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^
I
SPEECH
OF
MR. BUCHANAN, OF PENNSYLVANIA
ON
THE OREGON QUESTION.
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 12, 1844.
I
The following resolution offered by Mr. Semple
being under consideration:
Eesolved, That the President of the United States be re-
quested to give notice to the British government that it is
tite desire of the government of the United States to annul
and abrogate the provisions of the third article of the con-
vention concludad between the government of the United
States of America and his Britannic Majesty the Kini? of the
United Kine^dom of Great Britain and Ireland on tiie 30tli
October, 1819, and indefinitely continued bythe convention
between the same parties, signed at London the 6th August,
1827.
Mr. BUCHANAN rose and said:
- Mr. Presiiient: I feel deeply impressed with tlie
importance of the question now under discussion,
ana of the necessity which exists for its speedy ad-
justment. My conviction is strong that a peaceful
settlement of this question can only be accomplished
by prompt but prudent action on the part of this
government. We are all anxious that it should be
settled in peace; and there is no senator on this floor
more anxious for such a happy consummation
than myself. Whilst this is the desire of my heart,
I am yet firmly convinced that the mode by which
senator on the other side desire to atttan this desira-
ble end will utterly fail. Already we are sending
numerous emigrants every year across the Rocky
mountains; and we are sending them tliere without
the protection of Ia\»;, and without the restraints of
civil government. We have left them, hitherto, to
the unlimited control of their own passions. We
must send them laws and a regular form of govem-
ment. Wc must take them under our protection,
and subject them to the restraints of law, if we would
prevent lollisions between them and the British oc-
cupants — the servants and people of the Hudson Bay
company. This we must do, if we would preserve
peac« between the two nations. The present is a
question, not of mere theory, but of practical states-
manship; and I sincerely hope that such a coftrse
may be pursued as will sustain the rights of the
country to the territory in dispute, and, at the same
time, preserve the peace of the world.
I care but little as to the mere form of the resolu-
tion proposed by the senator from Illinois, [Mr.
Semple.] If it be not altogether perfect, it can easily
be amended. This I shall say, however: we ought
not to expect that the President, under existing cir-
cumstances, would assume the responsibility of giving
the proposed notice for the purpose of terminating the
treaty of joint occupancy, without the sanction of one
or both Houses of Congress. The treaties of 1818
and 1827 are the law of the land. They were rati-
fied by the constitutional majority of two-thirds of
the Senate; and their provisions have now been in
force for more than a quarter of a century. It could
not, therefore, be expected that the President would
give the proposed notice on his own reponsibility
alone. On the question of his abstract power to do
so, I express no opinion. Without any technical
objections to the mere form of the resolution, and
without furtht. remark, I shall proceed at once to
the statement and discussion of the main question.
The third article of the convention of the 20th of
October, 1818, between the United Statts and Great
Britain, contaiiis an agreement that the country on
the northwest coast of America, westward of the
Stony mountains, during tl-. ici.m of ten years, witli
its harbors, bays, and creeKs, am' the navigation of
its rivers, "shall be free and open to the vessels, cit-
izens, and subjects of the two owers," without
prejudicing tlie claim of cither pnrcy to the territory
m dispi e. The provisions of this third article
were extended for an indefinite period by the con-
vention of the 6th of August, 1827; subject, how-
ever, to the condition, thateither of the parties, "on
giving due notice of twelve months to the other con-
tracting party," might "annul and abrogate this
convention." The question, then, is, shall we ad-
vise the President to give this notice.'
If our government should annul the convention,
then each of the parties will be restored to its origi-
nal rights. In what condition would the United
States then be placed.' ' The northern boundary of
Mexico, on the Pacific, is the forty-second parallel
of north latitude. By separate treaties between the
F880
JB9I
IT**?
f'
//Jf W/tn'fMf/y o^'y/}/^yfj/t Uo/'/^^i/f^
I'liitcd Stairs nnd Russin, and Grtnt Britain and
Riissic, tiiis power lias rcIiniiuiHliod all ciiiim to any
territory on the norlliwcst f:oust of Anifrifa, soulli
ot" the lalitiule of (iriy-foiir deforces and forty niin-
uteH. Thus the (crriloi y in (lispnte oniliracos tliat
vast region extendin'j; along tlie Paeiiie ocean, from
On- forty-second degree of north latitude to fifty-four
<legrecM and liirty nnnutes iiortli, arid running east
3ilong tiiese r< speetive ]iarallcl.s of latitude to the
Runmiit of the lloi'Uy mountains. Now, nir, to the
whole of this t( rritory — to every foot of it — 1 be-
lieve most firmly thai wc have a elear and conclu-
sive title. This ha.s not been denied by any scna-
wr. Under the publie law of elirislendom, which
has regulated the rights of nations on sueli ([ucs-
li<mH ever .since the discovery and settlement of the
<x)ntir.e.it of America, the validity of our title can
be demonstrated. 1 shall, myself, attemj)! to ])er-
form this duly on a future and more appropriate
<.ire«sion, when the bill to establish a territorial gov-
ernment for Oregon shall come before the Senate,
unless, in the mean time, it slmll be accomplished by
some se.iator more competent to the task.
The materials for this work of mere condensation
and abridgment are at hand. They are all to be
found in the jiowerfid speech of the new .senator
fn>ni Illinois, [Air. Buekse,] which has made such
a favorabl.; iuipressio:. upon the body; in the able
and convincing treatise on the subject by a distin-
guished citi/.eii of Philadelphia, (Peter A. Browne;)
and, above all, by the facts and arguments, the labor
«f years, collected and jiresented by Mr. Greenhow,
III his History of California and Oregon, which has
«xJuiUHted the subject, and left not a doubt of the
validity of our title.
Assuming, then, f6)r the present, with the senator
fnjm Mas.sacdiusetts, [Mr. Choate,] that our title
j.« undoubted, 1 shall proceed directly to discuss the
tjucstion whether we should give the notice pro-
|H)Scd by the resolution.
And, ill the first place, I shall contend that, if we
desire to bring the negotiation to a speedy and suc-
cessful termiiuuion — if we wish to make any treaty
with England at all upon the subject, — it js indis-
pensably necessary that we should give the notice.
And why.' From the plainest principles of com-
mon sense, and from the policy which governs na-
tion,s, it cannot be expected — nay, it ought not to be
expected — that England will voluntarily surrender
tfie Oregon K^-ritory, or any part of it, while the pres-
ent treaty <'xisls, under which she now enjoys the
whole. The status in quo (as writers on public law
call it) IS too favorable to her interests to expect any
tmch result, yiic now liolds, and ims held, the ex-
<:.lu.sive [lossossiun of the territory for more than a
quarter of a century, for every purpose for which
vhti desires to use it at the present. The Hudson
Hay company have claimed high merit from the
British go\ ernnient for liaving expelled our luinters
and traders t'rom tlie country. We have been in-
formed by the senator from Missouri, [Mr. Bkn-
Tov,] and other western senators, that this com-
pany — either directly, by their own agents, or indi-
rtsrlly, by the Indians under their control — have
murdered between four and fis'e hundred of our fel-
low-citizens, who had crossed the Rocky mountains
for the purpose of trading with the natives, and of
hunting
the fur-bearing animals which abound in
those regions. They liavi', driven away all our cili-
aens whose pursuits could interfere with their prof-
ita. Under the existing state of things — under the
.present treaty of joint occupation, — tliey have the
whole country to themselves, and all the profits to
be derived from its possession. The Hudson Bay
company now enjoys the monopoly of the fur trade,
which has ))oured millions into its cofl'ers, and ha^
greatly promoted the commerce and furnished a mar-
ket for the mamifactures of the mother country.
The truth is, that the present treatv of joint occupa-
tion, although reciprocal between tlie two nations in
]ioint of form, has proved beneficial in point of fact
to England, and to England alone. She has at pres-
ent all she can desire; and any change must be for
the worse. Why, then, should she consent to di-
vide the possession of this Territory with the Urn-
ted States.' Wliy should she be willing to surren-
der any part, when she now enjoys the whole^
E.vcn if we were to yield to her monstrous proposi-
tion to make the Columbia river the bounuary be-
tween the two nations, still would she not desire de-
lay, enjoying already, as she does, the practical
ownership of the whole territory south, as well as
north, of that river.'
Knowing the policy which has always actuated
the British government, I should not be astonished,
if we could penetrate the cabinet of Mr. Pakenham,
to find there instructions to this erect: — Delay the
settlement of the question as long as you can; the
longer the delay the better for us; under the existing
treaty we enjoy the whole of the fur trade; under it
we now possess far greater advantages than we C£in
expect under any new treaty.
They have already all they desire; and, my life
upon it, there will be no new treaty, if the Senate
should, as I have no doubt they will, lay this reso-
lution upon the ttible for the reasons which have
been urg(^d in the debate. Sir, if this resolution
should be laid upon the table, accompanied by the
able and eloquent argumenls of senators on the
other side — by the argument of the senator from
Massachusetts [Mr. Choate] in favor of continu-
ing the present treaty of joint occupation for twenty
years longer, and that of the senator from New
Jersey [Mr. Miller] against the policy of sending
our citizens to settle in Oregon at all — in my opin-
ion, it will be utterly vain even to hope for the con-
clusion of any treaty. Great Britain will be glad to
enjoy all the benefits of her preaent position for an-
otiier quarter of a century.
But if the notice were once given — if it were thus
rendered certain that the present treaty must expire
within a year, the British government would then be-
gin to view the subject in a serious light. The>
would then apply themselves in earnest to the settle-
ment of the question. We owe it to Great Britain —
we owe it to our own country, to render this a serious
question; not byoflTering threats, for these would be
unworthy of ourselves, and could produce no effect
upon such a power — but by insisting, in a firm but
respectful tone, that tlie disjjute which has so long
existed been the two nations must now be termina-
ted. When that power shall disco vei" that we are
at last in earnest and determined to urge the contro-
versy to a conclusion, then, and not till then, will
she pay that degree of respect to our rights and to
our remonstrances "which the proud soul ne'er
pays but to the proud."
It is not by abandoning our rights — it is not by
giving to Great Britain another quarter of a century
for negotiation, that we can ever secure to ourselves
our own territory now in her possession. Until
the notice shall be given — ^judging from the selfish
principles which unfortunately too much infltienoe
the conduct of nations, as well as individuala— there
irill be
Upo" l^
iot a spj
Been rul
'^c shalll
had b(ei|
Ihentioii
^e dec
twenty
jossibleJ
My s(|
iRtive ac'l
iating civ
vicnt spil
80 far fV(|
tp perse I
when lia|
her lon^
one com]
A. firm al
from hei
. The
that "thil
aiidered i
had wail
adjustmi
should 1
tag ihit
misiakei
Juietly
iept for
that fro 11
crossed
«nt hou
subject,
Sute. 1
enate li
documei
ted to c
feel colli
have occ
more tin
their sei
stunlly 1
Hi-ging
mouth c
poascssi
by fore*
the trci
treaty
that po
own ter
satisficc
force, \
withou
Floyd
gather(
the oth
tive to
■ ritory
ject hfi
-each s
t»umei
.mittee
jpur til
«uiysv
Kf ' Bui
'lor si:
• any r
tyye
gumc
•Jiest,
i 3
l*l' ""t/'^.P'"'''^'^ ^" will Ijc no adjuslnicnt of the boundary qucation. If,
I lludson IJay ||pon the mere arrival of a British minister, (and he
ly "1 'he fur trade, ^ot n .special minister like Lord Ashburton, as had
H eotUis, and ha^ Been rumored, but a retsidenl envoy cxiraordinary,)
lurnisheu a mar- ^c .shall a second time arrest our proceedings Vf-hicih
mother country, had hit^u conmicnci d lonii; before liis name was
V o( joint occupa- aientioncd for this appointment, fuid jjrcet him with
in\ two nation.s in jjic declaration that we are willimr lo wait for
Uiii pojnt of fact twenty years lonirer, then a treaty will become im-
'^lic has at pros, possible.
