Ai ^%. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 [frlia IIIIIM I.I 1.25 ■^ ii 3.2 12.2 1^ ^ IIIIIM 14 ill 1.6 V] <^ /] 7. eM.- oy >^> .^!/ O^A /A Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WeST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (^16) 872-4503 V iV :\ \ ^ni Illinois, [Air. Buekse,] which has made such a favorabl.; iuipressio:. upon the body; in the able and convincing treatise on the subject by a distin- guished citi/.eii of Philadelphia, (Peter A. Browne;) and, above all, by the facts and arguments, the labor «f years, collected and jiresented by Mr. Greenhow, III his History of California and Oregon, which has «xJuiUHted the subject, and left not a doubt of the validity of our title. Assuming, then, f6)r the present, with the senator fnjm Mas.sacdiusetts, [Mr. Choate,] that our title j.« undoubted, 1 shall proceed directly to discuss the tjucstion whether we should give the notice pro- |H)Scd by the resolution. And, ill the first place, I shall contend that, if we desire to bring the negotiation to a speedy and suc- cessful termiiuuion — if we wish to make any treaty with England at all upon the subject, — it js indis- pensably necessary that we should give the notice. And why.' From the plainest principles of com- mon sense, and from the policy which governs na- tion,s, it cannot be expected — nay, it ought not to be expected — that England will voluntarily surrender tfie Oregon K^-ritory, or any part of it, while the pres- ent treaty <'xisls, under which she now enjoys the whole. The status in quo (as writers on public law call it) IS too favorable to her interests to expect any tmch result, yiic now liolds, and ims held, the ex- <:.lu.sive [lossossiun of the territory for more than a quarter of a century, for every purpose for which vhti desires to use it at the present. The Hudson Hay company have claimed high merit from the British go\ ernnient for liaving expelled our luinters and traders t'rom tlie country. We have been in- formed by the senator from Missouri, [Mr. Bkn- Tov,] and other western senators, that this com- pany — either directly, by their own agents, or indi- rtsrlly, by the Indians under their control — have murdered between four and fis'e hundred of our fel- low-citizens, who had crossed the Rocky mountains for the purpose of trading with the natives, and of hunting the fur-bearing animals which abound in those regions. They liavi', driven away all our cili- aens whose pursuits could interfere with their prof- ita. Under the existing state of things — under the .present treaty of joint occupation, — tliey have the whole country to themselves, and all the profits to be derived from its possession. The Hudson Bay company now enjoys the monopoly of the fur trade, which has ))oured millions into its cofl'ers, and ha^ greatly promoted the commerce and furnished a mar- ket for the mamifactures of the mother country. The truth is, that the present treatv of joint occupa- tion, although reciprocal between tlie two nations in ]ioint of form, has proved beneficial in point of fact to England, and to England alone. She has at pres- ent all she can desire; and any change must be for the worse. Why, then, should she consent to di- vide the possession of this Territory with the Urn- ted States.' Wliy should she be willing to surren- der any part, when she now enjoys the whole^ E.vcn if we were to yield to her monstrous proposi- tion to make the Columbia river the bounuary be- tween the two nations, still would she not desire de- lay, enjoying already, as she does, the practical ownership of the whole territory south, as well as north, of that river.' Knowing the policy which has always actuated the British government, I should not be astonished, if we could penetrate the cabinet of Mr. Pakenham, to find there instructions to this erect: — Delay the settlement of the question as long as you can; the longer the delay the better for us; under the existing treaty we enjoy the whole of the fur trade; under it we now possess far greater advantages than we C£in expect under any new treaty. They have already all they desire; and, my life upon it, there will be no new treaty, if the Senate should, as I have no doubt they will, lay this reso- lution upon the ttible for the reasons which have been urg(^d in the debate. Sir, if this resolution should be laid upon the table, accompanied by the able and eloquent argumenls of senators on the other side — by the argument of the senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Choate] in favor of continu- ing the present treaty of joint occupation for twenty years longer, and that of the senator from New Jersey [Mr. Miller] against the policy of sending our citizens to settle in Oregon at all — in my opin- ion, it will be utterly vain even to hope for the con- clusion of any treaty. Great Britain will be glad to enjoy all the benefits of her preaent position for an- otiier quarter of a century. But if the notice were once given — if it were thus rendered certain that the present treaty must expire within a year, the British government would then be- gin to view the subject in a serious light. The> would then apply themselves in earnest to the settle- ment of the question. We owe it to Great Britain — we owe it to our own country, to render this a serious question; not byoflTering threats, for these would be unworthy of ourselves, and could produce no effect upon such a power — but by insisting, in a firm but respectful tone, that tlie disjjute which has so long existed been the two nations must now be termina- ted. When that power shall disco vei" that we are at last in earnest and determined to urge the contro- versy to a conclusion, then, and not till then, will she pay that degree of respect to our rights and to our remonstrances "which the proud soul ne'er pays but to the proud." It is not by abandoning our rights — it is not by giving to Great Britain another quarter of a century for negotiation, that we can ever secure to ourselves our own territory now in her possession. Until the notice shall be given — ^judging from the selfish principles which unfortunately too much infltienoe the conduct of nations, as well as individuala— there irill be Upo" l^ iot a spj Been rul '^c shalll had b(ei| Ihentioii ^e dec twenty jossibleJ My s(| iRtive ac'l iating civ vicnt spil 80 far fV(| tp perse I when lia| her lon^ one com] A. firm al from hei . The that "thil aiidered i had wail adjustmi should 1 tag ihit misiakei Juietly iept for that fro 11 crossed «nt hou subject, Sute. 1 enate li documei ted to c feel colli have occ more tin their sei stunlly 1 Hi-ging mouth c poascssi by fore* the trci treaty that po own ter satisficc force, \ withou Floyd gather( the oth tive to ■ ritory ject hfi -each s t»umei .mittee jpur til «uiysv Kf ' Bui 'lor si: • any r tyye gumc •Jiest, i 3 l*l' ""t/'^.P'"'''^'^ ^" will Ijc no adjuslnicnt of the boundary qucation. If, I lludson IJay ||pon the mere arrival of a British minister, (and he ly "1 'he fur trade, ^ot n .special minister like Lord Ashburton, as had H eotUis, and ha^ Been rumored, but a retsidenl envoy cxiraordinary,) lurnisheu a mar- ^c .shall a second time arrest our proceedings Vf-hicih mother country, had hit^u conmicnci d lonii; before liis name was V o( joint occupa- aientioncd for this appointment, fuid jjrcet him with in\ two nation.s in jjic declaration that we are willimr lo wait for Uiii pojnt of fact twenty years lonirer, then a treaty will become im- '^lic has at pros, possible. My second proposition is, that to arrest all Icfjis- lative action at liie present moment, and under ex- isting circumstances, would evince a tame and sub.ser- Ticnt sj)iriton our pail towards Great Dritain, which, SO far from concihatins, would only encourajLje her tp persevere in her unjust demands. I would ask, when hiis EngLuid, in her foreign palicy throuc;hout her long and eventful history, ever failed to make one concession the ground for demanding aiiotheir A firm and determined spirit m necessary to obtain from her both respect and justice. • The f:ciiat(n' from Mas.suchusetts has informed ns that "this controver.sy bad not heretofore been con- •idered as very urgent;" and has slated that "if we had waited so quietly for twenty-six years for the adjustment of this question, he did not sec why w(; should not wait six months longer, instead of adopt- ihg this measure now." IJut is not the senator ttiisiaken in supposing that we had waited thu.s Juietly for so long a period.' The question baa not lept for a quiU'ter of a century. So far from this, that from the day when Lewis and Clark, in 1805, crossed the Rocky mountains, until the pre.s- «nt hour, we have been incessantly agitating the subject, and urging our title to the territory in dis- pute. 1 requested the executive secretary of the Senate to hunt up all the volumes containing public documents on this subject. 1 am sorry that I omit- ted to count the number of these volumes; but 1 feel confident they exceeded twenty. Ever since I have occupied a .seat in Congress, (wliich is ni>w more than twenty years,) the American people, by their senators and representatives, have been con- stantly urging the settlement of this question, but urging it in vain. We were in possession of the mouth of the Columbia before the late war; and tliis possession, of which Great Britain had dejtrived us Dy force, was restored to us after the peace under the treaty of Ghent. In an evil hour, under the treaty of 1818, we voluntarily surrendered to that power a joint occupation with ourselves of our own territory. The British government is perfectly satisfied with this treaty; and whilst it remains in force, we may urge and complain until doomsday without effect. From the time when Governor Floyd of Virginia, who has for many years been gathered to his fathers, introduced his resolution in the other House, on the 10th December, 1821, rela- tive to the occu|)ation of the Columbia river and ter- ritory of the United States adjacent thereto, the sub- ject has, in some form or other, been brought before ry with the Uni- willing to surren- joys tlie whole' >n St 10 us proposi- lie bounoary be- lie not desire de- «, the practical )uth, as well a.s always actuated ^t be astonished, Mr. Pakcnham, cct:— Delay tlie M you can; the der the existing ir trade; under it es than we cem re; and, my life tv, if the Senate ', Jay this reso- )ns which hnve this resolution npanied by the snators on the e senator from or of continu- tion for twenty itor from New icy of sending — in my opin- '6 for the con- will be glad to osition for an- if it were thus y must expire lould then be- hght. The> t to the settle- reat Britain — this a serious ese would be luce no effect in a firm but I Jias so long t' be termina- r that we are e the contro- :ill then, will rights and to soul ne'er -it is not by of a century i to ourselves lion. Until > the selfish ■h influence luals— there lay? But tlie cITect of the argument of the senator V " still be — "a little more Klc<'p; a little more slum- b< i,a little more f.ilding of the hauls to sleep;" whilst Gnat I'ritain continues iiilhcaciuni possession of the cminiry, .uul lias evinced a fixed determination to hold it as long as possible. My lamented friend, the late senator from Mis- souri, (Dr. Linn,) who sut by my side in this cham- ber, for sevenil years before his death, made the a.s- sertion of our claims to this territory the chief bu- siness of his usel"ul and honorable life. He thought that, when Lord Ashburton came to the country, the propitious moment had at length 'Tivcd for the settlement of this long-agitated and d ^erous ques- tion. His lordship was hailed as • minister of j)C!icR and as the harbinger of a nc era of good feeling between the two nations. Mr. Webster himself |trocIivimed that this special mini.ster was in- trusted with full [lower to settle all our (ptestions in dispute with Grettt Britain. We all recollect witli what enthusiasm his advent was hailed. Dr, Linn, upon the advice of his friends, (myself amongst the number,) ceased to urge the Oregt)n question on this floor, as soon as tht; negotiation commenced, in the full and confident expectation that it would be finally settled by any treaty which might be con- clnded. 1 hope the Senate will pardon me for say- ing a few worth) here in reference to my deceased friend. In him were combined the most opposite and the most admirable qualities of our nature, in more striking contrast than 1 have ever witnessed in any other man. Gentle as the lamb, and mild as the zejihyr, he was yet brave as the lion. "He had a heart for pity, mid a hand open as day for melting charily;" but yet "was like the mustering thflnder when jirovokcd." Human suflering al- ways drew from him the tear of sympiithy; anil his active benevolence never rested until he had at- tempted to relieve the suflTercr. He was one of tho nble.it men who has held a .'-•eat in the Senate in my day, and yet he was so modest and unpretending that he never seemed sensible of his own ability, a'ld would blush at the faintest praise. If the first settlers who shall boldly establish themselves in Ore- gon under the ample folds of the American flag — not those who may "enter the territory prudently nnd silently" — do not call their first city af^or his name, they will deserve the brand of ingrat- itude. I have never known a man — a stranger to my own blood — in the \vhole course of my life, to wiioni I was more ardtoitly attached. In common with us all. Dr. Limi was firmly con- vinced tiiiit the Oregon question would have been settled by the late treaty. There was tlien every reason cimfidently to anticipate such a result. Lord Ashburton himself proclaimed that he had been in- trusted with full powers to settle ail the disputed questions; and, from the condition of England at that moment, no man could have doubted her desire to remove all causes of dissension between tlie two countries. Her annual revenue was insufiicient for her annuid expiinditurc; she had sufl'ered serious reverses in the East, where she was waging two ex- pensive and bloody wars; a large portion of her pop- ulation at home appeared to be rapidly approacning a state of open rebellion from misery and starvation; and France, her ancient and powerful enemy, had indignantly refused to ratify the quintuple treaty granting her the right of search on the African coast. This, I rejieat, was the propitious moment to settle all our difficulties; but it was not improved, and I fear it has passed away forever. Who could then, i ■JWP t*!?"