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I The following resolution offered by Mr. Semple being under consideration: Eesolved, That the President of the United States be re- quested to give notice to the British government that it is tite desire of the government of the United States to annul and abrogate the provisions of the third article of the con- vention concludad between the government of the United States of America and his Britannic Majesty the Kini? of the United Kine^dom of Great Britain and Ireland on tiie 30tli October, 1819, and indefinitely continued bythe convention between the same parties, signed at London the 6th August, 1827. Mr. BUCHANAN rose and said: - Mr. Presiiient: I feel deeply impressed with tlie importance of the question now under discussion, ana of the necessity which exists for its speedy ad- justment. My conviction is strong that a peaceful settlement of this question can only be accomplished by prompt but prudent action on the part of this government. We are all anxious that it should be settled in peace; and there is no senator on this floor more anxious for such a happy consummation than myself. Whilst this is the desire of my heart, I am yet firmly convinced that the mode by which senator on the other side desire to atttan this desira- ble end will utterly fail. Already we are sending numerous emigrants every year across the Rocky mountains; and we are sending them tliere without the protection of Ia\»;, and without the restraints of civil government. We have left them, hitherto, to the unlimited control of their own passions. We must send them laws and a regular form of govem- ment. Wc must take them under our protection, and subject them to the restraints of law, if we would prevent lollisions between them and the British oc- cupants — the servants and people of the Hudson Bay company. This we must do, if we would preserve peac« between the two nations. The present is a question, not of mere theory, but of practical states- manship; and I sincerely hope that such a coftrse may be pursued as will sustain the rights of the country to the territory in dispute, and, at the same time, preserve the peace of the world. I care but little as to the mere form of the resolu- tion proposed by the senator from Illinois, [Mr. Semple.] If it be not altogether perfect, it can easily be amended. This I shall say, however: we ought not to expect that the President, under existing cir- cumstances, would assume the responsibility of giving the proposed notice for the purpose of terminating the treaty of joint occupancy, without the sanction of one or both Houses of Congress. The treaties of 1818 and 1827 are the law of the land. They were rati- fied by the constitutional majority of two-thirds of the Senate; and their provisions have now been in force for more than a quarter of a century. It could not, therefore, be expected that the President would give the proposed notice on his own reponsibility alone. On the question of his abstract power to do so, I express no opinion. Without any technical objections to the mere form of the resolution, and without furtht. remark, I shall proceed at once to the statement and discussion of the main question. The third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818, between the United Statts and Great Britain, contaiiis an agreement that the country on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, during tl-. ici.m of ten years, witli its harbors, bays, and creeKs, am' the navigation of its rivers, "shall be free and open to the vessels, cit- izens, and subjects of the two owers," without prejudicing tlie claim of cither pnrcy to the territory m dispi e. The provisions of this third article were extended for an indefinite period by the con- vention of the 6th of August, 1827; subject, how- ever, to the condition, thateither of the parties, "on giving due notice of twelve months to the other con- tracting party," might "annul and abrogate this convention." The question, then, is, shall we ad- vise the President to give this notice.' If our government should annul the convention, then each of the parties will be restored to its origi- nal rights. In what condition would the United States then be placed.' ' The northern boundary of Mexico, on the Pacific, is the forty-second parallel of north latitude. By separate treaties between the F880 JB9I IT**? f' //Jf W/tn'fMf/y o^'y/}/^yfj/t Uo/'/^^i/f^ I'liitcd Stairs nnd Russin, and Grtnt Britain and Riissic, tiiis power lias rcIiniiuiHliod all ciiiim to any territory on the norlliwcst f:oust of Anifrifa, soulli ot" the lalitiule of (iriy-foiir deforces and forty niin- uteH. Thus the (crriloi y in (lispnte oniliracos tliat vast region extendin'j; along tlie Paeiiie ocean, from On- forty-second degree of north latitude to fifty-four <legrecM and liirty nnnutes iiortli, arid running east 3ilong tiiese r< speetive ]iarallcl.s of latitude to the Runmiit of the lloi'Uy mountains. Now, nir, to the whole of this t( rritory — to every foot of it — 1 be- lieve most firmly thai wc have a elear and conclu- sive title. This ha.s not been denied by any scna- wr. Under the publie law of elirislendom, which has regulated the rights of nations on sueli ([ucs- li<mH ever .since the discovery and settlement of the <x)ntir.e.it of America, the validity of our title can be demonstrated. 1 shall, myself, attemj)! to ])er- form this duly on a future and more appropriate <.ire«sion, when the bill to establish a territorial gov- ernment for Oregon shall come before the Senate, unless, in the mean time, it slmll be accomplished by some se.iator more competent to the task. The materials for this work of mere condensation and abridgment are at hand. They are all to be found in the jiowerfid speech of the new .senator fn>ni Illinois, [Air. Buekse,] which has made such a favorabl.; iuipressio:. upon the body; in the able and convincing treatise on the subject by a distin- guished citi/.eii of Philadelphia, (Peter A. Browne;) and, above all, by the facts and arguments, the labor «f years, collected and jiresented by Mr. Greenhow, III his History of California and Oregon, which has «xJuiUHted the subject, and left not a doubt of the validity of our title. Assuming, then, f6)r the present, with the senator fnjm Mas.sacdiusetts, [Mr. Choate,] that our title j.« undoubted, 1 shall proceed directly to discuss the tjucstion whether we should give the notice pro- |H)Scd by the resolution. And, ill the first place, I shall contend that, if we desire to bring the negotiation to a speedy and suc- cessful termiiuuion — if we wish to make any treaty with England at all upon the subject, — it js indis- pensably necessary that we should give the notice. And why.' From the plainest principles of com- mon sense, and from the policy which governs na- tion,s, it cannot be expected — nay, it ought not to be expected — that England will voluntarily surrender tfie Oregon K^-ritory, or any part of it, while the pres- ent treaty <'xisls, under which she now enjoys the whole. The status in quo (as writers on public law call it) IS too favorable to her interests to expect any tmch result, yiic now liolds, and ims held, the ex- <:.lu.sive [lossossiun of the territory for more than a quarter of a century, for every purpose for which vhti desires to use it at the present. The Hudson Hay company have claimed high merit from the British go\ ernnient for liaving expelled our luinters and traders t'rom tlie country. We have been in- formed by the senator from Missouri, [Mr. Bkn- Tov,] and other western senators, that this com- pany — either directly, by their own agents, or indi- rtsrlly, by the Indians under their control — have murdered between four and fis'e hundred of our fel- low-citizens, who had crossed the Rocky mountains for the purpose of trading with the natives, and of hunting the fur-bearing animals which abound in those regions. They liavi', driven away all our cili- aens whose pursuits could interfere with their prof- ita. Under the existing state of things — under the .present treaty of joint occupation, — tliey have the whole country to themselves, and all the profits to be derived from its possession. The Hudson Bay company now enjoys the monopoly of the fur trade, which has ))oured millions into its cofl'ers, and ha^ greatly promoted the commerce and furnished a mar- ket for the mamifactures of the mother country. The truth is, that the present treatv of joint occupa- tion, although reciprocal between tlie two nations in ]ioint of form, has proved beneficial in point of fact to England, and to England alone. She has at pres- ent all she can desire; and any change must be for the worse. Why, then, should she consent to di- vide the possession of this Territory with the Urn- ted States.' Wliy should she be willing to surren- der any part, when she now enjoys the whole^ E.vcn if we were to yield to her monstrous proposi- tion to make the Columbia river the bounuary be- tween the two nations, still would she not desire de- lay, enjoying already, as she does, the practical ownership of the whole territory south, as well as north, of that river.' Knowing the policy which has always actuated the British government, I should not be astonished, if we could penetrate the cabinet of Mr. Pakenham, to find there instructions to this erect: — Delay the settlement of the question as long as you can; the longer the delay the better for us; under the existing treaty we enjoy the whole of the fur trade; under it we now possess far greater advantages than we C£in expect under any new treaty. They have already all they desire; and, my life upon it, there will be no new treaty, if the Senate should, as I have no doubt they will, lay this reso- lution upon the ttible for the reasons which have been urg(^d in the debate. Sir, if this resolution should be laid upon the table, accompanied by the able and eloquent argumenls of senators on the other side — by the argument of the senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Choate] in favor of continu- ing the present treaty of joint occupation for twenty years longer, and that of the senator from New Jersey [Mr. Miller] against the policy of sending our citizens to settle in Oregon at all — in my opin- ion, it will be utterly vain even to hope for the con- clusion of any treaty. Great Britain will be glad to enjoy all the benefits of her preaent position for an- otiier quarter of a century. But if the notice were once given — if it were thus rendered certain that the present treaty must expire within a year, the British government would then be- gin to view the subject in a serious light. The> would then apply themselves in earnest to the settle- ment of the question. We owe it to Great Britain — we owe it to our own country, to render this a serious question; not byoflTering threats, for these would be unworthy of ourselves, and could produce no effect upon such a power — but by insisting, in a firm but respectful tone, that tlie disjjute which has so long existed been the two nations must now be termina- ted. When that power shall disco vei" that we are at last in earnest and determined to urge the contro- versy to a conclusion, then, and not till then, will she pay that degree of respect to our rights and to our remonstrances "which the proud soul ne'er pays but to the proud." It is not by abandoning our rights — it is not by giving to Great Britain another quarter of a century for negotiation, that we can ever secure to ourselves our own territory now in her possession. Until the notice shall be given — ^judging from the selfish principles which unfortunately too much infltienoe the conduct of nations, as well as individuala— there irill be Upo" l^ iot a spj Been rul '^c shalll had b(ei| Ihentioii ^e dec twenty jossibleJ My s(| iRtive ac'l iating civ vicnt spil 80 far fV(| tp perse I when lia| her lon^ one com] A. firm al from hei . The that "thil aiidered i had wail adjustmi should 1 tag ihit misiakei Juietly iept for that fro 11 crossed «nt hou subject, Sute. 1 enate li documei ted to c feel colli have occ more tin their sei stunlly 1 Hi-ging mouth c poascssi by fore* the trci treaty that po own ter satisficc force, \ withou Floyd gather( the oth tive to ■ ritory ject hfi -each s t»umei .mittee jpur til «uiysv Kf ' Bui 'lor si: • any r tyye gumc •Jiest, i 3 l*l' ""t/'^.P'"'''^'^ ^" will Ijc no adjuslnicnt of the boundary qucation. If, I lludson IJay ||pon the mere arrival of a British minister, (and he ly "1 'he fur trade, ^ot n .special minister like Lord Ashburton, as had H eotUis, and ha^ Been rumored, but a retsidenl envoy cxiraordinary,) lurnisheu a mar- ^c .shall a second time arrest our proceedings Vf-hicih mother country, had hit^u conmicnci d lonii; before liis name was V o( joint occupa- aientioncd for this appointment, fuid jjrcet him with in\ two nation.s in jjic declaration that we are willimr lo wait for Uiii pojnt of fact twenty years lonirer, then a treaty will become im- '^lic has at pros, possible. My second proposition is, that to arrest all Icfjis- lative action at liie present moment, and under ex- isting circumstances, would evince a tame and sub.ser- Ticnt sj)iriton our pail towards Great Dritain, which, SO far from concihatins, would only encourajLje her tp persevere in her unjust demands. I would ask, when hiis EngLuid, in her foreign palicy throuc;hout her long and eventful history, ever failed to make one concession the ground for demanding aiiotheir A firm and determined spirit m necessary to obtain from her both respect and justice. • The f:ciiat(n' from Mas.suchusetts has informed ns that "this controver.sy bad not heretofore been con- •idered as very urgent;" and has slated that "if we had waited so quietly for twenty-six years for the adjustment of this question, he did not sec why w(; should not wait six months longer, instead of adopt- ihg this measure now." IJut is not the senator ttiisiaken in supposing that we had waited thu.s Juietly for so long a period.' The question baa not lept for a quiU'ter of a century. So far from this, that from the day when Lewis and Clark, in 1805, crossed the Rocky mountains, until the pre.s- «nt hour, we have been incessantly agitating the subject, and urging our title to the territory in dis- pute. 1 requested the executive secretary of the Senate to hunt up all the volumes containing public documents on this subject. 