My second proposition is, that to arrest all Icfjis-
lative action at liie present moment, and under ex-
isting circumstances, would evince a tame and sub.ser-
Ticnt sj)iriton our pail towards Great Dritain, which,
SO far from concihatins, would only encourajLje her
tp persevere in her unjust demands. I would ask,
when hiis EngLuid, in her foreign palicy throuc;hout
her long and eventful history, ever failed to make
one concession the ground for demanding aiiotheir
A firm and determined spirit m necessary to obtain
from her both respect and justice.
• The f:ciiat(n' from Mas.suchusetts has informed ns
that "this controver.sy bad not heretofore been con-
•idered as very urgent;" and has slated that "if we
had waited so quietly for twenty-six years for the
adjustment of this question, he did not sec why w(;
should not wait six months longer, instead of adopt-
ihg this measure now." IJut is not the senator
ttiisiaken in supposing that we had waited thu.s
Juietly for so long a period.' The question baa not
lept for a quiU'ter of a century. So far from this,
that from the day when Lewis and Clark, in 1805,
crossed the Rocky mountains, until the pre.s-
«nt hour, we have been incessantly agitating the
subject, and urging our title to the territory in dis-
pute. 1 requested the executive secretary of the
Senate to hunt up all the volumes containing public
documents on this subject. 1 am sorry that I omit-
ted to count the number of these volumes; but 1
feel confident they exceeded twenty. Ever since I
have occupied a .seat in Congress, (wliich is ni>w
more than twenty years,) the American people, by
their senators and representatives, have been con-
stantly urging the settlement of this question, but
urging it in vain. We were in possession of the
mouth of the Columbia before the late war; and tliis
possession, of which Great Britain had dejtrived us
Dy force, was restored to us after the peace under
the treaty of Ghent. In an evil hour, under the
treaty of 1818, we voluntarily surrendered to
that power a joint occupation with ourselves of our
own territory. The British government is perfectly
satisfied with this treaty; and whilst it remains in
force, we may urge and complain until doomsday
without effect. From the time when Governor
Floyd of Virginia, who has for many years been
gathered to his fathers, introduced his resolution in
the other House, on the 10th December, 1821, rela-
tive to the occu|)ation of the Columbia river and ter-
ritory of the United States adjacent thereto, the sub-
ject has, in some form or other, been brought before
<each successive Congress. Since then, we have had
tiumerous President's messages and reports of com-
mittees, and other documents, in favor of asserting
.^ur title by some act of possession; but all without
any successful result.
But even if we had been sleeping over our rights
^r six and twenty years, I ask the senator, is this
any reason why we should slumber over them twen-
ty years longer.' Is it not rather a convincing ar-
gument to urge us at last now to go to work in ear-
xiest, and repair the evils_ consequent on our long dc-
inge must be for
^he eon.sent to di-
>ry with the Uni-
willing to surren-
joys tlie whole'
>n St 10 us proposi-
lie bounoary be-
lie not desire de-
«, the practical
)uth, as well a.s
always actuated
^t be astonished,
Mr. Pakcnham,
cct:— Delay tlie
M you can; the
der the existing
ir trade; under it
es than we cem
re; and, my life
tv, if the Senate
', Jay this reso-
)ns which hnve
this resolution
npanied by the
snators on the
e senator from
or of continu-
tion for twenty
itor from New
icy of sending
— in my opin-
'6 for the con-
will be glad to
osition for an-
if it were thus
y must expire
lould then be-
hght. The>
t to the settle-
reat Britain —
this a serious
ese would be
luce no effect
in a firm but
I Jias so long
t' be termina-
r that we are
e the contro-
:ill then, will
rights and to
soul ne'er
-it is not by
of a century i
to ourselves
lion. Until
> the selfish
■h influence
luals— there
lay? But tlie cITect of the argument of the senator
V " still be — "a little more Klc<'p; a little more slum-
b< i,a little more f.ilding of the hauls to sleep;" whilst
Gnat I'ritain continues iiilhcaciuni possession of the
cminiry, .uul lias evinced a fixed determination to
hold it as long as possible.
My lamented friend, the late senator from Mis-
souri, (Dr. Linn,) who sut by my side in this cham-
ber, for sevenil years before his death, made the a.s-
sertion of our claims to this territory the chief bu-
siness of his usel"ul and honorable life. He thought
that, when Lord Ashburton came to the country,
the propitious moment had at length 'Tivcd for the
settlement of this long-agitated and d ^erous ques-
tion. His lordship was hailed as • minister of
j)C!icR and as the harbinger of a nc era of good
feeling between the two nations. Mr. Webster
himself |trocIivimed that this special mini.ster was in-
trusted with full [lower to settle all our (ptestions in
dispute with Grettt Britain. We all recollect witli
what enthusiasm his advent was hailed. Dr, Linn,
upon the advice of his friends, (myself amongst
the number,) ceased to urge the Oregt)n question on
this floor, as soon as tht; negotiation commenced,
in the full and confident expectation that it would
be finally settled by any treaty which might be con-
clnded. 1 hope the Senate will pardon me for say-
ing a few worth) here in reference to my deceased
friend. In him were combined the most opposite
and the most admirable qualities of our nature, in
more striking contrast than 1 have ever witnessed in
any other man. Gentle as the lamb, and mild as
the zejihyr, he was yet brave as the lion. "He had
a heart for pity, mid a hand open as day for
melting charily;" but yet "was like the mustering
thflnder when jirovokcd." Human suflering al-
ways drew from him the tear of sympiithy; anil his
active benevolence never rested until he had at-
tempted to relieve the suflTercr. He was one of tho
nble.it men who has held a .'-•eat in the Senate in my
day, and yet he was so modest and unpretending
that he never seemed sensible of his own ability,
a'ld would blush at the faintest praise. If the first
settlers who shall boldly establish themselves in Ore-
gon under the ample folds of the American flag — not
those who may "enter the territory prudently
nnd silently" — do not call their first city af^or
his name, they will deserve the brand of ingrat-
itude. I have never known a man — a stranger to
my own blood — in the \vhole course of my life, to
wiioni I was more ardtoitly attached.
In common with us all. Dr. Limi was firmly con-
vinced tiiiit the Oregon question would have been
settled by the late treaty. There was tlien every
reason cimfidently to anticipate such a result. Lord
Ashburton himself proclaimed that he had been in-
trusted with full powers to settle ail the disputed
questions; and, from the condition of England at that
moment, no man could have doubted her desire to
remove all causes of dissension between tlie two
countries. Her annual revenue was insufiicient for
her annuid expiinditurc; she had sufl'ered serious
reverses in the East, where she was waging two ex-
pensive and bloody wars; a large portion of her pop-
ulation at home appeared to be rapidly approacning
a state of open rebellion from misery and starvation;
and France, her ancient and powerful enemy, had
indignantly refused to ratify the quintuple treaty
granting her the right of search on the African coast.
This, I rejieat, was the propitious moment to settle
all our difficulties; but it was not improved, and I
fear it has passed away forever. Who could then,
i
■JWP t*!?"^^-^
have anticipated that, under nil these favorable cir-
cumstances, but a single aueation would be settled,
and this the northeastern noundary? It was not in
the confiding nature of Dr. Linn to anticipate such a
catastrophe. Some of us, at least, can recollect with
what astonishment and mortification we first learn-
ed that the Oregon question had not been settled by
the treaty. Dr. Linn instantly gave notice tb'it he
would press his bill for the organization and settle-
ment of the territory; and this bill passed the Senate
at the lastsession. Are then the United States again
to strike their flag? are all proceedings upon this sub-
ject again to be arrested in the Senate, on the mere
arrival of another niinisterfrom England? Although
her subjects hud been in the exclusive possession of
the whole territory from the day when the Hudson
Bay company first set foot upon it until 1842, yet
Congress at once cea.scd to prosecute our claim on
the arrival of Lord Ash biirton. Should we pursue
a similar course on the arrival of Mr. Pakonham, is
it not morally certain that the new negotiation will
produce similar results? This is not the best mode
of treating with England. She ought not to expect
any such concessions from us. If we desire to ob-
tain justice from her or any other nation, we must
assert our rights in a proper manner. If we do this,
she will have little encouragement to hope for longer
delay; if we do not, judging from her course in the
Ashburton negotiation, there is not the least probabili-
ty of the settlement of the question. We have already
surrendered to her our ancient highland boundary
for which our fixthers fought; these highlands which
overlook and command Quebec, the seat of her
empire in North America. We have placed her in
possession of the highland passes which lead into the
very heart of our own country. We have yielded
to her the very positions on our frontier, which the
Duke of Wellington and a board of British ofiicers
deemed indispensable for the defence of her North
American possessions. She has obtained all this
from our government; and what is worse than all, —
what disgraces us more than ail before the world —
no, sir, I will not apply the term disgrace to my
country, — Lord Ashourton had in his pocket Mitch-
ell's map of 1753, t^iken from the private library of
George the Third, which proved the justice of our
claim. On that map was traced, by the hand of the
sovereign himself, the treaty line according to our
claim; and the factwas thus conclusively establislied,
that England was not entitled to a foot of the terri-
tory in dispute.
Mr. B. here read from a newspaper the following
extracts from the speeches of Sir Robert Peel and
Lord Brougham — the first delivered in the House of
Commons on the 28th March, 1843, and the second
in the House of Lords on the 7th April following:
Sir RoBKRT Pkki,. But there is still another map. H'^re,
in this country — in the library of the lute King — was depos-
ited a map by Mitchell, of the dute 1733. Thiit map was in
the possession of the late King; and it was also in possessioii
of the noble lord; but he did not communicate its contents
to Mr. Webster. [Hear, hear.] It is marked by a broad red
line; and on that line is written "Boundary as described by
our negotiator, Mr. Oswald;"' and that lino follows the claim
of the Itnited States. [Hear, hear.] That map was on an
extended scale. It was in possession of the late King, who
was particularly curious in relation to geographical inqui-
ries. On that map, I repeat, is placed the boundary line —
that claimed by the United States — and on four difl'erent
places on that line, "Boundary as described by our negotia-
tor, Mr. Oswald."
Lord Brougham also spoke upon this question,
and treated the idea with ridicule and scorn, that
Lord Ashburton was bound to show this map to
Mr. Webster. His lordship thinks tJiat, from the
handwriting along the red line on the face of the
map, descnbing the American, and not the British
claim, "it is the handwriting of George III him-
self." And after stating that the library of George
III, by the munificence of George IV, was given to
the British Museum, he says:
This map must have been there; but it is a curious cir-
cumstance that it is not there now. [Laughter.] I suppose
it must have been taken out of the British Museum for the
putpose of l)eing sent over to my noble friend in America;
[hear, hear, and laughter;] and which, according to the new
doctrines of diplomacy, ho wa.i bound \o have taken over
with him, to show that. he h'ad no case— that he had not a
leg to stand upon.
And again:
But, somehow or other, that map, whicn entirely de-
stroys our contentioni, and gives all to the Americans, has
been removed from the Briti:ili Museum, and is now to bo
found at the Koi-eign Oflice.
"The late King (says Robert Peel) was particu-
larly curious in relation to geographical inquiries."