^^-^ have anticipated that, under nil these favorable cir- cumstances, but a single aueation would be settled, and this the northeastern noundary? It was not in the confiding nature of Dr. Linn to anticipate such a catastrophe. Some of us, at least, can recollect with what astonishment and mortification we first learn- ed that the Oregon question had not been settled by the treaty. Dr. Linn instantly gave notice tb'it he would press his bill for the organization and settle- ment of the territory; and this bill passed the Senate at the lastsession. Are then the United States again to strike their flag? are all proceedings upon this sub- ject again to be arrested in the Senate, on the mere arrival of another niinisterfrom England? Although her subjects hud been in the exclusive possession of the whole territory from the day when the Hudson Bay company first set foot upon it until 1842, yet Congress at once cea.scd to prosecute our claim on the arrival of Lord Ash biirton. Should we pursue a similar course on the arrival of Mr. Pakonham, is it not morally certain that the new negotiation will produce similar results? This is not the best mode of treating with England. She ought not to expect any such concessions from us. If we desire to ob- tain justice from her or any other nation, we must assert our rights in a proper manner. If we do this, she will have little encouragement to hope for longer delay; if we do not, judging from her course in the Ashburton negotiation, there is not the least probabili- ty of the settlement of the question. We have already surrendered to her our ancient highland boundary for which our fixthers fought; these highlands which overlook and command Quebec, the seat of her empire in North America. We have placed her in possession of the highland passes which lead into the very heart of our own country. We have yielded to her the very positions on our frontier, which the Duke of Wellington and a board of British ofiicers deemed indispensable for the defence of her North American possessions. She has obtained all this from our government; and what is worse than all, — what disgraces us more than ail before the world — no, sir, I will not apply the term disgrace to my country, — Lord Ashourton had in his pocket Mitch- ell's map of 1753, t^iken from the private library of George the Third, which proved the justice of our claim. On that map was traced, by the hand of the sovereign himself, the treaty line according to our claim; and the factwas thus conclusively establislied, that England was not entitled to a foot of the terri- tory in dispute. Mr. B. here read from a newspaper the following extracts from the speeches of Sir Robert Peel and Lord Brougham — the first delivered in the House of Commons on the 28th March, 1843, and the second in the House of Lords on the 7th April following: Sir RoBKRT Pkki,. But there is still another map. H'^re, in this country — in the library of the lute King — was depos- ited a map by Mitchell, of the dute 1733. Thiit map was in the possession of the late King; and it was also in possessioii of the noble lord; but he did not communicate its contents to Mr. Webster. [Hear, hear.] It is marked by a broad red line; and on that line is written "Boundary as described by our negotiator, Mr. Oswald;"' and that lino follows the claim of the Itnited States. [Hear, hear.] That map was on an extended scale. It was in possession of the late King, who was particularly curious in relation to geographical inqui- ries. On that map, I repeat, is placed the boundary line — that claimed by the United States — and on four difl'erent places on that line, "Boundary as described by our negotia- tor, Mr. Oswald." Lord Brougham also spoke upon this question, and treated the idea with ridicule and scorn, that Lord Ashburton was bound to show this map to Mr. Webster. His lordship thinks tJiat, from the handwriting along the red line on the face of the map, descnbing the American, and not the British claim, "it is the handwriting of George III him- self." And after stating that the library of George III, by the munificence of George IV, was given to the British Museum, he says: This map must have been there; but it is a curious cir- cumstance that it is not there now. [Laughter.] I suppose it must have been taken out of the British Museum for the putpose of l)eing sent over to my noble friend in America; [hear, hear, and laughter;] and which, according to the new doctrines of diplomacy, ho wa.i bound \o have taken over with him, to show that. he h'ad no case— that he had not a leg to stand upon. And again: But, somehow or other, that map, whicn entirely de- stroys our contentioni, and gives all to the Americans, has been removed from the Briti:ili Museum, and is now to bo found at the Koi-eign Oflice. "The late King (says Robert Peel) was particu- larly curious in relation to geographical inquiries." No doubt he had received from Mr. Oswald himself (the British negotiator of the provisional treaty of peace) the information necessary to enable him to mark the boundary Unc between his remaining provinces in North America and the United States according to that treaty. Justly has Lord Brougham declared, that if this map had been produced, tlio British government would not have had a leg to stand upon. It would have entirely destroyed all contentions, and given all to the Americans. I shall not apply any epithets to such conduct. The sub- ject is too grave for the use of epithets. But this I shall say, that, at one moment during the northeasts ern boundary dispute, that government was ready to apply the match to the cannon, and go to war in de- fence of a claim which they themselves knew, under the hand of their late sovereign, was totally destitute of foundation. 1 shall repeat, without comment, what Lord Ash ! burton said in reference to the British title, during the negotiation. He stated that he was the friend of the United States — that he had endeavored to avert the late war with England; which was true, and was highly creditable to him. But, after all, with the map in his pocket, he declared, in his letter to Mr. Webster of the 21st June, 1842, as fol- lows: I will only here add the most solpnin assurance, which I would not liglilly make, that, after a long and careful exam- ination of all the arguments and inferences, direct and cir- cumstciutiul, t)earing on the wliole of this truly diflicult question, it is my settled conviction llmt it was the intention of the purlins to'tlie treaty of peace of 1783, however imper- fectly those intentions may have been executed, to leave to Great Britain, by their descrijition of boundaries, the whole of the wattas of the river St. John.