1 am sorry that I omit- ted to count the number of these volumes; but 1 feel confident they exceeded twenty. Ever since I have occupied a .seat in Congress, (wliich is ni>w more than twenty years,) the American people, by their senators and representatives, have been con- stantly urging the settlement of this question, but urging it in vain. We were in possession of the mouth of the Columbia before the late war; and tliis possession, of which Great Britain had dejtrived us Dy force, was restored to us after the peace under the treaty of Ghent. In an evil hour, under the treaty of 1818, we voluntarily surrendered to that power a joint occupation with ourselves of our own territory. The British government is perfectly satisfied with this treaty; and whilst it remains in force, we may urge and complain until doomsday without effect. From the time when Governor Floyd of Virginia, who has for many years been gathered to his fathers, introduced his resolution in the other House, on the 10th December, 1821, rela- tive to the occu|)ation of the Columbia river and ter- ritory of the United States adjacent thereto, the sub- ject has, in some form or other, been brought before <each successive Congress. Since then, we have had tiumerous President's messages and reports of com- mittees, and other documents, in favor of asserting .^ur title by some act of possession; but all without any successful result. But even if we had been sleeping over our rights ^r six and twenty years, I ask the senator, is this any reason why we should slumber over them twen- ty years longer.' Is it not rather a convincing ar- gument to urge us at last now to go to work in ear- xiest, and repair the evils_ consequent on our long dc- inge must be for ^he eon.sent to di- >ry with the Uni- willing to surren- joys tlie whole' >n St 10 us proposi- lie bounoary be- lie not desire de- «, the practical )uth, as well a.s always actuated ^t be astonished, Mr. Pakcnham, cct:— Delay tlie M you can; the der the existing ir trade; under it es than we cem re; and, my life tv, if the Senate ', Jay this reso- )ns which hnve this resolution npanied by the snators on the e senator from or of continu- tion for twenty itor from New icy of sending — in my opin- '6 for the con- will be glad to osition for an- if it were thus y must expire lould then be- hght. The> t to the settle- reat Britain — this a serious ese would be luce no effect in a firm but I Jias so long t' be termina- r that we are e the contro- :ill then, will rights and to soul ne'er -it is not by of a century i to ourselves lion. Until > the selfish ■h influence luals— there lay? But tlie cITect of the argument of the senator V " still be — "a little more Klc<'p; a little more slum- b< i,a little more f.ilding of the hauls to sleep;" whilst Gnat I'ritain continues iiilhcaciuni possession of the cminiry, .uul lias evinced a fixed determination to hold it as long as possible. My lamented friend, the late senator from Mis- souri, (Dr. Linn,) who sut by my side in this cham- ber, for sevenil years before his death, made the a.s- sertion of our claims to this territory the chief bu- siness of his usel"ul and honorable life. He thought that, when Lord Ashburton came to the country, the propitious moment had at length 'Tivcd for the settlement of this long-agitated and d ^erous ques- tion. His lordship was hailed as • minister of j)C!icR and as the harbinger of a nc era of good feeling between the two nations. Mr. Webster himself |trocIivimed that this special mini.ster was in- trusted with full [lower to settle all our (ptestions in dispute with Grettt Britain. We all recollect witli what enthusiasm his advent was hailed. Dr, Linn, upon the advice of his friends, (myself amongst the number,) ceased to urge the Oregt)n question on this floor, as soon as tht; negotiation commenced, in the full and confident expectation that it would be finally settled by any treaty which might be con- clnded. 1 hope the Senate will pardon me for say- ing a few worth) here in reference to my deceased friend. In him were combined the most opposite and the most admirable qualities of our nature, in more striking contrast than 1 have ever witnessed in any other man. Gentle as the lamb, and mild as the zejihyr, he was yet brave as the lion. "He had a heart for pity, mid a hand open as day for melting charily;" but yet "was like the mustering thflnder when jirovokcd." Human suflering al- ways drew from him the tear of sympiithy; anil his active benevolence never rested until he had at- tempted to relieve the suflTercr. He was one of tho nble.it men who has held a .'-•eat in the Senate in my day, and yet he was so modest and unpretending that he never seemed sensible of his own ability, a'ld would blush at the faintest praise. If the first settlers who shall boldly establish themselves in Ore- gon under the ample folds of the American flag — not those who may "enter the territory prudently nnd silently" — do not call their first city af^or his name, they will deserve the brand of ingrat- itude. I have never known a man — a stranger to my own blood — in the \vhole course of my life, to wiioni I was more ardtoitly attached. In common with us all. Dr. Limi was firmly con- vinced tiiiit the Oregon question would have been settled by the late treaty. There was tlien every reason cimfidently to anticipate such a result. Lord Ashburton himself proclaimed that he had been in- trusted with full powers to settle ail the disputed questions; and, from the condition of England at that moment, no man could have doubted her desire to remove all causes of dissension between tlie two countries. Her annual revenue was insufiicient for her annuid expiinditurc; she had sufl'ered serious reverses in the East, where she was waging two ex- pensive and bloody wars; a large portion of her pop- ulation at home appeared to be rapidly approacning a state of open rebellion from misery and starvation; and France, her ancient and powerful enemy, had indignantly refused to ratify the quintuple treaty granting her the right of search on the African coast. This, I rejieat, was the propitious moment to settle all our difficulties; but it was not improved, and I fear it has passed away forever. Who could then, i ■JWP t*!?"^^-^ have anticipated that, under nil these favorable cir- cumstances, but a single aueation would be settled, and this the northeastern noundary? It was not in the confiding nature of Dr. Linn to anticipate such a catastrophe. Some of us, at least, can recollect with what astonishment and mortification we first learn- ed that the Oregon question had not been settled by the treaty. Dr. Linn instantly gave notice tb'it he would press his bill for the organization and settle- ment of the territory; and this bill passed the Senate at the lastsession. Are then the United States again to strike their flag? are all proceedings upon this sub- ject again to be arrested in the Senate, on the mere arrival of another niinisterfrom England? Although her subjects hud been in the exclusive possession of the whole territory from the day when the Hudson Bay company first set foot upon it until 1842, yet Congress at once cea.scd to prosecute our claim on the arrival of Lord Ash biirton. Should we pursue a similar course on the arrival of Mr. Pakonham, is it not morally certain that the new negotiation will produce similar results? This is not the best mode of treating with England. She ought not to expect any such concessions from us. If we desire to ob- tain justice from her or any other nation, we must assert our rights in a proper manner. If we do this, she will have little encouragement to hope for longer delay; if we do not, judging from her course in the Ashburton negotiation, there is not the least probabili- ty of the settlement of the question. We have already surrendered to her our ancient highland boundary for which our fixthers fought; these highlands which overlook and command Quebec, the seat of her empire in North America. We have placed her in possession of the highland passes which lead into the very heart of our own country. We have yielded to her the very positions on our frontier, which the Duke of Wellington and a board of British ofiicers deemed indispensable for the defence of her North American possessions. She has obtained all this from our government; and what is worse than all, — what disgraces us more than ail before the world — no, sir, I will not apply the term disgrace to my country, — Lord Ashourton had in his pocket Mitch- ell's map of 1753, t^iken from the private library of George the Third, which proved the justice of our claim. On that map was traced, by the hand of the sovereign himself, the treaty line according to our claim; and the factwas thus conclusively establislied, that England was not entitled to a foot of the terri- tory in dispute. Mr. B. here read from a newspaper the following extracts from the speeches of Sir Robert Peel and Lord Brougham — the first delivered in the House of Commons on the 28th March, 1843, and the second in the House of Lords on the 7th April following: Sir RoBKRT Pkki,. But there is still another map. H'^re, in this country — in the library of the lute King — was depos- ited a map by Mitchell, of the dute 1733. Thiit map was in the possession of the late King; and it was also in possessioii of the noble lord; but he did not communicate its contents to Mr. Webster. [Hear, hear.] It is marked by a broad red line; and on that line is written "Boundary as described by our negotiator, Mr. Oswald;"' and that lino follows the claim of the Itnited States. [Hear, hear.] That map was on an extended scale. It was in possession of the late King, who was particularly curious in relation to geographical inqui- ries. On that map, I repeat, is placed the boundary line — that claimed by the United States — and on four difl'erent places on that line, "Boundary as described by our negotia- tor, Mr. Oswald." Lord Brougham also spoke upon this question, and treated the idea with ridicule and scorn, that Lord Ashburton was bound to show this map to Mr. Webster. His lordship thinks tJiat, from the handwriting along the red line on the face of the map, descnbing the American, and not the British claim, "it is the handwriting of George III him- self." And after stating that the library of George III, by the munificence of George IV, was given to the British Museum, he says: This map must have been there; but it is a curious cir- cumstance that it is not there now. [Laughter.] I suppose it must have been taken out of the British Museum for the putpose of l)eing sent over to my noble friend in America; [hear, hear, and laughter;] and which, according to the new doctrines of diplomacy, ho wa.i bound \o have taken over with him, to show that. he h'ad no case— that he had not a leg to stand upon. And again: But, somehow or other, that map, whicn entirely de- stroys our contentioni, and gives all to the Americans, has been removed from the Briti:ili Museum, and is now to bo found at the Koi-eign Oflice. "The late King (says Robert Peel) was particu- larly curious in relation to geographical inquiries." No doubt he had received from Mr. Oswald himself (the British negotiator of the provisional treaty of peace) the information necessary to enable him to mark the boundary Unc between his remaining provinces in North America and the United States according to that treaty. Justly has Lord Brougham declared, that if this map had been produced, tlio British government would not have had a leg to stand upon. It would have entirely destroyed all contentions, and given all to the Americans. I shall not apply any epithets to such conduct. The sub- ject is too grave for the use of epithets. But this I shall say, that, at one moment during the northeasts ern boundary dispute, that government was ready to apply the match to the cannon, and go to war in de- fence of a claim which they themselves knew, under the hand of their late sovereign, was totally destitute of foundation. 1 shall repeat, without comment, what Lord Ash ! burton said in reference to the British title, during the negotiation. He stated that he was the friend of the United States — that he had endeavored to avert the late war with England; which was true, and was highly creditable to him. But, after all, with the map in his pocket, he declared, in his letter to Mr. Webster of the 21st June, 1842, as fol- lows: I will only here add the most solpnin assurance, which I would not liglilly make, that, after a long and careful exam- ination of all the arguments and inferences, direct and cir- cumstciutiul, t)earing on the wliole of this truly diflicult question, it is my settled conviction llmt it was the intention of the purlins to'tlie treaty of peace of 1783, however imper- fectly those intentions may have been executed, to leave to Great Britain, by their descrijition of boundaries, the whole of the wattas of the river St. John.