No doubt he had received from Mr. Oswald himself
(the British negotiator of the provisional treaty of
peace) the information necessary to enable him to
mark the boundary Unc between his remaining
provinces in North America and the United States
according to that treaty. Justly has Lord Brougham
declared, that if this map had been produced, tlio
British government would not have had a leg to
stand upon. It would have entirely destroyed all
contentions, and given all to the Americans. I shall
not apply any epithets to such conduct. The sub-
ject is too grave for the use of epithets. But this I
shall say, that, at one moment during the northeasts
ern boundary dispute, that government was ready to
apply the match to the cannon, and go to war in de-
fence of a claim which they themselves knew, under
the hand of their late sovereign, was totally destitute
of foundation.
1 shall repeat, without comment, what Lord Ash !
burton said in reference to the British title, during
the negotiation. He stated that he was the friend
of the United States — that he had endeavored to
avert the late war with England; which was true,
and was highly creditable to him. But, after all,
with the map in his pocket, he declared, in his letter
to Mr. Webster of the 21st June, 1842, as fol-
lows:
I will only here add the most solpnin assurance, which I
would not liglilly make, that, after a long and careful exam-
ination of all the arguments and inferences, direct and cir-
cumstciutiul, t)earing on the wliole of this truly diflicult
question, it is my settled conviction llmt it was the intention
of the purlins to'tlie treaty of peace of 1783, however imper-
fectly those intentions may have been executed, to leave to
Great Britain, by their descrijition of boundaries, the whole
of the wattas of the river St. John.— Page 40.
And yet, after all this, we are admonished by sen-
ators to be again quiet and jiatient, as we were whilst
the negotiations wUh Lord Ashburton were pending,
and await the result. If we should continue to fol-
low this advice, the question will never be settled.
But, says the senator from Massachusetts, [Mr.
Choatl,] it would be disrespectful to the govern-
ment of Great Britain to give the notice, immediate-
ly after the arrival of their minister in this country.
Disrespectful to give a notice expressly provided for
by the terms of the treaty itself! Disrespectful
when this notice will produce no sudden and abrupt
termination of the treaty, but will leave it in force
for another whole year! I ask, is not this period
long enough to complete a negotiation whicn was
commenced twenty-five years ago? My feeUngs may
be less sensitive than those of otlier gendemen; and
tills may be tlie reason why I cannot conceive hovr
4
6«
he face of the
not the British
eorge III him-
•nry of George
was given to
a curious cir-
hter.] I suppose
Museum for the
end in America;
rding to the new
liavi) taken over
tliat lie had not a
licii entirely dc-
K Americans, has
and is now to bo
) wns particu-
cnl inquiries."
)swald himself
lional treaty of
5nnble him to
hie remaining
! United States
lOrd Brougham
l)roduced, tlie
^ hud a leg to
y destroyed all
ricans. I shall
ict. The sub-
s. But this I
the northeast-
It was ready to
) to war in de-
■s knew, under
)tally destitute
liat Lord Ash !
ih title, during
was the friend
endeavored to
lich was true,
But, after all,
1, in his letter
1842, as fol-
rance, which I
id careful exam-
, din!ct and cir-
3 truly difficult
as the intention
liowever imper-
tod, to leave to
ries, the whole
ishcd by sen-
e were whilst
I'cre pending,
ntinue to fol-
be settled,
lusetts, [Mr.
the govern-
, immediate-
Jiis country,
provided for
Jisrespectfut
1 and abrupt
ve it in force
this period
1 whicn was
'eelings may
tlemen; and
)nceive how
'tlie British governmrnt rnuld, by possibiiity, ^in-
sider the notice diHro.spcciriil. 1 Ixur NcnHil ,iity
must be cvtrrinc to take oflifncc at a measuro whii^li,
by their own Holcmn agreement, we might have
ndopted at any tinu' within ilic lint Hixtcrn years.
If, li,)wcvi'r, thoy HJionld take odcnco at our adop-
tion of till! very coin'sc tidinli'd out by their own
Bolcnm treaty, let tlirni, m Heaven's name, be of-
fended. I .shall regret it; but niiieli more slinll I re-
gret the lonsr delay in the adjustment of this (piOH-
tion, wliieli will inevitably result from our refusal to
give the notice. It will never be settled \iiitil
wo ('(mviiiee CJicat Britain that we are in earnest.
She will proceed in extending and cngro'^sing
the trade of the territory so long us we shall consent
to leave her in cjiiiet possession, jmlienlly awaiting
th<? result.s of a negoti.Ttion. The longer'the delay,
the more essentially will her intorests be promoted.
Here, sir, I migl'f with pro]iripty close my argu-
ment, having already said all which apjiropriately
belongs to the resolution under discussion; but I
fee! myself boimd to examine some of the positions
taken by the senator from IVlas.saclnisetts. In the
opinion of thai senator, cvs^n if no treaty clioiild lie
concluded liy Mr. Pnckenham, it would be wise to
continue the existing convention, unless circum-
stances slijill change. He believes that, "in the
course of twenty years," an agrirulun-al ]iopula-
tioii from the United Statc."^ wo\ild gradually and
peacefully spread itself over tin; Territory of Ore-
gon — "the lumterH of the Hudson Bay com-
pany would all pas.s off to the desert, where their
objects of puisuit were foiuid, and ihe country would,
without astrnggle, be our.s." Enghuul had no inten-
tion of coionizing Oregon, and the .senator .saw noth-
ing in her policy which would incline her to inter-
pose obstacles to this natural (bourse of events.
*'No doubt, if we provoked and made war upon her,
she would do it; but if we would but enter the
territory prudently and silently, with the plough-
share and the pruning hook, he could not see "the
least probability that .she wotild interfere to prevent
us." If we should send hunters or trappers there
to interfere with their monopoly, the Hudson Bay
company might take offence. "But should we go
there honafide as farmers, wishing only to till the
Boil, he had no doubt that, in twenty years, that
great hunting corporation, like one of O.-sian'Hghosts,
would roll itself off to the north and northeast, and
seek that great desert which was adapted to its piu--
suits and objects." England had no intention cf
colonizing the territory; and, to use his own strong
figure, "no more idea of establishing an a-jricultu-
ral colony in Oregon than .she had of ploughing and
planting tlie dome of St. Paul's."
I shall briefly examine these positions of the
honorable senator; .nnd when subjected to the scru-
tiny of sober reason, co what do tliey amount.' What
is their intrinsic value.' They are, poetry, and
nothing but poetry — expressed, to be siut, M-ith
that sj)lcndor of diction for which the senator is so
highly distinguished, and which, in it.self, possesses
so much of poetic beauty. But, after all, they are
mere pocty. What, in fact, has the senator recom-
mended.' A policy which will not stand the test of
the slightest examination — a ^wlicy to which such a
corporation as the British Hudson Bay company
will never submit. We are to steal into Oregon
quietly, with the ploughshare and the pruning hook;
and then, notwithstanding by our agricultural set-
tlements we shall most effectually destroy and
drive away all the game which forms the very sub-
stance of that eomnany'H wealth, the company will
take no offence, aixl interpose neither resistance nor
obstacle to our p'". ceding ! Not at all; we may
progress peacefully and prudently, initii we shall
have converted all their himting i^rounds into fruit-
ful fields; and then that ancient and |H)W(M-ful monop-
oly will retire like one of Ossian's ghosts, rolling
itself off into its kindred deserts of the North ! It
is true that this mercenary and blood-Litiiincd corpo-
ration has already murdered betwee'ii four and nve
hundred of our citizens, who ventured intr) Oregon
Cor the pnrriose merely of sharing with them the
hunting an(l trapping of the beaver; yet they will
not take tin; least lunbrage, if we shall enter the
territory with plough and pruning hook, in such
minibers as to destroy their hunting and trai»|)ing
altogdherl These u.iforiunatc men did but attempt
to hunt the beaver, a; they had a right to do under
the treaty of joint o 'cupation, and it cost them
their lives; but yet, if iH the Ix aver and other game
shall be driven from t!ie country by our .settlements,
this will idl be very well, and the company will
never raise a finger to prevent its own destruction!
Should this be its couise, the Hudson Bay company
will prove itsfjlf to b' the most disinterested and
mngnanimous monopoly of which 1 have ever
heard or read in all my life. Trading compiuiies
are almost universal iy governed by an exclusive
view to their own ii terest. To suppose for a mo-
ment that this vast trading asssociation, with all its
hunters and dependa its, will gradually retire, with
their faces, I presume, to oin- advancing settlements,
is one of the most extraordinary notions that 1
have heard in this clamber. And this is the mode
whereby the senator kvill preserve the peace between
the two nations, and at the same time acrpiire pos-
session of the territory!
Now, Mr. Preside it, I assert that Great Britain
has never inanifesteil a more determined purpose, in
the whole cour.se of her eventful history, than to
hold and retain the i orthern bank of the Columbia
river, with a harbor at its mouth. Why, sir, she
already affects to consider the northern bank of this
river as her own, w lilst she graciously concedes the
southern as belonging to the United States. In Ore-
gon, these linnks oi" the stream are familiarly and
currently spoken of as "the British side" and "the
American side." Let any of our citizens attempt
to make a settlement north of that river, and we
shall soon learn his fate; we shall soon hear, if noth-
ing Moi-sc, that hii has been driven away. I be-
lieve that but one American settlement has ever been
attempted north nf the Columbia; and this is a small
Catliolic establisl ment which nobody woidd ever
think of disturbitig. In this course. Great Britain
dis|)lays her deep policy and her .settled purpose.
Thrice has she rffered to divide the territory, and
make the t ohm bia the line between the two na-
tions, and thrice has her offer been rejected. It is
now evidently her design to make the possession of
the territory conform to her proposition for its di-
vision, yicldini.' the southern bank to us, and re-
taining the northern for herself; and every moment
thatwesubmi. to this allotment will but serve to
strengthen hei claim.
Even when Astoria was restored to the United
States, in Oct.iber, 1818, under the treaty of Ghent,
Cxreat Britain, in opposition to this her own .solemn
act, protester that slie had the title to the territory,
though it do:s not appear that this protest was ever,
in point of f ict, communicated to our government.
During the progress of the negotiation in 1818,
!
!
which preceded the existing treaty of joint occu-
pancy, our f^overnrncnt pruposcd timt the pnmllct of
forty-nine decrees of north latitude, which iHtlic boun-
dary of the two countricB cast of the llocky nioun-
twins, shouUI bo extended as their boundary west to
the Pacific oceun. What wwh the answer? "The
British nc^otiutorB did not make luiy formal proposi-
tion for a boundary, but intinialcd that tlic river it-
self was the most convenient that could be adopted;
and that they would not uijrec to any that did not
pive them the harbor at the mouth of tlu^ river in
common with the United State.s." lias Great Brit-
ain ever departed from this declaration? JMo, .sir,
never. On the contrary, the as.seition of her claim
lias become stronger and .stronfi!;er with each suc-
ceedinc; year.
Tliis Nulijcct was n^ain dii^cus.'^cd in the negotia-
tion of 1824. Mr. Iliish ai^ain as.serled our title
to tlie 4'Jlli decree of latitude, in stronii; and def'i(h"(l
t^'rms; but it was as stroui^ly and decidedly ojiposcd
by the British I'lenipotentiaries. All that tliey would
consent to do was to run the 4fJlii parallel nC hilitud*'
west, from the summit of the Rocky mountains,
iiniil it should .strike llu; northern branch of the Co-
lumbia, and from thence down the course of the
river to the ocean. This proposition was promjtt-
ly rejected by Mr. Rush; and in writing home to
the Department of Slate, he stated that they had de-
clared more tiian once, at the closin;;^ hours of the
negotiation, 'Hlial llie botindary marked out in their
oivn jrroposal, icus une from u-hicli the government of
the United tSlutes must not expect Great liritain to de-
Again, for the tliird time, previously to tlie treaty
of 1827, we repeated our offer to divide the comitry
with Great Britain by tlu; forty-ninth parallel of lat-
itude; and she again rejected our propo.sition; md
again offered to make the river the boundary, the na v i-
gation of it to remain forever free and common to
both nations. In making this offer, her negotia-
tors declared that there could be no reci[)rocal with-
drawal from actual occupation, as there was not,
and never had been, a single American citizen set-
tled north of the Columbia. In refusing our prop^
osition, they used language still stronger than they
had ever done before; again declaring that it must
not be expected they would ever relinquish the claim
which they had asserted.