— Page 40. And yet, after all this, we are admonished by sen- ators to be again quiet and jiatient, as we were whilst the negotiations wUh Lord Ashburton were pending, and await the result. If we should continue to fol- low this advice, the question will never be settled. But, says the senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Choatl,] it would be disrespectful to the govern- ment of Great Britain to give the notice, immediate- ly after the arrival of their minister in this country. Disrespectful to give a notice expressly provided for by the terms of the treaty itself! Disrespectful when this notice will produce no sudden and abrupt termination of the treaty, but will leave it in force for another whole year! I ask, is not this period long enough to complete a negotiation whicn was commenced twenty-five years ago? My feeUngs may be less sensitive than those of otlier gendemen; and tills may be tlie reason why I cannot conceive hovr 4 6« he face of the not the British eorge III him- •nry of George was given to a curious cir- hter.] I suppose Museum for the end in America; rding to the new liavi) taken over tliat lie had not a licii entirely dc- K Americans, has and is now to bo ) wns particu- cnl inquiries." )swald himself lional treaty of 5nnble him to hie remaining ! United States lOrd Brougham l)roduced, tlie ^ hud a leg to y destroyed all ricans. I shall ict. The sub- s. But this I the northeast- It was ready to ) to war in de- ■s knew, under )tally destitute liat Lord Ash ! ih title, during was the friend endeavored to lich was true, But, after all, 1, in his letter 1842, as fol- rance, which I id careful exam- , din!ct and cir- 3 truly difficult as the intention liowever imper- tod, to leave to ries, the whole ishcd by sen- e were whilst I'cre pending, ntinue to fol- be settled, lusetts, [Mr. the govern- , immediate- Jiis country, provided for Jisrespectfut 1 and abrupt ve it in force this period 1 whicn was 'eelings may tlemen; and )nceive how 'tlie British governmrnt rnuld, by possibiiity, ^in- sider the notice diHro.spcciriil. 1 Ixur NcnHil ,iity must be cvtrrinc to take oflifncc at a measuro whii^li, by their own Holcmn agreement, we might have ndopted at any tinu' within ilic lint Hixtcrn years. If, li,)wcvi'r, thoy HJionld take odcnco at our adop- tion of till! very coin'sc tidinli'd out by their own Bolcnm treaty, let tlirni, m Heaven's name, be of- fended. I .shall regret it; but niiieli more slinll I re- gret the lonsr delay in the adjustment of this (piOH- tion, wliieli will inevitably result from our refusal to give the notice. It will never be settled \iiitil wo ('(mviiiee CJicat Britain that we are in earnest. She will proceed in extending and cngro'^sing the trade of the territory so long us we shall consent to leave her in cjiiiet possession, jmlienlly awaiting th of wliich car Im Dortli Pacifi. |l, tliroii^h tills t nIic will abaii- f'li'^ Inrlile anil [>illir;n deserif.'. illiili(;ir|.J(ii|i,|,. |wf arc ufniidto If'st ihi,s iniglii >;', IN surely t,, iin|io.ssiljiliti,if, uMi'K(!iiy.io fir.'jt this vrry day, irard to the re- liivi! iicfti uni- (itllcied for (I HIS prnclainie(i iiiii colonize it, u'lcd or dfipnrt- ' siic will, all oj lin; belbre th" tlieir way into )vernnicnt, and >f what occur- Ijurtoii treaty. 'orins no part if^ct is not even urrespondcncc. ■»rd Ashliurton estion, on the impressment, lears that tliis tterly incapa- )t was entirely Psident, in his 'after sundry 'i«li niinisfer tvyo countries ains, so little >minf,' to any lat it was not e su!)jects of between thiw as part of his IS it appears 2, the claims cily irrecon- I "States, that treaty were ite treaty, ) heart of his "You Jiave I tiie adjust- you, then, ' other ini- p, will you lalf settled? 1 of boun- ! northeast, n the two nationo in the ardent de.Nire of us both; why, then, Jbqvc a qucBlion urmeiiled which is of much greater ■Importance, and conseiiuently of a much more dan- ^erouR character, than the northcastcm boundary — A question which contairm within its(!lf elements that may produce war at no distiuit period. This is the propitiouH monii'iit for cndinf^ all our difncuiticH, lulu commencing a new era of good feeling bctwi'cn the two countries. Let us not suflTer it to escajie un- improved — to pass away, it may be, never to re- turn." What the nature of these "informal (ommu- nicalions with the British minister" may have been in relation to the Oregon Territory, will probiil)ly never be known to the jieople of this counlry. No protocol — no record — was made of the conferences of the negotiators. Their tracks were traced upon the sand, and the returning tide has efliu-cd ibeni forever. We shall never know what passed be- tween them on this subject, unless Lord Ashl)ur- ton's desiiati'hes to his own government shall be published, which is not at all jirobable. 1 have no doubt they contain a full record of the confereiu'cs; because it is the duty of every responsible foreign mini.ster to communicate to his own government a perfect history of idl that occurs throughout his negotiations. I should be exceedingly curious to know what were these extravagant pretensions of llie Hriiish government in regard to Oregon, which rendered all negotiation on the subject impossible. it is more than probable tliat Mr. Webster again offered to Lord Ashburton to establish the forly- ninth parallel of latitude as the boundary between the two nations west of the ilocky mountains. 1 infer this from the fact that the senator from Massa- chusetts, [Mr. CiioATE,] in reply to the senator from Missouri, [Mr. Bkntov,] at the last session of Congrcs.1, had assured him that Mr. Webster had never "offered a boundary line seuth of the parallel of forty-nine;" that he [Mr. Choate] "was authorized and desired to declare that, in no com- munication, formal or informal, was such an offer made, and none such was ever meditated." Wlxn it had thus been authoritatively and solemnly de- clared that Mr. Webster had never offered to es- tablish any boundary .south of forty-nine, (which I was glad to hear,) it appears to me to be a legiti- mate inference that lie had offered to establish that parallel as the b-^undary. The senator from Massa- chusetts can, hotvever, doubtless explain what is the true state of the ease. Here Mr. Choatf. asked whether Mr. Bucuavan desired him to explain now, or wait till the senator should have concluded his remarks. Mr. RucriAKAN preferring the latter course, Mr. Choate promised to make the explanation, and re- tained his seat. But the honorable gentleman has assured the Sen- ale that Great Britain does not intend to colonize in Oregon — no, no more than she intends to colonize the dome of St. Paul's. And what arc the arguments by which he has attempted to support this position? Why, the senator has cturefully examined all the Biitish projects for colonization since the year 182fi; £md he find's that whilst they have been establishing colonies every where else around the globe, not a word has ever been hinted in relation to a colony in Oregon. And does not the .senator