equal or nearly equal the 
 amount of their indebtedness, and New Zealand is likely 
 soon to become one of the 7nost prosperous colonies of the 
 whole group. Queenslaud, for example, it has been 
 estimated, would bring into the common stock £52 
 sterling per head of State property against £G0 a head 
 of indebtedu'if.s ; and Tasmania £25 a head of assets 
 against £2P of indebtedness. As far as Australia is 
 concerned, consolidation of loans will no doubt come 
 with political federation. Mr. Westgarth, favourable 
 as he was to federation, would have tried to make 
 financial federation come even earlier, and the attempt 
 
 ;i 
 
242 
 
 PROnUuMS OF GREATER HRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 Coloiii;ll 
 
 (ItilltS, 
 
 was ljiu(lal)lc. Mr. WcstDfartli showed tliat the colonies 
 would get as inu(Oi money as they want, on a joint 
 guarantee, for 3 per cent ; whereas, as long as they 
 continue to be comparatively small and isolated borrowers 
 in till! market, simic of them will have to pay a good 
 deal above that price. The idea has not been widely 
 taken up, as New South Wales and Victoria object to 
 " guarantee Queensland .ind New Zealand " without 
 having any control over their expenditure. 
 
 A distinguished economist has lately published a 
 paper in which he speaks of the colonies as borrowing 
 recklessly, but New Zealand is the only colony that has 
 done so. In " the Britain of the South " a costly native 
 war was su(!cecded by a large public works expenditure, 
 but New Zealand is rapidly recovering her financial 
 equilibrium, and her position will soon be thoroughly 
 sound. No other Australasian colony has a war debt, 
 and the whole of the Australian borrowings have been 
 exi^endcd on public works, which pay directly much ot" 
 the interest ui)on the sums invested. The resources 
 of the continent are being rapidly develoi)ed by the 
 public works upon which the loans are spent, and, 
 although the taxation of some colonies, measured by a 
 European standard, looks high indeed, measured by the 
 price of labour and the returns of capital it is small. 
 The colonies contend that in a European sense they 
 have no debt, for all the outlay is reproductive ; while 
 the railways not only pay interest out of their earnings, 
 but now begin to make profit towards revenue, besides 
 enabling further national development to take place 
 through extraordinary reductions of freights and fares. 
 If Victoria chose to part with her railways at the 
 present time she could obtain for them an amount equal 
 to her total debt. 
 
 
 ! 1 
 
CIIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 343 
 
 (■oloiiial debts are of spcnijil importance to us in tlic 
 United i\iii,i>(l()in, l)ocause we invest largely in them. 
 They do .something to create the idea of imperial unity 
 and to knit the I*]m[»irc together. Our home income- 
 tax figures oo to show that, as regards investments that 
 are known, our colonial investments are increasing with 
 extraordinary rapidity, while our lumie and Indian 
 investments are stationary, and our foreign (Jovernment 
 investments falling off. It is prol»al)le that New Zealand 
 and Victoria will soon each yield more income to English 
 investors in Government stocks than does any other 
 country in the world, out.sidi' of England. It is 
 very natural that this should be the case, for there is 
 confidence in the stability (if the colonial Govern- 
 ments. We understand the way in which they float 
 their loans, and their system of book-keeping: we 
 believe in the honesty and ability of their statesmen, 
 and we are well informed as to the objects on which 
 their debts are spent. There has never been any form 
 of repudiation so much as talked of in our Australian 
 colonies, and, the colonies having no wars, the weakest 
 point of Continental finance is not met with in their 
 case. The colonies instead of being forced to spend 
 their money upon armaments are able to place it in 
 reproductive public works. The colonies too, we feel, 
 are far richer than we are at home, and yet their real 
 debt is much lighter in proportion to their income than 
 is ours, and a mere trifle by the side of the debt of 
 France or Russia. The colonies have not only assets in 
 the shape of railways and other works upon which the 
 borrowed money has been expended, but also, as they 
 assert, other assets in the shape of their unsold jiublic 
 lands. This consideration might, however, be turned the 
 other way, for New South Wales has carried a revenue 
 
 ('oli)iiii's 
 tliDroiiplily 
 
 Sdlvi'llt. 
 
344 
 
 pKonuwrs or greater Britain 
 
 PART II 
 
 \{ 
 
 Railways 
 ami water- 
 works 
 assets for 
 the whole 
 
 from aomowhat improvident land snlos into hrr ordinary 
 accounts, a jtractice wliicli Victoria avoids. liy an 
 order of the Su[)rcm(' Court made in London at the 
 end of 1888 we h'arn wiiat are at the present time 
 considered to be le<i;itini;ite investments for trustees. 
 Indian securities are included in the order, but colonial 
 securities arc not. No doubt it is possil)le to argue 
 that while the stock of Victoria and New South Wales 
 may be excellent, that of New Zealand, and possibly 
 of Queensland, cannot at the moment l)c looked upon 
 as a first-class security, and that it might be invidious 
 to pick out particular colonial stocks, and therefore 
 difficult to include them in the order ; but if this were 
 true, which it is not — for New Zealand is financially 
 more "sound" than India — it would be an additional 
 argument in favour of INlr. Westgarth's proposals. A 
 Treasury Committee, which sat in November and 
 December 1881), has recently investigated the (piestiou 
 of the power to invest trust funds in colonial securities, 
 to which it was believed that Mr. Goschen was unfa- 
 vourable. Tlie Committee has reported in favour of 
 the admissibility of colonial stocks, provided that the 
 colonies will agree to legislation to give a power of suing 
 Colonial Governments, which, according to the Treasury, 
 at present docs not exist, and which certainly can 
 afi'ect only moneys in the hands of the colonial agents 
 in this country. It is possil)lc that stij)ulations for 
 the maintenance of the staiidard of credit may be 
 inserted in the Imperial Act, so that the investment 
 shall cease when the 4 per cents in the case of any 
 colony fall below a certain price. 
 
 Victoria can show in railways and waterworks alone 
 more than the full value of her total indebtedness, and 
 she has a surplus of revenue over expenditure almost 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 245 
 
 every year. 
 
 It liiiH been (•onteiuled with regard toii.htnf 
 Vi(tt()riii that tlie ^xo^wi decline in the [)r()du('tivene88 
 of the Vietorian oohl-fiehlH is likely to involve that 
 colony in ditliculties ; but the profits to the com- 
 munity from gold -mining as an industry have for 
 some time been amull, and the gold-mining industry 
 in ^'^i<'t(^ria for many years past, except us an em- 
 ployer of labour on a not very considerable scale, 
 has been of little utility to the colony. It is pos- 
 sible, however, that gold-mining itself may yet recover; 
 the rudest appliances only have as yet been made 
 use of for the extraction of the gold, and in deep- 
 sinking the colonists have everything to lejirn ; while 
 silver, tin, and copper may yield profits. The real 
 gold-mine of the future for Victoria will lie, how- 
 over, in the growth, by irrigation, of fniit crops — using 
 the phrase in its widest sense, and including wine and 
 every kind of vegetable oil. 
 
 Other financial discussions which have taken place otiar 
 in the colony of late have been less worthy of attention, quilstious. 
 There has betn an agitation for a national bank, which 
 would practically be the State lending money to settlers 
 at rates too low to offer guarantees of soundness, and 
 issuing inconvertible notes. The scheme did not arouse 
 those workmen to whom it was addressed, and it is 
 to the credit of the Victorian population that they 
 should have rejected it as they did. There are great 
 numbers of good settlers who arrive year by year, who 
 have everything but money, and who reach for the first 
 time a country where the almost immediate ac(|uisition 
 of wealth by them seems to depend upon their obtaining 
 a small capital. These men feel in them the energy 
 and strength to win wealth for themselves, if only a 
 little capital could be theirs to make a start. A whole 
 
ll 
 
 246 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 r.\kT II 
 
 continent lies ready, waiting to l)e adequatoly stocked 
 and fenced, and provided with tanks and homesteads. 
 Day by day country that was but Lately looked upon as 
 useless to mankind is becoming open to occupation and 
 to settlement. At the same time workmen who save 
 their wages soon become capitalists in the colonies. 
 The man who earns .£3 a week, and spends but 
 £2, has plenty of bidders for the £\ that he saves. 
 Banks, building societies, investment trusts, and in- 
 surance com})anies, providing funds for pioneer settle- 
 ment, com})ote actively for the possession of the work- 
 man's savings. Up to two years ago 8 i)er cent was 
 obtained in safe investments in the interior, and 12 per 
 cent where a little risk was taken. Those who made a 
 l)usiness of lending to squatters, with the chance of 
 drought, could readily get 15 per cent a year ; and many 
 (jf the wealthiest men in Victoria have made their money 
 l)y lending to squatters at 20 per cent a year, though 
 taking an amount of risk which nuide them virtual ])artners 
 in the " runs." Although from time to time they lost in 
 Ijad seasons a large proportion of what they had lent, 
 the high rates in a few years of favourable weather left 
 them too strong to suffer more than temporary dei)res- 
 sion when bad seasons came. There has been a keen 
 demand for capital to be spent on the edges of civilisa- 
 tion where man was reclaiming the wilds, and those who 
 saved doubled, at compound interest, their savings in 
 nine or ten years without risk. Victoria has borrowed 
 largely on account of her very prosperity. All her own 
 capital was so fully and so profita1)ly employed that it 
 could not be used for the making of railways, because in 
 this solid and safe form of investment the British public 
 at home was willing to emliark its money at far less 
 than the usual colonial rate. It was for these reasons 
 
 Hi:, 
 
 f 
 
CHAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 247 
 
 that the borrowing of money ])y Australian Governments 
 l)eo:Hn at a moment wlien Australia was rolling in wealth. 
 New South Wales commenced the process in 1858, and 
 was followed by Victoria in 1859, although Victoria had 
 just raised, in eight years' Avork, gold to the value of 
 eighty -eight millions sterling. It was in the midst 
 of the full flush of gold prosperity that the railways 
 were begun, but not with colonial capital. Every 
 shilling that the colonies had was in eager demand, 
 earning 10 per cent with safety where lent on loan, 
 and 20 per cent where utilised by owners in their 
 own enterprises. It would have been a waste of 
 resources, the Australians thought, to have used their 
 capital for railways, when the British public was 
 willing to advance the requisite funds at 5 or G 
 per cent. 
 
 It was shown just now with what caution the Kxi'ni- 
 Australian workmen abstained from jumping at the Ijait ill'victoiia. 
 held out by the proposers of an inconvertible currency. 
 In general I think it must be said that the electorate of 
 Victoria have shown much prudence in the new ideas 
 that they have taken up, and in the manner in which they 
 have pressed them forward. The (piestions discussed 
 at the meetincfs of 1889 were almost "humdrum," 
 with the exception of that of intercolonial free trade. 
 Sanitation, the free breakfast-table, and the reconstruc- 
 tion of the Ministry, on lines which would make its 
 anti-Irish and its federal elements even more marked, 
 w^ere among the chief subjects of debate; and the colony 
 seemed more proud of having lived for six years under 
 virtually the same Ministry, while New South Wales 
 had had six or seven Ministries in the same time, and of 
 having had surpluses amounting to over a million in all, 
 to set aijainst New South Wales deficiencies amountins: 
 
248 
 
 PJWnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Early 
 closiii; 
 
 The eii,'lit- 
 liour (lay. 
 
 to iii()i-(3 than two and a half millions, than anxious to 
 enter ui)on any reA'olntionaiy course. 
 
 ( )nc of the experiments which in the past Victoria 
 has tried for us is that of early-closing legislation, and, 
 as til is has been named as a case of legislative failure, 
 it is worth some notice. In the early days of the colony 
 it was seen with regret that the long hours prevailing in 
 the old country were being imported into Victoria with- 
 out change, and in 1855 an early-closing association was 
 formed. The same difficulties were found in relying 
 upon voluntary agreement as have been met with in the 
 mother-country, and the same devices of appealing to 
 the pul)lic, after partial failure with the shopkeepers, 
 were resorted to by the association. In 1882 the 
 agitation of the shopkeepers' assistants for early closing 
 had ])een started, and through their eft'orts a Eoyal 
 Commission was appointed to make inquiry into the 
 question, which ultimately recommended legislation. In 
 1885 the association abandoned the moral suasion posi- 
 tion, and, by a large majority, resolved that only an Act 
 of Parliament could set matters right; aft(;r which it 
 dissolved itself and left the field to law. 
 
 Til ere is no general disbelief in the colony in the 
 principle of interfering with individual liberty for the 
 purpose of obtaining such a reform of hours as would be 
 suital)le to the great majority of the people. For many 
 years the custom of Victoria has imposed with the force of 
 law the eight-hour lim'tation upon the labour of artisans 
 — 8 hours a day or 48 hours a week ; for as a rule a 
 Saturday half-holiday is taken, and met by an extra 
 half-hour on other days. There is a tendency now to 
 ap-ply the eight-hour day to the five days a week, and the 
 five-hour day to Saturday, without making up for the 
 short day by longer labour upon the others. The well- 
 
 (I 
 
ClIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 249 
 
 organised trades, such as the carpenters, phisterers, and 
 masons, have taken steps in this direction, one trade 
 offering to submit to a slight decrease of pay for the 
 Saturday, while in most cases, however, the demand is 
 for full pay for the fSaturday although for three hours less 
 of work, and some Victorian artisans now enjoy the forty- 
 fivc-hour week. The agitation with regard to shops had 
 been started, as was seen, in 1855, and had ceased, in a re- 
 quest for legislation, in 1885. The artisans did not 1)egin 
 their agitation until 1856; but they won all they wanted 
 in twelve days. It was in April 1 85G that the stonemasons 
 held the first public meeting upon the subject, at a time 
 when ten hours a day was the rule for their trade. The 
 other Unions followed their example ; a meeting of the 
 united Trades was held, an eight -hour league formed, 
 and notice given that after the 21st April they would 
 only work eight hours a day. So complete was the 
 trium])h that the anniversary of the next day, the 22d of 
 April, has ever since been kept as a holiday among the 
 Melbourne artisans, and it is now a public holiday, under 
 the title of " Eight-hours Day." Some of the contractors 
 made a stand against the workmen, but all except two 
 gave in at the end of the first day, the men agreeing in 
 some cases to a reduction of wacjes until existinfj contracts 
 were complete, after which eight hours a day, at the old 
 rates, was to be the rule. Wages have slightly fallen 
 since the eight-hour day was introduced, but there is no 
 reason to suppose that the fall, which was natural under 
 the circumstances of the colony, has been a result of the 
 reduction in hours. It is a general opinion in the colony 
 that the cheerfulness arising from leisure and comfort 
 gives to the colonial artisan a spirit and vigour which 
 enable him to do in eight hours as much work as artisans 
 at home can do in ten. The rate of wages is so high 
 VOL. I s 
 
ISO 
 
 PKOJilJCMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 Early- 
 L'losini; 
 lej^ishi- 
 tiou. 
 
 that it is not easy to see how Victoria manages, in spite 
 of her protective system, to manufacture articles upon 
 whi('h freiglits from abroad are light. The Melbourne 
 employer apparently pays double the wages for 15 or 
 20 jDcr cent less time than is the case at home, and, in 
 trades where the labour is a large portion of the cost of 
 the article produced, it is difficult to discover how the 
 manufactures of Victoria manage to exist. The duties 
 have, until the recent increase, amounted only to from 
 17 to 25 per cent on the articles taxed, or 11 per cent 
 upon the total imports. There are now forty-eight 
 trades in Victoria which have the eight-hour day, and 
 take part in the annual celebration, with banners, some 
 of which cost as much as £200 apiece. The tramway 
 company of Melbourne, which is a great power in the 
 town, is forced to bow to the dictates of the Anniversarv 
 Committee, and to wholly stop running for two hours. 
 The eight-hour movement spread from Victoria to other 
 colonies. In New South Wales and elsewhere the leading 
 trades have obtained the eight hours, but the system is 
 not so absolutely universal as in Victoria. In Victoria 
 an abstract proposition has been adopted in Parliament 
 making eight hours a legal day, but this has no real 
 effect, and the system depends wholly upon opinion. 
 
 The success of the eioht-hour movement amono; 
 workmen has naturally encouraged the idea of legisla- 
 tion for early closing for the benefit of shopkeepers and 
 their assistants. In 1884 there also came before the 
 Mctorian Parliament a cognate question ; for a Royal 
 Commission on the local Factory Acts, which already for 
 ten years had regulated the employment of women in 
 factories and limited to eight hours their working day, 
 reported that the Act should lie extended to other forms 
 of female occupation. It had Ijcen discovered that 
 
 11 •■ 
 
 m if 
 
CIIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 2;i 
 
 hundreds of young girls were employed in shops and 
 restaurants for such lonjr hours, and under such insanitary 
 conditions, that their health was undermined. The 
 Royal Commission had also recommended legislation 
 against overtime. In November 1884 Mr. Deakin 
 brought in a new Bill with reoard to workrooms and 
 factories, in which the factory provisions were to some 
 extent made to apply to shops ; and a second part of 
 the Bill provided for early closing. All shops, except 
 certain classes specially exempted, were to be closed not 
 later than 7 p.m. on five out of the six week-nights, and 
 at 10 P.M. on Saturdays, unless two-thirtls of the shop- 
 keepers in any one trade petitioned the Town Council 
 for exemption. The pinialties were left to the munici- 
 palities. The Bill was dropped in 1 884 and reintroduced 
 in 1885. It was opposed by some who disliked the 
 principle, and by others who wished it to go farther, 
 and who pressed for the introduction of a clause against 
 overtime ; but it was passed, with no substantial modi- 
 fication, in December 1885, and came into operation on 
 the 1st March 1886. Complaint was soon made that 
 the municipal councils were not friendly to the closing 
 movement, and were using the powers entrusted to them 
 to defeat the Act. The ^Melbourne Council fixed the 
 fines at Is. for the first offence and 3s. for any sul)- 
 sequent ofience ; but, in spite of the lowness of the fines, 
 the Act has brought about a revolution in public habits, 
 and the light fines have been a success, for the publica- 
 tion in the newspapers of the names of the offenders 
 has been sufficient. Where exemption has been granted 
 by town councils large crowds have collected, and, l)y the 
 expression of disapprobation, have forced the shops to 
 close, all purchasers being hooted until purchase ceased. 
 Mr. Deakin has now proposed certain amendments of 
 
 f ' 
 
252 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 High 
 wages 
 
 I 
 
 the law, ])ut it is now uacli year less and loss evaded, 
 and tlie sliop-Iiauds may be said to have won short 
 hours, although hours not so short as those of the 
 colonial artisans. 
 
 Victorian workers of all classes, and in some deoree 
 nni? dieap tlic workcrs of all the Australian colonies, now possess 
 advantages which make Australia a workers' paradise. 
 High wages are there combined with cheap food and 
 leisure for culture or amusement. On the other hand, 
 the return from the labour of highly-skilled professional 
 men is not so great in the colonies as it is in 
 England. The Chief Justice of Victoria has £3500 
 a year, and would certainly have been a pecuniary 
 gainer l)y coming home. It is estimated that on the 
 average the cost of living in Victoria is to the cost 
 of liviuij in England in the ratio of about five to 
 four. That accommodation for a bachelor's l)oard and 
 lodging which is obtainable in London for £1 a 
 week costs 2;'5s. a week in Mi'll)ourne. Rent is sup- 
 posed to be much higher in Melbourne, and the other 
 costs of living about the same. Coals, servants, and 
 gas are dearer ; good food clicaper. Rents, though 
 higher, are perhaps not higher for the same accom- 
 modation, as more space is usually given in Melbourne 
 than in London, and Melbourne covers an area as 
 great as that of Paris. Wages being, on the whole, 
 nearly double what they are at home, and the cost of 
 living not necessarily much greater, every man has 
 clearly a good chance to save, and the majority do 
 save considerably, with the result of a widespread 
 prosperity. 
 
 The general diffusion of sufficient wealth and the 
 existence of a pleasant climate cause Victorian life to 
 be more cheerful than life in the United Kingdom, and 
 
 Out -door 
 exercises. 
 
 i 
 
CIIAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 253 
 
 a 
 
 id 
 
 
 
 produce a readiness to be amused that is characteristic 
 of the colonist as compared Avith the home -staying 
 Briton. A hirger proportion of Victorians take part 
 in and take an interest in out -door sport than is the 
 case at home, and games such as football, cricket, and 
 lawn-tennis are carried on under more ftivourable con- 
 ditions. The climate tempts people to be out of 
 doors, and the days when practice is impossible are 
 few. The people have the leisure and they have the 
 money to maintain their sports, while they possess in 
 a high degree the inclination for amusement. Every 
 suburb of Melbourne has large " cricketing reserves," 
 every suburban house has its lawn -tennis court, and, 
 while the Victorian climate makes the colony the first 
 in many forms of sport, there is an almost equal attach- 
 ment to sport and to amusement in the other Australian 
 colonies. At the present moment the colonial mind is 
 turned towards football, which, it is asserted l)y its 
 devotees, has assumed in our South -Sea colonies a 
 character of greater science than in England. The 
 most lively interest is taken in Melbourne in the 
 returns of the Football Association, which makes up the 
 matches between the various local clubs and publishes 
 the results of the competitions, and, ultimately, of that 
 for the championship of the colony. The excitement of 
 a Madrid crowd about a bull-fight is hardly greater 
 than that of the workshops, offices, and warehouses of 
 Melbourne on the eventful Saturday afternoon which 
 decides for the year the football chami)ionshii3. To see 
 the crowds streaming to the ground one would fancy 
 that the city itself was to be the victors' prize. An 
 American gentleman, Mr. Royce, w^ho, under the title of 
 " Reflections after a Wandering Life in Australasia," has 
 published in 1889 two little jiapers which form the best 
 
 I!: 
 
1 1 
 
 Horse- 
 racing. 
 
 354 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER lUilTAIN 
 
 TAUr II 
 
 view of Australia yet placed before the public, finds the 
 prominence of public sports by far the most noteworthy 
 of all the social features of the colonies, and of all the 
 differences between colonists and inhabitants of the 
 United States. He tells us that the popularity of s[)orts 
 in the American Commonwealth dates back but a short 
 distance, and that until lately the Americans were too 
 l»ious or too busy to play, were ashamed to seem amused, 
 and not only took few holidays, but "were bored" by 
 these. He goes on to explain that the apparent change 
 which has recently occurred still leaves the United States 
 far behind Australia in the field of sport ; and that 
 the most popular athletes of America are professional 
 gladiators, whereas in Australia it is the people them- 
 selves who carry on the contest. Life in the colonies, 
 according to ]\Ir. Royce, is free from the elements of strain 
 and worry that press upon America, and competition is 
 less merciless towards the individual. As life becomes 
 harder he thinks that the colonists will have two safe- 
 guards to fall back upon — the one their love of healthy 
 exercise and of every form of sjDort, and the other 
 their tendency to a high organisation of social life ; in 
 marked contrast to the individualism of the United 
 States. 
 
 Horse -racing is, if possible, even more popular in 
 Victoria than football, and it is a curious fact that the 
 racing club of Melbourne was founded before the town 
 itself. When not an acre of land had yet been sold, and 
 while the settlers were inhabiting sod-huts and waiting 
 for the arrival of the ofiicer who was to survey the site 
 of the proposed township, a race club was formed, five 
 prizes were subscribed, and a racecourse chosen. From 
 that day to this the Victorian racing calendar has been 
 unbroken. Four times a year the club gives itself up 
 
 '* '' 
 
her 
 in 
 ed 
 
 I 
 
 
 i 
 
 C IIAI'. I 
 
 I -yen) A'/ A 
 
 = 55 
 
 to a week of racing, but the most important of these 
 events is the spring meeting, when, on the first Tuesday 
 in November, is hekl the racing carnival, calhid Cup 
 Day, which is a lioliday of the strictest kind. Those 
 who object to horse -racing make use of the hohday 
 for other purposes : the Sunday Schools take Cup 
 Day for their picnics ; the Young Men's Christian 
 Association goes out to sea in steamers ; and the 
 Salvation Army gathers its forces for a review in 
 the Royal Park, and sometimes marches as many as 
 20,000 people under its "blood and fire" flags. The 
 people of Melbourne spend more on amusements 
 than do those of the other Australian capitals ; out, 
 while Sydney, Ballarat, and even conservative Hobart, 
 open their jjublic libraries and picture galleries on 
 Sundays, ]Mell)ourne keeps hers closed. In Sydney the 
 racing fever, though not unknown, is not so strong as 
 it is in Melbourne; but in Adelaide it was at one 
 moment almost as highly developed in proportion. 
 Then the legislature made a determined attempt to 
 suppress gambling, and the racing people of South 
 Australia transferred their meetings bodily to Mel- 
 bourne, until their legislature gave way to local pressure. 
 
 Rowing and sculling are not forgotten, and the other 
 latter is pursued in the Australian colonies with success, ^''"^ "" 
 as we know in the old country to our cost. Cycling is 
 as popular in Victoria as in England. Roller skating 
 has reached the same pitch of popularity in Australia 
 that it has in India ; IMelbourne has eight large places 
 devoted to this amusement — some of them of vast size, 
 and all of them extremely remunerative to their pro- 
 prietors. Any novelty in the way of sport, however, 
 is, if duly advertised, certain of success in the Australian 
 colonies. 
 
 I 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 
 
!S6 
 
 PROJiLKMS OF GREATER RRriAIX 
 
 V\\K\ II 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 Music. Music is also popular in the colonics to a jjjreater 
 
 extent than is the case Jit home. At the Melltouiiie 
 Centennial Exhil)ition the visit of Mr. Cowen produced 
 an extraordinary gatherinf^ of musical people from all 
 parts of the colonies. The Oratorio of " JClijah " was 
 performed throe times in succession, and each time the 
 great hall, which holds over 3000 people, was densely 
 crammed. The recent reception of Wagner's music in 
 the colonies, and especially at the ]Mell)ourne Exhibition, 
 has been remarkable, as until lately the older musicians 
 reigned supreme in the colonial musical world. An in- 
 spection of the ]\Ielbourne newspapers for any Saturday 
 reveals the existence of a surprising number of musical 
 performances for a city of 300,000 people. During the 
 Centennial Exhibition every Saturday would show about 
 eleven thousand persons in Melbourne alone attending 
 performances of high-class music, without counting a 
 considerable number of suburban concerts and five 
 music halls giving music of a less elevating kind. 
 Music is much tauijht in the Australian schools. The 
 Fine Arts are largely practised, as I shall have to show 
 in the next chapter, and are aided in ^^ictoria by an 
 astonishing number of State-aided schools of design. 
 
 Literature. Just as Victoria has not hitherto produced much 
 original music, in spite of the great development of 
 musical taste, so too with letters. The colonists, in 
 Mctoria as in Canada, have developed a large reading- 
 class, but have not uj) till now succeeded in producing 
 a colonial school of literature. Their leading literary 
 men have as yet been English-born. Dr. Hearn was 
 Professor of Greek at Queen's College, Galway, and, 
 having been exported for the use of the University of 
 Melbourne, could hardly be looked upon as a more 
 specially Victorian product than is Dr. Pearson, the able 
 
 ^ '^ 
 
CHAI'. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 257 
 
 111 
 
 'g 
 
 »g 
 
 
 uiid cultivated jMiuistcr of EdiKtation, wh<» wi-nt out 
 from Oxford. Still, Dr. Hearu, having left tlic United 
 Kingdom for Australia at the age of twenty-eight, and 
 having lived some thirty-three years in the colony, 
 producing some excellent hooks in his Plutohxji/ and 
 his constitutional works, was a source of priclc to 
 the young \'ictorian State, although there is nothing 
 specially Australian about his books. ]Mr. A. Patchett 
 Martin is an excellent all-round writer who, like j\lr. 
 Philip Alenucll, has come home to us, and there are also 
 many brilliant journalists left in Victoria. 
 
 Australia has found some literary talent among 
 Bohemians who have been shipi)ed off to the colonies as 
 ne'er-do-weels. Adam Lindsay Gordon was the most Aiiam 
 remarkable of these, and is best remembered in Victoria Jl""','"!*' 
 and South Australia. His earlier poems are singularly 
 feeble, and hardly up to the mark of those wliicth ajn)ear 
 in the humblest of English provincial newspapers. After 
 some years of a rough life he developed a real poetic 
 vein, which he utilised in the description of life in the 
 saddle. In his latest work there is a good deal of stronu' 
 feeling, with some revelations of that anger with circum- 
 stances that led Gordon finally, by self-destruction, to 
 put an end to his own career. He is at his best when 
 he writes of horses and of riding, and has no equal as 
 the poet of the steeplechase. 
 
 Another writer who was connected with Victoria is, Marcus 
 on the whole, the ablest Australian prose writer that ^^''''''^''" 
 there has yet been — Marcus Clarke, the son of a London 
 barrister, sent out after his father's det tli, when he was 
 just grown-up, to the care, if I mistake not, of his cousin, 
 now General Sir Andrew Clarke. Clarke's best work 
 was done in leader writing, but before he died, a worn- 
 out man at thirty-one, he had shown, in some brilliant 
 
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 258 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 essays and excellent fiction, that he j)ossessed con- 
 siderable literary power. He is known in England by 
 a story of early Tasmanian days, His Natural Life, 
 founded upon the Transportation Blue-books ; but in 
 Australia he is equally well remembered as the author 
 of Pretty Dick, an immortal story of only fourteen 
 pages, and several other charmingly told tales of Austra- 
 lian life and scenery. Marcus Clarke was often coarse 
 in his satire of the Melbourne democracy of his time, 
 but Pretty Dick and others of his stories would redeem 
 worse vulgarity than that of his journalistic sketches, 
 and his description of the desolation of the landscape of 
 the Australian continent given in his preface to the 
 poems of Adam Lindsay Gordon is fine, and has been 
 quoted in almost every work upon Australia. 
 
 On the whole, the best Victorian literature, like 
 the best Canadian, is at present to be found in the 
 colonial newspapers. Each of the chief newspaper offices 
 issues a weekly journal of the highest class, intended for 
 up-country use — heavier and larger even than our Fi<'ld 
 — and containing all the feii,tures of a sporting and 
 country gentleman's paper, combined with those of a 
 literary and political journal. The daily papers them- 
 selves are excellent, and the Melbourne Argus and 
 Melbourne Age are a credit to the colony, as are some 
 of the other papers of the capital and the daily papers of 
 the smaller towns. 
 
 The native-born Australians, as we shall see, ca)i 
 hardly yet be said to have brought forth a great literary 
 man. They may fairly rest content at present although 
 this be so : may be satisfied to have produced of late, 
 in the field of general literature, even better books than 
 those to which Canada has given birth, though none 
 equal to the groat novel which I shall mention in my 
 
 4 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 ^59 
 
 chapter on the Cape, aucl to have trained up among 
 themselves the builders of the new State, and statesmen 
 and orators such as Mr. Deakin. Local literature is pretty 
 sure to follow in due time, and, when it comes, to have 
 tl\at distinctive AustraJip^ mark which already clearly 
 pertains to most things Australian, and which may even 
 one day revivify the literature of England. 
 
 It is gratifying to an Englishman to discover how Loyalty 
 completely the essentially British nationality of Victoria Victorians. 
 has survived the experience of the last twenty years. 
 In 1868 the poj)ulation was British-born; a third of it 
 was of Australian birth, but almost all this section of 
 the community consisted of mere children. At the 
 present time the Australian - born have come to the 
 front, and provide a large part of the energy, the 
 enterprise, and the promise of the community. The 
 veterans are dying off — the pioneers whose sturdy labour 
 and whose good sense built up the colony on sure 
 foundations, and who have been able in their declining 
 years to contemplate with pride the prosperity which 
 they had created in what liad been a lonely waste. 
 Twenty years ago the Victorian love for England was 
 the love of those who knew it : at the great distance to 
 which they had gone imagination cast a peculiar bright- 
 ness upon the old home that they had left, and they 
 turned towards it with a natural longing. Many had 
 the hope of a return : after a few years passed in Victoria 
 they would go back rich, and make their permanent 
 home in England. A stream of elderly well-to-do 
 colonists has in the past few years come steadily home, 
 but the vast majority merely visit Europe, and nineteen 
 out of twenty go back again to once more settle down 
 in a sunshine far better for old aoe than the English 
 climate, and amidst surroundings that they have grown 
 
26o 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 
 
 
 to love. Still, colonists of this kind — the British- 
 born — are almost all friends of the connection witli 
 the mother- country, and would vote nearly to a man 
 against a separation. As these die out, and as there 
 arises a majority who have no home traditions about the 
 United Kingdom, and none of that affection for the 
 mother- country which springs from early association, 
 there doubtless may come a change. At the same time, 
 many of the younger men obtain from their ^jarents the 
 advantage of a trip to the old country ; they take a 
 pride in the name of Englishmen, and feel satisfaction 
 in identification with a people that has held so great a 
 position in the past. The younger colonists as a rule, 
 however, return to Australia with relief, and with them 
 the political tendency is to j)ut Australia first, England 
 second. If ever Australian and British interests should 
 clash, the colonists of the new o-eneration would cast 
 their votes for their own home. But without strong 
 causes of dissension the Victorians will be inclined to 
 uphold the maintenance of the imperial connection. 
 It is probably the practical and businesslike tendency 
 of Melbourne which holds in check those separatist 
 views which are more pronounced in Sydney and in 
 Brisbane. The Victorians say that they feel no 
 Ijurden in the relation, and that they realise its 
 benefits, so that the energy and intensity of life, 
 of which they are proud, can find better exercise 
 than in girding at the mother -country. In Victoria 
 there is hardly a tendency towards separation, and 
 thousands of men who are Australian -born, and who 
 never w^ere in Great Britain, still call the old country 
 home. The continual perusal of the masterpieces of 
 English literature strengthens these associations, and 
 in Victoria, whatever may be the case in other 
 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 261 
 
 colonics, they do not appear to rapidly decline. 
 Those in Victoria who would at the present moment 
 vote for separation from the mother- country are an 
 obscure and unimportant fraction, and this although the 
 Australian Natives' Association is there a powerful body. 
 The great majority of the people are loyal to the 
 connection, and those who think that separation is 
 inevitalde place the event far off in the future. There 
 is in Victoria a general feeling that the colony derives 
 dignity and importance from its connection with the 
 Empire, and tiiat its interests arc on the whole bound 
 up with those of the United Kingdom. The existence 
 of any substantial grievance would soon break down this 
 public sentiment ; but there seems no reason why any 
 such grievance should be permitted to arise. In the 
 old days it sometimes happened that governors, fixing 
 their eyes on the London office whence they held their 
 ajipointments, and from which they looked for their 
 promotion in the future, tried to please their superiors 
 by running counter to the wishes of the Victorian peop^^. 
 But in the long run the popular will prevailed, and the 
 imperial Government never fought against it after it 
 was unmistakably declared. 
 
 The Victorians are an almost exclusively British or Birthplaces 
 Irish people. A few Chinese are obvious aliens who victoiiau 
 remain apart ; the rest of the foreign -born (if we deduct ^"^°^''''' 
 the Americans, wdio are not noticeably different from 
 other persons of English race when domiciled in 
 Australia) are mostly Germans, who, however, are far 
 less numerous in proportion than in Canada, and who 
 soon become patriotic Victorians, while in the second 
 generation nothing foreign is left to them except the 
 fiimily name. The Mctorian population is well mixed 
 together. The English, Scotch, and Irish elements are 
 
 14J ^ 
 
 h 
 
262 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PARI- II 
 
 much more thoroughly wekled into one nationality than 
 is the case in any portion of the mother-country or of 
 the Canadian Dominion. There is no specially Scotch 
 part of Victoria, and no specially Irish part. Wherever 
 you take a hundred people you may be pretty certain 
 that from 20 to 25 per cent will be Irish Roman 
 Catholics, that about 15 to 20 per cent will be Scotch 
 Presbyterians, and the remainder almost entirely English 
 Protestants ; and that any such small foreign addition 
 as there is to the population sprung from the United 
 Kingdom will exhibit a tendency to rapid incorporation, 
 leavino; no foreign trace behind. The Victorian census 
 displays the same l)irthplaces for the population as are 
 shown by the present emigration returns of the United 
 Kingdom. 
 Defence. The Victoriaus have always shown a proper spirit 
 
 with regard to the defence of those liberties which they 
 won at an early date in the history of their colony, and 
 which have never been seriously threatened. Victoria 
 has not been backward in undertakinor her share of re- 
 sponsibility for imperial defence, and her local defence 
 is amply provided for. The natural situation of Mel- 
 bourne makes it easy to guard against a hostile fleet, 
 and art has been called in to the aid of nature. Heavy 
 guns, submarine mines, and local floating defence have 
 all been attended to, a Zalinski dynamite gun has 
 been ordered from New York, and for some time past 
 there has been a Defence Minister in the Victorian 
 Cabinet. The armoured ship Cerberus has four 10-inch 
 jzuns, and the steel gunboat Victoria one 10-incli 25 
 ton breechloading gun ; while there are several other 
 steamers armed with heavy guns, and several defence 
 torpedo boats, well manned. The Victorian land forces 
 consist normally of over 5000 men, and are commanded 
 
CIIAI. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 263 
 
 ?ian 
 
 Inch 
 
 25 
 
 Dher 
 
 nee 
 
 Irces 
 
 Ided 
 
 by an etticient staft' of imperial officers, that is to say, 
 officers belonging to the British army, and serving 
 temporarily with the colonial forces. In addition to 
 the 5000, there are over 4000 sworn members of rifle 
 clubs, and a considerable militia reserve which can be 
 called out by proclamation. There is a Defence Council 
 consisting of the Defence Minister, the naval and 
 military commandants, and three or four of the senior 
 local officers. The permanent element in the force, 
 besides the staff, consists of 200 garrison artillery and a 
 small section of engineers, with non-commissioned officers 
 and drill instructors. There is a large force of mounted 
 police, who would be available for defence purposes in 
 case of attack. The remainder of the troops are chiefly 
 "partially paid," to use the Australian phrase. There is a 
 volunteer submarine torpedo company, as well as a Nor- 
 denfelt battery, some field batteries, and some volunteer 
 garrison artillery ; and the infantry consists of four bat- 
 talions, with four companies to each battalion. The 
 men are reported to be most intelligent, and thoroughly 
 respectful to the imperial officers ; and there is good 
 feeling between the imperial and the local officers, who, 
 although busy men, give much time to their army work. 
 There is a military club in Melbourne — the United 
 Service Club — where the imperial and the local officers 
 meet. The privates, although paid, do not look like 
 regular troops, but like the very best of our volunteer 
 regiments in the old country. They are taller and more 
 intelligent than the average of our regular troops, but less 
 wide and deep in the chest. The terms of enlistment of 
 the men of the permanent force are somewhat similar to 
 those of our army, while the militia or " partially paid " 
 troops are less disciplined. These Victorian soldiers are 
 not dependent on the service for a living, and do not 
 
:64 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 .i 
 
 II 
 
 \ I 
 
 reside in harracks; ])ut they are paid for each parade 
 that they attend, and punishments take the form of fines. 
 Tlie Victorians, as has been shown by Colonel Elias, who 
 has written about tlieir soldiering, possess a great advan- 
 tage over volunteers in Great Britain in the vast amount 
 of open space available for ranges, and with these ad- 
 vantages the Victorian soldier naturally shoots well. 
 The three batteries of field guns labour under the draw- 
 back of possessing no regular artillery horses. They 
 have harness, and standing arrangements are made with 
 civilians for supplying the horses when needed. The 
 same horses are, as ftir as possible, kept for the work, 
 and obtain a considerable amount of training. It is less 
 dilHcult to get good drivers in Australia than in most 
 countries, as a large proportion of the population are 
 accustomed to rough driving in every form. There is 
 ample private transport in Melbourne for any such force 
 as would be likely to be required in the colony. There 
 is an admirable cadet corps of 3000 boys, who are 
 dressed in military uniform, and armed with a miniature 
 Martini-Henry riHc; manufactured on purpose for them. 
 In the Christmas holidays they camp out, and their 
 rations are supplied from Melbourne by railway ; their 
 company, battalion, and brigade drill and outpost 
 system have been pronounced excellent by the imperial 
 officers. Every year at Easter the general military 
 arrangements of Victoria are well tested. The gar- 
 rison artillery take up their allotted positions for the 
 defence of Melbourne. The militia and the mounted 
 rifles go into camp ; and the submarine miners are at 
 their stations ready for w^ork, with the electric light and 
 position -finders fitted. The Victorian Government have 
 spent money freely in order to secure the absolute 
 readiness for w^ar of all their defensive preparations. 
 
 J 1' 
 
CHAT. I 
 
 VICTORIA 
 
 26; 
 
 The Victorian army is a model army for colonial defence, 
 and an admirable nucleus for the Australian fcderul 
 defence array of the future. An imperial olKcer is now, 
 from time to time, to inspect the whole of the Australian 
 forces which in the event of war, subject to the permis- 
 sion of each colony, he will command. JMajor-General 
 Edwards, in his recent " report on the military forces 
 and defences of the colony of Victoria," and " memo- 
 randum on the proposed organisation of the military 
 forces of the Australian colonics," has highly praised 
 Victoria, and has given the full approval of the War 
 Office to the " partially paid " militia system. It is 
 understood that whether the conference on Federation 
 between the Federal Council and the colony of New 
 South Wales, fixed for February 1890, does or does not 
 lead to immediate and complete federal union, military 
 federation will take place. Victoria will propose that 
 the permanent force shall 1 e increased, and that 
 Australian '' foreifjn-service-jjarrison batteries " shall be 
 sent to Thursday Island and King George's Sound. 
 
 VOL. I 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 ll 
 
 ii' 
 
 i 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 Sydney. The positioD of Sydney on the east coast of Australia 
 bears a certain resemblance to that of New York on 
 the east coast of the United States, and to that 
 of San Francisco on the west. A perfect harbour, 
 placed by nature opposite to Southern Polynesia, 
 and exactly where it would seem most wanted for the 
 convenience of the Australian continental trade with 
 America North and South, gives hopes of a future for 
 Sydney equal to the present if not to the future of New 
 York. Sydney indeed has a situation as beautiful to 
 the eye as it is convenient for trade. From near the 
 city one can see the open ocean breaking at the Heads, 
 while on the land side the Paramatta river flows down 
 through orange groves into a still and lakelike bay, 
 which is so divided into little sheltered nooks that its 
 size is lost. Sydney covers an enormous extent of 
 ground, and, it might be said, a still larger extent of 
 water, for the inhabitants in great numbers cross various 
 portions of the bay to reach their work. They live in 
 their own houses at some distance from where they 
 labour, and this habit is as widely spread among the 
 workmen as it is among the merchants or the clerks. 
 The head and port of an extraordinary development of 
 railway lines, Sydney believes that in a few years she 
 
 ;i; 
 
lie 
 
 .s, 
 
 in 
 
 Lcy 
 ;he 
 ks. 
 of 
 the 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 267 
 
 will beat Mell)()iinie, and become once more in fact that 
 which she lias sometimes claimed to be in history and 
 in name — the Queen City of the South. 
 
 New South Wales bears to Victoria a certain statis- 
 tical resemblance. The two colonies have about the 
 same population, and, roughly sneaking, nl)out the same 
 revenues, expenditure, debt, and trade. In each, a 
 great capital collects in one neighbourhood more than a 
 third of the total population ; in each, life is bright and 
 cheerful ; but while there are resemblances in climate, 
 scenery, and legislation, as well as in other present condi- 
 tions, considerable dillbrences lie l)eliind and are likely to 
 develop in the future. New South Wales, in the opinion 
 of her enemies, is less enterprising than Victoria, and 
 has less of the go-ahead spirit which distinguishes the 
 Melbourne people. On the other hand she possesses a 
 larger territory, abundant supplies of coal, and will have 
 probably, in consequence, a greater future. Although 
 New South Wales is three and a half times as large as 
 Victoria, and has the area of the German Empire and 
 of Italy combined, she is of course much smaller than 
 the three other but as yet less important colonies of the 
 Australian continent. As the country was in a large 
 degree settled by assisted immigrants, of whom some- 
 thing like half altogether have been Irish, while the 
 English section was largely composed of Chartists (Sir 
 Henry Parkes himself having been a prominent man 
 among them), the legislation of New South Wales has 
 naturally shown signs of its origin. Manhood suffrage 
 was carried in 1858 ; the abolition of primogeniture in 
 1862; safe and easy transfer of land through the 
 machinery of a Torrens Act in the same year ; and 
 also the abolition of State aid to religion. A public 
 system of education was introduced, with other measures 
 
 Compari- 
 son of New 
 Soiitli 
 Wales with 
 ViL'toria. 
 
II 
 
 268 
 
 PROliLEMS OF GREATER liRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 Education. 
 
 Laud 
 system. 
 
 of democratic Icgi.slutioii. (inidiuitcd prooressivc suc- 
 cession duty, which in Victoria dates from 1870, but has 
 been made lieavicr upon hirge property by subsequent 
 legishition, was imitutcd in 188G l)y New South Wales, 
 but in the earlier, not in the hiter form. New South 
 Wales had previously possessed graduation of the English 
 kind, in which the rates depend on the nearness of 
 relationship to the deceased. Public education, which 
 in yi(;toria is free, is still paid for l)y fees in New South 
 A\'ales, though children going to or returning from 
 school are allowed to travel free l)y railway. In general 
 it may be said that New South Wales legislation in 
 recent times has not been so bold as the legislation 
 of Victoria. The two most important Acts passed in 
 New South Wales of late years have been the Public 
 Instruction Act of 1880 and the Crown Lands Act of 
 1884, 
 
 The Public Instruction Act took complete charge of 
 the compulsory education of the people, and recognised 
 the teacher as a civil servant. The object, as expressed 
 by Sir Henry Parkes, was the converting of a population, 
 certain in any case to be large in numbers, into a popu- 
 lation of the best material, and, in his words, the 
 Bill was to enable " the child of the poorest man to 
 attain to the highest place, if the stuff is in tlie child 
 himself." As, however, the chief effect of this Act was 
 to sweep away State aid to denominational schools, while 
 there had already been a system of public education in 
 the colony, the Public Instruction Act, iniportant as it 
 was, was of less moment than the Crown Lands Act of 
 1884. By this measure the land policy of the colony 
 was remodelled. 
 
 In the days of the early settlement the Crown lands 
 were in the hands of the representatives of the imperial 
 
CHAP, n 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 269 
 
 Government, who made <;rants ; l)iit these were ubolislicd 
 from 1831 and auction sales sub.stituted. In 1839 the 
 "Squatting Act" was passed, wliich settled the pastoral 
 tenants on the lands. In 1845 the greater portion of 
 the available lands was in the hands of the squatters, 
 less than 2000 in nunil)er, and no provision having 
 been made for the settlement of small holders, there was 
 a virtual monopoly of land by the rich. At that time 
 there arose the struggle l)etwcen the pastoral tenants 
 and the small settlers. Mr. Robertson, now Sir John 
 Robertson, mentioned in Greater Britain, came to the 
 front as champion of land reform, and in 18G1 carried 
 his Bill for "Free Selection before Survey." "Jack 
 Itobertson, the tribune of the people," has now retired 
 from Parliament on account of bodily infirmity, and has 
 received a public present or vote of £10,000 for his 
 political services to the colony ; but liis long silvery 
 locks, and, still more, the wonderful stories that are 
 told of him, make him a noteworthy figure in the 
 colony, and in its comic journals. The object of the 
 franier of the Land Bill, the establishment of a yeo- 
 manry, was only partly realised, and his measure became 
 in some degree an instrument in the hands of the squatter 
 to still further secure his hold upon the land. Under 
 Robertson's Act the system of fraud known in the 
 colony as " dummying " arose ; the " dummy " being 
 the squatter's agent, who, representing himself as a 
 bond Jicle settler, would select the best portion of a 
 " run " and establish himself there until he had met 
 the required payments (always, however, provided by 
 the squatter) and secured the freehold ; this done, 
 he sold the property to the squatter. Thus squatters 
 secured the freehold of immense tracts of the best land 
 in the colony. 
 
 (I 
 
m 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 70 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 A coercive system was adopted in the rural districts 
 nrjainst the fjenuine free selector, and liis lil'e in the heart 
 of a wealthy squatter's run was far from pleasant. Tf 
 his sheep or cattle strayed beyond the Ijoundaries of his 
 selection they were impounded, and a feud grew up 
 between the two classes settled on the land until the 
 squatter and the free selector became sworn enemies. 
 Up to this point the history of the land question in 
 Victoria and in Ne\\ -^outli Wales was the same, but 
 the democratic Victorian land legislation of 1865 and 
 18G9 was not completely followed in the older colony. 
 In 1884 the task of land legislation was once more 
 attempted in New South Wales, the proposals for land 
 reform submitted by the Parkes Government having 
 been previously defeated. Under the new system all the 
 squatters' runs in the colony were divided into two fairly 
 equal parts, the Government determining which part 
 should be let to the tenant then in occupation and which 
 part should be resumed for the benefit of the State. The 
 lessee was, however, given a preferential right of obtain- 
 ing an annual occupation-license for the resumed area, 
 which entitled him to use the land for grazing purposes, 
 although not to the exclusion of any person who might 
 be in a position to accpiire a better tenure. The land 
 of New South Wales has to a large extent come into the 
 hands of wealthy persons who are becoming a territorial 
 aristocracy. This has been the effect firstly of grants 
 and of squatting legislation, then of the perversion of 
 the Act of 1861 to the use of those against whom it had 
 been aimed, and finally of natural causes, — soil, climate, 
 and the lack of water. The urban population is increas- 
 ing out of ]3roportion to the population depending upon 
 agricultural pursuits, and the present growth of Sydney 
 
 f 
 
 and its suburbs is as great as the total increase in the rest 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 271 
 
 
 of the country, calthough this remainder of the country- 
 includes towns like Newcastle (which depends upon the 
 coal supply) and other centres of population depending 
 upon mining industries of a different kind. One result 
 has been the necessity, during three bad years, for the 
 construction of national works by the surplus labour of the 
 city, Jind a growing demand for a measure of Protection 
 to native industry. The occupiers of land of at least an 
 acre each, excluding the pastoral tenants, are oidy about 
 one in twenty-three of the population, and it cannot be 
 regarded as satisfactory that a young colony in a tem- 
 perate climate should show only 4 or 4^ per cent of its 
 population as holding land. Of the nearly two hundred 
 million acres of land in the colony, about twenty-live 
 millions have been sold or granted out and out, and 
 about sixteen millions are in process of alienation under 
 a system of " deferred j^ayments," leaving one hundred 
 and fifty-five million acres unalienated ; but, of the one- 
 fourth of the public estate which has been alienated, the 
 greater part has gone into large estates, (^nly about 
 one million acres are under cultivation, out of immense 
 tracts of land fit for farming. There is thrice as much 
 land under cultivation in the younger settlement of 
 South Australia, and two and a half times as much in 
 the youngest and smallest Australian colony — Victoria. 
 In New South Wales aOTicultural settlement of land 
 has been almost standing still, while the large hold- 
 ings have been increasing to a great extent. The 
 discontent which naturally arose from the facts I have 
 mentioned has been mitigated by a i)olicy of public 
 works and of local grants, but is still lising, and can 
 be permanently allayed only ])y radical land legislation 
 very difterent from that carried by Sir Henry Parkes 
 in 1889. 
 
272 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Public 
 works. 
 
 Public works are indeed looked upon in many of the 
 colonies as a safety valve for the workmen's discontent. 
 The Australian colonies have, as we know, from what 
 has been seen of Victoria, not the same jealousy as to 
 the extent of the functions of Government as exists in 
 the United States and with ourselves at home. Govern- 
 rnent in the Australian colonies generally undertakes, 
 besides works which elsewhere w^ould be included in the 
 category of national, many others which in Great Britain 
 or the United States would be left to private enterprise, 
 and in New South Wales it has in the past often under- 
 taken them for the sake of help to labour. The State 
 also interferes in New South Wales more largely in local 
 government than we should think desirable. In the 
 parts of the country which possess a true local govern- 
 ment, that is, the towns and the more settled districts, 
 Government frequently assists poor boroughs — a plan 
 which leads both in New South Wales and in Queens- 
 land to some corruption. Government also itself under- 
 takes to rule the outlying population. The Government 
 of New South Wales spends much money from the 
 public treasury on roads and bridges, and it is obvious 
 that such a system has hitherto left in the hands of the 
 Ministry a considerable j)ower of influencing votes. 
 The expenditure in New South Wales on public w^orks 
 greatly exceeds in proportion the already too liberal 
 expenditure of a similar kind undertaken by France in 
 connection with M. de Freycinet's schemes. Members 
 from the sparsely populated districts of New South 
 Wales have in the past often been elected to the 
 Assembly almost solely on account of their ability to pilot 
 proposals for local works through both Houses, and were 
 often called " Roads and Bridges members." There 
 nevertheless exists in New South Wales a widespread 
 
t] 
 
 1 
 le 
 
 II') 
 
 IN 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEIV SOUTH WALES 
 
 273 
 
 desire to nationalise all large enterprises, and the adop- 
 tion of the policy is being rendered safer than it was 
 by a gradual imitation at Sydney of the non-political 
 system, already named in the last chapter. 
 
 The most considerable existing pul)lic works of the Railways. 
 colony are the railways. The first railway was started 
 with a Government guarantee, but the difficulties in the 
 way of the company proved so great that Governmer.j 
 advanced a loan and imported 500 railway lab( "ers 
 from England. Even after this help the company .aned 
 to make a profit, and the property was transferred to 
 Government, by whom the construction and manage- 
 ment of the raihvays of the colony have ever since been 
 carried on. It has now become an axiom of Australian 
 l)olicy that the State should own all railways. The 
 Government defrays in whole or part from public funds 
 the cost of two classes of public works — those whitdi 
 are national, and those which are local ; the national 
 including railway:?, telegraphs, and some harbour and 
 navigation works, as well as certain roads and l)ridges, 
 and other works having a use that is wider than that of 
 the districts in which they are situate, as well, of course, 
 as fortification; while the local works undertaken by 
 the Government include the metropolitan water supply, 
 tramways, and a large number of roads, bridges, and 
 water supplies for merely local use. 
 
 In New South Wales, as in Canada, the enemies of Objects in 
 the public works system contend that the undertaking 
 by Government of works of a nature which it is asserted 
 do not properly fall within its functions, unduly burdens 
 the public revenue, corrupts public life, and causes a 
 feeling of dependence upon the Government rather than 
 upon individual effort. But these evils have been 
 guarded against in Victoria by means which New South 
 
 view. 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
I 
 
 274 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART U 
 
 \\ 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 1 " 
 
 Ihlf) ' 
 
 Wales, as I have said, is copying, and it is impossible 
 to assert that, large as has been her expenditure. New 
 South Wales is not in a solvent state. The money 
 expended on railways in New South Wales, and that 
 expended on other reproductive works, comes witliin 
 four millions of her real indebtedness, deducting the 
 balance of loan money not yet expended. The rail- 
 ways of New South Wales lately, for some little time, 
 yielded only 3 per cent upon their cost, Vvdiich did 
 not pay Ihu interest on the loans ; but this failure 
 was mainly due to the fae j that the Government 
 had aimed at rendering the railway service cheap to 
 the travelling and trading public. It had used the 
 system for the purpose of encouraging up - country 
 settlement, and making the cost of transport from 
 the far interior to the ports small enough to allow 
 the interior to compete with the coast districts. There 
 had also l)een a desire to win back the Riverina 
 from Victorian competition. There can be no douljt 
 that, if the railways of New South Wales were worked 
 upon strictly commercial principles, the returns from 
 them would be, at all times, more than sufficient to pay 
 all the interest on the loans. In the meantime New 
 South Wales has, in proportion to its population, a far 
 greater length of railways than any country in the old 
 world. New South Wales stood at a disadvantage as 
 compared with Victoria in railway building, and com- 
 parison of results is difficult, for in Victoria an ecpial 
 population is concentrated in an altogether inferior area ; 
 yet New South Wales has a mileage slightly superior to 
 that of the neighbouring colony. 
 Some re- It was no doubt the early circumstances of the young 
 
 public country, similar to those described in the last chapter, 
 system, wliicli forccd upou the people of New South Wales, as 
 
1 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 275 
 
 lal 
 
 on the people of the other Aiistniliaii colonies, the 
 principle of the Government entering upon tasks which 
 in Eno'land and in the United States would be left to the 
 enterprise of private individuals or to corporate bodies. 
 Some of the evil results which had been foreseen else- 
 where came, however, to pass in New South Wales, tliough 
 it probably was necessary to face them. The construction 
 of lines of railway into the interior of the colony 
 necessitated the employment of a large number of 
 labourers, and a great portion of the emigration of recent 
 years has been absorbed in these works, instead of being 
 settled on the land. The loans raised for the railways 
 and other public w'orks have seemed to some to promote, 
 l)y circulating large sums of borrow ed money throughout 
 the colony, a sham prosperity. The pu])lic never gained 
 the habit of regarding the season of railway construction 
 as one of temporary and artificial inflation, and as soon 
 as the policy of "easing off'" the public works began toTheun- 
 prevail, the colony was somewhat astonished at the 
 natural but unpleasant result in the existence of large 
 numbers of " unemployed," and of a general depression 
 of trade. Public works w^ere started to relieve the pinch 
 in the labourers' condition. The uneni2)loyed were 
 housed and fed by the State while works were being 
 devised upon which their services could be utilised. The 
 Government of New South Wales has indeed not only 
 frequently precipitated the construction of public 
 works in order that occupation should be found for 
 the unemployed, but has created work in order to 
 provide employment. Sir Henry Parkes, however, in 
 1889 severely condemned the system. The keen busi- 
 ness men who manage manufactories in the colonies are 
 good at picking out the best workmen, and the unem- 
 ployed consist largely of those who are unable to do 
 
 employed. 
 
 ) ^ 
 
i: 
 
 ! 
 
 : V 
 
 -S' ; 
 
 
 The Civil 
 Service. 
 
 276 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN tart 11 
 
 good work. The disposal of those men, to the benefit 
 of themselves and of the State, is almost as difficult in 
 the colonies as at home. 
 
 Given the prevalence of the policy which I have 
 described, it may be imagined that the Civil Service of 
 New South Wales is large in proportion to the population. 
 State education, State railways and tramways, and, I fear, 
 some past exercise of political influence in appointments, 
 account for the large numbers. Warned by the un- 
 popularity of the wholesale dismissals from the Civil 
 Service of Victorisi, by a gazette known as that of 
 " Black Wednesday," with all the distress and bitter 
 feeling which resulted from the sending aw\ay from 
 office of several hundred men, the Ministers of New 
 South Wales have been chary of dealing w^ith the 
 reduction of the Civil Service. An attempt was made 
 by Sir Patrick Jennings to reduce the staff, but with 
 no appreciable effect. Some members of the next or 
 Parkes Government on taking office attempted to re- 
 duce the staffs of their several departments, but nothing 
 in the way of a comprehensive system of reduction was 
 adopted. Troublesome members of the Opj^osition are 
 occasionally silenced in all countries by berths in the 
 Civil Service ; but while New South Wales, which until 
 lately has had no payment of members of Parliament, 
 had resorted to this practice, the colonies which have 
 long paid their members have perhaps a somewhat higher 
 standard in this resjDcct. In the freedom of its civil 
 servants from dependence on political opinion the old 
 country still stands before several of its older colonies 
 and its great daughter-country of the United States, 
 immigra- It is natural that, in face of the poverty of some 
 
 tionsTt'an colouial workmcu, immigration operations should have 
 ®°*^ been suspended by Victoria and New South Wales ; and 
 
CHAT. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 277 
 
 or 
 re- 
 
 thc 
 iitil 
 'lit, 
 ave 
 ;lier 
 ivil 
 old 
 lies 
 
 Imd 
 
 it is safe to say tliat they will never be resumed. The 
 1)ulk of the assisted immigrants of late years have gone 
 to swell the urban population, and have done l)ut little 
 to benefit the country. City workmen and clerks have 
 flocked into Sydney and choked the channels of employ- 
 ment. On the other hand, the men who have been thus 
 jrought in join with the more substantial people, who 
 object to the increase of a partly idle class, in raising the 
 cry of " Australia for the Australians," and in preventing 
 aid to fresh immigrants. No doubt the surplus labour 
 that exists in the colony is surplus labour of the wrong 
 kind, and while there is an oversupply of some, there is 
 a continuing demand for other labour. Wages are high 
 — higher on the whole even than in Victoria, where the 
 cost of some imported commodities is, owing to Protec- 
 tion, higher than in New South Wales. While the unem- 
 ployed were being fed by the State in Sydney, farmers 
 were crying out for labour. The experiment was made 
 of sending batches of the unemployed into the country 
 districts, but, unused to the work, and discontented with 
 the life, tliey drifted back again. Moreover, pastoral 
 employment in the country districts of New South 
 AVales, as contrasted with the agricultural interest 
 rapidly growing up in Victoria and South Australia, gives 
 New South Wales a special difliculty to deal with, for 
 the shearers form a floating rural population who make 
 good wages during the wool-cutting period of the year, 
 but during the rest of the year fall back upon the city. 
 
 New South Wales has hitherto been looked upon Free Trade 
 as being a free - trade colony, although there 
 duties on some few articles which are protective 
 in their effect. Taxation is unpopular everywhere, but 
 seems specially unpopular in New South Wales, where 
 all forms of direct taxation are rejected when they are 
 
 and Pro- 
 
 a.re tectiou. 
 
II j 
 
 i ' 
 
 278 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 11 
 
 acjitation 
 
 against 
 
 proposed, and where there is an 
 even the tax upon tobacco. Tlic colony ought to 
 raise more money by taxation, and to cease to use 
 the revenue from hmd sales as ordinary revenue, 
 and should keep this land revenue separate from the 
 taxes. It was the partial cessation of the wholesale 
 alienation of lands which first caused a deficit in the 
 accounts of New South Wales, and it has lately been 
 j)roposed, by the free-trade party, to revert to sales of 
 city and suburban land for the purpose of wiping out 
 past deficits. This, however, is an unwise policy ; in the 
 first place, because such sales cannot go on for ever, and 
 fresh taxation will have sooner or later to be resorted to ; 
 and in the second place, because some of the most vahi- 
 able sites for public purposes are thus improvidently 
 sold, and when they are needed for public use they 
 have to be bought back at enhanced prices — the benefit 
 going to private owners. 
 
 After the general election of 1889, the House, contain- 
 ing a small free- trade majority, instead of putting on fresh 
 taxation, merely tried to remove the protective duties on 
 butter, bacon, and cheese, as well as tlie duty upon kerosene. 
 Their removal was suggested by the protectionist party 
 with a view of embarrassing the incoming Treasurer. At 
 the same time the need for taxation cannot in the long-run 
 be escaped, and, as the least unpopular of new taxes in 
 New South Wales will probably be found to be customs 
 duties upon goods, the true protectionists will be rein- 
 forced by a large number of those who really only 
 desire that the colony should pay her way, and, among 
 them, even by some merchants. A free-trade confer- 
 ence held at Sydney at the close of the session of 1889 
 committed the party to direct taxation in the form of a 
 tax on the unimproved value of land. The growing 
 
 / 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEIV SOUTH IVALES 
 
 279 
 
 strength of the protectionist party in New South Wales 
 is partly caused by tlio jealousy with which New South 
 Wales regards tlie tiny colony of Victoria, bearing an equal 
 population, with an overflowing treasury, under a system 
 of Protection, while New South Wales supports far less 
 population in proportion to her territory (nlthough her 
 population must soon begin to increase faster than that 
 of Victoria), and has till lately had a deficit in her 
 accounts. The explanation of the recent stagnation of 
 New South Wales as comp.ared with the recent prosperity 
 of Victoria is, I mj'self believe, chiefly to be found in 
 the democratic land legislation of Victoria, and in the 
 inability of New South Wales to devise a land system 
 which will enable agriculture to compete with pastoral 
 pursuits, and will place the people upon the land ; 1)ut 
 on the other hand, I fancy that the protectionist policy 
 will in the long-run l)eat down resistance, and that, 
 instead of the remedy of radical land legislation, the 
 expedient of Protection will be tried. 
 
 The protectionist movement in New South Wales was 
 originally a movement by the greater part of the artisans 
 and by some of the manufacturers, and the protectionist 
 party there resembled the protectionist party in Pennsyl- 
 vania and many other manufacturing connnunities, while 
 the pastoral tenants of the Crown, and inhabitants of the 
 rural districts generally, were free traders. There has 
 been of late a remarkable change in the composition of 
 the protectionist party of New South Wales. Before 
 February 1889 two-thirds of the members of the Assembly 
 were free traders ; but when in that month the House 
 returned from the general election with sixty-six protec- 
 tionists to seventy-one free traders, the protectionists came 
 chiefly from the country districts. The Government 
 soon lost a seat at a bye-election, and the balance of parties 
 
 lUi 
 
 II 
 
28o 
 
 PKOIilJuUS OF GREATER liRlTAIN 
 
 PAKT II 
 
 became closer still. Of forty-one members sittiuf; for the 
 metropolitiin districts only five were protectionists, and 
 yet these districts contain a very large proportion of the 
 artisans. On the other hand, the protectionists had 
 gained immensely in the agricultural and pastoral inland 
 districts, and it is clear that the rural population had been 
 bitten with the desire to retaliate upon Victoria, while 
 rich people generally had largely supi)orted the protec- 
 tionists to avoid a land-tax or a property-tax which would 
 fall mainly upon them. Customs duties, the rich rightly 
 think, will bear more heavily upon othei- classes. 
 New Soutii It is a curious fact that New South Wales should be 
 in the uioviug towards Protection, when, at the same time, it 
 VilTorir'''' is argued that statistics prove that it is through her free- 
 trade policy, as compared with the protective policy of 
 Victoria, that New South Wales has in some points 
 "passed Victoria in the race" between them that has 
 gone on for many years. The vital statistics, no 
 doubt, go to show that there has been a movement of 
 workmen from Victoria to New South Wales. Merely 
 to state, without further examination, that New South 
 Wales had gained on Victoria would not be enough. 
 New South Wales is by far the larger country. Victoria 
 was rapidly peopled on account of the gold discoveries, 
 and, as always happens in gold countries, the easy and 
 cheap production of gold has fallen oft", and these causes 
 would account for the recent greater rapidity of growth 
 of the population of New South Wales. But the falling- 
 off of people of the working age in Victoria, and the 
 peculiar increase of people of the same age in New South 
 Wales, ffoes to show that the condition of New South 
 Wales has been of a nature to attract workmen from 
 Victoria, although doubtless many of the immigrants 
 have been of the class to which I have referred in writing 
 
cirAi'. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 281 
 
 lor 
 
 of Victoria. As roganls local iiKUiut'acturing, Now South 
 Wales, mulor her free-trade policy, is slightly ahead of 
 Victoria, and if the older colony had adopted a land 
 law more calculated to promc^te agriculture than the 
 system to which she is wedded, Victoria would have 
 lost her chief advantage. New South Wales exports a 
 larger amount of her own produce than does Victoria, 
 and already raises considerably over a pound's worth of 
 coal per head of her population every year. AVhether 
 New South AVales becomes permanently protectionist, or 
 continues on the whole free trading, it is certain that in 
 the long-run her larger territory and her coal will enable 
 her to beat Victoria. Her great want is a settled agri- 
 cultural population — a want which matters not so much 
 from the purely commercial i)oint of view (for possibly 
 her exports would be larger if she continued to attend 
 chiefly to wool production from large proi)erties) .. 
 because, without a settled population upon the land, 
 New South Wales will never attain to the permanency 
 and e(|uability of policy which are necessary for real 
 prosperity. Protection is certainly not now needed to 
 enable manufactures to grow up on the Australian con- 
 tinent ; it has fostered manufactures in Victoria, but the 
 cheap coal of New South Wales has brought them thither 
 without Protection, and manufactories are springing up 
 in great num1)ers between Sydney and the coal-mines. 
 
 The protectionists are aware of the fact that two Two 
 classes of remedies are offered for the evils which exist lljr'preseiu 
 in New South Wales — their own remedy, and that of ''^''•'^* 
 the land reformers — and the two parties have lately 
 almost come to blows at Sydney meetings. The settle- 
 ment of land need not, of course, necessarily be by 
 purchase, and there is in New South Wales a land 
 
 nationalisation party, some of whom hold extreme land 
 VOL. I u 
 
282 
 
 PROHLE.'irS OF GREATER lUUTAIN 
 
 I'ARI- II 
 
 nationalisatiou views, hut others ol" wliom wouhl iippa- 
 rently l)o content if the State ivtiuMcMl possession of the 
 hind she at |»rcsent hohls, and sujiplied all lier necessities 
 l)y means of the Henry (jeor^e " single tax." It cer- 
 tainly seems a strange thing that the public estate of 
 New South Wales lias been sohl so rapidly for low prices 
 when high prices for land were beginning to [irevail 
 in other parts of the colony, and when but a few 
 years were necidcd to show how lai-ge an amount of 
 unearned increment the colony would lose by sales. 
 There seems, however, but little pi'ospect of land being 
 largely ke])t back for the future use of the nation as a 
 whole. Many of the ablest workmen are freeholders of 
 houses in the towns, through the operation of the build- 
 in o" societies, and thev become interested on the side of 
 th'i existing; state of things, and somewhat careless about 
 hmd reform. Moreover, the revenue from sales is, as 
 wo have seen, used in diminution of taxation. We gave 
 to our Australian colonies a noble dowry in handing 
 over to them all their lands, but they have somewhat 
 wasted this gift, which many regret was not in j^art 
 retained as an inheritance for the future. 
 F. itiiity of When I express the wish to sec the population seated 
 New South on the land, and agriculture partly replacing pastoral 
 Wales. pi^ii'suits, it uuist uot 1)0 supposcd that I wish to de- 
 preciate the value to Australia of her unrivalled wool 
 production, and especially the value of it to New South 
 Wales, which, with a comparatively small territory, has 
 many more sheep than all the other Australian mainland 
 colonics put together. But while the development of 
 the railroads of New South Wales has allowed the 
 inferior country to be rapidly occupied with sheep and 
 in some small degree with cattle, it must be remembered 
 that, in the valleys north of Sydney, New South Wales 
 
 { 
 
 « 
 
 A 
 
niAi'. II 
 
 A'A^/r SOUTH WALKS 
 
 183 
 
 a ted 
 
 oral 
 
 (le- 
 
 kool 
 
 Duth 
 
 lias 
 
 land 
 
 of 
 
 the 
 
 and 
 
 fcred 
 
 ides 
 
 pOHsesHcs .some of I In; most fertile land in the world, 
 and that even jicross the mountains she is ahh; to 
 ))i*oduee mannifieent wines, and that wine production 
 is almost invariably a result of small estates. New 
 South Wales is one of the most favoured amon^' 
 countries in the production of tVuit ami vegetables 
 for preserviuL*', and her climate is such as to allow 
 her to grow, at the same time, excellent oranges, 
 and Englisli fruits in the most perfect condition. The 
 colonial wine })roduction has been less developed than it 
 might have been, because the peojtle of New South 
 Wales, like those of California and of tlie Cape, try to 
 imitate the wines of the liordelais and of the Rhine, 
 instead of developing their own wine after its own 
 fashion. Fine claret cannot be imitated, and the natural 
 wines of New South Wales are wines of the Cote du 
 Khone and Hermitage type, and magnificent of their 
 kind. New South Wales should not allow Victoria and 
 South Australia to beat her in a wine production on which 
 she was the first to enter. 
 
 With all her splendid prospects and her magnificent Liukof 
 wealth, New South Wales is not coming to the front so jMiitics. 
 rapidly as she should do, not on account of the absence 
 of Protection, but because of the absence of well- 
 considered measures for the agricultural settlement of 
 the land. At the same time it is noti(;eable that there 
 is not that amount of interest in ])olitics in New South 
 Wales which might be expected. There are a good many 
 wilful abstentions from the exercise of the suilrage, and 
 there has till lately been a still more objectionable form 
 of abstention in the refusal of many of the leading men 
 of the colony to take part in public atfairs. There are 
 not in the colonies clearly marked party lines, and 
 there is support and opposition to each measure under • 
 
 4 
 
284 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 II I 
 
 f t 
 
 [I ... 
 i 
 
 discussion as it comes up, but little permanence in party. 
 The Roman Catholics v.ad the Orangemen generally take 
 oj^posite sides, as do the supporters of local option and 
 the licensed victuallers ; but if free trade and Protection 
 should, as some think they will, create regular parties 
 for the future in New South Wales, this will be a 
 new departure. Party is more highly organised in 
 Victoria than in New South Wales, and a greater 
 stability of Government is the result. One reason why 
 in New South Wales some of the best men have stood 
 aloof from politics is because the Parliament of New Soutli 
 Wales was reputed not to be above a little jobbery, and it 
 was supposed that a class of poor men offered themselves 
 for election with the view of getting money out of the 
 interference by Government with commercial enterprise. 
 There has, indeed, long been a growing disposition 
 among all parties in New South Wales to adopt the 
 system of payment of members in force in the 
 neighbouring colonies, and Bills and resolutions in 
 favour of paymant of members have been carried by 
 large majorities in the representative Assembly, and 
 rejected only in the nominated Upper House, which, 
 at last, in the winter of 1889 reluctantly passed the 
 Bill for the payment of members of the Assembly. 
 The Council altered the Bill from one to provide for the 
 payment of members of the present and of future 
 Parliaments, by limiting its operation to the two next 
 Parliaments, but on the motion of the Prime Minister 
 the Bill on its return to the Assembly was laid aside — 
 although Sir Henry Parkes himself had opposed the 
 original proposition — he taking the view that the 
 question must be settled upon the lines proposed by 
 the majority of the Assembly. The Speaker gave a 
 formal opinion upon the right of the Council to touch 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NFAV SOUTH WALES 
 
 2S5 
 
 
 Bills which the Assembly considered to be money Bills, 
 and curiously enough alluded at length to New Zealand 
 and to Queensland precedents ui)on the sul)ject without 
 quoting the far more important Victorian precedent. 
 Sir Henry Parkes closed the debate by giving notice of 
 a Bill to provide for popular election of the Council. 
 The Bill was again passed by the Legislative Assembly 
 in such form as to provide for the payment of members 
 from the date of its becoming law, and the Council took 
 advantage of a slight change, by the omission of all 
 retrospective effect, to give way, so that the Parkes 
 Council Bill did not see the light. 
 
 The New South Wales Parliament has not hitherto raynuntof 
 had so high a standing in the colony as have the 
 Parliaments of some others of the Australian States. 
 There is much disrespectful reference in colonial news- 
 papers to " the bear-garden in Macquarie Street " ; and 
 New South Wales can hardly be said to be so proud of 
 her Parliament as she is of her development in other 
 respects. It is to my mind doubtful whether the 
 character of the New South Wales Assembly has been 
 affected one way or the other by the non-payment of 
 members. It is the case in the colonies where there has 
 for some time existed the system of the payment of 
 members that wealthy local magnates are often defeated 
 by men with no means, who have to live upon their 
 salary as members, and who yet make excellent and 
 self-respecting members of the Assemblies. It is found 
 that the local magnate, though often a success in 
 politics, is not more certainly a success than the man 
 who is drawn by his abilities from the crowd, and, 
 without money, secures the vote of his fellows. Many 
 of the best men in the paid legislatures would never 
 have ventured to leave their calling and to embark upon 
 
286 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 I i I 
 
 Difference 
 
 between 
 
 politics of 
 
 Victoria 
 
 anil of New 
 
 South 
 
 Wales. 
 
 political life witlnnit soine .sinall assured income as 
 l)a]last. Some young businoss men and some pro- 
 fessional men, wlio liavc found their businesses suffer 
 severely from their taking to politics, and who are 
 among the most accomplished and scholarly men that 
 the paid Assemblies contain, w'ould, through the loss of 
 practice or business, be unable to live without pay- 
 ment. The present Prime Minister of New South 
 Wales would have been less open to attack had he 
 been able to draw% when out of office, his salary as 
 a member. On the other hand, payment of meml^ers 
 occasionally places in the House demagogues that the 
 colonies would sooner be without ; but, as it yields at the 
 same time a large numl)er of quiet, modest, sensible 
 members, terribly in earnest about doing the work that 
 they are sent to the capital to do, the colonies that have 
 made trial of payment prefer that system. They find that 
 the paid members, as a rule, think and read and under- 
 stand, and that the well-to-do business men who, on 
 their retirement from their own business, seek seats in 
 Parliament, do not make, on the average, equally good 
 members. They maintain that the will of the people is 
 more effectively and speedily carried into execution 
 when the w\int of an income is not an obstacle to a 
 candidature. New South Wales has till very lately 
 remained without the system, and as her Assembly is 
 generally reputed to have been the least good among 
 the chief colonial Assemblies, the example of New South 
 Wales has been quoted in the other colonies in favour of 
 continuing the system of payment. 
 
 There is a curious difference noticeable between the 
 politics of New South Wales and those of Victoria. 
 In New South Wales there is much more tendency to 
 general considerations, or to what Victorians w^ould call 
 
 I 
 
■' pay- 
 South 
 ad lie 
 
 imong 
 iSouth 
 lour of 
 
 In the 
 itoria. 
 icy to 
 1(1 call 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 287 
 
 vague professions and appeals to feeling. In Victoria, 
 Ministers deal with facts, figures, and Bills, and there is 
 close and keen criticism of expenditure, of appoint- 
 ments, and of administrative acts. Her politicians appear 
 to be masters of detail, but it is possil)le that Protection 
 has had the effect of making the people more Victorian 
 and less citizens of the world than the inhabitants of 
 New Soutli Wales have been as compared witli tliem in 
 the jiast. 
 
 The tone of the Legislative Assembly of New South 
 Wales is democratic, and if some of the richest traders 
 of the colony have lately been standing for election 
 it is probably through their dread of the introduction of 
 Protection. It is certain that the fear either of Protec- 
 tion or of a property-tax and of a tax on alisentees, 
 one or other of which must be expected, will arouse a 
 greater interest from year to year in the politics of New 
 South Wales on the part of the moneyed classes. Fresh 
 taxes of one kind or another will certainly be needed as, 
 in bad years when there has not been a deficit, the 
 revenue has been largely derived from land sales, 
 which are falling off. Government interfering not only 
 in railways, bridges, tramways, and sewage disposal, 
 but also in other matters, which outside Australia are 
 left to private enterprise, members are apt to claim, as 
 the condition of their allegiance, the disbursal of a sum 
 of public money in their constituency proportionate 
 with that spent in neighbouring constituencies. If a, 
 Ministry restrict its expenditure to that which is 
 necessary, it may be beaten. If, on the other hand, it 
 proposes unnecessary expenditure to obtain the votes 
 of members interested, the whole of them stand by any 
 one of their class who may be threatened, and the 
 
 There is a certain feelino- that 
 
 ^ 
 
 Dc'centnl 
 
 isatioii 
 
 iR'L'iled, 
 
 i ^ll 
 
 expenditure is carried. 
 
 Hi 
 
mm$ 
 
 288 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 the loans come from England, which for financial 
 purposes may be looked upon as coming from abrond ; 
 and although, as I have said, a large proportion of the 
 del)t represents railroads, still it must be rememl)ered 
 that some of these do not pay interest, and that a 
 portion of this expenditure has been upon public works 
 which were hardly necessary, or not necessary in the 
 degree in which money was spent upon them. The 
 advocates of the expenditure maintain, however, that 
 the railways were not made primarily for revenue ; 
 that it is not to be expected that they should all pay 
 interest ; and that the contingent advantages to the 
 colony are a sufficient return in cases where the profit 
 is small. There is this great fact upon their side that 
 the railways of New South Wales could be sold at any 
 time for a price about equal to her debt. 
 
 It has been too often found that, in the rural 
 districts, elections are determined by the (pu'stion of 
 which of the two candidates appears likely to be al^le 
 to cause the larger amount of Government money to be 
 expended in the district. The importance of what is 
 known as the policy of " New-Bridge-across-Gum-Tree- 
 Creek " is of course due in some degree to the isolation 
 of the up-country constituencies ; for, cut off as they 
 are from connection with the laroer towns, small 
 things of local life become maonified into matters 
 of State importance. But the members of Parliament 
 elected from the back country come down to Sydney 
 charged with statistics and indignation as to the 
 neglect which their constituencies have suffered in the 
 past, and they are too apt to make the "New-Bridge" 
 the price of their vote upon the measures before the 
 House. The only possible cure for this state of things 
 lies in decentralisation, and decentralisation has been 
 
 \ 
 
al)le 
 
 to be 
 
 lat is 
 
 Tree- 
 
 lation 
 
 tliey 
 small 
 utters 
 .meiit 
 
 dney 
 tlie 
 
 1 the 
 
 Idge " 
 
 the 
 
 lings 
 )een 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH IVALES 
 
 :S9 
 
 promised by the free -trade leaders. An Act of June 
 1888 established for large public works a standing joint 
 committee of the two houses of the leo;islatnre, with 
 considerable powers, and as the Railway (Jommissioners 
 have a check on new railroads, and the joint committee 
 on other great new works, reckless expenditure has been 
 checked, and jobbery has become less rife. 
 
 Sir Henry Parkes, who has something of the sir 
 aspect of ^Ir. Punch's Father Thames, but with 
 a clean beard, is the patriarch among colonial 
 politicians. His career has been described by his 
 enemies as a closely-knit tissue of successful artifice, 
 and it is characteristic of the man that, a numl)er of 
 copies of the pul)lication in which that statement was 
 made having been purchased by a previous administra- 
 tion, on comino- into office he caused them to be burnt 
 at a bonfire at the Government printing- oftice. Sir 
 Henry Parkes is not only one of the oldest Parlia- 
 mentarians in Australia, but one of its most experienced 
 administrators and best political tacticians. The average 
 ability of the leading politicians is not so high, I think, 
 in New South Wales as in Victoria, but Sir Henry 
 Parkes in New South Wales stands head and shoulders 
 above his rivals. In England he had been a mechanic, 
 but he began colonial life as a toy-shop keeper and a 
 poet, and after a stormy career he is, with intervals, 
 the supreme ruler of the colony. He is now by far its 
 ablest speaker, and in his best efforts displays a rough 
 eloquence which puts him on a level with the more 
 cultivated Mr. Higinbotham of Victoria ; with Bishop 
 Moorhouse of Manchester, who has left a great reputa- 
 tion in the colonies ; and with Mr. Dalley, now no 
 more. It is not often that Sir Henry Parkes reaches 
 those heights, but he is at all times a powerful and 
 
 Henry 
 
 kcs. 
 
 ! i- 
 
 u 
 
 
p 
 
 
 R 
 
 1 
 
 
 i -5 Ml ! 
 
 I 
 
 
 Tlie Gov- 
 eruorsliii) 
 <liU'stioii. 
 
 .. In 
 
 290 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIA 
 
 TART 11 
 
 suggestive speaker. He is not really popular, but 
 only followed or admired, which is a diflerent thing, 
 and, while he has few old friends, has many foes. He 
 is cai)al)le of large ideas, and is often the author of 
 far-reaehiug proposals, but is wanting in grasp of detail. 
 He is in his element in a popular assembly, reigning 
 and rejoicing in the storms of debate with marvellous 
 physical power. He has a tendency to be jealous of 
 his neighbours, and in a colony which as a whole is 
 jealous of Victoria he is the person who is most jealous. 
 When in the Chinese matter the Victorian Government, 
 fearing a })opular tumult, took strong measures to 
 pre\'ent the landing of Chinese immigrants, Sir Henry 
 Parkes, who was unable through popular pressure to 
 take the opposite course, outbid the Victorian Govern- 
 ment in the same line, pressed forward a violent Bill, 
 and publicly declared his indifference with regard to the 
 feelings of the Governor or the guns of the British 
 warships in the harbour. 
 
 When Victoria declared against the doctrine of a 
 colonial nomination of Governors, Sir Henry Parkes seized 
 the opportunity to isolate her from the other colonies, 
 in the same way in wdiicli New South Wales herself is 
 isolated by the Federal Council, to which she is not a 
 party ; and he instantly supported Queensland, and 
 ostentatiously joined with the other colonies to leave 
 Victoria "in the cold." It is interesting to remark that 
 the press of New South Wales supported Sir Henry's 
 action as unanimously as did the Assembly, so that 
 colonial feeling appeared to be unanimous in opposite 
 directions in neighbouring colonies. It is hardly likely 
 that on the merits of the Governorship question this 
 should have been the case, and it would really seem that 
 intercolonial jealousy was the chief factor in producing 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 291 
 
 If 
 
 hat 
 site 
 ely 
 his 
 lat 
 iig 
 
 tliu I'VfSii. 
 
 unniiimity on each side. In tlie latter part of the 
 Australian winter of 1889 Sir Henry Parkes entered 
 into negotiations with the other colonies with a view 
 to Federation on the Canadian plan, but insisted on 
 a new departure, and declined to promote the represen- 
 tation of New South Wales on the existing Federal 
 Council of Australasia. 
 
 With the exception of the Sydney Movniny Herald Attitude of 
 (the wealthiest journal of the colonial world), the press 
 of New South Wales is somewhat less Enolish in its 
 general tone than the Victorian press. There are news- 
 papers in Sydney which openly advocate separation 
 from Great liritain. The Republican and protectionist 
 Bulletin, which has a considerable circulation, though it 
 is largely a circulation outside New Scnith Wales, is dis- 
 tinctly hostile to the mother-country's interference ; and 
 the free-trade Daily Telegraj)!}, which is the organ of 
 the new National party, gives an occasional support to 
 anti- English proposals, but in the most thoughtful 
 manner. 
 
 Looking to the jealousies and differences between The 
 Victoria and New South Wales, it is a pity that the water 
 ]\Iurray river, where it forms, as in a great part of its 'i"'"*'""- 
 course, the boundary between those colonies, is by 
 law all in the territory of New South Wales. There 
 are likely to be delicate and difficult c[uestions arising 
 from the desire of settlers on both banks to use 
 the water, and as the trade from the Riverina district 
 partly goes to IMelbourne, the Government of New 
 South Wales may not be yielding with regard to 
 them. The Victorians hold that they put nine-tenths of 
 the water into the Murray river, and are equitably 
 entitled to take a good deal of water out again. Their 
 Government is at present promoting irrigtition schemes 
 
 Murray 
 
 I.I 
 
 I 
 
292 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER B RITA IX 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 i'l 
 
 which depend upon the supply of Murray water for 
 success, and their representatives declare that they will 
 not yield upon the question or surrender what they 
 think their rights, even if they have to dig an artificial 
 river across Victoria to carry their own streams. There 
 was a conference between Victoria and New South 
 Wales upon the subject not long ago, Victoria asking 
 that delegates from South Australia might attend, but 
 being refused by New South Wales, and some kind of 
 agreement w\as arrived at, to which eflect has not been 
 given. Victoria is now pressing for a joint commis- 
 sion, upon which South Australia should be represented 
 as well as New South Wales, to settle the whole ques- 
 tion ; but I believe that this commission has been refused 
 by Sir Henry Parkes. The Prime Minister of New 
 South AVales has lately stated that the works of ChafFey 
 Brothers, in the Murray near ]\lildura, are erected on the 
 soil of New South Wales, and that the firm are tres- 
 passers who must be turned out, and the New South 
 Wales Government have prepared returns which show 
 that something like a million and a half of acres in 
 Victoria will soon be irrigated from the Murray, with 
 the effect, as they put it, of draining the river dry. 
 On the other hand, at the very time of the iirej)aration 
 of this report there was such a flood upon the Murray 
 that the Government of Victoria were asked by Sir 
 Henry Parkes, and acceded to the request, to send a 
 special train with boats to the Murray in order to 
 remove inhabitants to higher ground, and Ecliuca 
 itself was under water. Such are the Australian 
 rivers — so dry one day that they can hardly be found 
 by the investigator, and raging floods the next. The 
 question is a dangerous one in the hands of politicians 
 
 Gillies and Mr. 
 
 r 
 
 so self-confident and so strong as Mr 
 
low 
 in 
 
 L-ray 
 
 Sir 
 
 a 
 
 to 
 
 uca 
 
 ian 
 
 nd 
 
 ^lie 
 
 ms 
 
 Ir. 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 293 
 
 Deakiu for Victoria and Sir Henry Parkes for New 
 South Wales. 
 
 Sir Henry Parkes has retired from public life more 
 often than a popular actor from the stage, and the 
 occasional rafties of his effects have not lessened the 
 number of his political admirers. Sir Henry Parkes 
 believes in himself, and that deep self-belief undoubtedly 
 impresses many of those about him and makes them 
 too believe. He is one of those to whom age is useful. 
 His years protect him from the assaults of the young- 
 lions, and when he closes his speeches by reference to 
 the whiteness of beard and hair which has come ui)on 
 him in the service of his adopted country, the people 
 are apt to go and vote for the " poor old man." When 
 Sir H. Parkes wrote in " The Strong Man "— 
 
 " Like u rock tluit breasts the sea, 
 Firm he stood, in front of foes ; 
 To his friends a sheltering tree 
 That in changeless heauty grows," 
 
 he may have been thinking of himself; but in person 
 he has been as little favoured by nature with good looks 
 as Socrates or Darwin. For all that, there is an assurance 
 of strength in the massy features, and a consciousness in 
 the eyes that their owner is not an ordinary man. The 
 fact is that, with all his faults and all his weaknesses. 
 Sir Henry Parkes is the only great political power in 
 New South Wales. His sympathy with the democratic 
 ideas which are uppermost in Australia, and his devotion 
 to the colony and broad grasp of affairs, give him a 
 greater hold upon the people than any other Australian 
 public man. His debts, his poetry, are powerless 
 to sink him, and as a man who knows how to use, like 
 so many chess-men, the sections which take the place of 
 parties in colonial politics, he is undoubtedly one of the 
 
 Sir Hfiiry 
 I'liiUfs'siu- 
 llui'iicc aiul 
 power. 
 
 m 
 
294 
 
 PRO/ILEMS OF GREATER li RITA IN 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 Tlic lilti- 
 
 .Mr. Ualhy 
 
 I' 51 
 
 I i 
 
 Is- -t 
 
 aMcst of ('olonitil ]><)liti(Maiis, in this respect almost 
 raiikiiiu' witli Sir John JNhicdoniihl. 
 