Thus it appears that, in 1818, we offered to es-
tablish the 49th degree as our nortliern boundary; in
1824, we repeated the offer; and in 1827, we again
repeated the same proposal; but on each ocaision,
it was absolutely refused. Our minister, in obedi-
ence to his instructions, after this last refusal, sol-
emnly declareil to the British plenijiotentiaries that
the Amerimn Government would never thereafter
hold itself bound to agree to the line which had
been proposed and rejected; but would consider itself
at liberty to contend for the full extent of the claims
of the United States. The British plenipotentiaries
made a similar declaration, in terms equally strong,
that they would never consider the British govern-
ment bound to agree to the line which they had pro-
posed; and these mutual protests were recorded in
due form on the protocols of the negotiation. Thus.
thank Heaven, we arc now relieved from the embar-
rassing position in which we had placed ourselves,
and are no longer trammeled by our former proposi-
tions. We shall hereafter as.sert our claim to the
full extent of our right. We shall no longer limit
ourselves to the 49th parallel of latitude; but shall
insist upon extending our boundary north to 54°]
40'; which is the treaty line between Rua^ia and tk<
United Suites.
To suppose that Great Britain, after these solemt
assertions of her title, and these strong declaration
that she would never aliandon it, will viduntarilj
and quietly retire from the possession of the whol^
northwest coast of America; that she will surrende
the straits of I3e Fuca, the only good harbor on thii:
coast, between the 49th degree of latitude and Sain
I'Vancisco, iu lalitudf! 'AT^ 48'; that she will yield U(
this entire territory, the possession of wiiich can
alone Kc<;ure t(» her the command of tiie north Facifi'
and the trade of eastern Asia, and, through this
trade, her inlluencc over China; that she will aban-
don her valuable fur trade, and all this feriile anil
salubrious country, and fly to the noillieiri deserts.-,
before tin; advance of our farmerH, with ilieir plough-
shares and pruning hooks, whom we are afraiil tn
cover with the protection of our Hag, lest this mighi
give her oH'ence; — to suppose all this, is surely to
imagine the most impossible ol' all im|iossibilities
I''r()ni the day that Sir Alexander McKen/.io fir.'jl
set his foot upon the territory, until this very day,
the jiroceedings of Great Britain in regard t(» the re-
gion west of the Rocky mountains have been uni-
form and consislc'iit. She has never faltered for a
single moment in her course. She has proclaimed
beforf! the world her right to settle and colonize it,
and from this claim she has never varied or depart-
ed: and yet we are now to be told that she will, allot
a sudden, change her policy, and retire belbre th--
American squatters who may lind their way into
Oregon without law, without a government, and
without protection!
And all this, too, in the very face of what occur-
red during the negotiation of the Ashburtoii treaty.
Our northwestern boundary not only forms no part
of this treaty; but that important subject is not even
alluded to throughout the whole correspondence.
We had a correspondence between Lord Ashburton
and Mr. Webster on the Creole question, on the
Caroline question, on the doctrine of impressment,
and on the right of search; but it appears that this
Oregon question was found to be so utterly incapa-
ble of adjustment, that even the attempt was entirely
abandoned. We are told by the President, in his
message transmitting the treaty, that, "after sundry
informal communications with e British minister
upon the subject of the claims of the two countries
to territory west of the llocky mounUiins, so little
probability was found to exist of coming to any
agreement on that subject at ])resent, that it was not
thought expedient to make it one of the subjects of
formal negotiation, to be entered upon between this
government and the British minister, as part of his
duties under his special mission." Thus it appears
that, at so late a period as the year 1842, the claims
of Great Britain were found to be so utterly irrecon-
cilable with the just rights of the United States, that
all attempts to adjust the question by treaty were
abandoned in despair.
Had I been the negotiator of the late treaty, )
.should have endeavored to melt the iron heart of his
lordship. I would have said to him: "You have
obtained all that your heart can desire in the adjust-
ment of the northeastern boundary; will you, then,
return home without settling any of the other im-
portant questions in dispute? Nay, more, will you
leave even the boundary question but half settled?
At least, let us adjust the whole questitm of boun-
dary — that in the northwest as well as tlie northeast.
Permanent peace and friendship between tlie two
BatiotiM IS
jeave a qu
importanc
serous chi
H question
may prod
proJ1iliou^
liiiu (omn
the two CI
improved
turn."
What
nicjitions
in relaiioi
never be
!
Rusdia and t},,
'ter tficse solemr
•np dccltirationi
wilJ VdJuntarih
»n of the who),
will surrendr
I liarhdi- on thii:
litiidf nrul Saji,
li(! will yield uj
> of wliich car
Im Dortli Pacifi.
|l, tliroii^h tills
t nIic will abaii-
f'li'^ Inrlile anil
[>illir;n deserif.'.
illiili(;ir|.J(ii|i,|,.
|wf arc ufniidto
If'st ihi,s iniglii
>;', IN surely t,,
iin|io.ssiljiliti,if,
uMi'K(!iiy.io fir.'jt
this vrry day,
irard to the re-
liivi! iicfti uni-
(itllcied for (I
HIS prnclainie(i
iiiii colonize it,
u'lcd or dfipnrt-
' siic will, all oj
lin; belbre th"
tlieir way into
)vernnicnt, and
>f what occur-
Ijurtoii treaty.
'orins no part
if^ct is not even
urrespondcncc.
■»rd Ashliurton
estion, on the
impressment,
lears that tliis
tterly incapa-
)t was entirely
Psident, in his
'after sundry
'i«li niinisfer
tvyo countries
ains, so little
>minf,' to any
lat it was not
e su!)jects of
between thiw
as part of his
IS it appears
2, the claims
cily irrecon-
I "States, that
treaty were
ite treaty, )
heart of his
"You Jiave
I tiie adjust-
you, then,
' other ini-
p, will you
lalf settled?
1 of boun-
! northeast,
n the two
nationo in the ardent de.Nire of us both; why, then,
Jbqvc a qucBlion urmeiiled which is of much greater
■Importance, and conseiiuently of a much more dan-
^erouR character, than the northcastcm boundary —
A question which contairm within its(!lf elements that
may produce war at no distiuit period. This is the
propitiouH monii'iit for cndinf^ all our difncuiticH,
lulu commencing a new era of good feeling bctwi'cn
the two countries. Let us not suflTer it to escajie un-
improved — to pass away, it may be, never to re-
turn."
What the nature of these "informal (ommu-
nicalions with the British minister" may have been
in relation to the Oregon Territory, will probiil)ly
never be known to the jieople of this counlry. No
protocol — no record — was made of the conferences
of the negotiators. Their tracks were traced upon
the sand, and the returning tide has efliu-cd ibeni
forever. We shall never know what passed be-
tween them on this subject, unless Lord Ashl)ur-
ton's desiiati'hes to his own government shall be
published, which is not at all jirobable. 1 have no
doubt they contain a full record of the confereiu'cs;
because it is the duty of every responsible foreign
mini.ster to communicate to his own government a
perfect history of idl that occurs throughout his
negotiations. I should be exceedingly curious to
know what were these extravagant pretensions of
llie Hriiish government in regard to Oregon, which
rendered all negotiation on the subject impossible.
it is more than probable tliat Mr. Webster again
offered to Lord Ashburton to establish the forly-
ninth parallel of latitude as the boundary between
the two nations west of the ilocky mountains. 1
infer this from the fact that the senator from Massa-
chusetts, [Mr. CiioATE,] in reply to the senator
from Missouri, [Mr. Bkntov,] at the last session
of Congrcs.1, had assured him that Mr. Webster
had never "offered a boundary line seuth of the
parallel of forty-nine;" that he [Mr. Choate] "was
authorized and desired to declare that, in no com-
munication, formal or informal, was such an offer
made, and none such was ever meditated." Wlxn
it had thus been authoritatively and solemnly de-
clared that Mr. Webster had never offered to es-
tablish any boundary .south of forty-nine, (which I
was glad to hear,) it appears to me to be a legiti-
mate inference that lie had offered to establish that
parallel as the b-^undary. The senator from Massa-
chusetts can, hotvever, doubtless explain what is
the true state of the ease.
Here Mr. Choatf. asked whether Mr. Bucuavan
desired him to explain now, or wait till the senator
should have concluded his remarks.
Mr. RucriAKAN preferring the latter course, Mr.
Choate promised to make the explanation, and re-
tained his seat.
But the honorable gentleman has assured the Sen-
ale that Great Britain does not intend to colonize in
Oregon — no, no more than she intends to colonize the
dome of St. Paul's. And what arc the arguments
by which he has attempted to support this position?
Why, the senator has cturefully examined all the
Biitish projects for colonization since the year 182fi;
£md he find's that whilst they have been establishing
colonies every where else around the globe, not a
word has ever been hinted in relation to a colony in
Oregon. And does not the .senator perceive how
very easy it is to answer such an argument? Great
Britain could not have colonized in Oregon without
violating her own plighted faith to the Hudson Bay
company, In December, 1821, she had leased to
that company the wliolc of this territory (or tl"^
term tif twenty-one years, and she could not haTc
set her foot upon it witliout infringing their charter-
ed rights.
What, sir! Great Britain not colonize? She mual
colonize. This is the indispensable condition of her
iixistence. She has utterly failed to impress upoii
other nations her theoretical doctrines I'f free trade;
whilst she excludes from her own ports every for-
eign article which she can herself pniduce in sufB-
cient quantities to supply the demand of her own
people. The nations of the continent of I''urop«' ait*
now idl manufacturing for theinselve.i. Their mnr-
kcts arc nearly idl closed against her. She now en-
joys nothing like free trade with any of these nationw.
We arc now, I believe, the only civilized peoph,
on earth wiiere free trade doctrines prevail to any
great extent. The Zoll-Veiein, or commercial
league of Gernumy, have rer* ntly adopted a tarift'
of duties which must elTectually exclude her manu-
factures t'nmi their ports. The whole world are fusi
adojiting Bonaparte's continental system against Jier,
and all the n.itions of Christendom seem determined
to encourage their own labor and to manufacture for
themselves. Under these ciirumstanres. Great
Britain, in her own defence, must colonize. Sht
must provide; a market of her own for her manufac-
tures; or inevitable destruction awaits theai.
Wherever she can acquire earth enough to plant «
man who who will purchase and consunKi her pn>-
ductions, — her cotton, her woollen, and her nnnr
fabrics, — there she inii.st acquire it for the purpo.se of
extending her home market. She cannot existwith-
out colonization. This is the ver>f law of her pf»-
liti(uil beinjr. To imagine, therefore, that she is
about to abandon the" claim to colonize Oregon
without a stn.ggle, is to imagine what" .^cems to me-
to be very strange, not to say impossible. It is very
true that she has not yet, on her own account, com-
menced the process of colonization in that region;
but judging from the mo.st authentic facts, we can no
longer doubt what are her intentions.