perceive how very easy it is to answer such an argument? Great Britain could not have colonized in Oregon without violating her own plighted faith to the Hudson Bay company, In December, 1821, she had leased to that company the wliolc of this territory (or tl"^ term tif twenty-one years, and she could not haTc set her foot upon it witliout infringing their charter- ed rights. What, sir! Great Britain not colonize? She mual colonize. This is the indispensable condition of her iixistence. She has utterly failed to impress upoii other nations her theoretical doctrines I'f free trade; whilst she excludes from her own ports every for- eign article which she can herself pniduce in sufB- cient quantities to supply the demand of her own people. The nations of the continent of I''urop«' ait* now idl manufacturing for theinselve.i. Their mnr- kcts arc nearly idl closed against her. She now en- joys nothing like free trade with any of these nationw. We arc now, I believe, the only civilized peoph, on earth wiiere free trade doctrines prevail to any great extent. The Zoll-Veiein, or commercial league of Gernumy, have rer* ntly adopted a tarift' of duties which must elTectually exclude her manu- factures t'nmi their ports. The whole world are fusi adojiting Bonaparte's continental system against Jier, and all the n.itions of Christendom seem determined to encourage their own labor and to manufacture for themselves. Under these ciirumstanres. Great Britain, in her own defence, must colonize. Sht must provide; a market of her own for her manufac- tures; or inevitable destruction awaits theai. Wherever she can acquire earth enough to plant « man who who will purchase and consunKi her pn>- ductions, — her cotton, her woollen, and her nnnr fabrics, — there she inii.st acquire it for the purpo.se of extending her home market. She cannot existwith- out colonization. This is the ver>f law of her pf»- liti(uil beinjr. To imagine, therefore, that she is about to abandon the" claim to colonize Oregon without a stn.ggle, is to imagine what" .^cems to me- to be very strange, not to say impossible. It is very true that she has not yet, on her own account, com- menced the process of colonization in that region; but judging from the mo.st authentic facts, we can no longer doubt what are her intentions. 1 have already stated that, in 1821, Great Britain had leased to the Hudson Bay company the Ter- ritory of Oregon for the term of twenty-one years- On the 30th May, 1H3S, this lease was extended by a new lease for another period of twenty-one years from its date. The existence of this last grant was entirely unknown to me until within the last few days. When I mentioned the subject in conversa- tion to the senator from Massachusetts, he informed me that he had seen the new lease, and kindly offer- ed to procure it for me, remarking at the same time that he had intended to mention the fact in the course of his remarks; but had omitted to do so in the hurry of speaking. That such was his intention 1 have not the leant reason to doubt. The correspondence of the company's agents with the British government immediately previous to the last lease, is in the highest degree worthy of the at- tention and solemn consideration of the Senate. In this correspondence with Lord Glinelg, they recounted all that the company liad done for the British government as a reason why their license ought to be extended. They boast of having suc- ceeded, "after a se'-'crc and expensive competition,, in establishing these settlements, and obtaining a dc- '■••'ed superiority, if not an exclusive enjoyment of ii , rdde — the Americans having almost withdrawri from the coast." They inform his lordship that "the company now occupy the country between the Rocky mountains and tlie Pacific by six perma- 8 I ncnl csUihlislimcntu on llic coast, sixiron in tlic in- lorior coniitry, iin.sidcM wcvcnil n\i;;riili)ry iiiiil liiiiil- inc; partifs; iiiiil they maintain a marine of Nix tirnird vfSNoIs — one of iht ni anli'am vcf-s'l — on tlic conHl." At ladi of tl.c^■o rNiahlislumtils, I bclifv*', indeed I may say llwil %vc know, tiny liavf ( irricd Htockadi^ forts; aUliouijii if tliiH fact, he mentiont d in the corrcsiiondcnce, il iiascMcapcd my ohsrrvation. In the nrijriiiiurhood of Foit Vain (Hiv'< tice, and break up the convention, the advcr.se pos-rgunient in ses' .: of Great Britain will then commence, and. arty, so far i her cl-.iims will grow struiiger with each succcedini;t. Under tin year. I admit, in theory, the soundness of the prop- he riglit to osition, that \vhilsl the treaty continues, British nos-t could not session cannot inpire our title. But docs England juire no till admit the correctiicss'of this our interpretation of the ished. U treaty? Far, very far from it. Their construction nmction ol of this treaty, and their conduct under its proviH--,oionize the ions, have always been widely diflereiit from our insists upon own. We have under.stood it ui one manner, andtions, she they in another entirely opposite. Hutlson La Previous to the treaty of 1818, Messrs. Gallatin extent, and Rush, in their correspondence with the plenino- And whi teiuiaries of the British government, proposed tliai We hud a i the country on the northwest coast of America at the mo claimed by either party should "6e opcnedfor Ike pur- violate the poses of trade to the inhabitants of both countries." she has ere Now, if these words "for the purposes of trade" had we though been inserted in the treaty itself, no room would establish i have been left for British cavil; but unfortunately for the p they were omitted; and the treaty declares generally passage ot tiiat the country .shall be open to the vessels, citi- tut no; t zens, and subjects of the two powers, without deft- faith; mm ning or limiting the purposes for which it shall be agency ot oiiciicd. And how have the British government hi- terpreled this treaty.' Precisely as though it had been expressly agreed that both parties, instead of being confinetl to hunting, fishing, and trading with the natives, were left at perfect liberty to settle niul colonize any portions of the country they might think proper. Immediately after its conclusion, the British government fell back upon their Nootka- sound convention of 1790 with Spain; and, un- der it, (most unjustly, it is true,) ciaimed the right not only for themselves, but for all the na- tions of the earth, to colonize the northwest coast of America at pleasure. "Great Britain," say her plenipotentiaries, "claims no exclusive sov- ereignty over ojiy portion of that territory." What, then, does she claim.' To use the language of these plenipotentiaries in 1824, "they consider the unoccu- pied ports of Americajustasmuch opeii as heretofore king seiil we propu ing miu as a viol moment, cording t< pedient ft conseque Brittiin ti We have glic has 1 most en bow we tbig the Wtain a «aa go tices of dtehaa I ton, llic I clmrtrr. **' ^^'^^ <''»"'"'n-!o|onization by Great nritnin, m well aa hy othflr iK'jit; hut LordrflpcntJ (xtwcrfl, tii;rc('ivl)ly U) llic j Ni)otku-H()un(l| timt