— Page 40. And yet, after all this, we are admonished by sen- ators to be again quiet and jiatient, as we were whilst the negotiations wUh Lord Ashburton were pending, and await the result. If we should continue to fol- low this advice, the question will never be settled. But, says the senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Choatl,] it would be disrespectful to the govern- ment of Great Britain to give the notice, immediate- ly after the arrival of their minister in this country. Disrespectful to give a notice expressly provided for by the terms of the treaty itself! Disrespectful when this notice will produce no sudden and abrupt termination of the treaty, but will leave it in force for another whole year! I ask, is not this period long enough to complete a negotiation whicn was commenced twenty-five years ago? My feeUngs may be less sensitive than those of otlier gendemen; and tills may be tlie reason why I cannot conceive hovr 4 6« he face of the not the British eorge III him- •nry of George was given to a curious cir- hter.] I suppose Museum for the end in America; rding to the new liavi) taken over tliat lie had not a licii entirely dc- K Americans, has and is now to bo ) wns particu- cnl inquiries." )swald himself lional treaty of 5nnble him to hie remaining ! United States lOrd Brougham l)roduced, tlie ^ hud a leg to y destroyed all ricans. I shall ict. The sub- s. But this I the northeast- It was ready to ) to war in de- ■s knew, under )tally destitute liat Lord Ash ! ih title, during was the friend endeavored to lich was true, But, after all, 1, in his letter 1842, as fol- rance, which I id careful exam- , din!ct and cir- 3 truly difficult as the intention liowever imper- tod, to leave to ries, the whole ishcd by sen- e were whilst I'cre pending, ntinue to fol- be settled, lusetts, [Mr. the govern- , immediate- Jiis country, provided for Jisrespectfut 1 and abrupt ve it in force this period 1 whicn was 'eelings may tlemen; and )nceive how 'tlie British governmrnt rnuld, by possibiiity, ^in- sider the notice diHro.spcciriil. 1 Ixur NcnHil ,iity must be cvtrrinc to take oflifncc at a measuro whii^li, by their own Holcmn agreement, we might have ndopted at any tinu' within ilic lint Hixtcrn years. If, li,)wcvi'r, thoy HJionld take odcnco at our adop- tion of till! very coin'sc tidinli'd out by their own Bolcnm treaty, let tlirni, m Heaven's name, be of- fended. I .shall regret it; but niiieli more slinll I re- gret the lonsr delay in the adjustment of this (piOH- tion, wliieli will inevitably result from our refusal to give the notice. It will never be settled \iiitil wo ('(mviiiee CJicat Britain that we are in earnest. She will proceed in extending and cngro'^sing the trade of the territory so long us we shall consent to leave her in cjiiiet possession, jmlienlly awaiting th<? result.s of a negoti.Ttion. The longer'the delay, the more essentially will her intorests be promoted. Here, sir, I migl'f with pro]iripty close my argu- ment, having already said all which apjiropriately belongs to the resolution under discussion; but I fee! myself boimd to examine some of the positions taken by the senator from IVlas.saclnisetts. In the opinion of thai senator, cvs^n if no treaty clioiild lie concluded liy Mr. Pnckenham, it would be wise to continue the existing convention, unless circum- stances slijill change. He believes that, "in the course of twenty years," an agrirulun-al ]iopula- tioii from the United Statc."^ wo\ild gradually and peacefully spread itself over tin; Territory of Ore- gon — "the lumterH of the Hudson Bay com- pany would all pas.s off to the desert, where their objects of puisuit were foiuid, and ihe country would, without astrnggle, be our.s." Enghuul had no inten- tion of coionizing Oregon, and the .senator .saw noth- ing in her policy which would incline her to inter- pose obstacles to this natural (bourse of events. *'No doubt, if we provoked and made war upon her, she would do it; but if we would but enter the territory prudently and silently, with the plough- share and the pruning hook, he could not see "the least probability that .she wotild interfere to prevent us." If we should send hunters or trappers there to interfere with their monopoly, the Hudson Bay company might take offence. "But should we go there honafide as farmers, wishing only to till the Boil, he had no doubt that, in twenty years, that great hunting corporation, like one of O.-sian'Hghosts, would roll itself off to the north and northeast, and seek that great desert which was adapted to its piu-- suits and objects." England had no intention cf colonizing the territory; and, to use his own strong figure, "no more idea of establishing an a-jricultu- ral colony in Oregon than .she had of ploughing and planting tlie dome of St. Paul's." I shall briefly examine these positions of the honorable senator; .nnd when subjected to the scru- tiny of sober reason, co what do tliey amount.' What is their intrinsic value.' They are, poetry, and nothing but poetry — expressed, to be siut, M-ith that sj)lcndor of diction for which the senator is so highly distinguished, and which, in it.self, possesses so much of poetic beauty. But, after all, they are mere pocty. What, in fact, has the senator recom- mended.' A policy which will not stand the test of the slightest examination — a ^wlicy to which such a corporation as the British Hudson Bay company will never submit. We are to steal into Oregon quietly, with the ploughshare and the pruning hook; and then, notwithstanding by our agricultural set- tlements we shall most effectually destroy and drive away all the game which forms the very sub- stance of that eomnany'H wealth, the company will take no offence, aixl interpose neither resistance nor obstacle to our p'". ceding ! Not at all; we may progress peacefully and prudently, initii we shall have converted all their himting i^rounds into fruit- ful fields; and then that ancient and |H)W(M-ful monop- oly will retire like one of Ossian's ghosts, rolling itself off into its kindred deserts of the North ! It is true that this mercenary and blood-Litiiincd corpo- ration has already murdered betwee'ii four and nve hundred of our citizens, who ventured intr) Oregon Cor the pnrriose merely of sharing with them the hunting an(l trapping of the beaver; yet they will not take tin; least lunbrage, if we shall enter the territory with plough and pruning hook, in such minibers as to destroy their hunting and trai»|)ing altogdherl These u.iforiunatc men did but attempt to hunt the beaver, a; they had a right to do under the treaty of joint o 'cupation, and it cost them their lives; but yet, if iH the Ix aver and other game shall be driven from t!ie country by our .settlements, this will idl be very well, and the company will never raise a finger to prevent its own destruction! Should this be its couise, the Hudson Bay company will prove itsfjlf to b' the most disinterested and mngnanimous monopoly of which 1 have ever heard or read in all my life. Trading compiuiies are almost universal iy governed by an exclusive view to their own ii terest. To suppose for a mo- ment that this vast trading asssociation, with all its hunters and dependa its, will gradually retire, with their faces, I presume, to oin- advancing settlements, is one of the most extraordinary notions that 1 have heard in this clamber. And this is the mode whereby the senator kvill preserve the peace between the two nations, and at the same time acrpiire pos- session of the territory! Now, Mr. Preside it, I assert that Great Britain has never inanifesteil a more determined purpose, in the whole cour.se of her eventful history, than to hold and retain the i orthern bank of the Columbia river, with a harbor at its mouth. Why, sir, she already affects to consider the northern bank of this river as her own, w lilst she graciously concedes the southern as belonging to the United States. In Ore- gon, these linnks oi" the stream are familiarly and currently spoken of as "the British side" and "the American side." Let any of our citizens attempt to make a settlement north of that river, and we shall soon learn his fate; we shall soon hear, if noth- ing Moi-sc, that hii has been driven away. I be- lieve that but one American settlement has ever been attempted north nf the Columbia; and this is a small Catliolic establisl ment which nobody woidd ever think of disturbitig. In this course. Great Britain dis|)lays her deep policy and her .settled purpose. Thrice has she rffered to divide the territory, and make the t ohm bia the line between the two na- tions, and thrice has her offer been rejected. It is now evidently her design to make the possession of the territory conform to her proposition for its di- vision, yicldini.' the southern bank to us, and re- taining the northern for herself; and every moment thatwesubmi. to this allotment will but serve to strengthen hei claim. Even when Astoria was restored to the United States, in Oct.iber, 1818, under the treaty of Ghent, Cxreat Britain, in opposition to this her own .solemn act, protester that slie had the title to the territory, though it do:s not appear that this protest was ever, in point of f ict, communicated to our government. During the progress of the negotiation in 1818, ! ! which preceded the existing treaty of joint occu- pancy, our f^overnrncnt pruposcd timt the pnmllct of forty-nine decrees of north latitude, which iHtlic boun- dary of the two countricB cast of the llocky nioun- twins, shouUI bo extended as their boundary west to the Pacific oceun. What wwh the answer? "The British nc^otiutorB did not make luiy formal proposi- tion for a boundary, but intinialcd that tlic river it- self was the most convenient that could be adopted; and that they would not uijrec to any that did not pive them the harbor at the mouth of tlu^ river in common with the United State.s." lias Great Brit- ain ever departed from this declaration? JMo, .sir, never. On the contrary, the as.seition of her claim lias become stronger and .stronfi!;er with each suc- ceedinc; year. Tliis Nulijcct was n^ain dii^cus.'^cd in the negotia- tion of 1824. Mr. Iliish ai^ain as.serled our title to tlie 4'Jlli decree of latitude, in stronii; and def'i(h"(l t^'rms; but it was as stroui^ly and decidedly ojiposcd by the British I'lenipotentiaries. All that tliey would consent to do was to run the 4fJlii parallel nC hilitud*' west, from the summit of the Rocky mountains, iiniil it should .strike llu; northern branch of the Co- lumbia, and from thence down the course of the river to the ocean. This proposition was promjtt- ly rejected by Mr. Rush; and in writing home to the Department of Slate, he stated that they had de- clared more tiian once, at the closin;;^ hours of the negotiation, 'Hlial llie botindary marked out in their oivn jrroposal, icus une from u-hicli the government of the United tSlutes must not expect Great liritain to de- Again, for the tliird time, previously to tlie treaty of 1827, we repeated our offer to divide the comitry with Great Britain by tlu; forty-ninth parallel of lat- itude; and she again rejected our propo.sition; md again offered to make the river the boundary, the na v i- gation of it to remain forever free and common to both nations. In making this offer, her negotia- tors declared that there could be no reci[)rocal with- drawal from actual occupation, as there was not, and never had been, a single American citizen set- tled north of the Columbia. In refusing our prop^ osition, they used language still stronger than they had ever done before; again declaring that it must not be expected they would ever relinquish the claim which they had asserted. Thus it appears that, in 1818, we offered to es- tablish the 49th degree as our nortliern boundary; in 1824, we repeated the offer; and in 1827, we again repeated the same proposal; but on each ocaision, it was absolutely refused. Our minister, in obedi- ence to his instructions, after this last refusal, sol- emnly declareil to the British plenijiotentiaries that the Amerimn Government would never thereafter hold itself bound to agree to the line which had been proposed and rejected; but would consider itself at liberty to contend for the full extent of the claims of the United States. The British plenipotentiaries made a similar declaration, in terms equally strong, that they would never consider the British govern- ment bound to agree to the line which they had pro- posed; and these mutual protests were recorded in due form on the protocols of the negotiation. Thus. thank Heaven, we arc now relieved from the embar- rassing position in which we had placed ourselves, and are no longer trammeled by our former proposi- tions. We shall hereafter as.sert our claim to the full extent of our right. We shall no longer limit ourselves to the 49th parallel of latitude; but shall insist upon extending our boundary north to 54°] 40'; which is the treaty line between Rua^ia and tk< United Suites. To suppose that Great Britain, after these solemt assertions of her title, and these strong declaration that she would never aliandon it, will viduntarilj and quietly retire from the possession of the whol^ northwest coast of America; that she will surrende the straits of I3e Fuca, the only good harbor on thii: coast, between the 49th degree of latitude and Sain I'Vancisco, iu lalitudf! 'AT^ 48'; that she will yield U( this entire territory, the possession of wiiich can alone Kc<;ure t(» her the command of tiie north Facifi' and the trade of eastern Asia, and, through this trade, her inlluencc over China; that she will aban- don her valuable fur trade, and all this feriile anil salubrious country, and fly to the noillieiri deserts.