 Tliu next ablest in New South Wales w.as Mr. Dalley, 
 who was, for some time before his death, in retirement 
 in the Council or so-called Upper House, composed of 
 nominated members, and regarded with little interest by 
 the community. Mr. Dalley it was who, being at the time 
 still a leading politician, carried into execution the de- 
 spatch of the New South Wales expedition to the Soudan. 
 Dalley was a Koman Catholic, of Irish descent, but 
 Ijorn in New South Wales. In his early days he was 
 a democratic (Jatholic, upon whom his religion sat 
 but lightly ; in his later days he came under the in- 
 fluence of Archbishop Vaughan, and grew more rigid 
 in his religi«>us views. lie was, in consequence, at one 
 time of his life a supporter, and at another time an 
 opponent, of the public school system. He was a 
 finished orator, but always read his speeches for the 
 Assendjly. iVs an after-dinner impromptu speaker he 
 was most humorous, and when I knew him he was the 
 witty Editor of the Sydney Fundi. Dalley's style was 
 florid and old-fashioned, but he had a fine rich voice, with 
 a mellow Dul)lin In-ogue inherited from his progenitors ; 
 and as he rolled out his big words and rounded })h rases, 
 with here and there a sly allusion, and with frequent 
 quotations of the prehistoric kind, he pleased the public, 
 which liked to remember that all this culture had been 
 acquired in New South Wales. He was no politician. 
 He despised parties, loved the quiet atmosphere of his 
 library, was well off, and had a lovely house in an 
 exquisite situation. To read and saunter, read and trot 
 upon a quiet horse, read and go to bed, was the life that 
 suited him; and the fact that for a time he guided the des- 
 tinies of New South Wales was an accident in his career. 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NfClV SOUTH WALES 
 
 295 
 
 tors : 
 
 The sendino; of the Soudan ('oiitiiijjfciit was almost Tiu-soudiin 
 
 personal on J )alli'y's part, but all th(3 colonies were carried 
 away by the enthusiasm of the moment. There has been 
 a serious reaction since throughout Austnilia, but espe- 
 cially in New South Wales, and Sir Henry Parkes, who 
 
 i|lltill>,'Ullt. 
 
 )pp 
 
 1 the exiK'dition, has rained strenirth throuuh this 
 
 grave ca 
 
 pose( 
 reaction. It would I'eijuire a real an 
 .strophe l)efore any colony in the future would venture 
 to otter direct aid to the home Government, and it may 
 safely be asserted that, when such offers come, New 
 South Wales is not likely to take the lead. Dalley's per- 
 sonal popidarity has survived his life ; statues are being 
 put up to him, and his place is still warm in Australian 
 hearts ; but his abettors in the Soudan Expedition have 
 not been forgiven by the pul)lic, and are contimudly 
 branded as " Soudan men " by a portion of the 
 press. 
 
 As Mr. Dallev is dead, the Governor has become, 
 after Sir Henry Parkes, the best-known person in the 
 colony. Lord Carrington has l)een as popular in New Lord 
 South Wales as was Sir Henry Loch in Victoria. He ' ° ' ' 
 has, indeed, this advantage over Sir Henry Loch, that 
 he is freer or less ouarded in his manner ; familiar 
 and friendly with all classes of the people. He spends 
 much more than his salary in entertainment, and is a 
 great lover of sport and sportsmen, both of which 
 points are in his favour in Australia. He is a becter 
 speaker than Sir Henry Loch, and has shown himself 
 almost as good a governor even in purely official matters. 
 Lideed, he accepted his constitutional position more 
 willingly — too willingly for the high authorities. Lord 
 Carrington has apparently laid down the doctrine that a 
 governor can have no knowledge of the position of his 
 advisers in the Assembly or in the country, and is bound 
 
 lit 
 
296 
 
 PROnLE.\rS OF GREATER /IR/TA/.V 
 
 I'ARI' II 
 
 I 
 
 to accept their advice without ffuostion so lonf; as they 
 remain in otlice, oven thou^ii tiiey may bo obviously 
 near tiieir doom. Now this doctrine is not hjoked ujioii 
 as sound if pushed to extreme limits, although the 
 acceptance of it, in most cases, simplifies a governor's 
 course. Lady Carrington with her charming manners 
 has greatly aided her husband in his social duties, and 
 they have established the reputation of being the demo- 
 cratic ideal of a governor and his wife. Lord Carrington 
 has been singularly independent of the Colonijd Olfice, 
 and has discharged his duties exactly in the way that he 
 thought best, without the smallest reference to the wishes 
 of that OfHce. In several difficult cases he has displayed 
 much wisdom. His lot has in political matters hardly 
 fallen in such pleasant places as Sir Henry Loch's, 
 because there is more anti-English feelino- in New South 
 Wales than in Victoria. In the recent conflict between 
 the home Government and Queensland upon the colonial 
 governorship question, New South Wales, as I have said, 
 supported Queensland, as did South Australia. But the 
 reasons were in the several cases different. A Parkes 
 ]\Iinistry which was in office at the time in New South 
 Wales was independent of the Irish Roman Catholics ; 
 the colony was well satisfied with its governor. On the 
 other hand, the reaction from the fervid loyalty of the 
 Soudan contingent episode was in full force, and although 
 the Naval Defence Bill was, from regard to Australian 
 interests, passed in New South Wales, as in South 
 Australia and Victoria, the policy pursued both in the 
 matter of Chinese immigration, and in reference to 
 colonial Governors, has been tinged by a spirit of dis- 
 regard for imjierial interests. 
 Public In the Assembly there are, besides Sir Henry 
 Parkes, no very prominent men, and no men easy to 
 
 men. 
 
 f 
 
CHAP. 11 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 297 
 
 
 pick out and (llstinf^iiish the one from the other. Amoii^ 
 the colleii«,aie.s of Sir Henry Parke.s in his (Jovernment 
 of 1887-88 was iMr. Ingli.s, an out-and-out free trader, a 
 fluent witty speaker, a po])ular lecturer, and an educated 
 man, the author of some excellent books of travel, and of 
 some of the stiffest Indian "tiger stories" upon record. 
 J'rominent in the free-trade party was ^Nlr. Wise, the 
 son of a colonial judge — an Australian educated at 
 Oxford, and a well-known speaker at his Union, of 
 whi(;h he had been President ; an enthusiastic free 
 trader, too fond of teaching the working classes out of 
 books. Mr. Wise is inexperienced as a politician, and 
 sat only for a short time in the cohuiial Parliament ; but 
 possessing, as he does, confidence and the power of 
 speech, he is likely to be one of the men of the future. 
 Having at once become Sir Henry Parkes's Attorney- 
 General, he sj)eedily resigned his office — for what reason 
 is not well known, as he stated only that he found that 
 his duties as a minister interfered with his profession 
 as a barrister, which is hardly the experience of those 
 who had gone before him. No doubt, however, while 
 he had a large practice as a junior, his private work fell 
 off when he was Attorney- General, because as Attorney- 
 General he was forced to lead. He lost his seat in South 
 Sydney in 1889, and has since written some rather 
 bitter attacks upon the Itoman Catholic Church, to 
 which I shall allude in the second volume. Mr. Reid, a 
 more experienced politician, is another free-trade pam- 
 phleteer and champion, and a finished speaker ; and 
 ]\[r. Bruce Smith is also one of the free-trade leaders — a 
 popular speaker, and a man who has a future before him 
 if he cares for Parliament, of which he has not been con- 
 tinuously a member. He is just now looked on as " the 
 coming man," although Mr. Brunker, who is an old Par- 
 
 VOL. I X 
 
 « 
 
 
298 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 I 
 
 liament man, a great authority on the land question, and 
 a strong free trader, is called the " future leader." Mr. 
 John Sutherland, who died in the Australian winter of 
 1889, Sir Henry Parkcs's former Minister of Public 
 Works — " Honest John " — whose speeches generally re- 
 solved themselves into the assertion that he intended to 
 " vote square," was treated when in office by his fellow- 
 ministers as an elderly baby, and not allowed to receive 
 deputations except in company. The former Parkes 
 Minister for Mines, who had the rabbit question oddly 
 enough handed over to him for settlement, was sup- 
 posed to be an authority on bootlaces, but hardly to 
 know mica from "old, althouoh in colonies technical 
 knowledge is thought more necessary in ministers than 
 at home. 
 The present Wlicu Sir Hcury Parkes came into office in JMarch 
 n'at'ionr 1889, after the general election, he brought in many 
 new men, and Mr. Brunker, his Minister of Lands, IMr. 
 Bruce Smith, his Minister of Works, and Mr. M'^JMillan, 
 his Colonial Treasurer, came to be looked on as the 
 free -trade leaders. The fact is, that the colony was 
 tired of its previous men. Mr. Bruce Smith, however, 
 soon commenced a brief resort to relief works for the 
 unemployed, which shook his credit with steady-going 
 people, and which conflicted with the views against 
 State interference expressed by him in his book on 
 Liberty mid Liberalism. Sir Henry Parkes's former 
 Ministry had by its bitterest opponents been accused of 
 jobbery in many points, and especially in the purchase 
 of property from companies supposed by them to be 
 creditors of the Prime Minister. On the other hand. 
 Sir John Robertson had retired, with the epitaph in 
 the columns o:^ the Bulletin, which is notorious for strong 
 lanouagje — "Jack Falstaff without the wit": and the 
 
 ij 
 
^,.,.>-i«,.i.>--JI8-. 
 
 ClIAI'. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 399 
 
 Ulg 
 list 
 
 1011 
 
 lier 
 
 of 
 
 ise 
 
 Ibe 
 
 [a, 
 
 in 
 lig 
 lie 
 
 same persons who held these views about the leaders 
 of the one party, were in the lial>it of describing the leader 
 of the other (unjustly, in my opinion) as a blundering 
 adventurer who took up politics after failing in trade. 
 The scenes in the Assembly damaged the rank and file 
 of the members as much as the leaders had been damaged 
 by the attacks on them in the press, and the colony was 
 thoroughly ready for a change. At the same time there 
 were many signs of improvement, and the newspapers 
 and cheap travelling were rapidly bringing the means of 
 comparison with other legislatures within the reach of 
 the whole people. The result has been recent marked 
 improvement in the ministerial calibre. 
 
 On the other side, that is, among the protectionists, Piotectiou- 
 Mr. Abbott used to lead the Opposition — a tall, powerful ' 
 solicitor, with a clear and incisive style of speech ; a 
 better critic than an advocate, and a somewhat luke- 
 warm politician, easy-going, unless stung into action by 
 the bitter words of an opponent. Then he replies with 
 a force and vigour all the stronger, because, once a free 
 trader, he has carried a considerable knowledge of the 
 free-trade arguments into the ranks of the protectionists. 
 His main line in debate is that the future of the empire 
 depends upon federation ; that federation is only possible 
 through Protection, and impossible so long as New 
 South Wales stands aloof from the fiscal union policy 
 rapidly growing up among the colonies. Mr. Abbott 
 was ofiered office when Mr. Dibbs formed a Ministry in 
 1889, but he refused it. One of the most influential of 
 the protectionist members is Mr. Garvan, an experienced 
 politician, who has held office in the past, who also repre- 
 sents to some extent the Irish and Roman Catholic 
 clement, and who is deservedly respected by his fellow- 
 members. He was the Finance Minister of the recent 
 
;oo 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 sliortlivecl Dibbs Administration. Mr. Copeland is one 
 of the strongest men on the Protection side. Originally 
 a Victorian resident, he came to New South Wales with 
 a bias towards Protection, and soon found his way to 
 Parliament, where he became one of the first to advocate 
 the imposition of protective duties. He is a useful man 
 in many ways, and his knowledge of mines and general 
 experience of the colonies and of colonial life stand him 
 in good stead. He is a forcible but not a polished 
 speaker, and is trusted by the protectionist working man. 
 Mr. Copeland also refused office in 1889. 
 Mr. Dibbs. ^Ii*- Dibbs, who is, I think, Australian -born, was 
 Colonial Treasurer in the administration previous to 
 that of Sir Henry Parkes, and Prime Minister for a short 
 time in 1889. He was until 1887, 1 believe, professedly 
 a free trader, though he had acijuicsced in the imposition 
 of ad valorem duties. He then went over publicly to 
 the protectionists, and became known among free traders 
 as " the one-year-old apostle of Protection." Being an 
 experienced politician and an able man, he obtained the 
 lead of the protectionists, but his protectionist views 
 are as little believed in by the real protecticnists as are 
 the corresponding opinions of Sir Henry Parkes by the 
 real free traders. There are a good many people in the 
 colony who sympathise with the Bulletin in its attempt 
 to get rid of what it calls the " rival syndicates," which 
 it continually asserts are " played out " — the syndicates 
 being Sir Henry Parkes and his friends, and Mr. Dibbs 
 and his friends. One thing against the latter group, in 
 the eyes of the new Australian party, is that they helped to 
 pass the Defence Bill, which is now almost as unpopular 
 as the " Dalley Expedition." Mr. Dibbs, however, 
 has lately given hostages to the "national" party, and 
 his Ministry of 1889 was praised for containing only 
 
 ! I 
 
 fit 
 
CIIAl'. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 301 
 
 two members who were not native-born Australians. 
 The Dibbs party is becoming a party supported by 
 all Irish Eomaii Catholics, all protectionists, and all 
 publicans, and is somewhat similar in composition 
 to the ruling party in Queensland and to the Victorian 
 Opposition, although in Victoria the Government and the 
 Opposition are alike protectionist. The Roman Catholic 
 objectors to the public school system, and the publicans 
 threatened by developments of local option, are the 
 chief strength of the Opposition in Victoria and of the 
 Government party in Queensland ; but Protection in 
 New South AVales, and not in the other two colonies, 
 differentiates the party supported by these classes from 
 their opponents. 
 
 Mr. Dibbs is credited with a hasty temper, and its 
 existence is indicated by the fact that, like Mr. Pickwick, 
 he went to gaol rather than pay the costs of an action 
 in which he was defeated, but which he thought ousfht 
 to have gone in his favour. He preferred to take a 
 year's imprisonment rather than comply with the order 
 of the Court, but finally a friend paid for him, and 
 he was liberated against his will, having learnt wood- 
 carving at Government expense. Sir Patrick Jennings, other 
 although a squatter, and a representative man of that i"^''ticians. 
 section of the community, is claimed by protectionists 
 as well as by free traders. Until recent years he was 
 better known as a patron of letters and of art than as 
 a politician. He was not a signal success in pohtics, 
 and the announcement of a deficit of two millions drove 
 him to the polls, with the result that he was dismissed 
 from ofiice in 1885. He perhaps preferred this fate to 
 success, as he is supposed to regard a life of leisured 
 refinement as more agreeable than that of a colonial 
 Minister; and it is perhaps hardly likely that he will 
 
 i.^ 
 
 1 1 
 
 I* 
 
II 
 
 I' i^i 
 
 302 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 again lead a Government. Mr. Melville is a well-known 
 member, and a useful member for his party, though 
 looked ujion as eccentric by his opponents. By calling 
 he is an undertaker, and in the morning superintends the 
 interment of his clients, and in the evening becomes the 
 Bernal Osborne of the Assembly, though now charged 
 with semi-official functions which interfere with the 
 free exercise of his wit. Mr. O'SuUivan, a working- 
 man representative and enthusiastic protectionist, one 
 of the younger men of the House, is respected by his 
 colleagues, though looked upon by his opponents in 
 the country as a demagogue. Mr. M'^JMillan, the repre- 
 sentative of the importers, a good speaker — one of the 
 men whom fear of the triumph of Protection has 
 brought into the Assembly — is a man of ability, of 
 fluent speech, and of business capacity, who became Sir 
 Henry Parkes's Colonial Treasurer in the Ministry of 
 March 1889, although it was popularly supposed that he 
 had had a good deal to do with Sir Henry Parkes's upset 
 in January of the same year. Mr. M'^Millan is the leader 
 of the commercial class, and one of the most highly 
 respected members of the Assembly; an out-and-out free 
 trader, who said not long ago that he believed that the 
 present relations with the mother -country might last 
 twenty years, and would be succeeded, to his regret, by 
 independence ; but no doubt he hopes for better things. 
 It is hardly necessary to mention the well-known 
 member who has been out since the late elections, 
 and who represented that rapidly vanishing race of 
 men, distinct from all others — the bullock drivers ; the 
 firebrand of the Assembly, who challenges all who differ 
 from him to " have it out " upon the fioor. His speeches 
 fossilise early colonial life. Mr. Barton, once Speaker, 
 is credited with ability, and has now been elected leader 
 
li 
 
 CHAl'. II 
 
 jV£IV south wales 
 
 303 
 
 m 
 
 gs- 
 
 Ins, 
 
 of 
 
 the 
 
 ter 
 
 lies 
 |cr, 
 ler 
 
 pro- 
 gramme. 
 
 of the protectionists. The Dibbs Cabinet of 1889 was 
 not made to last. Sir Henry Parkes, who liad a 
 large majority, apparently went out of office in order 
 to show that the Opposition coukl do no better than he 
 had done ; and they are in fact a miscellaneous crowd 
 who would naturally fall to pieces when they tried to 
 work harmoniously. Sir Henry Parkes had no trouble 
 in beating them in March 1889, though he had had but 
 a majority of one at the elections, and has since lost 
 that one, and carried on the Government without a real 
 majority. 
 
 Mr. Dibbs, besides consolidating the alliance between sir iienry 
 the protectionists, the Roman Catholics, and the publi- free'trade 
 cans, has lately secured a good deal of support from the 
 pastoral interest ; while, on the other hand, Sir Henry 
 Parkes has found, as has been seen, a set of colleagues 
 and supporters much abler than his former friends, and 
 is warmly backed by the free traders, the local optionists, 
 and the Orange Lodges. Mr. M'^Millan shows by his 
 speeches that he believes that, while Protection is fast 
 growing. Protection alone cannot carry New South Wales, 
 and thinks that, if Sir Henry Parkes has luck, the Pro- 
 testant temperance free-trade union will yet win at an elec- 
 tion which cannot be far distant. The active free traders 
 are forming a league with branches all through the 
 country, and a general platform as attractive as possible 
 in the shape of its land, irrigation, and direct taxation 
 planks ; and it is clear that both parties are becoming 
 consolidated to the advantage of the community at large. 
 Both parties are closely watching the electoral rolls, and 
 are preparing for a fresh election in which the farmers 
 and graziers will probably turn the scale. Sir Henry 
 Parkes hopes to detach the pastoral interest from the 
 Opposition by his land legislation and by careful 
 
304 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Land legis 
 latioii too 
 tiraid. 
 
 Freehold 
 tenure. 
 
 finance, although his suggestion of Federation " upon 
 the Canadian pLan " looks as though lie intends shortly 
 to throw free trade to the winds. 
 
 The further amendment of the land laws made in 
 1889 is timid. While compensation to the squatter 
 for any improvement he may luive made upon the 
 land is right, the Bill of 1888 did not take from the 
 Minister that power which has been the source of much 
 complaint, and which may be made the instrument of 
 corruption — the fixing of the rent of pastoral holdings ; 
 and the Act of 1889 is also far from being a sweeping 
 measure. 
 
 The dominant colonial feeling is in ftivour of free- 
 hold tenure for householders and agriculturists, and so 
 general is this view that rich land, or land that is 
 for any purpose specially valuable, will not fetch fair 
 interest by way of rent. The Australians object to 
 put up fencing, to clear, and, above all, to build on 
 other people's land. They find a satisfaction, that is 
 beyond that of money, in making the place on which 
 they live to their taste ; and they will not do it with 
 the possibility that they may be turned out. They 
 maintain that land can only be worked profitably under 
 the immediate care of the interested person, with the 
 stimulus of sole proprietorship ; and the result is that 
 purchasers will often offer more than the land is really 
 worth to buy, while leaseholders offer less by way of 
 rent. People in Australia attach importance to un- 
 earned increment, but they want, as a rule, to get the 
 unearned increment for themselves, rather than to secure 
 it for the community. There is, of course, no law of 
 primogeniture and no entail ; custom forbids the leaving 
 of a man's property to one child alone ; equal division 
 among all the children is general, and this tends more 
 
( UAl'. 11 
 
 NEIV SOUTH WALES 
 
 305 
 
 l<T 
 
 |o 
 
 In 
 re 
 
 and more to bring large estates of good land into the 
 market. The choicest parts of New South Wales are 
 held by selectors whose properties have been purchased 
 out and out on easy terms, and have risen steadily in 
 value. The proprietors have thus become men of sub- 
 stance, and are strong Conservatives in all land questions, 
 but there are in New South Wales, as I have shown, but 
 few of them. Although, however, the leasehold system is 
 most unpopular in Australia it exists in Sydney, though 
 not by choice. A great deal of the land on which 
 Sydney stands had been " granted " in far distant times, 
 with the old-world idea of founding families on a pro- 
 perty basis of unalienable land ; and the suburbs of 
 Sydney are held by magnates who will only part with 
 the land on building leases. Sir Daniel Cooper is a 
 large holder of land near Sydney, and I believe that 
 on his estates there is a good deal of leasehold villa- 
 building ; but many of the magnificent sites in the 
 neighbourhood of Sydney have proved comparatively 
 useless, and the houses built are inferior, on account 
 of the leasehold tenure, to those that are erected in 
 the neighbourhood of Melbourne in situations of far less 
 natural beauty. 
 
 The graduated or progressive death duties, which are Graduated 
 only 5 per cent in New South Wales on the largest pro- 
 perties, will probably be one day increased to the 1 per 
 cent of Victoria or the 1 3 per cent of New Zealand. This, 
 combined with a land or property tax, will tend to break 
 up the remaining great estates. JNIany of the rich men 
 who are not merchants are joining the protectionists 
 because they prefer customs duties to taxation of the 
 kind proposed by the free traders. The Property Tax 
 Bill of 1888 was rejected, but Mr. Diljbs, then leader of 
 the Opposition, in speaking against it took the line that 
 
 taxation. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ' \\ 
 
mtm 
 
 306 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER B RITA IX 
 
 PART II 
 
 Irrigation 
 needed. 
 
 an income tax would be better, and one or the ot -r 
 
 a heavy land tax, is sure to come. In spite A\ 
 
 prospects, Sydney freeholds form a favourite ir aent, 
 
 and Lords Carnarvon, Rosebery, and Sherbn are on 
 
 the East Sydney electoral roll. 
 
 It would seem then, on the whole, that New South 
 Wales is growing much in great city and little in agri- 
 cultural settlement ; that the emigrants who have flowed 
 of late years into the colony have been of the wrong 
 class ; that land legislation has been too timid, and that 
 large estates have been encouraged, to the detriment of 
 the small agricultural settler ; that, with a view to 
 promote agricultural settlement, a comprehensive scheme 
 of irrigation is necessary in order that lands now only 
 used for pastcal purposes may be ojiened up to the 
 agriculturist. Irrigation indeed is quite as important as 
 railway-making. How, for example, can a New South 
 Wales line which runs for 500 miles through country 
 for the most part carrying only one sheep to three acres, 
 and having no long-distance through traffic, pay in the 
 jDresent condition of the land ? Yet there is country on 
 the line which with irrigation works would feed and keep 
 millions of human beings. The protectionist view, that, 
 the market of New South Wales not being secured to 
 the farmers of New South Wales, they are exposed to a 
 competition against which they cannot fight, I will con- 
 sider in my chapter on Protection. 
 Victorian Somc grumblcrs in New South Wales point out that a 
 
 men'iuNew grcat uumbcr of the most successful businesses in Sydney 
 
 South 
 Wales. 
 
 IlLit 
 
 are in the hands of persons from the other colonies. In 
 shipping, they say, New South Wales is less well pro- 
 vided with ocean-going steamship lines of her own than 
 are the other colonies. Even the trade between Tas- 
 mania and Sydney is chiefly in Tasmanian hands ; and 
 
 kU' 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 307 
 
 New South Wak's eaniiot be said to have an ocean-going 
 steamship line in the same sense in which Victoria has 
 two at least, and (Queensland, South Australia, and New 
 Zealand have each one. Sydney is, however, the final 
 port of every line between Australia and the outside 
 world except one — the British India, which stops at 
 Brisbane ; and all the others (viz. the Orient Company, 
 the Messagcries, the Peninsular and Oriental, and the 
 San Francisco lines) make Sydney their headquarters. 
 It is true that a large portion of the territory of New 
 South AVales and a vast proportion of the territory of 
 Queensland have been virtually taken away from New 
 South Wales by Victorian capital. In Sydney itself a 
 large number of insurance companies are managed by 
 gentlemen from Melbourne, from New Zealand, and from 
 England. Some of the best mining companies in New 
 South Wales are owned by Victorians and South Aus- 
 tralians, who have made fortunes in them. Melbourne 
 people have invested millions sterling in a single year 
 in city property in Sydney, and these ojjerations are 
 carried on with British money, which passes through 
 Melbourne when it might more easily pass through 
 Sydney hands. The wool trade is very largely in the 
 hands of three companies, which are as a fact Victorian 
 firms, borrowing money at 4 per cent, and lending it 
 out at 8. But such are the climate and soil of New 
 South Wales, its mineral wealth, and the room that it 
 affords, that there is, in my mind, no doubt as to the 
 certainty of its recovery from trouble or depression. 
 
 The land laws of New South Wales will doubtless one other 
 day be radically reformed, and a property-tax imposed suggested. 
 in order that the colony may continuously pay her way. 
 If more money is needed than a property-tax can easily 
 produce, an export duty upon coal would seem applicable 
 
 f 
 
 ;li: 
 
It. 
 
 308 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART It 
 
 Legislative 
 
 lu'culiar- 
 
 ity. 
 
 Fine arts. 
 
 ili' 
 
 to the circumstancL'S of New South Wales. The colony 
 has of the best coal perfectly situated for sea carriage a 
 virtual monopoly in its own part of the world, and it 
 exports more coal than it as yet needs for its own con- 
 sumption. The coal-owners have made large fortunes upon 
 estates but recently alienatetl, and the alienation of which 
 by the Government at the rates at which they passed 
 was improvident. An export duty might be looked 
 upon as being in the nature of a royalty raised on owners 
 who are making fortunes rapidly by chance ; the State 
 stepping in to secure a portion of the unearned incre- 
 ment. There is an export duty upon gold in New 
 South Wales, and there was formerly a heavier one ; 
 but in gold the colony has no monopoly. In coal 
 Queensland, New Zealand, and Gippsland cannot, as 
 yet, compete with her on equal terms, as their coal is not 
 equally well placed for manufactures and for trade. 
 
 There is only one legislative peculiarity in New South 
 Wales, which is an electoral law providing for an automatic 
 increase of the number of representatives, by a machinery 
 known as the "expansive clauses." These do not work 
 well, and the House of Assembly is supposed to be 
 growing too fast, by the admission of too large a number 
 of representatives. The New South Wales " Expansive 
 clauses " are less well devised than the self-acting Redis- 
 tribution machinery of the JJominion of Canada. 
 
 To turn for a moment to lighter topics, Sydney 
 compares, on the whole, favourably with Melbourne as 
 regards its fine art galleries. Throughout the colonies 
 there is an activity as regards the fine arts which promises 
 good results in the future. Sydney and Melbourne 
 contain strong art societies, holding exhibitions twice a 
 year, in which about half the contributions are from 
 native artists and about half from British artists who 
 
CllAI'. II 
 
 A'/^iy SOUTH WALES 
 
 309 
 
 les 
 es 
 lie 
 K a 
 
 have gone to live iu Australia. A great deal is being 
 done for art training ; tra* jlling st'holarships exist for 
 sending students to Europe, and much origiuidity and 
 power are l)egiiiniiig to l)e shown by a small band of 
 colonial artists who are thoroughly iu earnest. They are 
 excelled in technique by the imported artists, but they 
 seem to have, at all events in Victoria and South 
 Australia, a good deal of vigour. If Sydney is a little 
 behind ]Mell)()urne in schools of design, it stands first 
 in the real, though not in the commercial, value of its 
 national gallery, which contains a strong representation 
 of French art in de Neuville's " Rorke's Drift " and other 
 excellent pictures. There are also at Sydney two 
 Menzlers as well as a good many other specimens of 
 Continental schools. Leighton's " Wedded " is in the 
 Sydney collection, as well as Fildes's " The Widower " 
 and Vicat Cole's " Arundel." The collection at Mel- 
 bourne is the more interesting to the general public, and 
 contains Turner's " Dunstanborough Castle," " Love and 
 Death," by Watts, Tadema's " Vintage Festival," Long's 
 " Esther," and a fine Alfred Hunt ; but that at Sydney is, 
 though less well-housed, more valuable to artists. Both 
 these galleries are generally thronged with visitors. In 
 Victoria the State is giving assistance to provincial 
 museums. Sydney opens her national gallery on Sundays, 
 although Melbourne follows, as has been said, the example 
 of the old country in closing the national library and 
 galleries on that day. The Victorian Presbyterian 
 and Wesleyan congregations are strongly opposed to 
 any change ; but in Sydney the galleries are thronged 
 on Sunday afternoons by quiet, orderly, and earnest 
 visitors. 
 
 All the cities of Australia have botanic gardens. Botanic 
 and, as a general rule, gardens laid out both as land- ^'"^ *""'" 
 
jl 
 
 3'" 
 
 PRO/iLKMS OF GREATER liRITAIX 
 
 I'AKr II 
 
 scupu gardens, or " recreation reserves, " and as botanic 
 gardens proper. The present taste lies in the direction 
 of the formation of (nit-door ferneries, many of the 
 smaller towns having gardens in which there are acres 
 upon acres of tree-ferns from five to thirty feet in height. 
 While the Melbourne gardens arc the most scientific in 
 the colonies, and as mere gardens also perhaps the 
 best, the Sydney gardens have the advantage of an 
 ex(|uisitc situation on a gentle slope leading down to a 
 lovely bay. The iirisbanc gardens, with their magni- 
 ficent tropical effects of wild luxuriousness, stand 
 comparison with either of the others. It is the belief of 
 the more cultured colonists that the taste for the beautiful 
 in gardens is havini? a consi(leral)le effect on national 
 character, and is producing a tendency towards refine- 
 ment ; but the learned side of gardening is not forgotten, 
 and the names of the Government botanists at Mell)ourue 
 and at Adelaide have long been famous among botanists 
 throu!T;hout the world. The sjardeniufj fervour of Australia 
 exceeds that of any other English-speaking country, and 
 it would have been impossible to pass over without this 
 notice such examples of it as either the superb but old- 
 fashioned Sydney gardens or the natural parks of the 
 newer towms. The fondness of the Sydney people 
 for their botanic gardens and the " inner domain " 
 that leads to them, and the fact that in their warm 
 climate full advantage is taken by the population of the 
 beauty of the spot, must bring out the more poetic side 
 of human nature in the inhabitants. Throughout the 
 towns private gardening is universal : immediately out- 
 side the business portion of the cities pretty gardens 
 surround the houses, and the inhabitants almost uni- 
 versally compete at shows. AVater is dear in Sydney, 
 and in the dry weather of the summer it is not easy to 
 
 I 
 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEW sot 'Til WALES 
 
 3" 
 
 ley, 
 to 
 
 keep lawna in order, .is they have often to l)c soaked in 
 water ; yet the numl)cr of fathers of families wlio not 
 only pay a heavy water-rate, hut water their lawns twice 
 a day, and themselves mow them three times a week, 
 is amazins^ to those not Australian-born. The immimse 
 amount of space devoted by the weekly pa[)j'rs to 
 horticultural matters bears witness to the interest 
 taken in them. The prevalence of gardening among 
 the tradespeople and the mechanics of Australia is 
 striking to Americans who have visited the colonies ; 
 T)Ut when wc contrast the American winter with mid- 
 winter in Australia, the pall of snow, with the blue sky 
 and the rich earth full of narcissus and of hyacintns, one 
 cannot wonder at the difference. In the very dei)th of 
 winter, in the greater portion of non-tropical Australia, 
 besides the bulbs and the anemones, the geraniums 
 and the camellias — pansies, violets, and roses continue 
 to bloom. In America, as in Enofland, o-ardenint; is an 
 amusement for six months ; in Australia a long procession 
 of beauties, changing from season to season, but un- 
 broken as recrards continuance, gives zest to the delight. 
 The sale of cut flowers in Sydney is carried on to a much 
 larger extent than in the old world, and the fashion of 
 giving flowers is as developed there as among the wealthy 
 classes in the United States. Not only does the State 
 throughout Australia do much for botany and much for 
 fine art, but the colonial Governments take everywhere 
 an intelligent interest in science, and make great 
 sacrifices of money on behalf of astronomy, zoology, and 
 statistics. 
 
 If it were possible for the State to do much intelli- Literatun 
 gently to assist letters, I believe that the Australian 
 colonies would be willing to make that attempt. Offices, 
 as nearly sinecures as colonial life can furnish, have twice 
 
 i^il 
 
mt 
 
 !Hm 
 
 ."ii: 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER RRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT 11 
 
 il 
 
 n 5 
 
 P;! 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 
 ^1 
 
 (!;■ 
 
 iv 
 
 l)cen ofivon in New South Wales to Australian literary 
 men. There is an uneasy feeling in Australia that, 
 except in journalism, whieh has been excellent all along, 
 there is a want of first-class native literature. When 
 we speak of Australian literature we must remember 
 that it is natural that, if we excUule from view the 
 journalistic field, a new country should be behindhand 
 ill its number of literary men and its fruitfulness of 
 literary jiroduction, and that this must be specially the 
 case in a country reading the English language and 
 having the whole supply of English literature ready to its 
 hand. But although the true literary class in Australia 
 is fjir smaller in proportion than in Great Britain, 
 the mass of the people are more of a reading people 
 than the English. They l)uy more books ; they possess 
 more libraries in proportion. London, however, is 
 the natural fountain whence flows their supply of 
 books. A man writing in London, with the Enijlish 
 pul)lic, and the American public, and the colonial public 
 all open to him, is at an advantage as compared with a 
 man writing in a colony, unless the colonial writer writes 
 something peculiarly necessary to the place. On the 
 other hand, literary fashion in the colonies is not pro- 
 tectionist, and gives an almost undue preference to the 
 productions of the old country, so that colonial letters 
 have an uphill fight for life. Works published, in 
 Australia have as yet no access to the world at large, 
 and no privilege even in Australia. Li the case of 
 specialists there is no sufficient j)ublic in the colonies, 
 and they cannot publish unless it is in the mother- 
 country. There is no case as yet on record of a 
 large demand out of Australia for imy book pub- 
 lished in Australia. The Australian writer Avho has 
 anything important to say, or thinks he has, which for 
 
 t 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOLTH WALES 
 
 2>^l 
 
 ,)lic 
 :li a 
 'it OS 
 
 the 
 
 ^ro- 
 
 tlie 
 tters 
 d in 
 
 ,c of 
 lilies, 
 tber- 
 of a 
 pub- 
 lias 
 Ih for 
 
 this purpose comes to the same thing, will at present 
 continue to carry his book to London. I once in 
 Sydney came across a gentleman who had published 
 there a work on mathematics, of a slightly eccentric 
 type, but interesting to mathematicians. I was allowed 
 to \\Titc a review of it in the Sydney Morning Herald 
 by tlie kindness of the proprietors ; l)ut I doubt whether 
 there were many people in the colonies who read that 
 review, and I l)clieve that there was nol)ody in the 
 colonies who bouo'ht the book. Such a book in England 
 would have been certain of a sale sufficient to encourage 
 the author to persevere. A mathematical writer in the 
 colonies, therefore, prefers to see his papers published in 
 the scientific journals of the mother-country, even 
 though, at such a distance, he cannot correct his proofs, 
 and must take his chance of errors, because in this way 
 alone can he obtain access to all the people, not only in 
 Europe but in Australia itself, who are devoted to the 
 same studies. There is not a population large enough 
 in Australia to back up Australian writers, who must 
 necessarily wish tis yet to produce their works in 
 England, and who are not unlikely to take up their 
 residence where they produce their works, and Australia 
 is still exporting to England many of her young literar}' 
 men. Most of the eminent men of letters who have 
 written in Australia have lieen of Englisli birtli, because 
 the numl)er of Australian-born people who have attained 
 to the age of the best literary production is still com- 
 paratively small. The Australian writers are to be 
 found as yet chiefly in the older colony of New South 
 Wales, and no one of them can be said to have made a 
 real impression upon the world. Dalley is known rather 
 as a politician, through the accident of the Soudan con- 
 tinoent business, than as a writer — oood writer as he was. 
 VOL. I Y 
 
 III 
 
 I 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 na 
 
PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 As regards imported writers, Australia has not yet 
 offered a sufficient field to tempt good men, as a rule, 
 unless tliey were driven to Australia by considerations 
 of health, or went there as professors, or journalists. 
 Some of the University professors both at Melbourne 
 and at Sydney have been distinguished men. Professor 
 "Woolley of Sydney University, who was drowned in the 
 London, and Professor Badham of the same University, 
 enjoyed locally a high standing. Dr. Hearn and Dr. 
 Pearson have been mentioned in the Victorian chapter. 
 The colonies have also imported much talent among the 
 clergy and ministers of various denominations, many of 
 whom have been men of culture and ability, whose 
 work has taken a more or less literary form. Of the 
 writers of New South Wales the best known perhaps 
 are the late Henry Kendall, a smooth and musical poet, 
 some of whose sonnets remind one of Keats, and Mr. 
 Haddon Chambers, who (after serving as a journalist 
 in Australia) came to London as a correspondent, has 
 written some interesting tales of colonial adventure, and 
 made a name Ijy a successful play. Some persons in this 
 country admire a recent novel, Rohhery under Arms, by 
 " Rolf Boldrewood " — the name under wdiich Mr. Thomas 
 Alexander Browne, one of the pioneer Victorian squatters 
 who went out from England, and afterwards lived in New 
 South Wales, has long written sketches of colonial life. 
 Mr. Browne is a man of more than sixty, whose stories 
 refer to a colonial society which has wholly disappeared. 
 Old Melbourne Memories contains his best work, but 
 he is now engaged on a story which is appearing at 
 Sydney in the Centennial Magazine. 
 Music. Sydney occupies as high a position in the musical 
 world as Mell)Ourne. A Good Friday or Christmas Day 
 never passes without the performance of an excellent 
 
 H 
 
™.^ 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEIV SOUTH WALES 
 
 315 
 
 Hi 
 
 lusical 
 Day 
 lellent 
 
 Oratorio. There are two good sinfjinc; clubs, with about 
 a hundred singing members each, and many hundreds 
 of ordinary members : the great Alfred Exhibition Hall 
 in Sydney is inadequate to hold those who desire 
 to attend their concerts. They have an orchestra of 
 seventy performers, and an audience of about 3000, 
 and jDcrforming as they uniformly do, high-class music, 
 these clubs must have an excellent intiuence upon the 
 public taste. 
 
 The best actors, singers, and scene painters still come The stage. 
 from Europe. The appearance on the boards of native- 
 born actors of genuine ability is hailed with general 
 delight ; and such native -Ijorn or Australian -trained 
 singers as there are in the colonies cannot complain of 
 want of appreciation. The supply as yet is not equal 
 to the demand. Australia used to import her best 
 barristers and attorneys, but she now supplies a native 
 article ; and doubtless it will be the same soon with 
 the dramatic and operatic stage. One wtII- known 
 Australian woman singer met indeed recently with 
 an immense success, which she is now continuing in 
 Europe. 
 
 As regards sports. New South Wales takes the lead Athletics. 
 over Victoria in yachting and in shooting, but is some- 
 what behind the rival colony in cricket, football, and 
 racing. In sculling, New South Wales has an advantage 
 given to her by the character of her rivers, but both 
 colonies beat England, although the mother -country 
 possesses streams far more suitable for wager boats than 
 are those of the Australian continent. 
 
 The traces of the convict element in New South Comi.nsi. 
 Wales have become very slight in the national character. ,,eopie. 
 The prevailing cheerfulness, running into fickleness and 
 frivolity, with a great deal more vivacity than exists in 
 
 \% 
 
» ■' 
 
 ilf1 
 
 316 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Eugland, does not suggest in the least the intermixture 
 of convict blood. It is a natural creation of the climate, 
 and of the full and varied life led by colonists in a 
 young country, while the absence of winter accounts for 
 the difference between the Australians and the inhal)it- 
 ants of the American Western States. The farmers of 
 Australia are not mere farmers. They are mostly people 
 who, before takino; to farmino;, have seen a good deal of 
 the world, and are of a quickness and smartness that are 
 iiicompatil)le with the general idea of fiirming life. 
 They have a far wider horizon, and are vastly better 
 read than the corresponding class in England. The type 
 of the ordinary rustic population of England, farmers 
 and labourers alike, is invisible in the colonies. The 
 colonial farmer is a man who has had to push his way 
 and to contrive his own devices for himself. Neither the 
 Enolish farmer nor the EnjTlish labourer is well suited 
 for colonial life, and the successful Australian farmer as 
 a rule is a man who has taken to farming for the first 
 time in the southern hemisphere. The Australian 
 farmer has been buffeted about the world l^efore he 
 becomes comfortably situated upon his property ; and 
 where he has remained for a good many years in the 
 same place he is almost invariably a man of substance. 
 If we may judge from the appearance and manners of 
 the rising generation in Australia, although they will 
 not be so well travelled as their fathers, or called upon 
 to the same extent to display original fiiculties in the 
 combat of the pioneer with nature, their class will still 
 be distinguished for the prevalence of a cheerful and 
 self-reliant fulness of life. These are points in which it 
 is to be hoped that they merely mark out, as in politics, 
 the path whicli their fellow-workmen in England will 
 tread after them, although Australian climate is an 
 
 IH^ 
 
ii 
 
 ClIAl'. II 
 
 A'£IF SOUTH WALES 
 
 317 
 
 ture 
 iiite, 
 in a 
 s for 
 al)it- 
 :s of 
 ^oplc 
 al of 
 t arc 
 life, 
 tetter 
 type 
 ■mers 
 The 
 ; way 
 jr the 
 luitecl 
 icr as 
 first 
 alian 
 he 
 and 
 the 
 auce. 
 rs of 
 will 
 upon 
 the 
 still 
 and 
 chit 
 itics, 
 will 
 3 an 
 
 advantage which cannot l)e transferred to us at home. 
 So fiir, however, from representing a population sprung 
 from the convict element, the population of New South 
 Wales, like the rest of the Australian population, on the 
 whole represents the descendants of the middle and 
 working classes of the United Kingdom. 
 
 A population of an excellent type has swallowed up 
 not only the convict element, but also the unstable and 
 thriftless element shipped by friends in Britain to Sydney 
 or to Melbourne. The ne'er-do-weels Avere either some- 
 what above the average in brains, as was often the case 
 with those who recovered themselves and started life 
 afresh, or people who drank themselves to death and 
 disappeared and left no descendants. The convicts 
 were also of various classes ; some of them were men 
 in whom crime was the outcome of restless energy, 
 as, for instance, in many of those transported for 
 treason and for manslaughter ; while some were people 
 of average morality ruined through companions, wives, 
 or sudden temptation, and some persons of an essentially 
 depraved and criminal life. The better classes of 
 convicts, in a new country, away from their old 
 companions and old temptations, turned over a new leaf, 
 ;ind their abilities and their strong vitality, which in 
 some cases had wrou2fht their ruin in the old world, 
 found healthful scope in subduing to man a new one. 
 ('rime in their case was an accident, and would not be 
 transmitted to the children that they left behind them. 
 On the other hand, the genuine criminals, and also the 
 drunken ne'er-do-weels, left no children. Drink and 
 vice anions; the " assigned servants " class of convicts, 
 and an absence of all facilities for marriage, worked 
 them off the face of the earth, and those who had not 
 been killed before the gold discovery generally drank 
 
 I'M 
 
 ;l 
 
3i8 
 
 PKO/iLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 Govern- 
 ment con- 
 tributions 
 
 themselves to deatli upon the diggings. There are a 
 few sons of convicts who have become leading citizens 
 in various colonies, but very few, and in these cases 
 generally the descendants of convicts not belonging to 
 the criminal class. The convict element may now be 
 absolutely neglected in a survey of Australian society. 
 On the other hand, the colonies undoubtedly suffer from 
 the ne'er-do-weels, not so much through their permanent 
 effect upon the race as from the manner in which they 
 crowd the hospitals and asylums, and in one way or 
 another become burdens upon the State purse. 
 
 There are societies in the colonies which have for 
 object the amelioration of the position of the im- 
 
 B 
 
 tociiantie.s. provident, but it is found that they have not steadfast- 
 ness of purpose to continue at any one pursuit for any 
 length of time, and that they drift steadily downwards. 
 The New South Wales Government contribute towards 
 such charities pound for pound. Temperance societies 
 have been started among the thriftless drunkards, which 
 are said to contain the champion pi edge- takers of the 
 world. These are often highly intelligent and educated 
 men, nearly all brought to their present position by 
 drink, nearly all anxious to give it up, and ceasing wholly 
 from time to time to indulge their vice, but almost uni- 
 versally given to relapse. Few of them have children, 
 and their bad influence is not permanent, especially as 
 great pains are taken to properly train up such children 
 as they have. 
 Boiudiug- All the colonies have " State wards " or " State 
 chiidren!'"'^ children," and the system of boarding-out these children 
 has become general. A few years ago New South 
 Wales swept away its huge barracks, called orphan- 
 ages, and began to place the " State wards " in 
 respectable homes in the country districts of the 
 
•f 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 NEW SOUTH WALES 
 
 319 
 
 { 
 
 colony ; and the boarding -out system is answering as 
 well as it does at home. There is no ditlicultv in 
 finding foster-parents. The colonial Governments, as 
 a rule, allow 10s. a week for children under a year 
 old, and reduce this gradually to about 4s. by the 
 time the child is eleven. After the age of twelve the 
 subsidy usually ceases, the child having become absorbed 
 into the family and useful to the household. The 
 children of the improvident sent out from England are 
 so rough that when taken off the streets they have to 
 be kept in a depot till they have learnt cleanly habits 
 and to use decent language, it being almost impossible, 
 as a rule, to send them straight to their country homes. 
 A great number of colonial Acts deal with these vagrant 
 and neglected children, the Victorian Acts being specially 
 admirable. New South Wales has reformatories for the 
 older children brought before the police, and the re- 
 formatories, as established in 1849, and since improved, 
 appear to be better than our similar institutions in being 
 less like cfaols. There are also industrial schools, but of 
 late, chiefly through the example set in this matter l)y 
 South Australia and Victoria, there has been a general 
 tendency throughout the colonies to deal even with the 
 children brought before the magistrates by means of 
 that boarding-out principle which had at first only l)een 
 tried wdth reference to orphan children cast upon the 
 State. 
 
 It may be said generally that the tendency in all 
 the colonies is now to adopt boarding -out for all the 
 younger children, whether they be orphans, deserted, 
 neglected, unmanageable, or slightly criminal. The 
 juvenile offenders over fourteen are beginning to be 
 dealt with upon what is known as the probationary or 
 American system. It is left to the discretion of the 
 
'II 
 
 Poor imnii 
 grants. 
 
 320 
 
 PROHLEMS c>E CREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AUT II 
 
 mufjistrates to liberate them with a warninof after the 
 first ofieuce, but with watchfuhioss exercised over them, 
 and a hability to sentence for the original offence in the 
 t-ase of any fresh misconduct. After sentence they go 
 to a reformatory school, in which any signs of good 
 conduct carry the juvenile offenders from a strict dis- 
 cipline to that of an ordinary school. If they pass 
 through their stages successfully, as most of them do, 
 tliey are apprenticed. Little criminals under fourteen 
 are sent into probationary schools, and are boarded 
 out as soon as they are entirely free from any dis- 
 position to crime or to the use of bad language. 
 Those who are found to be utterly depraved are passed 
 on to the reformatories. The children generally take the 
 name of the foster-parents, and become identified with 
 their new family. The parents of neglected children 
 are made to pay for or towards their maintenance. 
 Exi)erience seems to show in Australia that the 
 great majority of neglected or criminal children who 
 are caught by the State before sixteen are saved, but 
 that those who are left to pass that age are almost 
 hopeless — the girls becoming prostitutes, and the boys 
 thieves and bullies. The rough element among boys of 
 sixteen to twenty, which is noticeable in Liverpool and 
 in some parts of London, is also developed in the 
 Australian cities. A Victorian sergeant of police, now 
 dead, Mr. Dalton of Melbourne, gave this class its name, 
 which is familiar throughout the colonies and is beginning 
 to appear in England. The term "larrikin" is used 
 both for the hobbledehoys in general and also for the 
 specially vicious portion of them. 
 
 It is noticeable that in Sydney as in Melbourne the 
 average of crime and the average of juvenile crime are 
 both below the average of the United Kingdom, in spite 
 
 i 
 
 X^. 
 
 
I 
 
 ing 
 seel 
 the 
 
 the 
 ire 
 ite 
 
 ClIAl'. II 
 
 MEir SOUTH WALES 
 
 321 
 
 of the fact that the colonial police are not indulgent. 
 On the other hand, with general education, and high 
 wages and plenty of work for those who really want 
 work and can do it, there ought not in Australia to be 
 much crime. But there is a large class who idle and 
 sometimes starve — mostly, however, immigrants. Along 
 with the stream of men of pluck and energy there comes 
 also from the mother- country a stream of emigrants 
 of a less desirable kind. These, in Australia as in the 
 United States, are attracted by the overgrown cities, and 
 remain in them. One result is that in the large cities 
 there is virtually a poor law, as we shall find when we 
 examine the matter in the second volume. The Sydney 
 Benevolent Society, besides maintaining an asylum, 
 gives outdoor relief to about six thousand people in the 
 year at a cost of some £5000, and it cannot be said that 
 in Australia such operations are merely in the nature 
 of private and personal benevolence, because charit- 
 able institutions are, generally speaking, assisted by 
 the State. At the same time we at home are re- 
 sponsible for the greater portion of the destitution that 
 exists in the colonies. Mr. Ralph Abercromby, who has 
 well said in his meteorological work that there is not 
 much to look at in Australia except the people, and who 
 carefully studied them, has pointed out that tl^.-^ larrikins 
 are fewer and quieter than our roughs, and thc.^ drinking 
 habits, though common, are less prevalent in the colonies 
 than in England. 
 
 The smaller cities of New South Wales are not. on Thesmaiier 
 the whole, increasing in population. The country dis- sunlsuii! 
 tricts thrive, and the great capital thrives, but the 
 Australian tendency is for the capitals to contain, in 
 themselves and their suburbs, from a third to nearly a 
 half of the inhabitants of the colony, and for the rest to 
 
 I 
 
 !. ■ 
 

 322 
 
 PKOliLEMS OF GREATER li RITA IX 
 
 PART II 
 
 be upon the land, so that the smaller towns remain 
 stationary or dwindle. This is a tendency which will 
 |Dossil)ly prevail more generally in the future. The 
 growth of the means of locomotion, and the cheapness 
 of fares, when in a democratic state the Government 
 has the railways in its own hands, make it easy to 
 go to the big city, where the best and cheapest things 
 of every description are to be found, and where 
 amusements are plentiful ; and the former difficulties 
 about the large size of cities have been brought to an 
 end by low freights. Formerly towns lived upon the 
 district round them. Now they live upon the whole of 
 the lines of railways and the lines of steam -shipping 
 that converge in them ; and food is cheapest where the 
 largest market is to be found. Few Australians like to 
 live in a country town of 5000 people if they can live 
 in the suburbs of a town of 400,000 people. For all 
 social purposes, for amusement, for education, for all 
 business facilities, except those immediately connected 
 with agricultural or pastoral pursuits, the metropolis 
 offers an immense advantage. The colonist who prefers 
 to live in a small country town finds that he has often 
 to go or to send to the great city, and at last comes to 
 think that he had better go and reside there himself 
 The only town of real importance in New South Wales 
 outside Sydney is Newcastle, which has about 16,000 
 inhabitants. Its growth and activity are due solely to 
 the coal mines, which are inexhaustible, and supply 
 nearly the whole of the Australian demand. The best 
 steam coal, however, comes not from Newcastle itself, 
 but from the southern mines, to which those of the west 
 coast of New Zealand may ultimately prove a rival. 
 Albury may be chosen as the Federal capital. Towns 
 like Goulburn, Bathurst, and Deniliquin will increase, 
 
 \\ 
 
CIIAI'. II 
 
 NEIV SOUTH WALES 
 
 323 
 
 [IS 
 
 because of the presence of a court-house, of a Govern- 
 ment office for lands and survey, of the district l)anks, 
 and of the chief schools : such towns are sure to grow in 
 a small way and to gather together a numl)er of peojjle 
 whose trades are connected with the hind, hut only 
 in a small way, for even from these districts the peo])le 
 ' to Sydney for clothes, l)ooks, furniture, vehicles, 
 td machinery ; and Sydney naturally increases every 
 year far more than all the other towns put to- 
 gether. 
 
 New South Wales has resisted all outside attempts Fu<Uiatioii. 
 to bring her into Australian Federation, and she is now 
 the only colony, except the far-off New Zealand, that is 
 outside the Federal Council. In New South AVales it is 
 often argued that Imperial Federation is more important 
 than Australian Federation, and that Australian Federa- 
 tion is not a step towards, but a step away from, Im})erial 
 Federation, a matter which has been partly dealt with 
 already under Canada, and which I shall have to consider 
 further in the New Zealand chapter and in my S(.'cond 
 volume. The Imperial Federation League lately sent a 
 capable envoy to Australia, who visited New South 
 Wales in June 1889 under circumstances which I shall 
 describe in my chapter on the future relations between 
 the mother-country and the colonies. He came away 
 completely puzzled as to the local view, having received 
 the most contradictory opinions, all of them pronounced 
 in the most positive manner, from the leading public 
 men, and he was heard to say that he could make 
 nothing of their attitude towards the Empire, and 
 considered their opinions to be in a state of chaos. 
 Sir Henry Parkes now seems anxious to close his 
 career by proposing a Federation of his own invention ; 
 but the difficulties in the way will lie great, unless 
 
 I! 
 
 tj 
 
324 
 
 PKOIil.EMS OF GREATER HRITAIN 
 
 I'AIU' II 
 
 lie tlirows over liis party and aclopt.s the principles of 
 Proteetion. 
 D.iftnw. The defence of the trade of Sydney in particular, 
 
 and of the colony and its wealth and liberties in general, 
 is as well provided for as is Victorian defence, and upon 
 . a system not dissimilar. Sydney is not so thoroughly 
 protected by nature from attack as is JM el bourne, although 
 it also stands upon a harbour which is difficult of access. 
 Sydney, being much nearer to the open sea than Mel- 
 bourne, might conceival)ly be shelled from the Botany 
 Bay side across the neck of land ; but the colony can be 
 trusted to give a good account of its assailants. Sir 
 Henry Parkes has lately made a speech u})on proposals 
 put forward by General Edwards, the general command- 
 ing at Hong Kong, who had been sent to Australia to 
 inspect the colonial defences, and who had suggested a 
 federation of the Australian forces, the establishment 
 of a federal military college, and the introduction for 
 military purposes of a uniform gauge upon the railways. 
 Sir Henry Parkes announced his intention to create a 
 military department, and he explained the understanding 
 which had been come to for a subscription by the various 
 Australian Governments towards the defence of King 
 George's Sound and of Thursday Island — important out- 
 lying stations of Australia. Sir Henry Parkes now asks the 
 other colonies to set aside the existing Federal Council of 
 Australasia in order to come into a close Federation with 
 a common Parliament. They reply that the existing 
 federal system will form the best stepping-stone towards 
 such a Parliament ; so that all agree upon the principle, 
 and differ only as to form. But common command for 
 the army could of course be secured, if it is so greatly 
 needed as Sir Henry Parkes asserts, without any closer 
 connection than the Federal Council supplies. The 
 
 H 
 
) 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 A'£iy SOi'TH WALES 
 
 335 
 
 l»rer(jniitivi' of the Crown could also bo made ujso of if 
 tlie colonies wished it for the purpose of uiiitiejition of 
 niilitiiry connuund, as the Queen is coniniandcr-in-ehief 
 of tlie forces in all the colonies. 
 
 The Australian feeling with regard to <li'fence is colonial 
 that tlie colonies are strong enough to dis[)os(' 01 any ,vp.ir,i to 
 land force likely to be disembarked by an eiu'niy upon |J|','^!!,"|i^^^^^^ 
 their soil, and that the ileet which is kei»t upon the 
 Australian coast is there mainly to protect British 
 interests, the greater portion of the maritime intercourse 
 of the colonies with other countries being carried on in 
 British ships, and British property, to the extent of many 
 millions, being always afloat upon the colonial waters. 
 The colonists point out that our fleet is even less strongly 
 represented in Australia than upon the China coast, and 
 that it is obviously present in force upon the China coast 
 for the protection of our own shipping. At the same 
 time, they, as a rule — with the exception of a strong 
 minority in New South Wales, and a majority in Queens- 
 land — think that Australia benefits l)y the recent 
 arrangement as to the Australian S(|uadron, although in 
 their belief it was primarily intended to suit British 
 interests. But they i)oiut out that Austrab docs not 
 expect to be embroiled with any great power .;ii its owii 
 account, and that any risk of war is a risk due to 
 Australian connection with England, and a risk aoainst 
 which, therefore, Australia has a claim for British assist- 
 ance. On the other hand, the dominant opinion, except 
 in Queensland, appears to be that Australia, in the event 
 of a popular war, might add considerably to the strength 
 of the old country. For example, it is probable that, in 
 the event of an imminent risk of the loss of India, there 
 would be a disposition in some of the Australian colonies to 
 place in India, as a contribution towards Indian defence, 
 
 ?l»i 
 
326 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER B RITA IX 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 \ 
 
 an army wliicli, although raw, would be converted by a 
 short term of actual service into a most efficient although 
 a costly force. The colonists believe that the Australian 
 soldier combines the ' limatiou, and cheerful activity 
 
 of the Frenchman wuu tlie solid determination of the 
 British private. There are two things, however, to be 
 borne in mind in considering this prospect of Australian 
 assistance. In the first place, the Australian contingent 
 would cost us more money, if we paid it, than would an 
 equal force of British troops, and, in the second place, if 
 we were entering upon a popular war, but one which drew 
 largely upon our resources, and wanted Australian help, 
 we should need to ask for it with more politeness than we 
 generally show in our national acts. In such an eveut 
 it is still probable that the colonies would feel something 
 of the pride of a boy who is asked by his father for the 
 first time to help him in some manly adventure, and 
 that there would be much enthusiasm found in the 
 response ; but the change of feeling in New South Wales 
 in the last few years, and the growth of separatist opinion 
 in Queensland, forbid us to be too confident. The 
 Australian Natives' Association, which in Victoria is 
 loyal to tlie British connection, is less friendly in New 
 South Wales ; and in Queensland the " native " feelino- is 
 " national," and "national" has begun to mean "inde- 
 pendent." A debate, to which I shall have to allude 
 when I come to write of the future I'elations between 
 Great Britain and her colonies, took place upon this 
 subject in the New South Wales Assembly in August 
 1889, when Mr. Dibbs, speaking as leader of the Opposi- 
 tion, in seconding a motion by the Prime Minister, 
 declared in favour of the erection of the British States 
 of Australia into an independent State. Sir Henry 
 Parkes, while professing his adherence to the principle 
 

 CHAT. II 
 
 jYejv south wales 
 
 327 
 
 of " Australia for the Australians," and declanno- ao-ainst 
 separation, and also against Imperial Federation as com- 
 monly understood, expressed a strong opinion in favour 
 of alliance with the mother-country upon an equal 
 base, and thought that the North American, the Aus- 
 tralian, and the South African colonies might group 
 themselves in alliance with the United Kino-dom on 
 such a base, without raising any of the insuperable 
 difficulties which he found in all Imperial Federation 
 schemes. 
 
 Although from a defence point of view the situation Conclusion 
 of Sydney is inferior to that of ]\Ielbourne, the former 
 capital is better placed as regards trade — especially if 
 America be one day pierced by a canal — and far superior 
 in natural charm. There are few scenes more lovely in 
 the quieter styles of beauty than that which presents 
 itself from the Botanic Gardens, or indeed in any of 
 the creeks of Port Jackson. In the sheltered coves of 
 Sydney harbour, and in the fern gullies of the Range, 
 nature would seem to have made herself attractive that 
 she might lure settlers towards the yellow sun-dried i)laius 
 of the interior, swept by hot winds in the long summer. 
 There is less feverish activity in Sydney than in 
 Melbourne, and as much enjoyment of life. The people 
 are pleasure - loving, bright and quick, and full of 
 promise of a literary and artistic future. Throughout 
 the colony generally there is the same absence of 
 misery, the same kindliness of disposition l)etween man 
 and man, which form the foundations of that cheerful- 
 ness of life which in the Victorian chapter I have noted 
 as characteristic of Australia, In these respects our 
 South- Sea colonies reseml)le the better parts of the 
 United States — those in which severity of climate has 
 not marred, nor imported horrors vitiated by the 
 
 il 
 
 A 
 
328 
 
 PKOPLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKr 1 1 
 
 iufusioii of the worst European customs, the frauk and 
 natural Hfe of the American jjeople. In the comparative 
 absence of chiss hatreds, and of the feuds of settled 
 opinion, the Australian colonies also resemble the United 
 States in points in which America is strong. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
1.1 
 
 ed 
 ed 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 After Victoria and New South Wales, New Zealand is size of 
 
 1 . • , A i> CI ^ ct 1 • Queens- 
 
 as yet the most important oi our houth feea colonies, lami. 
 except in area ; but if we consider the other Australian 
 colonics proper, Queensland first claims our notice. 
 Inferior to South Australia and to Western Australia in 
 size, because these colonies, stretching across the con- 
 tinent, contain, at all events for the present, the greater 
 part of the most northerly districts of Australia, Queens- 
 land is nevertheless so vast that proposals for its 
 division into two colonies have been already made and 
 seriously considered by the Government at home. 
 
 Queensland is equal in its geographical extent to Progress of 
 Germany, France, and Austria -Hungary united, and "^^°°"^' 
 is increasing far more rapidly in population than the 
 other colonies. If we except the more advanced 
 colonies of New South Wales and Victoria, the increase 
 of Queensland is the most rapid absolutely of that of 
 all our colonies in the South Seas, and the Queensland 
 increase is altogether the most rapid when considered 
 in proportion to the existing population of each colony. 
 Queensland is progressing fast in spite of labour ditti- 
 culties, in spite of cotton failures, in spite of sugar 
 depression, in spite of the invasion of rabbits from New 
 South Wales against which she is fencing herself in, 
 
 VOL. I Z 
 
 lii 
 
330 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Scenery 
 
 and 
 
 cliniate. 
 
 in spite of drought and of her lurid sun ; and the 
 colony, although mainly tropical, has proved itself to be a 
 healthy home for ])eople of our race. The energy which 
 some think is wanting upon the coast of New South 
 Wales is certainly found in the still warmer (,>)uecnsland, 
 and that colony already possesses a larger number of 
 miles of railway open to traffic in proportion to popula- 
 tion than any other State in the whole world. 
 
 While the colonies of Victoria and New South 
 Wales, on which we have already dwelt, Jire marked by 
 a certain uniformity, if not a monotony, of scenery — 
 scenery beautiful where there is water and the gum- 
 trees grow large, with backgrounds of lake and broken 
 hill, and scenery in the dry interior ugly from the flat- 
 ness of the plains and smallness of the trees, but always 
 gum-tree scenery — in the rapidly-advancing colonies to 
 which we have now to turn there is more diversity of 
 appearance. New Zealand is as different in aspect from 
 the Australian colonies as the ]Maories are dillerent from 
 the Australian al)origines ; but even in Australia there 
 are diversities, for, while the greater part of South 
 Australia is similar to the greater part of Mctoria and 
 of New South Wales, Queensland, the whole of the 
 north coast, and Western Australia have a vegetation of 
 a different kind. To the far south of Australia the 
 Tasmaniau island resembles Gippsland, from which it 
 would seem to have been broken off. There are the 
 same mountains, the same ravines, the same gum-trees 
 and tree ferns. But in the north, while the southern 
 portion of Queensland is indistinguishable from the 
 northern part of New South Wales, the coast as we run 
 through the tropics and up towards the equator becomes 
 more like that of New Guinea than of what is usually 
 called Australia. Queensland lies largely in the tropics 
 
CHAP, in 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 331 
 
 jind lias a tropical vegetation, but it is not so hot a 
 country upon its coast as it would be if it were situate 
 elsewhere than on the Australian continent ; and its 
 tropical swamps, although they look like those of the 
 Malay Archipelago, are healthy. In the cattle stations 
 of the interior of the far north the English ininiiirrants 
 are able to remain the whole day in the saddle, even 
 in the height of summer, and in the long January 
 heats to sit 
 
 " Galloping' the livelong day under a Queensland sun, 
 To head the bullocks gone astray, or stolen off the run." 
 
 Boat races are rowed at Rockham])ton even in the 
 hottest weather, and lawn-tennis and cricket are carried 
 on throughout the colony even in the summer time. 
 
 Brisbane, the capital, has not only not attained to Brisbane. 
 the position of a Sydney or a JNIelljourne, Ijut can never 
 do so. It lies, like A<h'laide, out of the reach of the 
 largest sliips; and, although it is the port of a large 
 settled district, and still more of a considerable sheep 
 country, the immense length of the Queensland coast, 
 and the fact that metals have been discovered in the 
 north, altogether out of reach of Brisbane, have caused 
 other ports to almost begin to dispute its supremacy. 
 Instead, as in Victoria and New South Wales, of all the 
 lines of railway converging at the capital, in the case 
 of Queensland a number of short lines have been 
 brought, or are being brought, down to the coast at 
 other points, as is the case in Natal and the eastern 
 province of Cape Colony. Brisbane is essentially the 
 harbour of Darling Downs, a magnificent plateau of 
 temperate climate, and although at Brisbane settlers 
 grow the sugar-cane, close behind it there is a country 
 which will bear the produce of England. 
 
 While Victoria is perhaps the most interesting of the 
 
 in 
 
■p 
 
 332 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 lAKT II 
 
 
 I 
 
 : 
 
 i i! 
 
 lib 
 
 ;i I 1 
 
 Separatist colonics from Jin agreeable point of view, inasmuch as it 
 
 feeliug. . . . • f> 1 1 
 
 IS given to trying experiments lor the mother-country, 
 Queensland is an interesting country from a more melan- 
 choly point of view, inasmuch as there, we have been 
 often told of late, is to be seen the little cloud which is 
 ultimately to cover the whole sky of our colonial empire. 
 Queensland by its rejection of the Naval Defence 
 Bill, by its action with regard to the colonial gover- 
 norship question, and by the fact that the Government 
 in power claims to be " national " and to pay scant 
 regard to ideas of English importation, is supposed to be, 
 of all our colonies, the separatist colony ; and it is neces- 
 sary for us carefully to examine the facts upon which 
 this view is based. 
 
 If it is possible to induce home politicians to 
 turn for one moment from the discussion of the Irish 
 question to matters which regard the Empire gener- 
 ally, they will perhaps see that the dispute as to 
 the particular form which local elective institutions in 
 Ireland shall assume (for no one believes that it will be 
 possible permanently to avoid the gift of local elective 
 institutions to Ireland) is less important than the dis- 
 cussion which the very mention of Queensland raises as 
 to future relations between England and the Australian 
 colonies, or indeed the colonics at large. The enthusi- 
 astic support of the imperial idea which was strong 
 throughout Australia four years ago is out of fashion 
 there at the present time ; and the speeches of Lord 
 Rosebery and the other advocates of Imperial Federa- 
 tion, which but a short time back found their loudest 
 echo in Australia, awaken now a good many expressions 
 of hostility in the press, and receive there but little 
 practical support. English opinion takes small heed 
 of these changes, and when Lord Knutsford nominated 
 
 I' 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 333 
 
 Sir Henry Blake as Goveruor of Queensland it was 
 universally assumed in England that the Qucenslanders 
 were foolish and wrong-headed in their resistance, 
 although, as a fact, parties in that country were agreed, 
 and were supported in their view by an almost unani- 
 mous legislature in the mother-colony, and by the domi- 
 nant sentiment in all the other colonies except Victoria, 
 and supported even in Victoria privately, as is now seen, 
 by some of those who had their own reasons for express- 
 ing publicly, on that particular occasion, a different 
 oi)inion. 
 
 It is sometimes said that Queensland is a colony in Tiie Tri.sh 
 which Irish influence is very strong, and this is given as laud 
 a reason for political trouble which has been met with 
 there. It is not, however, the case that Queensland 
 has proi)ortionally of all the colonies the Lirgest Irish- 
 born population ; but at the same time she has a large 
 Irish population in one sense of the word — the " Irish 
 Roman Catholic " population, not Irish-born but colonial- 
 born. Queensland has, too, a much smaller Scotch 
 l)opulation than have several of the other colonies. The 
 Roman Catholic population is large in Queensland, 
 being about two-thirds as laroe as the nominal Church of 
 England population ; but in Newfoundland, from which 
 Sir Henry Blake had come, the Roman Catholic popula- 
 tion is larger than the Church of England population, 
 and the proportion in Queensland is, after all, only 
 about the same as in Victoria and New South AVales. 
 There are about 40,000 Irish-born persons in the colony, 
 and fewer than 20,000 Scotch-born. We may conclude 
 from an examination of her ^Jopulation that Queensland 
 is inhabited very largely by native-born Australians from 
 the other colonies. The Irish are more numerous than 
 the Scotch and English, in proportion to their numbers 
 
 I 1 
 
 I'll 
 
 I ! 
 
T 
 
 334 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 
 History 
 of the 
 
 causes 
 independ- 
 ent feeliiiL 
 
 Sirs. 
 Griflith. 
 
 His policy. 
 
 in the United Kingdom, and mure numerous than the 
 Scoteh according to the proportion in the other Austra- 
 lian colonies. There are some Germ;in settlers, who 
 indeed arc nearly Jis numerous as the Scotch inhabitants, 
 and who form a thrifty working element, as in South 
 Australia and other colonies. 
 
 There is then nothing very special in the coniposi- 
 of tion of the (.Queensland population to account for any 
 jteculiar development of independent and still less of 
 hostile feeling, and it is evident that we must look else- 
 where for the causes of those singular features which 
 have recently been conspicuous. Up to a period still 
 not long ago Sir Samuel Gritlith, the present leader of 
 the Queensland Oi)position, had been in office, and he 
 had remained in office for a considerable time. He is 
 a barrister, and although in Queensland, as in many of 
 the colonies, the legal professions are amalgamated, 
 practically barristers do not do solicitor's work, so lie 
 may be looked upon as being a barrister in our sense of 
 the word. Sir Samuel Griffith, who was a Welsh boy, 
 from Merthyr, trained at Sydney University, was not 
 popular although he was long in power. His enemies 
 declared that men were drawn to him rather by com- 
 munity of interest than by enthusiasm. All were chary 
 of offending him, for Sir Samuel Griffith possesses a 
 power of satire which is used somewhat unsparingly on 
 occasion. He was looked upon as a strong man whose 
 concentration on self was one of the chief elements of 
 his success. In his speeches he was found analytical, 
 conventional in his respect of all the respectabilities, a 
 good administrator, and an untiring worker. 
 
 Sir Samuel Griffith was the leader of the Liberal 
 party, and its policy was declared by him to be that of 
 " Australia for the white man," the land for the people 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 [ri; if' 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 335 
 
 and not for tho monopolist, und the improvement of the 
 condition of the wage-earner.s of the colony. During his 
 tenure of office in the four years which preceded 1888, 
 Acts were passed in (.Queensland checking the wholesale 
 alienation of land, reoriianisinjj local <]!:overnment, estah- 
 lishing an effective defence force, and removing from the 
 colony the l)lame of carelessness in connection with the 
 " coloured labour " trathc, but also involving the total 
 cessation of the traffic at the end of 1890. As rcfjarded 
 defence, the recommendations of Sir Peter Scratchley as 
 to Queensland were, generally speaking, carried out by the 
 Queensland Government ; but Brisbane is not difficult to 
 defend. It lies up a shallow river, and a few gunboats 
 and submarine mines make it safe. The defence of the 
 capital was, in fact, thoroughly provided for, but, of 
 course, in so immense a country it would be impossible to 
 prevent by local defence descents upon some portions of 
 the coast. The " labour traffic " legislation was supposed 
 by the planter interest to be hypocritical, because, 
 though there undoubtedly had at one time been abuses 
 which it was necessary to suppress, the " Labour party ' 
 under Sir Samuel Griffith made use of that fact in order 
 to take steps which were intended to put down what 
 Merivalc has called " quasi-servile " labour in the interest 
 of the employment of white men only. The Liberal 
 party, led by Sir Samuel Griffith, was in Queensland, as 
 elsewhere in the colonies, anti-Catholic on the education 
 question. 
 
 Li the meantime there sprang up a grievance against Grievances 
 the mother -country, which caused a certain growth of mother- ' 
 separatist feeling. Lord Derby was supposed to have '^°""'''^- 
 been too slow in preventing an increase in the transporta- 
 tion of criminals to the neighbourhood of Queensland 
 by the French Government. The home Government 
 
 t:^ 
 
 i 
 
 J 1:1 
 
 r 
 
 ' I 
 
Ill 
 
 336 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TAUT II 
 
 were supposed also not to be sufficiently earnest upon 
 the Chinese question ; and the loss of a (piarter of Is'uvv 
 Guinea put the finishing touch to Queensland exaspera- 
 tion. The colony had hoisted the 15ritish flag in ^<ew 
 Guinea, and proclaimed the annexation to Queensland 
 of the non-Dutch half of that island, hut had been 
 promptly disavowed from home. There was also an 
 agitation in the northern or tropical territory for 
 separation from the southern or main })ortion of the 
 country, which was another disturbing causes in Queens- 
 land politics, and which led to a great deal of opposition 
 to Sir Samuel Griffith and to all the measures that he 
 proposed during his administration. 
 Defeat of Sir Thomas M'llwraith, who had been hurled from 
 
 Griiiitii. power by Sir Samuel Griffith, and who was the leader 
 of the Conservative party in the colony, began to see 
 his opportunity. Sir Samuel Griffith came to London 
 to the Colonial Conference, and committed Queensland 
 strongly, by his speeches and action in the Conference, 
 to the policy agreed upon with the Admiralty. When 
 lie went back the Naval Defence Bill was rejected. It 
 was submitted to the country at a general election, 
 and popular feeling decided against it. Sir Thomas 
 ]\PIlwraitli had seized his moment. Mere Conservatism 
 had become unpopular, and it was necessary for 
 the party to choose both a new policy and a new 
 name. The name of " National " was cleverly sub- 
 stituted for the name "Conservative." I have already 
 said that Sir Samuel Griffith and the Liberal party 
 were anti- Catholic on the education system, and the 
 alliance of the Roman Catholic and Conservative parties 
 was in Queensland nothing new. The old alliance 
 was only cemented by the new name, and Sir Thomas 
 JVPIlwraith received also the support of the liquor party 
 
 \ 
 
 V 
 
I 
 
 CHAP. MI 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 337 
 
 niid of the party who desire to separate the? northern 
 jiortlon of tlie cohmy fn^ni the south. Sir 'I'iiomas 
 Al' II wraith opposed the Naval Defence Bill upon the 
 " national " ground that it was " a naval tribute " to 
 another country, and that the Australiiin (colonics should 
 ni;in and maintain their own fleets for their own defence. 
 On this policy he not only united his own Conservative 
 friends, the Irish, the northerners, and the licpior men, 
 but gained over a few Liberals to whom fresh taxation 
 for defence purposes was intolerable. 
 
 The Government of Sir 'i'liomas JNI'Ilwraith resigned Nomina- 
 in September 1888 in consequence of a dispute with the sh-'ii'eury 
 
 Governor, and resigned with a view of strengthening 
 the hands of their own party, which was the result. 
 The Governor was a close friend of Sir Samuel GritHth, 
 the late Prime jNIinister. The action of the (Jovernor 
 against the M'llwraith Ministry was represented in 
 the colony as an imperial interposition in Sir Samuel 
 Griffith's interest on account of his attitude at the 
 London Conference, and afterw\ards in the colony itself 
 with regard to the colonial contribution towards the 
 imperial navy, which had led to his defeat, although 
 as a ftict Sir Samuel Griffith had used on the eve 
 of the elections half-hearted lanouage in defence of 
 his own scheme. In one of his speeches Sir Samuel 
 ( Iriffith had protested his vehement opposition to any- 
 thing in the shape of tribute to the Imperial Govern- 
 ment, saying that he was Australian and independent 
 to the l)ackbone, and one who disclaimed anything 
 like imperialistic notions. The Queensland Governor 
 was a Governor of Crown Colony training, who was 
 in the wrong in fighting his ministers when he did, 
 and who naturally was beaten by them. This fact 
 suggested to the Queensland Ministry tht desire to 
 
 lilaku 
 
 i 
 
n 
 
 I 
 
 338 
 
 PROni.EMS OF GREATER li RITA IN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 have a (iovi'i'iior of uiiotlicr type, and heiifc; it was that 
 they made the r('(|iicst for a voice in the a]t[)oiiit- 
 meiit of the next (iovernoi-, w ithout \\\\\v\\ expeetinj:,' it 
 to 1)C granted, and without any stnmg interest or 
 feeling in the matter. Tiie mistaken action of the 
 Coh)nial OiHee in nominating, at audi a moment, Sir 
 Henry Hlake, ai)le and aeeomi>lislied as that (jlovernor 
 is, roused tiu' tejtid feeling into a fierce heat. A 
 large contingent of the voters of the "national" |>arty 
 in power were the Roman Catholic Irish Jlome Kulei-s, 
 and they naturally at once made the nomination of Sir 
 Henry iihdve a vanas helli, and awoke the anti-British 
 feeling. It must be remembered that in the colonies 
 the Roman Catholic party is, as a rule, the best organised 
 of parties, and the only one which has the advantage 
 of possessing a never- changing policy — the defence of 
 Roman Catholic interests by securing support from 
 the public treasury for the education of Roman Catholic 
 
 children iji Roman Catholic schools under the general 
 direction of i)riests. The Irisli party is the kernel 
 of the Australian "national" party both in New South 
 Wales and Queensland, and it is merely from local 
 causes that this joint Irish and "national" feeling 
 happened first to show itself in Queensland. It is 
 somewhat curious that Protestant opposition in New- 
 foundland, to the appointment of Sir Ambrose Shea as 
 Governor of that colony, gave Bahamas an excellent 
 Governor in the person of that Newfoundland statesman 
 — Sir Henry Blake being called upon at short notice to 
 exchange with him ; just as afterwards Roman Catholic 
 feeling in Queensland prevented the transfer of Sir 
 Henry Blake from Newfoundland to Queensland, 
 and gave Jamaica an equally good Governor in Sir 
 Henry Blake. 
 
CHAP. lit 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 339 
 
 is 
 
 IS 
 
 it 
 III 
 
 ro 
 Ic 
 ir 
 '5 
 
 Tlic [uvscut Victorian view of (j!(n'onioi's used to be consuitu 
 
 tioii of 
 
 till' ^(Mioral colonial view, namely, that so loni? as the ,.„ionie« (ih 
 (lovernoi' is strictly confined to his constitutional [,"„^,j|.^^' 
 functions, it does not much matter who he is. There 
 ou,L;ht, however, to bo no dilferen(;e of oj)iiiion with 
 rei^anl to the projtriety of aseertainin<:f in advance, 
 whether informally or otherwise, the suitability to the 
 circumstances of a [)articular colony of Ji gentleman 
 suggested as (Jovernor. There is no more reason why 
 men like Sir Charles Tup[)er, 8ir Charles Mills, Sir 
 Saul Samuel, Sir Francis Dillon Hell, ]Mr. Archer, 
 Mr. Uraddon, and the other Agents - Cjleneral should 
 not make confidential inquiries upcm such delicate 
 points than exists in the case of ambassadors, who have 
 to make such inipiiries with regard to their pro[)osed 
 successors. The larger claim made by (Queensland 
 originated, as 1 have shown, partly in the policy of the 
 new national party, and partly from the contest which 
 had just occurred between the "national" (Jovernment 
 and the late (Jovernor. 
 
 The base of the " national " movement is to be found The 
 
 , . ,. -vT i • ) 4 • i- r \'" • I Australian 
 
 in the Australian iNatives Association. In Victoria that Natives'As- 
 association had for some time existed, but there had *""^"'^'°"' 
 been some difficulty in forming l)ranches in other jtortions 
 of Australia. In New South Wales it was a condition 
 of membership that members should have been born in 
 Australia, or been resident in the colonies from the age 
 of five years and have identified themselves with 
 Australian interests. As regards Victoric'i, I recently 
 saw a report of the meeting of one of the branches of 
 the Australian Natives' Association " to consider a charge 
 made . . . to the effect that . . . the president of the 
 branch was not a native of Victoria." The committee 
 took evidence on each side, and it was shown that the 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 I' 
 
T 
 
 
 The 
 
 "national' 
 
 moveiutut. 
 
 f r 
 
 340 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 president had on a former occasion signed a certificate 
 that he was born in Irehmd ; but, on the other hand, lie 
 now produced evidence to show that lie was born in 
 Sandhurst. The committee unanimously found that 
 their president was born in Victoria, and the serious 
 charge against him was thus happily dispelled. At the 
 same time a writer in The Colonies and India has since 
 stated that he knew the gentleman, and certainly had 
 never met with so rich a brogue in any other native- 
 born Australian. 
 
 One of the main supporters of Australian nationalist 
 principles is the Sydney Dailij Telegraph , a journal 
 conducted with great ability, and favourable to free trade. 
 Its line of argument is that it is ridiculous to declare 
 that to stand up against encroachments from home is 
 anti-English ; that, on the contrary, the whole course of 
 English history reveals the same spirit of resistance, to 
 even British imperialism, as animates the native-born 
 population of Australia. There is nothing English, it 
 argues, in unthinking submission to distant rule ; the 
 J^^ngiishmen of America, in preferring the hazards of a 
 cruel war rather than submit to the yoke of imperialism, 
 represented the traditions of English freedom better than 
 did England at that time, and, in winning their battle, 
 won it for England as well as for themselves. This 
 journal asserts that if the claims of imperialism are 
 resisted in Australia it is because Australians are too 
 truly En2;lish to submit to them, and that it is not to 
 be desired that Englishmen in Australia should be con- 
 tented with a measure of self-sfovernment which Eiiiilish- 
 men in England would scorn to accept. The discussion 
 of the question is urged in order that " the more friendly 
 and easy may be the separation when it comes." The 
 Telegraph described Mr. Stanhope's invitation to the 
 
? 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 34' 
 
 ii^ 
 
 colonies to attend the Conference as " sinister and 
 most ill-omened"; it has since described the Queensland 
 elections as the answer of the people, and promises the 
 answers of the other colonies in due time. 
 
 The Conservative party would hardly liave followed 
 Sir Thomas IVPllwraith in this " national " movement, in 
 which they can scarcely have agreed, but for their dislike 
 of Sir Samuel Griffith. The Sydney Bulletin, which 
 possesses, as we have seen, a forcible style of its own, 
 has described the present view of Sir Thomas M'Tlwraith 
 as being that the British Cabinet and the Colonial 
 Office are a pack of old women, and the mother-country 
 " a composite grandmotherly old wreck . . . tottering 
 with a handbag and a cotton umbrella towards an open 
 ffrave." It is somewhat curious that in 1888 there 
 appeared to be a certain approximation towards a coali- 
 tion between Sir Thomas M'^llwraith and Sir Samuel 
 Griffith. Sir Samuel was reappointed a meml)er of 
 the Australasian Federal Council through Sir Thomas 
 M'llwraith, and he also acted in concert with Sir Thomas 
 M'^11 wraith in the protests with regard to the Governor 
 question. Queensland has maintained strict party 
 government ever since 1880, but the colonial tendency 
 towards coalition seems to exist even in this colony. In 
 the early part of 1889 Sir Thomas M'llwraith took a trip 
 to Japan for the benefit of his health. jNlr. Morehead 
 acted in his stead, and Sir Samuel (iriffith, who is strono- 
 in criticism, destroyed a good deal of the Government 
 prestige. He riddled several Government bills, and was 
 <|uietly but caustically effective in comments upon the 
 alternately temporising and over-demonstrative policy 
 which the Ministry had to follow to keep its Irish 
 sup})orters and its northern separatist supporters under 
 
 control. 
 
 The tide turned against the Government and 
 
T 
 
 
 III! 
 
 P 
 
 It; 
 
 342 
 
 PROniJuMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKI II 
 
 Sir SiuMui'l 
 Grillilli. 
 
 Sir 'riioiiias 
 M«I1- 
 wraitli's 
 Ministry 
 and suc- 
 cessor. 
 
 in favour of Sir Samuel Griffith anrl tlic Liberal 0|)posi- 
 tioii, and it l»e<i;an to \m^ folt tliat the future of the 
 Government depended upon Sir Tinmias ]\l''Ilvvr;)itli's he!]) 
 — for he is an excellent party leader, admirable at keep- 
 ing his men together. Sir Thomas returned and onee 
 more joined the Government, but not as leadei', ;md 
 after a time resinned, and is now in bad henltli. 
 
 Sir Samuel Gritlith is the ablest hiwyer in (^Hieens- 
 Itiiid, and is for that reason perhaps less suecessiul as 
 a statesman in office. He is, as his foes declare, cold of 
 temperjiment — an argumentative rather than a taking 
 speaker. He is a man of education and of unl)lemished 
 character, but he hu'ks sentiment, and is a little inclined 
 to be overbearing. lie lost when in power some of his 
 ablest colleagues, who would not submit to his rule, 
 and in his last ai)peal to the electors was at a dis- 
 advantage not only through the weakness of his leading 
 su])porters, but through the lukewarmness of his friends, 
 as contrasted with the bitterness of his enemies — tlie 
 planters, the publicans, and the Roman Catholics, all of 
 whom ht ^ad hit hard during his term of office. 
 
 On the first formation of the Ministry ot" the 
 Natioucd party by Sir Thomas ]\i''Ilwraitli, his chief 
 lieutenants were Mr. Macrossan, the leader of the Irish 
 Roman Catholi(j party, and Mr. Hume Black, at that 
 time one of the chief men of the northern party. ]\Ir. 
 Macrossa]! was one of the delegates from Queensland to 
 the Federal Council in 1889 ; the only Roman C'atliolic, 
 and the only opponent of the Naval Defence Rill, on the 
 Federal Council. Although he was a Minister, and his 
 co-delegate, Sir Samuel (Jriffith, leader of the Opposition, 
 tlie latter seemed at Hobart to take tin; ))osition of 
 the representative of Queensland ; but he had been 
 President of the Federal Council, when Prime jNlinister 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 343 
 
 le 
 lis 
 
 11 
 Ir 
 
 of Queensland in January 188H, which gives him great 
 standing on tliat body. ]\Ir. Macrossan is one of the 
 slirewdest men in tlie colony, a subth; reasoner, a 
 quiet incisive speaker, and for some; time the leader of 
 the northern sejtaration party. Mr. iMorehea<l, who 
 used to lead tin; Upp(^sition during the time when Sir 
 Thomas JSl'^llwraith was in retirement, and who led the 
 Government all through 1881), is the representative 
 of the hot(!l-keepcrs as well as of the old Consei'vative 
 interest, and docs not make a strong First JNIinister, or 
 one likely long to keep out Sir Samuel (Jritlith. Mr. 
 Maurice Kume l^lack is a good speaker, a, num of sound 
 common sense with an abundance of dry humour. 
 
 Sir Tiiomas M'llwraith himself is a m;in of very sir Timmas 
 dilferent temperament from Sir Samuel (Jritiith. J te ;„m1 oUu'i ' 
 has large ideas in politics and in business, has m;Hh> J'^"?'"''''""^ 
 fortunes and lost them in l»old speculations, and he was 
 defeated by Sir Samuel (li'ifHth in 1882 principally on 
 account of large business transa(;tions in which his 
 Government engaged, and among wliich was a consider- 
 able purchase in England of steel rails in which the 
 i\l*llwraith firm were said to be interested. There was 
 also a proposed agreement with a wealthy English 
 syndicate for the construction of railways on tlu; objec- 
 tionable American land-grant principle, ;ind tliis also 
 did harm to the party. Sir Thomas JNI'llwraith has a 
 good humour and a fraidvuess which have always k('])t 
 about him troops of friends, llis largeness of view and 
 his courage in action were exemplified by his hoisting the 
 British flag in New Guinea when (ierman annexation was 
 expected. During the time of Sir Thomas ]\l''llwraith's 
 withdrawal, which was supposed to be a complete 
 retirement from public life, though he afterwards came 
 back to office for a few months, ISIr. Morehcad, as 
 
 1 
 
 I SI 
 
 i 
 
 ■m 
 
344 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 
 his successor, showed much audacity and energy, while 
 he improved in the matters of tact and self-restraint. 
 Although he was sobered for a time by responsibility, 
 iu spite of his fluency of speech and vigour he proved 
 far inferior to Sir Thomas JNPIlwraith, or to Sir Samuel 
 Griffith, and the solid ability of the latter so matured as 
 to make him a considerable political power among the 
 statesmen of Australia. Sir Samuel Griffith, in spite 
 of his own words at one moment, may be claimed 
 by the imperial federationists, and Sir Thomas ]\ril- 
 wraith and Mr. Morehead counted as against their 
 views. While Imperial Federation is looked upon in 
 England as a peculiarly Conservative doctrine, the Con- 
 servatives in the colonies are very generally opposed to 
 it, and the Radicals often its supporters. The prevailing 
 sentiment in Queensland is certainly that Australian 
 federation is workable, but implies ultimate separation 
 from the mother-country. Both are looked upon as inevit- 
 able in a more or less distant future. Imperial Federation 
 is regarded as impossible, and there is a general hopeless- 
 ness as to the possibility of maintaining the existing 
 relations with the mother-country, or of establishing 
 closer or better relations for the future, except in the 
 form of an alliance such as that between Germany and 
 Austria. 
 
 Sir Thomas M'^Ilwraith and Air. Morehead are, I 
 believe, both of Scotch extraction, while, as has been 
 said. Sir Samuel Griffith is a Welshman, and Mr. Macros- 
 san Irish. It is a curious fact that almost all Australian 
 statesmen are men of unusual height and size. The only 
 well-known men in Australasian politics who are small 
 and slight are Sir Julius Vogcl, Mr. Higinbotham, and 
 Mr. Macrossan. Mr. Gillies, though short, is very broad 
 and strong ; while Sir Thomas M'^Il wraith, Sir Henry 
 
CHAP. MI 
 
 lie 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 345 
 
 ill 
 
 Parkes, Mr. Dihbs, tlic South Australian statesmen, 
 and almost all the others, are men of considerably more 
 than average stature. 
 