1 have already stated that, in 1821, Great Britain
had leased to the Hudson Bay company the Ter-
ritory of Oregon for the term of twenty-one years-
On the 30th May, 1H3S, this lease was extended by
a new lease for another period of twenty-one years
from its date. The existence of this last grant was
entirely unknown to me until within the last few
days. When I mentioned the subject in conversa-
tion to the senator from Massachusetts, he informed
me that he had seen the new lease, and kindly offer-
ed to procure it for me, remarking at the same time
that he had intended to mention the fact in the course
of his remarks; but had omitted to do so in the
hurry of speaking. That such was his intention 1
have not the leant reason to doubt.
The correspondence of the company's agents with
the British government immediately previous to the
last lease, is in the highest degree worthy of the at-
tention and solemn consideration of the Senate.
In this correspondence with Lord Glinelg, they
recounted all that the company liad done for the
British government as a reason why their license
ought to be extended. They boast of having suc-
ceeded, "after a se'-'crc and expensive competition,,
in establishing these settlements, and obtaining a dc-
'■••'ed superiority, if not an exclusive enjoyment of
ii , rdde — the Americans having almost withdrawri
from the coast." They inform his lordship that
"the company now occupy the country between
the Rocky mountains and tlie Pacific by six perma-
8
I
ncnl csUihlislimcntu on llic coast, sixiron in tlic in-
lorior coniitry, iin.sidcM wcvcnil n\i;;riili)ry iiiiil liiiiil-
inc; partifs; iiiiil they maintain a marine of Nix
tirnird vfSNoIs — one of iht ni anli'am vcf-s'l — on tlic
conHl." At ladi of tl.c^■o rNiahlislumtils, I bclifv*',
indeed I may say llwil %vc know, tiny liavf ( irricd
Htockadi^ forts; aUliouijii if tliiH fact, he mentiont d in
the corrcsiiondcnce, il iiascMcapcd my ohsrrvation.
In the nrijriiiiurhood of Foit Vain (Hiv<t, winch is
llieir principal eslabhshrncnt, tiicy Ntalc tiie fact,
that "tiiey liavc hiri:;e pa.Uure and }^raiii farms, af-
fording^ most abnndantly every Hpecies of ajj;ricnl-
tural piodnce, aiul mainiiiininf; lars;;e. jierds of stock
of every description; tlusse have lie<'n ;;radnally es-
tahhsiied; and il is liie int(iiti(Mi oftiie- comnany
Ntill furllicr, not only to aui^mcnt and iner(;as(! tin in,
to cstahhsli an export trade in wool, tallow, lii(l( s.
ttiid other a^niciiltnral iiroduce, Imt to enco\ira£;e the
settlement ot" their retired servants and other emi-
grants under their protection.'" Tliey represent
"the soil, climate, and otlier eircnmslances of the
country" to he "as much, if not more, adapted to
ngriculliiral pursuits tlian any other spot in Ameri-
ca." And iliey express the eonfident hi,,ie tiiat,
"with care and jirotectioii, the liritlsli doinhiion mmj
not odIij hr priscnril in this cduntry, M'li'uli il luts hi in
so mwli Ihi irisli (it'Iiuisia and Jlmtricu to occvixj to the
excluMonof Jiritish siibJLcts,*l)ul Bnlisk interest and
British injhicnrr niuij ht mttintained as pnraniuunlin
this intereslini^ pari of the cuust of the Parific.''^
The extracts which I have just read are from the'
letter of J. Pelly, e.sf). i:;overnor of the Hudson Hay
company, to Lord Gleneljj, the Dritisli colonial Sec-
retary of Slate, dated at London on the lOtli Feb-
ruary, 1S;)7, applyinji; for an extension of their
lease Among the jiapera submitted to tlie British
government upon this occasioi, is a letter from
Gcora;e Sim)ison, esq. to Governor Pelly. dated at
London on the 1st fobruary, 1837. Mv. Simpson
is the superintendent of .he company's afl'airs in
North America; and, from his knowledge of the
country, any infdrinalion wliich he communicates
is entitled to the highest consideration.
1 beg the Senate to ponder well what he says in
this letter in regard to that portion of Oregon be-
tween the Columbia river and the 49th degree of
north latitude, which tlic British government have
so often ex])ressed tlieir determination to liold; and
then ask themselves whetlicr they can, for a mo-
ment, suppose that Great Britain will voJuntarily
recede from its possession before our agricultural
population:
The country (snys Mr. Simi^son) sitiinted between the
north<'in tinuk of tlic t'oliirnbia liv-r, wliioli cni|)ties itsoll'
into the i'a^'ific, in hitituilc 10 dug. MO min., and tlic ioiuheni
bank of Kra/cr's riviT, which cniptics itself into tiic Gulf of
Georgia, in latitude 4;» dui?., is roiiiarkabli; for tliC salubrity
of its cliniato and cxccUuncc of its soil, and possesses, with-
in the straits of Dc Kiica, sonit; of the linest harliors in the
world, being iirotcclcd from the wcis^ht of the I'aoilic hy
A'anconvcr's and other islands. To the southward of the
Btn'its of Do Kuca, situated in latitude 18 dec;. 37 niin , tlieie
is no ^ood harbor neoier than the l^ay of hi. Irancisco, in
latitudi- 1)7 (Up;. 48 niin., as the broad, shifting bar oft' the
mouth of the (olumliia, and the tortuous channel through
it, render the entrance of that river a very dangerous .lavi-
gation even to vessels of small draft of water.
The possession of that country to Great Britain may be-
come an object of very great iiniiortanoe, and we are
strengthening their claim to it (independent of the claim of
prior discovery and occupation for the purjiose of Indian
trade) I'y forming the nucleus of a colony through tlu^ es-
taldishini nt of farnis, and tlie settlement of some of our re-
tiring oflicers and servants as agriculturists.
These communications, from the governor and
•uperintendent of the Hudson Bay company, urging
nn extension of their licenHc or lea.ip, were f«Tora*oloni/.*tion
biy received by the British government; but Lordr^enn pow
(ilenelg inform.s them, in his reply, that the goYiVlntion of I
eminent mimtresrrve to itsell", in the new grant, ihoretnmentH, i
privilege ofestablishing colonies on any jiortion ofjjjht whate
the territory. To use his own language, "it will bi-.nlof new c
indispennalih^ to introduce into the new ehartiT such |he Amerii'
ciiiiditions as may enable her Majesty to grant, ^itrvw more ''
the put pose of sittleinenl or ridonization, any of lliuation, as 1
lands eom|)ri.sed in il." This was the express con^eipeeling ih
diiiiin of the grant; and, upon these terms, the coni--nbia and ll^
pany accepted its new license. The reservation <iintittlly objei
the right to coloiii/.e is written in tin: cli.arest andfct of inlufi
strongest terms upon the face of this charter. Neeireal /Jri/(<it»)
I add another word for the jnirpose of proving thai.nl."
the British government do not intend to abandoiiThus, sir,
this c(uintry, but that it is their purpose- to estalilislient openly
colonies in it.' This is an important fact, whielianding t'"^
proves beyond a dmibt that we must speedily mani-;ttleand coU
test a deiermination to assert our rights, and inakirely withou
a stand for the portion of this territory north of tlnell founded
Columbia, in a ditl'erent manner from that propo-sediey have n
by till- senator from Mnssiu'liusetts, or con.scnt tci)lonic8 wlii<
t\baiiilon it forever. pon tiii« P
i5ut the senator from Massachusetts has informcd.ghtfl whicli
us that the present treaty of joint occupati(jn mayy "use,_ oci
continue for an indefinite period — "ten thousand ecomcs of I
years" — witliout being in tiic least degree prejudiciul-eaty may
to our title; but that the moment wc shall give no- ut being p>'<
tice, and break up the convention, the advcr.se pos-rgunient in
ses' .: of Great Britain will then commence, and. arty, so far
i her cl-.iims will grow struiiger with each succcedini;t. Under tin
year. I admit, in theory, the soundness of the prop- he riglit to
osition, that \vhilsl the treaty continues, British nos-t could not
session cannot inpire our title. But docs England juire no till
admit the correctiicss'of this our interpretation of the ished.
U
treaty? Far, very far from it. Their construction nmction ol
of this treaty, and their conduct under its proviH--,oionize the
ions, have always been widely diflereiit from our insists upon
own. We have under.stood it ui one manner, andtions, she
they in another entirely opposite. Hutlson La
Previous to the treaty of 1818, Messrs. Gallatin extent,
and Rush, in their correspondence with the plenino- And whi
teiuiaries of the British government, proposed tliai We hud a i
the country on the northwest coast of America at the mo
claimed by either party should "6e opcnedfor Ike pur- violate the
poses of trade to the inhabitants of both countries." she has ere
Now, if these words "for the purposes of trade" had we though
been inserted in the treaty itself, no room would establish i
have been left for British cavil; but unfortunately for the p
they were omitted; and the treaty declares generally passage ot
tiiat the country .shall be open to the vessels, citi- tut no; t
zens, and subjects of the two powers, without deft- faith; mm
ning or limiting the purposes for which it shall be agency ot
oiiciicd. And how have the British government hi-
terpreled this treaty.' Precisely as though it had
been expressly agreed that both parties, instead of
being confinetl to hunting, fishing, and trading with
the natives, were left at perfect liberty to settle niul
colonize any portions of the country they might
think proper. Immediately after its conclusion, the
British government fell back upon their Nootka-
sound convention of 1790 with Spain; and, un-
der it, (most unjustly, it is true,) ciaimed the
right not only for themselves, but for all the na-
tions of the earth, to colonize the northwest
coast of America at pleasure. "Great Britain,"
say her plenipotentiaries, "claims no exclusive sov-
ereignty over ojiy portion of that territory." What,
then, does she claim.' To use the language of these
plenipotentiaries in 1824, "they consider the unoccu-
pied ports of Americajustasmuch opeii as heretofore
king seiil
we propu
ing miu
as a viol
moment,
cording t<
pedient ft
conseque
Brittiin ti
We have
glic has 1
most en
bow we
tbig the
Wtain a
«aa go
tices of
dtehaa
I
ton,
llic
I clmrtrr.
**' ^^'^^ <''»"'"'n-!o|onization by Great nritnin, m well aa hy othflr
iK'jit; hut LordrflpcntJ (xtwcrfl, tii;rc('ivl)ly U) llic j Ni)otku-H()un(l|
timt till! e:(.y^^„li„„ „f |7()()_ hciwcrn llic Briiish and Spinii.sii
iKW ACnuit, tlifi,^„nit'HlH,uiui ihul tin United HlatfM would liavc
liny )Mirti(in n'flgl,t whatever to take inubniiin at the eHlal)ii.sh-
^la^e, 'it will l)i-5|of new colonieH from I^urope in any sui'liiiart.s
< w cliai-ter sn<l: the American continent." And tliey felt lliem-
ty to grant, _/iur«i more itnpertitively bound to make lliiH dee-
"iiy of tlifation, aw the claim of the Amcrienn nimiNter
I'XjircsN con^gpcetin^ the territor; watered by the river Co-
lorin.s, the coiii-nbia and UN trilmlary streams, besides beinf; es-
e reservation dintiolly objectionable ni ilsj^eneral bearinp;, had tin-
cii.arest andfct q^' iii/fz/iciii^' tlinclly ivilU the ndiud rit^lils oj
Nccilffdi liiiliiin, tUrirtd ^'rvm use, occviiancy and settle-
|Oi pruvnii,' timi.n/."