-, before tin; advance of our farmerH, with ilieir plough- shares and pruning hooks, whom we are afraiil tn cover with the protection of our Hag, lest this mighi give her oH'ence; — to suppose all this, is surely to imagine the most impossible ol' all im|iossibilities I''r()ni the day that Sir Alexander McKen/.io fir.'jl set his foot upon the territory, until this very day, the jiroceedings of Great Britain in regard t(» the re- gion west of the Rocky mountains have been uni- form and consislc'iit. She has never faltered for a single moment in her course. She has proclaimed beforf! the world her right to settle and colonize it, and from this claim she has never varied or depart- ed: and yet we are now to be told that she will, allot a sudden, change her policy, and retire belbre th-- American squatters who may lind their way into Oregon without law, without a government, and without protection! And all this, too, in the very face of what occur- red during the negotiation of the Ashburtoii treaty. Our northwestern boundary not only forms no part of this treaty; but that important subject is not even alluded to throughout the whole correspondence. We had a correspondence between Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster on the Creole question, on the Caroline question, on the doctrine of impressment, and on the right of search; but it appears that this Oregon question was found to be so utterly incapa- ble of adjustment, that even the attempt was entirely abandoned. We are told by the President, in his message transmitting the treaty, that, "after sundry informal communications with e British minister upon the subject of the claims of the two countries to territory west of the llocky mounUiins, so little probability was found to exist of coming to any agreement on that subject at ])resent, that it was not thought expedient to make it one of the subjects of formal negotiation, to be entered upon between this government and the British minister, as part of his duties under his special mission." Thus it appears that, at so late a period as the year 1842, the claims of Great Britain were found to be so utterly irrecon- cilable with the just rights of the United States, that all attempts to adjust the question by treaty were abandoned in despair. Had I been the negotiator of the late treaty, ) .should have endeavored to melt the iron heart of his lordship. I would have said to him: "You have obtained all that your heart can desire in the adjust- ment of the northeastern boundary; will you, then, return home without settling any of the other im- portant questions in dispute? Nay, more, will you leave even the boundary question but half settled? At least, let us adjust the whole questitm of boun- dary — that in the northwest as well as tlie northeast. Permanent peace and friendship between tlie two BatiotiM IS jeave a qu importanc serous chi H question may prod proJ1iliou^ liiiu (omn the two CI improved turn." What nicjitions in relaiioi never be ! Rusdia and t},, 'ter tficse solemr •np dccltirationi wilJ VdJuntarih »n of the who), will surrendr I liarhdi- on thii: litiidf nrul Saji, li(! will yield uj > of wliich car Im Dortli Pacifi. |l, tliroii^h tills t nIic will abaii- f'li'^ Inrlile anil [>illir;n deserif.'. illiili(;ir|.J(ii|i,|,. |wf arc ufniidto If'st ihi,s iniglii >;', IN surely t,, iin|io.ssiljiliti,if, uMi'K(!iiy.io fir.'jt this vrry day, irard to the re- liivi! iicfti uni- (itllcied for (I HIS prnclainie(i iiiii colonize it, u'lcd or dfipnrt- ' siic will, all oj lin; belbre th" tlieir way into )vernnicnt, and >f what occur- Ijurtoii treaty. 'orins no part if^ct is not even urrespondcncc. ■»rd Ashliurton estion, on the impressment, lears that tliis tterly incapa- )t was entirely Psident, in his 'after sundry 'i«li niinisfer tvyo countries ains, so little >minf,' to any lat it was not e su!)jects of between thiw as part of his IS it appears 2, the claims cily irrecon- I "States, that treaty were ite treaty, ) heart of his "You Jiave I tiie adjust- you, then, ' other ini- p, will you lalf settled? 1 of boun- ! northeast, n the two nationo in the ardent de.Nire of us both; why, then, Jbqvc a qucBlion urmeiiled which is of much greater ■Importance, and conseiiuently of a much more dan- ^erouR character, than the northcastcm boundary — A question which contairm within its(!lf elements that may produce war at no distiuit period. This is the propitiouH monii'iit for cndinf^ all our difncuiticH, lulu commencing a new era of good feeling bctwi'cn the two countries. Let us not suflTer it to escajie un- improved — to pass away, it may be, never to re- turn." What the nature of these "informal (ommu- nicalions with the British minister" may have been in relation to the Oregon Territory, will probiil)ly never be known to the jieople of this counlry. No protocol — no record — was made of the conferences of the negotiators. Their tracks were traced upon the sand, and the returning tide has efliu-cd ibeni forever. We shall never know what passed be- tween them on this subject, unless Lord Ashl)ur- ton's desiiati'hes to his own government shall be published, which is not at all jirobable. 1 have no doubt they contain a full record of the confereiu'cs; because it is the duty of every responsible foreign mini.ster to communicate to his own government a perfect history of idl that occurs throughout his negotiations. I should be exceedingly curious to know what were these extravagant pretensions of llie Hriiish government in regard to Oregon, which rendered all negotiation on the subject impossible. it is more than probable tliat Mr. Webster again offered to Lord Ashburton to establish the forly- ninth parallel of latitude as the boundary between the two nations west of the ilocky mountains. 1 infer this from the fact that the senator from Massa- chusetts, [Mr. CiioATE,] in reply to the senator from Missouri, [Mr. Bkntov,] at the last session of Congrcs.1, had assured him that Mr. Webster had never "offered a boundary line seuth of the parallel of forty-nine;" that he [Mr. Choate] "was authorized and desired to declare that, in no com- munication, formal or informal, was such an offer made, and none such was ever meditated." Wlxn it had thus been authoritatively and solemnly de- clared that Mr. Webster had never offered to es- tablish any boundary .south of forty-nine, (which I was glad to hear,) it appears to me to be a legiti- mate inference that lie had offered to establish that parallel as the b-^undary. The senator from Massa- chusetts can, hotvever, doubtless explain what is the true state of the ease. Here Mr. Choatf. asked whether Mr. Bucuavan desired him to explain now, or wait till the senator should have concluded his remarks. Mr. RucriAKAN preferring the latter course, Mr. Choate promised to make the explanation, and re- tained his seat. But the honorable gentleman has assured the Sen- ale that Great Britain does not intend to colonize in Oregon — no, no more than she intends to colonize the dome of St. Paul's. And what arc the arguments by which he has attempted to support this position? Why, the senator has cturefully examined all the Biitish projects for colonization since the year 182fi; £md he find's that whilst they have been establishing colonies every where else around the globe, not a word has ever been hinted in relation to a colony in Oregon. And does not the .senator perceive how very easy it is to answer such an argument? Great Britain could not have colonized in Oregon without violating her own plighted faith to the Hudson Bay company, In December, 1821, she had leased to that company the wliolc of this territory (or tl"^ term tif twenty-one years, and she could not haTc set her foot upon it witliout infringing their charter- ed rights. What, sir! Great Britain not colonize? She mual colonize. This is the indispensable condition of her iixistence. She has utterly failed to impress upoii other nations her theoretical doctrines I'f free trade; whilst she excludes from her own ports every for- eign article which she can herself pniduce in sufB- cient quantities to supply the demand of her own people. The nations of the continent of I''urop«' ait* now idl manufacturing for theinselve.i. Their mnr- kcts arc nearly idl closed against her. She now en- joys nothing like free trade with any of these nationw. We arc now, I believe, the only civilized peoph, on earth wiiere free trade doctrines prevail to any great extent. The Zoll-Veiein, or commercial league of Gernumy, have rer* ntly adopted a tarift' of duties which must elTectually exclude her manu- factures t'nmi their ports. The whole world are fusi adojiting Bonaparte's continental system against Jier, and all the n.itions of Christendom seem determined to encourage their own labor and to manufacture for themselves. Under these ciirumstanres. Great Britain, in her own defence, must colonize. Sht must provide; a market of her own for her manufac- tures; or inevitable destruction awaits theai. Wherever she can acquire earth enough to plant « man who who will purchase and consunKi her pn>- ductions, — her cotton, her woollen, and her nnnr fabrics, — there she inii.st acquire it for the purpo.se of extending her home market. She cannot existwith- out colonization. This is the ver>f law of her pf»- liti(uil beinjr. To imagine, therefore, that she is about to abandon the" claim to colonize Oregon without a stn.ggle, is to imagine what" .^cems to me- to be very strange, not to say impossible. It is very true that she has not yet, on her own account, com- menced the process of colonization in that region; but judging from the mo.st authentic facts, we can no longer doubt what are her intentions. 1 have already stated that, in 1821, Great Britain had leased to the Hudson Bay company the Ter- ritory of Oregon for the term of twenty-one years- On the 30th May, 1H3S, this lease was extended by a new lease for another period of twenty-one years from its date. The existence of this last grant was entirely unknown to me until within the last few days. When I mentioned the subject in conversa- tion to the senator from Massachusetts, he informed me that he had seen the new lease, and kindly offer- ed to procure it for me, remarking at the same time that he had intended to mention the fact in the course of his remarks; but had omitted to do so in the hurry of speaking. That such was his intention 1 have not the leant reason to doubt. The correspondence of the company's agents with the British government immediately previous to the last lease, is in the highest degree worthy of the at- tention and solemn consideration of the Senate. In this correspondence with Lord Glinelg, they recounted all that the company liad done for the British government as a reason why their license ought to be extended. They boast of having suc- ceeded, "after a se'-'crc and expensive competition,, in establishing these settlements, and obtaining a dc- '■••'ed superiority, if not an exclusive enjoyment of ii , rdde — the Americans having almost withdrawri from the coast." They inform his lordship that "the company now occupy the country between the Rocky mountains and tlie Pacific by six perma- 8 I ncnl csUihlislimcntu on llic coast, sixiron in tlic in- lorior coniitry, iin.sidcM wcvcnil n\i;;riili)ry iiiiil liiiiil- inc; partifs; iiiiil they maintain a marine of Nix tirnird vfSNoIs — one of iht ni anli'am vcf-s'l — on tlic conHl." At ladi of tl.c^■o rNiahlislumtils, I bclifv*', indeed I may say llwil %vc know, tiny liavf ( irricd Htockadi^ forts; aUliouijii if tliiH fact, he mentiont d in the corrcsiiondcnce, il iiascMcapcd my ohsrrvation. In the nrijriiiiurhood of Foit Vain (Hiv<t, winch is llieir principal eslabhshrncnt, tiicy Ntalc tiie fact, that "tiiey liavc hiri:;e pa.Uure and }^raiii farms, af- fording^ most abnndantly every Hpecies of ajj;ricnl- tural piodnce, aiul mainiiiininf; lars;;e. jierds of stock of every description; tlusse have lie<'n ;;radnally es- tahhsiied; and il is liie int(iiti(Mi oftiie- comnany Ntill furllicr, not only to aui^mcnt and iner(;as(! tin in, to cstahhsli an export trade in wool, tallow, lii(l( s. ttiid other a^niciiltnral iiroduce, Imt to enco\ira£;e the settlement ot" their retired servants and other emi- grants under their protection.'" Tliey represent "the soil, climate, and otlier eircnmslances of the country" to he "as much, if not more, adapted to ngriculliiral pursuits tlian any other spot in Ameri- ca." And iliey express the eonfident hi,,ie tiiat, "with care and jirotectioii, the liritlsli doinhiion mmj not odIij hr priscnril in this cduntry, M'li'uli il luts hi in so mwli Ihi irisli (it'Iiuisia and Jlmtricu to occvixj to the excluMonof Jiritish siibJLcts,*l)ul Bnlisk interest and British injhicnrr niuij ht mttintained as pnraniuunlin this intereslini^ pari of the cuust of the Parific.''^ The extracts which I have just read are from the' letter of J. Pelly, e.sf). i:;overnor of the Hudson Hay company, to Lord Gleneljj, the Dritisli colonial Sec- retary of Slate, dated at London on the lOtli Feb- ruary, 1S;)7, applyinji; for an extension of their lease Among the jiapera submitted to tlie British government upon this occasioi, is a letter from Gcora;e Sim)ison, esq. to Governor Pelly. dated at London on the 1st fobruary, 1837. Mv. Simpson is the superintendent of .he company's afl'airs in North America; and, from his knowledge of the country, any infdrinalion wliich he communicates is entitled to the highest consideration. 1 beg the Senate to ponder well what he says in this letter in regard to that portion of Oregon be- tween the Columbia river and the 49th degree of north latitude, which tlic British government have so often ex])ressed tlieir determination to liold; and then ask themselves whetlicr they can, for a mo- ment, suppose that Great Britain will voJuntarily recede from its possession before our agricultural population: The country (snys Mr. Simi^son) sitiinted between the north<'in tinuk of tlic t'oliirnbia liv-r, wliioli cni|)ties itsoll' into the i'a^'ific, in hitituilc 10 dug. MO min., and tlic ioiuheni bank of Kra/cr's riviT, which cniptics itself into tiic Gulf of Georgia, in latitude 4;» dui?., is roiiiarkabli; for tliC salubrity of its cliniato and cxccUuncc of its soil, and possesses, with- in the straits of Dc Kiica, sonit; of the linest harliors in the world, being iirotcclcd from the wcis^ht of the I'aoilic hy A'anconvcr's and other islands. To the southward of the Btn'its of Do Kuca, situated in latitude 18 dec;. 37 niin , tlieie is no ^ood harbor neoier than the l^ay of hi. Irancisco, in latitudi- 1)7 (Up;. 