 The main real difference between the Liberal and DitVimices 
 Conservative parties m Queensland lies m the land tin- two 
 question, on which alone the Conservative or National ^"" "*'" 
 party is Conservative. As a fact the two Queensland 
 statesmen hold much the same views upon almost all 
 questions of publi(3 concern. Both are protectionists, 
 the distinction Ijetween them being merely a matter of 
 degree. Sir Samuel Griffith is, comparatively speaking, 
 a recent convert to protectionist views, while Sir Thomas 
 ]\ril wraith declares that he has l)een a protectionist all his 
 life. On the Chinese question they arc in com})lete agree- 
 ment. Ten years ago Sir Samuel Griffith thought that 
 sugar plantations could be cultivated only by coolie labour, 
 but he has long since wholly changed his views, and the 
 restrictions placed by him on the South Sea labour 
 traffic, and his general war against the i)lanters on the 
 question of coloured labour, have gained for him the 
 hatred of the whole of the planter class. It is curious 
 that Sir Tlnmias jM/'llwraith, although he has taken of 
 late the same line with regard to coolie labour, is never- 
 theless regarded, because he is a Conservative on the 
 land question generally, as in sympathy with the 
 planters. Sir Thomas is himself a large landowner, and 
 possesses, I believe, an interest both in "squattages" and 
 in })lantations. Sir Samuel (Griffith is strongly in favour 
 of a land-tax, and Sir Thomas M'llwraith opposes it with 
 all his might. While Sir Samuel Griffith was in office 
 a }troposal was seriously made to adopt jNlr, Henry 
 George's scheme of land nationalisation, and thouoh it 
 was never carried into effect. Sir Samuel Griffith has 
 leanings in that direction, and would, I think, be inclined 
 
 2 A 
 
 VOL. I 
 
I f 7 
 
 I! 
 III 
 
 
 TIr' coii- 
 llict as to 
 the a])- 
 jpniiitiiit'iit 
 of Sir 
 Henry 
 Hliike. 
 
 346 
 
 PROliLEMS OF CREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 to nbolisli frccliold tcimrc iiltoguther if Qiiconsljiiid public 
 opinion were not opposed to sucli a stc]). His position 
 upon the l;ind (juostion is similiU', ;is wo sliall find, to 
 tliat of Sir Robert Stout in New Zealand ; Sir Tlionias 
 ^rriwraitli, on tlic other liand, l)elieving that land is 
 turned to l)etter account by a proprietor than by leasees. 
 The Minister for Lands in the last Queensland Ministry 
 before the i)resent was an ardent land nationaliser, and 
 that princi})le seems to have more life left in it in 
 Queensland than in the other colonies. 
 
 I have now exi)lained the reasons for the conflict 
 between Sir Thomas A^'Ilwraith and the Colonial Office 
 on the sul)ject of the a})p(nntment of Sir Henry Blake 
 at the end of 1888. Some cynics have asserted that 
 Sir Thomas j\['llwraith would never have taken the 
 view he did had he not been distanced as an imperialist 
 by his rival Sir Samuel Griffith, who had the credit of 
 having proposed at the Colonial Conference the scheme 
 which was adopted. At all events, Sir 'J'homas upset 
 Sir Samuel's Bill, made Queensland stand out as the only 
 Australian colony which declined to ratify the agree- 
 ment with the British (}overnment, fcn-med a, so-called 
 Australian National party, and having beer the idol of 
 the imperialists at the time when he annexed New 
 (juinea, became a bye-word with them for objecting to 
 the unpopular appointment of the new Governor. Still 
 when we consider that Sir Tlumias M'llwraith had not 
 been on the most cordial terms with the previous 
 Governor, which made the appointment of the new one 
 the more delicate, and that he liiid just won the whole 
 Irish Roman Catholic vote, it seems odd that the Colonial 
 Office should, at such a moment, and in face of such a 
 Prime Minister and such a party, have sent to such a 
 colony a gentleman who was distasteful to Irish nation- 
 
c:iiAi'. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 347 
 
 ig to 
 [still 
 
 not 
 'ious 
 
 one 
 [liolc 
 
 mial 
 Icli a 
 Icli a 
 
 tioii- 
 
 I 
 
 alist feeling. Although the action of the Secrctaiy of 
 State was ;q)[)r()vt'(l by Vi(;t()rin, for the local and special 
 reasons which I have given, it was, as I have said, almost 
 universally condemned throughout the other colonies. 
 Sir Thomas M'Mlwraith is a shrewd Scotchman, who 
 knows thoroughly well what he is about, and who had 
 Queensland behind him in his fight with the Colonial 
 Office. It should l)e remembered that there are strong 
 imperialists in the colonies who have proposed that the 
 colonies should be <>iven a voice in the selection of their 
 Governors, and they argue, with some force, that to 
 do this would strengthen the connection l)etween the 
 colonies and England. It lias been suggested by that 
 able Victorian writer, ]Mr. Patchett ISIartin, who is a 
 strong imperialist, that a colony should submit three 
 names, selected by the two Houses of its legislature 
 meeting in conclave ; and there can be no doubt tliat in 
 the case of some colonies most excellent choice would be 
 made by such a plan. j\[r. Patchett ]\lartin declared 
 that if Victoria had been called u])on to choose in 1889 
 she would have named -Mr. Ilio'inlxjtham, Lord Car- 
 narvon, an<l Sir Henry Loch; and those who know 
 Mctoria will aii;ree that this would have been a 
 probable choice. A difficulty is that there would be 
 moments when colonies would take the bit between 
 their teeth, and send in three names which would be 
 all e(|ually ol)jectionable to the (Jovernment at home. 
 JMoriiover, candidates would be constantly canvassing 
 the legislature. Still, to admit that a formal colonial 
 selection of Governors would be ditlicult is not to adopt 
 the view that the colonies should in no way 1)e consulted. 
 If Australia should confederate upon the Canadian 
 plan, the Cabinet of the British States of Australia 
 will name the Governors of Provinces — Victoria, 
 
 ' 1 
 
M < 
 
 348 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Sii-T. NMl 
 wraith's 
 
 griiinnii'. 
 
 Tlie jinwcr 
 to vet I) 
 colonial 
 laws. 
 
 Queciisliiiul, and the rest — luul will receive froiii home 
 a Goveruoi-CJeiieral only. 
 
 The proufriiiiime of the National party, created by Sir 
 Thomas Mil wraith, a[)pears to be mainly the cultivation 
 of an Australian national spirit, tlu^ federation of 
 Australia with provision for national defence, the 
 ado[)tion of the principle that laws passed by the 
 future Australian legislature, or present Australian 
 legislatures, should not reijuire the imperial sanction, 
 the Protection of Australian industries, the exclusion 
 from Australia of " the servile races," and preservation of 
 the entire continent as a home for white men, and the 
 exclusion from the islands of the West Pacific of all 
 foreign convicts. 
 
 With regard to the non-requirement of sanction for 
 laws passed by the Australian legishitures, it is no doubt 
 most undesirable that Acts should be vetoed because of 
 a mere dislike to their provisions on the part of the 
 Government at home. There is no loncjer a chance of 
 harmony in h'gislation between the various parts of the 
 Empire, and that Acts should be vetoed because op[)osed 
 to the general principles prevailing in the greater portion 
 of the Empire would be now unreasonal)le. If, however, 
 the Empire is to be kept together at all, and if we are not 
 to be forced by threats of war to repudiate all responsi- 
 bility for portions of it, it is clear that there must be 
 the })ower of veto to prevent colonial laws from over- 
 riding treaties. Subject to treaty obligations, the 
 exclusion from Queensland of the servile races, to which 
 they would seem to be as necessnry as they are to the 
 northern portions of South Australia and Western 
 Australia, is a question for Queensland herself; and as 
 reffiirds the exclusion of foreio-n convicts from the 
 
 o o 
 
 West Pacific, 1 am myself in warm sympathy with 
 
'i 
 
 »n for 
 loubt 
 ise of 
 f the 
 ice of 
 f the 
 >()se(l 
 n-tion 
 /ever, 
 'c not 
 jonsi- 
 st be 
 ovcr- 
 , the 
 ,vhich 
 o the 
 isteni 
 nd as 
 the 
 with 
 
 ClIAP. MI 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 349 
 
 the feeling of tlie Australians, and have often fought 
 their battle. 
 
 Some of the members elected as followers of *^>'i':"''tist 
 Sir Thomas jM'Ilwraith sound notes of real defiance 
 to the mother- country. (hie of his supporters has 
 declared " that tlu^ Chinese (juestion will never be 
 settled as long as we are part of the Jh-itish Iun]iire ; " 
 and the same gentleman s})olve of the Naval Defence 
 Bill "stifling" the Australian nation. Other supporters 
 of government spoke of the necessity for the Australian 
 fleet being wholly independent, and of Australia making 
 ready for her "manifest destiny." No on(i who knows 
 the o[)inion of New South Wales and Queensland of the 
 present day, which is very diflerent from the opinion of 
 New South Wales and Queensland of even three years 
 ago, can doubt that, while the relations between 
 Australia and Great Britain may possibly continue 
 as they are, it would be dangerous to try to tighten 
 them. People are apt to Ijelieve too implicitly what 
 they hear from able colonists who have been away 
 for several years from their colonies, or what they Jiear 
 from colonial governors, especially when it hajipens 
 to be that which they wish to believe, and to neglect 
 the teachings of the most recent elections and of the 
 press. Let them read the speeches in August 1889 of 
 the Prime JMinister and of the leader of the Opi)osition 
 in New South Wales. 
 
 The enthusiasm with which the name " National " imiKmi- 
 was adopted in lieu oi the name 'Conservative by sideie.i out 
 the more powerful party in Queensland was explained ° 
 by that influential journal the Brhham'. Courier 
 as meaning that, throughout Australia, the spirit of 
 nationality is stirring in the people, who have grasped 
 the idea of an Australian national life. The Brisbane 
 
 « 
 
 II 
 
 I" 
 
350 
 
 PA'on/j':.us OF greatkh nnirAiN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 Conner ])r()plio.sies the spcoily fornintioii of an incsistililc 
 piihlic (ipiiiioii to demand a readjustment of the rehitions 
 Itetvveen Australia and the niotlier-eountry, by wliich 
 Australia shall no longer be a dependency to bo involved 
 iu distant foreign wars for interests in whieh she has no 
 concern. "Our first duty is to be loyal to our own 
 country, which gives us breath, sustenance, and sheltering 
 hcmies." Tlie feeling wliich was so strongly shown in 
 the last Queenshuid elections has been by no means 
 confined to that colony ; and the Chinese ditliculty has 
 greatly intensified the sentiment in the same direction 
 existins in New South Wales. AVhen Mr. Service 
 made a speech in Victoria in opposition to these 
 national views, and denied that separation from the 
 mother- country is the manifest destiny of Australia, 
 the Sydney Daihj Tchyrajth, a paper, as I have 
 said, of large circulation and inlluence, declared that 
 his speech emphatically stam}>ed him as an Austra- 
 lian statesman of the past, not of the future, permeated 
 with the imperialism of the vanishing generation and 
 wanting in sympathy for the as})irations which have 
 taken possession of young Australia. The Sydney 
 DdiJy Teh'ijraph thinks that England ma}' be forced, 
 by Russian advance on India, one day to fight, " but 
 once we were separated, Australia and Russia could 
 have no possible cause of quarrel, and when we consider 
 the relation of that Empire to China, Russia might prove 
 our best friend, as we know that she has been a good 
 friend to our kinsmen in America for more than half a 
 century." There can be no doubt that, outside Queens- 
 land, and possibly in Queensland itself, the majority of 
 the people are for the present content with the existing 
 relationship l)etween JMigland and her colonies ; but an 
 increasing number look forward to complete federa- 
 
(■|(A1>. Ill 
 
 Qi'Kia.YSLAX/) 
 
 351 
 
 stra- 
 atcd 
 and 
 liave 
 (liiey 
 jrced, 
 " but 
 •ould 
 irtider 
 )roYe 
 o-ood 
 lialf a 
 iceiis- 
 hty of 
 listing 
 lit an 
 3dera- 
 
 tion anionic the Australian rolonit's and nltiniate in- 
 d<'])('ndt'n(;o. 
 
 Under tlio auspices of the present ^Ministry Queens- Mov.nunt 
 land will proliably become o-mduMlly more protectionist. i'n,t,'ii,,ii. 
 Some mildly free-trade ne\vs[t!i[>ers are sui>[iorting the 
 present (Queensland (Jovernnient, hut the same thing" 
 liap|)en8 also in South Australia, and ])retty generally in 
 the colonies, and shows to what an extent Protection has 
 become a principle so generally accepted by [)oliticians 
 that a diiference with regard to it does not interfere with 
 outside support. Mr. Morehead, although a stock and 
 station agent and a squatters' representative in the 
 House, leans towards Protection. Mr. Donaldson, the 
 Minister for Education and Postmaster-General, although 
 himself a S(|uatter and a cattle breeder, is a protectionist ; 
 and it is not the genial ]\Ir. j\Iacrossan, who is Minister 
 for jNlines and I'ublic Works, nor Mr. l>lack, the northern 
 planters' friend, now JMinister for Lands, who will stand 
 in the way of inci-eased Protection. There does not 
 a])[H'ar to bo a real free-trade ])arty in (Queensland. 
 Under the present fiscal policy of (^)ueenslau(l customs 
 duties are levied chiefly for revenue purposes, but there 
 is an indirect Protection which is popular, and the feeling 
 in favour of fosterino; native industries is a orowiuo- one. 
 I fancy that Sir Thomas M'^Ilwraith will jjiobably support 
 JNlr. Deakin's policy of intercolonial free trade combined 
 with Protection against the world ; and Sir Samuel 
 Griffith, to judge by his constant attitude as one of the 
 Queensland representatives at the Federal Council, 
 seems unlikely to countenance any other course. 
 
 It will be seen from what I have said above that Sir rr.niosod 
 Thomas M^'llwraith had, in the creation of the dominant tcnitory. 
 party, the support of two separatist parties : those who 
 would virtually separate from England, and those in the 
 
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35- 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Queensland 
 and the 
 Federal 
 Council. 
 
 north who would separate from southern Queensland. 
 In coming into power, the northern peojile have in some 
 degree dropped their movement, and somewhat less has 
 been heard for the last few months of the separation of 
 the northern territory. There can be no doubt, however, 
 it seems to me, that sooner or later a separation of 
 northern Queensland from Queensland, as well as of 
 the Northern Territory from South Australia, and 
 of north-west Australia from Western Australia, must 
 take place. These three divisions of colonies may 
 strengthen the movement towards federation ; or, on 
 the other hand, federation itself may cause them, for the 
 constitution will give the federal Government power to 
 create new Provinces. A real federation of the Austra- 
 lian colonies, could it be brought about, would reduce 
 friction between the mother -country and Australia, 
 because we should have to deal with an Australian 
 Federal Council only instead of with a number of sepa- 
 rate governments. Many difficulties would be settled 
 before they came to discussion with the mother-country, 
 while others would be presented in a more simple form. 
 On the other hand, Australian federation can hardly be 
 brought about, looking to the jealousies of the various 
 colonies, except on the base of intercolonial free trade 
 and Protection against the world, including the mother- 
 country. Here again we find ourselves face to face with 
 the same difficulty which met us in the case of Canada, 
 namely, that we retain our empire by facilitating the 
 imposition of increased taxes on our goods. 
 
 When Queensland came into the present imperfect 
 federation she inserted a clause in her " Adopting Act " 
 under which she at once referred a number of matters to 
 the Federal Council, with the intent that as soon as the 
 legislature of one other colony should have referred the 
 
 '-\X% 
 
MM 
 
 mm 
 
 ■■■pin 
 
 1^ 
 
 feet 
 
 i^ct" 
 
 rs to 
 
 the 
 
 I the 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 353 
 
 same matters to the Council, the Council should be able 
 to exercise legislative authority in respect of them. 
 One of the chief of these was the question of the trial 
 and punishment in one colony of offenders against the 
 laws of an adjoining colony, and this had to do with the 
 cattle stealing which disgraces the borderland of Queens- 
 land and New South Wales. There is a difficulty at 
 the present moment about dealing with such cases, as 
 the police in one colony cannot act within another 
 colony, and the power of the Federal Council was 
 invoked to meet the case. The present Federation, 
 even as the adoption of the South Australian reforms 
 will leave it, is, however, insufficient to deal effectively 
 with matters of the kind, and Queenslanders gener- 
 ally, while not favourable to Imperial Federation, are 
 thoroughly prepared for a fuller form of Australian union. 
 
 The separatist movement in the Queensland nortliern Nortiieni 
 territory was originally largely based upon the fact that aiui'-serviie 
 it is not easy to cultivate sugar plantations by white 
 labour only, while Brisbane opinion made the use of 
 coloured labour difficult. The agitation for the separation 
 of the north has been somewhat checked of late by the 
 promise of decentralisation and of local control of 
 finance ; but nothing has been actually done in this 
 direction, and even now it is thought probable by all 
 that separation will ultimately come. The late Queens- 
 land Government, as well as its successor, introduced a 
 Bill dealing with decentralisation, and both were with- 
 drawn ; but it is probable that tlie last one will pass, 
 in 1890, on reintroduction. The Bills both proposed to 
 divide the country into districts for financial purposes, 
 and to keep separate accounts of revenue and expenditure 
 within those districts — the districts being the north, the 
 centre, and the south, and the Bills being, of course, in- 
 
 l\ 
 
 ( i 
 
 ^ i 
 , i 
 
 ! i 
 
 ! i; 1 
 
 ) i « 
 
354 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 i 
 
 fi- 
 
 ■i^ 
 
 
 ll 
 
 ■ i ■ 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 teudecl to weakoii or put an end to the agitation for 
 separation. The last Bill proposed to create grand com- 
 mittees for revenue and expenditure for each of the 
 three districts, and in this respect Sir Thomas i\PIl\vraith's 
 proposal went farther tlian that of his predecessor, Sir 
 Samuel Griffith. The leaders of the northern agitation 
 have lately tlirowu over the planters, and have declared 
 against servile labour. They have given formal promises 
 to their supporters that, even if separation takes place, 
 they will not go back to servile labour, and will allow 
 it to become extinct on the 31st December 1890, the 
 date at which the end of the labour trade is fixed by the 
 Act of 1885. This Act stops trading in Pacific islanders 
 only, while other legislation checks that in Chinese 
 labour. There is not at present direct legislation against 
 the importation of Javanese or Hindoo labour, but 
 India and the Dutch themselves throw difficulties in the 
 way, although there are some Malays from Java work- 
 ing on plantations in the north ; and if there should at 
 any time b'^ an attempt to import servile labour, other 
 than Chinese or Kanaka, upon a large scale, there can 
 be no doubt that it would be at once suppressed. 
 
 The recent partial boycotting in the Australian 
 colonies of steamship lines employing coloured labour 
 shows how keenly alive to every development of 
 the labour question are the Australian artisans. The 
 Seaman's Union has used its great power and perfect 
 organisation throughout the colonies to prevent the 
 employment of Chinese seamen upon mail steamers, and 
 even the Lascars of the British India line are threatened 
 by a Queensland movement. The Government of New 
 South Wales in making new mail contracts now stipulates 
 for the employment of white labour only on board the 
 ships in respect of which subsidies are given. 
 
Al 
 
 \\\u 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 355 
 
 alian 
 aboiu' 
 nt of 
 The 
 Dorfect 
 t the 
 s, and 
 itcned 
 f New 
 uhites 
 d the 
 
 Northern Queenshxnd appears to have passed out of 
 the hands of the phmters into those of the cattle-farmers 
 and miners ; and under separation the mine-hands and 
 stock-men wouki outvote the phmters, and continue the 
 exchision of all coloured labour which could possibly 
 come to compete with their own. At the same time the 
 working classes in Queensland have not so completely 
 stopped aid to the immigration of white labour as has 
 been the case in some other colonies. There is still free 
 emigration, from Lnghmd to Queensland, of farm-labourers 
 and of women -servants; and those settlers in Queensland 
 who have friends whom they want to bring out may 
 nominate those friends for assisted passages, paying only 
 a trifle towards their fares. "Land orders" continue to 
 be Q;iven to intendincr emio-rants to Queensland. So far 
 as northern separation has ceased to be advocated for 
 the purpose of obtaining servile labour, it has become an 
 apparently honest expression of the desire for local self- 
 government. The separation of the northern territories 
 from the rule of Brisbane, of Adelaide, and of Perth 
 would seem to be even more defensible from this point 
 of view than the former separation of Queensland 
 or of Port Phillip, now Victoria, from New South 
 Wales. 
 
 At the same time there is a practical difficulty in 
 bringing about the separation of northern Queensland, 
 inasmuch as the colony might resent imperial legislation 
 not sought by the colonial Parliament. It would un- 
 doubtedly be difficult for the home Government to bring 
 in a Bill for the division of a colony until it had before it 
 some resolution, or address, or Bill passed by the legisla- 
 ture of the colony itself. In the case of the creation 
 of Queensland a special power had been reserved to 
 the Imperial Government to make the sej^aration ; but 
 
 Dillirulties 
 ill way of 
 iiorlliL'rii 
 si.'iiuratioii. 
 
 If 
 
 i: 
 
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 wBL 
 
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 W^ 
 
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 fWL 
 
 
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 'S 
 
 Hi i 
 
 356 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 ill the present case the home authorities are asked to 
 take a step for which there is no modern precedent, 
 that is, to inteitbre by Act of ParHament with the 
 administration of a self-governing colony. The diffi- 
 culty is considerable, because the north is raising an 
 enormous amount of gold and becoming of great value, 
 while the south, being more powerful in Parliament, is 
 spending loans chiefly in the southern part of the terri- 
 tory. Sir Samuel Griffith's Financial Districts Bill of 
 1887 would have partly met the point, but the Bill 
 was, as I have said, withdrawn, and the Decentralisation 
 Bill of 1888 was not passed. The Colonial Office refuse 
 imperial legislation, and the Queensland Parliament will 
 resist the separation of the north as the Parliament of 
 New South Wales resisted the creation of the colonies of 
 Victoria and of Queensland out of the territories of the 
 mother-colony, so that separation is unlikely until 
 Australian federation upon the Canadian plan remits 
 the decision of the question to the representatives of a 
 united Australia. 
 The need It is iiot casy to discovcr how the tropical portion of 
 
 labour!"' ^"^ the Queensland coast, and especially the northern part 
 on Torres Straits, is to be cultivated without coloured or 
 Chinese labour. No doubt Indian labour, if the colonists 
 prefer it, could be secured ; but Chinese labour would 
 probably be cheaper, as is shown by our experience in 
 the Malay Peninsula. The French at Saigon know how 
 difficult it is to attain rapid progress in an Eastern tropical 
 colony to which Indian emigration is forbidden and where 
 the Chinese are not contented, and will not settle in great 
 numbers. The success of our newer protectorates in the 
 MalaylPenin sula shows, on the ther hand, the great results 
 that can be achieved where the Chinese are encouraged 
 
 #■' 
 
 jtp swarm in. The colonial white working classes of the 
 
;\v 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 357 
 
 of 
 :)art 
 dor 
 lists 
 uld 
 ) in 
 
 lOW 
 
 ical 
 ere 
 
 Ireat 
 
 the 
 
 ults 
 
 [ged 
 
 the 
 
 Queonslaiid towns are bitterly opposed to Chinese immi- 
 gration, but the more tropical portions of the colony 
 cannot thrive upon principles which may be applicable 
 to the town of Brisbane or to the plateaus of the interior. 
 It is a general opinion of the Queensland planters that 
 Chinese labour is not the best. While the Chinamen 
 are excellent gardeners, they have, it is said, the habit of 
 drifting into the towns and working as artisans, produc- 
 ing excellent cabinet work and furniture, but competing 
 aojainst the trade-union mechanic instead of doino; the 
 work for which they were brought in. The dislike of 
 the Australians for the Chinese is so strong and so 
 general that it is like the dislike of terriers for rats ; 
 and as rats fight in a corner, so do the Chinese, and 
 lately on the Clermont gold-field the Chinese entrenched 
 themselves, and kept guard over their entrenchments 
 with rifles and revolvers in the most plucky style. 
 Nothing will so rapidly bring together an Australian 
 crowd as the rumour that Chinamen or rabliits are likely 
 to be landed from a ship, and the one class of intruder 
 is about as popular as the other. 
 
 Queensland is a colony which has been brought iii-treat- 
 into some disrepute at home through supposed ill- co'iourcd 
 treatment of natives in the past. Two ^s^ery distinct |u\h'Jj,art. 
 charges have been made against the Queensland settlers : 
 first, that they used to be in the habit of shooting 
 down the Australian aborigines in the neighbourhood of 
 their stations, sometimes for amusement, sometimes by 
 way of punishment for pilfering and other trifling 
 offences ; in the second place, that they have been sup- 
 porters of a labour traffic in the Pacific which has been 
 a virtual slavery. Queensland required labour other 
 than white labour, and there being the strong prejudice 
 of which I speak against Chinese labour, Queensland 
 
 : 
 
 
358 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 had to ol)t.'uii tlmt luljour from men eitlior of the Iiulian- 
 luitivc or the Polynesian race. The emio ration of Indian 
 natives is carefully controlled by the Indian Govern- 
 ment, ])ut the obtaining of labourers from the Pacific 
 Islands was subject to less check. During the Griffith 
 Administration a Royal Commission was appointed to 
 inquire into the circumstances under which the Poly- 
 nesian labourers had Ijeen employed, and restrictions 
 were placed upon the labour trade. There can be no 
 doubt that at one time a state of things existed upon 
 the northern plantations which was similar to that which 
 we call slavery. The mortality was frightful. The 
 labourers did not understand the conditions under which 
 they were engaged, and gross cruelty was perpetrated at 
 sea. There is now the Griffith (.Queensland Labour Act, 
 which is good enough, and which is supposed to regulate 
 the traffic ; but it is notorious that this Act used at one 
 time to be much evaded. On the whole, it is difficult 
 to see how more could be done than has been done for 
 the security of tlie labourers, and, although some of 
 the superintendents first appointed by the Queensland 
 Government to look after Polynesian transport were not 
 well chosen, the abuses have now ceased. With regard 
 to the treatment of the al)original Australian blacks, it 
 must be said that they were so extraordinarily backwai-d 
 a race as to make it difficult to help them to hold 
 their own. The Kanakas, who are beino; exterminated 
 in New Caledonia by the French, were a superior people, 
 and had villages and well - tilled fields, which the 
 French took from them. In New Zealand we have had 
 to deal with such a race, and there our occupation has 
 made them members of both Houses of Parliament, 
 owners of steamships, and large holders of property in 
 the towns, but cannot save them from dying out. In 
 
 WW 
 
CHAT. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 359 
 
 luid 
 
 has 
 
 lie lit, 
 
 Dy ill 
 
 In 
 
 New Guiiioa wc have l)eeii doing from the first every- 
 thing that can 1)g done to prevent unjust interference 
 with the native race ; hut in AustraHa the " aboriginals " 
 are rapidly dying out, and it is liard to see how any 
 other fate couhl be expected for them. In Australia, 
 moreover, the native populati »n was always very small. 
 I doubt whether man}' ])hK^:s were shot down for 
 amusement or for trilling oft'ences. White settlers were 
 often murdered by the aboriginals, and revenge was 
 somewhat indiscriminately taken ; and wliile there were 
 no doubt at one time gross cases of ill-treatment of 
 blacks on the Queensland frontier, there is reason to 
 believe that this is a matter of the past. As regards 
 that past nothing can be stronger than the language 
 now used by the Queenslanders themselves about it. I 
 have seen in the northern newspapers the strongest pos- 
 sible denunciation of the crimes of Queensland towards 
 the aboriginal population. Mrs. Campbell Praed has, in 
 her Australian Life, written burning words al)out the 
 horrible cruelties of which she was herself a witness. 
 Mr. Finch-Hatton, who was for several years a Queens- 
 land settler, relates in his Advance Australia many 
 instances of cold-blooded murder of the blacks. An 
 Australian poet has said of the birth of Australia — 
 
 " Willi shield unsullied by a single crime ; " 
 
 but this is not the Queensland account of the matter. 
 At the same time there is Queensland and (,»)ueensland. 
 The blacks were shot by some of the pastoral settlers 
 and cattle holders of the interior, and it is the popula- 
 tion of the coast who the most bitterly reproach them 
 with their acts. On the other hand, the cattle holders 
 return the compliment by denouncing the treatment 
 of the Kanakas in the coast plantations. The im- 
 
 It 
 
36o 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER lUUTAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 'I'lu' wlinlc 
 lilhniir 
 triillif to 
 1)0 .'itoiipfd 
 
 Land Ic^'is- 
 latiou. 
 
 hi -'^ I 
 
 partial observer can only deeply regret the past, and 
 gladly admit that the present state of things is 
 much improved. 
 
 The fact that the former evils have ceased, however, 
 in connection with the labour tralHc does not satisfy the 
 workmen of the towns, and there is now, as I have said, 
 an act in force by which the whole labour traffic is 
 shortly to be brouglit to an end. The policy of the 
 working men has already ruined many of the sugar estates 
 of the north; but the "Australia for the Australians" 
 movement is unchecked, and insists that only white 
 labour shall be made use of in Australia. It is necessary, 
 therefore, to consider the whole j)olicy of the colony with 
 regard to land and labour in order to judge its prospects. 
 
 (Queensland is a more varied country as regards pro- 
 duction than are the other Australian colonies. The 
 rich coast lands contain fine forests of timber other than 
 the usual gum trees, sucli as magnificent pines of 
 several classes ; and these good soils are utilised for 
 agricultural purposes, fruit growing, maize growing, and 
 sugar growing, according to the latitude. Then come 
 the table lands, which are covered with luxuriant grass ; 
 and then rolling plains, which stretch far into the west, 
 and up to the mining districts of the Gulf of Carpentaria, 
 where country is held in large tracts for cattle-grazing 
 purposes. Previously to 1885 the land law in force 
 in Queensland gave pastoral tenants immense tracts at 
 nominal rents, and also allowed selection in a similar 
 manner to that known in New South Wales. Under 
 the complicated land law of 1884, which came into 
 force in 1885, and which in some cases followed the 
 lines of cliano;es made in New South Wales, airricultural 
 selection at low rentals, with the option of purchase, was 
 largely adopted, and also a homestead freehold system 
 
\\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 razing 
 force 
 licts at 
 Umilar 
 utler 
 into 
 |d the 
 Lltural 
 Le, was 
 System 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 361 
 
 somewhat similar to that of the United States. The 
 runs of the squatters were, as in New South Wales, 
 divided into two fairly equal portions, and the conHict 
 between squatter and selector received a check. The 
 laud administration in Queensland is placed under a 
 special board, instead of being under the Minister for 
 Lands as in New South Wales. The extent of the 
 leases in Queensland for pastoral purposes may be 
 imagined when I state that the drought in 188G caused 
 the abandonment of five millions of acres of squatting 
 runs, which, however, constituted scarcely a perceptible 
 decrease in the total amount of land under lease for 
 pastoral purposes. 
 
 .'he back country is poorly watered, but, as it is 
 subject in Queensland to occasional heavy falls of rain, 
 it will be possible to carry out water conservation. 
 Boring has also been tried recently with satisfactory 
 results. Some years ago, when the present eloquent 
 Bishop of Manchester was Bishop of Melbourne, he was 
 asked to offer up a special prayer for rain, and, I believe. 
 
 IiTif;ation 
 iicedi'tl. 
 
 suo-ffested that it miuht be wise for the colonies to set 
 about establishing a more comprehensive scheme of water 
 storage and irrigation. Although the plain beyond the 
 table land is subject to frightful droughts, and is 
 known as "Never, Never Country," the table land itself, 
 especially Darling Downs, is one of the finest sheep 
 districts in the world. The distances in Queensland 
 are so great that a herd sometimes take a year to 
 march from the cattle stations in the north before 
 they reach a market near the border of New South 
 Wales. 
 
 In the agricultural pursuits of the coast the cultivation 
 of sugar, though it is declining, has hitherto taken the 
 
 foremost place. Since the day when the first Queensland 
 VOL. I 2 b 
 
 U1 
 
 Suc^ar, and 
 
 coloured 
 
 labour. 
 
362 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER lUilTAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 siignr-canc was crushed in a copying-press, and the juice 
 then treated in a frying-pan, the industry has taken rank 
 among the chief resources of the <!olony. It lias brouglit 
 in capital on a large scale, and has dotted the whole 
 coast line with busy communities of workmen. 8ugar is 
 more popular with the democracy than is wool, l)ecausc 
 wool production can only be successfully carried out 
 up(m large areas, and involves the employment of little 
 labour, which has been even decreased by the recent 
 introduction of mechanical ap})liances for sheep-shearing. 
 Sugar, on the other hand, apart from the labour of the 
 field, involves the employment of much skilled and of 
 some unskilled labour. On the coast of southern 
 Queensland the settlers, farming with their own labour 
 and with white supplementary labour, grow sugar on a 
 small scale. In northern (Queensland plantations are 
 of great extent, and are held by companies with large 
 capital, costly plant, and coloured labour. In southern 
 Queensland there are, as will be seen, a good many co- 
 operative mills. Northern Queensland, with its tropical 
 climate, its rich coast lands, and its " servile labour," 
 is supposed to resemble the cotton -growing States of 
 the American Union, while the democratic southern 
 part of (Queensland, the home of small settlers, 
 artisans, and business men, is supposed to be cast in 
 the likeness of the Northern States. The south 
 protests against the introduction of the Chinese and 
 the employment of Polynesian labour. Moral argu- 
 ments are made use of, but a little for party purposes, 
 I am afraid ; and the southern working men really be- 
 lieve that white labour can be employed, and should be 
 employed, in place of black or yellow. It is, however, I 
 am convinced, the fact that profitable sugar production 
 on a large scale in northern Queensland demands coloured 
 
iV 
 
 .f 
 
 |uico 
 rank 
 
 /hole 
 yiiY is 
 cause 
 [ out 
 little 
 •ccent 
 
 fllAI'. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 363 
 
 ariug. 
 
 3f tiie 
 
 iiul of 
 
 Litlioru 
 
 labour 
 
 r on a 
 
 ais are 
 
 \ large 
 
 )utliern 
 
 my co- 
 ropical 
 
 aljour," 
 ates of 
 utberii 
 ettlers, 
 cast in 
 south 
 se and 
 1 argu- 
 irposes, 
 ally be- 
 lould be 
 A'cvcr, I 
 duction 
 coloured 
 
 \ 
 
 labour, and tliat if the dcinooratic south insists u[)on ex- 
 eludiug Hucli lal)our from the coast, that coast cannot be 
 largely utilistul. It is true that certain lines of laihvay 
 have been constructed in the north by white labourers; 
 but the men, I believe, suffered severely from the heat, 
 and the work was only temporary work and for tlie most 
 part work in open country. The labour of cane-cutting 
 is much more severe in its conditions, and five minutes 
 in a cane-l)reak at mid- day in northern Queensland 
 would be sufficient to convince most people that it is 
 not white man's work. 
 
 The case of the labour party was powerfully stated Tiie niKu. 
 by j\lr. Griffith when Prime Mmister of Queensland the liiiour 
 in 1885. The spokesmen of the northern district'""*^' 
 had in a letter of that year summed up their reasons 
 in favour of separation, of which the third was the 
 " diversity of interests between the inhabitants of 
 tropical and temperate Queensland on the subject of 
 coloured labour ; " and they expanded this head by ex- 
 l)laining that the inhabitants of northern Queensland 
 were anxious to obtain coolies from India. Since that 
 time the northerners have more or less withdrawn 
 from this j)Osition, but there can be no doubt that 
 it was originally, and very naturally, one of the main 
 grounds for desiring separation. Sir Samuel Griffith 
 based his reply almost wholly upon it. He pointed 
 out with remarkable vigour how large a portion of 
 the northern district was mineral and pastoral, and 
 how small a portion tropical in its nature. He showed 
 that his party desired to substitute a large number of 
 resident owners for a smaller number of absentee pro- 
 prietors, owning large estates managed by agents and 
 worked by gangs of men of the inferior races. He argued 
 that there was no country in which Asiatic and European 
 
Il 
 
 I 
 
 
 , J \ 
 
 f 
 If-il 
 
 364 
 
 Co-operii- 
 tivfi sugai 
 milis. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 labourers were found working side by side on terms of 
 equality, and that where Asiatic lal)ourers predominate 
 in numbers, they, by degrees, monopolise all branches 
 of industry, and manual labour becomes regarded as 
 degradinsj. We shall find that South Africa forms in 
 some degree an exception to this rule. Regulations to 
 punish 23ersons employing servile labour in any occupation 
 except that of tropical agriculture would, the Queensland 
 Minister thought, be inopera.ive. Sir Samuel Griffith's 
 conclusion was that representative government in which 
 the influence of employers might predominate could 
 not be trusted with the control of inferior races, and 
 that, on the other hand, if the influence of employers 
 did not predominate, the white population could not be 
 trusted to wisely control the destinies of inferior races 
 entering into djiily competition with them in various 
 forms of industry. He thought that if it was seriously 
 intended that any parts of the Australian continent 
 should be thrown open to Asiatic immigration they 
 should be mai'ked out as being clearly unfit for European 
 settlement, constituted as separate colonies, and governed 
 as Crown Colonies by imperial oflicers, who would act with 
 impartial justice between the races. Sir Samuel Griflith 
 urged, however, that the amount of tropical country in 
 Australia requiring servile labour would be found too 
 small to make it worth while setting up these separate 
 Crown Colonies upon the coast. 
 
 It was probably the hope of Sir Samuel Griffith that 
 the co-operative system of holding sugar mills in the 
 southern part of Queensland would break down the 
 monopoly of the sugar trade by the wealthy planter 
 companies of the north ; but of late a good many of the 
 co-operative mills have been closed, owing to a depres- 
 sion in the trade. Even State assistance, which has 
 
 i 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 36s 
 
 that 
 the 
 the 
 
 liter 
 the 
 
 )res- 
 has 
 
 been given in loans to the co-operative sugar mills, and 
 secured by mortgage upon the farms, has not made the 
 system a success. 
 
 As a general rule the small settlers in Queensland 
 grow Indian corn, and the acreage under maize to 
 the acreage under sugar is about as three to two. 
 There had long been even more depression in cotton 
 tlian in sugar, and the cotton industry had lately 
 absolutely died out, but was revived l)y the formation 
 of a company in June 1889. A protective bonus 
 was granted by Government when the industry was 
 started, and the withdrawal of the bonus had killed it. 
 The cotton plant grows in perfection, but it requires 
 too much labour for the colony to compete against 
 the similar industry of countries with cheap coloured 
 labour. 
 
 It used to be supposed that the chief difficulties of 
 the future in Queensland lay in the problem of northern 
 Queensland, because after separation North Queensland 
 would claim to be allowed to manage its imported 
 coloured labour as it pleased. If we forbade this North 
 Queensland would secede from the imperial connection ; 
 if we allowed the claim, we were told an outcry would 
 arise at home at the moral responsibility we were under- 
 taking, AVe have seen, however, in our survey that this 
 difficulty is already a difficulty of the past. Northern 
 Queensland will sooner or later separate from southern 
 Queensland, but will not become a country of coloured 
 labour. There is another direction in which Queensland 
 may give us anxiety. Like Victoria, and like New 
 Zealand, she has aspirations towards a future in the 
 Pacific. Some forms of enterprise which once were in 
 the hands of New South Wales are now largely managed 
 by Queenslanders working with Victorian capital, and 
 
 Maize ami 
 
 cotton 
 
 growing. 
 
 Futnre 
 diflicnltics. 
 
 u 
 
366 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 ; \ 
 
 t 
 
 Lord 
 Kimts- 
 ford's 
 choice of 
 Governors. 
 
 it is (.^ueenslanders and Victorians, and in some cases 
 New Zealanders, who are coming into conflict with the 
 French in the New Hebrides and with the Germans in 
 Samoa. 
 
 I have now described the ditticulties with which we 
 meet, and with which we shall have to deal, in Queens- 
 land — difficulties which the excellent choice for Governor 
 of Sir Henry Norman will do much to mitigate. 
 The reception of Sir Henry when on his first tour 
 was excellent, although it is possible that the fact that 
 the colony had got its way about Sir Henry Blake 
 was the chief cause of the enthusiasm so suddenly 
 dispLiyed. As I have criticised Lord Kiuitsford for 
 his selection of Sir Henry Blake, under the special cir- 
 cumstances of the case, 1 ought to add that the majority 
 of his appointments have been excellent. There is 
 every reason to hope that Lords Onslow, Kintore, 
 and Hopetoun will make as good colonial Governors as 
 Sir Robert Hamilton, Sir William Jervois, Lord Car- 
 rington, Sir Hemy Norman, and Sir Henry Loch. 
 Althouoh Lord Kintore o'ot into some trouble on his 
 arrival in South Australia, owing to a reference to Irish 
 aflairs in a s])eech made by him in England after his 
 appointment, it is a happy thing that at the present 
 critical moment all those who are employed in Australia 
 are popular or fairly popular. A mistake w^as made in 
 England in treating the Queensland case as though 
 it were an isolated episode. South Australia had 
 virtually refused to receive Lord Normanby almost at 
 the same moment ; but in this case the withdrawal of 
 the name was more quietly asked for and more peace- 
 fully obtained. Some years ago Natal refused to 
 receive Mr. Sendall, an excellent public servant, 
 l)ecause he was thought to be appointed as a 
 
 ! 
 
 m 
 
 i i 
 
l\' 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 367 
 
 tour 
 ■> tliat 
 Blake 
 clcnly 
 d for 
 \ cir- 
 jority 
 ire is 
 ntore, 
 ors as 
 Car- 
 Loch, 
 n liis 
 Irish 
 r his 
 csent 
 tralia 
 de in 
 louofh 
 had 
 st at 
 al of 
 )eace- 
 d to 
 vant, 
 as a 
 
 mere subordinate to Sir Horcules Robinson, the 
 Governor of tlie Cape. Sir Walter Sendall was un- 
 acceptable in Natal because of the policy on the part of 
 the home Government which the fancied consultation 
 of Sir Hercules Robinson appeared to imply. Sir 
 Ambrose Shea had also, as I have said, been refused 
 by Newfoundland. The course of the home Govern- 
 ment in not more frankly consulting privately the 
 colonial Governments on the choice of Governors is 
 almost universally condemned by colonial opinion. 
 It is now several years ago since Sir George Grey 
 brought forward a motion in New Zealand to make 
 the office of Governor elective ; and the question was 
 afterwards taken up by Mr. Playford in South Australia. 
 When Sir Henry Parkes supported the Queensland 
 action his resolutions were carried all but unanimously 
 in the New South Wales Assembly. In fact they were 
 only opposed by two gentlemen, who are in favour of 
 immediate separation from the mother-country, and 
 wlio thought that the c3nsultation of the colony as to 
 the choice of Governors, advocated by Sir Henry Parkes, 
 would strengthen, not weaken, the tie to England. 
 
 It is thought by some that Queensland is financially Q„e«nsiaii(i 
 in a less sound position than are the other southern sotu,]|'^ ^ 
 colonies except New Zealand. But upon examination 
 it is discovered that, whatever ideas of separation may be 
 abroad in Queensland, there is not the smallest idea of, 
 or risk of, Repudiation. Here, as elsewhere in Australia, 
 loans are not loans at all in the European sense ; the 
 British public possess the railways and waterworks of 
 Queensland just as much as if they had been mortgaged. 
 The payment of interest is guaranteed by a Government 
 which has abundant resources at its liack, and which 
 has to the full the British financial pride of paying to 
 
i^.-.^s^":-^ 
 
 368 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART 11 
 
 Public 
 works and 
 local gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The 
 
 Australian 
 capitals' 
 brought 
 
 every man the last penny that is owing. If Queens- 
 land ever separates from England, which the growth of 
 federal feeling in Australia makes unlikely, she will do 
 so in sturdy self-reliance, and she will not accompany 
 the separation by robbery of the British capitalist. 
 
 Queensland has pushed on rapidly with her narrow- 
 gauge railways, and has now, as I have stated, a larger 
 number of miles of railway in proportion to her popula- 
 tion than any other cuuncry, besides which there 
 are many more miles in course o^ construction or 
 already authorised. She spends largely upon public 
 w^orks, but chiefly out of borrowed money ; and she is 
 obliged to spend more freely than the other colonies 
 upon harbours, having an enormous coastline under 
 settlement. Queensland has, on the whole, a better 
 system of local Government than exists in New South 
 Wales. By the Divisional Boards Act the colony is 
 chopped up into a great number of divisions governed 
 by Local Boards, of from three to nine members, which 
 have extensive powers. Government pays to each 
 board an amount equal to twice the sum raised by 
 rates during the first five years of the operation of the 
 Act, and then a sum ec|ual to the rates collected, and the 
 law has inspired the country districts with new life. 
 
 The completion of the railway from Brisbane to the 
 New South Wales line, knitting the capital of Queens- 
 land to the capitals of New South Wales, Victoria, and 
 
 together by 
 
 railways. Soutli Australia, must do something to foster the grow- 
 ino; wish for Australian union or federation. Lous: sea 
 voyages between capital and capital left an impression 
 of isolation upon the traveller's mind, which is removed 
 by the substitution of the overland route. The greatest 
 railway work of Queensland, however, will be the trans- 
 continental railway connecting the capitals I named just 
 
 ',i i 
 
I 
 
 ■\* 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 369 
 
 IS 
 
 just 
 
 now with the Gulf of Carpentaria. This, it is expected, 
 will become the colonial route to India — 
 
 " From Gippsland's hop-lined gardens to Carpentaria's Bay." 
 
 Population is increasing with great rapidity, although inmii- 
 the assisted immigration has been checked by confining ^'^'"' *^* 
 it to "elio-ible" ao-ricultural labourers and women-servants. 
 It is found that it is very difficult to draw the agricultural 
 population of Great Britain to such a distance, and there 
 used always to be a preponderance among the assisted 
 immigrants of the urban artisan. In the parts of 
 England where wages are low it was found almost 
 impossible to move the men. The small expenditure 
 necessary for their kit, and still more the cost of transit 
 to a port, were too heavy, the absence of savings too 
 complete, and the depression and unwillingness to move 
 too thorough. In the best parts of Lincolnshire and 
 Yorkshire the labourers are more willing, instead of less 
 willing, to emigrate than they are from the poorly paid 
 parts of Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, and Somerset. It is 
 easier to induce small tenant farmers to go to Queens- 
 land than any other class of agriculturists. On the 
 other hand, German labourers have been taken to 
 Queensland in considerable numbers. They form an 
 industrious and hard-working class in the southern 
 portion of the colony, and the German sugar growers 
 utilise the labour of their wives, sons, and daughters in 
 the field, live very closely, save money, and become a 
 considerable factor in the prosperity of the colony. The 
 Germans of Queensland have their own churches, their 
 own newspapers, their own clubs, and their own festive 
 days, but their children speak English and go to the 
 usual schools. The Germans are rooted in Queensland 
 on the border of New South Wales, growing sugar and 
 
•t ■ I 
 
 370 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT 11 
 
 Legislative 
 
 lieculiar- 
 
 ities. 
 
 maize. Tlie English settler, who likes to keej^ a buggy 
 for his wife, and to send his daughter to a Ijoarding- 
 scliool in town, is not pleased with the rigid economy 
 and the united family labour of the Germans ; and the 
 German settler, who sends his healthy strong-limbed 
 daughter to strip the sugar-cane, and save the cost of a 
 labourer's wage, is looked upon by some colonists as a 
 sort of monster. 
 
 Queensland resembles the other colonies in her 
 legislation. She has an education system somewhat 
 similar to that of Victoria. There is a graduated 
 progressive succession duty, varying only from 2 
 to 5 2)er cent, according to the amount of property, 
 as in New South Wales, and introduced also in 1886. 
 The chief peculiarity of Queensland legislation is its 
 local opti(m without compensation — the most stringent 
 liquor law known to our southern colonies, except that 
 of New" Zealand. The Act has not been sufHciently long 
 in force for it to be possible to say much with 
 regard to its effect on the drinking habits of the people, 
 but the view seems to exist that local option has not 
 been a great success, and that the temperance party are 
 likely soon to work for total prohibition. Another 
 ])eculiarity of Queensland is that the colony has not 
 yet actually repealed certain provisions as to the State- 
 regulation of vice, such as have been repealed elsewhere 
 in English-speaking or English-governed countries, and 
 which were not in Queensland based, as in England, 
 on grounds having to do with military or naval 
 stations, but extended to the capital city. The legal 
 professions are, it has been seen, amalgamated in 
 American ftishion in Queensland, as they are also in 
 most of the Australian colonies and in New Zealand. 
 The members of the Assembly in Queensland are 
 
I ^ 
 
 f 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 371 
 
 (gal 
 in 
 in 
 
 Ind. 
 
 lare 
 
 paid, as in most other colonies; and the only electoral 
 peculiarity of (,Jucenslaiid is the special disfranchise- 
 ment of aboriginal natives of Australia, India, China, 
 and the South iSea islands, whicli may be contrasted 
 with t^Hi New Zealand provision that every male 
 aborigi.ial inhabitant of the colony, as well as every 
 male half-caste of full age not attainted or con- 
 victed of treason, is entitled to vote, under the Maori 
 Representation Act, for a member for the Maori district 
 in which he resides. New Zealand also admits Maori 
 ratepayers to vote where they live outside J^.Iaori dis- 
 tricts. Parliaments in Queensland endure fin- five 
 years, whereas most of the other Australasian colonies, 
 with the excej)tion of Tasmania, which resembles Queens- 
 hmd in this respect, possess the triennial system. 
 
 The usual working day in Queensland is eight hours, 
 and trade unions enforce the limitation under penalties 
 of their own. An eioht-hour Bill was carried throuoh 
 the Assembly in 1889, but rejected by the Upper 
 House. The new arrivals in the colony, working at 
 gold-mining, earn about 8s. a day, and carpenters and 
 joiners earn about 10s. a day, and they invest their 
 savings in gold-mining on the co-operative plan, which 
 is becoming poj^ular in Queensland, although co-opera- 
 tion does not flourish in the colonies as a rule. Early 
 closing is sometimes forced on shopkeepers by window- 
 smashing — riotous mobs parading Rockhampton, for 
 example, and forcing the shops to close. 
 
 Queensland has so long a seaboard, and the im- 
 portance of its cities has so much dej^ended upon their 
 being seaports, that several distinct centres of trade 
 activity have there sprung up ; but the coast cities 
 only hold a cjuarter of the population .among them. 
 Under these circumstances it would be somewhat diffi- 
 
 An eit;ht- 
 hour day 
 and early 
 closing. 
 
 !li'; 
 
 General 
 view of 
 (Queens- 
 laud. 
 
 ,9' 
 
! ' i» 
 
 372 
 
 PROliLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 cult to explain the enormous power exercised by the 
 workmen in Queensland as against the planters and 
 squatters, but for the fact that gold-mining eni])loys 
 great numbers of workmen in districts altogether away 
 from towns. The extraordinary richness of ]\lount 
 Morgan is well known in England, but what is less 
 well known is that there are gold mines in different 
 parts of Queensland, some in the extreme south, some 
 near Rockhampton, some in the far north, and that 
 there is also a fine coal-field, not yet brought into 
 active competition with New South Wales. Gold 
 has lately been found under the cricket-field in the park 
 in the capital itself, and curious complications sprang 
 up in consequence of the conflict between the mining 
 laws and the laws on the subject of the reservation of 
 parks. Queensland by the latest returns is now pro- 
 ducing more gold than any other British colony, and 
 her copper yield is likely soon to be developed, ,;liile a 
 good deal of tin and lead is being raised already. The 
 increase of population in the last few years has been 
 much more rapid in the towns than in the rural 
 districts, and more than half the population now lives 
 in urban districts ; but " urban " in Queensland does 
 not bear the ordinary sense of the word. 
 
 Although the whole of Queensland lies north of 
 the colony of New South Wales, and although the 
 sun heat in Queensland is greater than in the mother- 
 colony, Queensland, generally speaking, is not less 
 healthy than New South Wales. The English race 
 shows as much vitality in the younger colony as in the 
 older one, and thrives under whole months of that 
 cruel Australian sun which the Tasmanian authoress 
 "Tasma" well describes as a red-hot copper ball. It 
 is damp, not heat, that kills, and the dry heat of 
 
CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEENSLAND 
 
 373 
 
 The 
 
 of 
 the 
 er- 
 ess 
 [ice 
 blie 
 liat 
 
 iSS 
 
 It 
 
 of 
 
 Aiistmlia oven in its northern parts, except on the 
 immediate coast, docs not prevent men of our race 
 working in the open air without loss of energy. The 
 power to continue the race and the health of children 
 seem foirly strong, and if we except a little strip along 
 the coast, the hotter jiarts of Australia cannot be re- 
 garded as deadly to immigrants from Great Britain and 
 Ireland or from Germany. The debilitating effect of 
 residence in tropical or semi-tropical climate is seen all 
 along the coast from Sydney northwards, 1)ut, as there 
 is no malaria, it is not sufficient on the Australian 
 coast to cause serious mischief, althougli it is perhaps 
 sufficient at Sydney to destroy great activity in work. 
 In Queensland the country rises rapidly from the coast, 
 and even more rapidly on the whole than in New^ 
 South AVales, and as large a portion of (Queensland 
 is thoroughly healthy for Europeans as is the case in 
 the other colony. Generally speaking, Australia may 
 be said to be much more healthy than Enghmd for old 
 people, and as healthy for people in the prime of life, 
 but to have in part? a more considerable infantile 
 mortality than ought to be the case wdiere the non- 
 climatic conditions are good, as they are in Australia. 
 
 Queensland, although young, has been remarkable Literature. 
 for the existence of a school of poets. Lamb in his 
 "Letter to B. F., Esq., at Sydney, New South Wales," 
 said that if the colonists " take it into their heads 
 to be poets, it is odds but they turn out, the greater 
 part of them, vile plagiarists." But there are plenty 
 of colonial poets who are not plagiarists, and Mr. 
 Brunton Stephens — not Australian -born, for he is a 
 Scotchman wdio only reached Queensland at the age 
 of thirty -one — has written his best j^oetry in the 
 colonies, and is on the whole the first of colonial 
 
r't:^- 
 
 Ll 
 
 374 
 
 PKOnLEMS or CREATER IIRITALX 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 II 
 
 
 poets. He writes in every known iind eonceivjiblc 
 style, but liis comic verse is his l)est, and is of the 
 hi,L!;hcst order. Stephens has a singuhirly copious voca- 
 buhiry, and makes use in his comic poems of a deep 
 knowledge of modern scientific speculation, which lends 
 weight to his light verses. Queensland also claims the 
 only considerable Australian novelist, besides " Tasma," 
 in Mrs. Campbell Praed, who is colonial-born, and whose 
 Australian Life is a. vivid autobiogTa])hical picture of 
 the early days of Queensland. Mrs. I'atchett .Martin 
 is a writer also worth the reading. It is somewhat 
 curious that a new colony such as Queensland should 
 have trained a poet not only so good as j\Ir. Stephens, 
 but so successful. I have said already tliat colonial 
 writers are not likel)^ to be adequately remunerated 
 for their work ; but in the case of this writer, who 
 was a student at Edinburgh University, forced to leave 
 through want of means, and who, after spending a few 
 years at Greenock, emigrated to Brisbane, where he 
 became a State schoolmaster, the books produced have a 
 consideral)le sale. Mr. Stephens's " Dominion of Aus- 
 tralia," beginning "She is not yet," has a "national" 
 ring about it, though he is, as I have said, not 
 "native-born." Among journals the Brishane Courier 
 is an excellent daily paper (opposed to Imperial Federa- 
 tion), as is the Telegraph; while the Queenslander and 
 the Australian are admiraljle weeklies, and there are 
 several powerful evening papers. The Boomeramj, a 
 weekly paper, which advocates an Australian Kepublic 
 and claims " the largest circulation north of Sydney," 
 has some resemblance to the Bulletin already named. 
 Govern- Queensland makes the same large sacrifice as does 
 
 diaiitaWu" Victoria in aid of charitable institutions, giving, like 
 Victoria, on the average two pounds for every pound 
 
 institu- 
 tions. 
 
 \ 
 
% 
 
 111(1 
 larc 
 
 , a 
 
 i)lic 
 
 11 
 
 y' 
 
 )es 
 ike 
 iiid 
 
 CHAP. Ill 
 
 QUEEXSLAM) 
 
 375 
 
 living. 
 
 colloctcd from private sources, instead of the one pound 
 wliich is given in New South Wales. In some periods 
 of depression there has been a need for tlie giving of 
 charitable assistance even to people of working age and 
 f.iir health. 
 
 The immigrants wlio at one time poured rapidly into Cost or 
 Queensland year l)y year found that meat was cheap, but 
 those of them who remained in the towns felt themselves 
 oppressed l)y the heavy rents and by the cost of clothes. 
 Little things which are not considered in preparing 
 schedules of prices, bore heavily upon them, as, for 
 example, the cost of medical attendance. The workmen 
 who have been for some time in the colony keep 
 chickens, and so obtain variety of food ; they secure 
 good wages and pleasant homes, as well as invest their 
 savings at high interest, and despite the sun the race is 
 vigorous, and the people happy. 
 
 %% 
 
 
 \ 
 
II 
 
 ■I I 
 
 11 
 
 
 SyHtums of 
 colonisa- 
 tion in 
 Austral- 
 asia. 
 
 South 
 Australia. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND 
 
 South Australia and a portion of New Zealand were 
 colonised on a more systematic plan than were our 
 colonies in general, and Australia presents in New 
 South Wales, in Tasmania, and in Western Australia, 
 the results of a colonisation commenced by means of 
 transi)ortatioii, vastly modified by the subsequent dis- 
 covery of gold in the neighbourhood ; while South 
 Australia and the middle or southern island of New 
 Zealand show the results of api)lications of the Wakefield 
 system. Even, however, in New South Wales the 
 Wakefield system was partially applied in early days, as 
 well as the system of transportation, and a large number 
 of free immigrants were brought in by the money pro- 
 duced by the sale of land. If New South Wales had 
 been left to transportation only, her condition would 
 have been less happy than it is. South Australia was 
 the chosen land of the advocates of the Wakefield 
 doctrine, and the class of immigrants introduced was 
 excellent. Mr. Gladstone's scheme of 1841 was never 
 fully applied ; but it may be said that through the 
 improvements of the Wakefield system which followed 
 the partial failure in South Australia in 1840, Australia 
 would have been certain of a magnificent development, 
 even without the gold discovery which rather hastened 
 
rfl 
 
 CIIAI'. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 377 
 
 pro- 
 ^ luul 
 
 la was 
 pefiekl 
 ll was 
 
 I never 
 
 II tlie 
 llowed 
 
 stralia 
 Imcnt, 
 kteued 
 
 tliuii cuuiscd its recent prosperity. The older settlenuints 
 of New Zeiiliind were started upon tlic modified Wal\C- 
 tield i>liiii, and as in South Austr;dia, so in NewZcahind, 
 tlie immigrants introduced were of the most admiral)le 
 kind. A full-grown society was planted in portions of 
 these .colonies, with a rei)resentation of all classes from 
 the old world, with capital and with an organised church ; 
 and the condition of South Australia is a testimony to 
 the beneficent results of the system of colonisation 
 tliere adopted — the most scientific that the world has 
 known. 
 
 The development of South Australia and New Zealand 
 has been as remarkable in its way as that of Victoria, 
 New South Wales, and Queensland ; Imt Tasmania and 
 Western Australia present ditierent features. In each 
 of them the neighl)ourliood of gold, outside their bound- 
 aries, and Transportation, seem in the past to have 
 produced for a time l)lighting consequences, while these 
 colonies had not the wheat -land and copper of South 
 Australia, nor land so well pre])ared by the hand of 
 nature for slieep as that of Queensland and New 
 Zealand. It is now more than a hundred years since 
 Australia as a comnmnity came into being, and the 
 rapidity of the progress in the last thirty-five years of 
 the gold-bearing colonies is easily explained ; but those 
 provinces of New Zealand that have no goM, and South 
 Australia, may be said to be only half the age of New 
 South Wales, and their progress has been at least as 
 wonderful. In South Australia, and in all the pro- 
 vinces of New Zealand, gold-bearing and goldless alike, 
 we see the same development of the appliances of civil- 
 isation as in the more populous of the Australian colonies, 
 and free political institutions yielding in little to those 
 of Victoria herself. 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 II 
 
 Foreign writers are too willing to 
 
 2 c 
 
378 
 
 PROJU.EMS OF GREATER RREFALY 
 
 I'Aur II 
 
 attribute the prosperity of our Soutli-Sea colonies to a 
 kind of chance, and to assert that the accident of a 
 discovery of gold has made them what they are ; but 
 their history shows that the wisdom of our writers and 
 our statesmen, and the vigour of our race, have had 
 vastly more than gold discovery to do with this greatest 
 example of colonial success. It will be the glory of the 
 improved Wakefield system as preached or practised by 
 J. S. Mill, by Mr. Gladstone, by Lord John Russell, and 
 many others, to have purified Australia from the vices of 
 a convict oriijin, and to have laid the foundations of 
 communities in which the immisjration from Enfj;land of 
 the most industrious and prudent of our working popula- 
 tion has swamped the forced immigration of the most 
 vicious among our people. 
 Governor- South xVustralia followed the lead of Queensland in 
 di'iikn ities ^^^® Ciuestion of the selection of colonial governors. The 
 Ministry in power in South Australia, as in Queensland, 
 represented, along with the protectionist interest, the 
 Irish Eoman Catholic party, and had even gone so far as 
 to consider the possibility of making concessions to them 
 upon the education question. There were one or two 
 Roman Catholics in the South Australian Ministry. 
 There was also in South Australia a fear that Lord 
 Normanby might be forced uj)on that colony. The 
 South Australian Government had already been com- 
 municating with the Colonial Office upon that question, 
 and they naturally seized the opportunity offered by 
 the Queensland protest. The claim of South Australia 
 was more moderate than the claim of Queensland, and 
 was confined to a demand to be allowed to privately 
 object to undesirable nominees. The then Governor, Sir 
 William Robinson, the brother of that most popular 
 of colonial governors — Sir Hercules Robinson, was one 
 
 i 
 
 S:i- 
 

 a 
 
 The 
 
 com- 
 
 stion, 
 
 1 by 
 
 tralia 
 
 and 
 
 ately 
 )r, Sir 
 )pulai' 
 
 s one 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 yi9 
 
 who liad not raised much feelino; either for or aoainst 
 liimself. A man of distant manners, and who seemed 
 to take only a purely otticial interest in the colony and 
 its fortunes — he was little heard of at all outside of 
 Adelaide, except by the musicians of Australia, of whom 
 he is, deservedly, the idol. 
 
 The head of the Government until June 1889, Mr, ^"*'ti' 
 
 Austvaliiui 
 
 Thomas Playford, now leader of the Opposition, was poiitiduns. 
 a market-gardener, and i« a man of shrewd practical 
 ability and good -humour, called " honest Tom " as 
 much on account of his pleasant ways as on account 
 of his integrity. He is also when in office styletl 
 " Kino- Tom," and South Australia, " Kimr Tom's 
 dominions." Mr. Playford would probably have held 
 the second instead of the first place in the Government 
 had not. Mr. Kingston been the subject of personal 
 attacks — whether deserved or not I do not know — which 
 thrust him back into the second place. Mr. Kingston, 
 the Playford Attorney-GcDeral, is still a young man, an 
 excellent debater, a good party manager, and a man of 
 cjuick political insight. In education, parliamentary 
 capacity, and political judgment, he is superior to his 
 chief The latter is, however, the man of stronjxer will 
 and more decided character, and is perhaps really the 
 more fitted for the helm. The two together made a 
 strong combination, and practically formed the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 I have spoken favourably of Mr. Kingston's educa- 
 tion, but it is a curious fact, worth perhaps a word 
 of notice, that in his important addresses to the Federal 
 Council, when he appeared with Mr, Playford to repre- 
 sent South Australia at the session of 1889, Mr. Kingston, 
 according to our English ideas, says " would " for 
 "should." The same peculiarity, as we think it, exists 
 
mmmti. 
 
 380 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT n 
 
 i'1 
 
 among cultivated Americans, as well as among many 
 well-educated people from Scotland and from Ireland ; 
 and if the best people in Australia are going to follow 
 Scotch, Irish, and American example in this matter, we 
 shall be so hopelessly outnumbered upon the question as 
 to be put in the wrong. Like the militiaman, being- 
 unable to induce our comrades to change step, we shall 
 have to chanije our own, or to go to school ao;ain until 
 we too write " would " for " should " in places where 
 " should " would at present be the accepted form. 
 Possibly, however, not the speaker but the reporter was 
 in fault, for Mr. Gillies and Mr. Deakin in their speeches 
 at the Federal Council are also made sometimes to put 
 "wills" for ''shalls" and " woulds " for " shoulds," 
 although not with the frequency that such changes are 
 tittributed to Mr. Kingston, 
 
 The party who were defeated hy Mr. Playford and 
 Mr, Kingston in 1887 were supposed to be led by a 
 gentleman who had not returned to the colony after the 
 Colonial Conference, and the then Ministry was actually 
 headed by Sir John Bray, the present Speaker, the most 
 popular man in the House and a master of tactics, 
 though, like Mr. Kingston, somewhat wetdi in will. His 
 former leader. Sir John Downer, less nimble of intellect 
 than Sir John Bray, is one of the leaders of the South 
 Australian bar, a man of solid parts and steady persever- 
 ance, and a good set speaker. He is not so popular as 
 Sir J. Bray, but is a man of high character and great good 
 nature, with a tendency towards obstinacy as his failing. 
 Sir J. Downer and Sir J. Bray were themselves the 
 authors, when in power, of a mildly protectionist tariff; 
 not, however, sufficiently protectionist for the colony ; 
 and it was the Playford Government which carried out 
 the virtual adoption of the Victorian tariff by South 
 
,...JWj<--*»HI— Wiiir 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 381 
 
 ling. 
 
 the 
 Iriff ; 
 >iiy; 
 
 out 
 
 )lltll 
 
 Australia. Nevertheless they received a good deal of 
 support from the free-trade portion of the Adelaide 
 Press. South xVustralian party lines have never been 
 very distinct, and it may be said that, from some points 
 of view, both the Downer-Bray Governments of 1882-84 
 and 1885-87 were coalition Governments. I believe that 
 Mr. Playford, and Mr. Kingston (in spite of his " woulds "), 
 are English-l)orn, while Sir J, Downer and Sir J. Bray 
 are Australian -born. Sir John Downer is an imperial 
 federationist, while j\lr. Playford and Mr. Kingston 
 cannot be counted in the ranks of that party. 
 
 The Playford Government quarrelled with the farmers 
 in 1889 by refusing to find them seed wheat after a great 
 drought, and they quarrelled with the City Council of the 
 capital as to the reception of the new Governor, Lord 
 Kintore, and otherwise, like Governments in general, 
 made enemies throuoh some of their wisest acts. In 
 June 1889 they were defeated and turned out by Dr. 
 Cockburn — who formed a Government of new men, still 
 more protectionist, and more advanced on the land 
 (]uestion than their predecessors — with the support of 
 Sir John Downer, who would not, however, join the 
 Ministry. The Playford Government had been attacked 
 upon almost every conceivable question : upon the pro- 
 perty-tax ; for pretended injudicious representation of 
 the colony by the Prime Minister and the Attorney- 
 General at the Federal Council ; for arbitrary treatment 
 of selectors, and also for illiberal dealing with squatters 
 by the Commissioner of Crown Lands ; for Mr. Play- 
 ford's refusal to grant seed wheat ; for wasteful expendi- 
 ture in water -conservation works, and, on the other 
 hand, for insutficient energy in the prosecution of the 
 public-works policy ; for charging income-tax on money 
 
 il'i 
 
 invested in other colonies and 
 
 paying 
 
 taxes there 
 
WEssm 
 
 382 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 South 
 Australi;ni 
 views on 
 Feik'iation, 
 and on 
 relations 
 with the 
 United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 General 
 view of 
 Soutli 
 Australiii. 
 
 and for other matters without niimljer. They were 
 defeated by a very small majority, and the new Govern- 
 ment has only two members out of seven who have had 
 any jDrevious exjierience of official life, and contains no 
 men whose names were known outside the colony. Dr. 
 Cockburn is an able and ambitious Scotchman under 
 forty, a gold medallist of London University, who settled 
 in Australia only fourteen years ago. He is still in 
 search of a sound majority. His j\Iinistry is making a 
 good fight, but is scarcely likely to survive a general 
 election due in a few months' time. 
 
 South Australia recently joined the Australasian 
 Federal Council for two years, with the avowed object 
 of striving to alter the constitution and to increase the 
 powers of that l)ody. Although protectionist. South 
 Australia seems more friendly to the British connection 
 than is protectionist Queensland or free-trade New South 
 AVales, and she appears to be less jealous of Victoria than 
 is the latter colony, and, except in the matter of the 
 choice of governors, more inclined to shape her policy 
 on that of "the neighl^ouring colony." The Australian 
 Natives' Association is powerful in South Australia, and 
 it has lately become amalgamated with another body 
 called the National Association. The Association is not 
 in Irish hands in the two southern colonies, and loudly 
 proclaims its desire to avoid interference in questions 
 that would lie likely to aflect the union between Great 
 Britain and the Australian colonies. As a matter of 
 fact the Australian Association contains both Orangemen 
 and Irish Nationalists. 
 
 South Australia, as will be seen from what has been 
 already told, is one of those happy communities which 
 may be said to have no history. After its foundation, 
 
 stem which Merivale has well 
 
 upon 
 
 sys 
 
 I 
 
ral 
 
 I 
 
 ■1 
 
 CHAI'. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 383 
 
 described, it prospered as a wheat-growing and copper- 
 producing colony. From 1884 to 188G it went through 
 one of those periods of heavy depression which attack 
 young countries from time to time, and from which 
 it is now recovering. Its enormous territory is still 
 sparsely populated ; but that is because it stretches 
 right across the continent, and includes the drier portion 
 of the inland region. South Australia is a thoroughly 
 honest and sound colony, which, whether it be left with 
 its Northern Territory or separated from it, has a future 
 of wealth and usefulness before it. South Australia has 
 had its land boom like Victoria ; it has had its deficits 
 like New South Wales ; but all along there has been a 
 steady increase in the number of the farmers who are 
 the backbone of the prosperity of the country. The 
 pastoral interests of the colony have been for some time 
 stationary, and the yield of copper and wine has decreased, 
 for at one time South Australia stood at the head of the 
 wine-producing colonies. But in the meantime the 
 number of depositors in the Savings Banks, and the 
 amount of deposits, has greatly and steadily increased, 
 as has the area under wheat. 
 
 I wrote just now about the land boom in Australia, Adelaide. 
 but, land boom or no land boom, the size of Adelaide 
 and the value of property in the town are most remark- 
 able. A larger proportion of the population of South 
 Australia lives in the capital than is the case in New 
 South Wales (or even in Victoria, unless we include the 
 ]\Ielbourne suburbs), and the proportion is continually 
 on the increase. There are in South Australia no 
 other important towns. Melbourne is the natural 
 centre for a large population besides the population 
 of Victoria, for the Riverina and Tasmania use Melbourne 
 as their pleasure town ; while Adelaide cannot expect 
 
 <«l 
 
 \M\ 
 
 *i 
 
•7 
 
 Fiiuuicial 
 position. 
 
 384 
 
 PJWBLEMS OF GREATER I^R ITALY 
 
 I'AUT II 
 
 to draw population from outside the colony of South 
 Australia, a fact which makes its prosperity the more 
 remarkable. But the town of Adelaide was built 
 on a site that had been chosen upon highly scien- 
 tific principles, although it is, as I have said, out of 
 reach of large ships, and the city was laid out from the 
 first as a block surrounded by a great belt of park lands. 
 Althouoh South Australia has o-one throuoh a terrible 
 period of depression, and although its finances are not 
 the finances of Victoria, nevertheless it cannot be said 
 upon any fair examination of its position to be over- 
 burdened with debt. The railways have lately paid 
 only 2 per cent upon the money laid out upon them, 
 or half what the colony is paying for it ; but the rate is 
 now increasing, and, when we consider the rise in the 
 value of Crown lands due to the construction of these 
 railways, we have to admit that the colony is not a 
 loser by them, and still possesses on the whole an asset 
 equivalent to its liability. But South Australia has 
 only some twelve millions out of an expenditure of 
 twenty millions from loans that yield any direct return 
 of interest, while Victoria has thirty millions out of 
 thirty-three that give such a return, and the Victorian 
 works pay a higher interest than the South Australian. 
 On the other hand, without roads and railways, land in 
 the interior is worth nothing, while with roads and rail- 
 ways the State possesses vast tracts of land that will 
 fetch a pound an acre. The colony has an immense 
 mileage of railway open, and stands almost as well in 
 this respect as Queensland. She has now followed 
 the example of Queensland and of Victoria in appoint- 
 ing a Board of Commissioners to supervise the working 
 of the railways, and it is probable that the returns in 
 interest will steadily increase, although in so sparsely 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 38s 
 
 populatetl a eountiy they can hardly 1)l' brought to such 
 figures as are seen in the ease of Victoria. 'Jlie Com- 
 mission principle is exteiuling, and an agitation is on 
 foot in South Australia for instituting a Public Service 
 Commission similar to that which Victoria has placed 
 over her civil service. 
 
 South Australia has led the way in nuiny important 
 alterations and simplifications of law. From it came 
 the germ of all the real property acts of the colonics, 
 under which it has Ijecome possible to transf(}r land as 
 simply and as cheaply as to transact any other business 
 operation. In this colony the possession of a certificate 
 of transfer constitutes an indefeasible title, without 
 regard to the history of the older title to the property 
 prior to the transfer. As this leaves an opening for 
 fraud, a tax of a halfpenny in the pound is levied on 
 all property transferred, and goes to constitute an insur- 
 ance fund for compensation. This law has been imitated 
 throughout the colonies. South Australia also was one 
 of the earliest colonies to adopt the principle that real 
 property in intestacy should be distril)uted as personalty 
 is with us. For the purpose of rendering legal proceed- 
 ings less expensive, cheap courts were established, pre- 
 sided over by stipendiary magistrates, and performing 
 the duties of county courts, in cases involving less than 
 £500, by simple and cheap process. Juries of four, 
 taking the verdict of three, and juries of six, taking the 
 verdict of five, have been introduced into these courts, 
 which do almost the whole of the lesjal business of the 
 country. 
 
 As early as 1840 South Australia established a 
 complete system of local self-government with the most 
 happy results, and the South Australian system of local 
 government has been largely followed in the other 
 
 KtNll ]i|C)- 
 
 jM-rty :iL'ts. 
 t'hi'Mii law 
 courts. 
 
 Local gov- 
 ernment. 
 
':> ■;! 
 
 1:^ 
 
 \:t 
 
 ': f 
 
 Woman 
 sutlragi'. 
 
 386 
 
 PROBLEMS or GREATER li RITA IN 
 
 PARI' II 
 
 colonies. The mimicipiilities are divided, accordini;- to 
 the nature of their district, into corporations or district 
 councils. The rural local authorities consist of boards 
 of from five to seven members, elected by the rate- 
 payers, which have a large amount of influence over the 
 control of pul)lic lands and over public works as well as 
 over the police. The powers of the corporations and 
 districts were increased in 1887. 
 
 Women possess the municipal vote in South Aus- 
 tralia, as in the mother -country, and in most of our 
 other colonies ; and women also vote in the election of 
 the boards which manage South Australian main roads. 
 In none of the colonies is the political franchise extended 
 to women, althougli in New South Wales the Prime 
 Minister has introduced a woman suffrage bill ; Init 
 there seems some probability of this extension shortly 
 taking place in South Australia. An all but successful 
 attempt has been already made there to give women 
 the political vote, but it failed, and it is doubtful 
 whether the old country or the colony will lead the 
 way: — I should be inclined to "back" the colony. 
 The South Australian Bc(jister, the mercantile and 
 Conservative organ, answering to the Argus and the 
 Sydney Morning Herald, the next most wealthy 
 newspaper in Australia to the latter, strongly supports 
 women's suffrage, and not only suffrage, but also, its 
 logical outcome, the desirability of women sitting as 
 representatives in Parliament. The remarkable success 
 of W'Omen in the colonial universities, since the univer- 
 sities have been thrown open to them, has had much 
 effect in influencing the colonies in wdiat I myself think 
 the right direction ; but the colonies are stuck in the 
 slough of rating qualification, and the larger question of 
 the enfranchisement of married women has not been raised. 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 387 
 
 The fact that Vietoria was enjoying q;reat })rosperity Protection, 
 (lining the recent depression in South Australia aroused 
 a considerable amount of protectionist feeling in the 
 latter colony, and it may be said that the Protection 
 party has in South Australia won the day. In 1885 
 the South Austndian tariff' was assimilated to that of 
 New Zealand by the Bray-Dowuer combination, and in 
 1887 to that of Victoria by the Playford- Kingston 
 party. Before the first of these two steps was taken 
 the highest ad valorem duties had l)een 10 per cent, 
 whereas now almost everything is taxed, and as many 
 as two hundred articles pay a rate of 25 per cent ad 
 valorem. There is now an almost universal belief in 
 South Australia that Protection has been an absolute 
 success in the colony of Victoria, and that in young 
 countries without industries it is necessary to estal)lish 
 Protection in order to create variety of employment. 
 In 1887 the question was distinctly before the country at 
 a dissolution, and the result was the return of a great 
 protectionist majority and an increase of the tariff. The 
 Victorian protectionists are of opinion that the South 
 Australian action comes too late : that INIelbourne l)y 
 taking the first step in the direction of Protection made 
 itself the manufacturing centre of Australia, and that 
 the Australian population is not large enough to support 
 two such centres. As a fact, however, free-trade New 
 South Wales has the advantage in many kinds of goods, 
 and, with her cheap coal, should keep it. 
 
 The early traditions of South Australia were some- Democratic 
 what opposed to a democratic state of society, for the tions of 
 Wakefield system was sliglitly aristocratic in tendency, Australia. 
 and in the Christchurch Province of New Zealand pro- 
 duced distinctly aristocratic results. Then, too, there 
 was never any such large influx of a democratic popula- 
 
i 
 
 •; 'i 
 
 I 'i 
 
 38S 
 
 PROnij:MS OJ' CRF.ATER RRITAIX 
 
 lAur II 
 
 Payment of 
 inenibers. 
 
 tion into South Austrnlia as occurred (luring the froM 
 rush in Now South Wales and Victoria. In spite of 
 these facts, democratic institutions liave progressed in 
 Soutli Australia with less conflict than has been the case 
 elsewhere. South Australia, like Victoria, has adopted 
 the elective system for her Upper House. A third of 
 the Council go out every three years, and all owners of 
 £50 freeholds or occupiers to the value of £25 a year 
 have votes for the Upper House. In the Constitution 
 Amendment Act, 1881, South Australia took a decidedly 
 bold step by giving the Governor power to dissolve the 
 Upper House. The original proposal of the Government 
 of the day had l)een. that which had been made pri'- 
 viously in Victoria, and was made aljout the same time 
 in France, that, in the event of disputes between the 
 Houses, the two Chambers should meet in congress and 
 settle the question by a two -thirds majority of the 
 whole ; but the Bill was altered in Parliament, and 
 now it stands as follows : — When a Bill has been passed 
 by the Lower House twice, and twice rejected by the 
 Upper, a general election of the Lower House having 
 taken place between the two occasions, and the Bill in 
 the second instance having been passed by an absolute 
 majority of the Lower House on the second and third 
 readings, it is lawful for, but not obligatory upon, the 
 Governor to dissolve both Houses. The plan, as will be 
 seen, averts those dead-locks which at one time became 
 a formidable difficulty in Jamaica and in Victoria. 
 This provision of the law has never been put in force, 
 but conferences between the two Houses as to their 
 disputes have brought about conciliation. 
 
 There had been a good deal of difference between 
 the two Houses in South Australia with regard to pay- 
 ment of members. In 1884, 1885, and 188G the 
 
i\ 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 
 
 389 
 
 311 
 
 lie 
 
 Assembly passed ti measure on this siihjcct, wliicli was 
 rejected in eaeli year l)y the Council; but finally the 
 Bill became hiw in 1887, and each member receives 
 there, as in most of the; other colonies, about £200 a 
 year for his services, while in this coh)ny the members 
 of the Upper House, as well as tiiosc of the Lower, 
 receive payment, which is not the case in all the 
 colonies where meml)ers of the Assembly are paid. In 
 South Australia the legislature is remarkal)ly decorous, 
 and memljcrs are very sensitive upon the sul^ject of 
 decorum. The South Australian Assembly was presided 
 over, I believe, for twenty years by Sir George Kingston, 
 who was followed by Sir Rol)ert Ross, and both men 
 had so absolute an authority over the Assembly that 
 scenes such as used to be common in Victoria, and are 
 still common in New South Wales, were there unknown. 
 Happily, under the Speakership of Sir J. Bray, the 
 courtesies of debate continue to be observed. When 
 lately it was proposed to equip him and the clerks at 
 the table in wigs like those of the Speaker and clerks 
 of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, it was 
 generally admitted that in his case this aid to law and 
 order was unnecessary. 
 
 Another peculiarity of South Australia is the posses- ciosmc 
 sion of a parliamentary closure. All the popular legis- 
 latures but one in the colonies have at one time or 
 another had reason to wish for some means of putting a 
 stop to parliamentary obstruction. South Australia has 
 been the exception, because Sir George Kingston and 
 Mr. Beresford, a generation ago, had inserted a clause 
 in her Standing Orders providing a power of directing 
 the Speaker to put the question. When a motion is 
 made to that effect no discussion is allow^ed, and if it is 
 carried the question is at once put. The efficacy of the 
 
liUiid-tiix 
 fiinl in- 
 come-tax. 
 
 Other 
 legislative 
 
 390 
 
 PROn/.EMS OF GREATER liRITAIX 
 
 I'ARr II 
 
 moiisuro is cliicfly seen in the fiict that in Soutli Austi-nlia 
 it is si'ldoni rccjuircd to l)o put in fon^e. Any attempt 
 at olistriiction niust speedily collapse, and arouse only 
 aiiL!;iy feeling against the ol)structionists ; and the power 
 of elosure is never abused, though nicnibcrs given to the 
 reading of long extracts luive sometimes thouirht that it 
 is. V^ictoria imitated South Australia in adopting at 
 one time what was known as the " iron hand," which 
 was su(rcessful during the session when it was in force ; 
 but it was South Australia which set the example which 
 has now been followed by the mother-country. 
 
 There has been since 1884 a land-tax in South 
 Australia of id. in the i)ound per annum on unimproved 
 capital value — that is, on what the laud would be worth 
 if no buildings had been erected or improvements effected 
 upon it. There has been since 1885 an income-tax of 
 3d. in the pound on incomes raised by personal exertion, 
 and of Gd. in the pound on incomes derived from pro- 
 perty. All land is valued by pul)lic valuers once every 
 three years for the purpose of taxation. In the case (^f 
 the income-tax the levy is on income arising from or 
 derived from South Australia, and does not include 
 income from any place outside the colony ; but income 
 from bonds or other securities of the South Australian 
 Government is exempt from taxation. How to compute 
 what is income from personal exertion and what is 
 income from property is very difficult, and the decision 
 appears to be left absolutely to the representative of 
 Government. There is not much complaint upon this 
 head, but very loud complaint arising from the fact that 
 some property has to pay tax twice over, namely, both 
 land-tax and income-tax on property. 
 
 The only remaining legislative peculiarities of this 
 colony which it is necessary to name are that candidates 
 
til 
 •th 
 
 of 
 on, 
 ro- 
 
 ly 
 
 of 
 or 
 (le 
 
 11C 
 
 an 
 te 
 is 
 on 
 of 
 iiis 
 at 
 th 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 SOl'T/I AUSTRALIA 
 
 39' 
 
 for eitlu'r House nre (orl)i(l(leu Lo make any jtcrsonal 
 canvass, and that men)l)urs of tlie Upper J louse who 
 absent tlieniselves from its sittings for two consecutive 
 months witliont leave by so doiiiL^ vacate tlioii* seats. 
 
 [n A(h'lai(h', as in IMelhourne, an *'Ei(]jlit-][ours' Hay" 
 is kept by tlic workmen as a public holiday ; Parliament 
 ailjourns, and all the shops are closed. The concession 
 was ol)tained by the men without any struggle in 1873. 
 There has in 8outh Australia been an attemjjt to make 
 the eight-hour day statutory, but as yet without success, 
 aitiiough in October 1889 the second reading of the 
 IJill was carried in the Lower House by a majority of 
 one vote. There has been no early -closing legislation 
 similar to that which has been adopted in Victoria, but 
 the shopkeepers in certain trades have agreed to "knock 
 off" half an hour every three months, and so gradually, 
 V)v aorecment, accustom the T)ublic to curtail the hours. 
 Tliere is still assisted immigration of domestic servants 
 into South Australia. In South Australia, as in Tasmania 
 and New South Wales, education is not free to those 
 who are able to pay, although it is compulsory. It is 
 virtually secular, though there is a power of Bible read- 
 ing, not often used. About one-sixth of the children 
 have their fees remitted. 
 
 There is in liquor matters a certain amount of local 
 option in South Australia in the form that no license 
 can be ijranted if two - thirds of the neighbourhood 
 memorialise against the grant ; and in 1889 the incoming 
 Ministry proposed the adoption of a fuller form of local 
 option, but without receiving very large support. No 
 liquor can be supplied to any person whose relatives 
 declare before a mao;istrate that he is wasting his means 
 or interfering with the happiness of his family by 
 drinking. This extraordinary provision, which exists 
 
 iM'culiiiii- 
 tii's 111' 
 Sdiitli 
 Aiistrali.i. 
 
 'I'llL' eight- 
 hour iliiy. 
 
 Iiiiiiiigni- 
 tioii. 
 
 Hduciitioii. 
 
 Loral 
 ojitioii. 
 
il 
 
 392 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART U 
 
 Size of the 
 colonies. 
 
 also, altliougli in slightly varied form, iu Ontario, 
 Quebec, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, Tasmania, 
 and New Zealand, as well as in some parts of the 
 United States, would undoubtedly be made use of in 
 England for purposes of annoyance, but, by general 
 adnassion, it is not so used in South Australia. The 
 communication in writing, or declaration before a mairis- 
 trate as to the intemperance of the accused person is, 
 I understand, not a privileged communication, and 
 might, therefore, form the ground of an action for libel, 
 which is no doubt a check upon misuse ; but the law is 
 by no means a dead letter, and there are a consideral )le 
 number of people in South Australia who are under 
 notice in the terms of this clause. A complete measure 
 of local option is likely to be soon adopted : it is pro- 
 posed each year, but has hitherto failed to pass. There 
 is great difficulty, under partial local option in this 
 and other colonies, in preventing the illicit sale of drink 
 in the sparsely populated districts, where practically 
 everybody sells drink sometimes. 
 
 It is hard to induce South iVustralia to pay much 
 attention to its politics, so greatly is it interested in its 
 agriculture and its droughts. The Times lately, speak- 
 ing of our Australian colonies, said, " In extent they are 
 larger than the Indiar Empire," meaning, no doubt, 
 their settled parts. Now, they have three times the 
 area of British India, and South Australia and West 
 Australia are each of them nearly as large as British 
 India. South Australia has an area, roughly speaking, 
 equal to that of New South Wales, Victoria, New 
 Zeahmd, German^", and France combined. But of its 
 nearly six hundred million acres only eleven million 
 acres have been sold, only five million acres rented for 
 cultivation, and the enormous territory which is leased 
 
 WW 
 
CHAI'. IV 
 
 SO urn A us TRA LI A 
 
 393 
 
 New 
 i)f its 
 lillion 
 ik\ for 
 leased 
 
 for pastoral purposes is barely occupied by sheep iu any 
 appreciable sense of the term. 
 
 If the periodical droughts from which South Australia 
 suffers can be dealt with by irrigation and by conserva- 
 tion of water, or by boring, very different use will l)e 
 made of this vast territory, and irrigation is already 
 beginning to tell its story iu the parts of South Australia 
 which border on northern Victoria and south-western 
 New South Wales. The country is so dry that its 
 wheat-growing district yields but a small crop. In 
 those districts which can be irrigated, either from the 
 jMurray or by boring, the farms will be reduced in size 
 from the ijrain farms of two or three hundred acres to 
 fruit and vine and vegetable farms of twenty acres, and 
 an enormously increased po^julatiou, living in comfort, 
 will be the result. There is a strong objection among a 
 minority in South Australia to the out-and-out sale of 
 the colonial lands, and the total cessation of sales is 
 often debated, though sales are not vetoed by the legis- 
 lature. There is a still stronger feeling against " playing 
 into the hands of capitalists " by mere out-and-out sale 
 to the highest l)idder. The whole future of the colony 
 will probal)ly be modified by irrigation of the Victorian 
 ty])e, or l)y boring for water after the plan pursued in 
 New South Wales. The interior of South Australia is 
 at present too like the " never - never " country of 
 northern (^ueenslaud. As the gum-trees of the less dry 
 coast tract are left behind, the chattering laughter of the 
 colonial jays is lost, and bird life generally disajtpears 
 with the woodland and parklike scenery of the south. 
 First there is found a sea of yellow grass with here and 
 there an acacia standing singly upon the j)lain, and at 
 last a barren waste bleached by a brassy sun and desolate 
 beyond description. The compass is as necessary for a 
 
 VOL. I 2d 
 
 Climate 
 of South 
 Aii-<ti':iiia. 
 
 U 
 
Ml " 
 
 \l 
 
 SSI 
 
 394 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART U 
 
 
 vmA 
 
 of tho 
 colony. 
 
 jouruey in dull weather as it is on the sea itself, and 
 the traveller may march for days together without seeing 
 a single sheep. We now know that the heavy occasional 
 rainfall of Australia is stored underneath the soil, and 
 in some spots boring brings whole rivers of water to the 
 surface. Irriiiation under such conditions means con- 
 tinual improvement, because, while water will bring 
 trees to the interior, the trees themselves will retain 
 surface moisture, and in course of time develop a more 
 steady rainfall. 
 Social viiw There is little to be said socially of South Australia. 
 It is more quiet and old-fashioned in its ways than the 
 great gold-mining colonies, and its steadiness and home- 
 liness arc increased by a considerable German population. 
 These immigrants fuse rapidly, here as elsewhere in 
 Australia, with the British population, and they even 
 become patriotic with the peculiar local patriotism of the 
 special colony that they have chosen. In the second 
 generation there is nothing but a name to mark them 
 off as Germans, and their sons and daughters are as 
 genuinely and as characteristically Australian as are the 
 children of those who have come out from England. They 
 are proud of their gymnastic clubs and of their musical 
 societies, but these do not indicate a separate civilisation 
 any more than do the Caledonian societies of the Scotch, 
 and the Cambrian societies of the Welsh. The Germans 
 are not exclusive with regard to their societies, and 
 from two-thirds to five- sixths of the people who attend 
 their specially German concerts are English or Australian, 
 while the English are admitted as members to their 
 societies. The French and Swiss who have been 
 brought out as wine-growers keep themselves more 
 distinct from the rest of the population ; but they are 
 few in number, and their influence is insiofnificant. 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 TASMANIA 
 
 395 
 
 \\vA 
 md 
 iaii, 
 lieir 
 leen 
 lore 
 I arc 
 int. 
 