Iiid to ahandoDXhus, nir, you nerccivo lliai the British piovcrn-
l)ii.se to cstablialient openly and boldly, twenty years asjo, iiotwith-
|iiu fact, whieliandiiii; tlic exi.stin>; treaty, claimed the rij;hi to
Npeedilv mani-ttleand colonize the coimtryas iliouf;h it w( re en-
hls, and mnk'rely wiilioutan owner; and, if this claim liad been
ry north of th. ell founded, then it would follow irresistibly that
1 that proj)ose(liey have a rii,^ht to retain the possjcssion of the
or coiiacnt tiolonics which they liad a ri;^'hl lo I'stablish. It is
_ pon tiiis i)rinci])lc that they sjieak of the actual
ts has informcdghtfl which they had acquired so long a£!;o aa lHi24,
occupatKjn nuiyy ««use,^ occupancy and si iilemcnt." What, tlicii,
—''ten thouHandecomcs of the senator's argument, that the present
I'c pre judicial -eaty may continue for an ind'jfniiti! period, with-
; shall f^'ive ufi-utbeina; prejudicial to our title? I admit that it is an
e adverse poN-rgument true and jubt in theory; but the oppoi:lle
i^onunenee, and,arty, .so far from udmittim; its force, entirely repels
each siic,ceedini;t. Under their interpretation of the treaty, they claim
cs.s of the prop- he riKht to plant colonies; and if thin right existed,
tcs, British nos-t could not be said that Great Britain would ac-
t does England juire no title, '.o the colonies which she hnd estab-
rprctation of the ished. ii lu true, tliat under any fair and just con-
leir conslructiointniction of tlie existing treaty, she has no right to
ider its provi.s- ioionize the country; but she claims this right. She
erent from our;n8i8ts upon it; and, in the face of all our protesta-
iic niamier, andtions, she has gone on, through the ageiKiy of the
Hudson Bay company, to colonize to a considerable
[essrs. Gallatin extent.
till the plenino- And what has been our miserable policy in return?
, proj)oscd tliar We had a clear right to re-establish our ancient fort
«t of America at the mouth of the Columbia; but this might
cnedfor the pur- violate the treaty, and olTcnd England; aJid although
1th countries." she has erected some thirty forts within the territory,
i.sof trade" had we thought it best to abstain. It was proposed to
> room would establish five niililary posts on the way to Oregon,
unfortunately for the purpose of protecting and facilitating the
lares generally passage of our settlers over the Rocky moiuitains;
le vessels, citj. fcut no; this must not be done; it would be bad
without defi- faith; and this, although England, through the
ich it shall be agency of the Hudson Bay comi)any, has been ma-
overnment in- kmg settlements all over the country. Whenever
it Jiad we propose to do anything for tlie purpose of meet-
ing and countervailing her advances, it i3 decried
as a violation of the treaty; and now, at the last
moment, the same doctrine is not only held, but, ac-
cording to some senators, it is deemed wholly inex-
pedient lor us to settle Oregon; and, as a necessary
consequence, I suppose we should permit Great
Britjiin to retain her possession, without a struggle.
We have been slcepmg over our just rights; wliilst
she hius been pushing her unjust claims with the ut-
most energy. It is a strange spectacle to witness
how we are forever holding back, for fear of viola-
ting the treaty; whilst England is rushing forward to
obtain and to keep tlie country. She has establish-
ed a government there; she has commissioned jus-
tices of the peace; she has erected civil tribunals;
die ha« extended the jurisdiction of her laws over
hough
ies, instead of
trading with
' to settle and
' they might
onclusion, the
heir Nootka-
in; and, un-
claimed the
or all the na-
e northwest
'at Britain,"
tclusive sov-
•y-" What,
age of these
[■ the unoccu-
as heretofore
the whole territory; she hnr r.<(U»bliHhcd forts; «he haa
built nhipii; erc^cted inillit; conmienced permanent scl-
lleiTientH, and cultivated extensive farms; and, durinj^
this whole |ieriod, has opt nly |)riii laimtrd her right to
do all this, notwithstantling the treaty. And yet, al-
ihougii w( have witnessed all these thingM, wo must
not move a step, or evi.u lift our hand, berause it
would be a violation ol" the treaty! They consider the
country as open to settlement; and in 1H:24, refused
to acct'jit our proposition to make the 4'.(tli degree
of latitude the boundary; because ihis would con-
flict with their a(tlual rights derived from use,
occu|)ation and settlement; whilst we have carefully
refrained from perfoiming any act whatever to en-
courage the .settlement of the country. Iler claim
to it rests upon settlement and coloni/.ation; whilst
Congress refuses altogether to settle or to colonize,
lest this might violate the very treaty under which
she lias been all the time acting.
In tlie face of these claims so boldly asserted by
Great Britain, it has appeared to nie wonderful that
the treaty of joint occupation should have been eon-
tinuid in ISHi*. In the conferences previous to this
treaty of 1827, the British |)lenipoientiaries made n
still bolder declaration than they had ever done be-
fore; — whilst they admit, in express terms, our equal
right with themselves to settle the country — a right
which we have refrained from exerci.sing notwith-
Ktandiivr 'his admi.ssion, lest, forsooth, it might vio-
late the i..aty. They inform us of the numerous
setileineiil.' :id trading posts established by the .suIj-
jects o*'Gi -at Britain within the Territory; and, a»
if to taunt us with our want of energy, they say that
in the wh.);. territorv, the citizens of the United
States have n.t a .single .settlement or trading post.
They again n.t'eired to their right to settle and c(<k)-
nize ui iler llic convenlionofNoolka Sound, and say
that ihiw right inis been peaceably exercised ever
since th' date of that convention, for u period of
nearly forty years. "Under that convention," say
they, 'valuable British interests have grown up in
those countries. It is Hilly admitted that the United
aiiiles possess the same ris^hts, allltoiigh they huvebcen cr-
rrcised by them only in a siiig/c hislance, und have not,
sine'' the year ISVi, hesn exercised at all. But beyond
these rigiiis, they jk)sscs,s none." And yet we have
been ever since deliberating in cold debate, whether
we could make settlements in Oregon without vio-
lating the trcp.ly and giving offence to Great Britain!
Tliey inform us further, that "to the interests and
establishments which Briti.sh industry and enterprise
have created, Great Britain owes jtrotection. That
protection will be given, both as regards settlement
and freedom of trade and navigation, with every in-
tention not to infringe the co-ordinate rights of the
(■nited States." Thus, sir, you perceive that Great
Britain rests her claims to the country solely upon
the exercise of the assumed right to nettle and
colonize it, and her duty to afford protection
to the establishments which have been made by
British subjects under this claim. And yet, in the
face of all this, senators gravely express serious
doul)ts whether we can, in like manner, send our
people to Oregon and afford them the protection of
a government and laws, without a violation of the
treaty! I think I have proved conclusively that the
senator from Massachusetts is entirely mistaken if
he supposes that England will ever admit that her
possession, during the continuance of the treaty of
joint occupation, would have no effect in strengthen-
ing her title to the territory in dispute. She haa
maintained the contrary doctrine on all occasiona,
u^
il
10
I
ea\d in all forms, aa if she Intended a solemn noti-
fication to U8, and to the whole world, that she would
hold on to her alleged right of possession, and never
consent to abandon it.
I am glad to say that I now approach vhc last
point of my argument. The senator from Massachu-
setts [Mr. Choate] has contended that as certainly
aa we give the notice to annul the existing conven-
tion, so certainly is war inevitable at the end of the
year, unless a treaty should, in the mean time be
concluded; and he would have us at once begin
to prepare for war. I suppose the senator means
that we ougiit now to be raising armies, embodying
western volunteers, und sending our sharp shooters
across the mountains; and he thinks it not imjiossi-
ble that Great Britain, in anticipation of the event,
may now be collecting cannon at the Sandwich
Islands to fortify the mouth of the Columbia. Yes,
sir, war is inevitable! Now I am most firmly con-
vinced that, so far from all this, the danger of war
is to be found in jnirsuing the opposite course, and
refusing to give the notice proposed. What can any
reasonable man expect but war, if we permit our
ale to pass into Oregon by thousands annually,
e face of a great hunting corporation, like the
Hudson Bay company, without cither the protec-
tion or restraint of laws? This company are m pos-
session of the whole region, and have erected forti-
fications in every part of it. The danger of war re-
sults from a sudden outbreak, under such circum-
stances. The two governments have no disposi-
tion to go to war with each other; they are not so
mad as to desire it; but they may be suddenly
forced into hostilities by the cupidity and rash vio-
lence of these people, thrown together under cir-
cumstances so inauspicious to peace. To prevent
this, our obvious course of policy is to send over
the mountains a civil government — to send our laws
— to send the shield and protection of our sove-
reignty to our countrymen there, and the wholesome
restramts necessary to prevent them from avenging
their wrongs by their own right arm. This is the
course which prudence dictates to prevent those
sudden and dangerous outbreaks, which must other-
wise be inevitable. The danger lies here. If you
leave them to themselves, the first crack of the rifle
lawlessly used, may be the signal of a general war
throughout Christendom. Nothing else can produce
war; and this is the reason why I am so anxious for
the passage of a bill which will carry our laws into
Oregon. Such a bill will be the messenger of peace,
and not the torch of discord. My voice is not for
war. My desire — my earnest desire is for peace;
and I sincerely believe that the course which we, on
this side of the house, arc anxious to pursue, is
the only one to insure peace, and, at the same time,
to preserve the honor of both nations.
I'he senator from New Jersey [Mr. Miller] be-
lieves that an hundred years must roll round before
the valley of the Mississij)pi will have a population
equal in density to that of some of the older States
of the Union; and that for fifty years at least our peo-
ple should not pass beyond their present limits.
And in this connexion, he has introduced the Texas
question. In regard to that question, all I have now
to say is, "that sufficient unto the day is the evil
tliereof " 1 have no oj)ini(m to express at this time
on the subject. But tliis I believe: Providence has
given to the American people a great and glorious
mission to perform, even that of extending the bless-
ings of Christianity and of civil and religious liber-
ty over the whole North American continent.
Within less than fifty years from this mor.^ wiU o'm
there will exist one hundred millions of free Ai^^Sje, we adj
cans between the Atlantic and the Pacific ocfjjp over hei
This will be a glorious spectacle to behold ;-^g^cd with
distant contemplation of it warms and expandt'^'gJjaU at lei
bosom. The honorable senator seems to supjjjown free in]
that it is impossible to love our country witbgor own", ati
same ardor, when its limits are so widely extciijjj ever excitl
I cannot agree with him in this opinion. I bdmqte and d'
an American citizen will, if po.ssible, more ardi^ji^s have
love his country, and be more proud of its pog^cy ti" ^^^^
and its glory, when it shall be st..jtched out fiQtuiem to P
sea to sea, than when it was confined to a nar;,agti)e good
strip between the Atlantic and the Alleghanics Has it ne
believe that the system of liberty, of law, arKg^jhusetls h'
social order which we now enjoy, is destined tcach other?
the inheritance of the North American contiiii3jjeatBri"^i"|
For this reason it is, that the Almighty has j^xt that the
planted in the very nature of our people that spy jetreat bej
of progress, and that desire to roam abroad and n^^x^ populaj
new homes and new fields of enterprise, which clR^ait assured
acterizes them above all other nations, ancientguch a p"!*^'.
modern, which have over existed. This spirit Ccclaim «*" "-i"*;
not be repressed. It is idle to talk of it. You mifpofrerAib
as well attempt to arrest the stars in their cour, injid. Wh
through hoaven. The same Divine power li^pine of S^i"
given impulse to both. What, sir! prevent ii j^, eing^^ ^V'
American people from crossing the Rocky moi; advil war.
tains? You might as well command Niagara not tensivel/ T
flow. We must fulfil our destiny. The questif Britain itse
presented by the senator from New. Tersey is, whev of millions
er we shall vainly attempt to interpose obstacles ' o»e causes
our own progress, and nas.sively yield up the exii dtouS^ '" |
cise of our rights beyond the mountains on the cor dlUou to al
sideration that is impolitic for us ever to coloniz been comv
Oregon. To such a question I shall give no answer auppoi't hi
But, says he, it will be expensive to the treasury t UB for "^*^ I
extend to Oregon a territorial government. No ma! enjoys wjt
ter what may be the expense, the thing will eventi, ply the u«
ally be done; and it cannot be prevented, though i and th^^''
may be delayed for a season. BCes m
But again: Oregon, says the senator from Nov.