48 niin., as the broad, shifting bar oft' the mouth of the (olumliia, and the tortuous channel through it, render the entrance of that river a very dangerous .lavi- gation even to vessels of small draft of water. The possession of that country to Great Britain may be- come an object of very great iiniiortanoe, and we are strengthening their claim to it (independent of the claim of prior discovery and occupation for the purjiose of Indian trade) I'y forming the nucleus of a colony through tlu^ es- taldishini nt of farnis, and tlie settlement of some of our re- tiring oflicers and servants as agriculturists. These communications, from the governor and •uperintendent of the Hudson Bay company, urging nn extension of their licenHc or lea.ip, were f«Tora*oloni/.*tion biy received by the British government; but Lordr^enn pow (ilenelg inform.s them, in his reply, that the goYiVlntion of I eminent mimtresrrve to itsell", in the new grant, ihoretnmentH, i privilege ofestablishing colonies on any jiortion ofjjjht whate the territory. To use his own language, "it will bi-.nlof new c indispennalih^ to introduce into the new ehartiT such |he Amerii' ciiiiditions as may enable her Majesty to grant, ^itrvw more '' the put pose of sittleinenl or ridonization, any of lliuation, as 1 lands eom|)ri.sed in il." This was the express con^eipeeling ih diiiiin of the grant; and, upon these terms, the coni--nbia and ll^ pany accepted its new license. The reservation <iintittlly objei the right to coloiii/.e is written in tin: cli.arest andfct of inlufi strongest terms upon the face of this charter. Neeireal /Jri/(<it») I add another word for the jnirpose of proving thai.nl." the British government do not intend to abandoiiThus, sir, this c(uintry, but that it is their purpose- to estalilislient openly colonies in it.' This is an important fact, whielianding t'"^ proves beyond a dmibt that we must speedily mani-;ttleand coU test a deiermination to assert our rights, and inakirely withou a stand for the portion of this territory north of tlnell founded Columbia, in a ditl'erent manner from that propo-sediey have n by till- senator from Mnssiu'liusetts, or con.scnt tci)lonic8 wlii< t\baiiilon it forever. pon tiii« P i5ut the senator from Massachusetts has informcd.ghtfl whicli us that the present treaty of joint occupati(jn mayy "use,_ oci continue for an indefinite period — "ten thousand ecomcs of I years" — witliout being in tiic least degree prejudiciul-eaty may to our title; but that the moment wc shall give no- ut being p>'< tice, and break up the convention, the advcr.se pos-rgunient in ses' .: of Great Britain will then commence, and. arty, so far i her cl-.iims will grow struiiger with each succcedini;t. Under tin year. I admit, in theory, the soundness of the prop- he riglit to osition, that \vhilsl the treaty continues, British nos-t could not session cannot inpire our title. But docs England juire no till admit the correctiicss'of this our interpretation of the ished. U treaty? Far, very far from it. Their construction nmction ol of this treaty, and their conduct under its proviH--,oionize the ions, have always been widely diflereiit from our insists upon own. We have under.stood it ui one manner, andtions, she they in another entirely opposite. Hutlson La Previous to the treaty of 1818, Messrs. Gallatin extent, and Rush, in their correspondence with the plenino- And whi teiuiaries of the British government, proposed tliai We hud a i the country on the northwest coast of America at the mo claimed by either party should "6e opcnedfor Ike pur- violate the poses of trade to the inhabitants of both countries." she has ere Now, if these words "for the purposes of trade" had we though been inserted in the treaty itself, no room would establish i have been left for British cavil; but unfortunately for the p they were omitted; and the treaty declares generally passage ot tiiat the country .shall be open to the vessels, citi- tut no; t zens, and subjects of the two powers, without deft- faith; mm ning or limiting the purposes for which it shall be agency ot oiiciicd. And how have the British government hi- terpreled this treaty.' Precisely as though it had been expressly agreed that both parties, instead of being confinetl to hunting, fishing, and trading with the natives, were left at perfect liberty to settle niul colonize any portions of the country they might think proper. Immediately after its conclusion, the British government fell back upon their Nootka- sound convention of 1790 with Spain; and, un- der it, (most unjustly, it is true,) ciaimed the right not only for themselves, but for all the na- tions of the earth, to colonize the northwest coast of America at pleasure. "Great Britain," say her plenipotentiaries, "claims no exclusive sov- ereignty over ojiy portion of that territory." What, then, does she claim.' To use the language of these plenipotentiaries in 1824, "they consider the unoccu- pied ports of Americajustasmuch opeii as heretofore king seiil we propu ing miu as a viol moment, cording t< pedient ft conseque Brittiin ti We have glic has 1 most en bow we tbig the Wtain a «aa go tices of dtehaa I ton, llic I clmrtrr. **' ^^'^^ <''»"'"'n-!o|onization by Great nritnin, m well aa hy othflr iK'jit; hut LordrflpcntJ (xtwcrfl, tii;rc('ivl)ly U) llic j Ni)otku-H()un(l| timt till! e:(.y^^„li„„ „f |7()()_ hciwcrn llic Briiish and Spinii.sii iKW ACnuit, tlifi,^„nit'HlH,uiui ihul tin United HlatfM would liavc liny )Mirti(in n'flgl,t whatever to take inubniiin at the eHlal)ii.sh- ^la^e, 'it will l)i-5|of new colonieH from I^urope in any sui'liiiart.s < w cliai-ter sn<l: the American continent." And tliey felt lliem- ty to grant, _/iur«i more itnpertitively bound to make lliiH dee- "iiy of tlifation, aw the claim of the Amcrienn nimiNter I'XjircsN con^gpcetin^ the territor; watered by the river Co- lorin.s, the coiii-nbia and UN trilmlary streams, besides beinf; es- e reservation dintiolly objectionable ni ilsj^eneral bearinp;, had tin- cii.arest andfct q^' iii/fz/iciii^' tlinclly ivilU the ndiud rit^lils oj Nccilffdi liiiliiin, tUrirtd ^'rvm use, occviiancy and settle- |Oi pruvnii,' timi.n/." Iiid to ahandoDXhus, nir, you nerccivo lliai the British piovcrn- l)ii.se to cstablialient openly and boldly, twenty years asjo, iiotwith- |iiu fact, whieliandiiii; tlic exi.stin>; treaty, claimed the rij;hi to Npeedilv mani-ttleand colonize the coimtryas iliouf;h it w( re en- hls, and mnk'rely wiilioutan owner; and, if this claim liad been ry north of th. ell founded, then it would follow irresistibly that 1 that proj)ose(liey have a rii,^ht to retain the possjcssion of the or coiiacnt tiolonics which they liad a ri;^'hl lo I'stablish. It is _ pon tiiis i)rinci])lc that they sjieak of the actual ts has informcdghtfl which they had acquired so long a£!;o aa lHi24, occupatKjn nuiyy ««use,^ occupancy and si iilemcnt." What, tlicii, —''ten thouHandecomcs of the senator's argument, that the present I'c pre judicial -eaty may continue for an ind'jfniiti! period, with- ; shall f^'ive ufi-utbeina; prejudicial to our title? I admit that it is an e adverse poN-rgument true and jubt in theory; but the oppoi:lle i^onunenee, and,arty, .so far from udmittim; its force, entirely repels each siic,ceedini;t. Under their interpretation of the treaty, they claim cs.s of the prop- he riKht to plant colonies; and if thin right existed, tcs, British nos-t could not be said that Great Britain would ac- t does England juire no title, '.o the colonies which she hnd estab- rprctation of the ished. ii lu true, tliat under any fair and just con- leir conslructiointniction of tlie existing treaty, she has no right to ider its provi.s- ioionize the country; but she claims this right. She erent from our;n8i8ts upon it; and, in the face of all our protesta- iic niamier, andtions, she has gone on, through the ageiKiy of the Hudson Bay company, to colonize to a considerable [essrs. Gallatin extent. till the plenino- And what has been our miserable policy in return? , proj)oscd tliar We had a clear right to re-establish our ancient fort «t of America at the mouth of the Columbia; but this might cnedfor the pur- violate the treaty, and olTcnd England; aJid although 1th countries." she has erected some thirty forts within the territory, i.sof trade" had we thought it best to abstain. It was proposed to > room would establish five niililary posts on the way to Oregon, unfortunately for the purpose of protecting and facilitating the lares generally passage of our settlers over the Rocky moiuitains; le vessels, citj. fcut no; this must not be done; it would be bad without defi- faith; and this, although England, through the ich it shall be agency of the Hudson Bay comi)any, has been ma- overnment in- kmg settlements all over the country. Whenever it Jiad we propose to do anything for tlie purpose of meet- ing and countervailing her advances, it i3 decried as a violation of the treaty; and now, at the last moment, the same doctrine is not only held, but, ac- cording to some senators, it is deemed wholly inex- pedient lor us to settle Oregon; and, as a necessary consequence, I suppose we should permit Great Britjiin to retain her possession, without a struggle. We have been slcepmg over our just rights; wliilst she hius been pushing her unjust claims with the ut- most energy. It is a strange spectacle to witness how we are forever holding back, for fear of viola- ting the treaty; whilst England is rushing forward to obtain and to keep tlie country. She has establish- ed a government there; she has commissioned jus- tices of the peace; she has erected civil tribunals; die ha« extended the jurisdiction of her laws over hough ies, instead of trading with ' to settle and ' they might onclusion, the heir Nootka- in; and, un- claimed the or all the na- e northwest 'at Britain," tclusive sov- •y-" What, age of these [■ the unoccu- as heretofore the whole territory; she hnr r.<(U»bliHhcd forts; «he haa built nhipii; erc^cted inillit; conmienced permanent scl- lleiTientH, and cultivated extensive farms; and, durinj^ this whole |ieriod, has opt nly |)riii laimtrd her right to do all this, notwithstantling the treaty. And yet, al- ihougii w( have witnessed all these thingM, wo must not move a step, or evi.u lift our hand, berause it would be a violation ol" the treaty! They consider the country as open to settlement; and in 1H:24, refused to acct'jit our proposition to make the 4'.(tli degree of latitude the boundary; because ihis would con- flict with their a(tlual rights derived from use, occu|)ation and settlement; whilst we have carefully refrained from perfoiming any act whatever to en- courage the .settlement of the country. Iler claim to it rests upon settlement and coloni/.ation; whilst Congress refuses altogether to settle or to colonize, lest this might violate the very treaty under which she lias been all the time acting. In tlie face of these claims so boldly asserted by Great Britain, it has appeared to nie wonderful that the treaty of joint occupation should have been eon- tinuid in ISHi*. In the conferences previous to this treaty of 1827, the British |)lenipoientiaries made n still bolder declaration than they had ever done be- fore; — whilst they admit, in express terms, our equal right with themselves to settle the country — a right which we have refrained from exerci.sing notwith- Ktandiivr 'his admi.ssion, lest, forsooth, it might vio- late the i..aty. They inform us of the numerous setileineiil.' :id trading posts established by the .suIj- jects o*'Gi -at Britain within the Territory; and, a» if to taunt us with our want of energy, they say that in the wh.);. territorv, the citizens of the United States have n.t a .single .settlement or trading post. They again n.t'eired to their right to settle and c(<k)- nize ui iler llic convenlionofNoolka Sound, and say that ihiw right inis been peaceably exercised ever since th' date of that convention, for u period of nearly forty years. "Under that convention," say they, 'valuable British interests have grown up in those countries. It is Hilly admitted that the United aiiiles possess the same ris^hts, allltoiigh they huvebcen cr- rrcised by them only in a siiig/c hislance, und have not, sine'' the year ISVi, hesn exercised at all. But beyond these rigiiis, they jk)sscs,s none." And yet we have been ever since deliberating in cold debate, whether we could make settlements in Oregon without vio- lating the trcp.ly and giving offence to Great Britain! Tliey inform us further, that "to the interests and establishments which Briti.sh industry and enterprise have created, Great Britain owes jtrotection. That protection will be given, both as regards settlement and freedom of trade and navigation, with every in- tention not to infringe the co-ordinate rights of the (■nited States." Thus, sir, you perceive that Great Britain rests her claims to the country solely upon the exercise of the assumed right to nettle and colonize it, and her duty to afford protection to the establishments which have been made by British subjects under this claim. And yet, in the face of all this, senators gravely express serious doul)ts whether we can, in like manner, send our people to Oregon and afford them the protection of a government and laws, without a violation of the treaty! I think I have proved conclusively that the senator from Massachusetts is entirely mistaken if he supposes that England will ever admit that her possession, during the continuance of the treaty of joint occupation, would have no effect in strengthen- ing her title to the territory in dispute. She haa maintained the contrary doctrine on all occasiona, u^ il 10 I ea\d in all forms, aa if she Intended a solemn noti- fication to U8, and to the whole world, that she would hold on to her alleged right of possession, and never consent to abandon it. I am glad to say that I now approach vhc last point of my argument. The senator from Massachu- setts [Mr. Choate] has contended that as certainly aa we give the notice to annul the existing conven- tion, so certainly is war inevitable at the end of the year, unless a treaty should, in the mean time be concluded; and he would have us at once begin to prepare for war. I suppose the senator means that we ougiit now to be raising armies, embodying western volunteers, und sending our sharp shooters across the mountains; and he thinks