 Methodism is strong in South Australia, but Presby- 
 terianism weaker than in Victoria ; and the public picture 
 galleries are open on Sundays as in Sydney, not closed 
 as in the capital of the colony which lies between. 
 
 South Australian literature is in much the same i.itmiture. 
 condition as that of the other colonies. There is some 
 excellent journalism and a good deal of poetry. The 
 South Australian Register, a free-trade daily paper, 
 has been named, and this, and the Adelaide Observer, 
 a free -trade weekly paper of forty pages, the SoiUh 
 Australian Advertiser, and several others, are excellent 
 papers. The Advertiser is the workman's paper, like 
 the Age in jNlelbourne and the Daily TelegrapJi in 
 Sydney. Lindsay Gordon, who has been noticed under 
 Victoria, is claimed by South Australia l)ecause he 
 lived there when he first came from England. Mrs. 
 Cloud, who writes under the name of Lindsay-Duncan, 
 has composed at least one good poem. Mr. Alfred 
 Chandler, the author of Busli Idglls, a poet and journalist 
 of some merit, though born in Victoria belongs properly 
 to South Australia ; but in my judgment the best two 
 poets of South Australia are two who are known to me 
 not by volumes, but by a poem or two published in 
 Australian papers and reprinted in Australian anthologies 
 — Miss Leane, who writes as "Agnes Neale," and Mr. 
 Pratt, of the J:^ngineers Department of South Australia, 
 who has written the most beautiful and the most charac- 
 teristic of Australian poems — a kind of hymn in praise 
 of "Rain." 
 
 There remain for notice, of Australian countries Tasmania 
 proper. Western Australia, and the Tasmanian Island 
 which lies almost within sight of the Victorian coast. 
 Tasmania has been somewhat d(!pressed during a large 
 part of her existence. To avoid the memories which 
 
396 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 i ;! 
 
 liLJiLl! 
 
 Literature. 
 
 The 
 capital 
 
 classed Van Dicmeii's Land with Botany Bay and 
 Norfolk Island, she gave up the name of Tasman's love 
 to take that of the discoverer ; but even the oj)ening of 
 excellent mines, even the softness of her climate and 
 the loveliness of her scenery, have not been able to 
 secure continuous prosperity. The climate of Devon- 
 shire, coast scenery as perfect as that of Ireland, but 
 combined with a far more beautiful interior, ijreat 
 advantages as a pleasure resort for the summer residence 
 of baked-out Australians, have not yet made the fortune 
 of the little isle — the Emerald Isle indeed of Australian 
 early summer, recalling Ireland as much by its greenness 
 during a great portion of the year as by its size. The 
 Australians marry the lovely Tasmanian ladies as freely 
 as European noblemen marry the Americans, and they 
 carry off their brides, instead of bringing to Tasmania 
 any permanent prosperity. Still, th . time of Tasmania 
 may one day come, and she may yet be the Australian 
 District of Columbia, altliough her rival the Albury 
 district seems to have an even better chance of becomino- 
 
 o 
 
 the site of the Federal capital. 
 
 Tasmania has had her novelist in Madame Couvreur, 
 who, though of Flemish descent, and now married to a 
 distinguished man in Belgium, has not forgotten her 
 island home, and still writes pretty Tasmanian stories 
 under the name of " Tasma." Madame Couvreur's 
 Uncle Piper of Pijyev's Hill, the scene of which is laid 
 in Victoria near Mell)ourne, is a colonial novel of much 
 merit. The large population of the towns as compared 
 with the sparse population of the rural districts is almost 
 as noticeable in Tasmania as elsewhere in the colonies, 
 Hobart and Launceston with their suburbs having be- 
 tween them a third of the population of the colony. 
 Hobart, with its lovely situation, at the foot of Mount 
 
 m 
 
•R'S 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 TASMANIA 
 
 397 
 
 lilt 
 
 Wellington and on a mafjnificcnt sound, seems designed 
 by nature for the meeting of the Federal Council, or of 
 the Parliament of the British States of Australia, the 
 headquarters station of the fleet, and the scene of the 
 intercolonial yachting races. 
 
 There was started not very long ago a movement in Tariir 
 Tasmania for the annexation of the island to Victoria, ''"*"' '""'' 
 but it was commenced by men of no political responsi- 
 bility, never entered the region of practical politics, and 
 was re^Hidiated by those who were most prominent in 
 Tasmanian public aftairs. The agitation died out before 
 the question had been brought to the Parliament of 
 either colony. The movement appears to have been a 
 democratic effort in Tasmania to secure for the workino- 
 people of that island the popular advantages possessed 
 by the workers of Victoria. Power in Tasmania is in 
 the long-run held by the Conservative landowners, who 
 look with no favour on the assimilation of the Tasmanian 
 laws to those of the go-ahead colony upon the mainland. 
 Tasmania has, however, followed the lead of Victoria in 
 one respect, and has now a tariff which is substantially 
 protectionist, although professedly^ free -trade. Tas- 
 manians maintain that theirs is still a free-trade colony, 
 and that their customs duties are imposed for revenue 
 purposes only ; but they tax nearly all goods, and their 
 duties would in England be considered heavy. Almost 
 the only class of article which is now left untaxed in 
 Tasmania is stock, which was formerly taxed, and the 
 protectionist party in Tasmania is now chiefly engaged 
 in trying to reimpose the stock-tax. There is a general 
 disi)osition among those Tasmania ns who deny that 
 they as yet live under a protective system to admit 
 that after Protection has won the day in New South 
 Wales it will carry Tasmania also. As a fact, however, 
 
 
398 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 !•' 
 
 t. 
 
 Legislation 
 to kufj) out 
 iuiligfiit 
 foR'itrners. 
 
 Taxatiou. 
 
 equal protective duties will probably be imposed 
 tlirouijliGut the Soutli-Sca Colonies as a result of con- 
 federation u})on the Canadian plan. Tasmania has a 
 legislative peculiarity which is connected with this 
 question of free trade and Protection, The colonial 
 Government is empowered by law to contract inter- 
 colonial-free-trade agreements with any of the other 
 colonies. In spite of the possible loss of revenue under 
 such a system Tasmania has attempted to come to an 
 arrangement of the kind with Victoria, but as yet with- 
 out success, although the matter was discussed in con- 
 ferences between the colonies. 
 
 In addition to the legislative peculiarity already 
 mentioned, and to the eccentricity from an Australian 
 point of view of a ratepaying or property basis for 
 the parliamentary franchise, Tasmania has another 
 legislative peculiarity which she copied from Victoria, 
 and shares only with that colony and with New 
 Zealand, and which is sutticiently interesting to be 
 dealt with at length in my chapter upon Labour. 
 By an Act to regulate th(? conveyance of passengers 
 to the colony it is provided that if a passenger 
 arrives in Tasmania who seems from any cause 
 unable to support himself or likely to become a charge 
 upon the public or on charity, the owner or master of 
 the ship is required to execute a bond to pay to the 
 colony all expenses which may be incurred within five 
 years for the support of the passenger in question. On 
 the other hand, Tasmania has not excited herself so 
 much as the other colonies with regard to the immigra- 
 tion of Chinese. 
 
 The taxes in Tasmania include a graduated succession 
 duty of the mildest possible description, the difference 
 tween 2 per cent on sums under £500 
 
 i 
 
 
 only 
 
\'' 
 
 CHAl'. IV 
 
 TASMANIA 
 
 399 
 
 SO 
 '•ra- 
 
 sion 
 nee 
 iOO 
 
 (which in some colonies are exempted altogether) and 3 
 per cent over £500 ; so that property which in New 
 Zealand might pay 13 per cent, in Tasmania cannot 
 pay more than 3, and this duty is levied upon personalty 
 only and not on land. It has existed for a great many 
 years. The present Government tried to extend the 
 duty to land, but failed. There is now, however, 
 a duty of ^d. in the pound on the capital value of 
 property, as an annual tax. There used to be a tax of 
 9d. in the pound on the assured annual value of land 
 and on dividends from companies, but not on incomes from 
 professions, or personal incomes from trade. The Govern- 
 ment introduced a Bill providing for a more complete 
 income-tax than the present ^d. in the pound projjerty- 
 tax which has succeeded the 9d. income-tax on land 
 and companies, but the Bill did not pass. The ^d. in 
 the pound on capital value produces a great deal more 
 from land than used to be produced by the 9d. income- 
 tax on property, for the latter was locally valued and 
 habitually undervalued, whereas now property is valued 
 upon a more scientific plan. The view of the i)resent 
 Government, I believe, is that the taxation of Tasmania 
 is on an unsatisfactory footing. They think that the 
 poor pay nearly all the taxes through the customs duties, 
 and that the rich, through the lightness of the succession 
 duty and the manner in which the property-tax is levied, 
 escape nearly free. They j^roposed to tax all property, 
 and 1 l)elieve their Bill was carried through the Assembly, 
 even on its third reading, but was afterwards drop})ed 
 on account of its unpopularity with the conservative 
 classes. 
 
 Tasmanian education is compulsory and virtually Education. 
 secular, and there appears to Ije no probability of the 
 system being modified by changes ftivourable to denomi- 
 
w 
 
 ; \ 
 
 n V 
 
 I, I. 
 
 ;ili 
 
 \-< 
 
 Laiiil 
 legislation. 
 
 Eight- 
 hour (lav. 
 
 400 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'Aur II 
 
 Tasmauiau 
 statesiiK'u. 
 
 national schools. The Church party has, as in somr 
 of the other colonies, ceased as a body to make conin 
 cause with tlie Roman Catholics for a modificatioi 
 the Act Altliough education has been com[)ulsory 
 in Tasmania longer, 1 think, than in any other British 
 possession, it is not yet free, though several members 
 of the present Government are favourable to free 
 schools. Tasmania has scholarships established by 
 Covernment at the old Eno;lisli universities, althouoh 
 the system is, 1 Ijelieve, to cease at the end of 
 1890. They have existed for a great number of years ; 
 in fact there was a Tasmanian Government scholar in 
 residence at Cambridge when T was myself an under- 
 graduate. 
 
 There seems little tendency tow^ards nationalisation of 
 the land in Tasmania, but a scheme was lately proposed 
 for " licensing " land in place of immediate sale. The 
 land was to be let gratuitously for five years, and then, 
 on certain im2)rovements having been made, sold at half 
 the present rates. This scheme was intended to check 
 land jobbery, which is rife in the colony, l)ut it was 
 drop[)ed on account of the loss of revenue to which it 
 would have led ; for, although a large share of the revenue 
 from land sales is spent on making roads to develop 
 other lands, a good deal of the money still in fact goes 
 into the governmental purse. 
 
 As regards the eight-hour system the colony stands 
 in much the same position as do the others in its neigh- 
 bourhood. The eight -hour rule is observed, but not 
 as yet enforced by law. A proposal to make eight 
 hours a statutory day was rejected in the Tasmanian 
 Parliament. 
 
 Tasmania has no very marked political parties, and 
 the Ministry, which was in office from 1884 to 1886, 
 
 i 
 

 CIIAl'. IV 
 
 TASMANIA 
 
 40 1 
 
 
 was a coalition. WJiilc parties and principles are 
 undefined the ])rcsent j\linistiy may be said to lean 
 towards Liberalism and free trade, and the Opposition 
 towards the landed interest and I^roteetion. J\lr. 
 Fysh, the Prime ]\Iinister, is a commercial man of 
 good reputation, a supporter of Imperial Federation, 
 and a i)ersonal favourite with all. He sits in the 
 Upper House, and in this respect is peculiar among 
 colonial Pj-inie ^Ministers, for in the colonies it is 
 almost impossible to lea<l Parliament from the Ujiper 
 House. His Treasurer, j\Ir. Jiird, leads the Assembly 
 for him — a business man of good judgment; and Mr. 
 Andrew Inglis Clark, the Attorney-General, and one of 
 the representatives of the colony on the Federal Council, 
 supplies Liberalism and energy for the Government. 
 ]\Ir. Clark is a well-read man, of a somewhat nervous 
 temperament, owner of the best private library in the 
 colony and of one of the best in the southern hemisphere, 
 a o;reat admirer of American institutions and litera- 
 ture, and an anti-im2)erialist in his ojjinions upon the 
 future relations between the component portions of the 
 Empire. 
 
 Tasmania is the most conservative and the most 
 English of all the Australian colonies both in its social 
 habits and in its politics, and nothing startling has 
 occurred there since the discovery of that great tin mine 
 which is still the richest and most prosperous tin mine 
 in the w^orld. The new silver and lead mines are also 
 productive, and gold and coal are beginning to be raised 
 from Tasmanian mines. 
 
 Tasmania has the free circulation of newspapers by Free chcu- 
 post throughout the colony, as haA'e the Dominion ofn'ows- 
 Canada, which sends out sixty millions in a year. Queens- 1''^^"""- 
 land, New South Wales, and AVestern Australia ; but in 
 
II 
 
 I 
 
 i\H I 
 
 I! ' 
 
 
 • 1 1 
 
 ' 1 
 
 i^ 1 
 
 , i ' 
 
 \l 
 
 y 
 
 402 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 r.\KT II 
 
 TasiiKUiiuu 
 railways. 
 
 Ta.smaiiia and in Queensland Jiewspapers may be also 
 posted free, with the ordinary restrictions as to date of 
 [)ul)lieation, even to the other Australian colonies, and 
 Tasmania actually allows her newspapers to be sent free 
 to so great a distance as the farthest portions of New- 
 Zealand. This is a point in which the colonies have not 
 yet, I think, been imitated by any part of the old world. 
 There is an agitation in Victoria either to follow^ suit or 
 to make representations to the other colonies to charge 
 postage, inasmuch as the effect of the present variation 
 in prac-tice has been to transfer some newspaper publish- 
 ing offices from Mell)ourne to the colonies enjoying the 
 absence of postal duty upon newspapers. 
 
 Tasmania has had considerable difficulties with her 
 railroads, and on various occasions the Tasmanian Main 
 Line Railway Company prevented Tasmanian Govern- 
 ment loans being quoted on the Stock Exchange, to the 
 great indignation of the colony, who thought that th(^ 
 Company were asking for blackmail, and that the Stock 
 Exchange was to blame for permitting the credit of the 
 colony to be to some slight extent, if only temporarily, 
 prejudiced at the instance of a ioint-stock company, and 
 had acted without hearinij botli sides. The matter 
 has now be n settled by a payment from the Govern- 
 ment to the Company. The whole history of the 
 Company, since its formation in 1870, only shows how 
 much more desiral)le it is for the colonial Governments 
 to adopt the policy, to which all the Australian colonies 
 have now had resort, of making raihvays for themselves 
 and manao;ino; them themselves, than it is for them to 
 deal with companies, unless they are willing to leave the 
 companies entirely unfettered. Tasmania guaranteed 
 the interest ui)on the capital of the Main Line Company, 
 and all the consequent trouble has been the result of 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 WESTERN AUSTRALIA 
 
 403 
 
 this middle course. 'riisniaiiia ' as several railway 
 systenis. The Laiinceston and \\^esteni Railway is 
 managed ])y Government, hut the company retain au 
 interest, inasmuch as they are to receive any profit 
 above a certain income. The line from Emu liay to 
 BisehofF is a private and unguaranteed work. The Main 
 [iine Ivnihvay has been until lately, as 1 have said, 
 in private hands, but guaranteed ; and the other lines 
 have been or are being constructed by Government 
 itself. 
 
 The debt of Tasmania (although recently increased 
 by one million) is still lighter per head of the population 
 than that of any other Australasian colony, and Tasmania 
 is still on the whole lightly taxed, wliile it is possible 
 that there may be shortly a great development of her 
 mineral wealth. The future of Tasmania, however, 2)rob- 
 ably lies in stock and horse raising, and j)erliaps in 
 fruit, for she has the finest strawberries as she has the 
 noblest thistles of the world. I ought not to pass away 
 from Tasmania without naminfji; the admirable soveru- 
 ment of the colony by Sir Robert Hamilton, and the 
 deserved popularity of the Governor and liis wife. 
 
 Although Western Australia is a Crown colony, and, 
 it miglit seem, more fitly to be treated when I come to 
 write on the Crown colonies, yet, as it is represented in 
 the Australasian Federal Council, and as it is likely 
 soon to receive responsible self-government, it must be 
 mentioned here. Western Australia is the largest of the 
 Australian colonies — very nearly the size of British India. 
 It is less occupied by settlers than any other, and is, 
 indeed, but sparsely peopled, while it has alienated up to 
 the present time but a small portion of its lands. The 
 people of New South Wales are largely interested in 
 Western Australia, having invested a good deal of money 
 
 D.llt, AW\ 
 
 liituro (i| 
 'rusiii;iiii;i. 
 
 Wt.'steni 
 Aiistiiiliii. 
 
^1 
 
 ■\ ■( 
 
 ; I 
 
 Rfspon- 
 sibk- gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 404 
 
 PROIU.EMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 lARf II 
 
 tluav. 'IMicrc is at present u doiiltlo ii<j;itati(>ii on foot 
 in tliis C'rown colony : that for tlie division of the colony 
 into citlicr two or tlirec sepanite cohtnies {wliich is 
 udvoeated for much tlie same reasons as those which 
 were originally jmt forward in (.J^ueenshmd Ity the 
 northerners), and the agitatiou i'or responsible govern- 
 ment. As regards tlic first proposal, we arc tohl tliat 
 great ignorance as to the Western Australian nortlicrn 
 territory prevails at Pertli. The nortlierners desire to 
 continue to emj)loy Asiatic labour, and for that purpose 
 wish to continue to be a Crowu colony when the South 
 receives self-g<na'rnment. At the same time north-west 
 Australia is very dry, and is swei)t both by s([ualls 
 and huii'icanes of such a nature that planting is carried 
 on with (litKculty. It would seem to have more future 
 as a pastoral country and a gold country than as a sugar- 
 planting country, and its fisheries are important as well 
 as its su])ply of turtle. The southei-n part of the colony 
 contains large tracts of land suitable for peasant farmers, 
 and is also likely to become a wine-growing district ; 
 but there exists there a poison plant which lias limited 
 the use of the country for pastoral ]>urposcs. 
 
 The colony, through its legislative body, has asked 
 for responsible government, but it has asked for it as 
 " one and undivided," and has repudiated the cutting off 
 of the northern territory, but under pressure from the 
 Colonial Office consented to go so far as to concede that 
 the new self-governing colony should not have the 
 control of its lands which lie within the tropics. The 
 difficulties in the way of granting resj)onsible government 
 are, first and foremost, the handing over of such vast 
 lands to so small a population ; secondly, the necessary 
 reservation of power to make a portion of the territory 
 into a separate colony at a future time ; and, thirdly, the 
 
yn 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 IVES TEKN A US TRA UA 
 
 405 
 
 protection of tin' ;ibori<^ines in the north. It is on tho 
 fii\st point thut the «liiirpest ditferenee with the ][ome 
 Government was manifest in the summer of 1889. The; 
 haiidin^jj over of the hinds, even in tlie degree proposed 
 by till'. Colonial Office, means tliut an extremely small 
 community, here a3 formerly in the other colonies, will 
 obtain the right to sell them at any rates they please, 
 and to go without taxation while they live upon their 
 cajdtal. 'rhfy may, though it is most improbable, 
 exelutle l^]nglish immigrants ; and this seems a large 
 concession to make when we remember that there 
 are only a little over forty thousand people in Western 
 Australia ; that the eohmy contains a million square 
 miles, of which a large part is valuable; ; nd that 
 the country in which British immigrants could live lies 
 in that half which even the Colonial Office proposed 
 to give up to the new colony. As in Tasnuinia so in 
 Western Australia, about a third of the 2)opulation lives 
 in two towns. 
 
 When we consider that a vast amount of the terri- 
 tory is as yet unexplored, there is much to be said 
 for the view that the whole of these enormous land 
 reserves ouiiht not to be at once handed over to the 
 Government of Western Australia. The right course 
 would seem to be to divide the colony into east and west 
 as well as into north and south, and to hand over a 
 lame tract of valuable lands to the new self-wverninir 
 colony (which would contain the great bulk of the popu- 
 lation), and leave the north and centre of the country as 
 a Crown colony for a considerable time. Sir F. Napier 
 Broome, the outgoing Governor, admits that British 
 immiojrants cannot be introduced into the northern terri- 
 tory, which alone the Colonial Office had reserved. The 
 difficulty in the way of making Crown colonics in the 
 
wf 
 
 406 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 i'M 
 
 fif!>'r 
 
 Austr;ili;iii north is that the democratic coK)nies, and 
 especially Victoria and New South Wales, will iningine 
 that this is being done for the purpose of giving them a 
 lasting existence based upon a system of servile labour. 
 Addresses will be voted unanimously from the Australian 
 Assemblies, and public meetings will be held, and the 
 doctrine of "Australia for the Australians" put forward 
 as against such a scheme ; and the home Government 
 may well shrink from adopting it, whether in the case 
 of Western Australia, or in that of the Northern Terri- 
 tory of South Australia, or in that of northern Queens- 
 land. 
 
 If w^e are not to adopt the policy of confining the 
 colony within the limited area which has as yet to 
 some extent been reached by settlement or exploration, 
 and retaining the rest of the enormous territory of 
 Western Australia for the present as a Crown colony, 
 we have only two other courses before us. The one 
 is to follow the traditions of our colonial policy, and 
 grant to the colony (that is, to the few settlers 
 .scattered along the fringe of a territory the size of 
 British India) all they ask, namely, control of the 
 whole of these unknown lands, and power, if they should 
 so will, to exclude settlers without capital who might 
 come from England. The other would be to take the 
 course of hampering Western Australia, as a new self- 
 governing colony, by statutory conditions, placing her 
 under special restrictions not to exclude assisted immi- 
 grants from England, which find no place in the consti- 
 tutions of the other colonies. The earlier of these 
 proposals I think I have shown to be unwise ; and the 
 other is open to the fatal objection that the moment 
 that such a condition had been put into the constitution, 
 the Western Australians would exercise their ingenuity, 
 
 . 
 
CHAl'. IV 
 
 Jl'ES TERN A US TRA LI A 
 
 407 
 
 7' 
 
 very soon succossfully, to get rid of it. The Perth 
 people uh'eudy tell us that we are talkiiii;- " uonsense " at 
 home ; that the colony has attained to sueli a position 
 as to make it just as impossible for English politieians 
 to deal with it at their pleasure as it would be after 
 responsible government had been granted. " Already 
 they have lost all control over our public finances, and 
 cannot, consequently, force upon us the care of immi- 
 grants whom we do not want." The Western Aus- 
 tralians are determined to have exactly that which 
 the other colonies have obtained, and it is not easy 
 to see how we are to defeat their wishes, as remirds 
 the part of Australia where they live, or with which 
 they are ac<]uainted. There is, however, a reasonable 
 probability that, if the W estern Australians are not too 
 long thwarted in their wishes ])y the obstruction of their 
 liill, they will, warned by experience, avoid the repetition 
 of the mistakes in land legislation which have charac- 
 terised the past action of the other colonies, and especially 
 of New South Wales. On the other hand, the fact that 
 we have now discovered that we made a mistake in what 
 a very al)le Victorian, j\lr. Philip ^lennell, has called 
 " prematurely handing over to tiic other (!olonies the 
 unti.Mnmelled ownership and administration of the local, 
 or ratliir the imperial public estate," does not necessarily 
 establish the wisdom of reversing our ])olicy in the case 
 of the last Australian Government which asks for respon- 
 sible administration. Western Australia may possibly 
 one of these days prove, under irrigation, to be the 
 most valual)le jxn'tion of the whole continent. 8he 
 possesses the noblest forest of the finest class of tree, 
 and she has in large portions of her territory a perfect 
 soil. The climate is as healthy as any in the world, 
 and the mining resources of the colony are hardly 
 
 ii- 
 
 hi' 
 
 ill- 
 
11 ■'■i\ 
 
 408 
 
 J>A'0/i/J-:.]/S OF CREATER BRITAL\ 
 
 PAKT 11 
 
 Spare lands 
 ol' WestiTii 
 Australiii 
 oiler a tit'M 
 I'or scioiiti- 
 lie roloni- 
 sution. 
 
 known at nil, but geologically speaking seem likely to 
 be great. 
 
 In the older colonies the best land lias been sold or 
 is in process of alienation by a system of annual pay- 
 ments. In the whole British Empire there is not much 
 land still in the hands of the Crown except in Be(;liU{ina- 
 land, at present far out of reach, and in Western 
 Australia. In these tw'o spots alone is there good land 
 in large quantities as yet within the control of the 
 imperial Government, and it is a grave question what 
 should be done with it. l^elieving as I do that the 
 scientific system of colonisation which was applied in 
 South Australia and in New South Wales and parts of 
 New Zealand in the early days, in tlu; form of modifica- 
 tions of the Wakefield system, was a success, I should 
 like to see some attempt made to plant portions of 
 Western Australia upon a similar plan. In all the 
 colonies there is an enormous margin betw^een the price 
 of the land as sold Ijy Government and the land as resold 
 by " land sharks " to settlers. There is in Western 
 Australia a field for trying to obtain for Government 
 the unearned -increment -value of the land. In oivinfj 
 responsible government to Western xVustralia we might, 
 for the benefit of the future self-governing colcny, 
 survey the probable lines of railway and probable sites 
 of towns, set aside these sites and reserve them, as 
 well as the mineral lands, the forests, and the tracts 
 on each side of the future railways, and then begin to 
 let and sell good land in small blocks at a substantial 
 price to jictual cultivators, applying the proceeds to 
 taking out selected emigrants of the most approved 
 agricultural type. A district might be set aside for 
 the creation of a self-governing colony with sufficient 
 territory and resources to enaljle it to stand alone, and 
 
 .'/ 
 
w 
 
 :x^l 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 WESTERN AUSTRALIA 
 
 409 
 
 J/ 
 
 the system which I advocate be applied to the remainder 
 of temperate Western Australia, prov^ided that we retain 
 for the new colony that which Bechuanaland has not — 
 a coast. 
 
 It is easy to see the reasons for the failures which Land legis- 
 have been made in the various Australian colonies in 
 their dealings with the land, and it would not be difficult 
 now, with the warning of their examples, to construct a 
 better system than that which has prevailed in any, 
 especially if the legislator were not hampered by the 
 existence in the community of general ideas ujion the 
 theory of land legislation. It would probably be found 
 impossible in any new community to absolutely refuse to 
 sell land. The cry of " Unlock the land," which carried 
 all before it in eastern Australia at one moment, would 
 be, elsewhere as it was there, too strong to be resisted. 
 The principle of "homestead legislation," such as that 
 of the United States or of Canada, must be admitted, 
 at all events to some extent. Immioraiits of the rinht 
 class and artisans who have made a little money must 
 be allowed to obtain the freehold of blocks of land 
 actually cultivated by them, free, or else by the 
 Australian system of " deferred payments." Out-and- 
 out sale to the highest bidder and alienation of the 
 freehold of land upon a large scale can be resisted any- 
 where, because an almost universal public sentiment 
 comes in to l)ack up the law, and the whoK' of the 
 Australian colonies now regret the improvidence of their 
 large land alienations. The system of the leasing of land 
 as against that of sale can be ap})lied, except as regards 
 the small blocks parted with to actual cultivators of the 
 soil ; but it will be necessary to introduce stringent 
 measures to prevent the ultimate sale of the small blocks 
 
 thus acquired. In Victoria, which of all the Australian 
 VOL. I 2 E 
 
»vBBt-a.f*»*rA 
 
 410 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 ¥ '{ 
 
 \\ 
 
 Leasing 
 
 ooinliiiuMl 
 
 witli 
 
 lioiiiestttad 
 
 system. 
 
 Land iiiidur 
 cultivation 
 iu tliu 
 difTeri'nt 
 colouies. 
 
 colonies has done most to facilitate the acquisition of land 
 by agricultural holders, a great number of the lioldings 
 have after a while been bought up by capitalists. 
 
 There can be little doubt that in the hmo; run tlie 
 advantage to the community is all on the side of the 
 system of leasing as against that of the sale of public 
 lands. The State retains its national domain Jis a 
 magnificent asset which increases in value from year to 
 year, and, instead of a few individuals being enriched, 
 the whole community gains. Other taxes become un- 
 necessary in face of the rise of the State rents from 
 lands. As has been ably shown in a work by Dr. Quick 
 upon Victorian land tenure, the vast sums sunk in the 
 purchase of land would under a rental system have been 
 utilised in the employment of labour and the improve- 
 ment of land. The public would have preserved for 
 their use the best of the river and mountain scenery ; 
 and the best of the agricultural land would support a 
 large population instead of being, as is too often tlie 
 case, given up to pasture only, while the agriculturists 
 are driven on to the inferior lands. After the harm is 
 once done there is no remedy except severe taxation to 
 break up great estates, or laws prohibiting the ownershi]» 
 or transmission of lands of more than a limited area and 
 value, which lead to a war of classes, whereas no one is 
 harmed when the better system has existed from the 
 first. Probably the best system on the whole for 
 colonies is one of compromise, allowing the sale of town 
 freeholds, but confining freeholds as regards the country 
 to the actual agricultural occupation of small blocks on 
 a homestead system. 
 
 South Australia, owing to the plan upon which it was 
 originally planted, still has much more land under tillage 
 cultivation in proportion to its population than have any 
 
cnAi'. IV 
 
 WESTERN AUSTRALIA 
 
 411 
 
 ivas 
 
 
 of the other Austrahisian colonies, Tasmania standing 
 next, at a great interval. The colony which stands 
 third, namely. New Zealand, has a " homestead system " 
 competing with those of Canada and of the United 
 States and (Queensland, but suffers from the denseness 
 of her bush and the difficulty of clearing land. Fourth 
 upon the list comes Victoria, which has made great 
 legislative efforts to bring land out of pastoral and 
 into agricultural occupation. New South AVales and 
 Queensland have at present virtually no agricultural 
 land, as compared witli their pastoral holdings; but 
 Queensland is fighting hard, by means of a home- 
 stead system, to improve her position ; and as the best 
 land in Queensland becomes " peo})led up," Western 
 Australia will have a sjdendid chance for agricultural 
 development. 
 
 [jike Tasmania, Western Australia now seems to ivseut 
 have got over the convict bliglit. It is well governed Wcltmi" 
 l)y a legislature containiuii; sixteen elected members and '^"■'^'"''"- 
 eight nominated by the Crown, and the management of 
 its affairs by those nominated by the Colonial Office has 
 been good. Its finance is sound ; its public works and 
 education system excellent. Sir Napier Broome, the 
 outgoing Governor, himself a colonist, Canadian -born 
 and New Zealand trained, is a man of ability, but has a 
 somewhat unyielding disposition, and he found himself 
 provided with a Chief Justice of a similar temper. Com- 
 plications arose in consequence which are to be deplored, 
 but which are now at an end. Sir Napier Broome 
 has been succeeded by that experienced Governor, Sir 
 William Robinson, mentioned under South Australia, 
 and who now comes to Western Australia for the 
 third time. It is absurd to suppose that the present 
 system can long continue, and it is time that we 
 
M 
 
 iHMn 
 
 if 
 
 II 
 
 li' 
 
 
 If 
 
 ■if i 
 
 - ;; 
 
 tit ii * 
 
 
 1 
 
 i 1 
 
 41: 
 
 PROnLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART It 
 
 completed provident nrraiigemcnts with a view to the 
 crmdual conversion of the Government into a self- 
 governing system, instead of delaying until we have to 
 give up everything, and to transfer the whole territory 
 in dispute, with all its immense natural resources, to a 
 handful of people in order to save the shadow of a 
 connection between the colony ;ind ourselves. When 
 the colony receives self-governing institutions, the 
 Speaker of the Legislative Council, Sir James Lee 
 Steere, and Mr. Forrest, the Surveyor- General, and 
 former commander of the search expedition and of 
 several ex})loring expeditions into the interior, are likely 
 to be the leading men upon the Conservative side and in 
 the new State itself at first. Sir James Lee Steere was 
 in 1888 and in 1889, although representing a Crown 
 colony, one of the most active and useful members of 
 the Federal Council, and was indeed Chairman of its 
 committees in both of these years. He has lately sug- 
 gested the abandonment of the division of the colony 
 proposed in the Bill of 1889, and substitution of a 
 division by North and South, leaving between two- 
 thirds and three-fourths of the colony, lying between 
 the 120th degree {shown upon my map) and the 
 South Australian boundary, in the charge of the mother- 
 country. 
 The iu't,'oti- In the negotiations which went on in the wdnter of 
 rein-"' 1888-89 with regard to the introduction of responsible 
 sii.iugov- o(wernment into Western Australia, the Secretary of 
 
 ernniL'iit. " ^ ' j 
 
 State argued in favour of the temporary creation of a 
 new legislature consisting of a single elective chamber, 
 and it was the influence of the Governor, Sir Napier 
 Broome, and of his advisers, which caused the Colonial 
 Utiice to change its mind and agree to the principle 
 of two Houses for the new Constitution. But, on 
 
atKWMNMKVRiMt- 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 IP'ES TERN A US TRA IJA 
 
 413 
 
 of 
 ible 
 
 of 
 if a 
 jer, 
 )ier 
 iial 
 pie 
 
 on 
 
 I 
 
 iiuestions. 
 
 tlu', otlier hand, the colony snggested the power to 
 pass Bills over the veto of the Council hy a two- 
 thirds majority of the Assembly — a proposal the 
 necessity of which has been shown l)y the conflicts in 
 New South Wales and in Victoria, ;ind by the means 
 taken to avoid them in South Australia, but to which 
 the Government at home refused to assent. 
 
 When responsible government and a large share Defence 
 of Australian lands are conferred by us u})on Western 
 Australia, conditions should be made as to the part of 
 the colony in the fortification and o-amsonin^ of King 
 George's Sound — a magnificent port, not only of ad- 
 vantage to the Australian squadron and to the British 
 fleet in case of war, but capable of being turned against 
 us by an enemy if it were not strongly held. In 1885 
 two men-of-war had to be detailed for its defence — a 
 complete reversal of the projier duty of a sea-goiiig fleet. 
 The defence of Kins: (leoro-c's Sound is rather an Aus- 
 tralian than either a British or a Western Australian 
 interest, but hitherto the colonies and mother-country 
 have not come to an arrangement sufliciently satisfactory 
 to secure the certainty of its defence. Lying, as King 
 George's Sound does, upon the line of trade from Mel- 
 bourne and Adelaide to the Suez Canal, its defence 
 is as important to the southern colonies as is that of 
 Torres Straits to Queensland. The Federal Council of 
 Australasia at its first meeting advised the immediate 
 provision of local defence for both Torres Straits and 
 King George's Sound. The Colonial Conference dis- 
 cussed the matter, but were unhappily unable to come 
 to a settlement, though it is to be hoped that it is 
 now being privately arranged. 
 
 The Fiji group, which also forms a Crown colony, Fiji. 
 should be mentioned in this chapter for the same reason 
 
 I ; 
 
 Wl$. 
 
414 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 ;'l 
 
 New 
 Zealand. 
 
 which led me to write here of Western Australia, namely, 
 that the colony is represented upon the Federal Council 
 of Australasia. Some of the planters of Fiji are dis- 
 satisfied with the existing government of the islands, 
 and have made overtures to Victoria for annexation to 
 that colony, to which, however, Victoria does not seem 
 inclined to listen. The importance of the Fiji Islands 
 and also of British interests in Samoa will be increased 
 after a canal has been made throufjli the American 
 isthmus — an enojineerinf; feat which, even thouj:(h the 
 Panama Company may fail, may be accomplished at no 
 very distant date. 
 
 The happy position of Australia, a country virtually 
 without a native race — for the few thousands of savages, 
 living entirely by the chase, and having nothing in the 
 nature of settlements upon the soil, who were alone 
 found in the southern portion of the Australian continent, 
 can hardly be said to have constituted one — makes the 
 greater portion of Australia a colonisation country such 
 as is unknown elsew^here outside America. Australia, by 
 climate, and by absence of a settled native population, 
 falls exactly within the conditions which, in his essay 
 on plantations, Bacon laid down for us speculatively as 
 the best. We now have to consider the condition of 
 another colony in the southern seas, able, if slie chooses, 
 to be represented on the Federal Council of Australasia, 
 but widely different from the Australian colonies both 
 in scenery and in the relations of the Government to the 
 indigenous population. New Zealand in her northern 
 island has a large population of the warlike and intelli- 
 gent Maori race, and the serious wars which were 
 carried on against these people have affected the political 
 and financial position of the colony. There were no 
 
 Travel 
 
 roads across the north island for a long time. 
 
\ 
 
 n 
 
 PART n 
 
 amely, 
 Council 
 re dis- 
 slaiicls, 
 tion to 
 t seem 
 Islaiuls 
 creased 
 nerican 
 irrh the 
 d at 110 
 
 irtually 
 savages, 
 y ill tlie 
 •e alone 
 iiitiiieiit, 
 akes the 
 try such 
 ;ralia, by 
 pulatioii, 
 lis essay 
 .tively as 
 dition of 
 } chooses, 
 istralasia, 
 nies both 
 mt to the 
 northern 
 id iiitcUi- 
 dch were 
 e political 
 ! were no 
 }. Travel 
 
 ■• ,f .• 
 
w\ 
 
 SYONEY 
 
 I ' 
 
 40t- 
 
 160° 
 
 
 NKW 
 
 .Lia<dUowv I, 
 
 JNEW ZEALAND 
 
 AND THE 
 
 FIJI ISLANDS. 
 
 Vnll p. 41 a. 
 
 no' 
 
 FIJI ISliANDS « 
 
 
 V ••? 
 
 ^ytufi,}ki. 
 
 Tropic of Capricorn 
 
 aor 
 
 liEtKMADEC 19 
 
 i'liriste.hiircli. 
 
 Longitude East lflO° of (Vreenvnch 
 
 30* 
 
 4or 
 
 Ll^toll 
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 ClJATlIAMI?^^. 
 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 
 1«0» 
 
 Ililk,.-,'hfUrrn.i ot' Otvoljf- Ilr,t,\,i, 
 
 'tnojiHjrJ's C-c^rnphica! f:sUihUshmfnt 
 
'•■^ 
 
 ■■ 
 
 11 ff 
 
 I; 
 
 k f 
 
 tr ' 
 
 1 :f 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
f I 
 
 CHAI'. IV 
 
 NEIV ZEALAND 
 
 415 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 -. s 
 
 n 
 
 
 IM 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 1-3 
 
 I 
 
 =5 
 
 was entirely round tlic coast, and the rouiitry fj^rovv up 
 in the form of a HUceo.sHion of independent provinttes, 
 at one tiiui^ almost eonipletely separatctl politieally juuI 
 .socially tlie one from the other. In the .southern or 
 middle i.shmd in tho.sc^ day.s power was divided hctween 
 C)ta_<T;o and Canterbury — between the Scotch capital 
 Dunedin and the rre.sl)yterian Province of Utago, 
 and tile l^nyjli.sh and " Anuflican " Province of Canter- 
 bury, with C*hri.stchurch for capital. In the north 
 i.sland Auckland at one end rivaUed Wellinsjjton at the 
 otiier ; and Ilawke Hay, and 'Jaranaki, or New Ply- 
 mouth, on opposite sides of the island, long remained in 
 coni]»arative ol).scurity. The fact that so many virtually 
 separate colonies had been formed in the New Zealand 
 islands, each as a separate State with its own cajtital, 
 prevented any one (dty from gaining a preponderance. 
 In the meantime the Maorics, in the centre of the north 
 island, occupied a strategical position which gave them 
 advantages in warfare, and caused the colony to become 
 burdened with debt in putting down their insurrections. 
 The Maories have declined, both al)solutely, and still 
 more relatively to the general population, although 
 they have shown a great aptitude for civilisation, and 
 have won the respect of the white colonists — c nost 
 unusual thing in the case of any dark-.skinnea ..iCO. 
 The native members of both the Council and the House 
 of Representatives in New Zealand take an intelligent 
 part in the debates, but one of the latter, who first 
 married an Englishwoman and then separated from her, 
 is charged by the press with neglecting to maintain 
 his wife. 
 
 The great political question in New Zealand for Protection, 
 some time past, as in South Australia, has been that of 
 Protection, and to that issue everything else has for 
 
■■'<*^-^ 
 
 mm 
 
 416 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 I 
 
 r ' i 
 
 Hi ^ 
 
 Tlie l*rinie 
 Minister. 
 
 Sir Robert 
 Stout. 
 
 the time been sacrificed. The year 1888 was marked 
 by a distinct advauce in the direction of Protection in 
 New Zeahmd, as well as in Queenshind and South 
 Australia, and Protection ^e Victorian type has 
 
 triumphed in all three colonies. The New Zealanders, 
 like the Tasmanians, call their tariff a revenue tariff", 
 and assert that there are four strong free traders in the 
 Ministry which has lately increased the duties ; but this 
 is mere dust for colonial free-traders' eyes. 
 
 In New" Zealand the introducer of strong Protection 
 has been Sir Harry Atkinson, formerly the leader of the 
 Conservative party, but even then one of its most 
 liberal members, and now hardly to be described as a 
 Conservative, althouoh he is in favour of denominationnl 
 education. The Church of England l^tarty are, however, 
 more and more in all the colonies, coming to hold their 
 view in favour of denominational schools as a mere 
 pious opinion to which no attempt need be made, in 
 face of popular hostility, to give effect. Sir Harry 
 Atkinson is a plain, straightforward, able man, who 
 was a good soldier during the native war, an honest and 
 energetic, experienced and trusted politician, a capable 
 speaker, a good representative of the practical upright 
 l)ortion of the English people, and a man of resolute 
 will and unflinching courage. He is now becoming as 
 considerable a personage in New Zealand by force of 
 character as is Sir Henry Parkcs himself in New South 
 Wales. 
 
 The late Prime Minister, Sir Robert Stout, who till 
 very recently led the Liberal party, is one of the chief 
 lawyers in Dunedin, and is a Scotchman from the 
 Orkney Islands. He w^as originally a pupil- teacher, 
 and then a schoolmaster, before he became a " barrister 
 of the Supreme Court of New Zealand." He is an 
 
 a 
 
PV 
 
 vmm 
 
 m 
 
 cnAi'. IV 
 
 NEir ZEALAND 
 
 417 
 
 able speaker, and a well-read and thoughtful man ; an 
 ardent advocate of teniperarice principles, a strong 
 democrat, and in religious matters an active " secularist." 
 Sir Robert Stout's honesty to my mind is not doubtful, 
 and he has proclaimed his convictions in favour of State 
 ownership of land in such a way as to be politically 
 damaging to himself at a time when he knew that the 
 opinion of the colony was against him. He is, sub- 
 stantially, in favour of the same views on the land 
 question as those held in Queensland by Sir Samuel 
 Griffith and other partial supporters of Mr. Henry 
 George, and in Victoria by ]\Ir. Syme of the Melbourne 
 A<ie. Sir llobert Stout is in favour of a single Chamber ; 
 but the view to which he would sacrifice all others is 
 his conviction that it is wronsx to sell land for cash, 
 and that land should not be allowed to become private 
 property, but should remain within the control of the 
 State. He is opposed to separation from the mother- 
 country, and is a strong supporter of British supremacy 
 in the Pacific. He was damaged by his coalition with 
 Sir Julius Voo;el in the Stout-am^-Voo-el Government 
 from 1884 to 1887. Sir IJobert Stout's opponents 
 are divided between those who foolishly question his 
 uprightness, and those who think that he weakly yielded 
 to a clever advocate and accomplished party header, 
 who is charged by his enemies with having plunged 
 the colony into the financial embarrassments from 
 which it is now recovering. The Opposition have lately 
 chosen for their leader Mr. Ballance, a younger man 
 than most of the other New Zealand politicians, who 
 formerly held the post of Minister of Native Affairs. 
 Sir Harry vVtkinson is carrying out a policy of retrench- 
 ment, very necessary in New Zealand as I shall show, 
 but now that Sir Julius Vogel has decided to give up 
 
 'i 
 
 IS] 
 
m^fm 
 
 •w^n 
 
 418 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 VART 11 
 
 I 
 
 colonial politics, for a time at least, one of the principal 
 items of the strength of the Atkinson Ministry, namely, 
 the terror of " Vogel finance," has disappeared, and tlie 
 Ministry has begun to suffer from internal discord. The 
 late Governor, Sir William Jervois, and the present 
 Governor, Lord Onslow, are pleasant and capable rulers, 
 and it is to the credit of the Colonial Office that they 
 should have recently found such good men for the South - 
 Sea colonies. Lord Onslow was the first Governor of 
 New Zealand appointed (in 1889) at a reduced salary 
 fixed in 1887. He has energy and business ability, 
 but will find, as Sir William Jervois found, that the 
 existence of towns larger than the capital and the 
 jealousies of the former provinces and their chief cities 
 are difficulties in the way of New Zealand governors. 
 On the other hand, the colony sometimes sees cause 
 to rejoice at the absence of a great city which forms 
 and guides opinion, as is the case in Victoria and 
 New South Wales with Melbourne and Sydney re- 
 spectively. 
 
 The legislative peculiarities of New Zealand are its 
 system of Government life insurance ; its electoral law, 
 which leaves the demarcation of districts to a board 
 appointed for the purpose ; and its combination of a 
 heavy succession duty, graduated, according to amount, 
 from 2^ to 10 per cent, with an extra 3 per cent in 
 the case of strangers, making at the outside 13 per 
 cent in all, together with a property -tax of a penny 
 in the pound on all property over £500. There have 
 been since 1873 New Zealand Acts called " Imbecile 
 Pauper im- Passcngcrs Acts," and in the present Act, which is a 
 
 migration. , . ., . , , . . 
 
 consolidation and amendment Act dating from 1882, 
 there are provisions relating to the introduction of 
 passengers likely to become a charge upon the pul)lic, 
 
 liegislativt 
 peculiar- 
 ities. 
 
 Heavy 
 
 graduated 
 taxation. 
 
mm 
 
 ««pni 
 
 ^ 
 
 ciiAr. IV 
 
 A'Ell^ ZEALAND 
 
 419 
 
 similar to those which have been already noted as 
 existing in the colonies of Victoria and Tasmania. 
 New Zealand also gives more local control over Eiiucation. 
 education than is allowed by the State in the other 
 colonies. 
 
 The Government life insurance scheme is a some- Govern- 
 what remarkable experiment, originally suggested by surauee. 
 Sir Julius Vogel. It has been in force now for some 
 twenty years, and, although it has not extinguished the 
 friendly societies, it has competed with them on very 
 favourable terms, and to some extent prevents them 
 from obtaining fresh business. Its enemies declare that 
 it is unsound, though actuaries would hesitate to follow 
 them, and there can, I think, be no doubt that the 
 colony would in the long-run f)ay losses on the fund, 
 which is certainly looked upon as sound by the popula- 
 tion. There has been some idea in New Zealand of 
 adopting either a general insurance for all classes, 
 which should be compulsory and obviate the necessity 
 for a poor law, or a scheme of compulsory insurance 
 for all workmen similar to that which has been adoi)ted 
 in Germany in recent years ; but nothing has as yet 
 come of cither of these propositions. The existing 
 scheme, which has needed a whole code of colonial 
 Acts, is simply a Government provident society, and an 
 extension of our Post-Oftice Life Insurance department, 
 but pushed far more actively by the colonial Govern- 
 ment. There is also in New Zealand a Public Trust 
 Office, which does a good deal of the work that 
 the Charity Commissioners do in England, but which 
 extends its operations farther, for it acts in place of 
 private guardians and private trustees of wills. 
 
 The next peculiarity which I have mentioned had not The Eieo- 
 been tried in practice up to 1889 and is already unpopular, 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 f 
 
420 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TART II 
 
 Taxation. 
 
 SO that the provision of the electoral law leaving the 
 demarcation of districts to a board is not only peculiar 
 to New Zealand, but not well established there. It has, 
 however, survived the legislation of 1889, which has 
 established the principle "one man, one vote." In 
 June 1889 Government introduced a Representation of 
 the People Bill, which caused a struggle terminating 
 in the withdrawal of the measure and the passing of a 
 simpler one, only after Sir Harry Atkinson had evinced 
 his strong partiality for the doctrine of Proportional 
 Representation. The first Representation Bill of 1889 
 was one for preferential voting, and it was a crude and 
 badly-drawn attemj)t to reduce this system into practice, 
 which the House would not consider. In the obstruc- 
 tion to which resort was had to prevent the passing of 
 the Bill, one of the Maori members made a nine-hours' 
 speech. The tendency to decrease the number of mem- 
 bers of the Lower House is as marked in New Zealand 
 as the tendency to increase the number is marked in 
 New South Wales, but the New Zealand Assembly, 
 decreased in December 1887, has been left at seventy 
 ordinary and four Maori members by the Act of August 
 1889. 
 
 The peculiarity I have noticed, which concerns 
 taxation, explains itself In addition to the very heavy 
 succession duty and to the property-tax there are, it 
 will be remembered, considerable custom duties, so that 
 New Zealand is certainly making greater sacrifices in 
 tlir way of tax-paying than is the case with the other 
 colonies, though the expenditure per head of the popula- 
 tion of Queensland and Western Australia is as high ; 
 but in spite of her heavy taxes and her heavy debt, 
 her people as a rule are prosperous. The New Zealand 
 Government, where they object to the owner's valuation 
 
i 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 NEIV ZEALAND 
 
 421 
 
 of property for duty, Ccaii take the property at his valua- 
 tion plus 10 percent; but they also have to make a 
 preliminary valuation of their own, and the landowner 
 can force the Government to take his property at their 
 valuation. Between the two the truth appears generally 
 to be arrived at by a conference. It has been frequently 
 proposed to substitute an income-tax and land-tax for 
 the property-tax, and there are cross-divisions of parties 
 upon this (piestion, but it seems likely upon the whole 
 that the property-tax will continue to exist, although 
 in 1889 Sir Harry Atkinson staked the existence of 
 his Government upon the point, and yet had only a 
 majority of four. 
 
 There is a somewhat strong feeling in New Zealand, Land legis- 
 but one confined to a distinct minority, in favour of the 
 State holding the land. Formerly a vast proportion of 
 the occupied land was in the hands of a plutocracy of 
 a thousand people. The recent bad times have fallen 
 upon them ; ciianges in the land laws, since the abolition 
 of the provincial system, have hit them hard ; and their 
 power has declined and is declining. But as tlie small 
 holders become more and more immerous, they show 
 more and m^re plainly the conservative effect of the 
 possession of freehold land, and they do not appear, 
 as a body, to have niucli sympathy with new ideas 
 on land. 
 
 New Zealand has endowed its education system with Education. 
 State lands ; but South Australia also possesses, and 
 Victoria is introducing, education reserves, while 
 Victoria has in addition lands set aside as endowments 
 for agricultural colleges and for harbour trusts. As 
 regards the public schools, although Sir Harry Atkinson 
 is himself favourable to denominational education, he 
 has, I believe, no idea of attempting to touch the secular 
 
 \^ 
 
Il 
 
 422 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART U 
 
 ^i ( 
 
 Local 
 option. 
 
 Railways. 
 
 system, the feeling in the country in its support being 
 far too strong for hira, as that in favour of freehold 
 tenure was too strong for his former rival, Sir Kol)ert 
 Stout. The Roman Catholic population is not numerous 
 in New Zealand as compared with the other colonies, 
 but is wealthy and influential, and the Roman Catholics 
 are among the most respected portion of the popula- 
 tion. They have in the Catholic Times of Wellington 
 {in excellent newspaper. The Presbyterians of New 
 Zealand, who are powerful in the Provincial District 
 of Otago, are anxious to cause the Bible to be read 
 in schools, and have brought Bills or resolutions before 
 Parliament to compel the reading of the Bible ; but 
 these have been lost by large majorities, and the system 
 is likely to remain free and secular. The charge on 
 public funds for education in New Zealand was greater 
 relatively to population than in the other colonies, and 
 is being decreased by Sir Harry Atkinson. 
 
 As regards the liquor question the Queensland and 
 New Zealand Acts are the fullest local option Acts in 
 existence in any Australasian colonies, and give the 
 temperance party that which they ask in England more 
 closely than any other non-Canadian Acts ; but there 
 is a good deal of evasion, in New Zealand as in South 
 Australia, of all licensing provisions in portions of 
 the colony. Clubs are wholly exempted from the Act, 
 except that all clubs have under it to apply to the 
 colonial Home Office for a charter ; but it is the duty of 
 that office to issue the charter on being fully satisfied 
 as to the nature and character of the club. There is a 
 prohibition party in New Zealand, led by Sir W. Fox, 
 who are makintj a bitter attack on the club-licensinor 
 provisions of the law. 
 
 New Zealand has from January 1889 followed the 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 423 
 
 ll 
 
 example of Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, and 
 New South Wales, in placing her State railways under 
 a Board of Commissioners, the chief commissioner beini; 
 paid £2500 a year. An attem[)t was made to discover 
 a suitable chief commissioner in England, and one was 
 found, but after being asked to take the place, he 
 accepted a better post at home. The Board has been 
 filled up with colonists, and it is hoped, tliough doul)ted, 
 that it may be able to completely choke otf those 
 political infkiences which have been prejndi(tially aflect- 
 ing railway work. The New Zealand Act is jierhaps 
 the strongest of the whole, in the sense of absolutely 
 vesting the State railways in the commissioners, over 
 whom no governor or minister is to have any power of 
 inspection or examination, supervision or control. The 
 Government of New Zealand are now allowing railways 
 to be made by private companies with land grants upon 
 the American system. The line from Wellington to 
 join the Government railways on the west coast of the 
 north island, known as that of the Wellington and 
 ^Fanawatu Company, and passing through the iMana- 
 watu block — at the sale of which, by the natives, I was 
 present — is now open, and a great deal of fertile land has 
 l)een brought into settlement. Another line made with 
 land grants is to be built by the Midland Railway 
 Company between the east and west coasts of the 
 middle ( ; south island, and two million acres are to be 
 made over to the company, which has just completed a 
 part of the line on the west coast coal and gold fields, and 
 is now making arrangements for beginning the main part, 
 which will cross the dividing range. A third scheme is 
 under consideration, for a line between the Government 
 system in Otago and a gold and scjuatting country not 
 yet reached ; but Parliament has objected to the large 
 
 II 
 
Ill 
 
 1 
 
 434 
 
 PROni.EMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I' ART II 
 
 Unem- 
 jiloyuil. 
 
 area of Innd wliich would have to be alienated to a 
 j»rivate company for this scheme. The plan would 
 never have been thought of but for the objection in 
 New Zealand to fresh loans. The private lines are not 
 under the control of the new railway board. 
 
 As in New South AVales, there has been in New 
 Zealand for some years past the need for setting aside 
 money for the unemployed. The Government threw 
 upon the districts a few years ago the chief p;irt in the 
 maintenance of the hospitals and support of the local 
 charities, and practically it may be said, as will be seen 
 in the remarks on "The Poor "in my second volume, 
 that New Zealand now has a poor law and a poor rate. 
 Waif children are boarded-out in New Zealand as in 
 New South Wales, 
 The eight- The eight-hour day is universal for artisans, but has 
 Piiyiiient of Hot rcccived legislative sanction. Several attempts have 
 members, j^^^^^ made iu New^ Zealand to narrowly restrict the hoars 
 of employment of women, and one E^U which provided 
 that no female was to work more than forty-eight hours a 
 week was carried through the Low'er House, but rejected 
 by the Council. It is not hard to understand Sir Robert 
 Stout's objection to a second chamber when we notice 
 how large a proportion of the measures of his last 
 administration were thrown out by the Upper House. 
 New Zealand, like Canada, Victoria, New South Wales, 
 Queensland, South Australia, and the great majority of 
 our colonies, has payment of members, and the reduc- 
 tion of the numbers of members in the New Zealand 
 Parliament is made doubly beneficial by this fact. Such a 
 reduction was indeed in my opinion as necessary in New 
 Zealand as it was some years ago in Clrcece, and the 
 success of M. Tricoupis in halving the number of mem- 
 bers and doubling the taxes shows that such operations 
 
CIIAl'. IV 
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 425 
 
 are not so difficult, in a parliamentary sense, as they 
 were once supposed to be. The working classes of New 
 Zealand, who have shown their power by compelling the 
 adoption of the laws which I have named, and which are 
 similar to those existing in Australia, have also exhibited 
 on the Chinese question the same feelings as those which 
 have been shown throughout the larger continent ; but 
 the stringent legislation upon this subject, which passed 
 through the Lower House, was modified by the Council. 
 It has been suggested that the reduction of the Governor's 
 salary was perhaps an indirect way in which the demo- 
 cracy took its revenge for the constant thwarting of its 
 wishes by an Upper House, the members of which are, 
 nominally at all events, appointed by the Governor ; 
 but Governors have little to do with the appointment of 
 members of the Council, and reduction of expenditure is 
 in New Zealand the order of the day. 
 
 In New Zealand generally it may be said tliat in Financial 
 spite of the financial condition of the colony, which is ^°''' '""" 
 nothing like so bad as it would be if the figures referred 
 to an old country and not to a new and undeveloped 
 one, the peoj^le are contented. Moreover, a new wave 
 of prosperity seems about to break upon the colony. 
 The beautiful climate and the fertile soil make, as has 
 been pointed out by an eminent colonial politician, the 
 women and children of the settlers happy with a 
 happiness that belongs to working women where the 
 cows give plenty of milk and butter, the fowls give 
 plenty of eggs, the land smiles upon them, and the 
 children thrive. Under such circumstances settlers can 
 bear a good deal of taxation without flinching. 
 
 If New Zealand were populated like Italy or Japan she Population. 
 
 would have from twenty to thirty millions of inhabitants 
 
 within her boundaries. Her soil is as fertile ; her climate 
 VOL. I 2 F 
 
 il 
 
426 
 
 rj^OHLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 1 
 
 US good or better; her miner.ilH mucli moi-c valuiil>le; 
 and tliere can be no reason wliy tliis colony, small 
 though it is as compared with most of the Australian 
 colonies, should not one day hold thirty millions of 
 prosperous and contented people. There is not the 
 same crowding into towns observ^able in New Zealand 
 as in Australia. The four chief cities, which are the 
 only large ones, have among them under 200,000 i)eoplc 
 even when we include all their strafjfjlinij suburbs. 
 Auckland is the largest town ; Christchurch and Dunedin 
 follow ; and AVellington, the capital, is but a bad fourth, 
 although Wellington is likely, I think, to grow. Under 
 the old provincial system, which has now been for a 
 good many years extinct, Canterbury, Otago, Auckland, 
 and the other provinces had a completeness of Home 
 Rule which made of New Zealand a somewhat loose 
 federation, and this tended to prevent the predomi- 
 nance of any city. The system is at an end, yet its 
 results in some degree continue. It was in itself a 
 consequence of the mountainous nature of the country 
 and, in the north island, of the occui)ation of the interior 
 by a warlike native race. The New Zealand people is 
 about as English in composition as are those of the 
 Australian colonies, and rather more Scotch ; and New 
 Zealand is one of the few colonies in which the Scotch 
 are more numerous than the Irish. Our Australasian 
 colonies form the only great countries in the world 
 almost entirely inhabited by the peoi)le of the United 
 Kingdom, well mixed up, and by them only. In the 
 United States there is a large German and Scandinavian 
 element ; in Canada there is a large French element ; 
 and in South Africa the Dutch are more numerous 
 than the English, and the Kafirs than either. But in 
 Australia, generally speaking, we have a population of 
 
<IIA1'. IV 
 
 NFAV ZEALAM) 
 
 427 
 
 which n, c|uartcr is Iriali, an eiglith Scotch, and the 
 rcmaiiidcr l^^nglisli ; wliile in New Zealand we have a 
 population of which nearly a quarter is Scotch, less 
 than a quarter Irish, and the rest mainly En<;lish. 
 There are more Presbyterians than J Ionian Catholics 
 in New Zealand, a fact which in itself forms a con- 
 sideral)le example of the })eculiarity which distin2;uishes 
 New Zealand from the Australian colonies; but the 
 Roman Catholics are, as I have hinted, not less in- 
 fluential in New Zealand than they are generally in 
 Australia. Substantially it may be said that New 
 Zealand, like Australia, is inhabited by the people of 
 the United Kingdom shaken together, and that the New 
 Zealand people are as intelligent as the Australians. 
 
 The advantajje which will be the making of New I'lotiucts. 
 Zealand is that of variety of production, which she })0s- 
 sesses in a higher degree than even Queensland, and 
 which must always cause her to be rich through whatever 
 momentary depression she may pass. Sheep country, 
 cattle country, minerals of every kind, timber, fruit — 
 all the productions of the whole of the Australian 
 colonics, and others which they do not aflbrd, are found 
 united in New Zealand. Her coal is not placed where 
 it is most wanted, but nevertheless her steam-coal is 
 excellent ; gold still exists, probaljly in large quantities ; 
 and the other minerals are all present, and will un- 
 doubtedly in time begin to yield their harvest. New 
 Zealand has been to some extent handicapped by a war 
 expenditure. Kei)udiation, which has been suggested 
 in some English books which have aroused fierce indig- 
 nation in the colony, is as unlikely in the case of New 
 Zealand as in the case of any of the colonies of Australia, 
 and the colony is now settling down into what is likely 
 to prove an era of more permanent prosperity than she 
 
I 
 
 428 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 ,. } 
 
 r 
 
 V 
 
 has yet enjoyed. Native trouble.s are at an end. The 
 war .scejjtre has been given up by the Maories voluntarily 
 to the Minister for Native A Hairs, and the country 
 between and including the splendid mountains of 
 Tongariro and Ruapcha has been set aside as a national 
 park on the proposal of the tribe that owned it. 
 LitmtuR'. It is to be hoped that the almost unrivalled scenery 
 of New Zealand may produce in the future some effect 
 upon the literature of that country. Hitherto New 
 Zealand has not brought forth literature of the first 
 order. Old New Zealand is a most remarkable and 
 entertaining work, but the *' foreign native " was not 
 New - Zealand - born. Robert Browning's " Waring," 
 known to the colony as Mr. Alfred Domett, was, 
 of course, English-born ; he was a Cambridge man, 
 and he returned to, and died in, England at the age 
 of seventy-six, having been an ofHcial of New Zealand, 
 and the author of the longest poem about New Zealand, 
 but a poet English trained. Moreover, even if his 
 poetry had been real New Zealand poetry, it could not, 
 according to my judgment, have been pronounced, 
 generally speaking, good. Mr. Farjeon is a clever 
 novelist who in his time has been, I believe, first a 
 disaer in Victoria and then a iournalist in New 
 Zealand ; but he, too, can hardly be claimed as a 
 colonial product. Mr. Marriott Watson and other New 
 Zealand writers have become known to students of the 
 best colonial literature, but have not yet made much 
 mark in the outside world, though Mr. Marriott Wat- 
 son's Marahuna has been lately published in London. 
 Station Life in Neio Zealand, by Lady Barker, now 
 the wife of Sir Napier Broome, is, after Old New 
 Zealand, the best -known work that the colony has 
 yet produced. It has been thought that, great as are 
 
 \ 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 NKW ZEALAND 
 
 439 
 
 the literary disadvantages under wliirli all colonies 
 labour, these have been increased in New Zealand by 
 the existence of separate provincial centres, each trying 
 to do everything, but not as yet sutHciently considerable 
 to do things well. 
 
 On the other hand, there is a good deal of originality 
 in the character of the New Zealand settlers. Men 
 holding peculiar and even eccentric opinions obtain 
 power and influence in New Zealand more readily than 
 in the Australian colonies. While Victoria was first in 
 the introduction of many radical reforms, and while 
 Queensland has at the present moment taken her place 
 as the most demonstrative and active, politically speak- 
 ing, of the colonies, New Zealand is now coming to 
 the front in the field of political and social experiment. 
 
 Although there is so close a resemblance between 
 Australia and New Zealand in legislation and in political 
 tendencies, this, one would think, must be of the race 
 rather than of the country, so different are the countries 
 themselves. Physically it may be said that there is 
 absolutely no resemblance between New Zealand and 
 Australia except in the ftict that gold and wool are 
 produced in each. We find, of course, in New Zealand 
 much that is common to Ne^v Zealand and to Australia, 
 but common also to these and the Canadian Dominion — 
 much that is generally colonial : blackened stumps about 
 the fields ; the absorption of the community in agri- 
 cultural or pastoral pursuits ; good fellowship ; the 
 manliness of the men ; the plentiful, jierhaps ex- 
 aggerated, use of tea ; even the slang, descending 
 as it does from the diggers' tongue, first born 
 in California about 1850 : but nothing can be more 
 complete than the contrast between Australia and 
 New Zealand. Marcus Clarke has told us that weird 
 
 Niitional 
 I'lmructur. 
 
 Di (Terences 
 l)etwefii 
 New Zea- 
 l.'iiiil :inil 
 Australia. 
 
 I I 
 
 Ui 
 
k 
 
 M 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 w 
 
 I'll 
 
 ! 1 
 
 I ' 
 
 430 
 
 PKO/iLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 melancholy is the dominant note of Australian scenery, 
 which is true enough, for the Australian landscape is as 
 lonely, as melancholy, and as solemn as the Roman 
 Campagna, with the added weirdness of strange bark- 
 sheddini; trees, and of uncouth beasts and birds. New 
 Zealand is wholly different — severe and frowning in the 
 south, open and alluring in the north, with a bright 
 Polynesian loveliness. Australia is, as we have seen, in 
 summer a land of dry rivers, browai grass, yellow lurid 
 glare, and brassy sun ; and in the greater part of winter 
 a land of blue sky and soft smoky haze. New Zealand 
 in summer may resemble parts of Australia in winter, 
 but she has a real winter in her south island, and a wet 
 winter in her extreme north. The wxst coast of the 
 middle or south island, whence come the New Zealand 
 coal and gold, is a country of constant rain, of glaciers, 
 and of tree fern, and chattering parroquets, inexpressibly 
 distinct from the '1 icd-up Australian gold-fields of Sand- 
 hurst. South central Australia has the climate of Greece ; 
 while New Zealand, owing to its enormous length from 
 north to south, has, like Japan, and for the same reason, 
 all the climates of the world except the dry brilliancy of 
 Australia or of Greece. New Zealand, which is all but 
 tropical at the Bay of Islands, is Scotch at Invercargill. 
 It is happy for the Australians that they can visit the 
 perpetual snows, and stand sometimes by the rushing, 
 murderous torrent rivers of New Zealand, usually half 
 lost in their gigantic stony beds. They find something 
 there to dream of when they return to their native 
 creeks — beds of small rivers, consisting of mere baked 
 mud — and swelter throuo;h the still heat of their lone; 
 dry days, w\atching the mirage through the fierce yet 
 healthy heat of their burnt-up plains. 
 Scenery. Ncw Zealand scenery, with that of Japan, is the 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 431 
 
 the 
 
 yet 
 
 the 
 
 1 
 
 
 most beautiful of the temperate world. The one draw- 
 back to living in the loveliest parts of New Zealand is 
 the drawback to Japan — the wind. The west coast of 
 the south or middle island of New Zealand is unequalled 
 in the combination of jungle with low glacier. It is as 
 fine a coast in its way as the west coast of Guatemala ; 
 but it bears no resemblance to that or to any other in the 
 globe. The glaciers come down almost as low as those 
 of Norway, on account of the great rainfall, the con- 
 stant damp, and the absence of a true winter ; while the 
 tree ferns of the largest size resemble palm-trees in their 
 apparently tropical loveliness. In the central part of 
 the north island, in a warm and less wet climate, having 
 just enough rain to fairly moisten its rich soil, the 
 snow peak of Alount Eomont and the stranije white mass 
 of Tongariro rival the snow dome of Mount Cook of the 
 Southern Alps. On the coast of the middle or south 
 island are fiords as wild as those of Norway or of 
 Labrador, and in the extreme south rocks as rugged as 
 those of the Saguenay. It is indeed to be hoped that 
 one day New Zealand may be able to export us some- 
 thing besides wool and frozen meat, for the true poetry 
 of nature should belong to the New Zealand youth. 
 
 One result of the conformation of New Zealand is Defence, 
 the extreme difficulty of the problem of New Zealand 
 defence. While it is not very difHcult to defend one 
 capital, in the case of New ^ealand there are, as we 
 have seen, virtually several capital towns. In New 
 Zealand, as in Italy, and for the same reason — the 
 mountainous nature of the interior — the chief railways 
 cannot but run along the coast and be open to attack. 
 Moreover, New Zealand, also like Italy, has a fabulously 
 long coast line in proportion to her area. The enormous 
 seaboard and the multiplicity of harbours make it diffi- 
 
^^ 
 
 i' 
 
 'i i\ 
 
 I' i 
 
 Prepara- 
 tions for 
 defence. 
 
 432 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 cult to defend the colony by naval means alone, and 
 local protection is required at at least five places, namely, 
 the four chief cities and Invercargill. Auckland is easy 
 of defence if sufficient pains are taken to close the 
 entrance; and the same is true of Wellington, and of 
 Lyttelton, the port of Christchurch. Dunedin, or rather 
 Port Chalmers, is more exposed, and the bombardment of 
 Dunedin from the open sea is possible ; while the Bluff, 
 which is the port of Invercargill, although not as yet a 
 very im})ortant harbour, would, if not defended, be 
 exposed to attack. 
 
 New Zealand was backward in her military pre- 
 parations at the time of the Russian scare of 1885, 
 but she has not been idle since, and a good many of the 
 batteries recommended in 1883 at the four chief ports 
 have been constructed and guns mounted. There is a 
 considerable volunteer force in the colony, although it is 
 as yet a good deal scattered ; but the railways will soon 
 begin to facilitate its concentration at the five or six 
 chief places. The New Zealand Parliament passed the 
 Australasian Isir/al Defence Bill in the session of 1887- 
 88, and Sir Harry Atkinson in pressing it forward spoke 
 strongly in favour of Imperial Federation. As regards 
 defence, he pointed out that two ships of the new fleet 
 were to remain in New Zealand waters, with an occa- 
 sional visit to Fiji, and that New Zealand would probably 
 be forced by considerations of economy to confine land 
 defence to one chief port. Sir Julius Vogel, on behalf 
 of the Opposition, sujiported the Bill, and also declared 
 in favour of Imperial Federation ; but he pronounced 
 against federation of groups of colonies, and maintained 
 that the federation of groups would not lead towards the 
 federation of the whole empire. Sir George Grey opposed 
 the Bill, but it was carried by a large majority, the 
 
CHAT. IV 
 
 NEIV ZEALAND 
 
 433 
 
 a 
 
 
 ilf 
 
 lie 
 lie 
 
 
 native members voting for it, although they do not 
 generally all go into the same lo])l)y. One of them 
 spoke, and his speech was a model of a parliamentary 
 objection to obstruction, and was directed against the 
 tactics of Sir George Grey. As a result of the whole 
 transaction New Zealand finds herself more adequately 
 defended than she was, but not so strong to resist attack 
 as are her Australian neighbours, although her shipping 
 is larger in proportion than is that of the Australian 
 colonies. 
 
 If New Zealand wishes to play a great part in the 
 future in the Pacific she will do well to take farther 
 steps to strengthen herself in a military sense. She has 
 shown an interest in the affairs of Samoa, and there 
 has been a certain growth of separatist f(;eling in New 
 Zealand through the supposed indifference of the mother- 
 country to German violence in Samoa, before the Ameri- 
 (;ans interfered, as there was a growth of similar feeling 
 in Queensland on account of the loss of north-cast New 
 Guinea. The occasional expulsion of British missionaries 
 by the French from their (iolonies and protectorates in 
 the Pacific, these missionaries being in some cases 
 Presbyterians, has been from time to time reported and 
 sharply conmiented upon l)y the New Zealand press ; 
 and the matter has been taken up by the Presbyterians 
 of Otago as hotly as was the New Ileljrides question by 
 the Presbyterians of Victoria, and has increased the 
 feeling. But, while New Zealand is as anxious for 
 British supremacy in the Pacific as is Victoria herself, 
 she took, at the time of the London Colonial Conference, 
 a different line from Victoria as reijarded the course 
 upon whi(di it would be wise to enter. New Zealand 
 representations had, I believe, brought about a pro- 
 visional understanding: with the French Government 
 
 New 
 
 Zealand's 
 interest 
 in the 
 Pacific. 
 Ditliculties 
 wit'v the 
 French, 
 
vr*^ 
 
 -K'X-. 
 
 Ill iiw- ill 
 
 434 
 
 rROHLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 wliicli would lijivc <^nv(!ii the Fixmk;!! IJk^ Nciw llehridcs, 
 I'ccoivin^ IVoin IJkmu in rcluni a plcdj^e to v,v\vak\ ;dl 
 ti-aiis|)oi-tMl.ioii lo the l*a('.ifi(', vvitli the luhlitioii of tlu! 
 ishiiid of li;i|»a lor New Zealand, to^cithcM- witli ;iii (\\\- 
 •i^a^eineiit to ;i.<jjr(H3 with us as to I'acille inatt(!r.s 
 •generally, and to protect missions. In eoiiiiec.lioii with 
 the [)ro[»osed jMrii,ii<^('niei»t witli tlu; Kniiich, I Ix;- 
 lieve that it liad hccii arraii^iid with (lennaiiy tliat 
 Germany .shoidd come under an ciiu;a<;emeMt not to 
 tra.n.s})oi't criminals to any I'uturi! j)ossessions of hers 
 in the Pacilic The (J(!rmans were also willinjjj to 
 sell the Iland)urg land-interests in Samoa to Australian 
 purchasers; and the New Zealand suujgestion was, I 
 believe, that the Australasian colonies should agree to 
 contributes among thinnselves for the purchase of tiies(! 
 (Jerman land-interests, and towards the estahlishmcMit of 
 M land court, upon which hiiigland, I'' rarute, and (Germany 
 would have been nspresentcd, for the consideration of all 
 hind claims in the i'acilic islands. The N<!W Ztsaland 
 view is that the Victorians, under the inlluenee of the 
 Presbyterian congregations, almost as strong in Victoria 
 as in iSIew Zcialand and largely r(!|)resented in the 
 missionary liehl in the [*acilic islands, and espej-ially in 
 tiie N(!W Hebrides, refuscMl the N(sw Zealand suggestions 
 |)ut forward by Lord i\,os(d)ery and by France, and naileil 
 their colours to the mast as to evacuation of th(s New 
 llebri(h;s by French troops. Fraiici! has since obtained 
 Raiatea and the- Leeward group of the So(;iety islands, 
 hasex[)elled missionaries from n)any islands, and has not 
 ceased transportation. It would b(i impossible to return 
 to the New Zealand |)rograinm(^ because no arrang(!m(!nt 
 between l^jngland, France, and (jJermany would now 
 sullice, inasmuch as the Americans have abandoned their 
 former position of not inieresting themselves in the affairs 
 
CllAl'. IV 
 
 A US TA' A /.AS/ A 
 
 435 
 
 of lli<^ I'iic.ific, iind luivo virluully oltliiincd a inii<jjniri('.ont 
 liarhour in Smimo.'i., liiivd siihsidiscid a. stoiimship line, and 
 have hIiovvii tliat tlh-y miNiii to |>lay ;i |);nl in tli(^ l^uulic. 
 
 Wrilinu; in IH()7, I li:id said that {\\i'. rtslat ions of i-osiUon or 
 Anu!ri(!a to yVuslndia wonid Ix; the key ol' tJic I'uturi! si'iii.M in ' 
 of tlu! I'acifK*, jind tJa^ cin-unistiinccH vvliidi I have ^''" '""'''"'-■• 
 (hiH(!rib(.'d show that, my vicivv has Ix'cn justified l)y tJie 
 ovcMit. The United States, liy its action in Samoa — 
 hoMer than tli(i action ol"(Jre:i,t liritain — lias not incurred 
 th(^ dislii<c of the peopli! of N«!W /e;il;ind, l)ut. rather 
 seems to have won thitir adminit ion. Tiie Si/dnci/ Mail 
 drew the mond from I'rirnu! I>ismareiv's disavowal <»f tlie 
 (Jermiui consid in S;imoa when it wrote tJiat if Mntfliin<l 
 "had heen ;is still'" ov(^r IIk^ N(^w (Juinea allair as 
 America over the Sainoiin, t Ik^ Austniliiin colonies would 
 not have lost north-east N<!W (Juineji. 'Die l<in<^ and 
 chiefs of Samoa in 1884 liad proposed U) unites them- 
 selves to New Ze;d;ind in oi-dcr to prevent- (Jei'iniiiiy 
 talvin<r jioss(!Ssion of the isljiiids. Nvw Zealand opinion, 
 • reco^nisinjr tjiat the United Stiitcs has now estahlished 
 its position in Samo.i, |)refers tlu; Americans as nei<^h- 
 hours in the Pacific to any l^^uropean military powcir, 
 and Austi'alia agrees with New Zcialand njxni the j)oint. 
 Odes to the llnilAul States to congratulate, her on standing 
 up to (jermany were |>iinted in the Australian journals — 
 one of them, in tlu; Ccntcniiial Mmjazlnc , j;oino- so far 
 as to invite the llepuMie to 
 
 " S\vcc|i ti'r.ity-liiU'ricrs ddwii 
 Tliiit ilu'clt llie liiuilit'Hs incrwisd" 
 
 of that which was declared to be a " realm of peace," and 
 to promise that 
 
 Irs 
 
 Tlic \vi!iik iind ]u'li)l(!s.s of the earth 
 Will turn for iiid t( tliee" ; 
 

 I 
 
 
 436 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 German 
 action in 
 the Pacific 
 
 and admit that the United States by protecting Samoa 
 had proved herself to be the 
 
 " True motlier-iiation of the world." 
 
 The sudden popularity of the United States in Australia is 
 one of the most interesting new developments of our day. 
 French and There cau be no doubt that for several years before 
 the meeting of the Colonial Conference, wisely summoned 
 by Mr. Stanhope, the public opinion of the Australasian 
 colonies had not been enough recognised in territorial 
 questions concerning the South Pacific. The over- 
 whelming colonial opinion was, as it is, that the presence 
 of France and Germany close to the Australian coast is 
 full of danger to the colonies, and that the transportation 
 of criminals by France to the South Pacific is an outrage. 
 Sufficient weight was certainly not given to these views 
 at the commencement of the portion of the negotiations 
 with regard to the New Hebrides that preceded the 
 meeting of the Colonial Conference. The French had 
 pledged themselves in 1883 to do all we wanted ; that is 
 to say, not to entertain the question of the annexation 
 of the New Hebrides without consultation with the 
 Australasian colonies and without our securing condi- 
 tions satisfactory to them. But after this the French 
 sent troops to the New Hebrides and raised colonial 
 exasperation to fever heat. The islands had been 
 civilised by Scotch Presbyterians, and the congregations 
 took uji the question, utterly refusing the suggestion 
 of stojDping transportation to New Caledonia (which 
 country they looked upon as already full of con- 
 victs), in return for the annexation of the New 
 Hebrides to France. It was when Lord Rosebery was 
 Secretary of State in 1886 that this offer, or rather, the 
 larger offer to wholly cease the sending of convicts to 
 
 - — - —j*-^ 
 
^i^J 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 437 
 
 
 any part of tlic Pacific, was made, backed by him, and 
 refused l)y the Australians. At the end of 1887 the 
 Australians got their way, \mt France obtained an island 
 as a reward for having grudgingly kept her word. The 
 rapid growth of an Australasian Monroe doctrine has been 
 the consequence, and a conference, which ought to have 
 assisted in bringino; about better relations between the 
 mother-country and the colonies, resulted in the Austra- 
 lian delegates going home in an unpleasant state of mind, 
 after exchanging amenities with Lord Salisbury, such as 
 complimenting him upon having delivered a speech which 
 would have been excellent in the mouth of the Prime 
 Minister of France. 
 
 A rooted idea has grown up in the colonies that, for 
 the sake of a smile from Germany or the absence of a 
 frown from France, the mother-country would always 
 be prepared to trifle with interests which the colonies 
 think great. The refusal to the colonies of representation 
 on the Samoa Conference in 1889 increased this feeling. 
 The modern doctrine with regard to the South Pacific, 
 which had been foreshadowed by a resolution to which 
 all the colonies were parties at their meeting at Sydney 
 in 1883, was reasserted, on the motion of Mr. Deakin, 
 by the Federal Council in its session of 1889, when it 
 was unanimously resolved that the colonies put on record 
 their strenuous objection to any fresh acquisition of 
 territory by any foreign power in the Pacific south of 
 the equator. Mr. Deakin in his speech went so far as to 
 declare liiat the two new continents — America and 
 Australia — would take care of the Pacific, and suggested 
 that the Pacific would become an English lake. He 
 proposed as the future name of his own continent, which 
 would watch the southern part of that great ocean, 
 " The United States of Australasia." He alluded to the 
 
438 
 
 PROBLEMS 01' GREATER IIRITAIN 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 Tho (le- 
 
 si)atcli of 
 
 i \ 
 
 irritation against the home Government for not paying 
 sufficient attention to colonial interests in the South 
 Pacific, and declared that the Federal Council was needed 
 if for this matter alone. 
 
 United action among the colonies with regard to the 
 the Agints- Pacific had first been taken in detail and in formal style 
 General, j^^ ^ despatch from the Agents-General to Lord Derby 
 in 1 883, in which they asked for a protectorate or 
 annexation of the Western Pacific islands and the non- 
 Dutch part of New Guinea. They stated that they were 
 moved by the fear of what was called "foreign inter- 
 vention," which at that time meant German intervention, 
 and German assurances were quoted to them in reply. 
 There is a large trade between New South Wales and 
 the Pacific, and a considerable trade between New 
 Zealand and the Pacific, but the greatness of the trade 
 was not put forward in support of the annexation view. 
 It was the impossibility of controlling British subjects 
 upon the islands (which had formed, indeed, the original 
 ground for the annexation of New Zealand and of Fiji) 
 which was again placed in the forefront. The Agents- 
 General pointed out that great numbers of convicts from 
 New Caledonia had escaped to Queensland, and that 
 pardoned convicts from New Caledonia had arrived in 
 all the colonies. The Agents-General offered contribu- 
 tions from the colonies towards the cost of all that they 
 proposed. 
 
 The articles in the French newspapers with regard 
 to the "calumnies and boastings" of the Australians 
 were fatal to the French claims in the New Hebrides. 
 They produced a settled opinion in the colonies 
 which nothing could shake, and they have done much 
 harm to French interests, inasmuch as it is now as 
 sure as anything can be that New Caledonia will sooner 
 
 French 
 transport- 
 ation. 
 
1 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 439 
 
 h 
 
 or later Ijccomc Australian. There can be no doubt 
 that the colonial hatred of transportation has been one 
 of the j)rinci})al elements in the production of the 
 Federal Council of Australasia. It was in 1853 that the 
 French, to use the words of M. (iaflarel in his Les 
 Colonies frcaujaiscs, made use of a pretext for the 
 purpose of possessing themselves of the magnificent 
 naval station of New (^aledonia, which was seized by 
 them at the end of September of that year, although 
 Captain Cook had, by right of discovery, made it a 
 possession of Great Britain. From 1855 to 1859 the 
 French carried on war against the inhabitants, great 
 numbers of whom were killed. As M. CJaHarcl 
 says, '* Events were extraordinarily monotonous. Re- 
 volts of natives, military marches pleasantly diversified 
 from time to time l)y summary executions. . . . Assas- 
 sinations, executions, and revenge, such is the history 
 of our colony." In 18G4 the French began to send a 
 few convicts to New Caledonia, but on so small a scale 
 was this transportation carried on that it was hardly to 
 l)e expected that it should attract much attention, 
 although the situation of the grouj), to the north of New 
 Zealand and to the east of Queensland, makes it geo- 
 graphically a portion of our Australasian archipelago. In 
 18G5 there were 245 convicts in New Caledonia, but 
 there were nearly 1000 soldiers and nearly 1000 free 
 immigrants. By 1870 the number of convicts had risen 
 to over 2000, while the number of free colonists had 
 grown to only 1500. In 1871 the convicted supporters 
 of the Commune of Paris, to the number of 4000, were 
 transported to New Caledonia, and the Australians 
 began to trouble themselves about this penal colony. 
 The political prisoners were afterwards amnestied, but 
 the ruffians of the gaols of France soon began to 
 
 ill 
 
440 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 New 
 Caledonia. 
 
 1 
 
 be exported in great numbers to New Cnledouia, 
 and that country now presents a pi(;ture of 
 all the horrors which once disgraced Tasmania and 
 Norfolk Island. In using these words I am writinij 
 with distrust of local information, which may be pre- 
 judiced, and am not quoting from Australian news- 
 papers, but from the most thoughtful of French writers 
 on the sul)ject. M. de Lanessan, in his Hexpan- 
 sion coloniale de la France, says that one obstacle to 
 the progress of New Caledonia is transportation ; that 
 the results of penal colonisation are deplorable ; that the 
 effect of the present system is that the convi(;t families 
 " live only by robbery and vice." M. Louis Vignon, in 
 his book Lcs Colonies franqaises, has said: "More than 
 15,000 criminals have already been carried to New 
 Caledonia since the first batch of JNIay 18G4. New 
 Caledonia is saturated, and we must not forget that 
 transportation is a question of dose ; the dose must not 
 be too strong." It is this saturated colony which the 
 Australians naturally dislike to have at their doors. 
 
 New Caledonia has been brought geographically 
 more closely into the Australian system, first by the 
 British annexation of the Fiji Islands, and then by that 
 of south-eastern New Guinea and of the archipelago 
 running from New Guinea towards New Caledonia. 
 Fiji has become a portion of the Australasian Federation, 
 and is represented upon the Federal C*ouncil ; and New 
 Caledonia lies in the direct line between Fiji and the 
 Queensland coast from Brisbane to llockhampton, and 
 is only a little farther from Australia than from Fiji. 
 The very existence of a blue spot between the red 
 patches on the map is an annoyance to Australia, and 
 the repeated escapes of French convicts to the Australian 
 mainland have added to the strength of the feeling. 
 
T 
 
 CIIAl'. IV 
 
 AUSTJiALASIA 
 
 441 
 
 So large are New Guinea and Australia that Fiji and 
 New Caledonia look small upon the map ; Init New 
 Caledonia has one island wliicli is larger than any 
 of tlie ishmds of the Fiji group, and the Fiji Islands 
 themselves are far larger than the whole of our West- 
 India Islands put together. Tlie land in both the 
 groups is excellent, and they are undoubtedly capable of 
 bearing a large population. The Australians have also 
 thought tliat it was possible tliat in time of war the 
 convicts from New Caledonia, who were already drilled 
 and armed and put into the field against tlie natives 
 during the last Kanaka insurrection, might be landed 
 on the coast of Australia to attack our settlements ; 
 but I think that tliis danger, if it ever existed, is 
 a danger of the past. The convicts would naturally 
 seize the opportunity of escaping, and would not place 
 themselves in a position where they would probably l)e 
 shot down by the Australians, who are well known not 
 to love them. In 1883 public meetings were held all 
 over Australia to protest against the proposed increase 
 of transportation to the neighbourhood of Australia by 
 the French ; but the desire of the French to occupy the 
 New Hebrides as well as New Caledonia, and to send 
 haljitual criminals there, has now been checked by the 
 action of the British Government which followed on the 
 strong rei)resentations made by the delegates at the 
 Colonial Conference in London four years later. 
 
 It is a curious fact that the first Australian proposals Australian 
 for Australian federation came from New South Wales, 
 the colony which has recently seemed to be opposed to 
 the ideas which formerly it put forward. A Select 
 Committee of the New South Wales Council, in pre- 
 paring a Constitution Bill in 1853, expressed an opinion 
 in favour of a general Australian legislature. The 
 
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 (716) 872-4503 
 
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 Cp. 
 
442 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 iy 
 
 The 
 Federal 
 Council ol 
 Austral- 
 asia. 
 
 Mdhourne Review contained in 1870 an article, "An 
 Australian Nation," l)y Sir Henry Parkes, advocating 
 the immediate legislative union of Victoria, New South 
 AVales, and South Australia. In 1881 Sir Henry Parkes 
 wrote a memorandum in favour of federation, which 
 has been frequently quoted by the Victorian and other 
 members of the Federal Council ; but lately he had 
 ridden off in the opposite direction, though he now 
 shows signs of a return. It was in April 1858, less than 
 four years after she had received a separate respon- 
 sible government, that Victoria asked for federal in- 
 stitutions and was refused. Victoria continued and 
 continues to be the strongest advocate of Australasian 
 federation ; and the agitation for the annexation of 
 New Guinea, and the common detestation of French 
 transportation to New Caledonia, brought about, less 
 than thirty years later, the theoretical federation which 
 it needs the assent of New South Wales to turn 
 from a paper into an actual union for Australia, and 
 that of New Zealand (Fiji having come in) to make 
 Australasian. 
 
 Although neither New Zealauv.. nor New South Wales 
 is at present a member of the federation, they were 
 both represented at the Intercolonial Convention of the 
 Australasian colonies held at Sydney in 1 8 8 3- 8 4. On this 
 occasion the Draft Bill to constitute the Federal Council 
 of Australasia was prepared, and on the motion of Mr. 
 Dibbs, at that time Colonial Treasurer of New South 
 Wales, and lately for a short time Prime Minister, it 
 was unanimously resolved that the Governments repre- 
 sented at the Convention pledged themselves to invite 
 the legislatures of their respective colonies to pass 
 addresses to the Queen, praying her to cause a measure 
 to be submitted to the Imperial Parliament for the 
 
 I 
 
M- 
 
 CIIAI'. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 443 
 
 
 
 purpose of constituting a Federal Council upon the 
 basis of this Draft Bill. After the adjournment of the 
 Convention, severe criticisms of its resolutions appeared 
 in the press of New South Wales and of New Zealand, 
 and discussions took place in the Assemblies of those 
 colonies in which fear was expressed that the creation of 
 a Federal Council might be damaging to some of the 
 rights of the colonies. In a speech delivered by INlr. 
 Service at Melbourne after his return, he lilamed the 
 lukewarmness of New South Wales, and spoke of the 
 intense jealousy of Sydney towards Melbourne. The 
 result of the stronor feelinor called forth was that Mr. 
 Dalley explained away the position of the New South 
 Wales Government, in which he was then Attorney- 
 General, although fully reserving his own opinion in 
 favour of the creation of a Federal Council. Addresses 
 were soon passed in South Australia, Western Australia, 
 Fiji, Tasmania, Queensland, and Victoria ; but in New 
 Zealand the matter was postponed, and in New South 
 Wales it was resolved only that before the Federal 
 Council Bill be passed into law it should be submitted 
 to the Parliament of New South AVales. New South 
 Wales oftieially declared that the presentation of the Bill 
 in London had been premature, and that undue pressure 
 had been used in London by Victoria to secure the hasty 
 passing of the Bill. 
 