Jersey, can never become a State of this Union
God only knows. I cannot see far enough into tlit
future to form a decided opinion. This, however
I do know; that the extension of our Union thus fui
has not weakened its strength; on the contrary, this
very extension has bound us together by stil!
stronger bonds of mutual interest and mutual di ■
peiidenco. Our internal commerce has grown to br
worth ten times all our foreign trade. We shal:
soon become a world within ourselves. Althougl;
people are widelv scattered, all parts of tin
our
Union m'ust know and feel how dependent each i^
upon the other. Thus the people of the vast valley
of the Mississippi are dependent upon the northern
Atlantic States for a naval power necessary to keep
the mouth of the Mississippi open, through whicti
their surplus produce must seek a market. In like
manner, the commercial marine of the Eastern States
is dependent upon the South and the West for the
very productions, the transportation of which all
over the earth affords it employment. Besides, the
SoKthcrn and Southwestern States are protected by
the strength of the Union from the invasion of that
fanaticalspirit which would excite a servile war,
and cover their fair land with blood. This mutual
dependence of all the parts upon the whole, is our
aggregate strength. I say, then, let us go on whith-
ersoever our destiny may lead us. I entertain no
fears for the consequences, even should Oregon be-
come a State. I do not pretend to predict whether
til
jRW mate:
have alrei
erful; ani
upon a qv
moral in
teenth c
•will go V
tnenis i
would ]
f" ipartif
here I
our ow
withou
flicting;
to settl
be out
■withoi
is the
tiou;
propo
best :
syii^l
me"'
jinei
. sect
will
Oui
nee
•vit
for
11
F''ons of free 4 '*'*r ^^''^ *""*'*' ^"^ '^' '" * «ianly and temper-
Pacific V*' ^^ adhere to our right*., we shall at least
[icle to beh Irf'^'*'*^ ^^^^ ^^^ mountains and valleys a population
8 and exn r'*^*^'^ ^''^'^""^^^'^'^^ '" '^^'*S'*'"''''^^'^'y ^'^'^ ''*^^'
seems to " ^®*^*'' '^^ '^'^^^ bestow upon them the blessing; of
country ^'•''?*S(*" ^""^^ institutions. They will be kindred s|)irits
widely r ^ ' *'fl*' "^n; and I feel no apprehension that they
pinion, j^i Iw^^cr excite the Indians of Oregon to attack our
Jble, more j *W*e and defenceless frontiers. They and thoir
■proud of ;. *^^th«rs have suffered too severely from such a
|St..jtchf>f? «.*»^/!*li®y '^^ ^''^ P^""' of the British government to per-
'"" ut
I'fined to a tnern to pursue a similar policy. They will
f'le Allcghan?"^'"**'^*' ^ neighbors.
y,J>f favy, £
. '"-aoh other? In one breath, he tells the Senate that
t^y> of uivy"'*^* ^*^ ''■ "^^'''' occurred to the senator from Mas-
' ?"'a<5husetts how inconsistent his arguments are witii
I'lerican p"" ,• "'*'®^ °'^''*^''' '" ""° breath, he tells the Senate that
['Vlniio-}jtv''h ^'"^'**'' ^''''"'" ^^'" ^'^ ^'^ ^"''' ^'•"' Oregon; and in the
t'eop/e th t"^ '*** ''^'^' *'"' I^i'd'^f"' J^ay company will voluntni-i-
h abi-oad n l^' ^ retreat before the advancing tide of our agricul-
irjsc whi h i^^^^ population, and abandon it without a struggle.
lation's an ^^^' assured, sir, England is too wise, to risk a war for
This 8f,-'^'*^'"8U^ a possession, valuable as it may be, on such a
of it. Y^^'"^' ^Hjlftim of title, as slic presents. She is wise as she is
vs (>) thci"" ""'P**^*^*^*^"'" -'-'"'''^ '^^ her position in regard to Ire-
ivine r, *" '^°^" '''''^" What is that island at tliis hour but a niaga-
•sir! nrr'^*^' ''zineof gunpowder, ready to explode at any instant?
)e Rock^^''' "Aeingle spark may light in a moment the flames of
d Nino- ^, '^'"'^ '^^'^ ^^''* Look at the discontents which so ex-
^ijjg*^''^ ''"f tensive! y prevail throughout the island of Great
Jersey is'^^T"' 9^'^'" itself, springing from the want and misery
ose ol .' , '^" <^ii'"io"s of her subjects, and from other danger-
'cJd UD fi *^®- OW3 causes which I shall not now enumerate. Al-
tains ori /if ^^'^^ ^o^S^ in profound peace with all the world, in ad-
pv,.!. , . ^^' dltion to all the other taxes on her subjects, she has
*^*er to colojju
this
.S(iJ'
give no ansuff
P the treasury r
ir^^rit. No „i„:
""ff wjJl event,
«'ted, though ;
itor from Ncii
"f tJu« Unio,,
""",?h into tJu
«is, however
^»Mn thm tui
contrary,
"her by'
1'' mutual d(.
*^ grown to Ijf
- We shal.
s- AJthougi;
P'»-ts of th,
"lent each is
f vast valley
"e northern
'■^'■y tolceeii
5"gfi whici,
Gt. In jijfe
stern States
est for the
which all
besides, the
'■"'ected by
on of that
rvile
War,
's mutual
'e, is oui-
on whith-
ertain no
••egon be-
wheth<f
been compelled to resort to a heavy mcome tax to
support her government. She is dependent upon
us for the most valuable foreign trade which she
enjoys with any oivilizcd nation; nor c;in she sup-
ply the demands of China for her cotton fabrics,
and thus realize the visions of wealth which she
Bees in the perspective, without first obtaining the
raw material from our fertile fields. England, as 1
have already said, is w ise as well as great and pow-
erful; fmd she will never go to war with u ; unless
upon a question in which her honor is involved. It is a
moral impossibility that, at this day, in the nine-
teenth century of the Christian era. Great Britain
will go to war for Oregon; when the facts and argu-
ments in favor of our title are so clear, that they
would prove at once to be conclusive before any
impartial, independent, and enlightened tribunal.
Th(!re is no danger of a war, unless it may be from
our own pitiful and pusillam'mous course — unless,
without making any serious effort to adjust our con-
flicting claims, we timidly stand by and suffer her
to settle the territory to such an extent that it will
be out of her power to abandon her subjects there,
without violating her faith to them. The present
is the prop.tious moment to settle the whole ques-
tion; and I con.scientiously believe that the mode
proposed bv my friends and my.self would prove the
best raean.s of attaining the object.
I admit, with regret, that some very dangerous
symptoms exist in both countries at the present mo-
ment. Thi' whole pressof Great Britain — her maga-
zines and quarterlies, and all, without disti)iction of
■ sect or party — for the last two years, has teemed
with abuse of America, and all that is American.
Our institutions, our literature, and everything coii-
nectod with us, have been subjects of perpetual
"vitvqieration. Such abuse is unexampled at any
|brmer period of her history. Thus tlie minds of
«
I the British people have been inflamed into national
hostility against us.
And, on the other hand, what is the state of pub-
lic feeling among ourselves? Although there are
many, especially in our large cities, who entertain
an affectionate feeling towards England, (insomuch
that, on a great public occasion in the largest of
these cities, the health of "the President of the
United States" was drunk in silence, whilst that of
"Ciueen Victoria" was received with thunders of
applause,) yet, among the great mass of our people,
a very different feeling prevails. They still remem-
ber the wrongs they have endured in clays past; they
remember the.se, jierhaps, with too deep a sensibili-
ty. And although senators on this floor may please
their ears with terms of mutual endearment by styl-
ing the two nations "the mother" and "the
daughter," yet a vast majority of our countrymen
are jienetrated with the conviction that, towards us,
England has ever acted the part of a cruel step-
mother. It is this deep-wrought conviction, these
a.?sociations of former scenes with the universal
abuse at iiresrnt poured out upon us by the British
press and })cople, which lie at the foundation of the
national ennily which nov/ too extensively pre-
vails. It is these injuries on the one side, and tneir
renicmbranco on the other, which keeps up the ill
blood between the two countries. There is surely
nothing in the existing relations between them
which will cause our people to forget that there is
one calamity still worse than war itself, and that is
the sacrifice of national honor.
I repeat the declaration, that, for myself, I am
deeply anxious to preserve peace. There is noth-
ing like blustering m my nature; and the use of lan-
guage of such a character would be unworthy of
ourselves. Besides, it could produce no possible
effect upon the power with whom we have this con-
troversy, and would injure rather than advance our
cause. I am, notwithstanding, in fav(,r of as.serting
our rights in a manly tone, and in a fearless manner.
The time has, I believe, come, when it is dangerous
any longer to tamper with the Oregon question. So
far as my voice may go, I shall refuse longer to de-
lay the settlement of this question. 1 shall not con-
sent to its postponement. 1 would send our people
west of the Rocky mountiiins whenever they may
choose to go; but I would send them there imder
the jirotection and restraint of law; and if 1 did not
in my heart believe this to be the best mode of in-
suring to us the possession of our own territory,
and preserving the national peace in company with
the national honor, I should not so long have de-
tained the Senate in presenting my views on this
important subject.
In Skntate, March 20, 1844.
^xlracl front the remarks of J\h: lUicluman in reply lo
J^Ir. Rives, on the subject of the map ofGenrgc III.
After (at the request of Mr. Buchanan) extracts
I'rom the spee(;hes of Sir Robert Peel and Lord
Brougham had been read by the secretary from
Hansard'.? Parliamentary Debates, containing all
they had said on the subject of this map — which will
be found in the appendix — Mr. Buchanan proceeded
to say, that after the reading of these extracts, it would
rc(juire but few observations from him to establish
his first position; which was, that the British gov-
ernment, at the time when they sent Lord Ashburton
here to negotiate a treaty, were in possession Ot' u
map of such high authority, and such undoubted
authenticity, thai in the opinion both of Sir Robert
12
Peel, the prime minister of England,
Brougham, its production would have
and Lord
settled the
northeaBtcrn boundary question, beyond all further
controversy, in favor of the United Statey. In order
to illustrate the coiK'.iisive character of this map, it
might be necessary to make a very few observa-
tions.
Richard Oswald was the sole negotiator, on the
part of Great Britain, of the provisional articles of
the treaty of peace, concluded with the United Slates
at Paris, on the 30th November, 17t^2. He, Mr. li.,
had carefully compared the article of this treaty de-
fining the boundaries of the United States, with the
corresponding article in the definitive treaty of peace
concluded on the .3d September, 1783, and Ibund
them to be identically the same, — word for word.
It was clear, therefore, tliat Mr. Oswald's treaty had
fixed the boundaries of the United States; and that,
in this resiipct, tiie subsequent treaty of 1783, nego-
tiated by David Hartley, on the part of Great Brit-
ain, was but a mere cop-^ and ratification of the
treaty of 1782.