till! e:(.y^^„li„„ „f |7()()_ hciwcrn llic Briiish and Spinii.sii iKW ACnuit, tlifi,^„nit'HlH,uiui ihul tin United HlatfM would liavc liny )Mirti(in n'flgl,t whatever to take inubniiin at the eHlal)ii.sh- ^la^e, 'it will l)i-5|of new colonieH from I^urope in any sui'liiiart.s < w cliai-ter sn; treaty, claimed the rij;hi to Npeedilv mani-ttleand colonize the coimtryas iliouf;h it w( re en- hls, and mnk'rely wiilioutan owner; and, if this claim liad been ry north of th. ell founded, then it would follow irresistibly that 1 that proj)ose(liey have a rii,^ht to retain the possjcssion of the or coiiacnt tiolonics which they liad a ri;^'hl lo I'stablish. It is _ pon tiiis i)rinci])lc that they sjieak of the actual ts has informcdghtfl which they had acquired so long a£!;o aa lHi24, occupatKjn nuiyy ««use,^ occupancy and si iilemcnt." What, tlicii, —''ten thouHandecomcs of the senator's argument, that the present I'c pre judicial -eaty may continue for an ind'jfniiti! period, with- ; shall f^'ive ufi-utbeina; prejudicial to our title? I admit that it is an e adverse poN-rgument true and jubt in theory; but the oppoi:lle i^onunenee, and,arty, .so far from udmittim; its force, entirely repels each siic,ceedini;t. Under their interpretation of the treaty, they claim cs.s of the prop- he riKht to plant colonies; and if thin right existed, tcs, British nos-t could not be said that Great Britain would ac- t does England juire no title, '.o the colonies which she hnd estab- rprctation of the ished. ii lu true, tliat under any fair and just con- leir conslructiointniction of tlie existing treaty, she has no right to ider its provi.s- ioionize the country; but she claims this right. She erent from our;n8i8ts upon it; and, in the face of all our protesta- iic niamier, andtions, she has gone on, through the ageiKiy of the Hudson Bay company, to colonize to a considerable [essrs. Gallatin extent. till the plenino- And what has been our miserable policy in return? , proj)oscd tliar We had a clear right to re-establish our ancient fort «t of America at the mouth of the Columbia; but this might cnedfor the pur- violate the treaty, and olTcnd England; aJid although 1th countries." she has erected some thirty forts within the territory, i.sof trade" had we thought it best to abstain. It was proposed to > room would establish five niililary posts on the way to Oregon, unfortunately for the purpose of protecting and facilitating the lares generally passage of our settlers over the Rocky moiuitains; le vessels, citj. fcut no; this must not be done; it would be bad without defi- faith; and this, although England, through the ich it shall be agency of the Hudson Bay comi)any, has been ma- overnment in- kmg settlements all over the country. Whenever it Jiad we propose to do anything for tlie purpose of meet- ing and countervailing her advances, it i3 decried as a violation of the treaty; and now, at the last moment, the same doctrine is not only held, but, ac- cording to some senators, it is deemed wholly inex- pedient lor us to settle Oregon; and, as a necessary consequence, I suppose we should permit Great Britjiin to retain her possession, without a struggle. We have been slcepmg over our just rights; wliilst she hius been pushing her unjust claims with the ut- most energy. It is a strange spectacle to witness how we are forever holding back, for fear of viola- ting the treaty; whilst England is rushing forward to obtain and to keep tlie country. She has establish- ed a government there; she has commissioned jus- tices of the peace; she has erected civil tribunals; die ha« extended the jurisdiction of her laws over hough ies, instead of trading with ' to settle and ' they might onclusion, the heir Nootka- in; and, un- claimed the or all the na- e northwest 'at Britain," tclusive sov- •y-" What, age of these [■ the unoccu- as heretofore the whole territory; she hnr r.<(U»bliHhcd forts; «he haa built nhipii; erc^cted inillit; conmienced permanent scl- lleiTientH, and cultivated extensive farms; and, durinj^ this whole |ieriod, has opt nly |)riii laimtrd her right to do all this, notwithstantling the treaty. And yet, al- ihougii w( have witnessed all these thingM, wo must not move a step, or evi.u lift our hand, berause it would be a violation ol" the treaty! They consider the country as open to settlement; and in 1H:24, refused to acct'jit our proposition to make the 4'.(tli degree of latitude the boundary; because ihis would con- flict with their a(tlual rights derived from use, occu|)ation and settlement; whilst we have carefully refrained from perfoiming any act whatever to en- courage the .settlement of the country. Iler claim to it rests upon settlement and coloni/.ation; whilst Congress refuses altogether to settle or to colonize, lest this might violate the very treaty under which she lias been all the time acting. In tlie face of these claims so boldly asserted by Great Britain, it has appeared to nie wonderful that the treaty of joint occupation should have been eon- tinuid in ISHi*. In the conferences previous to this treaty of 1827, the British |)lenipoientiaries made n still bolder declaration than they had ever done be- fore; — whilst they admit, in express terms, our equal right with themselves to settle the country — a right which we have refrained from exerci.sing notwith- Ktandiivr 'his admi.ssion, lest, forsooth, it might vio- late the i..aty. They inform us of the numerous setileineiil.' :id trading posts established by the .suIj- jects o*'Gi -at Britain within the Territory; and, a» if to taunt us with our want of energy, they say that in the wh.);. territorv, the citizens of the United States have n.t a .single .settlement or trading post. They again n.t'eired to their right to settle and c(f? «.*»^/!*li®y '^^ ^''^ P^""' of the British government to per- '"" ut I'fined to a tnern to pursue a similar policy. They will f'le Allcghan?"^'"**'^*' ^ neighbors. y,J>f favy, £ . '"-aoh other? In one breath, he tells the Senate that t^y> of uivy"'*^* ^*^ ''■ "^^'''' occurred to the senator from Mas- ' ?"'a<5husetts how inconsistent his arguments are witii I'lerican p"" ,• "'*'®^ °'^''*^''' '" ""° breath, he tells the Senate that ['Vlniio-}jtv''h ^'"^'**'' ^''''"'" ^^'" ^'^ ^'^ ^"''' ^'•"' Oregon; and in the t'eop/e th t"^ '*** ''^'^' *'"' I^i'd'^f"' J^ay company will voluntni-i- h abi-oad n l^' ^ retreat before the advancing tide of our agricul- irjsc whi h i^^^^ population, and abandon it without a struggle. lation's an ^^^' assured, sir, England is too wise, to risk a war for This 8f,-'^'*^'"8U^ a possession, valuable as it may be, on such a of it. Y^^'"^' ^Hjlftim of title, as slic presents. She is wise as she is vs (>) thci"" ""'P**^*^*^*^"'" -'-'"'''^ '^^ her position in regard to Ire- ivine r, *" '^°^" '''''^" What is that island at tliis hour but a niaga- •sir! nrr'^*^' ''zineof gunpowder, ready to explode at any instant? )e Rock^^''' "Aeingle spark may light in a moment the flames of d Nino- ^, '^'"'^ '^^'^ ^^''* Look at the discontents which so ex- ^ijjg*^''^ ''"f tensive! y prevail throughout the island