 At the end of 1884 Lord Derby had consulted the 
 colonies upon a new clause which had not figured in the 
 original Bill assented to at the Convention Ijy the 
 Government of New South Wales, namely, a clause 
 to provide for the retirement of any colony from the 
 Federal Council. Li the meantime New South Wales 
 had at length passed a resolution favourable to the 
 orisfinal Draft Bill. Victoria at first assented to Lord 
 
New 
 
 Zealand's 
 
 olijections. 
 
 444 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 Derby's clause with regard to withdrawal ; Queens- 
 land ()l)jected to it ; but a few days afterwards the 
 rxovernments of the colonics of Queensland, South 
 Australia, Tasmania, and Victoria (calling themselves 
 the " Colonial Governments now prepared to con- 
 federate ") strongly disagreed with the 31st Clause. In 
 April 1885 it was ^)ointed out by the Agents-General of 
 the colonies prepared to confederate that Lord Derby 
 had inserted the objectionable clause in order to secure 
 New Zealand and New South Wales ; but the agents 
 showed that it had then been ascertained that even the 
 inclusion of the clause would not secure the adhesion of 
 those colonies. They declared that the effect of the 
 clause on the Federal Union would be disastrous, that 
 the Canadian Confederation could never have lasted had 
 the Canadian Act contained such a clause, that even in 
 the case of the North American Union one of the 
 federal units did desire to withdraw from union 
 at a very early period, and that the United States 
 would have been broken up had such a power been 
 generally recognised to exist in their constitution. New 
 Zealand kept quiet for a time, and acted only through 
 verbal representations made by her Agent-General, but 
 her Ministers recommended the postponement of the 
 Bill until the colonies were agreed. At last, in June 
 1885, New Zealand came forward and made, through 
 her Agent-General in a despatch, a distinct suggestion, 
 which was declined, and then urged the retention of the 
 31st Clause. 
 
 New Zealand is a potential, but not an actual member 
 of the Australasian Federal Council ; that is to say, she 
 may come into it under the Act of 1885, but has not 
 come into it as yet. New Zealand refused to join be- 
 cause she was jealous of federal legislation affecting her 
 
CIIAI'. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 445 
 
 internal affairs. Victoria, as has been seen, strenuously 
 objecced to the clause of the Bill which now forms the 
 31st Section of the Act, and which gives, as I have said, 
 power to a colony to determine the operation of the Act 
 within her boundaries, or in other words, to retire 
 from federation after joining. New Zealand declares 
 that she suG^ofested a mode of reconciling the differ- 
 ences which arose upon the 8 1st Clause, and, while 
 offering to no longer urge the retention of the 31st 
 Clause if her suggestion was adopted, proposed the 
 insertion of another clause providing for what was 
 known at the time as " subsequent adoption." The 
 Federal Council Act itself contains the principle of 
 subsequent adoption. On some subjects the Council has 
 full power to legislate, while on others, brought before it 
 by two colonies, it has no such power ; but its Acts 
 apply only to the colonies, from which the reference 
 came. In the case of such Acts, adoption,, m other 
 colonies has to be by subsequent legislation in the usual 
 form. New Ze^iland proposed that this latter plan 
 should be adopted for all Bills, and that the laws passed 
 l3y the Federal Council should only be operative in any 
 colony if brought into force by the legislature of that 
 colony. It was objected by Victoria and some other 
 colonies, both to the 31st Clause and to the New Zealand 
 proposal, that they struck directly at the principle of 
 federation, and that the latter proposal still further 
 weakened a scheme already weak. New Zealand, on 
 the other hand, argued that there was no more reason 
 for reserving the power of initiating legislation in the 
 case of corporations and joint- stock companies, uni- 
 formity of weights and measures, copyright, patents, and 
 bills and notes, which, as will presently be seen, are in 
 the one category under the present Act, than in the case 
 
 iitf 
 
"'^ 
 
 fi^l 
 
 446 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT II 
 
 of extradition, tlie influx of criminals, civil and criminal 
 process and judgments, and custody of offenders, which 
 are in the other. What reason, asked New Zealand, 
 was there for conceding the principle of subsec^uent 
 adoj)tion in the case of defence, and denying it in the case 
 of Australasian Pacific policy ? No colony, she argued, 
 could suffer injury if all, instead of only some, laws should 
 be declared to extend to colonies which adopted them. 
 
 As a matter of fact the 31st Clause was retained, 
 in spite of the objections of Victoria and the other 
 colonies that most strongly pressed forward federal 
 institutions ; but the New Zealand suggestion was not 
 
 taken, although Queensland, and I Ijelieve at one time 
 New South Wales, advised that it should be adopted. 
 Behind the reasons put forward there was one to w^hich 
 the New Zealanders attached much importance, but 
 which they thought it prudent not to name. The 
 (iolonies were at issue upon the New Hebrides question, 
 as I have shown, and also upon the transportation policy. 
 New Zealand cared more for the total future abolition of 
 convict settlements in any part of the Pacific than for 
 keeping France out of the New Hebrides. In Victoria 
 feeling w\as the other way, and New Zealand thought that 
 if she entered into federation with Section 31 dropped, 
 and without her own clause in, the relations of Australasia 
 with the Pacific would be settled against her under 
 Victorian leadership. The end has been, however, that the 
 question has been decided in favour of the Victorian view, 
 and against the New Zealand view as supported by Lord 
 Rosebery ; and as Clause 31 has been retained in the 
 Act, it would seem that, on her own showing, New^ 
 Zealand might very well now come in. It is probable 
 that New Zealand would come in, in spite of Sir Julius 
 Vogel's strong statements as to New Zealand opinion, if 
 
 i 
 
warn 
 
 Cll.AI'. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 447 
 
 some small concessions were made to her views, so lono- 
 as, mi tier the 31st Section, she retains the power of leav- 
 ino- the confederation. Clause 31 of the Bill had, as 
 agreed to in advance by some of the colonies, provided 
 that if a colony seceded it mi^j^ht repeal vvlthiu its own 
 borders the Federal Council Acts which had caused the 
 secession ; but this provision was struck out at the 
 instance of Victoria, and the section as passed makes all 
 Federal Acts continue in force within the seceding colony 
 unless amended or repealed by the Council itself This 
 section will certainly have to be modified if New Zealand 
 is to be induced to come in to the Federal Council. 
 
 It would be wise, even at some sacrifice of form, iii^ht and 
 to bring New Zealand into federation as she would slnsk- ° 
 strengthen Victoria in resisting the possible secession ^°J,"Jj^ *° 
 from the British Emj^ire of one colony. The clause 
 allowing a colony to withdraw from federation would, 
 of course, have no bearing one way or the other upon 
 the larger point of withdrawal from the Empire. The 
 New Zealanders seem generally to take the view that 
 the Australasian colonies ought to prevent the isolated 
 secession from the Empire of a single colony. They 
 argue that Canada is a federal dominion large enough to 
 have an opinion of her own, and that if Canada wished 
 to leave the British Emj)ire it is obvious that she could 
 not be prevented from so doing, but that this view is 
 not applicable to colonies generally and without limit. 
 The inhabitants of the Australian continent, the New 
 Zealanders point out, even if they are not to form a 
 single Australian nation, must liave a common interest 
 in their own destiny. It would be difficult for the 
 Australasian colonies to admit that a single northern 
 
 r^ 
 
 colony might secede, and possibly establish a Govern- 
 ment based on servile labour, hostile to the others and 
 
 i 
 
WUSK^ 
 
 448 
 
 riWHLEMS OF GREATER liRITAI^ 
 
 I'ART II 
 
 '\\ 
 
 
 m 
 
 III' 
 
 Refusal of 
 NfW Zea- 
 laiiil to liu- 
 come a de- 
 pendency 
 of Aus- 
 tralia. 
 
 in alliuucc with tiieir enemies. Supposing, tliey say, 
 that Queenshmd were to set up as a separate republic, 
 the possil)ility of passage by Torres Straits in time of 
 wiir might be lost to all the colonies, and Moreton Bay 
 itself miu'lit become a station from %v"hieli hostile fleets 
 might prey upon the trade of Sydney and of Auckland. 
 Means ought to be found to satisfy New Zealand 
 that there is no intention of making her in any way ;i 
 deijendency of Australia. The point at issue is in fact 
 that point. The Australian colonies in any matter in 
 which the interests of Australia and of the far-detached 
 New Zealand were different, would easily out-vote New 
 Zealand on the Federal Council, and New Zealand de- 
 sires to have a general control by her legislature of the 
 applicability or non-applical)ility of Federal acts to the 
 colony of New Zealand. It is a natural feeling, but one 
 which might be satisfied, and yet New Zealand take 
 part in the Federal Council. There is a good deal of 
 feeling in New Zealand altogether opposed to Australas- 
 ian federation, and favourable to Sir Julius Vogel's view 
 that the only federation which would suit New Zealand 
 interests in the Pacific would be Imperial Federation, 
 and that it was a mistake on the part of England to 
 press forward the Federal Council of Australasia. The 
 Stout-Vogel Ministry pledged themselves at the time to 
 the mistaken view that the Bill would remain a dead 
 letter. The dominant feeling in New Zealand, however, 
 is similar to that in the other colonies, namely, that it 
 is contrary to the interest of colonies so distant from the 
 mother-country to send statesmen to England with a man- 
 date to say " Yes " or " No " for them. They believe that 
 taxation or contribution must lie behind representation ; 
 that the electorate of the United Kingdom would object 
 to colonial interference unless the colonies were to be 
 
CHAl'. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 449 
 
 taxed. AVith regard to Australian or Australasian 
 federation, the dominant New Zealand opinion is that 
 customs union will have to be agreed to by New South 
 Wales, with the change from a free-trade to a protective 
 system, before it can become a reality. 
 
 The Federal Council as it stanils is little more than rho 
 a periodical conference of some of tne leading statesmen \^^^^^^\ ^^ 
 of six out of the eight South-Sea colonies, Nev, Zealand " '*^'""^'' 
 and the mother-colony standing out. In form it is one 
 of the most dignified assemblies in the world, and when, 
 in its first session, it had only eight members (South 
 Australia having held back at the last moment), it never- 
 theless rejoiced in oaths of allegiance, a Queen's Speech, 
 an Address to the Crown, and an election of President 
 conducted after the model of an election of a Speaker of 
 the Commons of England. It forms a pleasant little 
 Parliament which meets at eleven and generally sits till 
 lunch, for its average sittings are indeed shorter than 
 those of any other legislative asseml)ly with which I am 
 acquainted, except that equally dignified body, our own 
 House of Lords. The Council can legislate directly with 
 regard to the relations of Australasia with the Pacific, the 
 fisheries in Australasian w^aters, the enforcement of the 
 law by service of process beyond the colony in which it 
 issues, as to extradition, and for preventing the influx 
 of criminals. As regards defences, corporations, and joint- 
 stock companies, the uniformity of weights and measures, 
 as to patents, copyright, and bills of exchange, and all 
 other matters as to which the colonies themselves can legis- 
 late and which are of Australasian interest, the legislation 
 has to be initiated by two colonies, and then the Acts of 
 the Council extend only to the colonies by whose legisla- 
 tures the matters have been referred to it. Some Acts 
 are reserved for the signification of the Queen's pleasure : 
 
 ' i 
 
 I •: 
 
I 
 
 PwWvT 
 
 t'udfration. 
 
 450 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER lUUTAlN 
 
 PART II 
 
 others are assented to by the governor of the colony in 
 which the Council is held. 
 
 It is all Ijut certain that a fuller confederation, 
 wlien it conies, will come with customs union and 
 with Protection at all the ports ; and the adoption of 
 Prot(!(^tion by New South Wsdes would make the way clear 
 fcT a customs union as far as Victoria is concerned. 
 The Melbourne manufacturers would then have Australia 
 or Australiisia for their field ; but the manufacturers of 
 New South Wales are protectionists of a different kind, 
 and say that Protection against England would be of no 
 great use to them without Protection against Melbourne 
 also. The Victorians, they say, have had too long a 
 start, and New South Wales aid be swamped by their 
 competition. It is possible, inerefore, that owing to the 
 split in the protectionist party throughout Australia, 
 customs union and full confederation may be farther oft' 
 in fact til an at present would seem to be the case. 
 Should the present negotiations for the formation of a 
 fresh confederation on the Canadian plan break down 
 by the resistance of the New South Wales free traders, 
 and of those Australian protectionists who desire 
 Protection against Victoria, it is difficult to forecast 
 the probable drift of affairs when an enlarged Federal 
 Council (for, as we shall see, it is to be at once enlarged) 
 comes to consider the creation of a Federal Parlia- 
 ment and a Federal Executive. It is probable that 
 in a year or two tentative steps will be taken by 
 the Federal Council pointing towards the creation of 
 such a Parliament and Executive, but, even when 
 a move in this direction is made, three or four years 
 will probably be consumed in negotiation before much 
 comes of it. It will be proposed that the new Par- 
 liament and Executive should deal with trans -conti- 
 
«m 
 
 (11 Al'. IV 
 
 AUSTRA/.ASIA 
 
 45' 
 
 iicntal toloprraplis, witli (!a])lcs, vvitli defence, ami inter- 
 colonial (|UG.stions, Then will arise the question of 
 common tariff, and the probahility, in my opinion, is 
 that a common tariff will gradually l)c adopted, but with 
 a vaujue undcrstandinu; that the federation would be 
 "'dling to admit New South Wales for other purposes 
 even if she refused to give up her free-trade tariff. It 
 will doubtless be urged that border tariffs should be 
 reduced by degrees until altogether removed. It is not 
 unlikely that New South Wales may be forced by cir- 
 cumstances into the federation, for she will feel a loss 
 of weight and importance if ten times as much Austra- 
 lian soil is under the federation as is under the flag of 
 New South Wales, and obstruction will ho. thrown in 
 her way upon border questions if she stands out. 
 
 When in the bei^inninij: of 1889 the statesmen of New 
 South Wales made 2)rivate overtures to the other colonies, 
 pointing in the direction of the creation of a Federal 
 Parliament and Executive, they wished the primacy of 
 New South Wales, as the mother-colony, in some way 
 to be recognised ; a suggestion which is not likely to be 
 adopted. The acquisition of a fuller form of federation 
 in Australasia, difficult as it is of attainment, will, how- 
 ever, be an easy matter as compared with the difficulties 
 which were faced in carrying out the creation of the 
 Dominion of Canada. 
 
 The difficulty of dealing with Australasia as a number 
 of disunited states is great, and the i •' sal of Queensland 
 to ratify the compact made at the Colonial Conference of 
 1887, concerning the Australian naval squadron, undid a 
 portion of the work of the Conference, and prevented much 
 of the benefit which would otherwise have arisen from its 
 labours. The existing union of all the Australian States 
 except New South Wales hardly improves matters, 
 
li i 
 
 452 
 
 The work- 
 ing of the 
 Federal 
 Council. 
 
 PRO/UJ-:.\fS OF GREATER /iR/TAlA' 
 
 I'AUT II 
 
 l)oaiUHL' Now South Wuk's objects to that which is done 
 ill the name of tlie other colonies, and vice versd. Sir 
 Henry Parkes lias now shown himself conciliatory in 
 form, and although no doubt it is diirnndt to justify 
 his past upon this cpiestion, still it is so much to be 
 wished that the close federation which he proposes 
 should be l)rought about, that, if Victoria can pocket 
 her feclinos as to Now South Wales now takino- the 
 initiative, it is to be hoped that the overtures of Sir 
 Henry Parkes may be accepted. Whoever may have 
 been in the wrong as regards history, Victoria should 
 not put herself in the wrong as regards the present and 
 future, by holding out upon questions of mere form. 
 Sir Henry Parkes iias met her Protectionist Govern- 
 ment by decharing publicly that the blessings of free 
 trade are small as compared with the advantages of 
 Australian federation upon Canadian lines, though he 
 said in the same speech that tariff questions might 
 possibly be left aside. 
 
 • The actual workino; of the Federal Council as it 
 exists is a matter of some interest. The Federal Council 
 was in 1889 attended for the first time by representatives 
 from South Australia, and the advocates of Australian 
 federation received the representatives of South Aus- 
 tralia with a warmth that is explained by the high 
 character of Mr. PLayford, by sympathy with the 
 South Australian proposals for reform in the constitution 
 of the Federal Council, and by joy at the isolation of 
 New South Wales having become all but complete by 
 the tardy adhesion of South Australia, It is a curious 
 fact that the colonies which were the first to come 
 into the federation — Queensland, Victoria, Tasmania, 
 and Western Australia — were all geographically separate 
 from one another ; but the adhesion of South Australia 
 
< IIAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRAI.AS/A 
 
 453 
 
 hasbroiio'lit in a colony wliicli has a common land frontier 
 witli I'Vi'ry otlior colony on the Australian (continent. 
 Mr. Play ford of South Austi-alia was proposed hy Sir 
 Samuel (irrifiith and seconded by Mr. Cjiillies, for the Chair. 
 The business of the Council was opened by a Speech 
 from the Governor of Tasmania, as it met at Hobart, 
 and Mr. Deakin moved an address in reply to the Speech, 
 statini^ in the course of his powerful speech that he 
 looked forward to a Federal Parliament. j\lr. Kingston 
 of South Australia and Sir Samuel (iritHth, who sup- 
 ported Mr. Deakin's motion, also pointed to a Federal 
 Parliament in their speeches, l)ut Sir Samuel Griffith 
 appeared to ol)ject to the introduction of the taritt' 
 question, that is, to any opening of the question of a 
 customs union. The leader of the Queensland Opposition 
 indeed contended that Australian federation was possible 
 even though there should continue to be separate customs 
 tariffs for the various states, and maintained that the 
 advantages of union in one dominion, for other purposes 
 of Government, would outweigh the inconveniences of 
 this arranoement. 
 
 The Bills considered by the Council concerned com- 
 panies and fisheries, but the Bills were not so im- 
 portant as the addresses and the resolutions. A 
 committee of the whole Council was appointed at the 
 instance of South Australia, which had joined the 
 Council with this intention, to consider the subject of its 
 enlargement and reform ; but difference of opinion at 
 once arose as to whether each self-governing colony 
 should send the same number of members or whether 
 representation should be proportional to population. 
 There was also a difference as to the mode of nomination 
 or election of the members. The final decision was 
 that colonies should have representatives according to 
 
 'M 
 
 .1 i 
 
 ;1 1 ' 
 
 m 
 
T 
 
 Vv\ 
 
 454 
 
 PROBLEMS 01- GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKI II 
 
 population up to six, and that they should 4e left to 
 devise their own system of election. The Victorian, 
 Queensland, and Tasmanian legislatures have since 
 agreed to the proposed enlargement of the Federal 
 Council, but South Australia has again drawn back. 
 The Pacific cable was discussed, as was the invest- 
 ment of English trust funds in colonial securities ; and 
 an address was voted to the Queen, in accordance 
 with a suggestion by Mr. Deakin, as to the affairs of 
 the Pacific, he pointing out that it was of vast im- 
 portance to Australasia to save Samoa from annexation 
 by Germany, that it was a station for the Pacific calilc 
 and was on the track of commerce in the event of the 
 opening of a canal through the American isthmus. The 
 policy of insisting on the preservation of Samoan inde- 
 pendence and the maintenance of treaties was put for- 
 ward, and an address to the Queen was telegraphed home. 
 A curious constitutional cj^uestion in reference to the 
 Council was raised when, Mr. Gillies having suljmitted 
 a motion requesting the President to telegraph to the 
 Secretary of State for the colonies, Sir Samuel Grifiitli 
 contended that the messao-e should be sent through the 
 Governor of Tasmania, A motion to telegraph direct 
 to the Colonial Secretary was however carried. It was 
 then decided to have the next meeting again in Holiart, 
 althouoh Brisbane had been suo;o;ested. Between tliis 
 
 O Co 
 
 third meeting of the Federal Council, presided over b}' 
 Mr. Playford, and the second, presided over by Sir 
 Samuel Grifiitli, there had been only one year : but 
 l)etween the second and the first meeting, presided over 
 by Mr. Service, there luid been a two years' gap. The 
 Queensland Government sent to the Federal Council 
 members taken from both sides of their Assembly, in 
 the, persons of the present Secretary for Works and 
 
ii^) 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 455 
 
 Mines and the late Prime IMinister. Althoiioli the 
 delegates cany weight, the Council as a whole is crip})lcd 
 by want of powers, and the session of 1889 was the first 
 in which the Council felt a sense of the reality of its 
 existence. In a matter like the Samoan question it can 
 speak with more dignity than could a single colony, and 
 it is showing a tendency to become a useful kind of 
 Court of Appeal in colonial politics, but as yet it is a 
 mere germ. At the last meeting, that of 1889, a motion 
 was carried to the effect that the Council contenv] ^ated 
 the early consideration of the question of Australasian 
 parliamentary federation, and it was this action by the 
 Council which led, firstly, to private representations, 
 and afterwards to public speeches by Sir Henr}' 
 Parkes. 
 
 The Chambers of Commerce were discussing; at their Tin- 
 
 ClKiiiiliur,- 
 
 inerce. 
 
 meeting held at the same city and at the same time of com 
 the same questions as those discussed by the Federal 
 Council. Mr. Service made them a fine speech in favour 
 of a federal legislature, and it was most excellently 
 received. Uniformity of commercial legislation was 
 aimed at by the members ; but there was no such 
 unanimity with regard to tariff legislation, which divided 
 the delegates almost equally. It was urged on the one 
 side that customs union would secure political concord, 
 which was not possible so long as chance majorities 
 could suddenly impose restrictions upon the trade oi' 
 neighbours, and on the other side little was said ; but 
 the voting, as has been stated, was nearly equal. The 
 conf»;ress, however, was more free trade and less protec- 
 tionist than the electorates, representing as it did the 
 mercantile classes and not the working people. 
 
 The question whether the intercolonial federal move- '^m>^^ 
 ment is a step towards or a step away from imperial 
 
 uiiitv. 
 
,n, 
 
 § 
 
 456 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 TIr' possi- 
 liility of a 
 real union 
 of the Aus 
 tralasian 
 colonies. 
 
 unity is a veiy difficult one. Lord Knutsford is of 
 opinion that it is a step towards union, and that, while 
 Ave could never deal with the colonies one l)y one, we 
 can deal with three or four great groups. I am bound 
 to say myself that I do not see a probability of any long- 
 step in the direction of imperial unity being taken by 
 the Australasian colonies. So far as there has been a 
 change in the last two years the movement has been the 
 other way, and the younger men are not so favourable 
 to the imperial idea, taking the colonies through, as are 
 their elders. Mr. Deakin's name for the future Federal 
 continent with its islands — " The United States of 
 Australasia " — has a somewhat independent ring. 
 
 If a real union, with a true Federal Parliament, 
 were established amonij the whole of the Australian 
 colonies (without New Zealand), I think that, looking to 
 their varying size and resources, and to the prol)ability 
 that a federal legislature would not be set up without a 
 re-division of some colonies, federation would not rest 
 upon so real a l)asis as it does in the case of the old 
 states of the United States, or in the case of Nova 
 Scotia, Ontario, and Quebec. Attempts would be made 
 to change federation into a closer union, and the 
 geographical character of Australia undoubtedly makes 
 that closer union easy. Indeed there is no cause which 
 operates against it except the mutual jealousy of Sydney 
 and Melbourne, which might be avoided by fixing the 
 capital at Albury or at Hobart. On the other hand. 
 New Zealand and Fiji are within the scope of the 
 present confederation, and the difKculty of converting 
 that partial federation, or in other words, the federation 
 of an Australasia, from which the representatives of 
 New South Wales and New Zealand are still absent, into 
 a closer union is immense. 
 
^ 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 457 
 
 Mi-, 
 
 ion 
 of 
 
 bto 
 
 The term Australasia was formerly often used 
 for Australia with Tasmania and New Zealand, and 
 is now used for these countries with the addition 
 of Fiji, as for exam})le in the proceedings under the 
 Federal Council Act. In popular parlance Austral- 
 asia now includes even British New Guinea, and 
 there is power in the Federal Council Act to include 
 within federal .irstralasia such colonies and other 
 territories as the Queen may from time to time 
 declare by Orv • in Council to be within the o2:)eration 
 of the Act. I Jiliough I retain the objections which I 
 stated in Greater Jh'itain to the word " Australasia," 
 it has now so thoroughly established itself as a con- 
 venient term for the southern colonies of New Zealand, 
 Tasmania, and the Australian continent (not to speak of 
 its official use for these with the addition of Fiji), that it 
 would be affectation on my part to refuse to employ it 
 in this work. The word Australasia suggests, however, 
 the probability of a union never in my opinion likely to 
 be brought about in a close form. The Australian con- 
 tinent is so large that maps which include jMelanesia 
 and Polynesia make distances seem small. But New 
 Zealand is at an immense distance from Australia, and 
 Fiji from both. From good harbour to good harbour, 
 from Wellington to Sydney, New Zealand and Australia 
 are separated by as great a distance as divides London 
 from Pskof, or Paris from the Arctic circle. French 
 New Caledonia is much nearer to Australia than is New 
 Zealand ; and the political connection of the various 
 parts of Australasia is hardly closer than the geographical, 
 because New Zealand seems determined not to become 
 " a dependency of Australia." Still, the commercial 
 connection of both Australia and New Zealand with the 
 
 smaller Polynesian islands is a growing one, and Austral- 
 VOL. I 2 H 
 
 til 
 

 458 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART II 
 
 
 it, \ 
 
 riiipt'i' 
 
 Fuder 
 
 atioi 
 
 asian influence is likely to dominate the Soutli Pacific. 
 There has, indeed, l)ccn, as we have seen, of late a 
 movement in the direction of closer union between New 
 Zealand and Australia, and it has been brought about 
 by French and German intrusion in the Pacific ; this 
 action having raised up a conjoint movement in the 
 colonies, and led the New Zealand Agent-General in 
 L(jndon to work with his Australian colleagues not 
 merely as the Jligh Commissioner of Canada docs, or 
 the Agent-General of the Cape, but as an actual member 
 of the same league. My view, then, is that a close union 
 among the Australian colonies proper is difficult, but 
 probable ; that a loose federal union between Australia 
 and New Zealand is possible ; but that an absolute 
 union or very close confederation of Australia and New 
 Zealand is not possible. 
 
 While I cannot but doulit if New Zealand will come 
 in to the young Australian nation, I have little doubt 
 that such a nation will be In'ought into existence, and 
 this on the base of an fdliance with ourselves, rather 
 than of Imperial Federation. The best friends of the 
 mother-country in the colonies hold that the attempt to 
 create a common imperial Parliament would of itself 
 destroy the empire ; and I agree with them that if we 
 are ever to have a council of the empire it will have 
 to be very unlike a Parliament. Australian opinion 
 generally is, just at present, more apathetic than is even 
 Canadian, with regard to what in England is called 
 Imperial Federation. If it were supposed that it stood 
 the slightest chance of adoption, apathy would be turned 
 into dislike ; but it is impossible to induce people in 
 England to believe this unless they will take a good 
 deal of trouble for themselves. While, however, the 
 only kind of imperial unity possible will be in the 
 
mmaimmmm 
 
 CHAP. IV 
 
 AUSTRALASIA 
 
 459 
 
 nature of a union upon equal terms between self-govern- 
 ing states, it would be diHicult to arrange this without a 
 considerable increase in the power of the Crown, and 
 it is somewhat doubtful whether the electors of the 
 United Kingdom would af^ree to such a scheme. The 
 Australasian colonies are the most democratic communi- 
 ties that the world has seen, and the United Kingdom 
 is very rapidly becoming equally democratic ; and an 
 alliance of democracies is not so easy to handle as an 
 alliance of military German states in which one is far 
 more powerful than the others. Still, with the strong 
 sentimental feeling that prevails, and with the close 
 imitation in the colonies of the ways of the mother- 
 country, and also with the ties of interest that exist, 
 union may confidently be expected to be preserved 
 at present, and until it will have a chance of gradually 
 ripening into alliance upon equal terms. In a few years 
 the Australasian colonies will have nothing to fear even 
 from the greatest military powers. A scheme for military 
 federation of the Australian colonies is already on foot, 
 and its efficiency, as it grows, will be used as a lever to 
 bring New South Wales into the confederation, even if 
 the present negotiations should break down. There is 
 already, in common inspection, a vestige of common 
 command, and this is popular. When the Australian 
 colonies are all confederated, and their population has 
 grown still greater, their combined strength will be 
 able to withstand, even unaided by us, the attack of 
 any expedition which could be sent against them ; but 
 for the moment this is not so, and there is a practical 
 argument for the connection on grounds of safety. 
 When that has gone, when the connection rests mainly 
 upon sentiment, it may still last indefinitely. It is 
 conceivable that, with our growing detachment from 
 
 Si 
 
r^^^^n 
 
 /f 
 
 460 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART a 
 
 iji 
 
 
 Continental ailairs, and with a continuation of the 
 reign in Russia of peaceful emperors, we may escape 
 war for a great period, even until the population of 
 Australasia and her strength exceed the present strength 
 and population of the United States. If facts are fairly 
 faced, the chief Australasian colonies ilready stand to us 
 in the virtual relation of friendly allied nations speaking 
 our tongue, and the Governor and the Secretary of 
 State for the Colonies have not so much political 
 influence at Melbourne as have Prince Bismarck and the 
 German Ambassador at the Quirinal. The colonies 
 have their own land forces ; protect, when they please, 
 their manufactures against our trade ; we do not inter- 
 fere with them in any way. They obtain in other 
 parts of the world the services of all the diplomatic, 
 consular, and military agents of Great Britain without 
 contributing to their cost, and those are relations which 
 for some time to come will still form an inducement to 
 the colonies to remain with us. In the event of a war 
 they are already too strong to be touched if we were 
 with them, and the argument that they would be harried 
 and plundered in a cause of which they knew nothing, 
 and with regard to which they had not been consulted, 
 is not valid. 
 Austral- Our colouics in the South Seas have known great 
 
 couchisiou. vicissitudes. All of them have suffered from waves of 
 adversity or depression, but there was never a moment, 
 taking the colonies together, when their position as a 
 whole was not better than it had been in previous 
 years. While the eyes of on-lookers have been fixed on 
 droughts, the destruction of flocks, and political dead- 
 locks causing financial stagnation, the people have been 
 placed in increasing numbers upon the land, wages 
 have remained high, the investment of the earnings 
 
CHAP. IV 
 
 A USTRALASIA 
 
 461 
 
 ded 
 ted, 
 
 of the workers in the colonies tlieniselves has steadily 
 increased, and now it may he said that, as compared 
 with the past, political peace reigns in the Australasian 
 colonies, ;ind that financial confidence in their future 
 has returned to the most timid. The external trade of 
 these southern colonies, with their trifling population, 
 already exceeds that of the United Kinudom at the 
 time of the accession of the Queen. In five-and-twenty 
 years from now the Australasian population will be 
 greater than that of the mother -country, and the 
 colonies will be stronger than we are now in potential 
 military strength. They will have discovered the 
 means, by boring, by irrigation, and by water-storage, 
 of making almost all their soil fertile. They may, by 
 that time, have exasperated a small class at home by 
 special and severe legislation directed against capitalists 
 and absentees ; ])ut even this will affect but a small 
 number of persons, and will leave the great pul)lic 
 untouched. The funds of the Australasian colonies will 
 advance in price both with federation and with the 
 concession of the privilege of being included in the 
 list for legal trust investment. The character and 
 ability of the colonial statesmen are already such as to 
 show that, in the affairs they may conduct with us, 
 prudence will be at least as likely to be enlisted on the 
 colonial side as upon that of the mother-country ; and, 
 whatever happens with regard to our relations, we are 
 now certain to find in Australia and New Zealand 
 countries of which our sons will be proud. 
 
 ijri 
 
ii 1; 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 
 
I 
 
 
 PART III 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
7 
 
 il 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE CAPK 
 
 Between tlic Australian colonies .and the South African 
 colonies of Eiigland there are some considerable res"ni- 
 hlances and two startling- difterences, political and social. 
 The resemblances are chiefly those of climate, soil, and 
 production. Austv"' and South Africa are dry, wcjol- 
 growing, grape- ; viig, gold-jn-oducing countries, in 
 parts of which E.^glish consumptive jiatients, if they 
 avoid exposure to dust, receive new life. The main 
 differences arc two. While Australia is a continent 
 settled and almost solely inhabited by natives of the 
 United Kingdom, South Africa is a Dutch colony 
 which we first conquered in the Statholder's name 
 from Ids soldiers; then conquered a second time, and 
 lastly bought ; all three against the will of the local 
 Dut(;h population. A struggle followed, resulting in 
 actual warhire with the settlers. In the second phute, 
 South Africa is a country with an overwhelming 
 preponderance of black people. In Quebec we have 
 seen a foreign population annexed through conquest, 
 who have become the strongest supporters of our 
 rule ; but in Lower Canada, and indeed throughout the 
 Dominion, as throughout Australia, the native difficulty 
 does not exist. In the Cape we have the doul)le diffi- 
 culty presented by a foreign white population outnum- 
 
 IiilTcrciicps 
 lictwi'i'iitlie 
 Ciijie iuiil 
 Austiiilia. 
 
 M, 
 
$ 
 
 iiolitioiaiis 
 
 466 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER liRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 b('riii<ij the Eiiij;li.sli, and ii Hocjilled " imtivo " population 
 (wliicli, liowtn'cr, c.on.siHts largely of Kafir Mack invaders 
 who have hel[)cd the Dutch to crush the t'ornier people 
 of South Africa — the lUishmen and Hottentots) vastly 
 outnund)ering both together. Our iliflicultica at the 
 Cape and in Natal are in some sense similar to the 
 ditli(;ulties of the French in Algeria, Init they are at 
 the Cape more forniidal)ie. In Algeria the French are 
 the dominant race, as against the Italian and Spanish 
 colonists, as we are dominant in Natal against the 
 Dutch and the Germans ; but in the western province 
 of the Cape our diiliculties are those of the French in 
 Algeria combined with those of the Canadian Dominion 
 in Quebec. 
 
 As it is necessary, in considering the present and 
 future of the Cape, first to look to^vards the Dutch or 
 preponderant white element, it is no wonder that I 
 must notice as the most remarkable and interesting 
 figure among Cape 2)oliticians Mr, Hofmeyr, the leader 
 of the Dutch party. Hitherto he has not sought office, 
 althouu'h for a few months he was Minister without 
 portfolio in Sir Thomas Scanlen's Cabinet. At the 
 present moment he has the making and the unmaking 
 of Ministries in his hands, and has gained the respect 
 of all parties in the colony. He leads in Parliament a 
 body consisting of about half the Lower House, and 
 is supposed to dictate the policy of the present 
 Government, though in 1889 a rift upon the railway 
 question began to be seen among his Dutch supporters. 
 Under his leadership the Afrikander party has shown 
 loyalty to the British Crown, and Mr. Hofmeyr 
 himself is an imperialist who has even gone so ftir as 
 to draw up a scheme of his own for a customs union 
 of the British Empire. There are, however, those 
 
T 
 
 ni 
 
 CIIAI'. I 
 
 THE CAri-: 
 
 467 
 
 vvlm tliink thut W\\ Trofiiioyr ]•!»}'« u pni't. f am uot 
 one of tlieiH, iiiul I feel sure that so aMc u [)oliticiaii 
 kiiowH that the United Kingdom nuist liohl Cape Town, 
 and that, if in lier days of weukncsH hIh^ slionhl wmhIi to 
 h'avc it, the Austmlians would not allow it to j)asH into 
 the hands of Germany or of an Afrikander jiower which 
 might become unfriendly to themselves. Sir Thomas 
 Upington is ])erha])s in r'ncjlaiul the l)est known of Cape 
 politicians. An Irish Uonian Catholic, he went to South 
 Africu for his health, after having been private secretary 
 to Lord O'llagan, and at once made his mark, becoming 
 Attorney-General iu the first Sprigg ]\Iinistry between 
 two and three years after his landing in the colony. 
 Sir 'i'homas Upington is a brilliant speaker, who pro- 
 fesses strong imperialist opinions. In 1884 ho formed 
 a Ministry, but two aiid a half years later resigned, on 
 private grounds, the leadership of the Government to 
 Sir (Jordon Sprigg, whose Attorney -General he then 
 became for the second time. Sir Gordon Sprigg is an 
 Englishman by birth, the sou of an East -Anglian 
 dissenting minister, a politician of probity, whose 
 opponents impute to him not only gross want of tact, 
 but also arrogance and i)ride of office, although his 
 demeanour ai)pears singularly modest. He may be 
 classed as an opportunist, for he has changed his policy 
 a good deal on Dutch and native questions in the last 
 few years. He is a Parliamentarian, wdio thinks that 
 ]\Iinistries should defer to the majorities by wdiich they 
 are supported, and as feeling in the colony becomes 
 more "Dutch" his policy becomes more Dutch, though 
 his personal sentiments are what are known in South 
 Africa as " English." Another remarkable fio;ure in 
 the colony, as popular in South Africa as he was 
 once popular at Oxford, is that of Mr. Rhodes, of 
 
 \ \ 
 
468 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 \4% 
 
 'm-x 
 
 (liiunoiid-minc fame. I believe that, though of old 
 J^jiiglish faiiiily, he may be said to have seut himself 
 to Oriel Colleo'e, Oxford, after he had been for some 
 time in Africa. When he first took to politics, in 
 Gri(|iialand West, which was during a. pause in his 
 English und(}rgraduatc career (afterwards resinned and 
 ternunated in the usual way), he belonged to the anti- 
 Dutch party, but he has modified his views with the 
 lapse of time. His wealth in itself makes him a con- 
 siderable power in South Africa, where there have until 
 lately been but few rich men, and although his official 
 experience has been short, he was Treasurer-General of 
 the colony for seven weeks in 1884, and might be a 
 Minister to-day if he cared to be one. " The Diamond 
 King," as this modest strong gentleman hates to be 
 called, is a man of common sense, who loudly proclaims 
 the excellent ^jrinciple that Dutch and English should 
 work together for the welfare of South Africa. INIr. J. X. 
 Merriman is perhaps the most cultured of Cape politicians, 
 and was till lately the real leader of the anti-Dutch 0})posi- 
 tion. The son of Bishop jMerriman of Grahamstown, his 
 traditions are thoroughly English, but he is modifying his 
 sentiments in the Dutch direction. His suppoi'ters say 
 that this view of his opinions is only leased on an 
 " electioneering speech," but in 1889 he was the prime 
 mover in a friendly invitation to the Volksraad of the 
 Transvaal to visit the gold mines of Johannesburg, an 
 invitation which was accepted with the best results, and in 
 October 1889 he supported the annexation of Swaziland 
 to the Transvaal. Both Mr. IMerriman and Sii" I'homas 
 Scanlen are now interested in Transvaal mines, and the 
 former now supports Dutch influence in Swaziland in 
 return for concessions to the British element in the 
 Transvaal. 
 
\ 
 
 iKT III 
 
 f old 
 luself 
 some 
 [-s, in 
 u bis 
 (\ and 
 B anti- 
 th tlie 
 a con- 
 e until 
 official 
 Licral of 
 it be a 
 liaraond 
 s to be 
 roclaims 
 1 sboubl 
 Mr. J. X. 
 )liticians, 
 Li Opposi- 
 ,town, bis 
 ifying bis 
 )rtei's say 
 jd on an 
 tbc prime 
 lad of tbe 
 esburg, an 
 Lilts, and in 
 ■ iSwa/iland 
 3,ii- Tbomas 
 es, and tbc 
 ^vaziland in 
 lent in tbe 
 
 ,-.1*.V..««,/^V''"' 
 
 •A" 
 
 \ . 
 
 ■*- 
 
 
 *"^- .».■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 *-»« . . — - M*««l-l*»-**» — 
 
 ii 
 
DiUii^.'/ivhlaTuv nt' GrenLer Britain '. 
 
 Loudon : MurtmiUau & Co. 
 
Voii.p4(i:v 
 
 
 .to* Longitude East of Greenwich 
 
 MucmiUan £■ Co. 
 
 Sumfbidls CivgV Kstal''' In!ndo\ 
 
'^'- m 
 
'^mam 
 
 ma 
 
 4\ 
 
 in .Tone 1880 Sir \l 
 
 oriior • 
 wliilo • 
 
 my account of ih( * 
 came d'ii'ectJy to th 
 
 fp'tlie olouy oi\\ 
 Hope, as ill, UimiHiarf 
 
 The Ejjoi),>h pitvi> 
 o. ll)u' 
 
 :'i;jl;(;d (ro\ 
 R(»bi»i^j|Lm, wiwi. 
 
 ./ :>>pijflarity, I'j 
 
 RiHiiH 
 
 'i!^'?3 ;/, ! may 
 
 ft- tio pgipdoMUit' the Bnush E»sp:' • 
 Ure.iX Britaif. tu .^uieb/ pticit hiyt«^\ 
 
 daj tliau at thopCape) iioman-iJnich itiw 
 
 til] ill 
 
 i>i<VBt-scdal as well iia uf ru /<^ 5ai«»v.v^i»r\5ii». 
 • .: i ; . uiidei'standiuii' 4^ ^>oui.-h Ac^<- 
 '■aa'bv. umved at without sgiiie kn 
 iff e.V<?)[t,-- whidi idt^' ■;i.i)r<''.'t(>d that part 
 r(ir>€\i^'^_^jj^}\ ,■ Q^idmu of thQl^ 
 iieariy jii^rywrr^y^Tj^ant; >n3mt' 
 
 lands. India v .-^ 
 
 Otlijer hisUtiHvii/ events vvij-tvii .l^ftiv 
 lathe presetii >it.-^ 
 :.'«rge ife^ini^c:rat,iu' 
 
 :-:evente'ei)th .<ioii i d oi t' ; 
 
 .he eigli^'eettth ^ 
 
 'L'iem« 
 
wmm^^mm. 
 
 
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 'li!' 
 
 i.-- 
 
 !'': 
 
 V 
 
 y 
 
 ■ C' 
 
 '■-^.-^ 
 
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 y.rtrtO„ ? :•" "• ■•^" -V^ 
 
 -^. 
 
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 bi^--^ --•>-_ 
 
 
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 ^^' 
 
 •iiMri'iin«i"iS!«<»«» 
 
 ,- Ih^lwiu 
 
cnAi". I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 469 
 
 In June 1889 Sir Henry Tiocli was appointed Gov- 
 ernor of the Cape in place of Sir Hercules Robinson, and, 
 while I shall have later on to discuss the policy of the 
 outgoing (Governor, I need say little of his successor after 
 the full description which I have given of his character 
 and personality, and of the reasons of his popularity, in 
 my account of the colony of Victoria, from which he 
 came directly to the Cape. 
 
 In the colony officially known as the Cape of Good 
 Hope, as in Canada, the language of the people that 
 we conquered is allowed to be used in the legislature. 
 The English party point out, however, that, while in 
 Lower Canada French was always made nse of, in the 
 Cape Dutch was not used until the change was decided 
 on by Lord Kimberley. Generally speaking, it may 
 be said that there is no portion of the British Empire 
 outside Great Britain in which j)ast history is to a 
 greater extent reflected in the circumstances of the 
 present day than at the Cape. Roman- Dutch law is 
 still in force, and Dutch ideas regulate the decision of 
 most social as well as of most political questions. Indeed 
 no adequate understanding of South African problems 
 can be arrived at without some knowledge of the course 
 of events which have affected that part of the Dark 
 Continent since the landing of the Dutch at the Cape 
 nearly 240 years ago, and the formation of the Nether- 
 lands India Company. 
 
 Other historical events which have left a deep trace 
 in the present state of the Cape of Good Hope are the 
 large immigration of the French Huguenot refugees in the 
 seventeenth century, and the arrival of the Moravians in 
 the eighteenth ; while in the present century the migra- 
 tion of Dutch farmers towards the north, some fifty years 
 ago, has been a dominant factor in producing the situation 
 
 Sir Ht'iu'V 
 Loch. 
 
 The Pntch 
 huigiiagt.'. 
 
 Freucli 
 Huguenots. 
 
 W- 
 
 
 
 f 1 
 
 % 
 
^ 
 
 470 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER fi RITA IN 
 
 I'AUT III 
 
 of to-dny. The tenacity with which the South African 
 Boers clung to a dialect founded on the Dutch, caused 
 the French language, introduced into South Africa by the 
 Protestant immigrants who settled in the colony after the 
 revocation of the Edict of Nantes, to vanish in the course 
 of two Generations. Thousjh the large influx of culti- 
 vated people of another race has greatly influenced Cape 
 Colony, the total disappearance of the French language 
 is somewhat remarkable, because the Huguenot refuo'ees 
 were not only of a higher class, socially, intellectually, 
 and industrially speaking, than the Dutch colonists, but 
 were strongly attached to the special forms of faith for 
 holding which they had been forced to leave Europe. 
 This feeling might have been thouQ-ht sufficient to have 
 preserved the use of the F'rench tongue, at all events in 
 the churches they set up in their new homes ; but strong 
 determination on the part of the Dutch prevented this 
 result. Not only was it ordained by Their Mightinesses 
 the India Company that Dutch was to be the one lan- 
 guage allowed in courts of law or in public transactions, 
 but all religious services were ordered to be conducted 
 in Dutch alone. There are old churches now standing 
 in the vine-growing districts of the Western Province — 
 churches and vines alike planted there by the French 
 immigrants — whose archives may be seen written up 
 to a certain date in French, and subsequently, with 
 extraordinary suddenness and completeness of change, 
 universally entered in Dutch. Nothing now remains 
 of the Freuv., tongue in South Africa but family 
 names, and these are often mispronounced. Through- 
 out Cape Colony and the two Dutch republics are 
 constantly met the patronymics of du Plessis, du Toit, 
 Joubert, and de Villiers. Sometimes it is imagined 
 that the French type is displayed in the features of the 
 
T 
 
 ^m 
 
 T 
 
 ClIAI". I 
 
 7y/A' CAP/t 
 
 471 
 
 (lescciulants of the Huguenots ; but the two raees are 
 inextricably allied l)y intermarriage, and there are few 
 indeed, if any. South African Dutch, whether their names 
 be French or Dutch, who have not French Huguenot 
 blood in their veins. In some names the French pro- 
 nunciation and accent are preserved, as in the case of 
 " Joubert." General Piet Joubert, the well-known com- 
 mandant of the Transvaal forces, tells a story of a visit 
 to Paris, when the keeper of the column of the Place 
 Vendome, who for the benefit of tourists speaks English, 
 said to him doubtfully, " There cannot be a Joubert who 
 is not a Frenchman ? " On the other hand, the name of 
 Villiers, which is borne by that most distinguished 
 Afrikander, the Chief Justice of Cape Colony, is com- 
 monly pronounced l)y the Dutch neither according to the 
 French nor the English mode, but as if it were written 
 "Filjee." The French language has had scarcely any 
 influence at the Cape in modifying the Dutch as regards 
 the incorporation of new words ; but the sudden disuse 
 of their own tongue by a large section of the inhabitants 
 was one of the most powerful causes of the breakdown of 
 the imported Dutch language, and the institution in its 
 place of the dialect which has become the chief medium 
 of communication in South Africa. 
 
 The question of the use of Cape -Dutch in Cape Colony " capu- 
 is one which has often been brought prominently to the 
 front in recent years. The opponents of Cape-Dutch 
 frequently quote the policy of the Netherlands India 
 Company in the early days of the colony as a precedent 
 to show that the language of the dominant power 
 should be the sole official language of a colony. 
 QuestioDS of this kind, however, are not settled by 
 precedent : the attitude of the early Dutch Govern- 
 ment towards the French tongue cannot determine 
 
 Dutch.' 
 
472 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 the expediency of a policy in the present dny. One of 
 the cauHcs of the mignition northward of Dutch fai'incrs 
 fifty year.s ago was the substitution of the Englisli for 
 the Dutch Language in courts of hiw. Nowa(hiys, that is, 
 since Lord Kind)crley's intervention, every J^ill laid on 
 the table of the House of Assembly is printed in Dutch 
 as well as in English, The sessional Acts have long been 
 published in both languages, for this course had been 
 found necessary, before Lord Kimberley was heard of, for 
 the sake of the Field-Cornets who have to carry out the 
 laws. The votes and proceedings are printed in Dutch 
 as well as English, but the House has not yet recognised 
 the universal use of the two languages. Li July 1889 it 
 was proposed by a member of Huguenot name, but of 
 Dutch speech, that the Estimates should be printed in 
 Dutch, and he was supported by the wdiole Opposition, 
 and a good deal of strong language was used ; another 
 gentleman of Huguenot descent, who pointed out that 
 very few of the papers were read, and that the charge 
 on the revenue would be increased by the proposed 
 change, was called a " Boer-hater," while the advocates 
 of the suggestion were described as " Bondsmen " — a 
 satirical reference to members of the Afrikander Bund. 
 The question was raised whether " Mr. Speaker " was to 
 be called in future " Mynheer Speaker," as at present by 
 Dutch members, or " Mynheer Voorzitter." The curious 
 debate ended by the adoption of an amendment, moved 
 by Mr. Hofmeyr, referring the choice of papers to be 
 printed in Dutch to a committee. The anti-Dutch party 
 have denounced Lord Kimberley 's changes as retrograde 
 measures, prejudicial to education and to progress, and 
 it is certain that the use of Dutch in Parliament has 
 allowed a somewhat less cultivated body of Dutch farmers 
 to enter its walls than sat there formerly. It does not 
 
 
T 
 
 ciiAr. I 
 
 THE CArE 
 
 473 
 
 ers 
 lot 
 
 seem likely, to judge from the experience of the hist 
 seven years, that the partial use of Dutch in Parliament 
 will oust the Enoli.sh laiif^uay-e from debate, or much 
 impede the spread of English culture. It is possible 
 that some of the more backward of the Dutch party 
 supported the use of their tongue in Parliament in the 
 hope that Dutch might again become the paramount 
 language of the colony ; Init a concession in this matter 
 is not likely to have any other marked effect than that 
 of conciliating the powerful Afrikander party. It is not 
 in the Cape as in Quebec, where the English element, 
 trifling even a generation ago, daily becomes propor- 
 tionally less. In the Cape the English language seems 
 likely to hold its own, and even the conservative Dutch 
 Church is considering the policy of permitting the use of 
 English in its services. Assisted immio-ration brinss in 
 English people, and while German immigrants come into 
 the colony in large numbers even wdthout assistance, 
 Hollanders, who would be assisted if they would come, 
 decline to do so. 
 
 It is often said that there are three kinds of Dutch "Kitciieu 
 
 Dutch, 
 
 spoken in Cape Colony — pure Dutch, kitchen Dutch, 
 and Hottentot Dutch. Except in the pulpit pure Dutch 
 is rarely heard, just as pure French in the Channel 
 Islands is almost confined to ecclesiastical use ; and 
 were it not for the Dutch version of the Holy Scriptures 
 pure Dutch would become extinct in Cape Colony. 
 When leave is given to use a particular tongue in a 
 given place, who is to judge whether that speech is 
 used ? Permission to use Dutch in Parliament already 
 covers a Dutch which Hollanders do not recognise. 
 Would permission to use English at Pekin cover 
 
 " pigeon " ? Even in the pulpits of the Cape young 
 
 ministers who have been educated in Holland find that 
 
 VOL. I 2 I 
 
474 
 
 J'A'O/i/J'JA/S OF GREATER JiRITA/N 
 
 PART lit 
 
 The AiVik- 
 
 aiifler 
 
 Bund. 
 
 tlu'y lose soincwliiit of tlioir liold upon tlu/ir con^ict^a- 
 tioiiH if they ;i(l<lrL'.ss their lieiirer.s in hinoiiaf((! whicli 
 woiiM pass at Leydoii. Tlio common spciccli of the 
 country ('onsists of that whicli the farmers use in talkin<^ 
 to one another -kitchen Dutch — and that in wiiicli tliey 
 speak to their servants — Hottent(jt Dutcli. The Hotten- 
 tots indeed liave no other hini^uage tlian Hottentot Dutch ; 
 scarcely any trace of their native tongue exists, and their 
 cliiMren speak a Dutch diah^ct aa soon as they s])eak at 
 all. There is a well-known newspaper published in the 
 colony which claims to be the organ of the Afrikander 
 Bund, and it is written in a dialect which is only with 
 (litKculty recognised, I am told, as Dutcli in Ilolhmd. 
 The Dutcli Boers are the most conservative community 
 in existence. The backward portion of them sincerely 
 disljelieve in the advantages of education, and their 
 sluggish temperament adds to their indisposition to 
 learn anything ; but circumstances are too strong all the 
 world over for conservatism of this type. The develop- 
 ment of the railway system and the opening up of the 
 mineral wealth of South Africa are beginning to shake 
 the supremacy of the Dutch language. There are still 
 constituencies in Cape Colony where a candidate who 
 could speak English only would be cut off from all 
 means of communication with, the electors ; but, on the 
 other hand, in the Dutch Eepublic of the Transvaal, 
 where Dutch is the only language officially recognised, 
 there are large districts in which the English are in a 
 vast majority over the Dutch. 
 
 I have two or three times mentioned the Afrikander 
 Bund, which is often spoken of in England as though 
 it wer.e an organisation of disaffection to the British 
 Crown. Its origin, no doubt, dates from a period when 
 the Boers of South Africa, as well within Cape Colony 
 
T 
 
 CHAP, t 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 475 
 
 lop- 
 the 
 lake 
 still 
 who 
 all 
 
 the 
 5vaal, 
 lised, 
 
 in a 
 
 aiieler 
 lOUgh 
 British 
 when 
 'olony 
 
 as hcyoiid tlif ( )i'au^v River, wiMi' ill-disposed towards 
 British rul«' ; l)nt tiie present eoiistitutioii and aims of 
 the Afrikander lUmd are, I tiiiiik, inueli misrepresented 
 here at home. It must always he rememhered that the 
 South African Duteh are a people of farmers, and that 
 the question of Kuirlish iwrsiis lioer is also a (piestioii of 
 urhan as against agricultural population. Ahout 1878 
 u number of organisations were formed throughout (*a[)e 
 Colony, the object of which was exclusively to watch 
 over the interests of the farmers, and for this jturpose to 
 take part in Parliamentary elections. In 1871) an 
 organisation was set on foot which professed to have 
 wider aims, in embracing white South Africans of all 
 callings and of all races, the only avowed (jualification 
 of membershii) being a home feeling for South Africa, 
 combined with a determination to unite to secure the 
 prosperity of the country. In 1880 the organisation 
 received the name of the Afrikander Hund, its chief 
 men at that time being a Dutch clergyman, a Dutch 
 judge in Cape Colony, and a German journalist in the 
 Free State. In the early days of the Afrikander Thmd 
 a large proportion of the members sympathised warmly 
 with the revolt of the Transvaal against British annexa- 
 tion, but this feeling wore off with peace. Branches 
 were established throughout Cape Colony and the Free 
 State, and in 1882 a congress was held of a hundred 
 delegates, which took into consideration among other 
 matters the existence of the sister organisation — the 
 Farmers' Protection Association — side by side with the 
 Afrikander Bund. In 1883 a union between the two 
 bodies was efiected, and the association has since grown 
 in strength and is said to numljcr 4000 members. The 
 Bund was influential in procuring the otHcial use of the 
 Dutch language, and at this moment, as I have said. 
 
 y 
 
i««l 
 
 ■M j 
 
 Objects of 
 the Bund. 
 
 476 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART HI 
 
 the Dutch party in the Assembly, under jMr. Hofnieyr, 
 sometimes called " the uncrowned King of the Cape," 
 can make and unmake jMinistries. The present Cabinet 
 contains only one gentleman of Dutch origin, but it is 
 for jdl that virtually a Ministry carrying out a " Dutch 
 policy " by the su})port of Mr. Hofmeyr, and doing so, 
 in my belief, to our advantage. 
 
 The object of the Afrikander Jjund, as explained in 
 one of the sections of its general constitution, is the 
 formation of a South African nationality, by means of 
 union and co-operation, as a preparation for the ultimate 
 object — a united South Africa. " The Bund tries to 
 attain this ol)ject by constitutional means, giving to the 
 respective Governments all the support to which they 
 are entitled." At the Congress of the Bund in 1888 the 
 President declared that its object was a united South 
 Africa under the British flag; but at the meeting of 1889, 
 while " united South Africa " was repeated, nothing was 
 said about the flag. The official programme of the 
 national party professes the desire for the establish- 
 ment of a firm union between the various European 
 nationalities ; proclaims the principle of opposition to 
 outside interference with the domestic concerns of South 
 Africa, and that of religious freedom ; and protests 
 against frivolous interference with the " free influence of 
 the Gospel upon national life," or with the Sunday day 
 of rest, while it insists that in all their actions the Govern- 
 ments shall take account of " the Christian character 
 of " the South African people. It must certainly not be 
 supposed that there is now any sharp conflict between 
 the Dutch Afrikander Bund and the English minority. 
 There are Englishmen who take an active part in the 
 Bund, as there are Englishmen who are elected by 
 Dutch constituencies. There have been from time to 
 
(11 AT. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 477 
 
 time signs that the Bund is desirous of displnying loyalty 
 to the British Crown. During the cel(4)ration of the 
 (.»>ueen's Jubilee in Cape Colony, at no place was the day 
 kept more heartily than at The Paarl, the headqunrters 
 of the Bund, where its Dutcli news])aper, the Patriot, is 
 published. Every house was illuminated, and a park 
 was presented to the town by public subscription, raised 
 among an almost entirely Boer po})ulation. 
 
 There can, I think, be no doubt that the Afrikander 
 Bund party is more loynl to British rule at the present 
 time than it was shortly after the annexation of the 
 Transvaal. The attitude of Sir Hercules Kobinson — 
 one of the wisest of colonial governors, to whom 
 injustice was done at home in JNIay 1889 l)y the 
 attention called to a garbled report of his farewell 
 speech on leaving Cape Town for home after a rule 
 of nearly nine years — no doul)t conciliated the Dutch, 
 and the recent policy met with the apjjroval of most 
 responsible politicians at the Cape. In so saying 
 I am, as usual, attempting not to indicate my own 
 individual preference, but rather to state colonial 
 facts from a colonial standpoint. The policy of Sir 
 Hercules Robinson was to act as Governor of the Cape 
 on strictly constitutional lines, that is, on the opinion of 
 the Cape Parliament as expressed to him through the 
 Cape Ministers, and as High Commissioner for South 
 Africa to act with e(|ual justice towards the three races, 
 and to establish on a broad l)asis British authority as 
 the paramount power in South Africa. While in 
 Australia the coast appears to be more valuable than 
 the far interior, the reverse is the case in Africa, and the 
 high healthy plateau to the north of Cape C^olony and to 
 the west of the Transvaal seemed to Sir Hercules Jlobin- 
 son more important than what he called " the fever- 
 
 Tlii- (lolicy 
 of Sir 
 Hi'iiules 
 I!ol)iiisoii. 
 
 "l!.- I 
 
 m 
 
478 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT HI 
 
 Change in 
 the Dutch 
 policy. 
 
 stricken inangTOve swamps on the east coast, or the 
 sandy waterless fringe on the west." He was favourable 
 to the extension of British inflnence to the Zamljesi, and 
 to the extension of British influence hy direct imperial 
 action, but with the intention of gradually bringing the 
 territories thus annexed under colonial goverimient. Sir 
 Hercules Robinson considers the only possible policy of 
 the future that of handing over the new territories to 
 colonial government so soon as the transfers can be 
 made with justice to the natives. The question of time 
 of such transfer he leaves open, and while he thinks the 
 Cape bound in honour to relieve the United Kingdom of 
 an expenditure in Bechuanaland from which the British 
 tax-payer can never receive direct return, he does not 
 think it the interest of the Cape to press for the assump- 
 tion of responsibility in Bechuanaland so long as the 
 British tax-payer chooses to pay. Sir Hercules Robin- 
 son considers, however, that interference from home 
 strengthens republican and separatist feeling among 
 colonists, English as well as Dutch, and that a prudent 
 continuation of his own policy would cause the past 
 jealousy between the English and the Dutch in South 
 Africa to die away, and South Africa under British rule 
 to prosper. In my own belief the Dutch, under the 
 policy of Sir Hercules Robinson, would probably become 
 as strong supporters of the British connection as are the 
 Canadian French. Sir Henry Loch will doubtless cany 
 out his predecessor's policy, and, if he does so, there can 
 be no doubt that his popularity will be as great. 
 
 The recent conversions to the side of the Dutch 
 party have been remarkable. The present Sprigg 
 Ministry is, as I have shown, warmly supported by Mr. 
 Hofmeyr's following, but Sir Gordon Sprigg during his 
 first administration held views dissimilar from those 
 
 5 ■ 
 
■m 
 
 m 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 479 
 
 dutch 
 (prigg 
 Mr. 
 
 Iff liis 
 1 those 
 
 which prevail at the present time ; and Mr. Rhodes, the 
 greatest capitalist in South Africa, and Mr. jMerriman 
 have adopted a friendly attitude towards the Dutch. 
 Probably the chief reason why the Afrikander Bund has 
 become well disposed to British rule is to be found in 
 the impracticable position taken up by President Paul 
 Kruger of the Transvaal with regard to the railway 
 question, the Transvaal Government being now pledged 
 to the Delagoa Bay route, to the exclusion of all railway 
 communication with the Cape or Natal until the Lorenzo 
 Marques line is complete. The Dutch party in the Cape 
 have been forced by this Transvaal policy to choose 
 between their sentimental feelinjj for their fellow- 
 Dutchmen in the Transvaal and their commercial 
 interests, and for the first time in the history of 
 South Africa the urban and agricultural populations 
 of Cape Colony find themselves united by a common 
 bond of interest. 
 
 In South Africa there are many who say that if Lord 
 Carnarvon had not precipitated the annexation of the 
 Transvaal against the wish of the majority of the people, 
 and if events had been allowed to take their course, the 
 South African Republic would have come as a suppliant 
 to the British Power, and that a united South Africa 
 would long ago have grown up under British rule. 
 Others think that the great existing obstacle to Soutli 
 African unity lies in the office of British High Commis- 
 sioner for Soutli Africa being in the same hands as the 
 Governorship of the Cape ; and no doubt the para- 
 mount position which V' tlii/3 'drtually giv.r tu the Cape 
 ]\linistry may be a causv of jeai'Jiisy, altiiough I fear that 
 the existence of an official who would of necessity be a 
 roving inspector without a fixed seat of government 
 would be more likely to set the South African Govern- 
 
 Sc'i)iiratii)ii 
 of oflices of 
 Governor 
 ami High 
 Com mis- 
 sioner. 
 
'Ii 
 
 h 
 
 ;f' 
 
 •^\ 
 
 Free State 
 ffi'liii" 
 
 480 
 
 PROBLEMS OF C.j-^ri^ BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 meuts at variance than to uiuiu tliem under one rule. 
 The separation of the two offices would be very difficult 
 to arrange, and would be bitterly resented at the Cape. 
 While the influence of a Dutch Ministry and Parliament 
 on the extra-colonial territories mav be sometimes 
 dangerous wdien the offices are combined, separation 
 seems impracticable. If the offices were distinct it 
 would be necessary to have different officers, one would 
 suppose, for Basutoland and for Bechuanaland, which 
 are separated by vast districts over which a single 
 commissioner would have no power, and not even right 
 of passage, although both are reachable from the Cape. 
 Another plan would be to have well-paid Lieutenant- 
 Governors for Basutoland and for Bechuanaland re- 
 spectively. 
 
 In the Orano'e Free State there is a o'ood deal of 
 feeling that is thoroughly friendly to ourselves. During 
 the lifetime of Sir John Brand, long the best friend of 
 England in South Africa, the Orange Free State was 
 more useful to our rule than if it had been directly 
 under our authority. In his time the Government 
 of the Free State were by no means favourable to 
 the action of the Afrikander Bund in their dominions. 
 The President thought it an im2:)erium in imperio 
 which had no reason for existence in a free state, 
 and resented the assumptions of its local leader. 
 Opinion in the Free State, even now, by no means 
 universally approves of the policy of the Transvaal, 
 which has had the effect of postponing the construction 
 of railways through the Orange River territory ; and 
 although a defensive alliance has been concluded, the 
 Free State does not appear greatly to desire that complete 
 union with the South African Republic which the Trans- 
 vaal has often urged upon it, and which would probably 
 
mm 
 
 iiHMtti 
 
 re- 
 
 ition 
 
 and 
 
 the 
 
 Dlete 
 
 'ans- 
 
 ably 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 481 
 
 mean the a1)sorption of tlie smaller republic by the larger. 
 At the Railway and Customs Conference held at the 
 capital of the Free State in March 1889, and attended 
 by the Cape Prime Minister, Sir Gordon Sprigg, a 
 Customs Union between the Cape of Good Hope and 
 the elder Dutch republic was finally arranged ; and at 
 the dinner which followed, Sir Gordon Sprigg declared 
 that the foundation-stone of South African brotherhood 
 had been laid and the first practical step taken towards 
 South African unity. 
 
 Generally sjDeaking it will be seen that South Africa railway 
 is in a transition state, and, when we consider the rela- '^^'^^ '°"' 
 tions of its various parts, we find reason to doubt the 
 possibility of accurate forecasts of its future until we 
 know for certain what direction the ultimate develop- 
 ment of the- South African railway system wdll take. 
 Mr. Rhodes's line northwards from the diamond-fields 
 towards Shoshong will soon be commenced, and will 
 run near the Transvaal frontier. The line from Coles- 
 berg through the Free State to its centre is now de- 
 cided on by the Cape and Free State Governments, 
 and is to be made by the Cape, the Free State having 
 rejected President Kruger's suggestions as to who 
 should construct the line. When the railways have 
 crept on towards the frontier of the Transvaal in 
 the neighbourhood of the gold-fields, the attitude of 
 the English population in the South African Republic 
 will be a most important factor in the solution of the 
 remaining prol)lems connected with the growth of South 
 African unity. If the neighbourhood of the Transvaal 
 should be reached by a Cape line before the Delagoa 
 Bay route is opened it would become doubtful if the 
 latter would be made at all. In the meantime the only 
 possible policy is the conciliation of the Dutch party in 
 
 I 
 
ir 
 
 — ?^-HI" 
 
 ',! 
 
 I't-^ i 
 
 48: 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIX 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 Legislative 
 
 pt'culiar- 
 
 itics. 
 
 the Cape and the Free State, and the conversion of the 
 term " Afrikander," from an epithet virtually meaning 
 Boers, to that wider signification in which it will embrace 
 all the inhabitants of white race. It must be understood, 
 however, that, come what may, we cannot abandon our 
 half-way house to India and Australia at Table Bay and 
 Simon's Bay. 
 
 The legislative and political peculiarities of the Cape 
 are not so interesting to ourselves from the experimental 
 point of view as are those of the Canadian Dominion 
 and Australasian colonies. The Cape of Good Hope 
 is timid as regards rural local Government, and repre- 
 sentation on Divisional Councils is confined to owners 
 to the exclusion of occupiers, while Sir Thomas Scanlen 
 and Mr. Orpen do not receive much support in urging 
 that the Cape should legislate, as regards this matter, 
 on the lines which have been followed in our other 
 settlements. The business of irrigation has in Cape 
 Colony been placed under special Boards, and Irrigation 
 Boards can be constituted wherever three or more land- 
 owners combine to carry out water- storasfe works or 
 irrigation. They obtain borrowing and rating powers, 
 and the Goverimient is authorised to assist them with 
 loans of money. Agricultural land is scarce at present, 
 and only xiotb part of the land appropriated in hold- 
 ings is cultivated. As there are, however, irrigated , 
 lands within the colony which sell at four thousand 
 times the price which is fetched for pastoral purposes 
 by unirrigated lands in the same immediate neighbour- 
 hood, it is seen that the irrigation question is as 
 important as in the Mallee scrub districts of northern 
 Mctoria upon the JNIurray. The main difficulty in the 
 way of Cape irrigation is that the Dutch system of 
 inheritance divides farms into most inconvenient frac- 
 
 T 
 
 ; 
 
T 
 
 CtlAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 483 
 
 tions, tiiid is also productive of litigation regarding 
 water rights and easements among a litigious popula- 
 tion, so that the creation and smooth working of 
 Irrigation Boards is difficult. The Cape has an 
 elective Upper House, and a Lower House elected 
 for quinquennial parliaments, and the cumulative vote 
 exists for all elections to the Council, and, in the 
 case of the capital, to the Assembly. Ministers 
 — by a legislative peculiarity of the Cape, unusual 
 in British colonies, but common on the Continent 
 of Europe, and certain to be one day imitated at 
 home if we retain an Upper House — have audience of 
 both Houses, that is, they are allowed to speak in either 
 House, although they can only vote in the House to 
 which they are elected. The electoral franchise is 
 twelve months' residence in the colony in addition to 
 the occupation of property to the value of £2.), or the 
 receipt of salary and wages of not less than £50 a year, 
 or £25 with board and lodging. There is no special 
 exclusion of alien races from the franchise, and there 
 are a good many coloured electors. It is a peculiarity 
 of the Cape that the electorate is precisely the same for 
 the two Houses, although the division of constituencies 
 is different. 
 
 Three years ago there was a serious controversy over 
 a so-called Registration Bill, now an Act, which has since 
 had the effect, and was probably intended to have the effect, 
 of excluding a good many coloured people who would 
 otherwise have enjoyed electoral rights in the colony. 
 Sir Gordon Sprigg, in projiosing the Bill, estimated the 
 European population at half the coloured population, and 
 argued that if such measures were not passed, the white 
 vote might one day be swamped by an overwhelming 
 mass of barbarism. The official defence of the Bill was, 
 
 VI 
 
 Natives 
 ami tin- 
 fnuicliise. 
 
r 
 
 484 
 
 PROIU.EMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 in 
 
 1 
 
 however, that it was intended to put a stop to malprac- 
 tices on the of election agents, who prompted fraud 
 in registrar .nd personation at elections, by Ijringing 
 on to tl^ ster large numhers of natives holding only 
 on tribi aure, and not entitled to the franchise, inas- 
 much as they had no individual holdings. On the other 
 hand it was argued that the coloured men enfranchised 
 under the law are an industrious class, as well qualifitMl 
 to vote as the analogous class of Europeans. There were 
 at the time supposed to be fourteen seats in the colonial 
 Parliament over which the natives had some intlueuce. 
 One objection of the natives and their friends to the 
 Bill was that the Field-Cornets who have to do the 
 registration work are frequently Dutchmen hostile to the 
 right of the coloured men to vote, but no one has 
 suggested the means by which a remedy can be applied 
 to a state of things which is inseparable from the general 
 condition of South Africa. Mr. Hutton, who led the oppo- 
 sition to the Bill, sat for a constituency in which the native 
 vote, which was chiefly recorded in his favour, was a most 
 important factor. His enemies declared, indeed, that he 
 sat by the " blanket vote," or suffrage of the tribesmen. 
 The active and politically minded missionaries are 
 said to have been in the habit of causing the natives 
 to claim the suffrage very freely, even in cases 
 where they were not entitled by the possession of 
 independent property. There was some difficulty in 
 checkino' illeijal registration because of the doubtful 
 nature of native names. There are as many Peters and 
 Pauls in parts of black South Africa as there are John 
 Joneses in some Welsh constituencies, and as to the 
 English eye all these Peters and Pauls are much alike, 
 the natives generally pass by canting appellations. 
 It is somewhat difficult to register a voter as " Brandy 
 
T 
 
 ^ 
 
 CIIAl'. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 485 
 
 ive 
 nost 
 he 
 lien, 
 are 
 ives 
 ases 
 of 
 ill 
 tful 
 and 
 olin 
 the 
 like, 
 ions, 
 mdy 
 
 and Soda" or "Lemon squash," names of the character 
 of those by which tlie natives are ordinarily known. It 
 is believed by the anti-native party that some of the 
 missionaries kept suits of clothes which were handed on 
 from native to native for the purpose of making them 
 presentable as they came up to vote. 
 
 ]\Ir. Hutton is said to have gone so far as 
 to dechu'c that the Boers of South Africa generally 
 were full of l)itter hatred of the native races, and 
 jealous of the inniiense advance in Christianity and 
 education which the natives had lately made ; and that 
 the Colonial Conference had caused the delegates of the 
 Government of the colony to return with the Ijoast in 
 their mouths that " henceforth the imperial Government 
 was pledged not to interfere with the internal or domes- 
 tic colonial policy." It was the case that some such 
 promise was given, but it is difficult to see how under 
 free responsible institutions it could have been refused, 
 or how the country is to be governed upon the opposite 
 plan. Local opinion in South Africa is hostile to 
 the admission of the natives on a large scale to equal 
 rights. The Dutch majority look upon the natives as 
 the Israelites looked upon the heathen populations with 
 whom they came in contact in the Holy Land, and the 
 Dutch are never tired of quoting the language of the Old 
 Testament with reojard to them. A section of the Enoiish 
 are almost equally bitter against the class whom they 
 call " white Kafirs," that is, those who have been brought 
 up among the natives and who take their side in every 
 dispute. There is a good deal of feeling against the 
 missionaries among the English party in South Africa, 
 who charge the missionaries with making money out of 
 the natives by trade. Some colour was given to Mr. Hut- 
 ton's charges by the Pass Bill of 1889, forcing all natives. 
 
 : i 
 
¥ 
 
 486 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 Mi 
 
 ! 
 
 . s. 
 
 \ I; 
 
 BimTi 
 
 { 
 
 i 
 
 - ( 
 
 
 ^R] 
 
 fc 
 
 H. 
 
 
 Ira 
 
 
 
 'II 'w 
 
 jH. /■!»'! 
 
 1: 
 
 
 Ij^J: S•,j■ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ||I■■■:...i . 
 
 »« 
 
 
 ilJiir 
 
 s 
 
 1 
 
 D^iV^SaEvS: 
 
 fc 
 
 yCflp W^ fv 1 
 
 fl 
 
 {mm 
 
 1: 
 
 1 
 
 ili'lit iiikI 
 iMilways. 
 
 Kilucatioii, 
 i\'ligioii, 
 and iiii- 
 iiiii'ratioii. 
 
 however well known, ivsjiootaMe, or woalthy, to ol)tniu 
 passes before they moved about ; Init tlie I »ill was drop])e(l, 
 
 'Pile (lel)t of the Cape is twenty -two and a half 
 millions, which is very hi^h in proportion to the popn- 
 lation, and es})ccially high in proportion to the white 
 jDopnlation ; hut the Cape has IGOO miles of Government 
 railways, in aihlition to which some subsidised railways 
 are being constructed by companies ; so that both liei* 
 debt and her railway mileage are upon the Australian 
 rather than upon the Canadian scale. Thirteen and a 
 half millions of the Cape debt have liecn incurred for 
 Government railway -making. The main line to the 
 diamond-fields is nearly 650 miles long, and will become 
 the main line to the north. It had been decided to 
 make the future line branch off by Colesberg to the 
 centre of the Orange Free State — a policy which would 
 benefit Port Elizabeth at the expense of Cape Town — 
 but now both lines are to be made. 
 
 'J'he Cape spends less in proportion upon education 
 than do the North American or the Australasian colonies, 
 and education is largely left to sectariixn schools. The 
 most powerful of the churches in the colony is the 
 Dutch Reformed Church, which is a presbyterian 
 church taking many of her ministers from Scotland, 
 and which claims about 163,000 people; the Wesleyans 
 coming: next with 69,000, and then the Church of 
 England with 58,000. The statistics of the Cape com- 
 pare unfavourably with those of the chief Australian 
 colonies, and the last census was put off when the 
 time for it came with the idea that in 1891 there 
 would be taken a general census of the British Empire, 
 so that there has been no Cape census since 1875. 
 Assisted immigration into the Cape was stojDped in 1888 
 and resumed in 1889, the Government following in 
 
cirAi'. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 487 
 
 1011 
 
 ies, 
 
 riie 
 
 the 
 
 [■iaii 
 
 nd, 
 
 ans 
 of 
 m- 
 ian 
 the 
 ere 
 ire, 
 75. 
 888 
 in 
 
 1888 tlie same policy in this matter as prevails in the 
 Australian colonies, but for very diHerent reasons. The 
 Dutf'li party be<^an to see that their hold upon the colony 
 was heino- wcakenecl through British innuii>ration, and 
 to f^rudge the funds for brinf^in«i out the British immi- 
 grants. An otier was made to l)ring out Netherlands 
 Dutch as well, but, althouoh an agent of the Cape 
 Government was established in Holland for the purpose, 
 only six families consented to come in the course of a 
 year, of whom four families ended by starting for the 
 United States, and, moreover, the Cape Dutch were 
 not pacified by the proposal inasmuch as they do not 
 like the Hollanders. Finally, however, an English 
 de[)Utation aj)proaclied Sir Gordon S[)rigg and pointed 
 out to him that the Act under which the assisted 
 immigration was carried on had never been repealed, 
 and the result was its resumption for a time. 
 
 There is a large German population at the Cape, and 
 if there were any conceivable chance of the abandonment 
 of the Cape by the United Kingdom it would be necessary 
 to point out the probalulity that, but for Australian 
 action, the Germans would take charge of it for us in 
 that event. The soldiers of the German Legion, who 
 were settled by us in South Africa after the Crimean 
 War, have been responsible for a large amount of the 
 German immigration to that country, as they have 
 gradually brought out their friends. The Germans at 
 the Cape act more with the English than with the 
 Dutch ; but this is partly caused by the fact that they 
 go to the Eastern Province, where the language is 
 English, rather than to the Western Province, where the 
 hinguage and population are Dutch. The Germans 
 mostly land at Port Elizabeth and settle about East 
 London or Queen's Town, or in the parts of Kaffraria to 
 
 \A 
 
 (lurmaiis at 
 the Caiie. 
 
1 
 
 488 
 
 PROIiLEMS OF GREATER li RITA IN 
 
 PART III 
 
 ii 
 
 i 
 
 
 h- 
 
 Tiixntioii. 
 
 I, ami li'gis 
 I;itiiiM. 
 Liiliour 
 ((iiustioiis. 
 
 South 
 
 African 
 
 lnosjuTity, 
 
 which the Lci^ioiiMnca were sent ; but ii «:;()0(1 niiiny of 
 them make tlieir way towards the (liaiuoiid-liehls. Tliere 
 is a hirge German population in Natal. 
 
 There is not in South Africa progressive taxation, 
 graduated according to the amount of property l)e- 
 queathed, such as exists in most of the AustraUan 
 colonies ; ncdther are there many direct taxes. There is 
 a house-duty and a hut-tax, hut no income-tax, property- 
 tax, or hmd-tax ; and tlie Boers are strongly opposed to any 
 such taxation. There is no trace of land nationalisation 
 making way, and lands are let on lease witii power of 
 purchase, or sold outright at auction. The Cape forms 
 an exception to one colonial rule : white artisans 
 work there side by side with coloured artisans. The 
 coloured handicraftsmen at Capo Town are princii)ally 
 Malays ; but white artisans are taken out as assisted 
 immigrants, and are, indeed, engaged in this country for 
 the Cape at the rate of 9s. a day for a nine-hour tlay. 
 The eight-hour day has no existence at the Cape ; but 
 the nine-hour day is even more prevalent than in Ontario, 
 and the rate of wages, as will be seen, is as high as in 
 Australia, so that 9s. for nine hours replaces 8s. for 
 eight hours as the usual tariff. 
 
 South Africa is enjoying at the present moment a 
 remarkable growth of prosperity, which may prove 
 permanent. Its main cause is the extraordinary in- 
 crease in the productiveness of the diamond -mines in 
 Cape territory, and of the gold-mines in the Transvaal 
 (which for the present benefit Natal, as yet the chief 
 outlet for the Transvaal trade), and in the yield 
 from wool. The improvement in the position of 
 the South African colonies is afi'ecting their wheat 
 production, and must soon call forth a large produc- 
 tion of coal, of which Natal has a magnificent field. 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 489 
 
 lit a 
 ove 
 
 in- 
 s in 
 vaal 
 chief 
 
 ield 
 of 
 heat 
 )duc- 
 ficld. 
 
 Wine-growinpf has not made the progress in tlie Cape 
 that it should have done. Tlie Cape l)egan to produce 
 wine a long time ago, but the trade has for some 
 time hmguislied. Tiiat occurs with regard to Cape wine 
 and Cape diamonds whicii luip})ens with Austrahisian 
 meat : the best kinds of New Zcahind and Australian 
 meat are sold in England as English, and the inferior 
 kinds as colonial, to the damage of the Australasian 
 name and trade. So, too, the best kinds of Cape wine 
 are sold in England with European names, and the white 
 Cape diamonds are sold in England as Brazilian, and 
 only the inferior stones as " Ca])e." The Cape offers 
 extraordinary advantages in (tliniate and soil for wine- 
 growing ; and Cape brandy would be good enough, if 
 carefully made, to give at least a chance, looking to the 
 fact that real French brandy is practically not manufac- 
 tured for the present, that the Cape product might take 
 its place. In li(|ueurs the Cape of Good Hope already 
 stands high, and a kind of Curayoa (made from oranges 
 and C'ape l)randy) is one of the finest liqueurs in 
 the world. While, however, real brandy and li(]ueurs 
 command a certain market at a high price, sweet strong- 
 wines are a drug in the English market, and the Cape 
 should endeavour to send us what are known to the 
 trade as " straight, clean " light wines. Cape grapes 
 already reach England in excellent condition in the 
 early spring when good grapes are dear. There is a 
 future for the fruit trade from South Africa to London, 
 as the South African seasons are the opposite of those 
 of the Mediterranean countries which send us our largest 
 import. Other j)roducts in which the Cape is strong are 
 ostrich feathers and copper ore, wool and mohair. As 
 Merivale has pointed out, in climate, soil, and situation the 
 
 Cape is one of the most favoured countries of the world. 
 VOL. I 2 k 
 
 ' I !i|'' 
 
7r- 
 
 m 
 
 : 11' ' 
 
 Inter- 
 colonial 
 free truile 
 
 490 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 The (lucstion of intcrcoloiiial free trade has as much 
 significance in South Africa as in Australia, and is, as 1 
 have hinted, ch)scly connected with that of trade routes. 
 The policy of the Transvaal is, as it has long been, to 
 adopt the short route to the sea, through Delagoa Bay or 
 Swaziland. On the other hand. Natal struggles, by re- 
 duction of duties, to retain the Transvaal trade, and the 
 Cape struggles, by making new railways, to obtain it. In 
 the time of President Brand the Orange Free State in 
 part dissented from the Transvaal Delagoa Bay policy, 
 and agreed with the imjierial Government in favouring 
 railway communication with the Cape and Natal. Even 
 as late as 1888 there was a conference between repre- 
 sentatives of the Governments of the Cape, Natal, and 
 the Free State, and they decided upon a customs union 
 between those states, and invited the Transvaal to 
 come into the aoreement, althousfh it w^as an ao;ree- 
 ment really hostile to the Delagoa route. The cus- 
 toms tariff of the Cape was high, and though it 
 had been intended mainly as a revenue tariff, some of 
 its duties were protective in their operation. The 
 suggestion laid before the conference by Sir Gordon 
 Sprigg was, that the Cape and Natal should establish a 
 uniform tariff of 1 2 per cent against the outside world, 
 retain a uniform transit charge of 3 per cent on articles 
 passing through either colony, and hand over 9 per 
 cent to the Governments of the inland republics on 
 articles consumed in them, provided that these republics 
 should levy an equivalent duty on articles imported by 
 any other route, the latter proviso being, of course, 
 intended to prevent diversion to Delagoa Bay of the 
 trade of Cape and Natal ports. The same policy was 
 to be applied to British Bechuanaland and to Basutohind 
 as that suggested for the republics. At the conference 
 
 ;l 
 
 ! 
 
n 
 
 CHAP. 1 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 491 
 
 anil 
 
 cus- 
 it 
 
 me of 
 The 
 
 ordon 
 isli a 
 
 vorlcl, 
 tides 
 per 
 s on 
 iiblics 
 cd by 
 ourse, 
 f the 
 y was 
 Poland 
 
 one of the Natal delegates, Mr. Seymour Haden, 
 Colonial Secretary, moved that there should be free 
 trade between the colonies and the states included 
 in the customs union, under certain limitations, in 
 respect of all South African products. A tariff, pro- 
 posed by Mr. Hofmeyr, was then agreed to, with an 
 ad valorem duty of 12 per cent upon goods not 
 enumerated in the tariff". It was finally decided that 
 the im])orting states should pay over three-fourths of 
 the customs to the internal states. The general effect 
 of the customs arrangement would have been to raise 
 the low duties of the Natal tariff, in consecjuence of 
 the refusal of the Cape to lower theirs. The Orange 
 Free State delegates, after the decision on the tariff 
 had been come to, insisted on the conference on railways 
 being made a separate conference, and they handed in 
 fresh credentials in order to place it on record that the 
 Free State would not undertake any railway construction 
 unless first in receipt of a share of customs duties. 
 The proposals of the Ortinge Free State with regard to 
 railways were then accepted, as against the alternative 
 scheme submitted by Cape Colony. An Act was passed 
 by the Cape to carry out the agreement, but Natal 
 failed to confirm the action of her representatives, and 
 has since lowered instead of raising duties. The result 
 of the refusal of Natal to come into the customs arrarige- 
 ment to which her delegates had agreed is, that the l" ree 
 State is bound to try to set up custom houses against 
 Natal and to throttle her trade. It is doubtful whether 
 the Free State will be able to maintain such machinery, 
 or really wishes to do so, and it must be remembered in 
 considering this question that there has always been 
 free trade in practice, although not in the eye of the 
 law, upon the South African land frontiers. The diffi- 
 
1 
 
 492 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 1 
 
 'Ml 
 
 Position 
 of the 
 republics 
 towards 
 tlie Cape. 
 
 Customs 
 union 
 between 
 the Cajje 
 and the 
 Free State 
 
 culties of guarding them by custom houses are too 
 great, on frontiers of such vast extent, for the finances 
 and the military and police forces of any of the countries 
 in question. Nevertheless, I fancy that Natal will 
 ultimately come in, and will adopt the higher or Cape 
 scale of duty, though for the moment she is reducing 
 her duties all round. In the meantime the Free State 
 is ajDparently intending to j^lay false to the Cape by 
 encouraging imports from Natal, for otherwise it is 
 difficult to see why she should have agreed with Natal 
 at a later date in 1889 for the construction of a Natal 
 railway to Harrismith in the Orange State. 
 
 The present position of the republics towards the 
 Cape is, then, a very curious one. The republics them- 
 selves are united by treaty for defence, and probably 
 for some other purposes by a secret understanding. On 
 the other hand, the Free State has come into customs 
 union with the Cape from 1st July 1889, the Free State 
 gaining money by the arrangement, and the colony 
 gaining the right to make railways as far as Bloem- 
 fontein, the capital and centre of the Free State. 
 The South African Republic has, however, bound the 
 Free State not to allow Cape railways to bo made 
 through the Free State to the Transvaal frontier, and 
 declares it will keep the gold-mines trade in the hands 
 of the transport riders until the Delagoa Bay line is 
 made. The Transvaal itself will not come into the 
 customs agreement, refusing absolutely, sini^e our un- 
 fortunate annexation of the country, to agree to any 
 13ritisli proposals of any kind whatever. 
 
 The Act upon the subject of the customs union 
 which passed the Cape legislature was assented to at 
 home, but was not at first proclaimed because of a 
 difference of opinion between the Foreign Office and 
 
/ 
 
 T 
 
 CHAi 
 
 CUSTOMS (JNh 
 
 493 
 
 and 
 
 the Colonial Office upon the question, the Colonial 
 Office wishing for full assent, and the Foreign Office 
 pointing out that the Act violated the most-favoured- \ 
 nation clause of our own treaties. There was indeed a 
 kind of precedent in the case of Servia, where Servia 
 had been allowed, but only after remonstrance, to grant 
 to Austria, over a land frontier, a treatment more 
 favourable than that which she accorded to us, though 
 we had a most -favoured -nation clause in our Servian 
 treaty ; there was a precedent as between Russia and 
 China, and there was a partial precedent in the relations 
 at one time between Canada and the United States, 
 besides others to which I shall presently allude. Finally, 
 the Foreign Office and Board of Trade gave way to 
 the Colonial Office and the Act was sanctioned. The 
 Cabinet, I believe, took the view that there is a distinc- 
 tion to be drawn between inland frontiers and sea 
 frontiers in this matter, and that we were hardly justified 
 in the complaints that we had addressed to Russia, 
 Servia, and other powers with regard to special facilities 
 for land-frontier traffic in articles the actual produce of 
 the countries interchanging them. Our Servian treaty 
 of 1880, however, contained a distinct proviso allowing 
 Servia to maintain arrangements with Austria as re- 
 garded local traffic in conterminous districts. There 
 has lately been a constant attempt on the part of various 
 powers to extend the doctrine of the permissibility of 
 special arrangements for local taiffic between conter- 
 minous districts in spite of general most-favoured- 
 nation clauses. The word which we render " conter- 
 minous" is the diplomatic word "limitrophe," and it 
 must be noted that Russia has been trying to extend 
 the " limitrophe " doctrine to the trade between Russia 
 and Japan, asserting that the two countries were in 
 
""^ 
 
 494 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 Cases in 
 
 wliiuli 
 
 customs 
 
 unions 
 
 liave not 
 
 been 
 
 sanctioned. 
 
 this position ; to which our Foreign Office objected, 
 but urged that if indeed Russia and Japan were to be 
 held " limitrophe," then Great Britain and Japan were 
 •' limitrophe " owing to the geograj^hical position of 
 Vancouver Island ! 
 