it not imjiossi- ble that Great Britain, in anticipation of the event, may now be collecting cannon at the Sandwich Islands to fortify the mouth of the Columbia. Yes, sir, war is inevitable! Now I am most firmly con- vinced that, so far from all this, the danger of war is to be found in jnirsuing the opposite course, and refusing to give the notice proposed. What can any reasonable man expect but war, if we permit our ale to pass into Oregon by thousands annually, e face of a great hunting corporation, like the Hudson Bay company, without cither the protec- tion or restraint of laws? This company are m pos- session of the whole region, and have erected forti- fications in every part of it. The danger of war re- sults from a sudden outbreak, under such circum- stances. The two governments have no disposi- tion to go to war with each other; they are not so mad as to desire it; but they may be suddenly forced into hostilities by the cupidity and rash vio- lence of these people, thrown together under cir- cumstances so inauspicious to peace. To prevent this, our obvious course of policy is to send over the mountains a civil government — to send our laws — to send the shield and protection of our sove- reignty to our countrymen there, and the wholesome restramts necessary to prevent them from avenging their wrongs by their own right arm. This is the course which prudence dictates to prevent those sudden and dangerous outbreaks, which must other- wise be inevitable. The danger lies here. If you leave them to themselves, the first crack of the rifle lawlessly used, may be the signal of a general war throughout Christendom. Nothing else can produce war; and this is the reason why I am so anxious for the passage of a bill which will carry our laws into Oregon. Such a bill will be the messenger of peace, and not the torch of discord. My voice is not for war. My desire — my earnest desire is for peace; and I sincerely believe that the course which we, on this side of the house, arc anxious to pursue, is the only one to insure peace, and, at the same time, to preserve the honor of both nations. I'he senator from New Jersey [Mr. Miller] be- lieves that an hundred years must roll round before the valley of the Mississij)pi will have a population equal in density to that of some of the older States of the Union; and that for fifty years at least our peo- ple should not pass beyond their present limits. And in this connexion, he has introduced the Texas question. In regard to that question, all I have now to say is, "that sufficient unto the day is the evil tliereof " 1 have no oj)ini(m to express at this time on the subject. But tliis I believe: Providence has given to the American people a great and glorious mission to perform, even that of extending the bless- ings of Christianity and of civil and religious liber- ty over the whole North American continent. Within less than fifty years from this mor.^ wiU o'm there will exist one hundred millions of free Ai^^Sje, we adj cans between the Atlantic and the Pacific ocfjjp over hei This will be a glorious spectacle to behold ;-^g^cd with distant contemplation of it warms and expandt'^'gJjaU at lei bosom. The honorable senator seems to supjjjown free in] that it is impossible to love our country witbgor own", ati same ardor, when its limits are so widely extciijjj ever excitl I cannot agree with him in this opinion. I bdmqte and d' an American citizen will, if po.ssible, more ardi^ji^s have love his country, and be more proud of its pog^cy ti" ^^^^ and its glory, when it shall be st..jtched out fiQtuiem to P sea to sea, than when it was confined to a nar;,agti)e good strip between the Atlantic and the Alleghanics Has it ne believe that the system of liberty, of law, arKg^jhusetls h' social order which we now enjoy, is destined tcach other? the inheritance of the North American contiiii3jjeatBri"^i"| For this reason it is, that the Almighty has j^xt that the planted in the very nature of our people that spy jetreat bej of progress, and that desire to roam abroad and n^^x^ populaj new homes and new fields of enterprise, which clR^ait assured acterizes them above all other nations, ancientguch a p"!*^'. modern, which have over existed. This spirit Ccclaim «*" "-i"*; not be repressed. It is idle to talk of it. You mifpofrerAib as well attempt to arrest the stars in their cour, injid. Wh through hoaven. The same Divine power li^pine of S^i" given impulse to both. What, sir! prevent ii j^, eing^^ ^V' American people from crossing the Rocky moi; advil war. tains? You might as well command Niagara not tensivel/ T flow. We must fulfil our destiny. The questif Britain itse presented by the senator from New. Tersey is, whev of millions er we shall vainly attempt to interpose obstacles ' o»e causes our own progress, and nas.sively yield up the exii dtouS^ '" | cise of our rights beyond the mountains on the cor dlUou to al sideration that is impolitic for us ever to coloniz been comv Oregon. To such a question I shall give no answer auppoi't hi But, says he, it will be expensive to the treasury t UB for "^*^ I extend to Oregon a territorial government. No ma! enjoys wjt ter what may be the expense, the thing will eventi, ply the u« ally be done; and it cannot be prevented, though i and th^^'' may be delayed for a season. BCes m But again: Oregon, says the senator from Nov. Jersey, can never become a State of this Union God only knows. I cannot see far enough into tlit future to form a decided opinion. This, however I do know; that the extension of our Union thus fui has not weakened its strength; on the contrary, this very extension has bound us together by stil! stronger bonds of mutual interest and mutual di ■ peiidenco. Our internal commerce has grown to br worth ten times all our foreign trade. We shal: soon become a world within ourselves. Althougl; people are widelv scattered, all parts of tin our Union m'ust know and feel how dependent each i^ upon the other. Thus the people of the vast valley of the Mississippi are dependent upon the northern Atlantic States for a naval power necessary to keep the mouth of the Mississippi open, through whicti their surplus produce must seek a market. In like manner, the commercial marine of the Eastern States is dependent upon the South and the West for the very productions, the transportation of which all over the earth affords it employment. Besides, the SoKthcrn and Southwestern States are protected by the strength of the Union from the invasion of that fanaticalspirit which would excite a servile war, and cover their fair land with blood. This mutual dependence of all the parts upon the whole, is our aggregate strength. I say, then, let us go on whith- ersoever our destiny may lead us. I entertain no fears for the consequences, even should Oregon be- come a State. I do not pretend to predict whether til jRW mate: have alrei erful; ani upon a qv moral in teenth c •will go V tnenis i would ] f" ipartif here I our ow withou flicting; to settl be out ■withoi is the tiou; propo best : syii^l me"' jinei . sect will Oui nee •vit for 11 F''ons of free 4 '*'*r ^^''^ *""*'*' ^"^ '^' '" * «ianly and temper- Pacific V*' ^^ adhere to our right*., we shall at least [icle to beh Irf'^'*'*^ ^^^^ ^^^ mountains and valleys a population 8 and exn r'*^*^'^ ^''^'^""^^^'^'^^ '" '^^'*S'*'"''''^^'^'y ^'^'^ ''*^^' seems to " ^®*^*'' '^^ '^'^^^ bestow upon them the blessing; of country ^'•''?*S(*" ^""^^ institutions. They will be kindred s|)irits widely r ^ ' *'fl*' "^n; and I feel no apprehension that they pinion, j^i Iw^^cr excite the Indians of Oregon to attack our Jble, more j *W*e and defenceless frontiers. They and thoir ■proud of ;. *^^th«rs have suffered too severely from such a |St..jtchf>f? «.*»^/!*li®y '^^ ^''^ P^""' of the British government to per- '"" ut I'fined to a tnern to pursue a similar policy. They will f'le Allcghan?"^'"**'^*' ^ neighbors. y,J>f favy, £ . '"-aoh other? In one breath, he tells the Senate that t^y> of uivy"'*^* ^*^ ''■ "^^'''' occurred to the senator from Mas- ' ?"'a<5husetts how inconsistent his arguments are witii I'lerican p"" ,• "'*'®^ °'^''*^''' '" ""° breath, he tells the Senate that ['Vlniio-}jtv''h ^'"^'**'' ^''''"'" ^^'" ^'^ ^'^ ^"''' ^'•"' Oregon; and in the t'eop/e th t"^ '*** ''^'^' *'"' I^i'd'^f"' J^ay company will voluntni-i- h abi-oad n l^' ^ retreat before the advancing tide of our agricul- irjsc whi h i^^^^ population, and abandon it without a struggle. lation's an ^^^' assured, sir, England is too wise, to risk a war for This 8f,-'^'*^'"8U^ a possession, valuable as it may be, on such a of it. Y^^'"^' ^Hjlftim of title, as slic presents. She is wise as she is vs (>) thci"" ""'P**^*^*^*^"'" -'-'"'''^ '^^ her position in regard to Ire- ivine r, *" '^°^" '''''^" What is that island at tliis hour but a niaga- •sir! nrr'^*^' ''zineof gunpowder, ready to explode at any instant? )e Rock^^''' "Aeingle spark may light in a moment the flames of d Nino- ^, '^'"'^ '^^'^ ^^''* Look at the discontents which so ex- ^ijjg*^''^ ''"f tensive! y prevail throughout the island of Great Jersey is'^^T"' 9^'^'" itself, springing from the want and misery ose ol .' , '^" <^ii'"io"s of her subjects, and from other danger- 'cJd UD fi *^®- OW3 causes which I shall not now enumerate. Al- tains ori /if ^^'^^ ^o^S^ in profound peace with all the world, in ad- pv,.!. , . ^^' dltion to all the other taxes on her subjects, she has *^*er to colojju this .S(iJ' give no ansuff P the treasury r ir^^rit. No „i„: ""ff wjJl event, «'ted, though ; itor from Ncii "f tJu« Unio,, """,?h into tJu «is, however ^»Mn thm tui contrary, "her by' 1'' mutual d(. *^ grown to Ijf - We shal. s- AJthougi; P'»-ts of th, "lent each is f vast valley "e northern '■^'■y tolceeii 5"gfi whici, Gt. In jijfe stern States est for the which all besides, the '■"'ected by on of that rvile War, 's mutual 'e, is oui- on whith- ertain no ••egon be- wheth<f been compelled to resort to a heavy mcome tax to support her government. She is dependent upon us for the most valuable foreign trade which she enjoys with any oivilizcd nation; nor c;in she sup- ply the demands of China for her cotton fabrics, and thus realize the visions of wealth which she Bees in the perspective, without first obtaining the raw material from our fertile fields. England, as 1 have already said, is w ise as well as great and pow- erful; fmd she will never go to war with u ; unless upon a question in which her honor is involved. It is a moral impossibility that, at this day, in the nine- teenth century of the Christian era. Great Britain will go to war for Oregon; when the facts and argu- ments in favor of our title are so clear, that they would prove at once to be conclusive before any impartial, independent, and enlightened tribunal. Th(!re is no danger of a war, unless it may be from our own pitiful and pusillam'mous course — unless, without making any serious effort to adjust our con- flicting claims, we timidly stand by and suffer her to settle the territory to such an extent that it will be out of her power to abandon her subjects there, without violating her faith to them. The present is the prop.tious moment to settle the whole ques- tion; and I con.scientiously believe that the mode proposed bv my friends and my.self would prove the best raean.s of attaining the object. I admit, with regret, that some very dangerous symptoms exist in both countries at the present mo- ment. Thi' whole pressof Great Britain — her maga- zines and quarterlies, and all, without disti)iction of ■ sect or party — for the last two years, has teemed with abuse of America, and all that is American. Our institutions, our literature, and everything coii- nectod with us, have been subjects of perpetual "vitvqieration. Such abuse is unexampled at any |brmer period of her history. Thus tlie minds of « I the British people have been inflamed into national hostility against us. And, on the other hand, what is the state of pub- lic feeling among ourselves? Although there are many, especially in our large cities, who entertain an affectionate feeling towards England, (insomuch that, on a great public occasion in the largest of these cities, the health of "the President of the United States" was drunk in silence, whilst that of "Ciueen Victoria" was received with thunders of applause,) yet, among the great mass of our people, a very different feeling prevails. They still remem- ber the wrongs they have endured in clays past; they remember the.se, jierhaps, with too deep a sensibili- ty. And although senators on this floor may please their ears with terms of mutual endearment by styl- ing the two nations "the mother" and "the daughter," yet a vast majority of our countrymen are jienetrated with the conviction that, towards us, England has ever acted the part of a cruel step- mother. It is this deep-wrought conviction, these a.?sociations of former scenes with the universal abuse at iiresrnt poured out upon us by the British press and })cople, which lie at the foundation of the national ennily which nov/ too extensively pre- vails. It is these injuries on the one side, and tneir renicmbranco on the other, which keeps up the ill blood between the two countries. There is surely nothing in the existing relations between them which will cause our people to forget that there is one calamity still worse than war itself, and that is the sacrifice of national honor. I repeat the declaration, that, for myself, I am deeply anxious to preserve peace. There is noth- ing like blustering m my nature; and the use of lan- guage of such a character would be unworthy of ourselves. Besides, it could produce no possible effect upon the power with whom we have this con- troversy, and would injure rather than advance our cause. I am, notwithstanding, in fav(,r of as.serting our rights in a manly tone, and in a fearless manner. The time has, I believe, come, when it is dangerous any longer to tamper with the Oregon question. So far as my voice may go, I shall refuse longer to de- lay the settlement of this question. 