of Great Jersey is'^^T"' 9^'^'" itself, springing from the want and misery ose ol .' , '^" <^ii'"io"s of her subjects, and from other danger- 'cJd UD fi *^®- OW3 causes which I shall not now enumerate. Al- tains ori /if ^^'^^ ^o^S^ in profound peace with all the world, in ad- pv,.!. , . ^^' dltion to all the other taxes on her subjects, she has *^*er to colojju this .S(iJ' give no ansuff P the treasury r ir^^rit. No „i„: ""ff wjJl event, «'ted, though ; itor from Ncii "f tJu« Unio,, """,?h into tJu «is, however ^»Mn thm tui contrary, "her by' 1'' mutual d(. *^ grown to Ijf - We shal. s- AJthougi; P'»-ts of th, "lent each is f vast valley "e northern '■^'■y tolceeii 5"gfi whici, Gt. In jijfe stern States est for the which all besides, the '■"'ected by on of that rvile War, 's mutual 'e, is oui- on whith- ertain no ••egon be- wheth e lou appear, or it eign^' j^gtructions for L>ora ^"l' ^.j^ ofln. Lord Ashbujffif it Bhould W ""^^KJclaL that he had paring t^^^^^^ lot a leg to Bt Sd ABhburton l^v,''*. vi«Tf S a map, his ^^f;|Xe Foreign ofice, ^^h«« ^o^J,^,SrSught ,s all our -^knowledge o^^^^^^^^^^ J^ ,e would nse cials^^-e F J ,^^J,^ not l.ve bi .^g^^ ^mostconchjS;ifftTaceanddohim . Here was T^ere 'vas one se"tence n &ir ^^hburton could suppose i ^^^^^ j^^^ removed « "o^ .vereign him.pS^^^n which he observed -^^^ord^ -broad in iBten^e I Lor J/^^^ , , n retn^erncnt th^ fea =0 kintjdom ffi a ri&ht to presume tliaine formation on the 1 orci^ ^^^ by &ir Robert reei, d, that a,e bc^SS^ssiol of all ^he elemen^ ot ^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^o.-Uould heve bee^^^^^ ^^^^j^ '^ftrrrmaS he spoke r in the t.JSch a satisfactory <^«?^i"T" to presume; and wou.. have y^t, throughout his remarks «^^^^^ pued tcrSoubtedly Je^ha^ a r.ght^thu^^to f^^^^^ ^^^"ow^ttwould have Sr/sU^iuSr "ha'the he confcHsif this map had^ been __^ ^^. ^„„pUunt. ^M J„,^„,ent, without the si gMe^^^^^^^^ present ministry had been i^i transpired, both ■ Now, in the face of all that nau j ^^^^^^ Se House of Com.i2tr.VFo?u"ed ai. anonv- the senator /^om V-gmia I K .taming _lVfr. ird A:- ; treaty, had ;ii lap; had declaii vhen he assun manner, that of the treaty > ters which wf thin the Brifis uld, with hoiio! and that, adniii had described ii )e strong enoui:! brand any gov- high diplomati ice, do justice if jurton. After;: 2 as reported by id wiiicli he hail !ly admitted tliai ICC of Sir Robtji'i lot to Lord Ash- ission of the late of the noble lord, contents to Mr. reports of the do- !ver doubted — lie person, but that U"ton. He liaii 3r, by Hansard's 1 him great pleii- exp.i^— on from '»f •' '' ""of Lords, have m on^the floor of ^J«. !^°' 'eealment from h.m of dignantly denounced the conceaim elaims-a con- such a proof of th%justice 9^ erroneously to give cealment which had ^a^^^^u nn personal assu- have'remained silent? ^"^^^j^ ,^,rid the po«'t'«'M J fj"^, ,cd the notice ol Lord Abcrdcui,_u^^ ^.^ explained to us and o thewn ^^.^^^^^ "''"f^' ;ibcen vimi.iallykepta in. which he bad be " l^ b^^^ ^,^ „,, ^-^.^S^ ^f^ mysterious and Lords. „. .h;;;iri;; had b-n jo; >^'^,-,n;now of the Ur. B. said, It mshl be that lie ^^^^^^^^ ^ existence of the map; b^ 'y^/^ ^ ^icws of the Lord Ashburton j^^^^SmK^n avowed by Sir duty of a nfg."ti;f/^^';,; ot" Commons, and Lord Robert Peel in the HoubC oi j,^ .^as no Brougham in the House of Loras ^^^.^^^^ more bound to produce '^"'y J]l^^\^^^ .rovernmcnt, ^p'erate .igainst ^^^ ";S\heir 0!^^ mtgh^ no matter '^ow unfoundca tie testimony which I lawyer was bound to dis. ^^^ ^^^.^ ^^ ^ wight injure his [^^^ f •,^i'^J,.,on's conduct, he had ^ V-';'"!„!".norhims If to the facts alone, and f charity broader individual, to be- being in posses- ich marks of au- mosl conclusivo :.! the notice of LoraAo^^j^-j^j^ i;.dbeciicvimi.iaUyk' that it f -athri l/'"".'"'"'^'*?"!!..!!)' to IMUoi the i;„,ied States s^Jnl J V^''V^^r"°'''''' »«•"•>« ""^^ ...... ."onia I'O he ,1 boui,,) I, *3Ss of iuloi -' was in *..,.„.. ,"^r . ■ • tin .'Limes of the Kiji oovery of the 1 . — 1 .. i^i. founrt hiv.n, ,. ''* '<'"Piof fJr Kn ,1 lil. ""^ •"'Jioovery ofi c=onn, xYo, 'hS« '-'■"T'^ *" "o"'" man ^ ' >,'' '"''^ «'='<> ^eCt/u vv i i-VaiikliL ,''.IV^'" '.he map .o foum'l ' .3 V,"'": ''."o 'l^- th. impouch ca«,.'n"f"^ '" KfUL'i-al, there is k'mVk ' "'<■ letter nfovlnc tlmt he thi;^cal'""'^,*;^;!i'"«''i''ind«'p^t^^f^^^^^ i,;ff If 1.1.- is the leniic ,.?„ " 1."""ng to .show that I,"'''''-' ^*' """.on those wh, .!; ir^'./''^'"."^''''"" ^vi-th ;:«.!?? "^ ^"'^^ Cr tC;.; seHe/, fot. ( W tt :^^a;^^,^^vi^fl^.V^^ -|n 0.^^eut .; iuV i^on rT'""'-'' ''earing, n any mnn'*"' ''•''"''"'' ^"as m :laUon; and tli of LoriLi m UUinks to iington. A great to n th< k.u,,:"'*'*,' '"•PP<'-'ed bVh ;;'°J^,°f f'^'-nVa, a'le,\evVrhe may 1 '■■•adv s ta e i^' '° ?"**"■ to our first u,, " """^ refer,,, for Oieoppos) H hic'h « . ' *° '"''h map could be 1''^'' ""'>'• ^^ ' ''ave ;,:niOte than an cause he mon sense, p ige, a Ihori cpuntry and Se matters 1 has yet to 1; rienced dipl who have g jjt of stale: country, an the terms o your own, disclose a your duty duty is lirs to tell ever ._ ^ ,i..i is your du( w ■ tier' l^,^:^'' hy a i,r:a"rn.d ^^"^'^ ">J^^'- Wei' ARPENDIX has farj /Ae treaty of fVashinston ' ^> '^ "^ *«*/«' o/ But th« nnl,l,. i._j ^ ■ ' t'>c no^n-atorM ir.r''', "l^" t'o»nded-thatV '^S '.'>«« claim Hw. ir, *' .".aiora intended to ratifv i '' ^ claim which have lain those prin( 6th of Vict assuredly man, albei language the purpoi son he ha( practised that it wa let every duty, it t equally tl It was m; ami noth/i^s I thi^it ""^^ .'^«^^' "'attm much"'^*, conviction 15« '^'f^fti thrnUt^^^ 'lion would inevitably ha»c been given in your favor, in Ho ill hag j,o!l "P'''«quenco of the evicfcnce of man's, wliich "would ni)t bi; '" not liHv '^krwid as maps recoifnised liy tilt' ni'Kotiators tlionisi' Ives. of Jiis pois '■"? '"-S*"'' "'''' with rofiiniiro to the niai).s discovnicd ^alhnr I'lrrf '''''^',''''''<^c""y 'o "'" ooiirhif.ion of tlic ni-gotiatioiis con- l^omafista „' .^''■' tea by Lonl Ashburtoii. Tl\i; nobio lonl opposite thai (K "" '" •■. - 'ii'i.l hJi stated that his preiiuccssor Oi'liri- had ruudo bo hi'iii liS Office at 'p."!?*^'' reeled speech delivered bij Lord Brovgkam in the House j'^'ion at flrgj"' :^ of Lords on the 1th Jlp'nl, 1843, on the proposition of "" Utonks to Lord JMbiirton fm- the treaty of Wash- &:'ir?» ' ' search «■„. niadi, bngton. f>th: A great charge against Mr. W'cbster is, th.it ho sup- , - in ((• gnawed the map of Dr. Kranklin in the course of the nego- • upp j^J ^"as rrifiiiation; and this suppression bus been said to savor of had r nor ni, ^ '^^''PU'iaittt- I deny it. I deny that a neifotiator, in carrying; on a s ,);■.