 It should also be remembered that, as I have 
 shown, although the Government at home have allowed 
 the customs union between the Free State and the 
 Cape, they prevented some years ago a proposed 
 reciprocity treaty between some of the West- India 
 Islands and the United States. Correspondence was 
 laid before Parliament in 1885 with reference to 
 these discussions which had taken place in 1884, and 
 it shows that the United States began by making or 
 proposing treaties which would have conceded to the 
 Sandwich Islands, to JNIcxico, to Central America, to the 
 Spanish West Indies, and to San Domingo terms of 
 trade more favourable than those conceded to the 
 British West Indies, and we proceeded to ask for most- 
 favoured-nation treatment for the British West Indies. 
 The Americans contended that their treaties named did 
 not affect most-favoured-nation clauses. This was no 
 answer to our request, and it was not true in fact ; but 
 our then Minister at Washington failed to see that it 
 was no answer, and accepted the statement as true — a 
 curious example of diplomatic shortcoming. The 
 Americans in their rejoinder, however, opened the 
 question of a customs union with the West Indies, and 
 they quoted the Canadian Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 as 
 a case in point. The conclusion of a West Indian 
 Treaty was favoured by the Colonial Office, and the 
 Foreign Office at once asked the Colonial Office whether 
 the Colonial Office meant that American goods were to 
 be admitted into the British West Indies on terms more 
 
' 
 
 T 
 
 CHAP. I AfOS T-FA I V URED-NA TION TREA TMENT 
 
 495 
 
 favourable than those granted to British goods. A 
 limited treaty was then suggested, by wliich AVest 
 Indian sugar would have gone into America duty free 
 or with a great reduction of duty, the colonies aljolishing , 
 import duties on a number of articles imported from the 
 United States. This was met by the Americans with 
 a counter - project on a larger scale. In Fcln-uary 
 1885 Lord (jlranville declined to accept the American 
 proposals. This was done on the advice of the com- 
 mercial department of the Foreign Office as well as on 
 the advice of the Board of Trade, on the ground that 
 the proposals would constitute an infraction of the most- 
 favoured -nation -clause treaties. The position of the 
 Americans is, as they have shown in the language which 
 they have used to the Government of Hawaii, that con- 
 cessions granted conditionally and for a consideration 
 cannot be claimed under the most-favoured-nation clause. 
 While in the case of the West Indian treaty the 
 Colonial Office was beaten by the Foreign Office and the 
 Board of Trade, in the case of the Cape and Orange Free 
 State treaty the Colonial Office appears to have beaten 
 the Foreign Office and the Board of Trade, and the most- 
 favoured-nation principle has received a shock. It has, 
 however, previously been held that complete freedom of 
 trade rests on a different footing from mere reduction of 
 duties, and there have no doubt been precedents for allow- 
 ing, without protest, countries to abolish custom houses 
 upon their land frontiers, and to permit goods, the pro- 
 duce of other independent countries, to come in free in 
 return for similar facilities. In the case of the Cape of 
 Good Hope and the Free State land frontiers are alone in 
 question, and the goods to be imported from the Free 
 State are the produce of the Free State, except so far as 
 in some degree they may consist of the produce of the 
 
 !!!! 
 
496 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 Customs 
 union. 
 " Most- 
 favoured- 
 nation " 
 clauses. 
 
 i \ 
 
 m 
 
 Transvaal, or of Natal goods smuggled in as Transvaal 
 produce. The Orange State has no port, and it would 
 be a roundabout course to send products of the Free 
 State to the sea for shipment to the Cape. 
 
 The whole question of the effect of most-favoured- 
 nation clauses is a difficult one. The old English view 
 upon the subject was fully stated in the despatch of 
 the 12th of February 1885 signed by Lord Granville, 
 which was the production of the commercial department 
 of the Foreign Office, on the advice of the Board of 
 Trade, adopted without change and as a matter about 
 which there could be no question. It simply contended 
 for a strict construction of the most-favoured-nation 
 clause as the most valuable part of the whole inter- 
 national system of commercial treaties, carrying in it 
 simplicity of tariff and ever-increasing freedom of trade. 
 These doctrines we urged, as has been seen, with much 
 effect against a narrow view of the meaning of most- 
 favoured-nation clauses put forward in recent times by 
 the United States under the pressure of protectionist 
 opinion, and entirely opposed to their own doctrine of 
 forty or fifty years ago. The exigencies, however, of 
 the position of our own Government in reference to the 
 unfortunate penal clause of the Sugar Bounty Bill forced 
 them to give an answer in the Plouse of Commons, 
 through the mouth of Sir Michael Beach, which has 
 greatly weakened the effect of our most-favoured-nation 
 clauses by seeming, to careless foreign readers, to imply 
 that we had given up our own view and adopted that 
 put forward by the United States. 
 
 Much strained and false interj)retation of most- 
 favoured-nation clauses has arisen from ill-considered 
 legislation. Bills are drawn by draughtsmen, and 
 assented to by heads of departments, imperfectly ac- 
 
^^i 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 497 
 
 of 
 of 
 the 
 reed 
 
 Dion 
 
 lat 
 
 ac- 
 
 quainted with the treaties of their own country, and 
 after tlie Bills have been shown it is difficult to induce 
 Governments to confess that they have approved of 
 measures discovered to be in violation of international 
 compacts. Having had myself to conduct the objections 
 raised by us to breaches of the most-favoured-nation 
 principle against our treaties, by Venezuela in 1881 and 
 by Russia in 1882, as well as to obtain the opinion of 
 the law officers upon this subject as regards favours 
 granted by China to Eussia in 1882, I may perhaps 
 attach undue importance to a subject to which I have 
 given much time. No doubt Commercial Unions rest 
 upon a different footing from other arrangements with 
 regard to trade. There are customs unions of territories 
 under different sovereigns in a large number of cases, 
 for example between France and Monaco, between 
 British India and Portuguese India, between the Aus- 
 trian Emjjire and the Italian Kingdom respectively and 
 little states contained within them, as well as the 
 arrangements in Germany under one general sovereignty. 
 Foreign powers do not object in the case of India to the 
 free admission of Portuguese Indian produce into British 
 India, and it has now become usual to admit without 
 question customs unions established on the basis of a 
 common customs frontier as regards foreign nations, and 
 the suppression of the customs frontier as regards the 
 states forming the Union. It is, however, to the interest 
 of this country to support most-favoured-nation clauses 
 in the most binding form, and every proposal to weaken 
 their obligation should be narrowly scrutinised by all who 
 have the commercial prosperity of the country at heart. 
 To return to the relations of the Dutch republics 
 with each other, and with the Cape, it must be ad- 
 mitted that the Transvaal always appears to take a 
 
 The rela- 
 tions of the 
 Dutch 
 republics 
 with the 
 Cape. 
 
498 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 \ !!lr'- 
 
 The Dela- 
 goa Bay 
 railway 
 question. 
 
 singularly l)lustering line when dealing with the Free 
 State. In the treaty of defensive alliance between the 
 two republics the Transvaal binds itself to make no 
 railroad except the Delagoa Bay railroad unless in 
 consultation with the Free State, — a ridiculous stipu- 
 lation, looking to the fact that the Transvaal had 
 already spent a large sum on subsidies to the Lorenzo 
 Marques route, and was pledged in the strongest 
 terms, under a fine of two millions sterling, not to 
 allow any other railway to be made. On the other 
 hand, the Free State was forced l)y the South African 
 Republic to bind itself to make no railroad, with the 
 exception of the extension of the Cape lines as 
 far as Bloemfontein, already arranged for, unless in 
 consultation with the Transvaal, — a stipulation of 
 a very different kind, inasmuch as the hands of the 
 Orange State were free but for this stipulation, and her 
 interest lay in constructing railways. The Free 
 State has since, as I have said, encouraged Natal to 
 make a railway as far as Harrismith, and the Trans- 
 vaal already complains that this is a violation of the 
 treaty between the two republics. President Paul 
 Kruger has gone far indeed in asserting that he will 
 not allow any railway line to be made to the Trans- 
 vaal except that by Delagoa Bay, and it is probable that 
 even the Dutch party which is behind Sir Gordon 
 Sprigg will hesitate to try to prevent, at the dictation 
 of the Transvaal Dutch, Mr. Rhodes, for example, 
 from making the Bechuanaland line towards the Trans- 
 vaal frontier as a private enterprise. Sir Gordon Sprigg 
 himself is now pledged to allow this line to be made. 
 
 The memorandum of agreement between the Delagoa 
 Bay railway company and two other companies, for 
 working the line from Delagoa Bay to the Transvaal, 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 499 
 
 [•Iflror 
 Oo 
 
 was a curious document. It was dated the 28th March 
 188U, and contemphited tlie construction of a line, in 
 connection with the Delagoa Bay route, across the 
 Transvaal to the gold-fields in twenty -seven months. 
 The whole of the agreement falls to the ground if any 
 other railway shall cross the Transvaal frontier before 
 this line is finished across the country, and the agree- 
 ment goes on — 
 
 " If the Transvaal Government or the Netherlands Itailway, or 
 any other company, shall build or allow to be built any railway, 
 tramway, canal, or other line of conveyance in competition with the 
 Louren90 Marques, or Netherlands liailway, prior to the Nether- 
 lands Railway being com])leted to Pretoria or Johannesburg, then 
 this agreement may be declared void by the Lourcn^o Marques 
 Company. 
 
 " The Netherlands South African Railway binds itself to pay to 
 the Louren^o Marques Railway, as liquidated damages, the sum of 
 j£2, 000,000 sterling, if any railway, tramway, or other mode of 
 conveyance, with or without the sanction of the State, be built 
 during the existence of this agreement to meet any Natal or Bechu- 
 analand Railway or Railways, and this agreement shall not be 
 final tnitil the Government of the South African Republic shall in 
 a ])roper and legal form guarantee to the Louren^o Marques Rail- 
 way that in default of the Netherlands Railway paying the damages 
 it (the Transvaal Government) will pay the said sum of £2,000,000 
 to the Lourenco Marques Company if any line of railway be con- 
 structed in the Transvaal, or from any point in the Transvaal, to 
 meet, join, assist, or give entrance to any railway coming from 
 Natal or Bechuanaland." 
 
 How the Delagoa Bay Company were to get their 
 two mil i i )ns, if President Kruger should fail to keep his 
 word, did not appear. Supposing that the ruler of the 
 South African Republic should see his interest in com- 
 ing to terms with Mr. Rhodes, and should make a con- 
 nection with the Bechuanaland line, he will simply 
 say to the Delagoa Bay Company that he is very sorry, 
 that politics have their exigencies, and that he must leave 
 
 i 
 
5cx} 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 them to their remedy. It ia this agreement, extraor- 
 dinary in its nature as will be seen, which the Transvaal 
 Government has been forcing on Sir Gordon Sprigg 
 through the Free State, and it now remains to be seen 
 whether the clear interests of the Cape will guide the 
 Cape Dutch to support the Bechuanaland line against 
 the Transvaal, or whether their political sentiment with 
 regard to their race will overcome their personal interest 
 in the Bechuanaland line towards the uold-fields. It 
 is a case of breeches -pocket versus sentiment, and I 
 doubt the Cape Boers supporting President Kruger 
 against their undoubted interest. 
 Necessity The positiou of the Cape is interesting for very 
 
 the Ca'pe.'^ different reasons from those which make that of Aus- 
 tralia interesting. There is not much probability of 
 South Africa becoming the home of a British pojiulation 
 as powerful as that which will inhabit the Australian 
 continent ; but, on the other hand, the military 
 position of the Cape is of vital importance to the 
 Empire, and the political problems which the Cape 
 presents are of the highest moment. The Cape is our 
 half-way house, the loss of which would be almost fatal 
 to our Indian Empire and our China trade. In any 
 general war in which France is against us the whole of 
 our Eastern and Australian trade must go round the 
 Cape, inasmuch as even an immense superiority in our 
 fleet and an absolute blockade of the great French ports 
 would not make the Mediterranean safe for trade. As 
 we must hold Table Bay and Simon's Bay, and have a 
 dockyard and a military station there, we must hold 
 some portion of South Africa behind them — that por- 
 tion which in one sense depends upon, and in another 
 sense controls. Cape Town : hence it is impossible for us 
 to adopt the same policy, in a military and naval sense, 
 
 111 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 501 
 
 with regard to South Africa that we can adopt with 
 regard to tlie Austrahan colonics. It is, indeed, im- 
 possible for us to allow the Cape, even if wc could 
 conceivably allow Natal and Bechuanaland, to fall into 
 a republican system in which they would be grouped 
 with the Dutch republics as foreign countries, like the 
 Free State, or countries virtually foreign like the Trans- 
 vaal. On the other hand, to say this is not to assume 
 that those are right who would attempt to enter upon 
 the impossible task of overruling and thwarting the 
 Dutch majority. Our statesmanship must be shown, 
 not in retaining the Dutch by force, but in remaining 
 upon good terms with them. 
 
 One difficulty in the way is the presence of Germany Germany 
 in South Africa. The annexation in an unfriendly 
 spirit, according to Lord Derby's words, of Damara- 
 land and Northern Namaqualand has not closed the 
 questions at issue between the Governments in this part 
 of the continent. There is a strip of 40 miles of desert 
 which runs all along the German South African coast, 
 behind which the land rises, and there is to be found 
 that fine climate which prevails in Bechuanaland, the 
 Orange River Free State, and a portion of the Transvaal. 
 It is in fact a habitable country, rich in minerals, 
 but with a desert fringe along the coast ; and to this 
 country, which Germany wishes to keep, without spend- 
 ing money upon it, against the day when it becomes 
 useful, there is no access except by way of Walfisch 
 Bay (officially spelt Walwich, no one knows why, as 
 "Walfisch" means whale), which is British territory 
 and has been annexed to the Cape. The Germans 
 naturally desire to acquire Walfisch Bay, or at all events 
 a sufficient part of it to allow of the making of a road 
 to the interior. This tlie Cape Government decline 
 
 i%. 
 
The Mac- 
 kenzie 
 policy. 
 
 502 
 
 rNonu:MS of greater uritain 
 
 PARI' III 
 
 to cede, WalfLsch Bay is [»racti(';illy tlie only port on the 
 whole enormous (;oast wliich gives access to tlie interior, 
 and tlicre is a conwiderahle trade iu cattle to the coast. 
 In the spring of 1889 the Oerniaiis had trouble with 
 the natives, and many of the former were forced to take 
 refuge at Waltis(;h Jiay. Her Mnjesty's (lovernment 
 wish to give way to Germany in tliis matter, hut the 
 Cape, having spent money at Walfiscli Bay, and knowing 
 that the German territory is useless to Germany witliout 
 it, will continue to refuse. M. Paul Ficroy-Beaulieu, 
 speaking for Franco, has said that " the planting of the 
 German Hag at Angra Pequena ... is a protest against 
 the anglicisatiou of the whole world." lUit the people 
 of the Cape naturally do not like having the protest 
 made alongside of and round their territories in South 
 Africa any more than the Queenslanders like a similar 
 German protest in New Guinea. The German chartered 
 company is said to be in a bankrupt condition, and it is 
 a significant fact that the recent charter to the com])any 
 formed by Mr. Rhodes contains no boundary on the west, 
 so that it is open to him to buy out the Germans if he can. 
 While there has been a certain recent growth of pro- 
 Dutch feeling among the English politicians at the Cape, 
 there has been a growth of a somewhat contrary feeling 
 among politicians at home, and the late Mr. W. E. Forstcr 
 and Mr. Chamberlain, who seldom agreed upon any sub- 
 ject, were for many years in unison in supporting view^s 
 which have been powerfully put forward by the Rev. 
 John Mackenzie. The base of the opinion of this 
 gentleman is that England alone is able to impose peace 
 upon the Boers and blacks. The sign of the difference 
 between two policies is to be found in the question of 
 the separation or union of the offices of High Commis- 
 sioner and of Governor of the Cape, and still more in the 
 
CIIAf. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 503 
 
 'ape, 
 3ling 
 
 view taken of the proposed ccsHioii of IJiiti.sli Bcc.liuana- 
 lainl to the Cape. A nH'otin<]r was hehl in fiondon in 
 1888 ;it wlii<'h ninny I^iiujlislinien known in connection 
 with South African affairs ojive f^eneral support to 
 Mr. Mackenzie's views: but Sir Henry de VilHers, the 
 Chief Justice of the ('a[)e and one of the most dis- 
 tinguished of her politicians, strongly opposed the con- 
 clusions of the lecturer, and quoted against thcin the 
 opinion of Lord Di-rhy and of I^ord Carnarvon. Mr. 
 Chamberlain, who ))ivsided, shrank from the decision 
 to separate the High Conimissionership from the 
 Governorship of the Cape of Good Ifo])e, and indeed 
 stated it to be his own view that if the posts were to be 
 acjain combined in the hands of a stronjjj man, the com- 
 bination might be the wisest course, a policy which was 
 followed by the Government in 1881) when they appointed 
 Sir Henry Loch. In all this doubt and ditierence that 
 which is clear is, that it is of paramount importjincc 
 to the Empire that our military position at the Cape 
 should be secure, and that to secure it we must be on 
 good terms with the Cape Dutch. 
 
 With regard to Cape Defences : after a long con- 
 troversy the fortifications have been built by the colony, 
 but here, as elsewhere, the guns which are to come from 
 home have not yet been supplied. There is a volunteer 
 force, chiefly English^ and a burgher force, or militia, 
 chicfiy Dutch. The men, whatever their wealth or rank, 
 are paid but 4s. 6d. a day when called out for native 
 wars. The law of general compulsory service has fallen 
 into disuse except for native wars ; but in the event of 
 any serious struggle in which the United Kingdom 
 might be engaged, the Governor of the Cape would no 
 doubt be advised by his Ministry to issue the proclama- 
 tion necessary to put the existing Act in force, and in the 
 
 Capo 
 Det't'iices. 
 
 1:1 
 

 504 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 !M 
 
 The posi- 
 tion an 
 improving 
 one. 
 
 Social anil 
 natural 
 features. 
 Divergen- 
 cies be- 
 tween the 
 Cape and 
 Australia. 
 
 course of some months a large local army would doubtless 
 be equipped. Unfortunately, however, great wars in future 
 are likely to spring up suddenly, and insutHcient time to 
 be given us for such preparation, and it cannot l)e said that, 
 looking to the importance of the position, the present 
 garrison of the southern portion of the colony is sutHcient. 
 
 On the whole, when we consider the extraordinary 
 difficulties of the South African situation, and the terrible 
 perplexities in which South Africa has involved home 
 Governments in the last twelve years, we shall see that 
 the position at the Cape is an improving one, and that 
 there is ground for a sense of relief in the comparison 
 between the present situation and that of a few years 
 ago. Race feeling is quieting down, and if the colony 
 were left to itself, without pressure from home, would 
 soon disappear. I have already indicated my belief — 
 which I am happy to say has now become that of Lord 
 Carnarvon, who certainly at one time was under very 
 different influences — in the prudence and moderation of 
 the dominant party at the Cape. 
 
 There are great divergencies of social features as well 
 as of natural features within the limits of Cape Colony. 
 Although that state is small as compared with South 
 Australia, or Western Australia, yet it has much more 
 variety. In one point indeed there is uniformity through- 
 out the Cape — the climate is beautiful and healthy — but 
 in every other respect Cape Town diflers greatly from the 
 Diamond Fields, and the most Dutch parts of tlie Western 
 Province differ as widely from Grahamstown and from 
 the English parts of the Eastern Province. There is a 
 certain want of life about Cape Colony as com})ared 
 with Victoria and some others of our young Australian 
 States. The air of smiling prosperity, which, with its 
 vine-clad slopes of Wynberg and Constantia, Cape Town 
 
 1 
 
w 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 505 
 
 well 
 
 JUtll 
 IKU'C 
 
 iioh- 
 i)at 
 
 the 
 
 tern 
 
 ■tVom 
 
 is a 
 )ared 
 aliiiii 
 li its 
 
 own 
 
 
 1 
 
 wears under a cloudless sky of blue, when examined 
 closely has an underlying sense of desolation in the 
 small amount of shipping and of trade as compared with 
 that of Melbourne or of Sydney. The emptiness of 
 Table Bay since the opening of the Suez Canal means, of 
 course, a diversion, not a cessation, of trade, and makes 
 less difterence to South Africa itself than it seems to do ; 
 and if Cape Town looks a little dead, Port Elizabeth or 
 Algoa Bay is a bustling roadstead. 
 
 The social condition of South Africa is full ofsodai 
 incongruities caused by the remarkable admixture of Likrature. 
 races which prevails throughout that land. Large 
 portions of the agricultural districts are wholly Dutch. 
 The seaport towns are chiefly English and INIalay, the 
 Malays being employed as artisans. Jubilee taverns, 
 Wesleyan chapels, and Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tions mingle with JNIalay and Indian moscjues in the 
 towns, while in the country districts, generally speaking, 
 a Dutch farming population is surrounded by South 
 African black and Hottentot servants. The literature of 
 the Cape is mainly of English importation, and the best 
 representative of the imported school is Mr. Rider Hag- 
 gard, who has w'ritten both a romance and a political 
 book about the Transvaal and its neighbourhood. The 
 Dutch literature is unimportant : the English newspapers 
 are as able as those of Australia, notably the Cape 
 Times and the Cape Argus. With the exception of 
 Mr. Theale's admirable histories of the Boers, the only 
 great literary work w^hich has proceeded from the 
 Cape is by a lady, who, 1 believe, is of mixed English Miss 
 and German parentage, and has no Dutch blood 
 although connected by marriage with the President of 
 the Free State. The Story of an African Farm has 
 made the name of Olive Schreiner known throujj^hout 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Sclireiuer, 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 2 L 
 
Reseiii- 
 blanci's to 
 Australia. 
 
 506 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 the novel-reading and publishing worlds ; and I believe 
 that the authoress has been wooed by many of those 
 rulers of English men of letters who desire to publish 
 her future books. These, to our loss, she carefully 
 guards, and will neither show nor issue to the public ; 
 but the genius which marks her story cannot but prompt 
 other efforts of a maturer pen. In The Story of an 
 African Farm we have one of those works which 
 stand out for ever in the minds of any who have read 
 them. Tlie picture of South African scenery given is not 
 superior to the pictures of Australian scenery given by 
 Mrs. Campbell Pracd ; the accuracy and trueness to life 
 of the colonial characters are not superior to those 
 (jualities exhibited in "Tasma's" If nde Piper of Piper's 
 J [ill; but tlie insight into the child life of those who 
 have been nurtured only upon the Bible is to my mind 
 one of the greatest efforts in all the field of literature, 
 and this simple story deserves to stand upon the same 
 level as the Mill on the Floss itself. Certainly it is 
 impossible for any one who is acquainted with The Story 
 of an African Farm to maintain that the colonies do 
 not send us literature. Tliere is no Cape Dutch litera- 
 ture, and the Puritan French of South Africa have not 
 helped to build up South African letters in the way in 
 which the Catholic French of Canada have assisted in 
 the creation of Canadian literature. 
 
 In some points, of course, there are close resemblances 
 in South Africa to the Australian colonies. The " re- 
 mittance men " hang about the banks for their monthly 
 or weekly doles punctually paid by relatives at home on 
 condition that they never revisit their mother-land. The 
 Cape Parliament has one of those handsome buildings, 
 arranged in close imitation of St. Stephen's, which in- 
 terest British politicians on their travels throughout the 
 
/ 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 507 
 
 not 
 ill 
 in 
 
 lUgE5, 
 
 British world. Botanical gartlons, as boautiful as those 
 of Australia, display magnificent foliage in lovely scenery 
 and remind the traveller of Sydney ; while notice-boards 
 as to Sunday closing and the forbidding of smoking 
 recall Melbourne. Where the prohibition of careless 
 smoking is evaded, bush fires rage in South Africa in the 
 summer months as they rage throughout Australia, and 
 the smoke throws a pall over the country as it does in 
 the dry continent of the South Seas, Compared with 
 the British buildings of Cape Town, Government House 
 is an ordinary Dutch homestead, of cramped dimensions 
 as an official resideiute for the exalted l)eiiig who is l)oth 
 Governor and Hiijli Commissioner, and it forms asin^nilar 
 contrast to the magnificent palace of the Governor of 
 Victoria. Cape Town, like Sydney and jMelbourne, in 
 the latter part of a summer's afternoon is a city of the 
 dead, and its inhal)itants, merchants and clerks alike, 
 mount the hill to their suburban homes. The Cape 
 Town world lives on the richly wooded slo2)es at the back 
 of Table Mountain, a mountain which must have been 
 so described only by those who had not seen much of the 
 interior of South Africa, where many of the mountains 
 are table mountains of a very similar type. The 
 suburban district is served by a short line of '-ailway 
 whicli dates from l)efore the time when rail\va}s were 
 taken int(^ (Government hands, and such is the popularity 
 of the neighljourhood it serves that the traffic upon this 
 suburl)an line resembles in scale that of our JMetropolitaii 
 Railway. A complaint is made by the country districts 
 that their members, as soon as tlu^y are returned to 
 Parliament, liecome residents of Claremont or of Wyn- 
 berg, and lose all touch with their constituencies and 
 with the local feeling of their electors. The Governor 
 himself lives in the suburbs during the summer, and 
 
$o8 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 The 
 
 Diamoiiil 
 
 Fields. 
 
 comes in by train each day to transact business at 
 Government House. Cape Town society is refined and 
 unpretentious. The villas which line the red roads round 
 Table Mountain are comfortable small houses of a Dutch 
 domestic type, in shape similar to the verandah-sur- 
 rounded houses of Australia, but on a smaller scale. The 
 costly equipages of Australia are wanting, and there are 
 no lavish entertainments given, though there is no place 
 in the world where there is more quiet hospitality 
 aj)propriate to moderate means. Of large fortunes there 
 are few, for the diamond discoveries have not brought 
 much money into Cape Town, and in the days when 
 fortunes were made in the southern portion of the colony 
 the makers of them did not remain in South Africa to 
 spend them. Some wealthy miners have, however, 
 recently settled at Wynberg. 
 
 The contrast, as I have said, between Cape Town and 
 the Diamond Fields is great. A weekly express with 
 sleeping and dining arrangements is run from the old 
 capital to the diamond city, and all Cape Town turns 
 out to see it start, the names of the passengers being 
 given the next day in the new^spaper in the same way as 
 the lists of the passengers by the English mail. The 
 train is leisurely, but more comfortable than the equally 
 slow trains of India. The old Dutch towns of the 
 Western Province are picturesque ; the pass is romantic- 
 ally beautiful, and then the train runs into the Great 
 Karroo, an apparent desert, really producing wool, exactly 
 like the sheep -bearing solitudes of Australia. The 
 diamond town of Kimberley is still a huge aggregation 
 of shanties traversed by tramways and lit by electric 
 light, but the South African diamond miners and gold 
 winners are by no means a rough community, and con- 
 tain among them many men of cultivation thoroughly 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 509 
 
 ffold 
 
 con- 
 
 bhly 
 
 alive to the comforts of civilisation, who live well and 
 keep up excellent clubs, although there are no amenities 
 of life, unless we may count race meetings, which are, I 
 fear, chieHy popular because they provide varied forms 
 of gambling twice a year. 
 
 The diamond-fields and the gold-fields belong in The 
 some respects to the ugly side of modern life, whereas Province, 
 the old towns of the Western Province and the vine 
 country about Stellenbosch are delightfully and charac- 
 teristically seventeenth -century Dutch. Stellenbosch 
 derives its name from a combination of that of Governor 
 Van der Stell, who was Governor when the Huguenots 
 came in after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
 and that of his wife Constantia Bosch, whose Christian 
 name has become celebrated also through the finest 
 sweet wine of the world. Stellenbosch counts as a sort 
 of university town, famed for the magnificent oak-trees 
 which line its streets as they do those of many of the 
 other old Dutch towns. Behind them the windows 
 of the quaint Dutch houses are closed with green 
 shutters in the afternoon hours when everybody is 
 asleep, for the afternoon sleep is a feature of Dutch 
 colonial life in all parts of the world. At the palace of 
 the Governor-General of the Dutch Indies at Buitenzorg 
 in Java one says "good-night" at one o'clock, after a 
 heavy breakfast ; and even the footfall of the sentries 
 ceases to be heard till five, for they pile arms and also 
 go to sleep. As in Java so in South xVfrica. The Afri- 
 kander race, whether of Dutch, of French, of British, or 
 of German blood, takes life easily, and refuses to regard 
 it as a struggle in which the acquisition of wealth is the 
 chief aim. A competency sufficient to allow the drinking 
 of coffee and the smoking of a pipe in a verandah is often 
 the limit of Afrikander ambition, and the lovely climate 
 
flT 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Tlie 
 
 Eastern 
 
 Province. 
 
 I! 
 
 ^ 
 
 ; I 
 
 510 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 is possil)ly in part responsible. When the British have 
 inhabited New South Wales for two centuries, or two 
 centuries and a half, it is possible that some such 
 phenomena may be seen there as are presented by the 
 mixed people — a fine God-fearing people in its way — 
 of the Cape. 
 
 The Eastern Province, which contains Port Elizabeth 
 and Grahamstown, with many other noted places, is 
 less Dutch. Port Elizal)eth — unfortunate in beino- 
 
 o 
 
 open to the full sweep of the Indian Ocean when 
 the wind is in the wrong quarter — boasts itself 
 to be one of the most English centres of population 
 of South Africa. Some of its public buildings are 
 creditable to it, and its society is that of a prosperous 
 provincial mercantile community. Its friends call it 
 the Liverpool of South Africa, although its physical 
 resemblances to Liverpool do not lie upon the surfiice. 
 Grahamstown, the city of the British settlers of 1820, is 
 more familiarly known in the colony as the City of the 
 Saints, by reason of the multiplicity of sects to be found 
 in it. After the European peace, and in consequence of 
 the distress which i)re vailed in England, Parliament 
 voted a large sum of money for carrying a number of 
 emigrants to what was then the frontier between Cape 
 Colony and native territory. About five thousand 
 persons were selected from all classes of society, and to 
 every party of a hundred families was given the virtual 
 right of selecting a minister of any denomination. The 
 immigrants landed at Algoa Bay and founded Bathurst, 
 but the trade of the district gradually centred about 
 Grahamstown, which is the most English town of South 
 Africa and the only town of importance which does not 
 contain a Dutch church. The Eastern Province to some 
 extent retains its English characteristics, but even in 
 
"^ 
 
 The 
 urst, 
 bout 
 outli 
 not 
 some 
 jn in 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 5" 
 
 
 that Province there is a good deal of want of enter- 
 prise. There are, perhaps, more cattle in South Africa 
 in proportion to population than anywhere else in 
 the world, except in the Argentine Republic and 
 in Queensland, but there is an import of tinned meat ; 
 and although fruit rots upon the trees, there is an import 
 of jam, while even butter and milk are also brought into 
 the country. Though there is good timber in portions 
 of South Africa, American wood is still imported ; and 
 the Cape certainly stood in great need of the quicken- 
 ing process which has been begun by the discovery of 
 diamonds and of gold. 
 
 Amid all the political storms which have raged on Good gov- 
 the South African continent — both in the old days, and 
 then (after a quarter of a century of comparative peace) 
 in the years which followed the departure for Cape Town 
 of Sir Bartle Frcre — the Government of Cape Colony has 
 been steady and good. The Cape has absorbed large 
 districts, and governed them on the whole not ill. We 
 may hope that peace is now secured. We know that 
 race-feeling is subsiding, and we may believe that the 
 railway which is once more being pushed forward will 
 bring the whole of the South African States into closer 
 friendship. Instead of four separate lines running up 
 into the interior from four separate ports, we shall 
 soon see a junction of the whole of the British railroad 
 system of South Africa. Railway extension will do 
 much to unify South Africa — linking the older Dutch 
 republic with both the Eastern and Western Provinces 
 of the Cape and with Natal, and giving the Free 
 State people a choice of port. The coal deposits 
 of Natal w411 be made more available by the junction 
 of the railways, and we shall see a clearer imperial 
 interest in the retention of Natal under all circum- 
 
 4 
 
f 
 
 Coal and 
 
 ocean 
 
 routes. 
 
 ^ji 
 
 512 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 stances than was the case before the discovery of 
 her coal. The horrible failures of South African policy 
 since 1878 will be forgotten like a bad dream, and 
 there will follow a wholesome friendly rivalry between 
 the Dutch republics and the British South African 
 State or States. 
 
 One difficulty in the way of all decisions as to the 
 future of various colonies is caused by a doubt as to the 
 permanency of the commercial use of coal. The strides 
 which are being made in electrical discovery, and the 
 possible future use of water-power for the production 
 of the electric force, are disturbing causes of which it 
 is impossible as yet to estimate the probable effect. 
 Commercial supremacy may pass from the coal -pro- 
 ducing countries to the petroleum-producing countries ; 
 it is possible that it may pass to the countries of 
 water-power. In the latter case New South Wales, 
 Queensland, and New Zealand will lose the advantages 
 which they possess over the other portions of Australia ; 
 and the United States will gain at the expense of all 
 our colonies. Time alone can show ; but in the event 
 of the outbreak of a general war, before any such great 
 scientific change has occurred, the Natal stores of coal 
 must inevitably affect the value of our principal ocean 
 route and of our half-way house in South Africa. It 
 is certain that British interests in the Cape can never 
 be forgotten ; that while a general hostility to our rule 
 would be sufficient to make us part with almost any 
 other colony, it is impossible for us to give up the 
 military station which we occupy at the extremity of 
 the African continent, and which itself cannot be held 
 unless we hold at all events a portion of the country 
 round it. During the convict troubles the attempt was 
 made by us to hold the Cape peninsula by force, but 
 
 I 
 
CHAP. I 
 
 THE CAPE 
 
 513 
 
 we were starved out, and it became 'clear that it was 
 impossible to maintain ourselves upon it witliout the 
 friendship of the colonists. So it would be again, and 
 it is certain that Simon's Bay and Table Bay cannot be 
 secure by themselves, and must continue to involve us 
 in South African responsibilities. 
 
 ft 
 
r 
 
 II 
 
 Places in- 
 cluded in 
 the plirase 
 " South 
 African 
 Colonies." 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 Their forms 
 of govern - 
 meut. 
 
 The phrase " The South African Colonics " includes 
 not only the old colonies of the Cape and Natal, but 
 Basutoland, which is now a Crown Colony ; British 
 Bechuanaland, which is a Crown Colony ; Zululand, 
 which is a kind of Crown Colony or despondency of 
 Natal ; and more or less defined protectorates over 
 centra] Bechuanaland and part of Pondoland ; the little 
 colony of St. Helena (Ascension being governed by the 
 admiralty, and considered as a man-of-war, and Tristan 
 d'Acunha looking after itself), as well as a " sphere of 
 influence " in Northern Bechuanaland, extending north- 
 wards at least up to the Zambesi. Cape Colony governs 
 the Transkei, which forms the greater portion of that 
 which was formerly known as Kaffraria, and Griqualand 
 West, which it has annexed. Walfisch Bay, as has been 
 seen, is also governed by the Cape, although situate in 
 the middle of the German protectorate, and much 
 farther north than the Portuguese Delagoa Bay on the 
 other coast. I do not class the South African Republic 
 among colonies, although we shall have to discuss its 
 position later on. 
 
 It is unnecessary to say much of the island of St. 
 Helena, which has a curious Government, the Executive 
 Council consisting of the Bishop, the officer command- 
 
 BTi ■ ■■■O -^ "' 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 515 
 
 ing the troops, and two other members appointed by 
 the Crown, for, as the Queen legishites for the i.shmd 
 by Order in Council and the Governor by ordinance, 
 and as the consent of the Council is not necessary to 
 legalise enactments, the constitution of the Council does 
 not much matter to any one. Basutoland is governed 
 by the High Commissioner for South Africa through a 
 Resident Commissioncr,the High Commissioner possessing 
 legislative authority, which he exercises by proclama- 
 tion ; and there is a certain shadow of truth in the 
 statement often made that when the Governor at the 
 Cape is also High Commissioner he acts in the Cape 
 on the advice of his Ministers, and outside the Cape on 
 the advice of the leaders of the Opposition. It would 
 probably be of advantage, and be worth the extra cost, to 
 pay such salaries to the resident commissioners through 
 whom the High Commissioner's authority is exerted as 
 would invariably command the services of first-class men. 
 British Bechuanaland is under the Governor of the Cape 
 as Governor of the territory of British Bechuaiudand, and 
 this Governor appoints an officer as Administrator and 
 Chief JNIagistrate as well as president of the Land Com- 
 mission, and under his powers as High Commissioner 
 has appointed the same officer Deputy Commissioner for 
 the Bechuanaland and Kalahari protectorate. Legisla- 
 tion is by proclamation. In some parts of British 
 Bechuanaland elective divisional councils have been 
 created, under the provisions of Cape laws, made 
 applicable by proclamation. We shall come presently 
 to Natal, and to Zululand which is under the Governor 
 of Natal. The whole of British South Africa, unless it 
 is held to include Lobengula's country and the " sphere 
 of influence " up to the Portuguese settlement on the 
 Zambesi, is small. On the 1st of August 1888 we 
 
 ii 
 
 
i\ 
 
 Clmractor 
 of tliesc, 
 colouibH. 
 
 516 
 
 nWIiUCMS OF G HEATER liRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 iiifoniuMl the Soutli African Ri^jjiiblic tluit we regarded 
 tliis Lohenmda eountry as being witiiin tlie spliere of 
 cxcluHively IJritisli interest, but it is a curious fact that 
 the telegram was wilfully omitted from the Blue-book 
 which came u}) to 27th August of that year. By a charter 
 of the 29th October 1889 the district appears to bo 
 assigned, however, to the British South Africa Company. 
 South Afi'ica is small when coni[)ared with the vast 
 areas of Canada and Australia. The Cape, with the 
 Transkei and (iriqualand West, is not much larger than 
 France. British Bechuanaland, Basutoland, and Natal 
 have an area which make them insignificant even as com- 
 pared with the Cape. The Bechuanaland British protec- 
 torate is only about the size of France. The Orange Free 
 State is only half the size of England. The Transvaal, 
 or South African Republic, since its recent growth, is 
 somewhat larger than the United Kingdom. The old part 
 of Cape Colony had a white population which was about 
 half the native population ; Bechuanaland, both British 
 and protected, is, of course, chiefly inhabited by 
 blacks. Basutoland is almost entirely populated by 
 natives, as is the Transkei, and as is also Pondoland. 
 The Orange Free State has the largest white propor- 
 tionate population of any part of South Africa, nearly half 
 its inhabitants being white — that is, Dutch, which is the 
 reason why President Paul Kruger wishes by a federal 
 arraniyement to add the Free State to the larijer and 
 richer South African Republic, in which, otherwise, his 
 "old burghers" will soon be swamped by the English 
 l)opulation. The Transvaal has a native population 
 which used to be to the Dutch white population as 
 about fifteen to one, and even since English miners have 
 fiowed rapidly into the country the native population 
 itnumbers the whites 
 
 by 
 
 \\ 
 
w 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 5'7 
 
 ^>y 
 
 uul. 
 tor- 
 inlf 
 
 the 
 oral 
 and 
 
 his 
 •lisli 
 
 ion 
 as 
 
 ave 
 
 :ion 
 It 
 
 will bo rememhcrcd that Basutoland was at one time 
 govorned by the Cape, but was taken back by the 
 inij)cnal Government. It will also be remembered 
 that, while the Orange liiver Free State is a wholly 
 independent country, the South African Republic is 
 under the nominal suzerainty of tlie Hritish Crown. All 
 the continental countries which I have named contain 
 some gold, i)ut the Transvaal has proved extraordinarily 
 rich in gold, while rumour has it that the Masliona 
 country between the Transvaal and the Zambesi, in the 
 British sphere of influence (although with some doubt 
 about our exact boundaries), is fabulously rich in the 
 same metal. The products of Soutli Africa generally 
 are similar to the products of the Cape. The country 
 northwards to the Zambesi continues to be a country of 
 gold and wool, and wine and copper. Wheat becomes 
 less plentiful and maize more plentiful as we journey 
 towards the north, and sugar plantations more general 
 upon the coast. The interior is an arid, yellow, burnt- 
 up country, parched by drought during the greater 
 portion of the year, but subject from time to time to 
 rains which make it green and rich. This inland country 
 stands high and possesses a fine climate, and is healthy, 
 while the low ground near the coast nortiiward from 
 Natal is subject to malarial fevers. The country is not 
 a no-man's land (as was once the greater portion of 
 Australia), and is throughout its lengtli and breadth 
 inhabited by black tribes ; but the British .settlers are 
 accustomed to assert that the blacks are the wealth of 
 the country because they provide cheap labour. The 
 production of mohair from Turkish goats is continuing 
 to spread, and fruit-canning will probably develop with 
 the extension of railways. 
 
 As we pass up the east coast from the Cape along the 
 
 m 
 
pi 
 
 m 
 III 
 
 ^'ii' 
 
 I' ' 11 '■ 
 
 \^ 
 
 111:!' 
 
 .( 
 
 5.8 
 
 PROIUJiMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 I'oiulolaiid 
 aiiilHiisiito- 
 
 Xivtal. 
 
 Tnniskei, aiul to the St. .lolin's River, wliicli is governed 
 l)y tlie C'iipe, we eome to Pondoliind, when', ;t Oermnn 
 iinnexation was exptH'tcd some years ago and guarded 
 against l)y the usual means, iiainely, tlie hoisting of our 
 own flag upon tlie coast. Pondoland has l)e(!n a, virtual 
 jirotectorate since this step was taki'n in tlie time of 
 Mr. Gladstone's second administration, hut it is un- 
 fortunately coloured as inde})endent in the oflieial map 
 of South Africa in Command Papers 5524 (liechuanaland, 
 August 1888), ;i slip which invites (jlerman action. 
 'J'here hiis been, however, a resident commissioner in 
 Pondoland since July 1888. In the case of Pasutoland, 
 whi(!h lies at the back of Pondoland and f)f what is 
 called Kafi'raria, and which is now, as I have said, a 
 Crown colony, the C^ape of Good Hope contributes 
 towards the cost of government the sum of £20,000 a 
 year, which is, however, I believe, meant as a rebate in 
 respect of customs duties — all goods intended for Basuto- 
 land having to pass through the ( 'a])e. 
 
 Natal is often said to be the real home of the Pritish 
 Hag in South Africa. The sliipi)ing of her chief port is 
 15ritish in the proportion of ten to one. 'I'herc is a larger 
 English population in Natal, i!i pro])ortion to area and 
 to the general white population, than anywhere else 
 upon the African continent. There are in Natal nearly 
 40,000 whites, chiefly British, and about 3G,000 Indian 
 coolies completely under British influence, to fewer 
 than 500,000 South African blacks ; and the Dut'h 
 element is weak. Coolie immigrants are still being 
 brought in under indenture, while immigration of Euro- 
 peans has all but ceased. The Natal coast, and a strip 
 of 25 to 30 miles in width, is planted with sugar, cofliee, 
 arrowroot, and cotton, and is well watered, as is the 
 middle district of the colony producing Indian corn ; 
 
 |L;, 
 
f 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 S'9 
 
 •itisli 
 )()rt is 
 larger 
 a aiul 
 ;i' I'lse 
 nearly 
 udiau 
 fewer 
 Dut' h 
 hcing 
 ■ Ruro- 
 ;i strip 
 coft'ee, 
 is the 
 corn ; 
 
 wiiilo the u[>|)er district rising towards tlie mountains 
 and the table lands is chiefly a grazing country, though 
 capable of growing wlieat. 
 
 Natal, like Western Australia, has a curious mixed The Nauii 
 constitution, more liljeral than that of Crown Colonies in tion. 
 general, and a]»proa('liing in practice to those of tlie self- 
 U'ovorninn; coloni(!S with responsible IMinisters. On the 
 expiration of the Wolseley sy.steni, which existed between 
 1875 and 1880, a Uill for the introduction of responsilde 
 government was ])assed in Natal, to whic.li the home 
 Government refused its sanction, and the present arrange- 
 ment was come to in 1883. Tlit; Executive Council is 
 nominated by tlie Crown, but the Legislative Council 
 consists of :)0 members, of whom 23 are elected, and 5 
 others are the jMinisters. There is a curious proviso 
 with regard to ])crsons not ])eing (japabh; of ])eing elected 
 unless invited by i'e(piisition of at least ten electors of 
 the district, and unless the requisition, with the candi- 
 date's acceptance, l)e transmitted to the magistrate a 
 fortnight l)efore the date fixed for the election. Two 
 members appointed l)y tiic Governor, in addition to the 
 Ministry, have to possess £1000 worth of immovable 
 |>roperty in Natal. The elective members sit for four 
 years, and are elected by persons who have immovable 
 [)roperty to the value of £50, or who rent such property 
 to the value of £10, or wdiosc income is equal to £8 a 
 month. Natives are disqualified except they show 
 twelve years' residence, the property qualification, and 
 exemption from the o})eration of native law for seven 
 years, and, in order to vote, have to obtain a certifi- 
 cate from the Governor, who may refuse it at his dis- 
 cretion. Coloured natives practically never fulfil these 
 |)rovisions, but there are a Large number of Indians who 
 ))0ssess the Natal franchise; indeed as many as 300 
 
 
520 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 
 
 !■; 
 
 12 
 
 il 
 
 iiii 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 Labour. 
 
 in Durbiin alone. There is no direct taxation in Natal 
 in the ordinary sense of the word, and nothing in the 
 nature of direct taxation for general colonial purposes 
 except the hut -tax on the natives. There was, till 
 1889, nominally a house-tax on the whites, but the law 
 had been left in abeyance, and, the tax never having 
 been raised, the Bill would have had to be virtually 
 passed over again if it had been intended to collect the 
 duty. Dislike of direct taxation is universal in Natal, 
 but there is a general indifference with regard to the 
 extent of customs duties. The unjDopularity of the 
 recent proposal of the Government to increase them, 
 with a view of coming into customs union with the 
 Cape, was not caused by dislike of the increase so much 
 as by jealousy of the Cape, which is almost as strong a 
 feeling in Natal as is jealousy of Victoria in New South 
 Wales, but, as I have said, in order to try to keep the 
 Transvaal trade the Natal customs duties have since 
 been diminished. The Natal railways are all in State 
 hands and pay a high rate of interest, indeed the railway 
 receipts yield to the colony far more even than the cus- 
 toms, which stand next, the native hut-tax being third. 
 The workmen in Durban, at all events, have a more 
 considerable political position, oddly enough, than they 
 possess in the larger and older colony of the Cape under 
 responsible government, and this in spite of the fact that 
 the Unions are not powerful in Natal. The white artisans 
 refuse to work along with the black more generally than 
 is the case in the Cape. There are no skilled native 
 artisans in Natal to compare with the Malay artisans of 
 the Cape, and the skilled artisans in Natal are white, 
 while the blacks do not compete with them in their 
 trades. There has recently been a great demand for 
 skilled artisans in Natal, which has been caused by the 
 
 ( 
 
 |i 
 
BSB 
 
 ART III 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SO r 77/ AFRICA 
 
 laving 
 tually 
 ct the 
 Natal, 
 to the 
 of the 
 them, 
 th the 
 3 much 
 iroiig a 
 1 South 
 iep the 
 re since 
 State 
 railway 
 he cus- 
 third. 
 a more 
 Hn thev 
 under 
 iict that 
 irtisans 
 ly than 
 native 
 lisans of 
 white, 
 lu their 
 ind for 
 by the 
 
 rush to the difrrnno-s. At Johannesburo- in the Trans- 
 vaal masons in 1888 were as a fact, though it was 
 denied, making at one moment as mucli as 30s. a day at 
 their trade, and it was found impossil)le in consequence 
 to obtain masons when tlioy were wanted by the 
 Government at Durbjin at 15s. a day for a nine-hour 
 day, although at the Cape the wages were about 9s. at 
 that time ; l)ut, of course, this irregularity of the rate of 
 wages could be but temporary. In 1889 carpenters 
 wore making 22s. Gd. a day at Joliannesliurg, but living 
 w\as either rou<T[li or dear. The English retail trader in 
 Natal suffers severely from the competition of tlie 
 Bombay trader, or so-called Arab, who has now in liis 
 hands tlie entire trade of what is known as " native 
 truck," in iron pots, blankets, beads, and other articles 
 used by tlie Zulus, and also supplies the towns with 
 vegetables and witli fruit. 
 
 In its education systinn Natal is somewhat more ivhuntioii 
 advanced than tlie Cape, and Natal possesses a national xaial'' 
 system more nearly resembling, though still at a great 
 distance, those of the Australian colonies. The Govern- 
 ment keeps up not only its own primary schools but 
 also hiorh schools in each of the chief towns. The 
 Natal Government has lately entered upon an interest- 
 ing educational experiment. Readers of Miss Olive 
 Schreiner's ^torij of an African Farm know that even 
 the Boer farmers of South Africa enffaofe tutors for their 
 children, and I believe that the autiioress herself was 
 once a governess upon a farm. The Natal Govern- 
 ment has promised to make payments to parents in out- 
 lying districts towards the education of their children if 
 they will send them once a year for examination to 
 convenient centres. When the white population in 
 Natal numbered only 3G,000 people it was computed l)y 
 
 ill 
 
 system ol' 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 2 M 
 
f ' 
 
 i'm, 
 
 I ; 
 
 r22 
 
 J'h'o/lf.F.MS or Ch'EA/J'.h' llh'/TA/N 
 
 I'AKT Ml 
 
 Govcriiniriit, I hat as niiiiiy as 'JoOO vvliiU; cliildnui were 
 
 UIH 
 
 ler til 
 
 ic, cui'c. of t>"(>V(!nM'ss(!S (»r I iitors. 
 
 Till! Nat;i 
 I Hess. 
 
 'I'lii! jiro 
 
 |)OS(!l| ill 
 
 trixliictioii 
 
 Ol IC'S|)((|I 
 silllc f^ON 
 Cl'IIIIICIlt. 
 
 Tlie Natal |»r(!ss is coiKliiclcd with .singular Jiliility. 
 The iMiW.spapei's arc, mostly in lavour of i-cspoiisilthi 
 <(ovcniin('iit, and, il" rcsjjonsihh; oovcirnnieiit is cuiTied 
 into ellect, its :ir('e|ttiin<:e will lie iniicli iiion' the work 
 of" tlie press than tlu; work of the peojdf, lor {generally 
 s].ea,lvin_if th(! readers ol' tlu^ Natal newspapers would 
 follow their favourite ('(Iitors even if they went the otlier 
 way, nciwspaper <i|)inion on this point lieiii!^' far ahead of 
 tin; popular f(!elinuj, althou^ii not contrary to any settled 
 feeling' aj^ainst rcs[ionsil>l(! institutions. 
 
 As regards the jiropos(!d introduction of rcs|)oiisil)le 
 goveininent, it must lie icinemliercd that Natal with 
 its strano"(! mixed constitution has what ordinaiy (Jrown 
 (Colonies lia\(i not, nain(!ly, tlu; power of th(i pui'sc; in its 
 own hands, and liy this means possesses already many 
 of the chief a(lva.nta^(!s of rcisponsiltle administration. 
 'I^Im! dilliculty aliout coiderrin;.;" rcsponsihle government 
 
 Ol 
 
 I Natal is. of course, the enoi'm 
 
 ous and overwlielmintr 
 
 streui^tJi of I lie Mack |iopula,tioii liotli in \\n' colony 
 |iroper and in Zululand. iMortMixcr, whih; in the (Jape the 
 
 native |)()))ulation is chielly en theedoc of the colony, 
 and the natives who live in tli(^ centre ai"(! of a, tame 
 description, in Natal then; arc; natives livino- in the heart 
 
 o 
 
 f tli( 
 
 e <-()lony who have the trilia 
 
 I syst 
 
 (■III III 
 
 full f 
 
 oree 
 
 amon<^ them. The ('ape, as has Iteen sliown, may be 
 said to somewhat resemlih; Alj'ciria, in havinj"" a laruc 
 tv'M'.l of country which is chielly inhal)it(!d l>y whites, 
 toj^(!ther with other tracts of country inhahitcid hy 
 eolourcid nativc^s: hut Natal is likt; no otlusr colony in 
 
 havinir a larir(^ Mac 
 
 )(|IU 
 
 JM-I 
 
 hit 
 
 on 
 
 livincf under tlu; tribal 
 
 system in the heart of the (;ountry ami eoniKicted by ties 
 of every descrijition with the coloured jiopulatioii outside 
 
AKI 111 
 
 CIIAI*. II 
 
 SOUTH A I' RICA 
 
 523 
 
 1 were 
 
 ,\)ility. 
 )nsil>l«' 
 
 (. work 
 norally 
 vvoiiltl 
 n- otlu'i" 
 
 till with 
 y (Jrown 
 rsii in its 
 (ly many 
 ^ist ration. 
 MTumcnl 
 /liclniin<j; 
 colony 
 
 ( 'iljU'. till' 
 
 colony, 
 >i" a, tanit' 
 the iH'art 
 lull i"on-»' 
 
 1, may 
 
 W 
 
 ,,. a, lar<!;r 
 
 •y 
 
 whites, 
 
 :vl)il(itl i)y 
 
 colony in 
 
 the- tribal 
 
 ted by tics 
 
 ion outside 
 
 l1»c colony. iSal.il would |)i'ol)al)ly not actccpt iH',s|)onsil)lc 
 ji'ovoi'nniciit, on tlu^ Ibolinii now HU<;<j(!Hl,('d tor WcsLcrn 
 Australia. She woidd not awM^pt iH^sponsihic «^'ov('rn- 
 niciit, that is, with any |)(!rniancnt <'ontrol of native 
 aliairs hy thi; inipi'ri.il ( Joverniuent, although sIk; would 
 a.ec<;|)t a, t.eniporiiiy control fixed t,o terminate! at the; end 
 of a, definite and short nundter ol" yciars. This she w(»uld 
 ac(;e|)tonly if" tin; luune (lovernnieut <;hos(i to ))ay a, iar^i; 
 contriltut ion in money, oi- to heep ;it least, a r(!<^inu!nfc of 
 troops lor Natal defenc(\ 'I'he advocates of the chani;'e 
 hiive, however, always professed themselves willin<^' to 
 receive! a, nominat(!d Upper House, and tluiy proposed 
 th.it it shouM Im! expi'essly constituted with a, vi(!W to 
 the protiiction of native! interc!sts. Natal, aujain, would 
 not, a('ce|)t responsilth; ^-overnment if" it wore intended 
 that un<ler it /ululand should he permanently exe.luded 
 from colonial (control, and, on tin! other hand, Zululainl 
 would Ix! terrihiy diflicult f"oi- Natid to maiia<^e und»!r 
 responsihie institut,it)ns. Another dilliculty in the way 
 of responsible ^overnnnint. in Natal is that of (h'fence. 
 One reason why th<! idea of responsil)h! ^•ov(!rnnM!nt is 
 not N'ery pojiular in Natal is because tJii! inhabitants 
 foresee! that, with it, the-y will have: to ae'Ce'pt the' burL,di<U' 
 syste'Ui e»f the- ('api' in its entirety, aiiel re'L;ulaily le!vy a 
 eM)le»iiial militia feir se'rvii-i- in nati\'e wars. 
 
 The ^rant e)f re'spe)iisibh! ei<)vernment te) Natal had 
 lH!e!n strein^^ly askeiej foi* by tin! e-e)le)My beifejre I HH;{, but 
 fretm that, time! tin' a<ritatie)n snbsideel until 18H7, whi'U 
 the! (lise'USsie)ii was re!vivee|. The' e'e»rr(!Spe)ne|e!lM-e! wllieli 
 te)e)k j)hie-(i u[)e)n the! subje'i't in I K8() ceintains arguments 
 whierh arc still applie-able! to the! situalie)n, inasmuch as 
 tlie-y are mainly base-ei upe)n ejillie-ultics arising out of 
 the dispr(j})ortion of nund)ers between blacks and white's. 
 The aelvocatcs of r(ispe)nsible gejvei-nmcnt have upon 
 
 l.diil Kiiii- 
 lii'il.y\ 
 ri'UsipiiN tor 
 rdilsiii;.'. 
 
 !■' 
 
 ^ : ! 
 
 ,1 1 
 
! 1 
 
 ^ '• 
 
 524 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKl' III 
 
 their side the success of municipal and other h)cal 
 institutions in the colony, and it is the fact that the 
 relations between the black man and the white man in 
 Natal are marked by a considerable friendliness, and 
 that native levies raised during the Zulu war preferred 
 to be led by colonial rather than by imperial officers, 
 possibly because the former as a rule could, and the 
 latter could not, speak the native languages. When 
 Lord Kimbcrley refused the prayer of the Legislative 
 Council of the colony he said that the colony would l)e 
 unequal to meet from its own resources the liability for 
 defence against internal disturbances, while, on the other 
 hand, the home Government could not hold itself 
 responsible for the consequences of a policy over which 
 it would have no control. He insisted that Natal must 
 gain strength by confederation with its neighljours 
 before responsible government could l)e granted. The 
 Chairman of the select committee of the Legislative 
 Council which considered the despatch from the home 
 Government was the present Sir J. Robinson, member for 
 Durban, at that time a prominent Natal politician, who 
 is editor and part proprietor of the Natal Mercury, and 
 who represented the colony at the Colonial Conference in 
 London in 1887, and, along with Mr. Haden and the 
 Speaker of the Council, represented the colony at the 
 <;ustoms and railways conference at the Cape in 1888. 
 The committee put on record its opinion that, while the 
 colony might properly be held responsible for its defence 
 from such aggression as might be caused by the acts or 
 policy of a responsible government, it could not be 
 justly said that there existed any such obligation to 
 meet acts of aggression arising out of circumstances 
 over which the colony had no control — the allusion 
 being, of course, to Zululand. 
 
I'AKT III 
 
 CUAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 r local 
 lat the 
 man in 
 ss, and 
 •efeiTcd 
 officers, 
 nd the 
 When 
 jislative 
 ould be 
 ility fol- 
 ic other 
 d itself 
 r wliich 
 ;al must 
 ghbours 
 i The 
 vislative 
 e home 
 liber for 
 in, who 
 vij, and 
 ence in 
 nd the 
 at the 
 1888. 
 lile the 
 tlefence 
 lacts or 
 lot be 
 ion to 
 tances 
 Illusion 
 
 i 
 
 When the Legislative Council was dissolved on 
 the question of responsible government it was found 
 that the nieni])ers were in advance of their con- 
 stituencies. There is in Natal a coast party and 
 an "interior" party. It was discovered that in the 
 coast districts, where in old days the planting interest 
 had been opposed to the movement for responsiljle 
 government, a considerable change had taken place in 
 its favour, and that in the upper districts, where the 
 movement had orioinated, a reaction had set in asjainst 
 it. A majority was returned against responsiljle govern- 
 ment. ]Mr. Robhison lost his seat for Durban, and an 
 address was voted to the effect that the colony was not 
 in a position to undertake the responsibility suggested, 
 and that the maintenance in the colony of imperial 
 troops was desirable. Sir J. Robinson is now again a 
 member of the Legislative Council, but his place as 
 leader of the advanced party has by degrees been taken 
 by Mr. Escombe, a lawyer, and by Mr. Binns, a sugar- 
 planter — men of high ability, of wdioni the former has 
 been a great promoter of the harbour-works at Durban, 
 having devoted time and money without stint to that 
 undertaking. Meetings have been held in favour of 
 responsible government, and " responsible " candidates 
 have been returned, after hotly contested conflicts, 
 for important constituencies. There is no decided 
 majority either way, and the movement received a check 
 in 1888 by the rejection of an old member who had 
 undertaken the drawing-up of a Constitution Amend- 
 ment Bill, and who was beaten by an " anti-responsible " 
 candidate in the inland constituency of Newcastle, the 
 capital of the coal district, where there is a large coal- 
 field full of thick seams of a fair coal, better than tliat 
 of the Cape, and already largely used upon the railroads, 
 
i 
 
 526 
 
 rKU/UJCMS OF i.KEATKK IliaTAlS' 
 
 TAKI III 
 
 /illill.'iliil, .1 
 (lilliciilty 
 ill w;iy cif 
 ;,'iiiiitiiiL; 
 
 .silile h'ov- 
 
 CI'IIIIU'llI to 
 
 NMtlll. 
 
 Military 
 
 (|iiesti()iis. 
 
 ;iltli()U_i^'li Newcastle^ liuH only just l)(!en rojiclicd l)y tlic 
 State line. Tlicorotical (lifliciilties .seldom o|»|»re.ss 
 colonists. M. I*. rieroy-Meaulieii h;is laid it down as 
 a. |uinei|>l(! that where, as in Natal an<l Algeria, active 
 worl\ing colonists live; sid(! l»y side with a vastly l;ir<i,'er 
 nativ(! po[)ulation, the ni()lher-(;ountry must ]>rotect the 
 natives Ity direct, nKJans, and refuse local responsible 
 goverinnent, while it may <(rant im})erial represcuitation 
 to lioth classes ; hut, thou<;h tlu! colonists attach little 
 inij)ortance to this <rcn(!ral aru;unient, they attach a ^reai 
 de;il to th(!Spe(tial dilliculties arisin;^^ out of the condition 
 of Zidulaiid. 'I'hat ('rown ('(dony is ^ov(!rned hy tla; 
 Governor of Natal as Governor of /ulidaiid, through a. 
 connnissioner, and Icf^isl.ition is hy proclamation. Natal 
 is IVi^htened hy the t(!rror of what it calls "border 
 a.<;<j;ression," and dis('Ussions are raised upon the (jlovcr- 
 nor's salary. The imjHU'ial (iovernnKnit has aj^rced that 
 his pay as Governor of Zu inland should he charged 
 against the revenues of Zululand, whihi Natal makes a 
 contribution towards these revenues in respect of the 
 customs duties levied by Natal upon goods intended for 
 Zululand. 
 
 About one-lialf of the elective members of the Council 
 continue to be in favour of responsible govcivnment, but 
 are not cheerfully })re])ared to defend the border. Their 
 j)oliey, I suppose, would be a mere removal of the im[)erial 
 Ljarrison into Zululand, an arrangement which would be 
 just as costly for the liome (Government as the present, 
 while it would create local dissatisfaction in ])ortions of 
 Natal in consecpieiute of the loss of trade to certain towns. 
 It is generally acknowledged in Natal that troops of the 
 regular British army arc less serviceable for African war- 
 fare than are police or local levies. Regular infantry 
 have been repeatedly shown to be of little use against 
 
I'AK r ill 
 
 I l)y ilic 
 opjtrcss 
 lowii ;is 
 11, active 
 ly liii-ovr 
 
 >t('('t tlic- 
 
 j)()ii.sil)I(' 
 (ititation 
 di little 
 I a jfrcal 
 oiidilioii 
 1 l»y Ihv. 
 ir()Ui;li a 
 I. Natal 
 " 1 (order 
 (jovcr- 
 •C(m1 that 
 charged 
 makes a 
 t of tlie 
 iidcd for 
 
 C'ouneil 
 lent, Imt 
 Tlieir 
 |ini])crial 
 vould be 
 mresciit, 
 
 tioiis of 
 h towns. 
 Is of the 
 l*au war- 
 
 jnfaiitry 
 a!j;aiiist 
 
 (11 M'. II 
 
 SOir/f AIRhA 
 
 527 
 
 the natives, and e.-ivalry a]>p(>;ir to In' unwieldy for such 
 warfare when <'()inpared witii eohtiiial inoiint('<l rilles. 
 On tlie other hand, the mere preseiK;*! in Natal of the 
 iniiM'rial forces is j)opulai' in (lie (-oloiiy, and sonic; think 
 that the iiativ(;s attach ini[)ort;in(;e to tiicir presence as 
 an enil)leni of imperial authority. At this inonu'ut we 
 spend eonsiderahly niort; than twice as much for military 
 pur[)oses in the colony as the colony ilscslf disburses, but 
 there is, niivertheless, an effKMent voluntccir fonie. Natal 
 is buying' her own guns, which an;, of course, not yet 
 ready, and Durban — an ('.\|)oscd poll when we consider 
 the French movements in Madagascar — is unfortunately 
 ojien to the shells of an enemy, whic^h !uight bi ihrown 
 from the sea across a sandy neck. 
 
 In spite of the heavy "native hut-ta.\," the black tiu 
 popuhition of Natal has greatly increased of late through 
 immigration, a fact which is flatt(!ring to the <'-olony, but 
 not altog(!ther agreeabhs and the aspects of the luitive 
 ([uestion here are very different from those; which it 
 presents in Queensland or in north-west Australia. 
 Both in Australia and in South Africa tin; mother- 
 country, as a Christian country, having no strong 
 self-interest tending to make it forget its prin(tij)les in 
 the matter, naturally concerns itscilf with the protection 
 of the aboriginal po[)ula,tion. Tin; colonist everywhere 
 })resents towards the native; i)o})ulation his rougher side. 
 Among the men upon the frontier are the wildest of the 
 colonists — those uj)on whom some of the moral obligations 
 of highly civilised peoples have the least binding force. 
 The result is that the colonist who comes into actual 
 contact with the native, and who is exas[)erated by his 
 pilfering or l)y an occasional murder, as the case may 
 be, is apt, in Australia, to shoot him as though he were 
 a kangaroo, and where he does not shoot him, desires to 
 
 iiativi's. 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
It 
 
 II 't 
 
 Sail- of 
 drill k to 
 
 IKltiVfN. 
 
 538 
 
 PROIiLEMS OF GREATER HR/TA/X 
 
 I'AKT HI 
 
 The (V)len 
 
 so CdlltVO- 
 
 ver.sy uiul 
 ( 'hun^li 
 iiuestioiis. 
 
 be allowed to make a profit out of liiin l>y 8ui)]>lyiiig 
 him with stron*^ driiih. The mother-countiy, directly 
 or indirectly, .strive.s t(j put down tiie.se practices, and 
 the grant of comi)lete self-government has l)ecn some- 
 times refused on account of considerations growing out 
 of this native question. It is of more importance in the 
 case of South Africa, owing to the great numbers of 
 the blacks, than in that of any other group of leading 
 colonies. Hence the special powers of High Commissioner 
 in South Africa, and of the Natal (lovernor in Zululand ; 
 hence the semi-tutelage in which Natal is held ; hence 
 the necessity for British payment of the costs of South 
 African wars. 
 
 In Natal, however, there has not been the same 
 cruelty exercised towards the Ijlacks which marred the 
 early days of Queensland, or which is .said by the 
 opponents of the Dutch to di.sgrace the Boer republics. 
 The sale of drink upon and just outside the frontier 
 has been more deadly than the rifle, but less deadly 
 within British territory or Britisli pr(jtectorates than, in 
 the unprotected countries. Of all South African countries 
 it is in Swaziland, which is unprotected, that drink 
 supplied by white men has done the greatest harm. 
 
 The absence of responsible government in Natal has 
 somewhat prevented the development of remarkable 
 figures among the colonial politicians. Two names will 
 always be associated with the political history of the 
 country — those of Bishop Colenso, the uncompromising- 
 advocate of native rights, and of Sir Theophilus Sliep- 
 stone. The latter is still living, though he has retired 
 from active affairs, and until the troul)les in the Transvaal 
 he was a most prominent figure in South African politics. 
 Sir Theophilus Shepstone's admirers contend that no 
 man so well understood how to deal personally with the 
 
PART 111 
 
 liroctly 
 ;cs, and 
 1 some- 
 in;;- out 
 u ill the 
 il)cr.s ol" 
 leiidiiig 
 lissioiicr 
 ilulaml ; 
 ; liunce 
 .f South 
 
 le same 
 
 •red the 
 
 by tlie 
 
 jpublics. 
 
 frouticn- 
 
 deadly 
 
 than in 
 
 uiitries 
 
 drink 
 
 111. 
 
 lital has 
 likable 
 cs will 
 of the 
 )misiiig 
 Shep- 
 I retired 
 Ixnsvaal 
 politics, 
 hat no 
 lith the 
 
 I IIAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 5^9 
 
 Dutch, as well as witli tlie Zuhis, ;md that it was 
 the rougher military methods of Sir Owen Tianyoii, 
 who sueceeded Sir Theoiihilus Shepstone at Pretoriii, 
 which brought about the rising. JMy own belief 
 is that the rising was inevitable from the monieiit 
 that Lord Carnarvon annexed the country iigainst the 
 popular will, and that nothing but the jtreseiice of an 
 overwhelming force, holding down the Transvaal by the 
 severest military means, would have prevented the 
 continued assertion of its independence. At the same 
 time the Boers had grievances against Sir Owen Lanyon, 
 of which one was his alleged unwillingness to shake 
 hands with them — an unpardonable sin amid these sturdy 
 repulilicans. Sir Theophilus Shepstoue, since his retire- 
 ment from political and otlicial life, keeps up a slight 
 connection with pul)lic affairs by advocating the cause 
 of the Church of Enuland in Natal aijainst that of the 
 rival Church of South Africa. The Colenso controversy 
 is understood at home, but what is less well known, 
 except by those who specially concern tliemselves with 
 Church affairs, is that the results of the controversy 
 still exist in a painful form. The remnant of Bishop 
 Colenso's friends, strengthened by a so-called anti-ritualist 
 party, hold the buildings and the property of the Church ; 
 but the bishops who tried to expel Bishop Colenso, and 
 who, when they failed, consecrated a bishop to, as fai' 
 as possible, take his place, have a Church of their own, 
 which has carried off the greater portion of the congre- 
 gations. Any such difference must be regrettable, of 
 course, but the more so in this case because in these 
 days Colenso's criticisms of the Old Testament would 
 not have led to so fierce a difference, and it is impossible 
 not to feel that the stiffness of the bishop chietly con- 
 
 cerned on the other side has led in a great measure to 
 
 i^ 
 
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 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
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 rv 
 
 v" .^ ^ 
 
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Ir"^ 
 
 ^< 
 
 Q>, 
 
 I 
 
Ill 
 
 530 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 the continuance of the difficulty. It has been asserted, 
 but it is untrue, tliat the one Church represents the 
 High Church party, and the other the Low. Strict 
 Low Churchmen were by no means led to asso- 
 ciate themselves with what they looked upon as the 
 rationalistic views of Dr. Colenso's friends. The other 
 Church has, however, been driven by its position into a 
 general attitude of antagonism to Privy Council judg- 
 ments, and to an assertion of a Hiirh Church attitude 
 upon these sul)jects. It will probably conquer in the 
 long-run, as the influence of the personality of Dr. 
 Colenso becomes weakened by the gradual dying off 
 of his own friends. There is considerable difficulty in 
 dealing with the property and endow^ments of the 
 "Church of England," that is, of the Colenso division, 
 and of appropriating them for general Church purposes, 
 which would mean to the use of the " Church of South 
 Africa" — the anti-Colenso division. The difficulty is 
 increased by the belief, which is strong in the minds of 
 many of the Colenso party, that the home authorities 
 may yet be induced to consecrate a successor to the late 
 Bishop of Na'L:L The "Church of England" party 
 refuse to fall into their places in the South African 
 Church so long as the latter denies the supremacy of the 
 English Ecclesiastical Courts, but in many cases this 
 reason is but an excuse for refusing to join a Church 
 the chief dignitaries of which took an active personal 
 part against Dr. Colenso. In ftict the feeling of the 
 greater number in the " Church of England " party is 
 rather personal than doctrinal, but there is, no doubt, a 
 real objection on the part of some who are broad Church- 
 men to the High Church leanings of the South African 
 Church. When the present bishop and dean are gone, 
 a newly- appointed bishop of liberal tendencies would 
 
 \ 
 
> » «« "". ' ~-- wrwiSli***?^- 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 sscrted, 
 tits the 
 Strict 
 ) asso- 
 as the 
 le other 
 1 into a 
 il judg- 
 ittitude 
 in the 
 of Dr. 
 ^ing off 
 julty in 
 of the 
 division, 
 urposes, 
 if South 
 culty is 
 ninds of 
 thorities 
 the late 
 party 
 African 
 y of the 
 ses this 
 Church 
 personal 
 of the 
 Darty is 
 oubt, a 
 Church- 
 African 
 re gone, 
 woukl 
 
 ; 
 
 CIlAl'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 531 
 
 probably find himself able to fuse the unsympathetic 
 elements, and to make his Church more deserving of 
 the title of the Church of South Africa. The " Churcli of 
 England " party, although numerically the weaker, in- 
 cludes among its members many of the most important 
 residents in the two chief towns of the colony, and its 
 intellectual force is wholly out of proportion to the 
 numerical support which it receives. 
 
 Natal is altogether more English than the Cape, and ciimnte 
 one easily understands, in consequence, the desire shown ci'i'stoms 
 by even certain Cape politicians to retain it as a Crown "' ^"^*"'" 
 Colony, for fear it should in some degree, under respon- 
 sible government, escape from British influence. The 
 climate of Cape Town is, of course, far more English 
 than the climate of the Natal coast. The vegetation of 
 the seaboard of Natal is tropical, yet, in spite of the 
 exotic appearance of its bananas and its sugar-canes, 
 and in spite of the larger proportion of coloured people 
 than in the more temperate colony, Natal has more of 
 the air of a British possession. Durban, notwithstand- 
 ing the swarms of Zulus and of Indians in its streets, 
 looks like an English town, and since the opening 
 of the Natal railways the absence of ox -waggons 
 has deprived Durban of its main South African 
 characteristic. Although the summer on the coast is 
 very hot, the white people affect English customs and 
 costumes. They eat roast-beef in the middle of the 
 day, and wear the coats and hats which Englishmen 
 ftivour, and live without the punkahs which make 
 life endurable in similar climates elsewhere. Durban 
 is one of the most civilised cities in South Africa. 
 Its picturesquely situated harbour - works are most 
 creditable to the citizens, and the prosperity of its 
 merchants is shown in the scores of beautiful villas 
 
 III 
 
 L 
 
 r 
 
 \ ! 
 
Il 1 
 
 [I 
 
 Wliites 
 out- 
 
 lUllljIx'lVi 
 
 bv iK'ttivc 
 
 532 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 TAKI' III 
 
 which are scattered among the tropical vegetation of 
 the hill slopes. 
 
 IVIaritzburg, as Pietermaritzburg is invariably called, 
 1 is essentially an official town. Society there is almost 
 confined to persons conne(;ted with the Government or 
 the garrison. In appearance the capital is singularly 
 English, and the distinouishino- feature of its streets is 
 the enormous number of its churches and its chapels. 
 Every British sect is represented, and rej)rcsented at 
 such close quarters that on Sunday nights the services 
 mingle their sounds. The white population of Natal is 
 found chietiy in the towns, and in the country districts 
 the whites are enormously outnumbered by the Zulu 
 population. In one county in the coal district I find 
 that the population returns show 2000 Europeans to 
 15,000 Indians and 05,000 natives. In the Lower 
 Tugela Division there are but 734 whites in 56,021 
 people. One reason why the white population is so 
 much laro-er in the Orano;e River Free State than it is 
 in the inland portions of Natal, in addition to the 
 obvious reason that the Dutch originally drove out 
 those natives who did not actually labour for them, is 
 that the Dutch remain in South Africa, wdiile the 
 English largely look to a future at " home," so that a 
 South African Englishman wdio has made money is 
 always inclined to leave the colony to return to London, 
 whereas to the Boer South Afiica is the only home that 
 the earth contains. "Home" to the religiously-minded 
 Boer means first heaven, and next South Africa. 
 
 There is rather a growing tendency than otherwise in 
 England to act upon the principle laid down by Govern- 
 ment in the case of Ceylon and of the Pacific Islands, that 
 where large bodies of natives for whom we are respon- 
 sible are brought together with small numbers of whites 
 
" ^ ' ■' ,.;" ' ' " '^*»«!"tf?''^^y^'? 
 
 > l| 
 
 I'ARl' 111 
 
 atioii of 
 
 y called, 
 .s almost 
 iment or 
 iigularly 
 streets is 
 chapels, 
 iented at 
 I services 
 ■ Natal is 
 ' districts 
 tlie Zulu 
 Lct I find 
 )peans to 
 lc Lower 
 n 56,021 
 ion is so 
 than it is 
 u to the 
 rove out 
 them, is 
 liilc the 
 so that a 
 iioney is 
 London, 
 Lome that 
 y-minded 
 
 I. 
 
 erwise in 
 Govern - 
 .uds, that 
 |e respon- 
 of whites 
 
 CIIAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 under one local government, the chief control should 
 be entrusted to an authority directly res2)onsil)lc to 
 the Colonial Office or to Parliament, and able to show 
 impartiality as between conflicting racial interests. 
 The oligarchy of a body of whites in a black country is 
 not l)elicved by the imperial Parliament to be a wise 
 form of government, for sucli an oligarchy must be 
 influenced by its selfish interests in land and labour 
 questions. The universality of nominal Christianity 
 in British colonies has never led the inhal)itauts to 
 seriously admit in daily life the equality of man. In 
 some West Indian islands, both of England and France, 
 the ncirroes are bemnnins; to rule the colonies, Imt 
 they are themselves an imported race of considerable 
 power of imitation, and have been for some time 
 trained in the practice of local government. The wild 
 Kafirs and the remnants of the persecuted Hottentots 
 of South Africa are, no doubt, far from being able to 
 exercise with intelligent prudence the government of a 
 colony. To admit natives in small numbers to the 
 Government is a middle course which may be very 
 possible in the case of an outnumbered and a dwindling 
 race such as the INIaories of New Zealand, but which is 
 difl^cult to maintain with a rapidly increasing people 
 such as the Zulus of Natal. 
 
 It is even doubtful in the minds of some whether 
 Natal can permanently stand alone, whatever her 
 institutions. She is surrounded by a warlike native 
 population increasing more rapidly than the white and 
 overwhelmingly outnumbering it, and while she desires 
 to extend her boundaries and to annex to herself 
 Griqualand East and Pondoland, as well perhaps as 
 Zululand and part of Swaziland, such changes of 
 boundaries, although they might make her commercially 
 
 Doubts as 
 to jiossibi- 
 lityofXiital 
 being able 
 to stanil 
 alone. 
 
 1 i 
 
534 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART MI 
 
 :i 
 
 Tile Or,iiif,'t' 
 Five Stiite. 
 
 Relations 
 witli the 
 South 
 African 
 Republic. 
 
 more rich, would render her politically less strong. A 
 close confederation or a union with the Cape would 
 seem more wise, and in the long-run these may be the 
 only alternative modes of protecting the white popula- 
 tion against their neighbours. 
 
 The relations with Natal of her Dutch neighbours 
 have already of necessity been glanced at in the chapter 
 upon the Cape. The Orange Eivcr Free State is a re- 
 public which has but half as many people to the square 
 mile as Cape Colony, and but an eighth as many as 
 Natal ; but the white })opulation is in the Dutch 
 Republic nearly half the whole, and the territory is the 
 most completely colonised and settled of all in South 
 Africa. The Cape has run her railways thither from 
 three points — from Cape Town, from Port Elizabeth, and 
 from East London. All these railways will doubtless one 
 day meet the Natal railways at the Orange River capital. 
 
 To the north of Natal and of the Free State lies the 
 Transvaal, now known both to its own citizens and to 
 our Government as the South African Republic. Natal 
 is at the present time living on tlie Transvaal trade, 
 and is also doing business with the Free State, through 
 the Transvaal, in goods which pass in as Transvaal 
 goods, in spite of the customs union between the Cape 
 and the Free State, to which Natal is not a party. 
 The Transvaal is five times as large as Natal : its 
 white population is more than double, and its British 
 population is now Ltxger than that of Natal. The 
 enormous wealth of the Transvaal, especially in gold, 
 has caused a trade which has been the makino: of our 
 colony. The trade is at present divided between the 
 Cape and Natal, and Natal is trynig to carry it off by 
 lowering her duties — ^just as New South Wales is trying 
 to carry off the trade of its back country of the Riverina 
 
 ! 
 
I'AKr 111 
 
 CIIAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 535 
 
 from Melbourne — and .the railway question has in con- 
 sequence vast importance for Natal. The Free State 
 agreed in 1889 to an extension of the Natal railway 
 system to Harrismith in the Free State ; the line to be 
 made, and probably worked, by a Natal staff, just as 
 the Cape line to the Orange capital is to be made Ijy 
 the Cape Government. 1 believe that Natal, in refusing 
 that customs union to which her delegates had agreed, 
 counts upon the Free State being unable to isolate 
 herself by custom houses, both on account of the 
 difHculty of the frontier and Ijecause of the unpopularity 
 of this policy in that portion of the Orange State itself 
 which largely profits by the Natal trade. As regards 
 the Transvaal, popular opinion in Natnl disparages 
 Delagoa Bay, and desires a British protectorate of 
 Swaziland. It seems to be thought by the Natal 
 people that Swaziland and Southern Tongaland can be 
 kept out of the clutches of the South African Republic, 
 and that Delagoa Bay is so unhealthy that it is not 
 likely to come into favour as a trade route, so that ulti- 
 mately the Transvaal would have to become reconciled 
 to the use of the Natal railway, which is being rapidly 
 completed from Newcastle to Coldstream on the Trans- 
 vaal border, a distance of 30 miles. There are some 
 wiser heads among the members of the Natal Govern- 
 ment who see as plainly as do the authorities of the 
 Cape that it is impossible to fight against the obvious 
 facts of geography, and that the Transvaal is certain to 
 obtain an opening to the sea, within its own control. 
 
 In order not to needlessly complicate the already 
 difficult problem, Mr. Gladstone's second administration 
 hoisted the British flag over the harbour at Santa Lucia 
 Bay and kept the Germans out of Zululand. Germany 
 protested, but in April 1885 withdrew her protest and 
 
 I 
 
 I i 
 
536 
 
 PROBLEMS OF Li RE AT ER JIR/TA/X 
 
 I'Aur ill 
 
 Ki;t 
 
 engaged to refrain from making af'(|nisitions of territory, 
 or estul)lis]iing protectorates between Natal and Delagoa 
 Bay ; but as it is impossible to obtain Delagoa l)ay from 
 Portugal, and as it is impossible to prevent the Trans- 
 vaal usino; it for its trade, the best course would seem 
 to be to make our railways to carry oft' as large a portion 
 of the trade as we can divert by our competition, and 
 by low duties and low freights to do the l)est we can 
 towards creating in portions of the Transvaal interests 
 in favour of connection with our lines. The part of the 
 Delagoa Bay line which is not yet made is by no means 
 an easy line to make. The extension of the Cape line 
 through British Beclmanaland and across the protec- 
 torate is an easy one, and sooner or later, in spite of 
 Transvaal opposition, will be made by the help of those 
 (-ape Dutchmen who put interest before sentiment. 
 The country is healthy arid free from mountain ranges, 
 and cheap labour can be obtained. The Natal people, 
 while they would agree with me about the difficulty of 
 the Delagoa Bay line, would add as an argument against 
 the Cape lines their length, and then they point out how 
 short a distance it is from the coast at Durban to the 
 Transvaal ; but they must consent to look facts in the 
 face. The Transvaal has a frontier upon the Beclmana- 
 land side which makes the prevention of smuggling im- 
 possible, and which will put the South African Republic 
 at the mercy of the Cape should she ultimately extend her 
 main line to the north. On the other hand, the Trans- 
 vaal has on the Natal side a mountain frontier which can 
 be defended by custom houses with the greatest ease. 
 As it is. Natal knows what Transvaal Protection means, 
 and Natal is a free-trade colony which has given the 
 Transvaal no provocation. The Natal people argue that 
 they have much to lose, and nothing to gain, by coming 
 
•t* " 
 
 I'AKI' III 
 
 'i-ritory, 
 Dolagon 
 ay from 
 : Traus- 
 Id seem 
 
 portion 
 ion, and 
 
 we can 
 interests 
 ?t of the 
 
 means 
 ape line 
 
 protec- 
 
 spite of 
 
 of those 
 
 ntiment. 
 
 1 ranges, 
 people, 
 
 iculty of 
 
 against 
 
 out how 
 
 to the 
 s in the 
 chiiana- 
 ing im- 
 cpublic 
 end her 
 
 Trans- 
 lich can 
 ist ease. 
 
 means, 
 ^en the 
 rue that 
 
 Icommg 
 
 
 CHAP, n 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 537 
 
 into the customs union, and tht'y s;iy that all they need <lo 
 is to make their r;iil\v;iy to the IVontit-r ;iiid tlicn wait. 
 It is possiKU' tluit the Njital ixople hope loi' the gradual 
 substitution of a British for a l)ut('ii (lovernment in tiie 
 Transvaal. ]f Transvaal ''old-miuinf; goes on as it has 
 begun it is certain that the Dutcii-speaking population 
 will be in a decided minority in a short space of time. 
 
 The Transvaal revenues at the present moment come 
 chiefly from the pockets of the miners, who are in great 
 part English. The Transvaal direct revenue from the 
 gold-fields in 1888 was already nearly half a million ster- 
 ling. The British miners still have no representation, 
 though it is continually being promised to them. At 
 this moment I believe it takes five years' residence 
 to become a voter, and fifteen years more to become 
 eligible for membership of the ^'olksraad, which is 
 never dissolved, the members retiring in sections, 
 and where also the Dutch language alone is used — 
 conditions which practically wholly shut out the English. 
 At the end of May 1889 President Kruger introduced, 
 not on the responsibility of the Executive, but in his 
 capacity as a member of the Raad, — "a 2)rivate member" 
 the Transvaal Bismarck playfully described himself on 
 this occasion, — a so-called " Reform Bill " ; an obviously 
 delusive measure, which itself was shelved for one year 
 by a reference to a committee. The Bill itself is a 
 curiosity of primitive drafting. It creates a first Volks- 
 raad and a Second Volksraad, of which the First Volks- 
 raad is to be " the highest power in the State," and 
 shall consist of the present Volksraad ; and the laws 
 and resolutions having reference to the Volksraad and 
 its members are to remain in force and to be applicable 
 in the future to the First Volksraad and its members. 
 The number of members in the Second Volksraad is to 
 
 VOL. I 2 N 
 
 TniiiMvaal 
 iniiiui.-s 
 have no 
 ivprusent- 
 atiou. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 J 
 
538 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 1)0 tlio samo a.s that in tlio First Volksraad, and each 
 mcmljcr is to take an oatli of adherence to the constitution 
 of tlie Republic. The mode of electing members to the 
 Second Volksraad is to be the same as that to the First. 
 The members of the Second are to be elected for a term 
 of four years, half going out, however, at the end of two 
 years, and after that half the members going out every 
 two years. The members of the First Volksraad are to 
 be 'chosen by "old burghers" who obtained burgher 
 rigut by birth, and are sixteen years of age. The 
 members of the Second Volksraad are to be elected 
 by all burghers of the age of sixteen years. No 
 one can be a member of both Volksraden at the same 
 time, and, another peculiarity of Transvaal legislation, 
 in addition to the extraordinary peculiarity of the choice 
 of the age of sixteen for majority, the members of one 
 Volksraad may not stand to each other in the relation 
 "of father or son or stepson." "No coloured persons 
 nor bastards " (;an be elected to either Volksraad. 
 Members of the First Volksraad must have been for 
 thirty years members of a Protestant church. Mem- 
 bers of the Second Volksraad must be thirty years of 
 age, and need only have been for the two previous years 
 members of a Protestant church in the Republic. The 
 Second Volksraad shall have the riojht to refjulate matters 
 relating to metals and minerals, roads, posts, telegraphs, 
 inventions, trade -marks, copyright, forests, salt pans, 
 infectious disease, the relations of master and servant, 
 companies, insolvency, civil and criminal procedure, and 
 such other matters as the First Volksraad may refer to 
 the Second. Laws or resolutions passed by the Second 
 Volksraad are to be referred to the President, who may 
 lay the law or resolution before the First for discussion. 
 If he does not, he is bound to publish the law, which 
 
m^m 
 
 CIIAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFKICA 
 
 539 
 
 then becomes of force. The voters for tlio Second 
 Volksraad liave to renounce all allo<nance to all foreii^n 
 sovereigns and powers, and in particular to the sovereign 
 to whom or power of which up to naturalisation they 
 have been subjects. 
 
 On the publication of this draft law the diggers 
 appealed to the British agent at Pretoria to ask whether, 
 l)y taking the oath of allegiance to the republic, British 
 subjects would lose their status as such, and he at 
 once referred the matter to the Secretary of State for 
 the Colonies, for the opinion of the law officers of the 
 Crown, whose reply has been a Deli)liic utterance. The 
 Transvaal Advertiser, whi(;h represents the British 
 element and advocates a prudent opportunism, argues 
 that the taking of the oath of allegiance to the Trans- 
 vaal would not involve the loss of British natioiuility 
 on account of the peculiar connection Ijctween the South 
 African Republic and Great Britain, the Queen being 
 suzerain over the republic. Transvaal treaties are 
 submitted to the Queen's Government before they 
 become binding on the contracting parties, and it is, 
 therefore, contended that a British subject taking the 
 oath of allegiance to the repuljlic does so with a neces- 
 sary reservation. Supposing that the Transvaal Govern- 
 ment, it is urged, should declare war against the United 
 Kingdom, a British-born inhabitant taking part against 
 Great Britain would be n "^ a foreign enemy Ijut a reljel. 
 It is, however, certain thao i resident Kruger himself takes 
 a different view, and in his speech on proposing his dual 
 Chamber scheme he urged that the oath which it would 
 impose upon what he admitted was a majority of the 
 inhabitants would prevent the possibility of the imperial 
 flag ever taking the place of that of the republic. Lord 
 Knutsford's answer to his questioners in the Transvaal 
 
 I 
 
 il 
 
 
II 
 
 I*'! 
 
 i«' ;. 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 
 Fiitiiiu 
 of the 
 
 Trausvi 
 
 540 
 
 PRO RLE XT S OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 was to tlio effect that the fact of taking tlie oath of 
 allegiance to the Government of the South African 
 Republic does not deprive those taking it of their status 
 as British sul)jectH, unless hy the law of the Republii; 
 their taking the oath of allegiance is sufHcient to con- 
 stitute naturalisation, and the persons taking the oath 
 take it with the intent that it should have that effect. 
 By some it is supposed that the enormous influx 
 lai. of Europeans to the Transvaal gold-fields means a 
 speedy overturning of the Transvaal Government and 
 a return to the British connection, still nominallv 
 maintained in the suzerainty of the Queen, but reports 
 xVom Johannesburg are to a different ^uect. The 
 large European population may not be willing to long- 
 put up with Boer rule in its present form ; the diggers 
 will demand the franchise, and even the use of the 
 Dutch language may after a struggle be abolished in 
 the gold-fields ; but feeling is entirely against annexa- 
 tion to the United Kingdom, and it is hard to say 
 which is the stronger — the distrust of and con- 
 tempt for the Transvaal Government or the dread 
 of being subject to British rule. There is a wide- 
 spread belief at the gold-fields that the Transvaal must 
 remain a republic, but become an English - speaking 
 republic, though the possible addition of the Free 
 State to the South African Republic may conceivably 
 for a time secure the predominance of the Dutch race. 
 President Paul Kruger has made some concessions to 
 the diggers, but there has been forced upon him of late 
 an extreme policy with regard to the use of the Dutch 
 language which may lead to a fierce struggle. The bad 
 organisation of passenger and postal communication is 
 also a source of difficulty between the diggers and the 
 Boers. It is a curious fact that the English diggers 
 
I'.VKT 111 
 
 oath of 
 African 
 nr status 
 Republic 
 : to con- 
 tlic oath 
 effect, 
 us intlux 
 means a 
 nent and 
 lominally 
 it reports 
 ct. The 
 r to long 
 ic diggers 
 se of the 
 olished in 
 t annexa- 
 •d to say 
 [ind con- 
 ic dread 
 a widc- 
 vaal must 
 speaking 
 the Free 
 iiiceivably 
 Litch race, 
 issions to 
 tn of late 
 10 Dutch 
 The bad 
 ication is 
 and the 
 h diggers 
 
 t ufu mms 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 541 
 
 in the Transvaal, most of whom are Conservatives 
 in England — from tliose who liave belonfjcd to tlie 
 Junior Cai'lton or tlie Constitutional Ckib to tliose who 
 have sung "Rule, Rritannia" at peaceful meetings — 
 should become republican in the Transvaal; anti the 
 possible growth of a vigorous English-speaking republic 
 on the stump of a Boer community is worthy of being 
 watched with care. Of course, at any moment the 
 diggings may become less rich and the miners move, or 
 active stui)idity on the part of the Transvaal Govern- 
 ment may throw the mining population into the arms 
 of Cape Colony. 
 