1 shall not con- sent to its postponement. 1 would send our people west of the Rocky mountiiins whenever they may choose to go; but I would send them there imder the jirotection and restraint of law; and if 1 did not in my heart believe this to be the best mode of in- suring to us the possession of our own territory, and preserving the national peace in company with the national honor, I should not so long have de- tained the Senate in presenting my views on this important subject. In Skntate, March 20, 1844. ^xlracl front the remarks of J\h: lUicluman in reply lo J^Ir. Rives, on the subject of the map ofGenrgc III. After (at the request of Mr. Buchanan) extracts I'rom the spee(;hes of Sir Robert Peel and Lord Brougham had been read by the secretary from Hansard'.? Parliamentary Debates, containing all they had said on the subject of this map — which will be found in the appendix — Mr. Buchanan proceeded to say, that after the reading of these extracts, it would rc(juire but few observations from him to establish his first position; which was, that the British gov- ernment, at the time when they sent Lord Ashburton here to negotiate a treaty, were in possession Ot' u map of such high authority, and such undoubted authenticity, thai in the opinion both of Sir Robert 12 Peel, the prime minister of England, Brougham, its production would have and Lord settled the northeaBtcrn boundary question, beyond all further controversy, in favor of the United Statey. In order to illustrate the coiK'.iisive character of this map, it might be necessary to make a very few observa- tions. Richard Oswald was the sole negotiator, on the part of Great Britain, of the provisional articles of the treaty of peace, concluded with the United Slates at Paris, on the 30th November, 17t^2. He, Mr. li., had carefully compared the article of this treaty de- fining the boundaries of the United States, with the corresponding article in the definitive treaty of peace concluded on the .3d September, 1783, and Ibund them to be identically the same, — word for word. It was clear, therefore, tliat Mr. Oswald's treaty had fixed the boundaries of the United States; and that, in this resiipct, tiie subsequent treaty of 1783, nego- tiated by David Hartley, on the part of Great Brit- ain, was but a mere cop-^ and ratification of the treaty of 1782. It wai3 well known that George the Third prized his North American colonies as the most precious jewel in liis crown. He had adhered to them with the grasp of fate; and even when, at one time. Lord North was willing to bring the war to a conclusion by acknowledging their independence, the King, still hoping against hope, that he might ultimately be able to subdue them, insisted on its continuance a little longer. It was notorious to the whole world that he felt the deej)est interest in the question. Was it not, then, highly probable — nay, was it not abso- lutely certain, that when Mr. Oswald returned from Paris, after concluding the provisional treaty, the very first inquiry of his sovereign would be, — ■where is the boiuidary line of my dominions in America.- Show me on the map what portion of them the treaty has retained, and what ]iortion it has surrendered. Besides, such an inquiry would fall in with one of the Kinjr's peculiar taster, for he "was (says Sir Robert Peel) particularly curious in respect to geographical inquiries." George the Third, as history represented him, was probably, to a certain extent, a man of narrow prejudices; but he was a sovereign of sound judg- ment, and incorru]Uible per.sonal integrity. Those best calculated to judq;c of his abilities had spoken of them in the most favorable terms. Mr. B. here referred to the account which had been given by Mr. Wesley and Dr. Johnson of their interview.^ with him. When Mr. Adams, our first minister to Great Britain, after the treaty of peace, was ))re- Bented to the King, his declaration was character- istic and honorable: "I have been the last man in my dominions to accede to this peace which sepa- rates A jierica from my kingdom: I will be the first man, now it is made, to resist any attempt to in- frmge it." It now appeared tliat there had been found in his private library a map, on which w.is marked a boundary line between his North Ameri- can provinces nnil the United States, which e:ave us the whole of the disputed territory; and if this had been all, the fact might possibly have been explain- ed consistently with the claims of Great Britain. But, according to the testimony of Sir Robert Peel, on this "broad red line" there was marked, in frtur difl'erent places, not merely the words "boundary of the United ^States," nor yet "boundary of Mr. Os- wald's treaty;" but these emphatic word — "Boun- dary, as described by our negotiator, Mr. Oswald." Was not thia convincing — conclusive proof, that li*rity— '^'O"^^ either Mr. Oswald had marked this boundai-y wjSate a treaty or that it had been done by some person uncleiyJ^J it describ* direction, at the request of George 111 himself? ^ of JW ^^^^ even this was not all: Lord Brougham had expy^ furnished hi ed the opinien in the House of Lords, from th.jjri»al was too formation he had received, that the words, "l^jg^n Office, dary, as described by our negotiator, Mr. Os\Vil^Ji^ncle^ stood f was ill the proper hand-writing of tliat sovereii»j|ty, that the After all this, well might Sir Robert Peel dei^iaBafe to intn that he did not believe "that that claim of C, their claimSi Britain was well founded; that it is a claim wifQ^ unwilling the negotiators intended to ratify;" and well m^ ■^jould thi'n Lord Brougham say, in his characteristic maiiQpjtl this mig that the production of this map by Lord AshbiUjj^j if it shou would have shown "that he had not a leg to Bi^gfd Ashburto upon," and that it "entirely destroys all our con.jjy knowledge tion, and gives all to the Americans." .pmion of tha^ Here, then, was the highest and most conchi!f,gaaitly il' ^^* evidence against the British claim. Here was f^erc 'vas^ acknowledgment of the British sovereign hiiTi;,peech,in whi under his own hand, from whose kingdom ^d a right t American colonies had been wrested, that the bojojgessiot of dary described by hia own negotiator in the tr^iiiich a satis: ty of peace gave the whole of the disputed ternUndoubtcdly ry to the United States. Here was the confessjf this map against himself, of the individual interested, ak^guld have ail others, in the question, and made long bet"Lojd Ashbu any controversy had arisen on the subject. It vvjindgentlem* highly probable — nay, almost certain — that this m, undoubtedly found in the library of George 111, was the vifeport of it map from which Mr. Faden, the British royal i,nd8. Now, ographer, drew his map of 1783, mentioned by^jance of the Robert Peel, which also gave to the United Stfii jn relation to all the territory in dispute. own Ubrar But the Senator from Virginia had contendt explanation that there was no evidence to prove that Lord A- q^ the floi burton, when he concluded his treaty, had ai dignantly dt knowledge of the existence of this map; had declai. gnch a pro' that if itVere in his posses.sion, when he assur. cgalnient wl Mr. WebKter, in the most solemn manner, that j© Mr. W was his belief that the negotiators of the treaty < 1782 meant to throw all the waters which wf tributary to the river St. John within the Britis territory, it was impossible he could, with honor have made such an asseveration; and that, adini, ting the map to be as he (Mr. B.) had described i: "no epithci in the language would be strong enouj! to express the infamy which must brand any gov ernnicnt which could conduct its high diplomati intercourse in such a manner." Now, sir, let me, in the first place, do justice to myself, as well as to Lord Ashburton. After d careful examination of the debate as reported by Hansard, the highest authority, and which he hud never before seen, he most cheerfully admitted thai the reference in the following sentence of Sir Rober; Peel, was to Lord Palmerston and not to Lord Ash- burton: "That map was in possession of the late King, and it was also in posscss-ion of the noble lord, but he did not communicate its contents to Mr. Webster." From the newspaper reports of the de- bate which he had read, he liad never doubted — lie had never heard it doubted by any person, but that the reference was to Lord Ashburton. He had been convinced of his error, however, by Hansard's report of the debate, and it aflorded him great plea- sure to retract it. But, did it not require a mantle of cl.arity broader than had ever been cast over any individual, to be- lieve that the British government, being in posses- sion of such a map — a map with such marks of au- thenticity and such claims to the most conclusivo junces of 1 British clai ertPeelam igtence of nearly tom have rcmt explU'i"*^'^ in which 1 Mr. B. SL' existence Lord Asl duty of a Robert I Broughai more boi operate c no matte a lawyei might ir in refer gtudiouf had avo Butt andex] British iheexi they s would Ho\ library father t ds, from 13 Prftm thince it was re- ■tlmt sovereisgrity, that the ^''''±^SZ''^^^''"'''v''' ^'^ M h^a merston remain ignorant «f;;« ^J^^'^^e face of the )bert Peel dci^BBafe to mtrust him ^"" ^ j „ that he might . timers important of any on ", /_p-,„ ^ith :. clain. of G.C claims, f^^mm.^^^^;-^ --ewhicii -J- V^r^^ bearing „ the ^ro^oa^^d -^^^^^ IS a olnim wiro»e unwiUing to e^m i ^^^ Mf. »; ^;'["' ^ntry, and yet tlie Britibh Min "and well n.^ would then 1"^;« ^ ^be the facf, and declajd thi <.oimtry,^^^^y ^^^^^ TS Ashlurton'/ It ictcrisiic maiiooBd thia might pi'o> e lou appear, or it eign^' j^gtructions for L>ora ^"l' ^.j^ ofln. Lord Ashbujffif it Bhould W ""^^KJclaL that he had paring t^^^^^^ lot a leg to Bt Sd ABhburton l^v,''*. vi«Tf S a map, his ^^f;|Xe Foreign ofice, ^^h«« ^o^J,^,SrSught ,s all our -^knowledge o^^^^^^^^^^ J^ ,e would nse cials^^-e F J ,^^J,^ not l.ve bi .^g^^ ^mostconchjS;ifftTaceanddohim . Here was T^ere 'vas one se"tence n &ir ^^hburton could suppose i ^^^^^ j^^^ removed « "o^ .vereign him.pS^^^n which he observed -^^^ord^ -broad in iBten^e I Lor J/^^^ , , n retn^erncnt th^ fea =0 kintjdom ffi a ri&ht to presume tliaine formation on the 1 orci^ ^^^ by &ir Robert reei, d, that a,e bc^SS^ssiol of all ^he elemen^ ot ^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^o.-Uould heve bee^^^^^ ^^^^j^ '^ftrrrmaS he spoke r in the t.JSch a satisfactory <^«?^i"T" to presume; and wou.. have y^t, throughout his remarks «^^^^^ pued tcrSoubtedly Je^ha^ a r.ght^thu^^to f^^^^^ ^^^"ow^ttwould have Sr/sU^iuSr "ha'the he confcHsif this map had^ been __^ ^^. ^„„pUunt. ^M J„,^„,ent, without the si gMe^^^^^^^^ present ministry had been i^i transpired, both ■ Now, in the face of all that nau j ^^^^^^ Se House of Com.i2tr.VFo?u"ed ai. anonv- the senator /^om V-gmia I K .taming _lVfr. ird A:- ; treaty, had ;ii lap; had declaii vhen he assun manner, that of the treaty > ters which wf thin the Brifis uld, with hoiio! and that, adniii had described ii )e strong enoui:! brand any gov- high diplomati ice, do justice if jurton. After;: 2 as reported by id wiiicli he hail !ly admitted tliai ICC of Sir Robtji'i lot to Lord Ash- ission of the late of the noble lord, contents to Mr. reports of the do- !ver doubted — lie person, but that U"ton. He liaii 3r, by Hansard's 1 him great pleii- exp.i^— on from '»f •' '' ""of Lords, have m on^the floor of ^J«. !^°' 'eealment from h.m of dignantly denounced the conceaim elaims-a con- such a proof of th%justice 9^ erroneously to give cealment which had ^a^^^^u nn personal assu- have'remained silent? ^"^^^j^ ,^,rid the po«'t'«'M J fj"^, ,cd the notice ol Lord Abcrdcui,_u^^ ^.^ explained to us and o thewn ^^.^^^^^ "''"f^' ;ibcen vimi.iallykepta in. which he bad be " l^ b^^^ ^,^ „,, ^-^.^S^ ^f^ mysterious and Lords. „. .h;;;iri;; had b-n jo; >^'^,-,n;now of the Ur. B. said, It mshl be that lie ^^^^^^^^ ^ existence of the map; b^ 'y^/^ ^ ^icws of the Lord Ashburton j^^^^SmK^n avowed by Sir duty of a nfg."ti;f/^^';,; ot" Commons, and Lord Robert Peel in the HoubC oi j,^ .^as no Brougham in the House of Loras ^^^.^^^^ more bound to produce '^"'y J]l^^\^^^ .rovernmcnt, ^p'erate .igainst ^^^ ";S\heir 0!^^ mtgh^ no matter '^ow unfoundca tie testimony which I lawyer was bound to dis. ^^^ ^^^.^ ^^ ^ wight injure his [^^^ f •,^i'^J,.,on's conduct, he had ^ V-';'"!„!".norhims If to the facts alone, and f charity broader individual, to be- being in posses- ich marks of au- mosl conclusivo :.! the notice of LoraAo^^j^-j^j^ i;.dbeciicvimi.iaUyk<J)Uipi^;^^-^ ^ tor some '"Y^f '""l; f it wa^ lo place in his hands the officials whose J^^^i ^to thisiliost importjuUne- allthe inf''™^^''"'\rj;iecn h d never accused them .otiation. Lord Abe ten lui ^^ ^is- Sf any «uch c.-nccan t .. ^ . ^f the map ,U,imed all knowledge otcc ^ ,vas when the whole s"bjjaWeUcknowledged Parliament, '^'^l wben Si obe ^^^^^^ ^,^^ ^^^^^^^ before the wo' ^- 1 L Sainst us for a portion of ^rovcrnment had ==*^t "P M The assertion in that Sur territory was uufonded^ l ^^^^ -^ « rcelfwi^n^^b-^^^^-""^^^^"^"^^"'" l^bevencastdcnjtsupontu^ sard's report ot the ^^f ale m U e n ^^^ ^^, _stating/hat, ac^ordrngo another^ ^^Pj _^^^ in ?!^''^";";^,ontin7d ' him'^'e^f to the facts alone, and ^^^^_^^_^ £?S^l5^he use^f alUpUh^. ^^, ^-'ber, bUhy. -"-^^SStSSiSS' Butthesenaor Jom;^^^^^ the existence of tln^ mai ^^.^ ^^^^^,^,, He tbpv sent Lord Asuoui w" e- j^oments. bates? A man writW .ml" P«'-l'amentary Dr,- niiglU mala- «ny aJsc ?o^, "u"''','' "«/esnonsif,ility, notknoAv rt-],ctlferthp.n ^e pleased. ]ilr. R. jfj were not rcvi.'u;' ^JSJ;:^ ^ Hansard were ir I<new that they were ToSemJ H '"'''''^^5 ^"' ''^ J'gh sense of iH.^o;,Ia|d^V7H''f ^^^ ^^''^ «^^'" ov,r langnage could be s?ro,?^ erfo'l? "° ^P''^'^' "' infamy of any ijoveniniem wh 1 '"^ '^^P''*'''"' '^'e high,nterc«urs^eofit.sdip)olJv .• *^""''»*=ted the ^ wouJd justly be inferS S^^'^m" """'' " '"'^"n^T a map Jike this by the Bri^.T '^J^^°"'='^^'ilment of «oubt lon;?er rc.nafn as to the il"'?""'