„ P couJij controversy, as reijresentiiiK his own country, with u Ibr- PfAmoric tlie 'J oily ^ .ercd, (jj eiga country, is bound U) disclose to the other party what- '1' a letifever he may know that tells atfainst his own country, and "jnp reffcriY. for the opposite party. I deny that he is so bound, any ovcii. J ,,''"*'« ,i;inore than an advocate is bound to tell the court all that he it r ^''"' tiii deems to maku against his own client and for liis adversary, f'her f m" **'*'' My noble friend. Lord Ashburton, has been objected to— my u^ " 'be Kinj noble friend opposite has been blamed for selecting l)im — to i,y fk^^P °^ th' because he is not a regular l)red diplomatist ; because Kini; " ij'^*'"')' w he is not acquainted with diplomatic lore yOW, ,sj; plain unlettered man as regards diplomatic allairs; and be Arneric^ri cause he had onl) the guide of common honesty and com- ■"'(•"re w'i.s MicaJ S!^t^-^^4 Jnied w,o found" aiis „:.:> 'ha because he is a "6- i\i,... ■ -■ . . . . ' . • to the q,,' '^'ns pill) mon arnse, great fcx|)eiience of men, great general knowl edge, a thorough at(|uaintauce with the interests of his own (yiuntry and of the country he was sent to, for his guide in Se matters he was to negotiate. Hut I believe my noble friend has yet to barn this one bvsson— that it is the duty of e.spe- rienced diplomatists, of regular bred politicians, of those who have grown gray in the mystery of negoliation and the art of statescraft. that when you are sent to represent a country, and to get the best terms you can for it, to lower the terms of the opposite party, and to exalt the terms of your own, as far as may be— you ought first of all to disclose all the weaknesses of your own case— that your duty to ) our country is something, but that j our duty is first to tlu; opposite party, and tliat you are bound to tell everything that makes for that adverse party, 'i'hiit is your duty; that is one of those arts of diplomacy which have lain concealed until the present year 181.'t--one of those principles of statesmanship which it remained for the 6th of Victoria to produce and iiromulgate. but w hich weie assuredly not quite understood by that old French states- man, albeit trained in tlic diplomatic school, who said that language had been conferred upon men by I'rovidence for the purpose of concealing their thoughts. This was a les- son he had yet to learn, this regular-bred diplomatist — this practised negotiator. Ho certainly could not huve thought that it was his duty to practise a window in his hosoin, and let every one see what pa.'-sed in his mind. Hut it was the duty, it seems, of my noble friend to tell all; and it was equally the reciprocal duly of .Mr. Webster to do the same. It was my noble friend's duty, to disclose all that he had '^ "'01 of COD /••■ankJin. To founded inft't ,'Y «"ounfrjr_ -" a niaj) by J^,o/~.ndJ "' 'he nohlp ' "iatJino ;» '°|'«lor,Mr the -- .. ^'nited '""^npos- inT°"« "» 'P- ' repeat, 't ^'''"«'* foundarv 'Vhat ^v^ ■?'ors; but found out again.'it the negotiation he w cnt to conduct. That was tlie new art, the new mystery, the new disco>ery of 181.'); Imt I find my honorable friend, Mr. Webster, has great uuihoiity, and that even if he were wrong, he errs in excel- lent good company. It does so hapjien that then; was a map published by the King's geographer in this country in the H'ignofhis .Miijestv Cieorge III: and here I could apjieal to un illustrious duke wliomi now see, whethi r that monarch wan not us little likely to err from any fulness of nttaehment to- wards America, as any one of his faithful sul)jectsl [The iJuke ol Cniiil)rii!i>i:: Ileur.J liecause he widl knows that theie was no one thing which his revered parent had HO much at heart as the separation from Amer- ica, and there was nothing he deplored so m ich a." that se|)- aiation having taken placi;. 1 be King's geogiupher, Mr. t''ad(;n, puldished his map 1783, which contains, not the Ilrit- ish, but the American line. Why did not my nolJe friend take ovei a copy of that map? i\"iy noble friend o()pos'te (Lord Aberdeen) is a candid man; Ik; is an e:\peiience I ili- ploniatist. both abroad and at home; he is not nnl(;tti re,l, but thoroughly conversant in all the crafts of diplomacy and statesmanshiji. Why ('id he conceal this map? Wv have a riglit to complain of that; and I, on the part of .America, complain of that. Vou ought to have sent out the map of .\lr. Kad(;n, and said, "this is (ieorge the Third's map." But it never occurred to my nobh; friend to do so. Then, two years after .Mr. l-'uden published that mH|), another was liublished, and that took the Hiitish line. '1 his, however, came out after the boundary had becoini- matter of contro- versy, jiosl litnin niolam. But, at all ev(;nts, my noble friend had to contenil with the force of the argument against Mr. VVel'Ster. and America had a riglit to tin; benefit of both maps. My noble frii;nd ojipositi; never sent it over, and no- I'Ody ever blamed him for it. But that was not all. What if there was another map containing the American line, and lutver corrected at all by any subseciuent chart coming from the same custody .' And what if that rna]> came out of the custody of a person high inollice in this country — nay, what if it came out of the custody of the highest functionary of all,— of George 3d himselff I know that map— 1 know a map which I can (race to the custody of (Jeoige .3d, and on which there is the .American line and not the Knglish line, and upon which there is ii note, that from tlie hand-writing, as it has been described to me, make."; me think it was the note of (ieorge ;>d himself: "This is tlie line of Mr. Oswald's treaty in 1783," written three or four times upon tin- face of it. Now, sup))ose this should occur — 1 do not knoiv that it has happen- ed— but it may occur to a Secretary of State for Foreign .Mlairs,— either to my noble friend or Lord rahnerston. w lio, I und'Tstand by comjjion report, taken a great interest in the question; and though he may not altogether approve of the treaty, he may peradventnre envy the .^ucci^ss v^'hich attended it, for it was a success which did not iittend any of liis own American negotiations. Until is possible that my noble friend or Lord I'almerston may have discovere.i that then; was this map, because (ieuige 3d's library, by the munificence of fJeorge 4th, was given to the British Museum, and this map must have been there; but it is a curious circumstance that it is no longer there. I suppose it must have lieen taken out of the British Museum for the purpose of being sent over to my noble friend in America; and that, according to the new doctrines of diplomacy, he was bound to have used it when there, in orlcrto show tliat he had no case— that he not a leg to stand upon. Why did he not take it over with him.' Probably he did not Know of its «xistence. I am told that it is not now in the British Museum, bnt that it is in the Foreign Ofiice. Proba- biy it wiis known to exist; but somehow or other that map, which entirely destroys our contention and gives all to the Americans, has been removed from the British Museum, and is now to be found at the J>'oreign Ortice. Kxplain it as you will, that is the simple fact, that this important map was removed from the museum to the office, and not in llie time of my noble friend [L,ord Aberdeen.] la/m "pon that thny ]".''lc lord ■"{'ration, c'aiins, I "pen to 'af claim ? WhJcll ^er, that Sparks'.^ eviction y Were; «xpec. oa, tha