 Although it is most irksome to the diggers that, in 
 great centres of commercial activity, the otticial forms for 
 all the business connected with the posts and telegraphs 
 should be in a tongue which nine-tenths of those trans- 
 acting business cannot understand, and although the 
 inconvenience caused by the proceedings of the law 
 courts and of auction sales taking place in Dutch is 
 great, yet there is a good deal of hesitation, for reasons 
 which I will give, about expressing a strong discontent. 
 It sometimes happens in the mining districts that the 
 magistrate is well able to speak English, that to the 
 counsel upon both sides Dutch is a foreign language, and 
 that the plaintiff and the defendant are both English, 
 and the witnesses, as well as the whole or the majority 
 of the jury, English, and yet every word spoken in 
 English has to be interpreted into Dutch for the supposed 
 benefit of a judge and jury who as a fact would come to 
 a speedier and clearer understanding of the case without 
 resort to this process. But when it is proposed to hold 
 indignation meetings somebody whispers that if there is 
 any difference of opinion between the miners and " Uncle 
 Kruger " gold shares may go dow^n, and the meeting is 
 
 tl< 
 
 The olticial 
 use of tlio 
 nutch 
 langiin,t.'f. 
 
m !i i 
 
 
 Prosi(k>ut 
 Krugei'. 
 
 542 
 
 PKOBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 postponed. I'liere is a great difference between the 
 language held by the miners when they come to see their 
 friends in Natal or at the Cape and that of which they 
 make use when they are in the territory of the South 
 African Republic, and President Kruger, although he 
 does not reign without opposition from his own people, 
 is a dictator towards the English, and — considering who 
 he is and what he is — is not unpopular. References are 
 frequently made to his good sense and to the certainty 
 that when he visits a part of the country where complaint 
 is made grievances will be remedied. It is curious that 
 it should be so, because "Com Paul's" old Dutch 
 jealousy of the English is so great that mere fear on his 
 part of bringing into his territory in official situations 
 the Dutch trained in C^apc Colony, who might be under 
 British influence, has often led him to employ Hollanders 
 in his civil service, for which liis own people are seldom 
 sufficiently educated. Now Hollanders are far from 
 popular amid the Afrikander Boers. 
 
 President Paul Kruger was in 1880 the soul of the 
 triumvirate which — first by carrying out the advice of 
 the former president, of patience and protest, and then 
 by raising insurrection — drove from the country a British 
 administration which never had received popular support 
 at any time, and which, it must be admitted, had done 
 little to deserve it. Witli General Joubcrt, Kruger was 
 the guiding spirit of the Boers throughout the war, and 
 since the war he has been, through his strength, the 
 dictator of the republic. His power comes partly from 
 his character and in part from the fact that he shares the 
 prejudices of his people. " Uncle Paul " is a Conservative 
 even among his conservative Boers ; a leading member 
 and teacher of the Dopper sect which objects to some of 
 the modern ways of the Dutch Cliurch, such as the sub- 
 
 ' I! 
 
PART III 
 
 vcen the 
 see their 
 lich they 
 le South 
 loiigh he 
 :i people, 
 ring who 
 L3nces are 
 certainty 
 omplaint 
 ious that 
 a Dutch 
 ar on his 
 dtuations 
 be under 
 ol landers 
 •e seldom 
 far from 
 
 1 of the 
 
 idvice of 
 
 md then 
 
 a British 
 
 support 
 
 id done 
 
 ig'cr was 
 
 var, and 
 
 th, the 
 
 tly from 
 
 arcs the 
 
 ervative 
 
 member 
 
 some of 
 
 rr 
 
 ^m 
 
 i'BWur.^ ,j i 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 543 
 
 the sub- 
 
 stitution of hymns for psalms. It is supposed by many 
 that he hopes to scoop out South Africa and, founding a 
 vast Dutch republic in the whole of its inland territories, 
 to leave us only the sea-coast rind, after the manner in 
 which the Arabs have lately been scooping out northern 
 and central Africa. Some think that President Kruger 
 intends shortly not only to conipier Swaziland from tlie 
 natives, but also to take llechuanaland from us and 
 Delagoa J>ay from Portugal. Hut to my mind there 
 are vast exaoo-erations in tliis talk. After all, the 
 hatred for us even of the most extreme party among 
 the Transvaal Boers is not greater than that t)f the 
 people of Lower Canada for the British Government 
 in Tocqueville's time Yet now, as we have seen, the 
 British Empire does not contain more loyal subjects 
 than the present French inhabitants of the Province of 
 Quebec. INIany l)oers, finding that the Transvaal is 
 urowino- Eno;lish throuoh the di<]f£rer interest, and that, 
 on the other hand, their friends are in power at the 
 Cape, are selling their lands and returning to the Cape, 
 from which their ancestors went northwards fifty years 
 ago. This process is helping the conversion of the South 
 African Republic from a Dutch into an English state. 
 
 In May 1889 President Kruger took his whole rivsuient 
 Parliament to Johannesburg to see the diggers, on the tiu> i^'ii-ii.sh 
 invitation of a connnittee, and really on a suggestion '^'i^'^'"'^'''- 
 by Mr. ]\Ierriman ; and after their return, he is re- 
 ported in some Natal papers to have told the Volksraad 
 that the British dicuers miulit so increise in numbers 
 that the South African Republic would only be able 
 to save its independence by coming into a United 
 South Africa, "either under its own, or under a 
 royal flag," and that the newcomers might prefer the 
 latter, and, if so, had a right to be consulted ; but 
 
 i 
 
 ( ' 
 
|! 
 
 544 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 T'jVKT III 
 
 the President must, 1 think, have been misreported. 
 The Transvaal Advertiser gave a ditt'erent version of 
 his words used in his two speeches of the 29th and 
 3 1st May, and made him argue that Ahnighty God had 
 preserved the independence of the Transvaal against 
 terrible odds by a direct and miraculous intervention ; 
 that the newcomers, who within five years would be 
 five times as numerous as " the people of the country," 
 would be able, being in a vast majority, to take power 
 into their own hands, and miglit declare that they did 
 not wish to have a republic any longer. It was his 
 object, l)y the Bill that he proposed, to prevent this 
 possibility, by forcing upon the miners the oath of 
 allegiance to the republic. If, on the other hand, his 
 opponents, who put forward the danger under his scheme 
 of a rupture between his two Chambers, persisted in 
 their view, the result would be that sooner or later digger 
 representatives would be admitted into the Raad itself, 
 and then there might come a proposal for the confedera- 
 tion of South Africa under the imperial Hag, and the 
 minority would be unable to oppose it. The great 
 difficulty in President Kruger's way is that the voters 
 who are enfranchised for the election of the Yolksraad 
 gain also the right to take part in the Presidential 
 elections, and he fears, not without good reason, that an 
 English digger majority would elect an English President 
 of the Transvaal. 
 
 Besides the dijxa'er grievances as to lano;ua2je and the 
 other matters which I have named, there are difficulties 
 specially affecting their digging trade which would lead 
 them to wish to have their own men in power, even if 
 race feeling did not enter into the account. President 
 Kruger has the old Dutch habit of selling monopolies, 
 
 which often interfere greatly with digging work ; for 
 
FART III 
 
 reported. 
 
 ersion of 
 
 J 9 til and 
 
 God had 
 
 L against 
 
 :vention ; 
 
 A'ould be 
 
 country ," 
 
 id power 
 
 they did 
 
 was his 
 
 ^^ent this 
 
 oath of 
 
 band, his 
 
 is scheme 
 
 ^sisted in 
 
 er dio'ger 
 
 ad itself, 
 
 onfedera- 
 
 and the 
 
 he great 
 
 lie voters 
 
 olksraad 
 
 sidential 
 
 , that an 
 
 'resident 
 
 and the 
 Ifficulties 
 luld lead 
 
 even if 
 [resident 
 jiopolies, 
 
 )rk ; for 
 
 CHAP. 11 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 545 
 
 instance, iron work is a monopoly in the Transvaal, and 
 so is dynamite, and the Executive have actually sold the 
 right of making dynamite and of selling dynamite to 
 persons who have been unable to make or to procure it, 
 so that the diggers were left wholly without that which is 
 one of the necessities of their pursuit. It seems certain 
 that President Kruger will have in a few years' time to 
 choose between revolution and a real reform which will 
 lead to his own elfacemcnt. His last chance for main- 
 ti ""ing his power lies in an arrangement with the Free 
 tSt .te for a federal union as a step towards absorption, Ijut 
 while sentiment might lead the Orange River burghers 
 in his direction their plain interest lies the other way. 
 
 In the Boer towns in the Transvaal, such as Pretoria, Tucroasing 
 
 I'll 1 (VII • • • "^'-' '^' '■''^ 
 
 which have been atiected by recent mining prosperity, English 
 lovers of the picturesque see to their regret old Dutch °"^"'^" 
 buildings demolished and replaced by unlovely specimens 
 of British architecture. By a sort of irony these hideous 
 edifices bear upon their fronts some uncouth Dutch 
 inscription, which, being interpreted, signifies the Post 
 Ofiice, or the JMagjistrates' Court. The buildiiic; and 
 inscriptijn are significant of the last straggle of the 
 Dutch laiisxuao'C aoainst the new order of thiiios. The 
 writing on the wall is Dutch, but the style of the 
 building proclaims that British capital and enterprise 
 are peaceably overthrowing Boer rule. With the in- 
 crease of wealth, and with the improved means of 
 communication which the railways on the frontier will 
 sujDply, the younger generation of the Dutch will surely 
 adopt as the language of their daily life one which will 
 open up to them the civilisation of the world, and the 
 Transvaal inhabitants that are to come will probably 
 regret but little the loss of a dialect which has neither 
 a syntax nor a literature. During the session of 1888 
 
M 
 
 546 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 m I 
 
 i 
 
 
 The Boers, 
 
 F ■ 
 
 petitions were presented to the Transvaal Parliament 
 declaring that the petitioners felt " hurt in their patriotic 
 feeling by the continually increasing use of the English 
 tongue." The making out of minino; licenses in English, 
 the use of English at the markets and at the miners' 
 meetings, were special grievances, and a resolution was 
 carried by twenty-seven to six to the effect that Dutch 
 should be the only language used at all markets and 
 public sales and in public offices, and that officials using 
 English should be punished. The old Boers evidentl}' 
 think that the early eighteenth century Cape policy of 
 crushing out the language of the Huguenot refugees 
 can be repeated against the English now. But the 
 members of the Raad have only to walk through the 
 streets of Pretoria to see that in their capital the shoj) 
 signs are English, business is conducted in English, and 
 English is generally used by the white population. At 
 the very same moment when the farmers' representatives 
 were taking this retrograde action in the Volksraad the 
 magistrates of the gold-fields were making representations 
 to the effect that they could not perform their duties 
 satisfactorily if they were not allowed to use the English 
 language in their courts. The action of the old Dutch 
 party in the Transvaal is calculated to promote South 
 African unity in a manner which they do not contem- 
 plate, and this, President Kruger himself, whatever his 
 wishes, clearly enough sees. 
 
 The general opinion of the English who have lived 
 among the Dutch in the territory of the South African 
 Republic is distinctly favourable to the moral qualities 
 of the Boers, in spite of many obvious reasons why 
 prejudice should come into the account. There is a 
 general admission that they are kindly, honest people, 
 whose chief faults are a narrowness not unlike that 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 547 
 
 of our own Fifth Monarchy men of the Commonwealth 
 times, and a total inability to admit what we look 
 on as the rights of coloured natives. The Transvaal 
 Dutch, however, cannot be formidable to us in them- 
 selves, and can only vex our souls if those of their 
 views which we think wrong are taken up for them by 
 the Dutch within our own borders. Now, while President 
 Paul Kruger may secretly look forward to, or may hope 
 for or dream of, a vast Dutch African Republic excluding 
 English influence, Mr. Hofmeyr knows better, and Mr. 
 Hofmeyr by his proposals at the colonial conference in 
 London has clearl}- shown that he does not believe in 
 the strength of a Dutch republic imable to hold the 
 seas even if it should reach them. 
 
 I have already mentioned the negotiations between Ni-gotia- 
 the Transvaal and the Free State, as I was forced to tw"e,i l\w 
 do so by my reference to those between the Cape and J,™y^e"^ 
 the Free State. But, going into the matter in mor(» i''''^^ ^^ate 
 detail, I may explain that the Transvaal in 1887 
 offered money to the Free State to refuse to allow 
 railways to be made from the Cape into the Free 
 State, and to come, on the contrary, into connec- 
 tion with the Transvaal lines radiatinfj from Delaooa 
 Bay. This proposal the Orange Free State at that time 
 declined. President Brand in refusing pointed out that 
 the Free State was willing to give up some of its in- 
 terests to please the Transvaal, but could not consent 
 to lose for ever all freedom of action in the railway 
 question. Sir John Brand also declined the defensive 
 war alliance of the two republics which his successor 
 has concluded. It is supposed that President Kruger's 
 fear of a rising of the diggers of the Transvaal against 
 his authority is the main ground for this alliance. Presi- 
 dent Brand, with his clear understanding of the interests 
 
 ;• i \ 
 
it 
 
 
 li 
 
 In 
 
 548 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN i>art in 
 
 I ' t 
 
 of his state, and witli his affection for tlie English, 
 would never have willingly assented to such an ar- 
 I'angement as that recently made for checking the Cape 
 lines at liloemfontein. He was in favour of railway 
 development on the largest scale, by union both with 
 the Cape lines and with the lines of the South African 
 Republic to be ult"'nately made from Delagoa Bay. 
 liut the Dutch farniers in South Africa are as a body 
 opposed to railways, and the late Chief Justice of the 
 Free State, who has succeeded Sir John Brand, has 
 more accurately represented their views than did that 
 statesman, who was, however, strong enough to impose 
 his own upon them. Railways are now to cease at the 
 centre, if not the edge, of the Free State, the Natal lines 
 at Harrismith, and the Cape lines at Bloemfontcin. 
 Swaziland There has been a difficulty between ourselves and 
 Tougaiaiui. tlic Trausvaal upon the Bechuanaland side, a difficulty 
 which is, however, now happily settled. A more serious 
 matter is the future of Swaziland, which, with Southern 
 Tongaland, lies between the Transvaal and the sea 
 to the south of the outlet through Portuguese territory 
 at De.agoa Bay. Swaziland is inhabited by a branch of 
 the Zulu race (which would form the best portion of it 
 but for the curse of "EurojDcan" drink), and has a 
 fertile soil and considerable mineral wealth, especially 
 in gold and coal. The Boers pressed the late King 
 to come under their authority, which he c<^/nstantly 
 refused to do, governing himself by the London Con- 
 vention of 1884, in which the home Government laid 
 down his boundary. Individual Boers have encroached 
 on Swaziland, and the King made in 1886 a formal 
 request for British protection, renewed in 1887, and 
 alluded to by him in 1888, but the British Government 
 are still considering what shall be the future of Swazi- 
 
CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 540 
 
 
 land. Mr. Gladstone defended Becliuanalaud 'ainst 
 the Boers by the Warren Expedition, and we are quite 
 as strongly committed, by the promises of Sir Evelyn 
 Wood, to defend Swaziland as was the case with regard 
 to Bechuanaland, or even more strongly. British in- 
 terests seem to be as plainly involved, altliough there is a 
 party at the Cape and a party among the Government 
 of Natal who think that it is impossible to keep tlie 
 Transvaal from the sea, and who would be willing to 
 make a virtue of what they think necessity, and give to 
 the Transvaal a slice of Swaziland with a river i)ort. I 
 cannot myself see why the unfortunate Swazis should 
 be sacrificed in this way when Delagoa Bay affords an 
 excellent outlet for the Transvaal Boers, who would 
 have the choice of passing through British territory or 
 through Portuguese, and would be able to play their 
 neighbours off one against the other, and to make, as 
 has been already seen, good terms with either or with 
 both. Our Government have denied that they are able 
 themselves to take a protectorate of Swaziland, pleading 
 the terms of our Convention of 1884 with the South 
 African Republic, but they appear to be contemplating 
 the surrender of Swaziland to the Transvaal, which would 
 be, of course, at least as much opposed to the terms of 
 the Convention as would be its annexation by ourselves. 
 Swaziland is full of gold, and closely adjoins the Bar- 
 berton gold district of the Transvaal, and diggers are 
 beginning to pour into it in great numbers, but diggers 
 who are chiefly of British race. Sir Hercules Robinson 
 was in favour of making it over to the republic, and in 
 the Blue-book on Swaziland published in 1887 there are 
 despatches which point that way. 
 
 It is the case that by ceding to the South African 
 RejDublic a strip of territory which had been added to 
 
'7' 
 
 P1 
 
 
 550 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 the Transvaal by us, when the Transvaal was British 
 territory, we have made it very ditiicult for ourselves to 
 reach Swaziland, and consequently dilHcult to defend it 
 agfainst afjgression. But it seems as thoufi^h the Govern- 
 nient at home were only trying to shirk responsibility by 
 keeping the question open until it has been settled for 
 them. In the spring of 1887 they declared that the 
 future of Swaziland was engaging their most earnest 
 attention, and in the spring of 1889 they made in the 
 House of Commons precisely the same declaration ; but 
 no step had been taken towards defending, jjrotecting, or 
 giving up Swaziland in the meantime. In 1889 Generals 
 Joubert and Smit, on the part of the Transvaal, were for 
 some time with the Swazi King, while we had an officer, 
 wholly inexperienced in conducting such delicate negotia- 
 tions against such able diplomatists, " on his way " to 
 the same kraal. Even one so opposed to annexation as 
 Sir George Campbell proposed in the House of Commons 
 that we should extend a virtual protectorate over Swazi- 
 land, and pointed out that it was lately ruled by a 
 committee of white traders who had set up a tariff and 
 had resolved that no Asiatic should be allowed to trade 
 in the country. The Colonial Office repudiate direct 
 responsibility for both Swaziland and Southern Tonga- 
 land, but the countries are in the hands of white 
 adventurers who are mostly British subjects, and the 
 Swazi King until his recent death was grantinor 
 wasteful concessions, which mnst lead to future war, 
 while his people were being destroyed by drink. 
 Tongaland stands in a slightly more favourable position 
 than Swaziland, because we have concluded a recent 
 treaty with the Amatonga Queen, under which she is 
 pledged not to cede her country to any foreign power. 
 
 There is something humiliating in the records of the 
 
 \ 
 
PART III 
 
 British 
 elves to 
 efend it 
 Govern- 
 jility by 
 ttled for 
 that the 
 earnest 
 Le in the 
 on ; but 
 icting, or 
 Generals 
 were for 
 n officer, 
 negotia- 
 way " to 
 xation as 
 Commons 
 er Swazi- 
 led by a 
 :arifF and 
 to trade 
 e direct 
 Tonga- 
 if white 
 and the 
 granting 
 lure war, 
 drink, 
 position 
 la recent 
 Ih she is 
 Ipower. 
 Is of the 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 551 
 
 Swaziland debates in the House of Commons. The 
 question is an old one, for the Transvaal a long time ago 
 endeavoured to obtain Swaziland, Tongaland, and 
 Santa Lucia Bay, and this was one reason wliy the 
 Swazis joined us in our wars and why we stipulated 
 for their independence. At the same time we afterwards 
 handed over, as I have shown, a strip of territory to the 
 Transvaal Government which shut us off from Swaziland. 
 Although the Colonial Office hold that the Convention 
 with the Transvaal prevents our accepting a protectorate 
 of Swaziland, which, in spite of denials, 1 must assert 
 was as a fact offered to us by the Swazi King, they 
 cannot but admit that the Convention may very probably 
 be forcibly modified in the opposite sense. The South 
 African Repul)lic have violated the Convention with 
 regard to Swaziland by annexing a strip of Swaziland 
 territory, and, as there are two millions of British capital 
 already invested in Swaziland, it would seem to me to 
 be worth giving some small help to the natives in the 
 form of a skilled adviser, otherwise we shall really be 
 responsible for another war. 
 
 The Amatonga chiefs have lately visited this country 
 in order to ask us to establish a protectorate on 
 the coast, and they, like the Swazis, are of the same 
 race as the Zulus, and are being destroyed by the liquor 
 traffic. We have a treaty of 1877 by which the 
 Tongas bind themselves to refuse to sell or cede any 
 portion of their country to any other power than our- 
 selves ; but it certainly would seem desirable that, unless 
 we are going to adopt the Swaziland policy of Sir Her- 
 cules Robinson and distinctly invite the Transvaal to 
 come down to the sea through Swaziland and Tongaland, 
 we should ourselves take the control of the coast line as 
 far as the Portuguese territory of Delagoa Bay. If we 
 
'1 Ft! 
 
 I'M'' 
 
 ' 
 
 i;.-K. 
 
 I !■•: 
 
 SS2 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 are to give up Swiizilaiul we hIiouIcI jit least obtain some 
 conee.ssions to our views in return for yielding upon this 
 point. The IJoers would probably be willing to make 
 internal concessions to the British eh^ment in the Trans- 
 vaal, and also concessions as to their northern bounchiry 
 towards the Bechuanaland sphere of influence, in return 
 for leave to occupy the Swazi country ; and there are 
 many in the Cape who think that we should make 
 such stipulations, and in addition ol)tain, as they are 
 of opinion we could ol)tain, permission to make the 
 railway to the gold-fields. The success in Basutoland 
 of a not very costly system of protected native Govern- 
 ment under imperial control, after a failure of Cape 
 Government, shows how easily, at a point much nearer 
 to the sea, we could jxicify the country, check the sale 
 of drink, and develop trade. The J^asutos are now con- 
 suming large quantities of manufactured goods, and 
 there is no reason why the same policy that has succeeded 
 in Basutoland should not succeed also in Swaziland and 
 Tongaland ; but this question is one that stands apart 
 from mere probabilities of commercial success, inas- 
 much as the prevention of the sale of liquor to natives 
 upon a little strip of coast, such as alone is now open, is 
 a matter which is worth some small trouble. 
 
 InSeptember last the Government sent SirF. de Winton 
 out to Swaziland, to meet the Transvaal Commission, and 
 about the time he left this country Umbandine, the 
 Swazi king, met his death from drink. To judge from 
 a letter signed by Mr. Merriman which appeared in the 
 Times, and from an article by the Rev. John Mackenzie 
 which appeared in the Contemjyorary Review in Novem- 
 ber 1889, the former opponents of Sir Hercules Robinson 
 in his Swaziland, as in his other, policy have reconciled 
 themselves to the cession of Swaziland to the Boers in 
 
I'ART III 
 
 n some 
 )oii tliis 
 
 make 
 . TraiiH- 
 )Uii(lary 
 
 1 return 
 icve are 
 (1 make 
 Dhcy are 
 lake the 
 .sutolaud 
 
 Govern- 
 of Cape 
 lb. nearer 
 the sale 
 now con- 
 Dods, and 
 succeeded 
 land and 
 luds apart 
 :ss, inas- 
 ,0 natives 
 ,T open, is 
 
 lleWinton 
 ision, and 
 [dine, the 
 [do-e from 
 :cd in the 
 ^lackenzie 
 11 Novem- 
 Robinson 
 :econciled 
 Boers in 
 
 CIIAI>. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 553 
 
 return for such concessions as T have named aljovc. 
 Possibly the infhienee of JNlr. Rhodes at the Colonial 
 Oitiee was used upon the same side, inasmuch as to put 
 the Transvaal in thorougldy good humour will smooth 
 the path of the new chartered company, and prevent 
 much Dutch opposition to the making of the railway to 
 Mafcking and towards Shoshong. It is difficult, how- 
 ever, to see why the South African Committee used 
 their influence with the Government to prevent the 
 return to the Cape of Sir Hercules Robinson as Gover- 
 nor, if they are now prepared to stand by and see the 
 policy of Sir Hercules Robinson carried out by Sir F. 
 de Winton and Sir Henry Loch in the point in which it 
 was least defensible. 
 
 It is a curious fact that in his Lorenzo INTarques Deiagoa 
 arbitratior "Tarshal INIacjMahon gave Portugal territory ''^' 
 to the sol .ii of Delagoa Bay which the Portuguese have 
 never c cd to try to hold against the Tongas. The 
 case as presented to the President of the French 
 Republic assumed that the country was either British 
 or Portuo'uese, and that he was to decide to which of 
 these two powers it belonged. As a matter of fact, 
 however, a strip of it belonged to neither, and da facto 
 is Tonga country, although comprised in the Mac- 
 Mahon award. As this brings us to the papers in the 
 matter of this arbitration, it should be pointed out that 
 the Secretary of State at the time contended that the 
 Swazi and Tonga Kings had ceded to us the sovereignty 
 of their countries, although we yielded the point of 
 sovereignty and contended only for trade and settle- 
 ment by factories. The present Government are now, 
 as has been seen, repudiating British rights upon the 
 Tonga coast south of the j^art declared to be Por- 
 tuguese by Marshal MacMahon, and are even refus- 
 
 VOL. I 2 
 
 
1 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 51 , . \ 
 
 1 
 
 m ' 
 
 \ 
 
 554 
 
 PKUJILEMS 01' GREATER IIRITAIN 
 
 I'ART III 
 
 incr 
 
 Mr. Mcr- 
 riinaii'.M 
 viow a.s to 
 Deliigoa 
 Bay. 
 
 tlic ])rotc(;t()riitc asked lor Ity llic inli;il)itiiiit8, 
 iilthou^di ill I KOI wc had actually o('('Uj)i('d the 
 uortlieniinost portion of their couutiy, that is, the 
 t'arthest from us, as a dciR'ndeney of the colony of Natal. 
 There is a party in the Colonies that desires that we 
 should <^o behind the award and set up a Tonga claim 
 to the Tonga territory south of iJelngoa l>ay declared by 
 Marshal MacMahon to be Portuguese ; but this, while an 
 excellent jjosition for a Tonga, would in us most certainly 
 constitute a breach of faith. 
 
 Mr. Merriman has been one of the warmest sup[)orters 
 of the doctrine of the paramount im|»ortance to the 
 Empire of Dclagoa Jiay. He has contended for the view 
 that it is the only absolutely secure liarl)onr for large ships 
 on the South African coast to the eastward after leaving 
 Table Bay ; that it is the best outlet for the whole of 
 the tablelands of south-eastern Africa, and especially for 
 a temperate and well-watered country which is almost 
 certain to become one of the greatest gold -producing 
 countries in the world. Mr. JMerriman agrees with the 
 Transvaal authorities that the excellent port and shorter 
 mileage must lead Dclagoa Bay to beat Natal with the 
 longer mileage and less good port, while the Cape 
 Colony harbours are much farther off again, and the 
 Transvaal has declined to allow direct railw\ay com- 
 munication with them. To the north of Delagoa Bay 
 there is another good port, but this is also Portuguese ; 
 it is hemmed in on the land side by a most warlike tvibc, 
 and if we were to go to that neighbouxhood the Por- 
 tuguese and natives would combine against us. 
 
 Delagoa Bay is a magnificent naval station for 
 
 rrDtSa commanding the Mozambique Channel, and for either 
 
 ^''^J- striking at, or defending ourselves against, the French 
 
 possessions in the Indian seas, while we support our 
 
 The 
 
I'ART 111 
 
 l)it:mts, 
 
 cd till' 
 
 is, the 
 .f Matal. 
 tluit we 
 ira claim 
 lareil l)y 
 while an 
 [certainly 
 
 ipjtortei'H 
 c to the 
 the view 
 irgc ships 
 ;r leavinii" 
 whole of 
 3cially for 
 is almost 
 )ro(lu(;ing 
 with the 
 k1 shorter 
 with the 
 he Cape 
 and the 
 Aiiy com- 
 agoa Bay 
 rtuguese ; 
 like tvibe, 
 the Por- 
 
 tation for 
 [for either 
 lie French 
 Ipport our 
 
 CHAT. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 555 
 
 own colony of Mauritius. There is a local coal supply, 
 and there can be no doubt that the power which holds 
 this harbour in any war in which the India and the 
 China trade are forced ^o makt) use of the Cape route 
 will have in its hands an unrivalled position, apart from 
 its local value as regards African trade. I'lu^ port is 
 held by the Portuguese on a good title, but hitherto 
 on the sutferance of the Transvaal, botii sides being 
 perfectly aware that the South African Re[)ubH(; could 
 in the past easily have dispossessed the hoMers. In 
 practice the Transvaal dared not attack the Portuguese, 
 because the result of a destruction by them of the 
 Portuguese settlement would have been an occupation 
 by British men-( T-war. The Portuguese are now build- 
 ing at Delagoa Bay barracks for 1500 men. 
 
 Tliere have, however, been intrigues with a view of 
 inducing the German Government to acquire Delagoa 
 Bay, and with it a kind of loose protectorate over the 
 Dutch republics ; and there can be no doubt that some 
 of the more anti-English among the Boers would prefer 
 a nominal German suzerainty to the present unchecked 
 spread of the English tongue and influence, and share 
 the view of that patriotic Frenchman M. P. Leroy- 
 Beaulieu — "better the Germans" than an English 
 uniformity in South Africa. In 1876 the then President 
 of the Transvaal Republic, accompanied by a Dutch 
 member of the Cape legislature, visited Berlin, and it 
 has always been supposed that the question of a German 
 protectorate was talked over in their interview with 
 Prince Bismarck. In 1878 a German traveller strongly 
 urged a German annexation of Delagoa Bay, and the 
 matter was possibly mentioned at Berlin to Mr. Kruger 
 during his subsequent visit. Later came the curiously 
 sudden acquisition by Germany of Damaraland and 
 
 P 
 

 1 B 
 
 ; I 
 
 Future of 
 
 Delagoa 
 
 Bay. 
 
 556 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 Namaqualaiid, on the west coast of South vVfrica, 
 almost valueless except as a foothold. I do not believe, 
 however, that there is the slio-htest risk of Portuoal 
 ceding Delagoa Bay to Germany ; nor do I fear that 
 President Krugcr is a party to any proposal for substi- 
 tuting Germany for Portugal. 
 
 Mr. Merriman has, I believe, often said that it is a 
 pity that Delagoa Bay was not purchased by us at a time 
 when a comparatively small sum would have bought 
 out the claims of Portuoal. Lord Carnarvon has gone 
 farther, and has said : " When I succeeded to office I 
 had reason to think that the offer of a moderate sum 
 might have purchased that which a very large amount 
 now could not compass. Unfortunately the means were 
 not forthcoming, the opportunity was lost, and such 
 opportunities in p'^litics do not often recur." This 
 passage can only mean that the Disraeli Ministry 
 failed to see the value of Delagoa Bay when it was for 
 sale and the price was low, and it is indeed an unhappy 
 fact that we should have lost that most important, after 
 the Cape itself, of all South African positions. In June 
 1889, behind the financial struggle between the railway 
 company and the Portuguese Government there was 
 evident a desire on the part of some to drive our Govern- 
 ment to take by force that which we had neglected to 
 buy when we were able. Purchase would now be very 
 difficult, if not impossible ; there is a strong patriotic 
 feeling in Portugal which insists on Portugal keeping 
 the whole of her territorial possessions, even though they 
 are, as Portuguese statesmen know they are, larger than 
 she can manjige. But another suggestion has been made, 
 that a chartered company, perhaps the company formed 
 for the Bechuanaland s})here of influence (and oddly 
 styled "The British South Africa Company," inasmuch as 
 
I'ART III 
 
 Africa, 
 , believe, 
 Portugal 
 car that 
 V substi- 
 
 Lt it is a 
 at a time 
 ! bought 
 has gone 
 ) office I 
 rate sum 
 3 amount 
 sans were 
 md such 
 -." This 
 Ministry 
 t was for 
 unhappy 
 mt, after 
 In June 
 railway 
 lere was 
 Govern- 
 ected to 
 be very 
 patriotic 
 keeping 
 igh they 
 ger than 
 jn made, 
 formed 
 d oddly 
 imuch as 
 
 
 CIIAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 557 
 
 it intends to work chiefly outside of British South Africa), 
 might negotiate with Portugal for the acquisition of 
 rights which, while they fell sliort of sovereignty, would 
 prevent German interference. I am disposed to believe 
 that Portugal will cling to Delagoa Bay, and that 
 neither Germany nor the Transvaal has any very real 
 idea of attempting to acquire it. There is some German 
 money in the Netherlands South Africa Railway, but 
 that is a natural fact enoufjh when we consider the 
 great chance that this railway has of being successful, 
 looking to the fiict that it provides a route to 
 Pretoria 350 miles long against a route by the 
 Cape of over 950 miles. There are drawbacks 
 to the Delagoa Bay route. The famous tsetse Hy 
 haunts it, and is destructive to horses and oxen. Dogs 
 are killed by it, and it has been cynically said that men 
 and asses alone escape, although as a fact nudes, shecj), 
 and goats are equally free from its attacks or from their 
 consequences. The river bottoms are made deadly by 
 fever, and are infested by crocodiles, more formidable 
 than the quiet monsters of Indian, American, and North 
 African rivers. The sub-editor of a Natal paper, who 
 was describing the gold-fields as a correspondent, was 
 eaten by crocodiles while in this neighbourhood ; but 
 neither crocodiles nor fever nor tsetse fly, nor even steep 
 hills, need stop a railway, and there can be little doubt 
 about the ultimate success of the Lorenzo Marques route. 
 In my opinion the Transvaal authorities had fai sooner 
 have the Portuguese than the Germans at Delagoa Bay, 
 finding the Portuguese good neighbours, inclined to 
 levy low customs duties, and thinking Portugal a, 
 weak power, certain to be locally much under Dutch 
 influence, instead of a strong power with military 
 objects. Neither do I see any general desire on the 
 
 
^•l 
 
 mil 
 
 I I 
 
 558 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 President 
 Kruger and 
 the Delagoa 
 Bay route. 
 
 n 
 
 part of the authorities of tlic South African Jiepuljlic 
 to adopt the Cape idea, which invites them to seek an 
 outlet to the sea through Swaziland and the Southern 
 Tonga country in preference to that through Dela- 
 goa Bay. They seem to me satisfied with Delagoa Bay 
 as a route, and with the existing political condition 
 of that country. Until the railway is fully made the 
 Lorenzo Marques route is practically impassable, and 
 the fly, the fever, and the absence of roads are diffi- 
 culties, any one of which would be sufficient to prevent 
 the route beinoj made use of to a larsje extent. The 
 Portuguese, with the strong approval of the majority 
 of our colonists of Natal, who do not wish for a 
 British rival to Durban, will continue to hold Lorenzo 
 jMarques, and the railway will be finished and will 
 become the main line of communication with the 
 Transvaal. 
 
 It has been com}>uted that it will take from five to 
 seven years to make the mountain portion of the Delagoa 
 line, when that section is begun, and in the meantime the 
 Natal railways will have been carried on to Harrismith in 
 spite of engineering difficulties. Natal will then begin 
 to carry off a considerable portion of the internal South 
 African trade. Moreover, in five or six years' time 
 President Kruger's position will not be what it is at the 
 present date. He wall have been forced to enfranchise 
 the diggers or to face a revolution, and he will either have 
 disappeared or have come to terms. It is possible that 
 federation may by that time have been brought about, 
 after the Transvaal has gone through an intermediate 
 stage of existence as an English-speaking republic, and 
 that the Bechuanaland line may also have been made ; 
 but, in spite of all these chances, I myself continue to 
 believe that so short is the Delagoa Bay route to a portion 
 
 '% 
 
PART III 
 
 Republic 
 ) seek an 
 
 Southern 
 o-h Dela- 
 lagoa Bay 
 
 condition 
 made the 
 sable, and 
 i are difti- 
 to prevent 
 tent. The 
 e majority 
 vish for a 
 Id Lorenzo 
 i and will 
 with the 
 
 from five to 
 he Dclagoa 
 eantime the 
 arrismith in 
 then begin 
 3rnal South 
 ears' time 
 it is at the 
 enfranchise 
 either have 
 ossible that 
 o-ht about, 
 tcrmediate 
 public, and 
 3een made ; 
 continue to 
 to a portion 
 
 CHAP, n 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 559 
 
 11 
 
 of the gold-fields that it is probable that in any event 
 that line will be completed. 
 
 The Portuguese have put out maps in which Portuguese 
 Portuguese East Africa is made to include Matabeleland, 
 and to cross the continent on the line of the Zambesi 
 river. This is, as regards Lobengula's country, in direct 
 conflict with a, decision of our own Government, which, 
 however, had not been made })ubli(', as well as with the 
 recent charter to the British South Africa Company. If 
 we are to help the company to take control of the British 
 sphere of influeiice in Northern Bechuanaland, we must 
 either keej) a route to the north in our own hands or 
 secure a carefully made treaty with tlie Portuguese as 
 to the passage of our northern trade. In my opinion the 
 precedent of the Congo Treaty, unfortunately upset l)y the 
 House of Commons, shows that we can make satisfactory 
 terms with the Portuguese ; and the fact that the money 
 of the East African coast is our rupee, and that the 
 traders arc our subjects from Bombay, would make it 
 even easier for us to get our own way as regards trade 
 in Portuguese South Africa. The feeling against 
 Portugal in England is, liovvever, now so strong that it 
 would be difficult to secure fair consideration for the 
 merits of a treaty. It is certain that pressure will 
 be brought to bear on Portugal to open the Zambesi 
 and to consent to the British South Africa Company 
 stretching northwards until it unites with other spheres 
 of British influence. The Portuguese map of which I 
 have written, and which is dated 1886, was made to 
 accompany a Portuguese parliamentary paper prepared 
 for presentation to the Portuguese Parliament in con- 
 nection with the negotiations with Ger^^ , ' with regard 
 to the Portuguese and German sphere., i influence in 
 Africa. It is now put forward rather as a suggestion 
 
I 
 
 560 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 \s 
 
 than as an absolute claim. The Portuguese say : " This 
 is what Germany was content to leave us. It is only 
 recognised by Germany ; it is not recognised by England, 
 which, as regards its southern part, it mostly concerns. 
 It is for us to settle by negotiation with the English 
 how much of this country, which we colour as Portu- 
 guese, and to which we have a good historic claim, we 
 must, under the circumstances, give up." The British 
 claim is to Lobengula's country, and up to the Portu- 
 guese boundary, whatever that may be ; but the 
 Portuguese boundary marked upon the Portuguese map 
 includes most of Lobengula's country. Then arises the 
 doubt also as to what is Lobengula's land. Mr. Selous, 
 the explorer, who knows it well, has proved that 
 Lobengula, the Matabele chief, is a raider who makes 
 forays upon territories which are not properly his own ; 
 and if we claim all the lands that he has harried our 
 claim is a larger one than if we confine ourselves to that 
 which in reality he governs. The Matabeles were 
 driven northward from the Transvaal by the Boers 
 some half - century ago, and since that time have 
 conquered the Mashonas, a large number of whom are 
 now virtuall}^ their slaves. The real Portuguese claim is 
 to that portion of Mashonaland which lies eastward of a 
 mountain chain known as the Masliona Mountains, and 
 this they ask for on the ground of first discovery and 
 of constant commercial relations through the sixteenth 
 century. It is probable that if the Portuguese obtain 
 the Mashona Mountains they may obtain also valuable 
 gold-fields, the existence of which is vaguely known ; but 
 it is not certain on which side of the Mashona Mountains 
 the richest gold-fields lie. The fact that the Portuguese 
 are in occupation of Zumbo on the Zambesi, which lies 
 slightly to the westward of the Mashona Mountains, 
 
TART III 
 
 : "This 
 t is only 
 England, 
 concerns. 
 English 
 LS Portu- 
 ^laini, we 
 e British 
 le Portu- 
 but the 
 ucse map 
 arises the 
 r. Selous, 
 fvecl that 
 ho makes 
 his own ; 
 irried our 
 es to that 
 leles were 
 ;lie Boers 
 lime have 
 horn are 
 le claim is 
 ard of a 
 ains, and 
 ivcry and 
 sixteenth 
 se obtain 
 valuable 
 |own ; but 
 tlountains 
 lortuguese 
 irhich lies 
 fountains, 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 561 
 
 gives colour to their claim ; and it is to be desired that, 
 whatever is to be the boundary l)etween the British 
 sphere of influence in Northern Bechuanaland and the 
 Portuguese colony of Mozambique, the matter should be 
 settled without delay. Mashonaland is a valuable 
 country. Mr. Selous tells us that there is one single 
 plateau which contains 20,000 miles at an elevation of 
 from four to five thousand feet a,bove the sea, well 
 watered, besides many other plateaus situated at a 
 lower level, but nevertheless capable of producing 
 wheat upon rich soil. This country has been waste 
 since the Matabeles invaded it about 1840 and drove 
 out or killed the Mashoua population. 
 
 In the charter granted to Mr. Hhodes's company in Tiie 
 
 ■ clitirtor of 
 
 1889, although it was modelled upon the East African 1 889. 
 and North Borneo charters, no exact boundaries were 
 fixed ; and although I have expressed the wish, for the 
 reasons which I have given, that the boundary question 
 between ourselves and Portugal should be settled with- 
 out delay, I am aware that that view was deliberately 
 rejected by our Government in drawing up the charter. 
 No doubt they thought that the boundary question 
 between the adventurers and Portugal would settle 
 itself, and that if alluvial dig-rrinos were discovered 
 British diggers would pour in to Mashonaland and would 
 establish a boundary of fact which no Portuguese 
 authority could dispute. But this policy throws 
 Portugal into the arms of Germany, and a close under- 
 standing^ between the Germans and the Portuouese will 
 place difficulties in our way in the north which might 
 have been avoided by an understanding which could 
 easily have been arrived at with the Cabinet of Lisbon. 
 It is understood that the charter was delayed some 
 months chiefly on account of the desire of some British 
 
 \ 
 
 \\ 
 
S(y. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PART III 
 
 l! 
 
 11 
 
 ministers or advisers of the Ministry to fix the Z.aml)esi 
 us a northern boundary for the Britisli South Africa 
 Company, Mr. Rhodes objecting to have his northern 
 boundary determined for him, and ultimately carrying 
 the day. The result of the delay was that the Portu- 
 guese Government pushed forward their exploring 
 expeditions into the interior, and distributed Portuguese 
 flags among the natives in districts which are claimed 
 by the Britisli South Africa Company. It is a well- 
 known fact that it is the intention of the company to 
 push northward across the Zambesi, and that the 
 Germans have thrown difficulties in the way. As soon 
 as the suggestion was made in the press that the new 
 company would go forward till they reached the Lakes, 
 the German ambassador in London had frec[uent inter- 
 views with Lord Salisbury, in which he insisted that, 
 although Germany had not named the western limit of 
 her own Easi African sphere of influence, as a matter 
 of fact that sphere must be considered to stretch west- 
 ward until it joined the Congo State. Here again we 
 have trusted to the chapter of accidents, and when 
 British prospectors follow the Matabeles across the 
 Zambesi towards the north sharp difl:erences between 
 ourselves and the Germans and Portuguese are likely 
 to arise. Not only has Mr. Rhodes escaped having a 
 boundary forced upon him on the north, but his 
 dominions remain also unbounded, so far as the charter 
 goes, upon the west. The German G overnment are under- 
 stood to claim the territory as far east as the 20tli degree 
 of east longitude, but they have no real possession of 
 Damaraland, and the Damaras are in arms against them, 
 while the German Company which nominally holds the 
 territory has come to an end of its small funds. 
 
 Circumstances have made Lobengula somewhat of 
 
BBS 
 
 PART in 
 
 CIIAI'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 S63 
 
 1 Zambesi 
 :li Africa 
 northern 
 carrying 
 lie Portu- 
 exploring 
 ortuguese 
 3 claimed 
 s a well- 
 mpany to 
 tliat the 
 As soon 
 b the new 
 he Lakes, 
 ent inter- 
 5ted that, 
 n limit of 
 a matter 
 ;tch west- 
 again we 
 nd when 
 cross the 
 between 
 ire likely 
 having a 
 but his 
 ic charter 
 re under- 
 th degree 
 session of 
 1st them, 
 liolds the 
 
 iwhat of 
 
 an ally of the Aborigines' Protection Society, altliough 
 his hands are steejied in blood. But a good deal of 
 outcry was caused at the Cape both among the Dutch and 
 among many English people by the reported smuggling 
 through the country in the summer of 1889 of a thou- 
 sand rifles and 300,000 rounds of ammunition intended 
 for Lobeno-ula's use, there beinsj an arranu'ement between 
 the British Soutli Africa Company, from whom the 
 rifles came, and the Matabclc chief that l.e is to make 
 use of them only on the north side of the Zambesi. 
 The Dutch had already been indignant at the fact that 
 the counsellors of Lobengula had been received by the 
 Queen, who on a former occasion had been advised to 
 refuse to receive President Kruger of the Transvaal 
 Republic, and the gift of rifles increased the irritation. So 
 unusual a departure from the practice as concerns the 
 supply of arms to natives could not take place without 
 raising the fear in the minds of the Transvaal Boers that 
 possibly the rifles might be turned against themselves. It 
 is said that the Matabele king has already begun to use 
 these rifles against the unhappy Mashona natives of the 
 land ; but I believe it is a fact that the influence of Mr. 
 Rhodes has kept Lobengula quiet since the purchase by 
 the former of the Matabele land concessions. 
 
 As we journey westward from the southern portion 
 of the Transvaal, or northward from the Diamond Fields 
 of Gricjualand West, we first come to British Beclmana- 
 land, a Crown colony, north of which lies protected 
 Bechuanaland — a British protectorate — and north of 
 this again, the Bechuanaland sphere of influence. 
 British Bechuanaland is a Crown colony in which the 
 mother-country is paying largely for the privilege of 
 keeping it out of the hands of the Cape, which does not 
 as yet much want the district, provided that it be not 
 
 Till' present 
 (if rillus to 
 Lobengula. 
 
 British 
 
 Heohuaua- 
 
 laml. 
 
564 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 VWKX 111 
 
 The 
 
 chartered 
 company. 
 
 allowed to pass into foreign hands, but which would 
 take it if we were to urge that it should do so. The 
 large expenditure for Bechuanaland, which has been 
 borne upon the British estimates for the last few years, 
 leads indeed naturally from time to time to the recon- 
 sideration at home of the question whether Bechuana- 
 land should be handed over to Cape Colony. 
 
 There is, however, another alternative, which is to 
 hand over Bechuanaland to the British South Africa 
 Company. The friends of that company would be 
 willing to make the northern raihvay from the Dia- 
 mond Fields on the chance of being able to obtain 
 the gold-fields traffic and to open up new gold-fields. 
 A little bit of this northern extension railway would 
 lie within Cape territory, and one of the devices of 
 President Kruger to stop the line beii. ; made has 
 been to put up his friends in the Cape Parliament 
 to ask that a Bill should be brought in to forbid 
 private persons making railway lines even through 
 their own lands ; but this seems to have been the last 
 straw as regards foreign Dutch control of Cape interests, 
 and to have divided the supporters of Mr. Hofmeyr. 
 Sir Gordon Sprigg has now pledged himself to allow 
 the northern railway to be made. The rule of Bechu- 
 analand by a company, in the hands of some one 
 popular at the Cape and friendly with the Dutch — in 
 other words, of Mr. Rhodes — might form the best solu- 
 tion of our difficulties. We are spending at the present 
 moment some thirty to forty thousand pounds a year 
 more than we receive in British Bechuanaland proper, 
 and nearly forty thousand a year in Khama's country 
 or in the part of the protectorate which lies beyond 
 it. When we went to Bechuanaland Mr. Upington 
 declared that the soil was too barren to invite colonisa- 
 
 .::r:.',»»rytfrtttt< 
 
 ? v..rw«« «»•««» 4£ n>-4*k« * 
 
PART III 
 
 h would 
 io. The 
 las been 
 jw years, 
 le recon- 
 ecliuana- 
 
 ich is to 
 :li Africa 
 voulcl be 
 the Dia- 
 to obtain 
 aid- fields, 
 ay would 
 icviecs of 
 nade has 
 'arliamciit 
 to forbid 
 througli 
 the last 
 interests, 
 !ofmeyr. 
 to allow 
 if Bechu- 
 lome one 
 tch — in 
 lest solu- 
 present 
 [s a year 
 proper, 
 country 
 beyond 
 Jpington 
 solonisa- 
 
 CIIAP. 11 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 5f'5 
 
 tion, and the natives too poor to yield the smallest 
 revenue ; that a large garrison would have to be main- 
 tained, and that the Englisli taxpayer would tire in a 
 few years of so costly an acquisition. The Britisli 
 taxpayer is no doubt tired of paying a large sum for 
 Bechuanaland, from which it seems unlikely that he 
 should reap any direct benefit ; but some revenue is 
 already yielded by the natives, a large garrison is not 
 found to be needed, and the Cape Government appear 
 to be willing to take over the southern portion of 
 Bechuanaland, while the company has obtained the 
 north. Tlie British tax2)ayer thus appears likely to 
 be able, if he wishes it, to hand over his acquisition 
 to others, even though it be true that the southern 
 portion of the territory, or British Bechuanaland, is 
 badly off for water and liardly fit for agricultural settle- 
 ment. The Crown colony of Bechuanaland has not 
 been in all respects so successful as the Crown colony 
 of Basutoland. The sale of liquor to the blacks has not 
 been fully put down, but the difficulty of putting it 
 down is great, as there is virtually no white resident 
 population, and the native police and the other natives 
 will not help us to cut off the supply of drink. I have 
 seen it said that the revenue of British Bechuanaland 
 is increasing through the rise in the sale of stamps, 
 accounted for by their popularity in the collections of 
 the British schoolboy. British Bechuanaland is not 
 large, and it is a curious fact that most of our best 
 books of reference state its area at from three to four 
 times its real amount — an error which is probably caused 
 by confusion between the colony on the one hand and 
 the protectorate and sphere of influence on the other. 
 
 The present Government at home were supposed at 
 one moment to contemplate the handing over of British 
 
 ■; 
 
 I I 
 
Ii . 
 
 \ i 
 
 u 
 
 % 
 
 
 1 I .V 
 
 
 Future 
 
 Ooveni- 
 
 nn'iit of 
 
 Britisli 
 
 Bec'liiiauii 
 
 Iniid. 
 
 566 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 PAur III 
 
 Bticliuanaliind to tlic (.*ape, a fiour.sc wliicli was recom- 
 meiulcd by Sir Hercules Robinson, whose autliority in 
 such matters is very great. One of the Cape Ministers 
 stated in a speech that Government had actually promised 
 to make over the Crown colony to the self-governing 
 community. Tf this was so, they Ijackcd out of their 
 promise. On the other hand, the Aborigines' Protection 
 Society, the Rev. John IMackenzie, and a large party at 
 home, are strongly convinced of the wisdom of retaining 
 British Bechuanaland under imperial administration. 
 The natives of British Bechuanaland are few in number, 
 but the territory becomes richer as wc journey north- 
 ward, and the British sphere of influence contains a 
 denser population than Southern Bechuanaland, and 
 much excellent territory. The natives of J>ritish 
 Bechuanaland are undoubtedly in favour of British 
 administration, and opposed to government by the 
 Cape ; but they are, as I say, not numerous, and they 
 are costing the mother-country jit the present time a 
 pound a head of actual expenditure each year. The 
 Aborigines' Protection Society, however, go beyond the 
 status quo in their demands, and ask that the ruler of 
 Britisli Bechuanaland should be a separate person from 
 the Governor of the Cape — a contention in which I 
 cannot follow my brother members of the Committee of 
 that Society, because the ^;eographical position of British 
 Bechuanaland (a country without easy access to the 
 sea except through the whole breadth of the territory of 
 the Cape, or through the Transvaal and the Portuguese 
 territory) makes it to my mind certain that in the long- 
 run it also must become Cape territory, even though it 
 be desirable for a time to retain it in our own hands. 
 No doubt there are inconveniences in the Governor of 
 the Cape being also High Commissioner. He has to act 
 
rAKi' 111 
 
 recom- 
 )rity ill 
 inistcrs 
 'oniised 
 vaTiiiiig 
 of tlieir 
 )tection 
 )arty at 
 ,'taining 
 itratioii. 
 [lumber, 
 r iiorth- 
 itains a 
 tid, and 
 British 
 British 
 by the 
 md they 
 time a 
 The 
 ond the 
 ruler of 
 on from 
 which I 
 littce of 
 British 
 to the 
 itory of 
 i'tuguese 
 lie long- 
 lough it 
 hands, 
 jrnor of 
 Is to act 
 
 ir 
 
 CHAT. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 567 
 
 partly as the direct delegate of tlie imperial Government, 
 and partly as the constitutional representative of colonial 
 Ministers ; and as the interests represented are often op- 
 posed — native interests conflicting with white int(a*ests, 
 and questions of cost arising in which most delicate 
 decisions have to be taken — these inconveniences arc 
 great ; but on the other hand, looking to the ftict that 
 British Bechuanaland is lost in the centre of Africa, and 
 all but unreachable except through the Cape, it would 
 seem impossible to govern it in a sense hostile to 
 colonial wishes. 
 
 The taking possession of Bechuanaland for the home 
 Government and the Warren expedition to rc-estal)lish 
 order there, were acts of ^Ir. Gladstone's Government 
 upon which great influence was exercised by JVIr. 
 Mackenzie through Mr. Chamljerlain, to whom the duty 
 of speaking upon South African questions in the House 
 of Commons was generally committed, on account of 
 his interest in them, by Mr. Gladstone. But even 
 Mr. Chamberlain has, as I have pointed out in the 
 last chapter, hesitated to commit himself to the view 
 that British Bechuanaland should be under a different 
 Governor from the Cape ; and he doubtless sees that 
 Bechuanaland, which must be reached through Cape 
 Colony, will in course of time become attached to it. 
 Griqualand West was once a Crown colony in a similar 
 position to that of Bechuanaland, but it was found 
 necessary to annex it to the Cape, and the same thing 
 will probably occur in the long-run in the far north. It 
 is a noticeable fact that the English organ at Pretoria 
 supports the annexation of Bechuanaland to Cape 
 Colony. The Transvaal Advertiser, when the Prime 
 Minister of the Cape, in addressing his constituents at 
 East London, said that the home Government would 
 
 :t 
 
568 
 
 PROliLEMS OF GREATER IIRITAIN 
 
 PARI III 
 
 HI 
 
 % 
 
 uUow the iinnoxiitioii of BccliUiin.-ilinid to ('iipo Colony, 
 l>oiut(.'(l out that it was iinpossihlo tliiit tlio iinju'iial 
 (Jovormnont could piTuiaiU'iitly retain tho uiaua<f('nu'nt 
 of Bechuanalaiul, and that wliih', tlui Warren expedition 
 was necessary to clear the country from Boer filihuHterers, 
 the northern extension of tin; Oape railway system must 
 idtimately be undertaken under the aus[)ices of the Cape 
 Uovernment ; minerals were beiiif^ discovered in Bechu- 
 analand, and it was impossible to suppose that the home 
 Government couhl govern the country as the white 
 population increased. There is a party at home which 
 points out that British Bechuanalantl has cost the home 
 Government a very large sum of money, cliieHy through 
 the Warren expedition, and suggc^sts that the British 
 taxpayer ought to have the lands. The land in British 
 Bechuanaland is not, however, easily reached by immi- 
 grants, and, unless through the assistance of the Cape 
 Government, it is not possible to discover how immi- 
 grants from England are to be placed there without 
 great cost. We could of course stipulate, in handing 
 over territory to the Cape, for conditions favourable to 
 immigration. It is to be hoped, in the interest both of 
 the colonies and of ourselves, that in Bechuanaland and 
 in Western Australia, where alone the Empire still has 
 very large tracts of good unused land in its own hands 
 sales of land upon a large scale to the highest bidder, 
 or letting of land upon a large scale, without clear 
 powers reserved to the State for re-entry at any moment 
 for the purpose of agricultural settlement, will be pre- 
 vented. The lands should only be parted with, so as to 
 pass out of the control of the State, upon a homestead 
 system to actual settlers. If this principle is secured, 
 even supposing that the lands are handed over by us to 
 colonial Governments, they will not be lost to the people 
 
i— .-iiTfilM 
 
 I'AKl 111 
 
 CHAP. It 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 569 
 
 ooloiiy, 
 m|)('ri!il 
 iienu'iit 
 HHlitioii 
 isterei'H, 
 m must 
 he Cape 
 Becliu- 
 lic home 
 e white 
 le which 
 he home 
 tlu'ough 
 } British 
 1 British 
 3y immi- 
 jhe Cape 
 w immi- 
 without 
 handing 
 irahle to 
 l)oth of 
 and and 
 till has 
 1 liands^ 
 bidder, 
 ut clear 
 moment 
 be pre- 
 so as to 
 imestead 
 secured, 
 »y us to 
 people 
 
 of the old country, becauao thoy will not be rapidly 
 alienated, and there will, for a great nund)cr of years, 
 remain good land open for those of our emigrants who 
 desire; to remain under the old Hat;. 
 
 There is still a danger that in the event of our nedmnnn- 
 suffering defeats elsewhere, as for exam]»le in Afgiianistan, ,j'|I|^~ „,• 
 the Boers of tlu; South African KcMtublie may again I'^r ''if?!" 
 enter upon Becliuaiialand and cut off th(! Cape from all '^i'*^""'- 
 extension northward. On the other hand, the interest 
 of the (/ape, and therefore of its Dutch population, in 
 the freedom of the northern rout(; by the Diamond Fields 
 to the gold-fields is clear, and it is conceivable that 
 their influence will be sufKcient to prevent the ultimate 
 annexation of the country by the South African Republic 
 when we are in trouble. Those who desire that we 
 should ourselves hold Becimanaland must remember how 
 difficult it is for us to reach its northern parts, and how 
 impossible it would be for us to reach them if the Cape as 
 well as the Transvaal Republic were hostile to the enter- 
 prise. The Warren exjiedition was risky enough and 
 costly enough for the memory of it to make impossible 
 an expedition to the Limj)opo against the wishes of the 
 Cape in order to fight Boer s(]uatters. 
 
 As we go northward to the protectorate we come The 
 into districts where filibustering parties from the Trans- ia,ui'",ro! 
 vaal at one time made attacks u})on portions of Khanui's auliTh.^" 
 country, but the northern boundary of the 1 »rotectorate ^'I'l'^''' "'' 
 cuts through the middle of Khama's country, and a great 
 portion of it lies in the sphere of influence. The pro- 
 tectorate has been stated by the Colonial Ottice re})re- 
 sentative in the House of Conmions to contain 120,000 
 square miles, and he said that the sphere of influence 
 contained the same amount ; but if in the sphere of 
 influence is included all the territory so coloured in the 
 
 VOL. I 2 p 
 
570 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'AKT III 
 
 map published in the Blue-book of August 1888, then 
 that territory vastly exceeds the figures given, containing 
 as it does the whole of the Matabele country and 
 Mashonaland, and forming a l)lock more than 300 miles 
 from north to south, and some 750 miles from east to 
 west. The Blue-book of 1888, as I have already stated, 
 did not contain the teleoTam informiiiir the South African 
 Republic that the Lobengula country is withhi the sphere 
 of exclusively British interest, that is to say, that the 
 sphere of influence extends up to the Zam1)esi and occu- 
 pies the whole of the country between the German 
 protectorate and the Portuguese colony ; but the 
 essential thing is that the statement was made, and is 
 one from which it is impossible to recede. The most 
 authoritative declaration that has been made public on 
 behalf of the Government, with regard to the boundaries 
 of the sphere of British influence south of the Zambesi, 
 was made in the House of Gommons on the 9th Novem- 
 ber 1888. The statement was to the eflect that the 
 eastern boundary was fixed in August 1887, and that a 
 paper had been laid before Parliament, and was shortly 
 about to be distributed, defining the territory as con- 
 sisting of the country north of the South African 
 Republic and the Bechuanaland protectorate, south of 
 the Zambesi, east of the twentieth deixree of east loniii- 
 tude, and west of the Portuguese province of Sofala. 
 This paper never was distributed, and it would indeed 
 not much have helped us, because no one knows what is the 
 western boundary of the Portuguese province of Sofala. 
 Sir Hercules Robinson, in sending to Lord Knutsford, 
 on the nth June 1888, the map of which I have spoken, 
 said that Matabeleland and Mashonaland might since the 
 recent treaty with Lobengula be considered within the 
 .sphere of British influence ; but this, it will be seen, is 
 
I'AliT III 
 
 88, then 
 ntaining 
 try and 
 
 00 miles 
 L east to 
 y stated, 
 
 1 African 
 le sphere 
 that the 
 md occu- 
 
 German 
 but the 
 e, and is 
 Hie most 
 )ubHc on 
 Diindarios 
 Zambesi, 
 1 Novcm- 
 that the 
 id that a 
 s shortly 
 as con- 
 Afrit' an 
 south of 
 st lonj^i- 
 : Softda. 
 II indeed 
 Kit is the 
 So fa la. 
 lutsford, 
 spoken, 
 incc the 
 hin the 
 
 seen, is 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 571 
 
 a somewhat indefinite statement, and it is a pity, as I 
 have said, that Government have never made a formal 
 declaration as to these boundaries which are beinGf dis- 
 puted by the Portuguese. The matter will soon, it is 
 to be hoped, be settled by the practical occupation of 
 the Mashona country by the agents of the British South 
 Africa Company. 
 
 The country grows progri^ssively more valuable as we 
 journey northward towards and in the tropics. It is rich 
 in gold, and its great height above the sea (for the table- 
 land is one of the most elevated in the world) renders it 
 healthy and well suited for colonisation. The height 
 above the sea also causes grand falls upon the rivers, and 
 motive-power will be available in consequence. 1 shall 
 have to deal with other spheres of influence when I come 
 to discuss, in my cha[)ter on C'rown Colonies, our position 
 to the north of Zanzibar and on the west coast of Africa 
 upon the Niger; l)ut the meaning of our sphere of 
 influence on the Zambesi was defined l)y the Secretary 
 of State for the Colonies when he said that we should 
 not allow tlie Portuoucsc, the Germans, or the South 
 African Republic to annex territory within it. We have 
 in this northern territorv of South Africa a double 
 interest : that which arises from the value, and especially 
 the mineral wealth, of the territory itself, and that which 
 comes from our natural desire to keep open the route 
 northward into Central Africa. It must not be supposed 
 that a very large white population could be poured into 
 the sphere of influence without danger. The diffi(;ulty 
 is not climate. Although within tliQ^tropics, the country 
 is, from the climatic point of view, suited to white 
 settlement ; but there is a vast settled and warlike 
 population, and the policy for the future of the territory 
 must contemplate the retention of Khama's people upon 
 
 Future of 
 the South 
 AtViciin 
 countrit's. 
 
' 
 
 Future of 
 sphere of 
 inllueuce. 
 
 572 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART HI 
 
 tlieir lands. The acting administrator himself has stated 
 that the natives in large parts of the protectorate have 
 already scarcely laud enough for their own needs, and 
 they are excellent workmen and good specimens of a 
 dark-coloured people. 
 
 Lobengula had sent impis across the Zambesi to the 
 northward before the granting of the charter to the 
 British South Africa Company, and they had brought 
 him word that north of the great valley the hills rose 
 again into tablelands, and that there was good country 
 for his cattle if only they could cross the tsetse belt 
 alive. Lobengula is evidently meditating a farther move 
 to the north, away from gold-mines and the white 
 adventurers, and no doubt the chartered company will 
 be glad to see him go, and the 1000 rifles are intended 
 to facilitate his going. As, however, he fears that' his 
 cattle will all die in crossing the Zambesi valley, it is 
 possible that he may refuse to move, and in that case it 
 is difficult to be hopeful of a peaceful future for the 
 company. Lord Grey in a series of letters to the Times 
 in 1889 suggested that the native states in this part of 
 the world should be formed by groups into vassal or 
 protected countries ; but tliis would mean that, without 
 any direct advantage to ourselves, we should guarantee 
 the chiefs against attack by one another or from the 
 Boers, and asfainst white filibusterino" in the event of the 
 discovery of those rich gold-fields which undoubtedly 
 exist among them. This would be to take upon ourselves 
 a very onerous responsibility, and there is no probability 
 of Parliament for many years together consenting to bear 
 the cost which would be involved. No doubt we ought 
 to be disinclined to put forward our own commercial 
 interests as the only ground to justify to Parliament the 
 extension of territory or of responsibilities ; but we are 
 
I' ART in 
 
 as stated 
 ate have 
 3eds, and 
 
 ens 
 
 of 
 
 a 
 
 3si to the 
 r to the 
 brought 
 hills rose 
 [ country 
 ;ctse l)elt 
 her move 
 he white 
 pany will 
 intended 
 i that' his 
 lUey, it is 
 at case it 
 •e for the 
 :he Times 
 lis part of 
 I vassal or 
 ], without 
 ;iiarantee 
 from the 
 but of the 
 loubtedly 
 1 ourselves 
 o])ability 
 [cr to bear 
 ,'e ought 
 Immercial 
 lent the 
 it we are 
 
 CIIAl'. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 573 
 
 nevertheless bound to look to what is possible, and it 
 would not be possible to induce Parliament to accept the 
 responsibilities contemplated by Lord Grey without some 
 prospect of direct return. On the otlier hand, for us to 
 leave the northern portions of South Africa, and to con- 
 fine ourselves to the defence of the extreme south for our 
 naval pur2)0ses, would be to bring about conflicts between 
 tlie natives and the settlers, the responsibility for which 
 Parliament would be inclined to visit upon those who 
 had advised the abandonment of the inland country. 
 
 Mr. Mackenzie thinks that the Crown can (continue 
 f(jr an almost indefinite period to hold Bechuanahmd. 
 It may be admitted that it constitutes a magnificent 
 territory, full of gold, and with a fine climate, except 
 in the river bottoms, and that the natives would on the 
 whole prefer a continuance and an .'xtension of our rule. 
 On the other hand, Parliament w''l find itself forced to 
 deal wdth an increasing white population, and to maintain 
 a large military police to prevent raiding and outrage 
 upon the natives ; while if sale of drink to the natives 
 is to be effectually put down an exclusively white j)o]ice 
 must be employed at very large cost. Moreover, Mr. 
 Mackenzie would, as I have said, wish to separate the 
 Government of Ijcclnianaland from tli-. Government of 
 the Gape, and this would require a large increase in 
 salaries. Now this territory, to be thus, according to his 
 wishes, administered under the Hr'tish Parliament and at 
 British cost, is, a.b T have said, v. i'*/ distant from the sea, 
 from which it is entirely s!iut out upon one side by German 
 territory and upon the other side by Republican territory 
 and Portuguese territory, and is open to the coast for 
 British trade only througli the Cape. It may be frankly 
 conceded to Mr. Mackenzie that the Cape will put on no 
 great pressure to acquire BechuanalaTid for some time to 
 
 View of 
 Mr. Mac- 
 ki'tizic as to 
 I5fclmaiia- 
 land. 
 
574 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN part iii 
 
 come, but, on the other hand, it will be difficult indeed 
 to induce the imperial Parliament long to continue to 
 spend money upon a country whi(;li it cannot directly 
 reach. Mr. Mackenzie himself admits that "in after 
 years " other political arrangements may be come to more 
 desirable than those which he wishes to continue for the 
 present, and that when the European and native popu- 
 lation of Bechuanaland have become a settled community 
 they may wish to be united to Cape Colony, and 
 that in that event it is improbable that any British 
 statesman would raise objection. I am at one with 
 Mr. Mackenzie in thinking that under all the circum- 
 stances of the case it is a moral duty upon our part to 
 protect the native population of Bechuanaland ; but to 
 induce Parliament to adequately protect in all parts of 
 the world native interests for which we are morally 
 responsible has hitherto been found impossil)le, and there 
 is no reason to think that it will l)e more easy as time 
 goes on. 
 Impossible The real question at issue in South Africa, it will be 
 th/iuterior secu, is that of how far the English democracy will 
 Africa*'^ remember its responsibilities towards natives when that 
 policy is costly and when no very direct and obvious 
 return can be looked for. In the case of Bechuanaland 
 a promise of return is indeed held out. Mr. Mackenzie's 
 policy would protect the natives, but it would also open 
 out the country for British settlement, and in my opinion 
 the two branches of his policy are somewhat inconsistent 
 with one another. The middle course, of establishing, 
 under British auspices, a chartered company, closely 
 tied up as regards its dealings with the natives, has 
 been adopted. But it is difficult to suppose that those 
 who would set very high their belief in the claim of the 
 natives to the lands which they more or less completely 
 
PART III 
 
 t indeed 
 itinue to 
 directly 
 ' in after 
 i to more 
 le for the 
 Lve popu- 
 mmunity 
 3ny, and 
 y British 
 one with 
 I circum- 
 r part to 
 I ; but to 
 1 parts of 
 ! morally 
 and there 
 Y as time 
 
 t will be 
 •acy will 
 len that 
 obvious 
 uanaland 
 ckenzie's 
 dso open 
 y opinion 
 insistent 
 blishiug, 
 , closely 
 ives, has 
 at those 
 m of the 
 mpletely 
 
 CHAT. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 57: 
 
 occupy will prove to be a majority among the South- 
 African white population, and it is also difficult to see 
 how the home Government can, in the long-run, impose 
 its policy upon a hostile majority in South Africa. 1 
 am not one of those who wish to set up local opinion as 
 a standard in questions of right and wrong. But, while 
 all statesmen should consider right and wrong, questions 
 of possibility must also be before them. That which is 
 clear, I think, is that from no point of view can we safely 
 take the course, which some recommend to us, of decid- 
 ing that we have no interest in South Africa beyond the 
 maintenance of a naval station at the Cape. In the con- 
 flicts which would arise in tlie event of our abandonment 
 of all influence in the interior, the various parties to the 
 conflicts would call in first the blacks and then the 
 Germans. 
 
 We must conclude our survey of the situation in Ditncuities 
 South Africa as we began, by admitting that the prol)lem soutu 
 is the hardest which arises in connection with any of our pVobkn,. 
 colonies, for the greatest difficulties in the government 
 of dependencies are blended in South Africa, and make 
 the task of ruling it all but impossible. The constitu- 
 tional difficulties of Canada are met with in South Africa 
 side by side with the problems which arise in the 
 administration of vast tracts in which there is no white 
 population, but in which the black subject population 
 is less settled than it is in India ; and between the 
 Dutch country under responsible government at the 
 Cape and the wild ]Matal)eleland we have every shade 
 of difference produced by a gradual meeting of the races, 
 and of widely divergent political and social systems, as 
 the white men advance northward. I believe that the 
 Greatest of our danQ;ers in South Africa is to be found 
 in the desire of British Governments to shirk respon- 
 
 I 
 
mmm 
 
 576 
 
 PROBLEMS OF GREATER R RITA IN 
 
 I'AKI' III 
 
 i I 
 
 Con- 
 clusions, 
 
 si])ility, and their consequent inability to proclaim a 
 definite policy, and in the difficulty of inducing Parlia- 
 ment to sanction a continuous expenditure without 
 direct return. I do not believe that there exists the 
 danger, to which Sir Charles Warren has often pointed, 
 of a union of the Dutch republics and Cape Colony 
 in an anti- English spirit. But of all the suggestions 
 which have been hinted at for keeping out of South 
 African difficulties Sir Charles Warren is responsible for 
 the most ridiculous, in proposing not only that the High 
 Commissioner should be a different person from the 
 Covcrnor of the Cape of Good Hope, but that he should 
 live within the boundaries of Cape Colony itself. 
 
 The authors of such suggjestions will not trust to 
 the loyalty of the South African Dutch, although they 
 are not sup})orted by those among the Cape authori- 
 ties who best know the Dutch, nor by the best of our 
 residents in the Transvaal under Dutch rule, and although 
 it certainly seems clear that the Dutch have no interest 
 in trying to stand apart as a weak nation, or in calling 
 in, as long as they can avoid it, a German rule which 
 w^ould be less sympathetic to their peculiar views than 
 is that of England. 
 
 On the whole question of South Africa it will have 
 been seen that I do not completely agree with either 
 side ; that, while I support the policy of Sir Hercules 
 Robinson as to the ultimate future of Bechuanaland (a 
 country without a sea-coast) being necessarily to be found 
 under the Government of the Cape, I do not agree with 
 him in thinking it necessary to cede Swaziland to the 
 Boers. The ground of union between the two views as 
 to Bechuanaland must ultimately be found in the wishes 
 of the white inhabitants. It would be w^ise to consult the 
 feeling of the natives were it possible to fairly ascertain 
 
-si 
 
 I'AKl' HI 
 
 oclaim a 
 nr Parlia- 
 
 without 
 xists the 
 
 pointed, 
 e Colony 
 (Tcrcstions 
 
 OO 
 
 of South 
 nsible for 
 the High 
 from the 
 he sliould 
 if. 
 
 : trust to 
 
 )ugh they 
 
 } authori- 
 
 3st of our 
 
 ll although 
 
 interest 
 
 ill calling 
 
 ule whieh 
 
 Lews than 
 
 will have 
 Lth either 
 Hercules 
 nahuul (a 
 
 1)0 found 
 gree with 
 id to the 
 
 views as 
 lie wishes 
 insult the 
 lascertain 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 577 
 
 formed 
 
 the 
 
 ^ on full knowledge of the f:icts, h 
 difficulty of doing this in such a country as Bechuana- 
 land is insuperable. The two great chiefs — Khama and 
 Lobengula — represent tribes which have carried on per- 
 j)etual wars with one another, while the more northern 
 of them has constantly raided upon the feebler peoples 
 still farther to the north. If we bring peace and settled 
 government, and take steps to see that the natives are 
 left in possession of their lands and are not oppressed, 
 we shall have done our duty towards them better tlian by 
 attempting to gather from their doul)tful and changing 
 fancies of the moment a permanent policy for ourselves. 
 If we permit the South African Republic to swallow 
 Swaziland it will, I think, be chiefly upon the ground 
 that it is so situated that it is almost impossible for us 
 to defend it ; and we might make conditions, before 
 allowiiio; the Transvaal to come through Swaziland to 
 the coast, as to the admission of the non-Dutch element 
 in the Transvaal to their fair share in the Government 
 of the republic, as well as bind President Kruger to 
 his offer of a promise never to interfere in j\latabele- 
 land. If the House of Commons chooses for a time 
 to continue to pay for Bechuanalaiid it will be wise 
 from every point of view that that territory should 
 be retained in imperial hands, although it is in my 
 opinion, for the reasons which I have given, a mistake 
 to ask that the actual exercise of the Government should 
 be through a person distinct fnmi the constitutional 
 Governor of the Cape. It may also be admitted to be 
 possible that, if the House of Commons will consent to 
 pay the cost of the Protectorate police for a few years 
 longer, l>echuaiialaiid may come to yield a revenue which 
 will defray the necessary charges of the Government. 
 It must, however, be clearly understood by the House 
 
hi' 
 
 '• K' 
 
 "':. : ' I 
 
 •,>.Ni 
 
 :f 
 
 I 
 
 Defence 
 (luestioiis. 
 
 78 
 
 PRO/iLl-MS OF GREATER BRITAIN 
 
 I'ART MI 
 
 of Commons that it will be impossible long to maintain 
 tlie policy of forbidding concessions and of excluding 
 t he white man from the country. There is no power on 
 earth capable of keeping diggers out of a large territory 
 where there is gold, and to attempt to do so is to 
 engage upon an impossible task. Let us prepare as 
 thoroughly as we choose for the advent of the whites ; 
 but let us not shut our eyes to facts and imagine that 
 the diggers can be kept out by the police. 
 
 I must repeat, at the conclusion of my examination 
 of the situation in South Africa, the statement that we 
 cannot sever ourselves, even if we- wished to do so, from 
 South African affairs ; that we must hold Table J]ay 
 and Simon's Bay as military and naval stations ; that we 
 cannot do so if the southern portion of the continent is 
 in the hands of a hostile power ; and that, even putting 
 aside the field for British expansion which Bechuanaland 
 affords, we must so direct our policy as to preserve 
 sovereignty in one or another form over Cape Colony. 
 The imperial interest in saving for military purposes our 
 hold upon the Cape is so much clearer than any interest 
 which we possess in the more nortliern and central 
 portions of South Africa that our Bechuanaland policy 
 must itself be subordinate to this end ; but in my opinion 
 it is not only possible but easy, with prudence, to 
 reconcile the two policies which are offered to us, and 
 by giving to the Dutch that due share of influence 
 which we have neither the moral right nor the jjower 
 to refuse, to bring the two peoples to co-operate for the 
 development of South Africa under the British flag. 
 
I'AKT III 
 
 naiiitaiu 
 xclucliug 
 wwor on 
 territory 
 so is to 
 epare as 
 5 whites ; 
 'iiic that 
 
 mination 
 that we 
 
 I so, from 
 ;iljle Bay 
 ; that we 
 [itiiient is 
 
 II putting 
 luanaland 
 
 preserve 
 Colony. 
 :)Oses our 
 Y interest 
 d central 
 id policy 
 y opinion 
 leiice, to 
 D us, and 
 influence 
 lie power 
 e for the 
 Iflag. 
 
 INDEX TO VOLUME I 
 
 AnnoTT, Mr., 209 
 
 Aliurcroinby, Mr. !{., 321 
 
 Aliori^'iiii'M I'rotfction Society, 563, 566 
 
 Aciiiliii, see Novii Scotia 
 
 A.iuliu, 40, 41 
 
 Aduliiidf, its size, jiroperty, and site, 383, 
 384 ; referred to, 255, 331, 355, 379, 
 391, 413 
 
 A(/i'/iit(le Ob.seriYi; tlie, 395 
 
 Afgliaiiistan, 569 
 
 Africa, Soutli. ollice of British High 
 Commissioner for, 479 ; its railway 
 questions, -181 ; taxation, land legisla- 
 tion, and lal)Our ([uestions, 488 ; i>ros- 
 jierity, i/i. ; intercolonial free trade, 
 490-492 ; Germany in, 501 ; and the 
 Mackenzie policy, 502 ; social condi- 
 tion and literature, 505 ; reseinhlanees 
 of, to Australia, 506 ; its gold and 
 diamond towns, 508 ; Western Pro- 
 vince, 509 ; jiroducts, 517 ; Portuguese 
 claims, 559 ; future of the colonies of, 
 571; iniiiossll)ility of giving uji the 
 interior, 574 ; South African problem, 
 dilHculties of the, 575 ; conclusions on 
 the whole question of, 576-578 ; de- 
 fence questions, 578 ; referred to, 39, 
 62, 97, 167, 364, 474, 475, 516 
 
 Afrikander Bund, 474 
 
 Afrikanders, Dutch, 51 
 
 .1//'', the, see Melbourne A;/e 
 
 Agents -General of the colonies, their 
 action as to the Pacitic, 438 
 
 Alabama, 174 
 
 Alaska, 160 
 
 Allierta, 35, 130, 133, 134, 137 
 
 Albury, 322, 396 
 
 Aleutian Islands, 35 
 
 Alfred Exhibition Hall, Sydney, 315 
 
 Algeria, 466, 522, 526 
 
 Algoa Bay, 505, 510 
 
 Alps, The Southern, 431 
 
 Alsace, 60 
 
 America, see United States, British North 
 America, Canada, etc. 
 
 America and Australiii, 179 
 
 America, British North, its area, climate, 
 awl accessi!)ility, 26 ; referred to, 27, 
 31, 33, 35, 39, 125, 137. 139, l.'iO 
 
 Central, 164, 165, 494 
 
 North, 2, 39, 105, 165 
 
 South, 164, 165 
 
 Western States of, 37 
 
 American Union, ojiening up of the 
 Western States of the, 31 
 War of 1814, 31 
 
 Anglican Provincial Synod of Montreal, 
 86 
 
 Angra IVquena, 502 
 
 Aaniud ILfiiatfr, Morgan's, 121 
 
 Antigonish, Highlanders at, 44 
 
 Arabs, the, and Northern and Central 
 Africa, 543 
 
 Archer, Mr., 339 
 
 Argentine Keimblic, 26, 27, 39, 165,511 
 
 Ari/Ks, the, see Melbourne Ar;jus 
 
 Arizona, 34, 135 
 
 Art, 126, 308 
 
 Ascension, 514 
 
 Ashburton Treaty, a monument of ignor- 
 ance and neglect of national interest, 
 44 ; its consequences, 45 
 
 Asia, 35, 42 
 
 Central, 70 
 
 Assiniboia, 130, 13.3, 134 
 
 Athabasca, 134-136 
 
 Atkinson, Sir H., Prime Minister 
 New Zealand, described, 416 ; 
 ferred to, 417,420, 421, 432 
 
 Atlantic, the, 33, 37, 141, 151, 162 
 
 Aucklan.l, 141, 142, 415, 426, 432 
 
 "Australasia," the word, and (lirater 
 Britain, 457 ; 26-28 
 
 Australasian colonies, possibility of union 
 of the, 456 ; the author's views as to 
 the, 459 ; hoi)efidness of their jireseut 
 position and future, 460, 461 
 
 Federal Council, see Federal Council 
 
 of Australasia 
 
 Naval Defence Bill, 432 
 
 of 
 re- 
 
 Australia, emigration to, 28 ; federation, 
 imperial and local, 100, 230, 241, 323, 
 
58o 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ) ' 
 
 ll* I; 
 
 M: ' I 
 
 ill 
 
 x-\\:& 
 
 3S2, 141, 450; coinpnriMl with Cnniida, 
 lO'J, VII ; its (,'uiuT;il rluiriu'ti'i-, 184 ; 
 l>rotei;tioii, 18(5, 1X\, '277, "299, lif)!, 
 ;187, 415 ; Statu cinitrol ol'niilways in, 
 itsi'onsfinuiiicus, 19(i; iiiilfafit' ami cost 
 of railways, 198 ; irri},'atioii, '204, 
 207, '209, '211, .'JOti ; in'iiodic cossa- 
 tioii ol' jirodiictivt'iii'ss a drawliiick, 
 20" ; siu'ct'ss of Scotch and Irish in, 
 22t) ; frci! trade, 2:J3, 2;3(), 277, :3ti;5 ; 
 view taken in, of intercolonial free 
 trade, 2;{7 ; linancial federation, 241 ; 
 sports, 2r);!-2r)r., inn ; defence, 2t!2, 
 :}24, S2r), 327, 4i;i, l.'il, 4:i2 : im- 
 migration, 276, 820, 3G9, ;i91, 418; 
 j,'ardening, etc., 309 ; literatnie, 256, 
 258, 311, 373, 396, 428|; the stage.etc, 
 315; jioor imndf^rants, 320-323 ; feel- 
 inf^ in, on defence <|iiestioiis, 325-327 ; 
 dislike in, to Chinese, 357 ; its 
 capitals connected l>y railways, 368; 
 its climate conqiared with Kn^jland, 
 373 ; system of colonisation in, 376 ; 
 size of its colonies, 392 ; land legis- 
 lation, 409 ; leasing and the home- 
 stead system, 410 ; land nnder cnlti- 
 vation in ditVcrciit colonies of, 410 ; 
 ilitfcrence lietween, and New Zealand, 
 420 ; divergencies between, and the 
 t'ape, 504 ; referred to, 5, 26-:iS, 30, 
 39, 70, 100, 101, 107, 109, 110, 119, 
 120, 1'22, 127, 128,133, 135, 136, 141- 
 
 M4, 179,3.52,425,4' 
 
 29,430, 437, 
 
 t 
 
 477, 482, 507, 508, 512, 516, ,>-j.i 
 
 Australian Natives' Association in Vic- 
 toria and New South Wales, 261, 326, 
 339 ; in South Australia. 382 
 
 ^1 Hutra/ifiii, the, 37 1 
 
 Austria, 493 
 
 Austria-Hungary, 329 
 
 Avalon, 16 
 
 Avoca River, of Victoria, 205 
 
 Avon River, of Victoria, 205 
 
 Racon, 414 
 
 Radhani, Professor, 314 
 
 Batlin Land, Ksquiniaux of, 118 
 
 Bahamas, 338 
 
 Governor of, 14 
 
 B.ait Bill, 1887, 24 
 Ballance, Mr., 417 
 Ballarat, 255 
 Baltimore, Lord, 16 
 Baluchistan, 70, 135 
 Barbados, 168 
 Barberton, 549 
 B.irker, Lady, 428 
 Barton, Mr., 302 
 
 Basutoland, how governed, 515 ; its size 
 and population, 516 ; government of, 
 
 and the Ciipe, 618 ; . jferred to, 42, 
 480, 490, 514, 516, 51'/, 552 
 Basutos, the, 552 
 Bathurst (New South Wales), 322 
 Halhurst (Cape Colony), 510 
 Bay of Islands, 430 
 Beach, Sir M., 496 
 Heaconstield, The Karl of, 74, 75, 556 
 
 Bechuanalan<l, British. ;iml protector- 
 ate, size and jioiiulation, 516 ; future 
 government, 565, 569 ; danger ol' 
 the Boers again possessing, 569 ; 
 the jirotectorate, and the sphere of 
 inlluence, ili. ; future of do., 572 ; 
 Mr. Mackenzie's view as to, 573 ; re- 
 ferred to, 42, 408, 409, 478, 480, 498- 
 .501, 503, 514, 51.5, .548, 549, .552, 
 556, 559, 566, 576-578 ; and seeBriti.sli 
 South Africa Company 
 
 Behring Sea, 35, 16(1, 163 
 
 Belgium, 79, 137, 396 ; Con.servative,s 
 of, 89 
 
 Bell, Sir F. Dillon. 339 
 
 Belle Isle, Straits of, 37 
 
 Bent, Mr., 222, 226 
 
 Heresford, Mr., 389 
 
 Hcrlin, 555 
 
 Herrv. Sir Cir.iham, 184, 192, 215, (de- 
 .scribed) 221. 226 
 
 Binns, Jlr., 525 
 
 Bischotf, 403 
 
 Bismarck, Prince, 74, 43.5, 460, 555 
 
 Black, Mr. M. Hume, described, 342, 
 343 ; referred to, 351 
 
 " Black Wednesday," gazette, 276 
 
 Black Feet, the, 134 
 
 Blake. Mr. Edward, 76 
 
 Blake, Sir Henry, opposition to his 
 nonnnation astJovernor of Queensland, 
 337, 338 ; conHict as to his appoint- 
 ment, 346 ; referred to, 12-14, 218, 
 333, 338, 366 
 
 Bleus, 68 
 
 Bloemfontein, 492, 498, 548 
 
 Blnir, the, 432 
 
 Board of Trade, 167 
 
 Boer, the, his idea of " home," 532 
 
 Boers, the, and their mother country, 
 52 ; and taxation, 488 ; leaving the 
 Transvaal, 543 ; the old, and the 
 language of Huguenot refugees, 546 ; 
 English opinion of them, 546 ; their 
 action in Swaziland, 548 
 
 Bohemia, 131 
 
 " Boldrewood, Rolf," 314 
 
 Bond)ay, 559 
 
 lioomerani/, The, 374 
 
 Bordelais,' the, 283 
 
 Bosch, C'onstantia, 509 
 
 Boston, 38 
 
 Botany Bay, 396 
 
ft-rretl to, 12, 
 
 , cr>2 
 
 ■s), 322 
 10 
 
 74, 7.'., r.56 
 11(1 protectnr- 
 ., r)lt) ; fulun- 
 ; iliiliger ot 
 sL'ssiiin, Tidl) ; 
 tlie spht'ie ot 
 of <lo.. r)72 : 
 M to, f)73 ; re- 
 47S, 480,408- 
 48, r)4ft, r.52, 
 iimlseeJkitisli 
 
 Conservatives 
 
 INDEX 
 
 581 
 
 192. 215, (ile- 
 
 460, 555 
 escribed, 342, 
 
 ■tte, 276 
 
 sitioii to Ills 
 
 il' Qtiei'iislaml, 
 
 Ids iiitiioiiit- 
 
 12-14, 218, 
 
 luo," .'.32 
 Itlier country, 
 leaving tlic 
 lol<l, iuul the 
 lefngees, 546 ; 
 ill, 546 ; their 
 
 Houriuot, Dr., 98, 124 
 
 Itnuldon, Mr., 33!t 
 
 Hriuiiwcll, Lord, 195 
 
 Hrand, President Sir Joliii, 480 ; and the 
 railway <|uestioii in tlie (Grange Free 
 State, 547 ; declines the det'eiisive war 
 alliance, ///. ; favours railway develop- 
 ment, 548 
 
 Miay-Oowncr conihinntion, 387 
 
 Hray, Sir .John, described, 380, 381 ; 389 
 
 JJrazil, 1, 20 
 
 Hreton, Jules, 127 
 
 Urillat-Savarin, 123 
 
 Brisbane, its botanic gardens, 310 ; cir- 
 cumstances which havo afl'iM^ted its 
 importance, 331 ; its position and de- 
 fence, 335 ; referred to, 142, 260, 353, 
 355, 368, 440, 454 
 
 liri.ibanf C'ourirr, on the relations with 
 the mother-country, 350 ; 374 
 Ti'hyraph, 374 
 
 disputes in 
 by olhcers 
 
 Uritisli and French navies, 
 Newfoundland j.revented 
 of, 21 
 
 Columbia, its area, population, 
 
 mountain scenery, forest land, and 
 climate, 137, 138 ; system of provincial 
 taxation in, 147 ; ininiigi-ation schemes 
 as to, 147 ; referred to, 31, 32, 34, 35, 
 43, 44, 70, 104, 122, 133, 13,5, 139, 
 143-147 
 
 Empire, its area, revenue, jtro- 
 
 ducts, and food supply, 1 ; its rivals, 
 3-5 ; offshoots, 5 ; present and tem- 
 jiorary weakness, 6; referred to, 1-5, 
 25, 171, 408, et pan.iim 
 
 Government, The, 40, 185, 346, 
 
 502, 539, 552, 553, 568, 570, etc. 
 