^- ^'^^ ^«» their pan? 1„ t|,e Ho^.e of I n? , r ""?''^''"e"t "" had been sit(in^ by Lord Brm, Ji^'' ^""'^ Aberdeen the speech f.oni wl?ich extr tcti f "n ^'''" ^"^ "'"^e Senate, and when heh^^ -f-!^ ^'^''" ^'cad to tlie «cor„ that the Brhi gotr^t'^ '''' '"'^ ^ith obhgation to poduce £ maT V^'"'' ""''^r «ny Aberdeen haJ several tfmno ?' ^"J"' '""''e: Loid Lord B.,u,ham i^e cZ, ^7li?P]f'^ '« "^ ' yet he expressed no dissent L '''''•'''■'^'^: '^'^^ -Wow Mr. B whi?«f , "^^^"t. but sat m silenr-P from Vir^infa ast' he ;;„Sf ^^^ thecal" could not think that if dlT^ ?'"^ "^^"'^h conduct f^ had been appS to t '^ ButT ' '''T '^^"^-e ble senator perceive that all the .f '^ """^ '^'' ''"«»'a. guage now applied fn iti r 'f^'^'^y °f' his Ian- ^ngth and bre.Ihlto7h p.St B r^-^" «" ''« He agreed with the senafoV f^. ^'"^^'' ministry? now conducted in a fairer nl. ^^"^ diplomacy was It had been in ancient .wf^ ?'f "'''"• '"annef t a' cur in the doctrine pmSh'r^r''" '^""'^ "ever con to the lawfulness ^ofr^nn 'l^ ^°!"'l ^^ugham as n^ade against our o^v^ S^f'Sf "" ''''^"''' ^vh'ie" t'onal dmpute. AccSrdtf„\',,'5 "''"«" '" a na- ancient diploniacy and tl e'iln . ■ '^ '"axuns of the ?m, a negotiator vas Jo nd 7 ""' "/^""-d through! in conducting a niotiadon •"/''"' '^^'^ '""« country forhiscIie„t^,eon"dTt°i ;■'"'' ''^^^ '^^^Tcr acte^J advantngeshe <ouId obt f a^Jd"'^ «^'»"«t 'ake al] which might wr-,1fn» I ■ ' "" concea evervthino- His lordship' SZ -idicr^ "'\°^^'- 'I"-" - most scorn/Ul manner 1 e f ' '" i'^^ ^'^^.-est and hand m st.ch a game ' Here Sr p''"'^"'^ """' Brougham's lan|uage. ^'- ^- looted Lord Iherc was one view of f},« „ presented a still more senous „?""'. ^'"''■"^"'•' ^^'hich ish ministry than Tl,t i"^ "T'^' 'gainst the Brit highhMmproper s th a r''!'"^"' "'^ thi.s „ i' this: that fn, fed ys'o?L.ordVr' ^''"- ^^ "^ the British g..vcrnment was w,'r'''''°"''^'"»'^«t'-y claim to the point of actuaTS..^ '"^ ^^ P'^^^ thii twns, knowing, at the same i "'''''" ^''^ ^'^om- appeared they" did thai ?.? •"'^' •''^ " now clearlv unjust. Notliing^iu fan 't" 'j^.^"" ^^as false ard averted this calain y fromT'?^ Providence iL d prevented an actual L/u ■ l"^ '^^^ nat bns anrt the northeastern boLnrary?" ''''^^'^" their forc'es;;' 1^4' claims, N„«- si,, r nm . WeLir',:;?."' '^••^""^'"-eliir hee^r"'"''^'^'^ i,ioE would in vvith , 'rfj''*' f ^Pi-'ct to this man H, h^^i^" "Poi«enc« of I '<"'nvMhnt'„L"\ " '">' that it f -athri l/'"".'"'"'^'*?"!!..!!)' to IMUoi the i;„,ied States s^Jnl J V^''V^^r"°'''''' »«•"•>« ""^^ ...... ."onia I'O he ,1 boui,,) I, *3Ss of iuloi -' was in *..,.„.. ,"^r . ■ • tin .'Limes of the Kiji oovery of the 1 . — 1 .. i^i. founrt hiv.n, ,. ''* '<'"Piof fJr Kn ,1 lil. ""^ •"'Jioovery ofi c=onn, xYo, 'hS« '-'■"T'^ *" "o"'" man ^ ' >,'' '"''^ «'='<> ^eCt/u vv i i-VaiikliL ,''.IV^'" '.he map .o foum'l ' .3 V,"'": ''."o 'l^- th. impouch ca«,.'n"f"^ '" KfUL'i-al, there is k'mVk ' "'<■ letter nfovlnc tlmt he thi;^cal'""'^,*;^;!i'"«''i''ind«'p^t^^f^^^^^ i,;ff If 1.1.- is the leniic ,.?„ " 1."""ng to .show that I,"'''''-' ^*' """.on those wh, .!; ir^'./''^'"."^''''"" ^vi-th ;:«.!?? "^ ^"'^^ Cr tC;.; seHe/, fot. ( W tt :^^a;^^,^^vi^fl^.V^^ -|n 0.^^eut .; iuV i^on rT'""'-'' ''earing, n any mnn'*"' ''•''"''"'' ^"as m :laUon; and tli of LoriLi m UUinks to iington. A great to n th< k.u,,:"'*'*,' '"•PP<'-'ed bVh ;;'°J^,°f f'^'-nVa, a'le,\evVrhe may 1 '■■•adv s ta e i^' '° ?"**"■ to our first u,, " """^ refer,,, for Oieoppos) H hic'h « . ' *° '"''h map could be 1''^'' ""'>'• ^^ ' ''ave ;,:niOte than an cause he mon sense, p ige, a Ihori cpuntry and Se matters 1 has yet to 1; rienced dipl who have g jjt of stale: country, an the terms o your own, disclose a your duty duty is lirs to tell ever ._ ^ ,i..i is your du( w ■ tier' l^,^:^'' hy a i,r:a"rn.d ^^"^'^ ">J^^'- Wei' ARPENDIX has farj /Ae treaty of fVashinston ' ^> '^ "^ *«*/«' o/ But th« nnl,l,. i._j ^ ■ ' t'>c no^n-atorM ir.r''', "l^" t'o»nded-thatV '^S '.'>«« claim Hw. ir, *' .".aiora intended to ratifv i '' ^ claim which have lain those prin( 6th of Vict assuredly man, albei language the purpoi son he ha( practised that it wa let every duty, it t equally tl It was m; ami noth/i^s I thi^it ""^^ .'^«^^' "'attm much"'^*, conviction 15« '^'f^fti thrnUt^^^ 'lion would inevitably ha»c been given in your favor, in Ho ill hag j,o!l "P'''«quenco of the evicfcnce of man's, wliich "would ni)t bi; '" not liHv '^krwid as maps recoifnised liy tilt' ni'Kotiators tlionisi' Ives. of Jiis pois '■"? '"-S*"'' "'''' with rofiiniiro to the niai).s discovnicd ^alhnr I'lrrf '''''^',''''''<^c""y 'o "'" ooiirhif.ion of tlic ni-gotiatioiis con- l^omafista „' .^''■' tea by Lonl Ashburtoii. Tl\i; nobio lonl opposite thai (K "" '" •■. - 'ii'i.l hJi stated that his preiiuccssor Oi'liri- had ruudo bo hi'iii li<??.''''i"''P<'*'''''" ''"li'iry '"'" ""-' "latter, and possesscil all tlu,' F"-' vvas in t ""'!•' l nents of inlbrniation connected with it. Lord Asliliurtun, therpfo,.,, '^^.'"■' I'ljfll' '" ii riu;ht to draw tin; same rondusioii. lie had a ■I'lemanol Wt»* i'resuine that h(; was ''*''" "'""I'l '" )ios.sissioii of •'•'. Vf;ry .^''"rl/i the elements of information on whicii a satisfactory cou- liivcs of ,'J''";''''- '.,ilon could be come to; and, therefore, the sul)se(jueut t"iJi/j'j]'j, 1,,, ,''"1 COvery of the map in I'aris, evt;u if it could bo positively but thoj.,.- '" onectcd witli Dr. I'lauklin's despatch, would be no ground "ifl till. I If."'* ''' th* impeachment of tlie treaty of Lord Aslilnirloii, or for Conn(.xjo."'"'''^'''K "'''''"•'''"'' ""' "bly and lionorably disclurged his I biji tiler"'"* '"itiei. If lilnme should tall ujion anyone, it i liould fall ft'iat til,, _,"'* "oiiion those whd have been conductintj these nej^otiations liar"';"^"'^?^,:';"^-"- i^5...';'%''.ir or, ,;x< ,„ ., yirii:; oti"'Xtncl, from Hansard\i Parliamentary Debates, (Ihl ' "li?" ''"-• ";i se^f^' '-■o'- e«: i'«?f s 626, (i'J7, G28, and f.29,). ofacoi- t'l'dl>S Office at 'p."!?*^'' reeled speech delivered bij Lord Brovgkam in the House j'^'ion at flrgj"' :^ of Lords on the 1th Jlp'nl, 1843, on the proposition of "" Utonks to Lord JMbiirton fm- the treaty of Wash- &:'ir?» ' ' search «■„. niadi, bngton. f>th: A great charge against Mr. W'cbster is, th.it ho sup- , - in ((• gnawed the map of Dr. Kranklin in the course of the nego- • upp j^J ^"as rrifiiiation; and this suppression bus been said to savor of had r nor ni, ^ '^^''PU'iaittt- I deny it. I deny that a neifotiator, in carrying; on a s ,);■.„ P couJij controversy, as reijresentiiiK his own country, with u Ibr- PfAmoric tlie 'J oily ^ .ercd, (jj eiga country, is bound U) disclose to the other party what- '1' a letifever he may know that tells atfainst his own country, and "jnp reffcriY. for the opposite party. I deny that he is so bound, any ovcii. J ,,''"*'« ,i;inore than an advocate is bound to tell the court all that he it r ^''"' tiii deems to maku against his own client and for liis adversary, f'her f m" **'*'' My noble friend. Lord Ashburton, has been objected to— my u^ " 'be Kinj noble friend opposite has been blamed for selecting l)im — to i,y fk^^P °^ th' because he is not a regular l)red diplomatist ; because Kini; " ij'^*'"')' w he is not acquainted with diplomatic lore yOW, ,sj; plain unlettered man as regards diplomatic allairs; and be Arneric^ri cause he had onl) the guide of common honesty and com- ■"'(•"re w'i.s MicaJ S!^t^-^^4 Jnied w,o found" aiis „:.:> 'ha because he is a "6- i\i,... ■ -■ . . . . ' . • to the q,,' '^'ns pill) mon arnse, great fcx|)eiience of men, great general knowl edge, a thorough at(|uaintauce with the interests of his own (yiuntry and of the country he was sent to, for his guide in Se matters he was to negotiate. Hut I believe my noble friend has yet to barn this one bvsson— that it is the duty of e.spe- rienced diplomatists, of regular bred politicians, of those who have grown gray in the mystery of negoliation and the art of statescraft. that when you are sent to represent a country, and to get the best terms you can for it, to lower the terms of the opposite party, and to exalt the terms of your own, as far as may be— you ought first of all to disclose all the weaknesses of your own case— that your duty to ) our country is something, but that j our duty is first to tlu; opposite party, and tliat you are bound to tell everything that makes for that adverse party, 'i'hiit is your duty; that is one of those arts of diplomacy which have lain concealed until the present year 181.'t--one of those principles of statesmanship which it remained for the 6th of Victoria to produce and iiromulgate. but w hich weie assuredly not quite understood by that old French states- man, albeit trained in tlic diplomatic school, who said that language had been conferred upon men by I'rovidence for the purpose of concealing their thoughts. This was a les- son he had yet to learn, this regular-bred diplomatist — this practised negotiator. Ho certainly could not huve thought that it was his duty to practise a window in his hosoin, and let every one see what pa.'-sed in his mind. Hut it was the duty, it seems, of my noble friend to tell all; and it was equally the reciprocal duly of .Mr. Webster to do the same. It was my noble friend's duty, to disclose all that he had '^ "'01 of COD /••■ankJin. To founded inft't ,'Y «"ounfrjr_ -" a niaj) by J^,o/~.ndJ "' 'he nohlp ' "iatJino ;» '°|'«lor,Mr the -- .. ^'nited '""^npos- inT°"« "» 'P- ' repeat, 't ^'''"«'* foundarv 'Vhat ^v^ ■?'ors; but found out again.'it the negotiation he w cnt to conduct. That was tlie new art, the new mystery, the new disco>ery of 181.'); Imt I find my honorable friend, Mr. Webster, has great uuihoiity, and that even if he were wrong, he errs in excel- lent good company. It does so hapjien that then; was a map published by the King's geographer in this country in the H'ignofhis .Miijestv Cieorge III: and here I could apjieal to un illustrious duke wliomi now see, whethi r that monarch wan not us little likely to err from any fulness of nttaehment to- wards America, as any one of his faithful sul)jectsl [The iJuke ol Cniiil)rii!i>i:: Ileur.J liecause he widl knows that theie was no one thing which his revered parent had HO much at heart as the separation from Amer- ica, and there was nothing he deplored so m ich a." that se|)- aiation having taken placi;. 1 be King's geogiupher, Mr. t''ad(;n, puldished his map 1783, which contains, not the Ilrit- ish, but the American line. Why did not my nolJe friend take ovei a copy of that map? i\"iy noble friend o()pos'te (Lord Aberdeen) is a candid man; Ik; is an e:\peiience I ili- ploniatist. both abroad and at home; he is not nnl(;tti re,l, but thoroughly conversant in all the crafts of diplomacy and statesmanshiji. Why ('id he conceal this map? Wv have a riglit to complain of that; and I, on the part of .America, complain of that. Vou ought to have sent out the map of .\lr. Kad(;n, and said, "this is (ieorge the Third's map." But it never occurred to my nobh; friend to do so. Then, two years after .Mr. l-'uden published that mH|), another was liublished, and that took the Hiitish line. '1 his, however, came out after the boundary had becoini- matter of contro- versy, jiosl litnin niolam. But, at all ev(;nts, my noble friend had to contenil with the force of the argument against Mr. VVel'Ster. and America had a riglit to tin; benefit of both maps. My noble frii;nd ojipositi; never sent it over, and no- I'Ody ever blamed him for it. But that was not all. What if there was another map containing the American line, and lutver corrected at all by any subseciuent chart coming from the same custody .' And what if that rna]> came out of the custody of a person high inollice in this country — nay, what if it came out of the custody of the highest functionary of all,— of George 3d himselff I know that map— 1 know a map which I can (race to the custody of (Jeoige .3d, and on which there is the .American line and not the Knglish line, and upon which there is ii note, that from tlie hand-writing, as it has been described to me, make."; me think it was the note of (ieorge ;>d himself: "This is tlie line of Mr. Oswald's treaty in 1783," written three or four times upon tin- face of it. Now, sup))ose this should occur — 1 do not knoiv that it has happen- ed— but it may occur to a Secretary of State for Foreign .Mlairs,— either to my noble friend or Lord rahnerston. w lio, I und'Tstand by comjjion report, taken a great interest in the question; and though he may not altogether approve of the treaty, he may peradventnre envy the .^ucci^ss v^'hich attended it, for it was a success which did not iittend any of liis own American negotiations. Until is possible that my noble friend or Lord I'almerston may have discovere.i that then; was this map, because (ieuige 3d's library, by the munificence of fJeorge 4th, was given to the British Museum, and this map must have been there; but it is a curious circumstance that it is no longer there. I suppose it must have lieen taken out of the British Museum for the purpose of being sent over to my noble friend in America; and that, according to the new doctrines of diplomacy, he was bound to have used it when there, in orlcrto show tliat he had no case— that he not a leg to stand upon. Why did he not take it over with him.' Probably he did not Know of its «xistence. I am told that it is not now in the British Museum, bnt that it is in the Foreign Ofiice. Proba- biy it wiis known to exist; but somehow or other that map, which entirely destroys our contention and gives all to the Americans, has been removed from the British Museum, and is now to be found at the J>'oreign Ortice. Kxplain it as you will, that is the simple fact, that this important map was removed from the museum to the office, and not in llie time of my noble friend [L,ord Aberdeen.] la/m "pon that thny ]".''lc lord ■"{'ration, c'aiins, I "pen to 'af claim ? WhJcll ^er, that Sparks'.^ eviction y Were; «xpec. oa, tha