 India, see India 
 
 Islands, 31, 35, etc. 
 
 North America Act, provisions 
 
 of, as to langu-ige used in Federal 
 Houses, journals, and Acts, 53 ; re- 
 ferred to, 32, 42, 116, 134, 145 
 
 South Africa Comj.any, 516, 556, 
 
 ,5,59, 562-.564, 571, 572 
 
 Hroonie, Sir F. Najiier, described, 411 ; 
 
 referred to, 405, 412, 428 
 Browne, Mr. T. A., 314 
 Browning, Mr. R., 428 
 Mrunker, Mr., 298 
 Hryce, Professor, 172, 173 
 liuitenzorg, 509 
 Buller, Ch.arles, 51 
 Bulletin, the, 291, 300, 341. 374 
 Burnett, Mr., on British emigi-ants, 26 
 Burrard Inlet, 138-140, 142, 144 
 Bushmen, 466 
 
 Caithnkss, 147 
 Calgary, 134 
 
 Calil'ornia, 27, 210, 28.3, 429 
 
 Southern, 206 
 
 Calvert family, the, 11 
 
 Cambridge, 400, 12S 
 
 Campbell, Sir (!., his ])niposal in the 
 Mouse of Conininns as to Swazilanil, 
 550 
 
 Canada, Dominion r.r, Konian Catholics 
 outnumber (lunch of Kngland in, 12 ; 
 religious bodies, i/i. ; emigration froiu 
 UnittMl Kingilom to, 26. 27 ; feeling in, 
 as to pauper immigration, 30 ; jirojeets 
 for short i-outes to Kurope from, 35 ; 
 future of, 39 ; provinces, //). ; coal, 
 4.'{ ; gold, 44 ; Gaelic, //«. ; French 
 Canadians, 50 ; artilicial adojition of 
 French institutions, M ; ]iarties, 68 ; 
 a division in the Lower House, 7;i ; 
 the Piinie .Minister, 74 ; duration of 
 i'arliMnients, 75 ; Opposition, members 
 and leader of the, 76 ; provincial 
 politicians, 77 ; political life in, ih. ; 
 the political press, 78 ; constitution of 
 Opposition and Government, 87 ; lack 
 of experienced jioliticians, 88 ; Do- 
 minion and jirovincial jiolitiis, illus- 
 trated by Quebec, 90 ; education and 
 exjienditure, 92, 93 ; schools and school 
 attenilance, ih. ; federalism, what it 
 avoids, 93 ; nationalities, 94 ; repre- 
 sentation of Provinces of, in Lower 
 House, how allotted, 95 ; a feileral 
 age, 97 ; Constitution, 99 ; a Cana- 
 dian nation, lUl ; has passed the 
 "birth crisis," ih. ; defence, 102; 
 militia, their training and equiimient, 
 10.3 ; ])robable result of war in, witli 
 America, 103-105 ; the Opj)osition of, 
 and commercial union with United 
 States, 106 ; powers of, as to tarilf 
 arrangements and commercial treaties, 
 107 ; trade, area, i)o])ulation, railway 
 mileage, and debt, ltl9 ; legislative 
 peculiiirities and local government, 
 111 ; its muidcipal system superior to 
 that of United States, 112 ; labour 
 organisiitious and trade unions, llli- 
 115; friendly societies, 115; feeling 
 in, as to (tovernment insurance, 115 ; 
 Factory Acts and hours of labour, 116; 
 truck,! 17; condition of working-classes, 
 118 ; laljour, j.aujier and child immi- 
 gration, 119-122 ; whence resistance 
 to immigration comes, 122 ; sport, 
 ih. ; scuUiug, lacrosse, winter games, 
 and literature, 123 ; [loets and poetry, 
 124 ; books, 125 ; the fine .arts, 126 ; 
 comparison of, with Australia, 127 ; 
 political union with United States, 
 154 ; unrestricted reciprocity, 155 ; 
 causes for cheerfulness, 160 ; the 
 
582 
 
 J.XDEX 
 
 \\y 
 
 X ■ : 
 
 U{« 
 
 FisliuiiuH qiit'stiou, l(i'2 ; iiiVHsuie of 
 tlio Unitfil Stftti'H, Iti'l ; |iro]io.siils 
 t(ir uiiioti lii'twi'cii, iiiiil .liiiiiaica, l(i8 ; 
 
 ivivm-d to, 'J, r., L'd, !)(i, istr., 210, -jriti, 
 
 •_>7;i,;!'A 10-'. JOi^ '11, 41.' I, 12(1, »'2!), 
 117, 451, U!!t, 4lt:i, r>lt;, et jiimsim 
 
 t'aiiiulii, West, tlic Cliincst.! in, 145 
 
 Nortli-VVi'st, till! (It'Vi'lojiiiu'iit of, 
 
 3'J : suiJi'iidrity of soil in, 31 ; wliuiil, 
 i;{;i ; conl, VA^) ; ({overiiitu'Ut of the 
 Tfrritories of, lllti ; const towii.s, 138 
 
 Canadian Academy of Art, nnd Art 
 IJalUiry, 12« 
 
 and United States constitutions, 
 
 dill'erence between the. 99 
 
 census, 1881, 94 
 
 Overlanil Route, its advantages and 
 
 disadvunta^ies, 1 4 1-145 
 
 I'acitic Kailway, conijiletion of, 
 
 33 ; ell'ect of its construction, Id'J ; 
 referred to, 35, 43, 55, 90, 103, 110, 
 130, 137, 138, 141. 144-14t), 155 
 
 ( 'iinadiaiiH, tlieir tendency to look across 
 the JJorder, and its extent and char- 
 acter, 152-154 ; coninicrcial union iind 
 contention of its ojiiioneiits, ]5t)-158 
 
 • French, see French Canadians 
 
 Canterbury (New Zealand), 415, 426 
 
 Cajic, ditfcren''es lietwci'ii Australia and 
 the, 4ti5 ; its politicians, 4tU)-4t)8 ; K\o\- 
 crnor,4t)9; Dutch languaj;e, /i. ; French 
 Huguenots, ih.; "Cape Uutcli," 471- 
 473 ; kitchen Dutch, 473 ; Afrikander 
 Hnnd. the, its instory and objects, 
 474-477 ; i)oUcy of Sir H. Rol)iiison, 
 
 477 ; change in the Dutch jiolicy, 
 
 478 ; seiiaration of olHces of (lovernor 
 of, and liritisli Hi^h Coniiuissioner for 
 South Africa, 479 ; railway i|uestions, 
 481 ; Ic^jisliitive iicculiarities, 482 ; 
 irri{,'atiou l)oards, jiowers of, ///. ; 
 luitives aiul the franchise, 483-485 ; 
 its debt and railways, 4SG ; Cliurch of 
 Kngland, (V*. ; education, reIif(ion, and 
 immigration, ib. ; Germans, 487 ; 
 taxation, land legisliition, and labour 
 (juestions, 488 ; advaut.ages of its 
 climate and soil for wine-growing, 489 ; 
 jiosition of the Republics towards the, 
 4 >2 ; customs union between the Free 
 State and the, 492 - 494 : cases in 
 wliich customs unions have not been 
 sanctioned, 494-49ti ; " most-favoured 
 nation " clauses, 496 ; the Dutch Re- 
 jiuiiiics, its relations with the, 497 ; 
 importance of its military jiosition, 
 500 ; the Mackenzie policy, 502 ; de- 
 fences, 503, 504 ; its position improv- 
 ing, 504 ; social and natural features, 
 //). ; divergencies between the, and 
 Australia, ih. ; social condition nnd 
 
 literature, 505 ; the Western Province, 
 509 ; the Kastern I'rovince, 510 ; good 
 government, 511 ; coal, and ocean routes, 
 512 ; referred tout 210, 259, '283, 331, 
 367,477, 502, .^.04, 514-518, 520-.525, 
 634-536. 541, 542, 547-549, 552, .^51, 
 556, 557, 563, 567, 575, 576 
 
 Cii/H' An/ IIS, 505 
 
 ■ Tiiiii's, 505 
 
 ■ Hreton, coalfields in, 43 ; refcrn 
 
 to, 36, 40, 42, 43, 103 
 
 Honi, 31 
 
 St. .John and Cajie Ray, the Freni 
 
 nnd excdusive riglit of lishery betwei 
 22 
 Uay, 36 
 
 Town, its njipparance and society, 
 
 507 ; contrast lietween, and the Dia- 
 mond Fields. 508 ; its climate, 531 ; 
 referred to. 486. 505. 5,34 
 
 Carnarvon, Tlu' Eiul of. and tlie annexa- 
 tion of the Transvaal, 179 ; nnd the 
 l)urchaseof Delagoa Hay, 556 ; referred 
 to. 306. 347, 503, 504, 529 
 
 Carolina. North, 174 
 
 Carolina, South, 173 
 
 Carou, Sir Adoljihe. 75 
 
 Carpentaria, CJulf of. .360, 369 
 
 Canington. Lady, 29(5 
 
 Lord, 295, 296, 366 
 
 Cartier, JiiccpU's, 48, 79 
 
 Sir (ieorge, a strong supporter of 
 
 a united emiiire, 50 ; 69 
 
 Cartwright, Sir Kich.ard, 76, 108. 109. 
 155 
 
 "Castors," the, 91 
 
 Catherine, The Knijiress, 132 
 
 (•I'tholic Times, the, Wcdlington. 422 
 
 Cintcnniiil M(i'jiizini\ 314, 435 
 
 Cerhenis, armoured ship, 262 
 
 Chatley Brothers, 292 
 
 Chamberlain, Mr., the United States, and 
 tlie Behring Sea (juestion, 162 ; on our 
 policy in South Africa. 502, 503 ; re- 
 ferred to. 162, 567 
 
 Chambers, Mr. Iladdoii, 314 
 
 Chambers of Commerce and the Federal 
 (.'(uincil, 455 
 
 Chandler, Mr. A., author of Bush Idylls, 
 395 
 
 Channel Islands, the, 473 
 
 Chapleau, Mr. J. A., 75 
 
 Charity Commissioners, England, 419 
 
 Chartists. 267 
 
 China, 141, 142, 146, 350, 371, 493, 497 
 
 Chinese, tlieir labour in the colonies, 
 145-147, 354, 357,362 ; dislike of, by 
 Australians, 357 
 
 Christchurch (New Zealand), 415, 426, 
 432 
 
 Christian Brothers, tlie, 82 
 
tcni I'roviiK'c, 
 I'l', f)lO ; ).'<)< 1(1 
 (loceau ionics, 
 if.lt, '28;J, ;!:ii, 
 
 .lit, r.r>2, fir.j, 
 , r.7« 
 
 , 43 ; ri-fini'il 
 
 (ly, the Frt'iich 
 iliery between, 
 
 c ami socii'ty, 
 ami tlie I>ia- 
 climate, >>'-i\ ; 
 1 
 
 111 tlie aiiiu'xa- 
 17!' ; and the 
 , rifitf ; referii'il 
 ;V29 
 
 ;569 
 
 K supiiorter nf 
 
 l9 
 6, 108, 109. 
 
 gtoii, 42-J 
 435 
 
 JXDKX 
 
 583 
 
 iG2 
 
 tri 
 
 1 States, anil 
 lt)2 ; (in onr 
 02, 50:3 ; re- 
 
 U 
 
 the Federal 
 JUish Idylls, 
 
 ij,'land, 41!> 
 
 371, 493, 497 
 the colonies, 
 dislike of, by 
 
 d), 415, 420, 
 
 Chinch of P'iM>;1and and dcnnniiniitinntd 
 .srliDols in the eiilnnies, lid; in the 
 I'ajie. 4HG ; in Natal, :.;iO ; and 
 Methndists in Newfoundland, II ; re- 
 fined to, 12, 14, 1.S5, 228, 333, 41(5 
 
 Chireinonl (Cape Colony), 507 
 
 Clark, Mr. A. Inglis. 401 
 
 Clarke, Marcus, his works, 257, 258 ; and 
 Australian scenery, 129 
 
 (Jeneral Sir A., 257 
 
 Clement XIV, 83 
 
 C'loud. Mrs. (Lindsay Duncan), 395 
 
 Coal, 135 
 
 ColiiicM Club. 155.202 
 
 Corkburn, Dr.. Prinu; Minister of South 
 Australia, 381, 3,^2 
 
 Colbert, 52, CO 
 
 Coldstreuni (Natal), 535 
 
 Colenso controversy, the, in Xatal, 528, 
 530 
 
 ( 'olesber^, 48(3 
 
 Cole's (Vicut) "Arundel," :309 
 
 Colonial Confer.'uce. the, 220, 336, 341!, 
 347, 380, 413, 433, 43(3, 451, 485. 
 524 
 
 • 1,'overnnieiits and raihvay-niakinj.'. 
 
 402' 
 
 laws, power to veto them, 348 
 
 Ollice, jilans laid before the, as to 
 
 emigration, 29 ; and responsible t,'overn- 
 ment in Western Australia. 104-407; 
 its action as to Swaziland and Southern 
 Ton^idand. 550, 551 ; referi-ed to, 
 14, 29, 172, 223-225, 234, 378, 404, 
 405, 412, 493-49.^ 533, 551, 553 
 
 stati'snien. 344 
 
 Colonies, their debts, 242 ; solvency, 243; 
 wages, food, and leisure in the, 252 ; 
 orgaiMsation of Roman Catholics, 338 ; 
 consultation of. as to (Jovernors, 339 ; 
 their verdict on Lord Knutsford's 
 .iction regarding Sir H. lilake, 347 ; 
 organisation to jirevent Chinese labour. 
 35 1 ; view in. as to local option. 370 ; 
 co-o]ieration, 371 ; Church of England 
 and denominational schools in the. 416 ; 
 action of Agents-Cieneral of the, with 
 regaril to the I'acitic. 438 ; and the 
 New Hebrides ipiestion. 44(3 
 
 ('ohiiiies anil India, T/if, 340 
 
 Colorado, 34, 135, 20(5 
 C'oluiid)ia. the District of. .39(3 
 
 River. 144 
 
 Columbus, landing of. 128 
 
 C'oniminifi of Paris, 52, 439 
 Congo St.ate, 562 
 
 Treaty, 559 
 
 Constantia, 504 
 Ciiiilfviponinj licii'ew, the. 552 
 Cook, ("aptain. 439 
 Coojier, Sir I)., 305 
 
 Co operative sugar nulls In Qtieensland, 
 
 .-It! I 
 Copeland, Mr.. 3()i) 
 Coteau du Lai-. (59 
 ('(uivreiir, .Madame ("Tasma"), 374; 
 
 a\ithor of I'li'/i I'ifin- of' I'ijirr'.s Hill, 
 
 39fl 
 Covenanters of Western Highlands, 51 
 Coweii, .Mr. fthe musician), 25t! 
 Crees, the, 134 
 Crimean War, 487 
 Cromwell, Lord I'rotfctor, 41 
 
 hiilh, y'/fv/zy^y;//. (Sydney), '291. 340.350, 
 374, 395 
 
 Dakota, 1(31 
 
 North, 34, 135, 151, 15(3 
 
 South, 135 
 
 " Dalley K.\iie(lition,"30() 
 
 I )alley , Mr., his policy and characteristics, 
 294; and the Federal Coumil, 143 ; 
 referred to, 28<t, :!13 
 
 Dalton, Mr., of .Melliourue, 320 
 
 Damaraland, 5(tl, 555, 562 
 
 Darling Downs, .'531, 361 
 
 Darling, Lady, 184 
 
 SirC, 184 
 
 Darling Iliver, 188 
 
 Darwin, 293 
 
 Dawson, Sir W. 124 
 
 I)eakin, Mr., Cidonial Secretary of Vic- 
 toria, 204-207, 210, 213, 216; Ids 
 irrigation schemes, 205 ; nse of Free- 
 trade argiinients by, 233 ; his "dream," 
 235 ; his Hill with regard to work- 
 rooms and factories, 251 ; on foreign 
 ]iowersinthe I'acitic, 437 ; referred to, 
 76, 225, 234-236, 239, 2.59, 361, 380, 
 453, 454, 456 
 
 Defence, see 102, 140, 262, 324, 325-327, 
 335, 431, 503, .504, 526 
 
 Bill, .see Naval Defence Bill 
 
 Delagoa Hay, Mr. Merriman's viewas to, 
 554 ; the I'ortuguese at, 554-556 ; its 
 future and drawbacks, 556-558 ; 
 President Kruger and the Delagoa 
 route, 558 ; referred to. 479, 481, 490, 
 498, 514, 535, 536, 543, 547, 548, 
 549, .551, 5.53, 557 
 
 Jlailway (piestion, the, 498 
 ■ Bay Railway, the meniorandnm of 
 
 agreement, ijuoted, 499 
 De Neuville'.s " Rorkes Drift," 309 
 Deniliquiii, 322 
 Depretis, Sigiior, 74 
 Derby, The Earl of, and the Federal 
 
 Council, 443 ; 438, 501 
 Diamond Fields, the, 481, 504, 508 
 Dibbs Cabinet of 1889, 303 
 Dibbs, Mr., described, 301 ; referred to, 
 
 299, 300, 303, 305, 326, 345, 442 
 
*'■ 
 
 S84 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Disraeli, Mr., see Beacousfielil, The 
 
 Earl of 
 Domett, Mr. A., 428 
 Doiniiiion Fraucliisu Act, 147 
 Lower House, analysis of Quebec 
 
 iiicnibcrs iu the, 90 
 
 Parliament, the Jesuits' Estates 
 
 Hill in the, 8:3-85 ; l.').'} 
 
 hominion, ^oiu/s of the Ureal, 124 
 
 Donaldson, Mr., Sol 
 
 Dopjier sect, the, 542 
 
 Dorsetshire, 369 
 
 Downer, Sir J., described, 380, 381 
 
 Downing Street, 223, 225 
 
 Dutlerin, The Marquis of, 74 
 
 Dunedin, 416, 426, 432 
 
 Durban, its exposed ])osition, 527 ; ap- 
 pearance, customs, harbour works and 
 prosperity, 531 ; referred to, 521, 525, 
 527, 531, 558 
 
 Durham, The Earl of, 51 
 
 Dutch language at the Cape, 469 
 
 Reformed Church at do., 486 
 
 Republics, the, tlieir relations with 
 
 the Cape, 497 
 
 East London, 487, 534, 567 
 
 Echuca, 212, 292 
 
 Edward, H.R, H. The Prince, see Kent, 
 Duke of 
 
 Edwards, Major-General, of Hong-Kong 
 and the "partially i)aid " militia 
 system, 265 ; colonial defences, 324 
 
 Eight Hour day, the, 248, 371, 424 
 
 Electoral Act, Newfoundlaml, 19 
 
 New Zealand, 418 
 
 Victoria, 216 
 
 Elias, Colonel, 264 
 
 " Elijah," at the Melbourne Centennial 
 Exhibition, 256 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 51 
 
 Emigration, a curiosity of, 28 ; Sir A. 
 Gait on, 29 ; feeling against, among 
 English workmen, 29 ; the Canadian 
 Government and French, 50. See also 
 26, 30, 31, 34, 120, see Immigration 
 
 Emu Bay, 403 
 
 England, 21, 36, 37, 40-42, 69, 98. 
 110-112, 119, 130, 141-143, 159, 160, 
 202, 223, 259, 273, 275, 288, 307, 
 311, 313-316, 332, 333, 340, S.^iO, 
 351, 355, 367-370, 372, 373, 378, 392, 
 406, 428, 434, 458, 489, 510, 533, 
 541, 559, 568, el passim 
 
 English language, the use of, in the Ca])e, 
 473 
 
 Scotch, and Irish, in New Zealand, 
 
 426 
 
 workmen and emigration, 29 
 
 Erie, Lake, 38 
 Escombe, Mr., 525 
 
 Esciuimalt Harbour, 137, 139, 140, 142, 
 143 
 
 Europe, projects for short routes to, from 
 t-'anada, discussed and explained, 35- 
 39 ; referred to, 25, 26, 32-35, 37, 97 
 
 Fahuk, Archbishop, 82 
 
 Farjeon, Mr., 428 
 
 Farmers' Protection Association, 475 
 
 Federal Council Act, the, 445, 457 
 
 Federal Council of Australasia, Draft Bill 
 
 to constitute the, 442, 443 ; objections 
 
 of New Zealanders to the, 444-447 ; 
 
 its ])resent position, 449 ; working, 
 
 452-455 ; Chambers of Commerce and 
 
 the, 455 ; referred to, 403, 413, 414, 
 
 442 
 Federalism, what it avoids, 93 ; victories 
 
 of tlie principle of, 97 
 Federation, Australian, 441 ; fuller, 450- 
 
 4.'.2 
 • imperial, 344 ; Ausinilian opinion 
 
 of, 458-460 
 im])erial and local, various opinions 
 
 on, 100, 101 ; change produced by, in 
 
 Canada, 106 ; see also 98, 99, 107, 
 
 230, 241, 244, 323, 327, 344, 382, 
 
 432, 441, 442, 45U 
 Field newsjjaper, 258 
 Fiji, jilanters of, and annexation to 
 
 Victoria, 414 ; referred to, 432, 438, 
 
 440, 442, 443, 456, 457 
 Fildes's "The Widower," 309 
 Financial Districts Bill, Queensland, 356 
 Finch -Hatton, Mr., his ^4 dvanceA ustralia, 
 
 359 
 Fisheries, Newfoundland, 17 sqq., 162 
 Florida, 174 
 Ford, Sir Clare, 23 
 Foreign Oltice, 167, 495, 496 
 Foresters, Ancient Order of, 115, 177 
 
 • and Oddfellows, 18 
 
 Forrest, Mr., 412 
 
 Forster, the late Mr. W. E., 502 
 
 Fort Churchill, 38 
 
 Garry, 129 
 
 Fox, Sir W., 422 
 
 France, 2, 11-25, 53, 82, 87, 133, 137, 
 
 166, 201, 221, 243, 329, 388, 392, 
 
 434, 436, 437, 446, 497, 516, 533 
 Eraser River, 136, 144 
 Frccliette, M.. autlior of " Le Drapeau 
 
 Anglais," 126 
 Fredericton, 46, 124 
 Freeman, Professor, 171 
 Free State, see Oranije Free State 
 trade, see 234, 236, 277, 279, 303, 
 
 398, 492 
 
 intercolonial, 237, 290 
 
 French Canadian books, 125 
 
 Canadians, Tocciueville ou their 
 
INDEX 
 
 S85 
 
 39, 140, 112, 
 
 fxrowth ill QuL'bi-e, 48 ; increase of, 
 in Canada, 50 ; and Dutcli Afrikanders, 
 .'Jl ; diltV'ronce hetweun tlie Boer.f and, 
 //>. ; and dancinj,', Hi. ; their altitude 
 towards France, ri2 ; attenijit of ]irivate, 
 to introduce French immigrants into 
 Ontario, 56 ; in the United States, 
 their occuiiations, character, and course 
 of immigration, 57 ; inconnnj,' of, into 
 New Eng;land, liow clieeked, 59 ; their 
 future, and jiast, 59, 60 ; reason for 
 their attachment to the Crown, 60 ; 
 feeling of, as to federation, 107 
 
 Frencli bounty system a liardshi]), \'A 
 
 Government, 20, 24, 4:}3 
 
 Huguenots in the Cape, 469 
 
 — — in Ontario, 53, 55 ; are becoming 
 Anglicised, 56 ; population in Montreal, 
 65 ; in Quebec, 67 ; transportation to 
 New Caledonia, 438 
 
 Shore, the, 16, 20 w/7. 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, 511 
 
 Freycinet, M. de, 272 
 
 Fundy, Bay of, 40 
 
 Fvsh, ^Ir., Prime Ministe'' of Tasmania, 
 '401 
 
 (lAKi'AUEL, M., author of Lfc Colutiie.i 
 fitiiK^aisrs, (juoted, 439 
 
 Gagnon, Ernest, 125 
 
 (talt, Sir A., on colonisation, 29; emi- 
 gration, 29, 30 ; his emigration scheme, 
 30, 31 ; and Canadian goods, 108 
 
 Garvan, Mr., 299 
 
 (Jaspe, French at, 47 
 
 Gastown, 139 
 
 Clerman Empire, 97, 267 
 
 Government, 555, 562 
 
 Germans, the, in Canada, 94 ; in South 
 Australia, 394 ; at the Cape, 487 ; and 
 Waltisch Bay, 501 ; and Zululand, 535 
 
 (iennany. 2, 5, 105, 133, 329, 373,392, 
 419, 434, 436, 437, 454, 467, ,501, 
 5.56, 557, 5,59, .561 
 
 — — Ultramontane p.irtv of, .^9 
 
 (Jeorge, Mr., 169, 282. 345, 417 
 
 (ieorgia, 174 
 
 Gilbert, Sir H., 11 
 
 Gillies, Mr. 1)., IVime Minister of Vic- 
 toria, his character, jiower, and i>olicy, 
 218-220 ; his personal apjiearance, 
 344 ; referred to, 216, 221, 225, 226, 
 292, 380, 454 
 
 Gillies-Deakin party in Victoria, their 
 programme, 232 
 
 Gijijislaud, province of, 210, 240, 308, 
 330, 369 
 
 (Jladstone, Mr., and Bechuanaland, 549 ; 
 
 referred to, 
 567 
 Glasgow, 35 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 75, 376, 378, 518, 535, 
 
 Goa, 62 
 
 Gohl, 44 
 
 Good Sheiilierd Reformatory, 82 
 
 Gordon, A. Lindsay, 257, 258, 395 
 
 (Joschen, Mr., 228, 241 
 
 (loulburn, 322 
 
 River, 209 
 
 Graduated taxation, sei! Succession 
 
 Grahamstown, 5(14, 510 
 
 (Jrand Trunk Railway, 45, 115 
 
 (Jranvillc, 139 
 
 (ii'anvillc, Tlie Earl, anil American |iro- 
 posals as to duty on West Indian sugar, 
 195; his despatch on the "most- 
 favoured-nation " clauses, 496 
 
 (ireat Hritain, 11, 20, 41, 42, 70, 10.5, 
 108, 127, 141, 152, 157-160, 162, 179, 
 19,5, 22.% 260, 264, 291, 312, 317, 
 349, 369, 373, 439, 460, 469, 494, 539 
 ff /iiissim 
 
 Circle route, 35 
 
 Western Railway, England, 115 
 
 "(ireater Britain," the term, 17<l 
 
 Greater Britain, 1, 21(>, 269, 457 
 
 Greater England, 171 
 
 Greece, 424, 430 
 
 Grcsham, Mr., \9'-'> 
 
 (ircy. The Earl, and native states, 572, 
 573 ; referred to, 367, 432, 433 
 
 (irillith, Sir S.,33 1. 335, 342 ; defeat, 336 : 
 nationality, 344 ; political views, 345 ; 
 Financial Districts Bill, 356 ; his state- 
 ment of the case of the Democratic 
 Labour Party, 363 ; conclusion thereon, 
 364 ; his hope as to sugar trade mono- 
 poly, ,/,. ; referred to, 341, 343. 346, 
 351, .354, 417, 4.53, 454 
 
 Gricpialand, East, 533 
 
 West, 468, 514, 567 
 
 "Grits," or Ontario Liberals, 89, 92 
 
 (tuatemala. 431 
 
 (xuihord, Mr., excommunicated, 69 
 
 Haden, Mr. Seymour. 491, 524 
 Haggard. Mr. Rider, 505 
 Haliburton, 123, 121 
 Halifax, 42 ; its apjiearance, 43 ; the 
 
 winter jiort of the Dominion, Hi. ; 
 
 referred to. 38, 45, 6.3. 64, 115, 139- 
 
 141, 145, 160 
 Hamilton, 114, 117 
 Hamilton, Sir R., 366, 403 
 Harrismith, 492, 498, 53.5, 548, 558 
 Havana. 1, 62 
 Hawaii, 495 
 Hawke Bay, 415 
 Hearn, Dr., 256, 257, 314 
 Heuner's " La Source," 126 
 Henri IV, 40 
 Herbert, Sir Robert, liis opinion as to 
 
 colonisation, 29 
 
 2 Q 
 
586 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ( . 
 
 
 i 
 
 n i 
 
 *- 
 
 11 iginliotliam, Chief- Justice, his history, 
 ami views on the (ioveniorship (jiies- 
 tioii, '2-J3.2-2r) ; vefenvd to, 191, 22G, 
 289, .'544. .'U7 
 
 Hobiirt, 'J'.'., ;M2, 396, 4r.4-4r)0 
 
 Hofiiieyr. Mr., leiuU'r of Diiteli party at 
 the Ciii>e, 46(j ; and a Duttli Africiiu 
 Reimblic, r)47 ; referreil to. 22;'), 472, 
 47(5. 478, .'564 
 
 Holland. i:J7, 474, 487 
 
 Holyhe.'nl, 3(5 
 
 Holy Land, 485 
 
 Hopetoun, The Earl of, :j66 
 
 Hosnier, Professor, 1(59 
 
 Hottentots, 466 
 
 Hoar, Senator, 160 
 
 Hudson Hay. 37. 38. 133 
 
 Company, 32, 96, 129, 131, 
 
 133, 135 
 
 Scheme, 37 
 
 Hungary. 131 
 
 Hunt, Alfred, P.W.t'.S., 309 
 
 Hutton, Mr., and opposition to the Cape 
 Registration Rill, 484 ; and the Roers 
 of South Africa. 48') 
 
 Iceland. 130 
 
 Icelanders. 131 
 
 Idaho, 34. 161 
 
 Illinois, 32 
 
 Imbecile Passengers Acts. 418 
 
 Imndgratioii, see 30, .'')7, 119-122, 132, 
 
 146, 147, 276, 320, 321, 3(59, 418, 
 
 486, and see Emigration 
 
 Act (Canada). 1886, 121 
 
 — — Chinese, Commission of Inquiry 
 
 into, and its lindings. 146 
 Imperial Federation League. 323 
 Indi.a. 1. 21, 10;'). 3.')4, 363. 369, 371. 392, 
 
 403. 406. 482, 497 
 
 Company, the, 47" , 
 
 Indiana, 32 
 
 Indians and the franchise in Natal. 519 
 
 Inglis. Mr., 297 
 
 Invercargill, 430, 432 
 
 Iowa, 32 
 
 Ireland. 16, 79, 130, 332, 340, 373, 380, 
 
 396 
 Irish problem, the, in Victoria, 214 
 Roman Catholics and grants for 
 
 denominational schools in Victoria, 21.') 
 Irrig.ation, see Victoria (Australia), and 
 
 New South Wales 
 Israelites. 48.') 
 Italy. 137. 179, 267. 42.'). 431 
 
 .Iacques Cautikk of St. Malo, and the 
 
 possession of Caspc. 48, 79 
 Jamaica, jirouosals for union between, 
 
 and Canad.a, how received there, 168 ; 
 
 referred to, 1. 388 
 
 James I. of England. 41 
 
 Japan, 19, 8;'), 42;'), 430, 431, 493, 494 
 
 Java, 1, 509 
 
 Jennings. Sir P., 276. 301 
 
 Jervois. Sir W.. 366. 418 
 
 Jesuits' Estates Rill. 50. 83. 91 
 
 Jesuits. Lower Canadian. S7 
 
 .lews, Polish, 130 
 
 Johannesburg, wages of masons and car- 
 
 lienters at, 521 ; referred to, 468, 540, 
 
 .543 
 Jones. Mr. A. G., 76, 156 
 Joubert. (ieneral Piet, 470. 471. 542. 
 
 S.IO 
 
 Kafius, the, 533 
 KatlVaria. 487. 514. 518 
 Kalahari protectorate, the. 515 
 Kanakas, the, 358, 359, 441 
 Karroo, the South African, 135. 508 
 Ke.ats, 314 
 
 Kendall, Mr. H., 314 
 Kent, H.R.H. The Duke of. 51 
 Kentucky, Risho])of, quoted, 176 
 Kham.a'.s country. 564, 569. 571, 577 
 Kimberley, The E.arl of, 469 ; and the 
 anti- Dutch party, 472 ; and resiion- 
 sible government in Natal, 523 
 King George's Sound. 265, 324 ; iniport- 
 
 ■ance of its defence. 413 
 Kingston (Ont.ario), 70, 129 
 Kingston, Mr., described, 379 ; referred 
 
 to, 380, 453 
 Kingston, Sir (i., 389 
 Kintore, The Earl of. 366, 381 
 Knightsbri<lge, 190 
 Knights of Lal>our. 113, 114, 147 
 Knntsford, Lord, his choice of (Governors, 
 366 ; and imjierial unity, 456 ; answer 
 as to status of Hritish suljjects taking 
 the o.atli of allegiance, 539 ; .570 
 Kruger, President, curiosity of drafting 
 of his " Reform Bill," 537 ; his policy 
 and the oath of allegiance to the 
 Transvaal, 539 ; the Dutch language 
 and, 540, 541 ; liis popidarity and 
 jealousy of the English, 542 ; i>ower 
 and Conservatism, //). ; dread of the in- 
 crease of the English diggers, 543, 547 ; 
 the habit of selling monopolies, 544 ; 
 choice between revolution and reform, 
 545 ; i)erception .as to South African 
 unity, 546 ; dream of a Dutch African 
 Republic, 547; referred to. 479. 481, 
 498-50'!. 556. 563. 564, 577 
 
 Laboi'ii traflic in Queensland. 360 
 Labrador, its poi)ulation, proilucts, 
 
 climate, 16 ; referreil to, 11, 37, 
 
 431 
 Lamb on colonial poets, 373 
 
 iind 
 39. 
 
INDEX 
 
 587 
 
 l.-p 
 
 
 35. 
 
 r)08 
 
 r.71 
 
 9; 
 
 6 
 
 , ru7 
 
 tiiul the 
 
 mill 
 1. ;-.•- 
 J24 
 
 resiioii- 
 ; iiuiiort- 
 
 ,ol'(iovL'niors, 
 !;')() ; iiuswer 
 
 of ilrat'tiui; 
 
 Itch hmguago 
 
 bad of the iii- 
 
 aud refonii. 
 Mth African 
 lutch African 
 
 Iroducts, iind 
 
 Lainbctli Conference, 'JO 
 
 Jjand itefDrui League, Victoria, 193 
 
 Lanessan, M. de, his L'i:i'pii,it<io)i rolo- 
 
 niukde In Frunir referred to, 410 
 Langevin, 8ir Hector, 67, 7;') 
 Lansdowne, Tlie Marqnis of, 74 
 Ijanyon, Sir Owen, and the Boers, 529 
 "LaVrikin," the term, 320 
 Launcestnn and Western Jtaihvay, 403 
 Laurier. Mr., 54, 67, 76, 92, 156 
 Laval University, 84 
 Leane, Miss ("Agnes Neale"), 395 
 Leeward, Societv Islands. 434 
 Leighton's (Sir F.) "Welded," 309 
 Leroy-Hcaulieu, M. I'anl, qnoted, 502 ; 
 
 and iirotection of natives liyUic niothur- 
 
 country, 526 ; referred to, 42, 555 
 Levis, Chevalier de, 63 
 Leyden, 474 
 
 Lihi'dij and Lilierollam, 298 
 Library Acts in England, 110 
 Lighthall, Mr., 124 
 Linijioiio, the, 569 
 Lincolnshire, 369 
 Lisbon, 61 
 Literature, 123, 256, 311, 373, 428, 
 
 505 
 Liverpool, 35-38, 141, 320, 510 
 Lobengula, present of rifles to, 563 ; and 
 
 the Aborigines' Protection Society, //'. ; 
 
 the Chartered Company and, 563, 572 ; 
 
 referred to, 515, 516, 559, 560. 570, 
 
 577 
 Locid (liirmnni'nt und TuMdion, Cobden 
 
 Club volume on, 202 
 Loch, Lady, 214 
 Sir II., Cape Governor, 469 ; 
 
 referred to, 214, 224, 295, 347, 366, 
 
 478, 503, 553 
 London, 29, 31, 36, 71, 119, 120, 129, 
 
 244. 252, 261, 312, 313, 320, 428, 
 
 443. 489, 524, 547 
 
 Convention of 1884, the, 548, 549 
 
 Ontario, 129 
 
 hiiidfui, the. 314 
 
 Longfellow and Acadia, 40 
 
 Long's " Ksther," 309 
 
 Lorenzo Mari[ues arbitration, 553 ; and 
 
 see Delagoa Bay 
 
 Railway, see Delagoa Bay 
 
 Lome, The Marquis of, 74, 126 
 
 Louis XIV, 87 
 
 Louise, H.R.H. The Princess, 126 
 
 Louisiana, 2, 173 
 
 Lyttelton, 432 
 
 Macao, 62 
 
 Macdonalil Cabinet, 67 
 
 Sir J., his })osition, influence, gene- 
 ral characteristics, and cabinet, 74, 
 75 ; his Government, 89, 90 ; and 
 
 women i..tei>ayers, 112; commercial 
 situation of Canada under his pro 
 tective policy, and jirescriptions for 
 remedv, 153; referred to, 88, 92, 98, 
 101,153, 154 
 
 Mackenzie, Mr., 76 ; leading members of 
 his dovernment, i/i. ; its policy before 
 1878, 155 
 
 the Itev. J., his opinion as to 
 
 English policy in South Africa, 502, 
 503 ; view as to Bei huanaland, 573, 
 574 ; referred to, 552, 566, 567 
 
 M'-Gill University, the, 124 
 
 "M'(;r.ath, Terence," 13 ; and see Sir II. 
 Blake 
 
 M'llwraith, Sir T., his jiolicy and (iovern- 
 nieiit, 336, 337 ; ndnistry and suc- 
 cessor, 342 ; tenii)erament, i<leas, and 
 nationality, 343, 344 ; jiolitical views, 
 345 ; conflict with Colonial Oflice on 
 Sir II. Blake's appointment, 346 ; ])ro- 
 gramme, 348 ; referred to, 341, 351, 
 354 
 
 MacMahon, Marshal, his Delagoa Bay 
 award, 553 
 
 McMillan, Mr., 298, 302, 303 
 
 Mac(|uarie Street, 285 
 
 Macrossau, Mr., 343, 344, 351 
 
 Madagasi'ar, 527 
 
 Madrid, 108, 253 
 
 Mafekiug, 553 
 
 Magyars, 131 
 
 Maine, 44, 63, 64, 135, 151, 161 
 
 Malay Archipelago, 331 
 
 Peninsula, 356 
 
 Malays, the. 488 
 
 Mallee .scrnbliinil, 209, 482 
 
 Manchester Unity of Oddfellows, 115 
 
 Manilla, 1 
 
 Maning, Judge, 428 
 
 Manitoba, its towns, 128 ; origin of the 
 jiopulatiou of, 130-132; its wheat. 
 132; Euroi>ean immigrants of, ///. ; 
 the Provincial (Jovernment and the 
 dual-language system in, 133 ; referi'ecl 
 to, 28, 33, 37, 55, 62, 70, 92. 
 96, 101. in, 122, 128, 129-1.58, 161, 
 392 
 
 Maori Re,iresentation Act, 371 
 
 Maories, ti.e, 41."), 428, 533 
 
 Mttiidiuiui, 428 
 
 Maritime Provinces, 38, 40, 43 
 
 Maritzburg. its society and appearance, 
 532 
 
 Martin, Mr. A. Patcliett, 257 ; and the 
 election of Colonial Governors. 347 
 
 Mrs. A. Patchett, 374 
 
 Maryland. 70 
 
 Mashonaland and the Portuguese, 560 ; 
 referred to. 570, 571 
 
 Mashona Mountains, 560 
 
588 
 
 /A'DKX 
 
 '■ it 
 
 \i 
 
 \iii. 
 
 Matabelelaiul, 559, 570, 575, 577 
 
 Ma\iritins, 554 
 
 May, Kiskiiie, 124 
 
 Mediterranean, the, 500 
 
 Melanesia, 457 
 
 Melbourne, the largest town of Australian 
 continent, 190 ; jirice of land, 190, 
 191 ; railway fares in neighbourhood 
 of, 198 ; inunicijiality of, and tramway 
 linen, 'J03 ; the trades of, and the 
 I'rotection (juestion, 234 ; " Eight 
 Hours Day," '219 ; out-door exercise 
 and footliall, 253 ; horse-racing, 254 ; 
 roller-skating, 255 ; music, 25(3 ; daily 
 l)ajiers, 258 ; line arts, 308 ; botanic 
 gardens, 310 ; jioor immigrants, 321 ; 
 defence, 324 ; conijiared with Sydney, 
 327 ; referred to, 184, 187-191, 193, 
 197, 198, 203, 216, 217, 237, 250, 
 264, 
 383, 
 450, 
 
 263. 
 331, 
 
 418, 
 
 251, 258, 
 314, 317, 
 402, 413, 
 507. 535 
 
 and Ilobson's Bay Railway. 196 
 
 267, 
 387, 
 456, 
 
 307, 
 391. 
 460. 
 
 308. 
 396, 
 505, 
 
 il6, 217, 234, 258, 
 
 A'l<\ 194, 201, 
 
 395, 417 
 Anius, 201, 216, 224, 225, 234, 
 
 236, 258, 386 
 
 Ihview, the, 194, 442 
 
 Melville, Mr., 302 
 
 Menai Strait, 64 
 
 Mennell, Mr. I'hili]), 257, 407 
 
 Mennnnites, 130, 132 
 
 Mercier, Mr. H., I'rinie Minister of 
 
 Quebec, summary of his s]ieech of 
 
 July 1889, on unity among French 
 
 Canadians, 79-81 ; referred to, 67, 69, 
 
 79, 91, 92 
 Merivale and the advantages of the Cape, 
 
 489 ; referred to, 335, 382 
 Merriman, Bishop, of Grahanistown, 468 
 Mr. J. X., described, 468; an<l 
 
 Delagoa Bay, 554, 556 ; referred to, 
 
 479, 543, 552 
 Merthyr, 334 
 Methodist Church. 12, 14, 86 
 
 Conference, 86 
 
 Mexico, 134, 164, 169, 206, 494 
 
 Mildnm, 210-212, 292 
 
 Mill, Mr. .1. S., 378 
 
 Mill on th>- F/<m, The, 506 
 
 Mills, Sir C, 339 
 
 Minnesota, 32, 71, 130, 133, 156 
 
 Mississi))]!! valley, 32, 152 
 
 Missouri, 173 
 
 Monaco, 497 
 
 Monroe doctrine, an Australian, 437 
 
 Montana, 34, 57, 161 
 
 Montreal, the lirst city of the Dominion, 
 
 64 ; contrasted with New York, ih. ; 
 
 French jjopulation in, 65 ; Irish popu- 
 
 lation of, 66 ; reason of its increasing 
 prosperity, ///. ; cigar -makers, 114; 
 Unions, 115 ; referred to, 33, 36, 37, 
 42. 45, 52, 5.3, 55, 64-66, 71, 118, 121, 
 122, 124, 125, 128-130, 144, 145 
 
 Moorhouse, Bishop, of Manchester, 289, 
 361 
 
 Moravians, the, 469 
 
 Morehead, Mr., Prime Minister of 
 Queensland, 341, 343, 344, 351 
 
 Moreton Bay, 141, 448 
 
 Mormons, the, 135 
 
 Morn ill 1,1 (.'linmicle, 225 
 
 Mount Conk, 431 
 
 Fgniont, 431 
 
 — — Morgan, 372 
 
 Hoyal, 65 
 
 Wellington, 397 
 
 Mowat, Mr., 77; against annexation, 
 101 
 
 Mozambique Channel, 554 
 
 Murray Hiver, 204, 209, 211, 240, 393, 
 482 
 
 water question in Victoria, 291 
 
 Namaqualami, 501, 556 
 
 Nanaimo, 139, 144 
 
 Nantes, Edict of, 470, 509 
 
 Napoleon I, 68 
 
 Natal, its shi])i>ing, jiopulation, and 
 coast, 518 ; constitution, 519 ; dislike 
 of directtaxation, 520 ; white and black 
 artisans, ih. ; education system, 521 ; 
 the press of, and responsible govern- 
 ment, 522 ; diiliculties of conferring it, 
 522, 526 ; Lord Kiniberley's reasons 
 for its refusal, 523 ; opinion of Select 
 Conniutteo of its Legislative t'ouncil 
 as to, 524 ; military questions, 526 ; 
 the natives, 527 ; sale of drink to 
 them. 528 ; Colenso controversy and 
 Church <|uestions, 528-531 ; climate 
 and customs, 531 ; white population, 
 533 ; doubts as to its being able to 
 stand alone, //*. ; relations with the 
 South African Republic, 534 ; railway 
 question, 535 ; refeiTed to, 70, 331, 
 366, 466, 479, 488. 491, 492, 498, 
 501, 511, 514, 51.5-517, 537, 542, 
 549, 554, 557 
 
 Natal Mercury, the, 524 
 
 Naval Defence Bill, 216, 296, 300, 332, 
 336, 337, 342, 349 
 
 Negroes, their growth in the south of 
 the United States, 173 ; their social 
 l)osition, 175; and Christian Churches, 
 176 ; attempt to disfranchise them, 
 //). ; the Ancient Order of Foresters 
 and the, 177 ; feeling of a large ndn- 
 ority in Southern States favourable 
 to, 178 
 
 I 
 
INDEX 
 
 589 
 
 Netlu'i'laiids Iniliii Company, -171 
 
 — — Soutli Africa Railway, 499, 556 
 
 Nuvada, 34, 135 
 
 "Nuver, Never Country," 361 
 
 "New-Bridge-across-Crum- Tree -Creek," 
 288 
 
 Briinswiek, its boundary line, 44 ; 
 
 ]io]inlation, i'ciiu])ositinn of, 45 ; trade, 
 4t; : referred to, 38, 40, 4l', 43, 67, 
 70, 96, 104, Vl'l, 124, 161 
 
 Caledonia, French trans[iortation 
 
 to, 439 ; its geograjilueal })Osition, 
 440 ; land, 441 ; referred to, 358, 
 436, 438 
 
 Newcastle (Natal), 525 
 
 Newcastle (New South Wales), 322 
 
 New England, 33, 55, 57, 59, 70, 162 
 
 — States, 37, 121 
 
 Newfoundland, its history, 1 1 ; Roman 
 Catholics strong in, 12 ; education, 
 its nature and administration, 13 ; 
 schools, how managed, ih. ; denomi- 
 national feeling and elections, 14 ; 
 registration system, 15 ; taxes, whence 
 drawn, ;'/'. ; iiojiulation and area, 16 ; 
 tisheries, 17 ; truck system pre- 
 valent, ih. ; lishernien, condition of, 
 17, 18 ; working ]ioi)ulation, societies, 
 and trade unions, 18 ; confederation 
 negatived, and why, 19 ; exjiort 
 trade, 20 ; main ditliculty of the 
 colony, ib. ; the French Shore, ih. ; 
 Treaty of Utrecht, fishing rights 
 under, and contentions of Newfouud- 
 hinders, French and Knglish, 21-23 ; 
 halt, 24 ; American rights in, ih. ; its 
 future, 25 ; rel'ened to, 11, 36, 37, 39, 
 40, 43, 118, 163 
 
 New Cuiuea, 221, 330, 336, 343, 346, 
 359, r^-i, 435, 440-442 
 
 Haniivshire, 152, 161 
 
 Hebrides, 221, 366, 433,434, 436, 
 
 446 
 
 Jersey, 70 
 
 ■ Mexico, 34, 135 
 
 Plymouth, 415 
 
 South Wales, comjiarod with Vic- 
 
 t<iria, 267 ; its legislation, ib. ; eilu- 
 cation and land system, 268 ; ]inblic 
 works, and relation of the (lovernineut 
 to them, 272 ; railways, 273 ; olijerts 
 aimed at by Government regarding 
 railway service, ih. ; results of public 
 works system, 274 ; the unemployed, 
 275 ; Civil Service, 276 ; innuigration 
 operations suspended, ib. ; free trade, 
 taxation, and protection, 277-280 ; in 
 future, will pass Victoria, 280 ; Pro- 
 tectionists anil land reformers — their 
 remedies for present evils, 281 ; ferti- 
 lity of the laud, 282 ; past lack of 
 
 interest in politics, 283 ; payment of 
 Mend)ers of I'arliament, 285 ; ditl'er- 
 ence between politics of, and Victoria, 
 286 ; decentralisation needed, 287; Sir 
 H, I'arkes, 289, 293, 303 ; the (iover- 
 norshi]) (piestion, 290 ; attitude of the 
 press, 291 ; the Murray water (pies- 
 tion, ///. ; Soudan contingent of, 295 ; 
 j>ul)Iic men, 296-303 ; jiresent Admin- 
 istration, 298 ; ]U'otectiouist leaders, 
 299-301 ; Mr. Dibbs, 3(i0 ; other 
 politicians, 301 ; land legislation aiul 
 freeholil tenure, 304 ; graduated taxa- 
 tion, 305 ; irrigation, 306 ; Victorian 
 business men in, ih, ; methods sug- 
 gested fir raising money, 307 ; a legis- 
 lative peculiarity, 308 ; tine arts, ih. ; 
 })otanic gardens, 309 ; literature, 311- 
 314 ; music, 314 ; the stage, 315 ; 
 athletics, ih. ; coniiiositiou of the 
 ])eople, ih. ; Government contributions 
 to charities, 318 ; boarding-out of jioor 
 children, 318-320 ; poor immigi'ants. 
 320 ; condition of the smaller cities, 
 321-323 ; federation, 323 ; defence, 
 324 ; feeling as to defence questions, 
 325; referred to, 62, 104, 137, 185- 
 189, 191, 198, 203, 204, 207, 210. 
 226, 227, 230, 231, 237, 240, 241. 
 243, 244, 247, 250, 265, 329-331, 
 333, 338, 339, 349, 350, 353, 355. 
 360, 361, 365, 367-370, 372, 373, 375- 
 377, 382, 383, 386-389, 391-393, 397, 
 401, 403, 406-408, 413, 416. 418, 420. 
 423, 424, 438, 441, 443, 446, 449, 450, 
 452, 459, 510, 512, 520, 534 
 
 New Westnnnster, 138 
 
 York, 33, 35-37, 55, 64, 65, 70, 
 
 121, 126, 141, 151, 161, 168, 266 
 
 Zealand, causes which have atl'ccted 
 
 its political and financial condition, 
 414 ; aptitude of the Maoriesfor civil- 
 isation, 415 ; protection, ih. ; the 
 Prime Minister, 416 ; Sir Robert 
 Stout, /'(. ; legislative ])eculiarities, 
 418 ; taxation, 418, 420 ; i>au])er im- 
 migration, 418 ; education, 419, 421 ; 
 Government insurance, ib. ; other 
 ])eculiarities, 419 ; laud legislation, 
 
 421 ; local option, 422 ; railways, 
 
 422 - 424 ; unemployed, 424 ; the 
 eight-hour day, 424 ; [layment of 
 members, ih. ; financial i)osition and 
 l)opulation, 425 ; .soil, climate, and 
 chief cities, 426 ; composition of 
 the people, ib. ; products, 427 ; 
 literature, 428 ; national character of 
 the .settlers, 429 ; ditl'ereuces between, 
 and Australia, ih. ; scenery, 430 ; ile- 
 fence, 431 ; ndlitary preparations, 
 432 ; its interest ia the Pacific, aucl 
 
590 
 
 INDEX 
 
 : 
 
 226, 
 307, 
 86.''), 
 398, 
 
 of, 213, 211, 
 34 
 
 (liliiciilties with the French, 433 ; 
 nltJL'Ctioiis to the Australasian Federal 
 Couneil, 144-447 ; view in, as to right 
 anil power of a single colony to secede, 
 147 ; refusal to become a (le])enilency 
 of Australia, 448 ; referred to, 7l*, 
 10(1, 115, 119, 148, 187, 188, 
 227, 237, 241-244, 285, 30r>, 
 308, 323, 329, 330, 346, 358, 
 367, 370, 371, 377, 387, 392, 
 399, 402, 408, 411, 420, 423 
 
 A'('«i Xealantl, Station Life in, 428 
 
 Niagara, 69 
 
 Norfolk Island, 19, 440 
 
 Norman, Kir H., 366 
 
 Normanliy, The Martinis 
 366, 378 
 
 Northern I'acitic ilailroad, 
 
 Norway, 16, 431 
 
 Nova Scotia, its history, jioimlation, and 
 reason for its foundation, 40-42 ; coal, 
 43 ; Scotch Highlanders of, 44 ; re- 
 ferred to, 16, 20, 38, 39, 40, 4.'i, 67, 
 70, 96, 103, 104, 115, 122, 139, 140, 
 161, 163 
 
 Oddfellows, 18, 11.5 
 
 O'Hagan, Lord, 467 
 
 Ohio, 32 
 
 Old Mflhourne Memories, 314 
 
 Xew Zealand, 428 
 
 O'Loghlen, Sir B., 215, 217, 218, 222, 
 226 
 
 Onslow, The Earl of, 366, 418 
 
 Ontario (Province), its settlers, size, 
 climate, and products, 69, 70 ; em- 
 ployers of labour in, their dread of 
 the Knights of Labour, 114 ; referred 
 to 1, 32, 37, 38, 45, 73, 80, 89, 92, 
 93, 9.5, 98, 106, 110-117, 120, 122, 
 128, 130-133, 151, 154, 156, 158, 
 161, 392, 4.56 
 
 Lake, 129 
 
 Libertils, 92 
 
 Or.ingenien, English, 91 ; of Ontario, 
 62 ; New South Wales, 284 
 
 Orange River burghers, the, 545 
 
 Orange River Free State, friendly feeling 
 in the, towards ourselves, 480 ; size 
 and poptilation, 516 ; white popu- 
 lation, 532, 533 ; and railways from 
 the Cape, 547 ; referred to, 167, 486, 
 490-492, 494, 49.5, 498, 501, 535 
 
 Oriel College, Oxford, 468 
 
 Orkney IsLands, 416 
 
 Orpen, Mr., 482 
 
 0'Sulliv.an, Mr., 302 
 
 Otago, 41.5, 423, 426,4.33 
 
 Ottawa, its situ.ation. Parliament Library, 
 and features of the Houses of Parlia- 
 ment, 72 ; society and jiublic men. 
 
 73; lliiuse of Commons, 90 ; referred 
 to, 5.5, 63. 72, 77, 82, 90, 107, 126, 
 137, 153-1.5.5, 157 
 
 Paahi,, Tlic, 49, 477 
 
 I'acitic, l-'rench and (ierman action in 
 the, 436-438 ; referred to. 33, 35. 37. 
 130, 137, 139, 142, 14.3, 357, 365, 
 417, 433-435, 437, 138, 454, 458 
 
 (ireat Circle Route, 35 
 
 Islands, 358 
 
 North, 140, 143 
 
 Railroad. 96 
 
 South, 436, 437, 458 
 
 • West, 348 
 
 Panama Conijiany, 111 
 
 Isthmus of, 31,113 
 
 " Paiiineau's Rebellion " and Home Rule, 
 49 
 
 Paramatta River, 266 
 
 Paris, 22, 252 
 
 Commune of, 52, 439 
 
 Exhibition, 1889, 58 
 
 Parkes, Sir H., his government, 270, 
 276 ; api>earance, career, and ability, 
 289 ; action in the Governorship ques- 
 tion, 290 ; intluence and jiower, 293 ; 
 ministers, 298 ; free trade programme, 
 303 ; and P'ederation, 323, 326 ; on 
 colonial defence, 324, 325 ; his stature, 
 345 ;his "An Atistralian Federation," 
 442 ; referred to, 100, 226, 230, 267, 
 268, 271, 27.5, 284, 285, 295, 303, 
 367, 416, 452, 455 
 
 Parkin, Mr., 323 
 
 Parliaments, Dominion, duration of, 75 
 
 Pass Bill, the, 1889, 485 
 
 y'((^/-/r;/, the, 477 
 
 Pauncefote, Sir .Julian, 164 
 
 Pearson, Dr., 256, 314 
 
 Pekin, 473 
 
 Pennsylvania, 70, 279 
 
 Perth '(Western Australia), 355, 404 
 
 Piccadilly, 129 
 
 Pickwick, Mr., 301 
 
 Pictou, 44 
 
 Pieterniaritzburg, see Maritzburg, 532 
 
 PKace Veiidonie, 471 
 
 Playford-Kingston party, 387 
 
 Playford, Mr. T., descril)ed, 379 ; referred 
 to, 367, 380. 452-454 
 
 Plessis, du, 470 
 
 Polynesia, 2, 457 
 
 Southern, 266 
 
 Pondoland, its history, 518 ; referred to, 
 514. 516, .533 
 
 Portage la Prairie, 134 
 
 Port Chalmers, 432 
 
 ■ Elizabeth, described, 510 ; referred 
 
 to. 486, 487, 505 
 
 Jackson 327 ; and see Sydney 
 
INDEX 
 
 59' 
 
 1011 01, / .') 
 
 Portland (OrcKOii), ;j4 
 Port Ni-l.son, :i8 
 
 l'liilli|i, lS(j, 190. \\\i^^\ 1111.1 see 
 
 Melliouvm', uiicl Victoria 
 
 Portuf,'!!], 20, r»:i(;, r>i:i. f).")!), r.')7, i^:>^, 
 r)(ji 
 
 Portuguese eliiiiiis in South Africa, hWi 
 
 (ioveviiinent, f).")!), h^'l 
 
 Potomac, 72 
 
 Praed, Mrs. Caiuiiliell, her Ansti'iilinn 
 
 LI/,; :i[>9. :{71, r<06 
 I'latt, Mr., autliorof " Uain," ;S9o 
 Preshyterian (ielieral Assembly, 86 
 Presbyterians in New Zealand, 127 ; and 
 
 tiie reading' of tiie I5il)le in do., 122 
 Pretoria. .''>21t, r,'.\9, r,ii), .'. ItS, ^,u7 
 I'retty Dhh, 2,").S 
 Prince Edwanl Island, its loveliness, 16 ; 
 
 chief drawback, 17 ; referred to, -10, 
 
 392 
 Piof^ressive Ta.\ation, see Succession 
 Protection, see 15,- 153, 157, 277, 281, 
 
 299-301, 351, 387, 398, Wt, 416 
 Protestants in Victoria, 2»!2 
 Puget Souml, 31 
 J'uritans of Elizabeth's reign, 51 
 
 Quebec (city), its ajuiearance and archi- 
 tecture, 61 ; rivals EdinlMirgli, ih. ; 
 causes assigned for comiiarative decad- 
 ence of, 62 ; rivalry of Montreal with, 
 ib. ; referred to, 14', 35, 43, 45, 47, 92, 
 103, 126 
 
 (Province), emigration from, 33 ; 
 
 its institutions, Legislative Assembly, 
 and |ioliticians, 67 ; its jjowers and 
 criminal law, 68 ; Li(iuor Act, ih. ; 
 Parliament, division of j)artie.s in, ih. ; 
 "Reds," 89; analysis of members 
 in tlie Legislative Assembly, 90-92 ; 
 ((uestions before, 91 ; Liberals, 92 ; 
 referred to, 32, 33, 67-73, 77. 79, 89, 
 110, 112, 116, 121, 122, 128, 130, 153, 
 161, 392, 456, 473,543 
 
 — — Act, 116 
 
 liiquor Act, 68 
 
 ■ West. 90 
 
 Qfteen Anne's (Jate, 190 
 
 Queensland, its .size and jn'ogress, 329 ; 
 scenery and climate, 330 ; cajiital, 
 331 ; scjiaratist feeling, 332 ; Irish, 
 Scotch, and English in, 333 ; history 
 of causes of its iiidepeiuleiit feeling, 
 334 ; defence, 335 ; grievances against 
 the mother - country, ih. ; the 
 " National " movement, 340-342 ; 
 leaders, 343 ; sentiment as to federa- 
 tion, 344 ; ditlerences between Con- 
 .servatives and Liber.als, 345 ; conflict 
 regarding ainiointment of Sir H. IJlake, 
 12,346; veto, 348; Separatist speakers, 
 
 319 ; imperialism, how regarded, ih. ; 
 movement towards jnoteetioii. 351 ; 
 jiroposeil divisions of territory, ih. ; 
 its attitude as to FiMleral Coiincil, 
 352 ; northern sejiaration and servile 
 lal)Our, 353-355 ; dilliculties in tjie 
 way of the former, 355 ; need for 
 coloured labour, 356 ; former ill-treat- 
 ment of coloured labourers, 357-360 ; 
 stoppage of whole labour trallic. 360 ; 
 laml legislation, //'. ; irrigation 
 needed, 361 ; sugar and coinureil 
 labour, 361-363; arguments of Demo- 
 cratic Labour Party, 3t)3 ; co-oi)erative 
 sugar mills, 361 ; maize and cotton 
 growing, 365 ; future dilliculties, //). ; 
 Lord Knutsford's choice of (loveriiors, 
 366 ; linancial condition, 367 ; public 
 works anil local government, 368 ; 
 immigrants, 3<)9 ; legislative peculiari- 
 ties, 370 ; eight-hour day and early 
 dosing, 371 ; general view of, ih. ; 
 gold mines. 372 ; social condition and 
 literature. 373 ; (lovernment aid to 
 charitalile institutions, 374 ; cost of 
 living, 375; referred to, 12. 102, 119, 
 18.5, 187, 214, 221, 227, 237, 241, 
 242. 244, 272, 285. 296, 301, 307, 
 308, 325, 326, 372, 378, 382, 384, 
 393, 402, 404, 406, 411, 413, 416, 
 417, 420, 422, 423. 424, 427, 429, 
 433, 438-440, 443, 444, 446, 452, 511, 
 512, 527, .528 
 
 QiteeitKlciii/i-i; the, 374 
 
 Qiieenstowii, 36 
 
 Queen's Town (Cajie Colony), 487 
 
 Quick, Dr., 410 
 
 Quirinal, the, 460 
 
 Rahhit plague, 212 
 
 Kaiaiea, 434 
 
 Kapa Island, 434 
 
 Hay, Cai.e, 22, 36 
 
 Reciprocity Treatv, 97, 156, 162-165. 
 494 
 
 Regina, 136 
 
 Reid. Mr., 297 
 
 Revolution, French, 61 
 
 Rhine, the, 283 
 
 Rhode Island, 57, 58 
 
 Rliodes, Mr., described, 467, 468 ; 
 charter granted to his company, 561, 
 562 ; referred to, 479, 481, 498, 499, 
 
 502. 
 
 364 
 
 Rideau Mall, 73 
 
 Riel, motion anent his execution, 91 ; 
 
 e.\])e(lition against, 104 ; rebellion, 130 
 Riniouski. 38 
 Riverina, the, 188, 210, 274, 291, 383, 
 
 534 
 Ilobhery under Anns, 314 
 
ST- 
 
 INDEX 
 
 . 'I, 
 
 W 
 
 i ti' 
 
 Rolierts, Ml'. ])nuglas, fxtmct Iroiii his 
 
 " Ciuiadii," 125 
 IJi)l)ertsoii. Sir .1., 226, 2t)9. 298 
 iloliiiisoii. Sir H., liis ]Milicy as (lovcnior 
 
 of the t'a|i(', 177. t/*^ ; iiiid tlio traiis- 
 
 fc-rence of Swiizilaml, r>l9, i>it\-hW.i ; 
 
 rel'erred to, i'.O, 'Ml, 378.4t5[), 56«, 570, 
 
 f)7t) 
 Sir J., and ros])oiisil)le governiiii'iit 
 
 in Natal, .121, 525 
 
 Sir W., 221. ;i78. Ill 
 
 Rodiliaiiijitoii, ;iai, ;J71, ;572. 110 
 
 Rocliv .Moiiiitaiiis,tlic, :J1, 85, i:i, 133-13(5 
 
 Koiiiaii ( 'aiii|iaKna, the, 4:!0 
 
 ( 'atholic ( 'liiircli oiitmuiihfrs ( 'hiii'ih 
 
 of Kiij^'land ill Canada, 12; o|i|ioiii'iits 
 of, and Statu aid to ridii;ioii, tiM ; 
 sii]iiiortud('oiisi'i'vative]iartyiii Qiicliui', 
 69 ; jirt'doiniiiaiit and jn-ivik'ged in 
 French Canada, 79 ; fecliiif,' in Mont- 
 real af,'aiiist its powers and i)rivilei,'es, 
 82; its powers in Quebec, S3 ; position 
 of, ill Canada and the llniteil States, 
 86 ; and tlie Kiii;,dits of Labour, 111; 
 in Victoria, 215 
 
 Catholics and coniinon school sys- 
 
 tem in Victoria, 185, 217; i>erceiitage 
 of, in do., 262 ; in New South Wales, 
 284 ; Queensland, 333 ; tlieir organisa- 
 tion in the colonies, 338 ; in South 
 Australia, 378 ; New Zealand, 422, 427 
 
 Roseberv, Tlie Karl of, 306, 332, 431, 
 436, 446 
 
 Ross, Mr., and his coalition inini.strv, 90 
 
 Sir R., 389 
 
 Rouges, 68 
 
 Rounianians, 131 
 
 Roycc, Mr., and sport in the colonies, 
 253, 254 
 
 Ruajieha, 42S 
 
 Rupert's Land Act, 1868, 32 
 
 Russell, Lord Joliii, 54, 378 
 
 Russia, 3, 4, 130, 132, 140, 143, 164, 
 243, 350, 460, 493, 494, 497 
 
 Soutliern, 132 
 
 Saci'knay, 47, 431 
 
 Saigon, 356 
 
 St. Helena, island of, its goveniiiieiit, 
 514 
 
 St. Hyacintlie, 79 
 
 "St. .lohn Baptist," 82 
 
 St. .John (New Rrunswicli), 44, 46 
 
 St. John's, Newfoundland, its lirst colon- 
 isation, 11 ; the centre of IJonian 
 Catholic jsojuilation of Newfoundland, 
 13 ; amateur statisticians and death- 
 rate of, 15 ; its municipality, the first 
 attempt at local government, 16 ; re- 
 ferred to, 19, 36 
 
 River, 518 
 
 St. Lawrence, Ciilf of, 36 
 
 (lower), ancestors of tlie inhabitants 
 
 of, 47 
 River, 16, 37-39, 43, 61, 63, 65, 67, 
 
 103, 104 
 St. Malo, 48 
 
 St. I'atriclv's Hall and Dav, 19 
 St. I'aul, 34 
 
 St. I'ierre and Miipielon, islands of, 23 
 St. Steplien's, 506 
 
 Salisliuiy, Tlie .Mar(|uis 
 
 120, 437 
 
 Samoa, 366, 411, 133-435, 451 
 
 Conference, 437 
 
 Sum Slick, 123, 124 
 Samuel, Sir Saul, 339 
 Sandliurst, 340 
 Sandwicli Islands, 494 
 San Domingo, 494 
 
 Francisco, 31, 34, 35. I:i7. 111. 
 
 113, 266 
 
 .Fuan Straits, 142 
 
 Santa Lucia l!ay, 535, 551 
 Saskatchewan, 35, !t6, 130, 135 
 Scandinavians, 94, 131 
 Scanleii, Sir T., 466, 468, 482 
 Sclireiiier, Olive, authoress of the Ktuni 
 
 ii/'dii Afririin Fitnii, 505,506,521 
 Scotch Presbyterians, percentage of, in 
 
 Victoria, 262 
 Scotland, 130, 38o 
 Western IliLrhlands and islands of, 
 
 25 
 Scratclilcy, Sir 1'., 335 
 Seaman's Union, tlie, and Chinese lal)our 
 
 on mail steamers, 354 
 Seattle, 143 
 Seeley, Professor, and tiie alien element 
 
 in Canada, 47, 48 ; (pioted, 171 
 Selkirk TeiTitory, 96 ; settlers, 131 
 
 Loril, 135 
 
 Selous, Mr., and Lobeugula, 560 ; and 
 
 Mashonaland, 561 
 Seiidall, Sir Walter, 366, 367 
 Servia, 493 
 Service, Mr., described, 220 ; and Sydney 
 
 jealousy of Melbourne, 443 ; on a 
 
 federal legislature, 455 ; referred to, 
 
 215, 219, 221, 225, 226, 454 
 Shangliai, 141 
 Shea, Sir Ambrose, opposition to hi.s 
 
 nomination as Governor, 14 ; referred 
 
 to, 338, 367 
 Slieiistone, Sir Tlieoiihilus, ami South 
 
 African polities, 528 
 Sherln'ooke, Viscount, 306 
 Sherman, Senator, 160 
 Ship-laiiourers' Union, Quebec, "ty- 
 ranny " of, 114 
 Shoshong, 481, 553 
 Simon's Ray, 482, 500, 513, 578 
 Slavs, 131 
 
IMDEX 
 
 593 
 
 Sniif, rn'iu'viii, rir>o 
 
 Hniilh, Mr. linico, '207, 298 
 
 Mr. (idlilwin, .'iiid FcikTilisni, 98, 
 
 99 ; rt'tVrriMl to, 154, ir.ij, l.")7 
 
 Sir Donald, 78, 126 
 
 Socrati's, 293 
 
 Siifala, .">70 
 
 Soiia-r.sut, 369 
 
 Kdudaii contiiiKt'iit, the 295, 29(5 
 
 ■'South African CdIoiiIi's," ]ihu'fs in- 
 cluded in the ])ln'asi", 514 ; tlitir t'ornis 
 of govfrnini'ul, ///. ; iharactcr, 51(5 
 
 liuimUlic, and tin- Swaziland 
 
 Coiiventinn, 5."il ; icIV'rriMJ to, 514, 
 516, 517, 539, 558, 569, 570, 577, ami 
 see Transvaal 
 
 South Aiistra'i;'., its colonisation, 376 ; 
 the Waketield systi-ni in, 376, 377 ; 
 dcvelo))nient, 377 ; (iovernorsliip dilli- 
 culties, 378 ; imliticians, 379, and 
 their |)ecnliarities, 379, 380 ; views on 
 federation and relations with United 
 Kin},'(loni, 382 ; jirosiierity alter its 
 foundation, 383 ; linancial iiosilion, 
 384 ; Ileal I'roiierty .Acts, elieai) law 
 courts, and local K"vernnient, 385 ; 
 woman sulVraKc, 386 ; ju'otection, and 
 democratic institutions, 387 ; jiayinent 
 of members, 388 ; closure, 389 ; land 
 and income taxes, 390 ; other legis- 
 lative iieculiarities, 391 ; eight- hour 
 day, innnif^ration, education, and local 
 option, ih. ; area, 392 ; climate, 393 ; 
 ajijicarance of its interior, ih. ; social 
 view of, 394 ; literature, 395 ; referred 
 to, 1, 204, 207, 210, 213, 214, 230, 
 237, 255, 257, 283, 292, 296, 307, 
 309, 319, 329, 330, 348, 351, 352, 
 366, 368, 378, 390, 406, 408, 416, 
 421-424 
 
 South Austral id II /lei/itit>'i; the, 386, 
 395 
 
 Sea Colonies, 418 
 
 • Islands, 371 
 
 Southern Pacilic Railroad, 34 
 
 Si)ain, 19, 20 
 
 Spencer, Herbert, 193 
 
 Sport, 252 
 
 Sprigg, Sir (Jordon, 4(57 ; and the Cajie 
 Registration Bill, 483; referred to, 478, 
 481, 483, 487, 490, 498, 500, 564 
 
 Squatting Act, 1839, 269 
 
 Stanhope, Mr., 340, 436 
 
 Stanlev, Lord, of Preston, 74 
 
 Stawell, Sir W., 224 
 
 Steere, Sir J. Lee, 412 
 
 Stell, Governor Van der, 509 
 
 Stellenbosch, 49 ; its derivation, 509 
 
 Stei)hens, Mr. Brunton, 374 
 
 Stout, Sir R. , described, 416; referred 
 to, 226, 346, 422. 421 
 
 Stout- Vogel fiovernment, 417 ; ministry 
 an<l the Federal Council Hill, 448 
 
 Succession duties, graduated, l!ii', 305, 
 418, etc. 
 
 Suci- Canal, 111, 142, 413, 505 
 
 Sugar IJnunty Hill, 496 
 
 Sutherland, .Mr. .1., 298 
 
 Swaziland, its inhabitants, soil, and 
 mineral wealth, 548 ; action of the 
 Hoers in, ih. ; attitmle of the British 
 (iovernment on the jirotectorate (pies- 
 tion, 519 ; history of the ipiestion in, 
 551 ; South African Republic and the 
 Convcntiiin with regard to, ih. ; bear- 
 ing of the success of protected native 
 government in Hechuanaland on, 552 ; 
 referre.l to. 16S, 190, 528, 533, 535, 
 543, 558, 576, 577 
 
 Switzerland, 95, 97, 99, 102, 101, 138 
 
 Sydney, its position, situation, ami ex- 
 tent, 266 ; land and suburbs, 305 ; 
 line arts, 308 ; botanic gardens, 310 ; 
 music, 31 1 ; jioor inimigi'ants, 320 ; 
 defence, .'124 ; life and trade, 327 ; 
 referred to, Ls<t, 190, 203, 237,255, 
 2(;0, 270, 273, 277, 281, 282, 288, 
 305, 308. 309, 313, 314. 317, 323, 
 331, 373. 395, 418, 437, 442, 456, 
 505, 5(»7 
 
 Kast, 30ti 
 
 South, 297 
 
 ■ Benevolent Society, 321 
 
 Diiihl Ti/i'/ia/ih, see Daily 
 
 Mail, 135' 
 
 Murniiui Ifi'ivl.l, 291, 313, 386 
 
 /'iiiirh, 294 
 
 University, 334 
 
 Synie, Mr., 194, 417 
 Syria, 70 
 
 Tablk Bay, 482, 500, .'505, 513, 55i', 578 
 
 Mountain, 507. 5(18 
 
 Tadema's " Vintage Festival," 309 
 
 Tagus, The, 61 
 
 Taillon, Mr., 91 ; his Conservative ad- 
 ministration, ih. 
 
 Talon-Les]n'ranco, M.. quoted, 159 
 
 Taranaki, 415 
 
 Taschereau, Cardinal Archbishop, 53, 
 77, 85, 87 
 
 " Tasnia," 371, and see Madame Couvreur 
 
 Tasmania, its climate, scenery, literature, 
 and capital, 396 ; movement for its 
 annexation to Victoria, 397 ; tarilV 
 i(Uestions, ih. ; legislative i)eculiarities 
 .■IS to free trade, protection, and indi- 
 gent foreigners, 398 ; taxation, ih. ; 
 education, 399 ; land legislation and 
 eight-hour day, 400 ; statesmen, ih. ; 
 social habits and politics, 401 ; free 
 circulation of newspapers, 402 ; rail- 
 
iiJ 
 
 ii ! 
 
 I 
 
 594 
 
 h\l)EX 
 
 ways, U>. ; its dulit uiiil t'lituri', 'lOU ; 
 rofemMl to, 1 18, li)ii, -22", '2;{", '-Ml, 
 
 ao(i. a7i, ;i76, ;i77, ;!.s;j. uju, an-i, 
 3!i7, :{9s, -102, to:., 411, no, no. Ii:!, 
 
 411. 4.^.-_', 4r.3. 4-.7 
 
 'rasni;iiii;iii Main Liiiu Kailwav Coiiii)uiiy, 
 4(12 
 
 Taxt's, ir> 
 
 Tt'imessct', 174 
 
 Texas. <■>•>. 
 
 Western. :\ I 
 
 Tlieale, .Mr., .10". 
 
 'J'Ii()iii]ison, Sir.I(.lin, 7.1 
 
 Tliursilay Island. 2t)."., :J24 
 
 r////.'.v. the, :i!t2, .'■|.'.2, .'.72 
 
 Toc(HiL'vil!e and Fn;iicli Canadians, 48, 
 49 ; rulLMTod 1 1, Hi), 172, 180, 543 
 
 Madanu- dc, f.O 
 
 Todd. Mr., 98 
 
 Toit, du, 470 
 
 TonKaland, ri-ccnt treaty with tin- Queen 
 of, ."..10 ; the chiefs of, and a i.roteetoi- 
 ate, ("..".I ; treaty of 1877, /''. ; referred 
 to, .13."., .1(12, .1.13, .1.18 
 
 Tongariro, 428, 431 
 
 Toronto, estimate of its j.oj.ulation, 71 ; 
 ehief architeetural feature, 71 ; cause 
 of its jiros].oritv, 72 ; referred to, ()4, 
 118-120, 126, 128 
 
 Torrens Act, 267 
 
 Torres Straits, 356, 413, 448 
 
 Trade Unions, 249 
 
 Tr.anskei, the, 514, 516, 518 
 
 Transvaal, the, its size, iiojiulation, and 
 trade, 516, 534 ; frontiers, 536; re- 
 venues, 537 ; British miners and re- 
 presentation, (7). ; the Volksraad, 537, 
 538 ; future of the, 540 ; feeling as 
 to annexation, ib. ; English digfjers, 
 curious fact as to their politics, ///. ; 
 otlicial use of Dutch lauf^uaiLje, 541 ; 
 monopolies, 544 ; Dutch buildings an<l 
 British architecture, 545 ; incre.as- 
 ing use of the English tongue, ib. ; 
 negotiations with the Free State, 547 ; 
 referred to, 26, 27,468. 474, 475, 498, 
 501, .121, 548-.152, 553, .1,15, 557, 569, 
 577; and see South African Ileiuiblic 
 
 Transviidl Atlmiiser, and the oath of 
 allegiance, 539; its version of President 
 Kruger's speech, 544 ; and tlie nianage- 
 nient of Bechuanaland, 567 
 
 Tricoupis, M., 424 
 
 Trinidad, 168 
 
 Trist.an d'Acunha, 514 
 
 Trois Rivieres, 128 
 
 Tsechs, 131 
 
 Tugela, Lower, whites in the, 532 
 
 Tupper, Sir Charles, 44, 100, 108, 339 
 
 Turner's " Dunstanborough Castle," 309 
 
 "Twain, Mark," 65 
 
 Ulstku, 94 
 
 LInibandine, 552 
 
 "Uncle I'aul," 542 ; see K.iiger 
 
 r,irl>' l'ii>rr of l'i/i>rs' IIHI, 506 
 
 I'uion, Anieiicau, (.inMiiug up of Western 
 States of, 31 ; 34 
 
 Union l'aciti(! Kaili'oad, 34 
 
 United Kni]iirc Loyalists, theii' descend- 
 ants, 70; referred to, 32, 55, 159 
 
 Kingdom, its vuluei'ability, 7 ; 
 
 emigration from the, to Western 
 Canada, 2()-31 ; wheat sent by Canada 
 to, 111 ; Irish paujier enngration from 
 the, to Canada, 120 ; goods manu- 
 factured in the, and the \ictorian 
 market, 187 ; imi.ortance of colonial 
 debts to the, 243 ; South Australian 
 views on relations with, 382 ; referred 
 to, 16, 20. 27, 29, 37, 103-105, 126, 
 141, 183, 226, 252, 257,'26()-262, 317, 
 321, 327, 334, 389, 426, 427, 448, 
 459, 461, 467, 478, 487, 539 
 
 — — ■ States, dissimilarities between 
 tlie, and Canada, 149-152; negro 
 element in, 150 ; reason of dillerence 
 between Englishmen and the Ameri- 
 cans of the, 151 ; result of levying 
 j.rotective duties against the, 157 ; 
 feeling in, as to annexation of Can.ada, 
 159 ; the fisheries question and the, 
 162-164 ; ])ressure of the, ui)on 
 Canada, 164 ; ditl'erence tow.ards the, 
 of Canada and the West Indies respect- 
 ively, 168 ; future relations of the, 
 and other English -speaking peoples, 
 169 ; general view of, 172 ; changes 
 in, during the last twenty years, 173 ; 
 gi'owth of the negi'o jiopnlation in the 
 South of the, 173 ; attitude of Nortli 
 and South, 174 ; the burden of 
 armaments in, 178; referred to, 2-6, 
 20, 21, 25-27, 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 
 37, 38, 39, 44, 45, 49, .14, 55, 57, .18, 
 64, 76, 77, 88, 95-97, 99, 102-107, 
 112, 113, 11.1, 121, 12.1, 127, 130, 
 132, 135-137, 142-145, 153, 160, 165, 
 174, 183, 18.1, 195, 20.1, 206, 254, 266, 
 272, 276, 311. 321. 328. 361, 392, 409, 
 411, 426, 444, 456, 460, 487, 493- 
 496, 512 
 
 Upington, Sir T. , 467; and Bechuana- 
 land, 564 
 
 Utah, 34, 13.1, 206 
 
 Utrecht, Treaty of, 21, 22, 42 
 
 Vancouver City, the excellence of its 
 laving out and site, 138 ; popultition, 
 139 ; referred to, 33, 141, 142 
 
 Island, practically iiiu'Xiilored. 139 ; 
 
 inadequacy of its defence, and strategic 
 importance of its naval stiition, 140 ; 
 
INDEX 
 
 595 
 
 . HudniiUKi- 
 
 |iroi)0.sul.s for its dufcnci', //). ; ri't'iTi'ud 
 
 to, 34, 42, 43, 103, 1-22, 13!», 148, 
 
 160, 404 
 Vim Dieiiien'M Laud, 390 ; and .sic Tiis- 
 
 iiinnin 
 N'.uijilmii, Arcliliislioii, 291 
 N'ciicziifla, 197 
 
 V.TIIKlUt, 151, 101 
 
 Victoria (Hritisli tloliiiiiUiii), its .jii(lj;fs 
 and iidvDL'iili's, 139 ; rt'l'crrcd to, 137, 
 13.\ 112, 143 
 
 (Au^tridiii), its size and soil, 183 ; 
 
 clian^'cs duriu},' lust twenty years, 184 ; 
 coninion sihool sysli'iu, ih. ; nicnilicrs 
 of Ifjifn'r House not jiaid, //'. ; deino- 
 craey and State soeialisni, ISf) ; is tliu 
 most interesting of the Australian 
 colonies, ih. ; its prosjierity, 1S6 ; 
 trade jiroteetion, //'. ; waves of pros- 
 jierity and deju'ession, 187-189; 
 KuKlisli money in, 189-191 ; price of 
 land, 191 ; land legislation, 192 ; 
 taxation directed against great estates, 
 ih. ; democratic party, laud views of, 
 193 ; Land Reform League of, its 
 practical progianinie, 194 ; noohjeelion 
 in, to Htate interference, 195 ; Board 
 of CommisHioneis for control of its 
 railways, 196 ; railway system self- 
 supporting, 197 ; railway fares, ih. ; 
 public dei)artiuents are managed non- 
 politicallj', 199 ; Civil Service Com- 
 mission, its .success, 200 ; payment of 
 members of I'arliament, /''. ; tribute 
 to honesty of ijcgislature, 201 ; local 
 government, ih. ; tramways are in 
 hands of nuinici[ialities, 1^03 ; irriga- 
 tion system, 204 ; wheat-growing laud 
 of, ill. ; M'\ Deakin's irrigation schemes, 
 20.')-207 ; irrigation works in, State 
 money for, 207-209 ; irrigation scheme, 
 its ])rincii>le, 209 ; private irrigation 
 works, //;. ; wine luoductidu, 210 ; 
 success of irrigation, 211; rabbit 
 jilague, 212 ; leading men, 213 ; the 
 Governorship ditliculty, ih. ; Irish prob- 
 lem, 214 ; Coalition Uovernments, 
 215 ; school system, 217 ; Prime 
 Minister, 218 ; a former Prime 
 Minister, 22i) ; Agent-General of, in 
 London, 221 ; the 0|)p(jsiti()n leader and 
 his colleague, 222 ; the ('hief- Justice 
 an<l his views on the Governorship 
 question, 223-225 ; success of Scotch 
 and Irish in, 225, 22t) ; is opposed to 
 sejjaration, 22t) ; Conservative jiarty 
 in, ih. ; Liljeral party, its present 
 j>olicy, 227 ; legislative peculiarities, 
 ih. ; politics of, reaction unknown in, 
 228 ; the Education and Land Tax 
 Acts, 229 ; General Election of 1889, 
 
 what it turned upon. Hi. ; the Stock 
 Tax. 230 ; programme of (Jillies- 
 Deakin party. 232 ; virtual t.'hange of 
 ground by I'rotectionists in, 233 ; 
 election manifestoes of 1889, 234 ; 
 result of General Election of 1889. 
 238 ; result of a war of tariffs between, 
 ami New South Wales, 240 ; railways 
 and water-works assets for the whole 
 ilelit of, 214 ; other linancial ipiestions, 
 215; experiments tried. 217; early- 
 closing, 248 ; eight -hour ilay. ///. ; 
 early-closing legislation, 250 ; high 
 wages and cheap food, 252 ; out-door 
 exercise, Hi, ; horse-racing, etc., 254, 
 255; music, 25t5; literature, 25ti-258 ; 
 newspapers, 258 ; loyalty, 259-2t)l ; 
 birthplaces, 2(31 ; forces engaged in 
 the del'en(X' of, 2()2-2()5 ; compaii'(l 
 with New South Wales, 207 ; dill'er- 
 euce between )iolitics of, and of New 
 South Wales, 280 ; postage. 402 ; free 
 circulation of newspapers. Hi. ; Austin- 
 lian feileratioii. 142 ; fuller federation, 
 450 ; referreil to, 10, 29, 104, 207, 
 208, 270, 272, 273, 270, 277, 279, 
 280, 281, 2S3, 280, 287, 291, 292, 
 290, 301, 30.'., 307, 309. 315, 319. 
 329, 330, 331, 333, 339, 340, 347, 
 305, 308, 370, 374, 377, 383-385, 
 3H7, 388, 390-392, 393. 395, 390, 
 397, 400, 409, 413. 414, 417, 418, 
 419, 421, 423, 424, 428, 429, 433, 
 443140, 450, 452, 409, 482, 504, 
 520 
 
 Victoria IJridge, Montreal, 01 
 
 Vicfiirid, steel gunboat, 202 
 
 Vigiion, M. Louis, his Lcs Vulunirs 
 fni.iii^aises (pioted, 440 
 
 Villiers, Sir H. de, views on South Africa, 
 503 ; referred to, 470. 471 
 
 Virginia, 70, 171 
 
 Vogel. Sir. L, described 417; referred to, 
 344, 418, 419, 432.440.448 
 
 Volksraad, of Transvaal, 408, 537 
 
 WA(iNi;i{, music of, in the colonies, 250 
 Wakefield system, the, 370, 377, 387, 
 
 408 
 Wales, 130 
 Waltisch Bay and the Germans, 501. 
 
 502; 514 
 '• Waring," 428 
 Warren. Sir C., uud South African dilli- 
 
 cnlties, 570 ; his expedition, 549, 
 
 507-509 
 Washington (I). C), 72, 97, 122, 138, 154, 
 
 157, 104, 494 
 
 House of Representatives at, 90 
 
 President, 152 
 
 .(State), 34,138, 147 
 
59f) 
 
 /iXDEX 
 
 
 WasliiiiKtoii, Treaty of, 162 
 WiitHoii, Mr. Marriott, 428 
 VViitts's " l,ovi! im.l Dnitli." ;109 
 WolliiiKtnii(Mriti',li (!olumliia), 130 
 
 (\,.w Zfiilimil), 41.1, 42tl, 4IJ2 
 
 anil Maiiawa^u lluilway Comjuiny, 
 
 423 
 VVfslcyaiis, the, in the ( 'ape, 4M0 
 WttMtorn Australia, its size, 403 ; IVatnres 
 of its Houtliern part, 404 ; agitation 
 fur division anil rusponsililc ^;oviTn- 
 nuiit, 101, 407 ; .soil, ami i^liniati', 
 4(i7 ; its spare latnls a lii'ld for sciun- 
 litic I'oloniMatioii, 40.S ; present |io.si- 
 tion, 411; responsilile f,'overnnient, 
 negotiations for, 412 ; ilefonre ipu's- 
 tions, 413 ; referred to, 32i>, 3:i0, 348, 
 3,'i2, 376, 377, 392, 3it.''), 401, 403, 
 40(5,420, .11 !t, .'■)23, 568 
 Westgartli, Mr., and Australian con- 
 federation, 241 ; 244 
 Westminster, 72 
 W'c.il mi lister Itecirw, 103 
 West Indies, jiressnre of tlie United 
 States on tlie, It!,'') ; ])roi»)sed treaty 
 of United States witli the. Hi. ; its 
 general ellect, lOti ; ol)jei:tions to the 
 draft treaty, 167 ; iiosition towards 
 the United States, 168; referred to. 
 20, 44, 17.", 404 
 
 Wemt India Islands, 441, 101 
 
 Whiteway, Sir William, Prime MInl.ster 
 of Newfoundland, 20 
 
 Wiltshire, 360 
 
 VVininiera Kiver, 20i) 
 
 Winnipeg, increase of itH jiopulatioii, 
 
 129 ; architecture, ih. ; iniportai 
 
 of, as a railway centre. 130 ; referred 
 to, 34, 37, 122, 132-134 
 
 Winton, Sir F. de, 5.12, 5.13 
 
 Wise, Mr., 207 
 
 Wolseley system, the, in Natal, 510 
 
 Wood, Sir K., and the defence of Swazi- 
 land, 540 
 
 Woolley, Professor, 314 
 
 Wynberj,', 504, 507, 508 
 
 YOKI)HAM.\, 141, 142 
 
 Yorkshire, 360 
 
 ZAMni:ai, the, 478, 514, 515, 517, .'.50, 
 
 560, 562, 570-572 
 Zanzibar, 571 
 Zulnhind and responsible governnu'Ut in 
 
 Natal, 526; referred to, 514, 515, 
 
 522-524, 528, 53:3 
 Zulus, the, 533 ^ ^ 
 
 Zulu War, the, 524 JS 
 Zuml)o, 560 
 
 h 
 
 u, 
 
 KM) OF VOL. I 
 
 Printed by R. .'<: K- Ci.ark, Ediitburgli. 
 
■• 111, l!M 
 
 I, 20 
 
 16 
 
 * of Hh poimlntioii, 
 ro, ih. ; iiiijioitiincn 
 -'■I'tr... 130 ; ivferr..,! 
 
 552, f,53 
 
 "'. ill Natal, r,]9 
 'I'^'lffuucu or Hwa/i- 
 
 311 
 508 
 
 ^J 
 
 l-«> 5]r., 517, ;,r,9^ 
 
 iililf govfrninciit in 
 
 ri!'! to, r,M, r,]»;