It wai3 well known that George the Third prized
his North American colonies as the most precious
jewel in liis crown. He had adhered to them with
the grasp of fate; and even when, at one time. Lord
North was willing to bring the war to a conclusion
by acknowledging their independence, the King,
still hoping against hope, that he might ultimately
be able to subdue them, insisted on its continuance
a little longer. It was notorious to the whole world
that he felt the deej)est interest in the question. Was
it not, then, highly probable — nay, was it not abso-
lutely certain, that when Mr. Oswald returned from
Paris, after concluding the provisional treaty, the
very first inquiry of his sovereign would be, —
■where is the boiuidary line of my dominions in
America.- Show me on the map what portion of
them the treaty has retained, and what ]iortion it
has surrendered. Besides, such an inquiry would
fall in with one of the Kinjr's peculiar taster, for he
"was (says Sir Robert Peel) particularly curious in
respect to geographical inquiries."
George the Third, as history represented him,
was probably, to a certain extent, a man of narrow
prejudices; but he was a sovereign of sound judg-
ment, and incorru]Uible per.sonal integrity. Those
best calculated to judq;c of his abilities had spoken
of them in the most favorable terms. Mr. B. here
referred to the account which had been given by
Mr. Wesley and Dr. Johnson of their interview.^
with him. When Mr. Adams, our first minister to
Great Britain, after the treaty of peace, was ))re-
Bented to the King, his declaration was character-
istic and honorable: "I have been the last man in
my dominions to accede to this peace which sepa-
rates A jierica from my kingdom: I will be the first
man, now it is made, to resist any attempt to in-
frmge it." It now appeared tliat there had been
found in his private library a map, on which w.is
marked a boundary line between his North Ameri-
can provinces nnil the United States, which e:ave us
the whole of the disputed territory; and if this had
been all, the fact might possibly have been explain-
ed consistently with the claims of Great Britain.
But, according to the testimony of Sir Robert Peel,
on this "broad red line" there was marked, in frtur
difl'erent places, not merely the words "boundary of
the United ^States," nor yet "boundary of Mr. Os-
wald's treaty;" but these emphatic word — "Boun-
dary, as described by our negotiator, Mr. Oswald."
Was not thia convincing — conclusive proof, that
li*rity— '^'O"^^
either Mr. Oswald had marked this boundai-y wjSate a treaty
or that it had been done by some person uncleiyJ^J it describ*
direction, at the request of George 111 himself? ^ of JW ^^^^
even this was not all: Lord Brougham had expy^ furnished hi
ed the opinien in the House of Lords, from th.jjri»al was too
formation he had received, that the words, "l^jg^n Office,
dary, as described by our negotiator, Mr. Os\Vil^Ji^ncle^ stood f
was ill the proper hand-writing of tliat sovereii»j|ty, that the
After all this, well might Sir Robert Peel dei^iaBafe to intn
that he did not believe "that that claim of C, their claimSi
Britain was well founded; that it is a claim wifQ^ unwilling
the negotiators intended to ratify;" and well m^ ■^jould thi'n
Lord Brougham say, in his characteristic maiiQpjtl this mig
that the production of this map by Lord AshbiUjj^j if it shou
would have shown "that he had not a leg to Bi^gfd Ashburto
upon," and that it "entirely destroys all our con.jjy knowledge
tion, and gives all to the Americans." .pmion of tha^
Here, then, was the highest and most conchi!f,gaaitly il' ^^*
evidence against the British claim. Here was f^erc 'vas^
acknowledgment of the British sovereign hiiTi;,peech,in whi
under his own hand, from whose kingdom ^d a right t
American colonies had been wrested, that the bojojgessiot of
dary described by hia own negotiator in the tr^iiiich a satis:
ty of peace gave the whole of the disputed ternUndoubtcdly
ry to the United States. Here was the confessjf this map
against himself, of the individual interested, ak^guld have
ail others, in the question, and made long bet"Lojd Ashbu
any controversy had arisen on the subject. It vvjindgentlem*
highly probable — nay, almost certain — that this m, undoubtedly
found in the library of George 111, was the vifeport of it
map from which Mr. Faden, the British royal i,nd8. Now,
ographer, drew his map of 1783, mentioned by^jance of the
Robert Peel, which also gave to the United Stfii jn relation to
all the territory in dispute. own Ubrar
But the Senator from Virginia had contendt explanation
that there was no evidence to prove that Lord A- q^ the floi
burton, when he concluded his treaty, had ai dignantly dt
knowledge of the existence of this map; had declai. gnch a pro'
that if itVere in his posses.sion, when he assur. cgalnient wl
Mr. WebKter, in the most solemn manner, that j© Mr. W
was his belief that the negotiators of the treaty <
1782 meant to throw all the waters which wf
tributary to the river St. John within the Britis
territory, it was impossible he could, with honor
have made such an asseveration; and that, adini,
ting the map to be as he (Mr. B.) had described i:
"no epithci in the language would be strong enouj!
to express the infamy which must brand any gov
ernnicnt which could conduct its high diplomati
intercourse in such a manner."
Now, sir, let me, in the first place, do justice to
myself, as well as to Lord Ashburton. After d
careful examination of the debate as reported by
Hansard, the highest authority, and which he hud
never before seen, he most cheerfully admitted thai
the reference in the following sentence of Sir Rober;
Peel, was to Lord Palmerston and not to Lord Ash-
burton: "That map was in possession of the late
King, and it was also in posscss-ion of the noble lord,
but he did not communicate its contents to Mr.
Webster." From the newspaper reports of the de-
bate which he had read, he liad never doubted — lie
had never heard it doubted by any person, but that
the reference was to Lord Ashburton. He had
been convinced of his error, however, by Hansard's
report of the debate, and it aflorded him great plea-
sure to retract it.
But, did it not require a mantle of cl.arity broader
than had ever been cast over any individual, to be-
lieve that the British government, being in posses-
sion of such a map — a map with such marks of au-
thenticity and such claims to the most conclusivo
junces of 1
British clai
ertPeelam
igtence of
nearly tom
have rcmt
explU'i"*^'^
in which 1
Mr. B. SL'
existence
Lord Asl
duty of a
Robert I
Broughai
more boi
operate c
no matte
a lawyei
might ir
in refer
gtudiouf
had avo
Butt
andex]
British
iheexi
they s
would
Ho\
library
father
t
ds, from
13
Prftm thince it was re-
■tlmt sovereisgrity, that the ^''''±^SZ''^^^''"'''v''' ^'^ M h^a merston remain ignorant «f;;« ^J^^'^^e face of the
)bert Peel dci^BBafe to mtrust him ^"" ^ j „ that he might . timers important of any on ", /_p-,„ ^ith
:. clain. of G.C claims, f^^mm.^^^^;-^ --ewhicii -J- V^r^^ bearing „ the ^ro^oa^^d -^^^^^
IS a olnim wiro»e unwiUing to e^m i ^^^ Mf. »; ^;'["' ^ntry, and yet tlie Britibh Min
"and well n.^ would then 1"^;« ^ ^be the facf, and declajd thi <.oimtry,^^^^y ^^^^^ TS Ashlurton'/ It
ictcrisiic maiiooBd thia might pi'o> e lou appear, or it eign^' j^gtructions for L>ora ^"l' ^.j^ ofln.
Lord Ashbujffif it Bhould W ""^^KJclaL that he had paring t^^^^^^
lot a leg to Bt Sd ABhburton l^v,''*. vi«Tf S a map, his ^^f;|Xe Foreign ofice, ^^h«« ^o^J,^,SrSught
,s all our -^knowledge o^^^^^^^^^^ J^ ,e would nse cials^^-e F J ,^^J,^ not l.ve bi .^g^^
^mostconchjS;ifftTaceanddohim
. Here was T^ere 'vas one se"tence n &ir ^^hburton could suppose i ^^^^^ j^^^ removed « "o^
.vereign him.pS^^^n which he observed -^^^ord^ -broad in iBten^e I Lor J/^^^ , , n retn^erncnt th^ fea
=0 kintjdom ffi a ri&ht to presume tliaine formation on the 1 orci^ ^^^ by &ir Robert reei,
d, that a,e bc^SS^ssiol of all ^he elemen^ ot ^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^o.-Uould heve bee^^^^^ ^^^^j^ '^ftrrrmaS he spoke
r in the t.JSch a satisfactory <^«?^i"T" to presume; and wou.. have y^t, throughout his remarks «^^^^^
pued tcrSoubtedly Je^ha^ a r.ght^thu^^to f^^^^^ ^^^"ow^ttwould have Sr/sU^iuSr "ha'the
he confcHsif this map had^ been __^ ^^. ^„„pUunt. ^M J„,^„,ent, without the si gMe^^^^^^^^
present ministry had been i^i transpired, both
■ Now, in the face of all that nau j ^^^^^^
Se House of Com.i2tr.VFo?u"ed ai. anonv-
the senator /^om V-gmia I K .taming _lVfr.
ird A:-
; treaty, had ;ii
lap; had declaii
vhen he assun
manner, that
of the treaty >
ters which wf
thin the Brifis
uld, with hoiio!
and that, adniii
had described ii
)e strong enoui:!
brand any gov-
high diplomati
ice, do justice if
jurton. After;:
2 as reported by
id wiiicli he hail
!ly admitted tliai
ICC of Sir Robtji'i
lot to Lord Ash-
ission of the late
of the noble lord,
contents to Mr.
reports of the do-
!ver doubted — lie
person, but that
U"ton. He liaii
3r, by Hansard's
1 him great pleii-
exp.i^— on from '»f •' '' ""of Lords, have m
on^the floor of ^J«. !^°' 'eealment from h.m of
dignantly denounced the conceaim elaims-a con-
such a proof of th%justice 9^ erroneously to give
cealment which had ^a^^^^u nn personal assu-
have'remained silent? ^"^^^j^ ,^,rid the po«'t'«'M J fj"^, ,cd the notice ol Lord Abcrdcui,_u^^ ^.^
explained to us and o thewn ^^.^^^^^ "''"f^' ;ibcen vimi.iallykepta
in. which he bad be " l^ b^^^ ^,^ „,, ^-^.^S^ ^f^ mysterious and
Lords.
„. .h;;;iri;; had b-n jo; >^'^,-,n;now of the
Ur. B. said, It mshl be that lie ^^^^^^^^ ^
existence of the map; b^ 'y^/^ ^ ^icws of the
Lord Ashburton j^^^^SmK^n avowed by Sir
duty of a nfg."ti;f/^^';,; ot" Commons, and Lord
Robert Peel in the HoubC oi j,^ .^as no
Brougham in the House of Loras ^^^.^^^^
more bound to produce '^"'y J]l^^\^^^ .rovernmcnt,
^p'erate .igainst ^^^ ";S\heir 0!^^ mtgh^
no matter '^ow unfoundca tie testimony which
I lawyer was bound to dis. ^^^ ^^^.^ ^^ ^
wight injure his [^^^ f •,^i'^J,.,on's conduct, he had
^ V-';'"!„!".norhims If to the facts alone, and
f charity broader
individual, to be-
being in posses-
ich marks of au-
mosl conclusivo
:.! the notice of LoraAo^^j^-j^j^
i;.dbeciicvimi.iaUyk<J)Uipi^;^^-^ ^
tor some '"Y^f '""l; f it wa^ lo place in his hands
the officials whose J^^^i ^to thisiliost importjuUne-
allthe inf''™^^''"'\rj;iecn h d never accused them
.otiation. Lord Abe ten lui ^^ ^is-
Sf any «uch c.-nccan t .. ^ . ^f the map
,U,imed all knowledge otcc ^
,vas when the whole s"bjjaWeUcknowledged
Parliament, '^'^l wben Si obe ^^^^^^ ^,^^ ^^^^^^^
before the wo' ^- 1 L Sainst us for a portion of
^rovcrnment had ==*^t "P M The assertion in that
Sur territory was uufonded^ l ^^^^ -^ «
rcelfwi^n^^b-^^^^-""^^^^"^"^^"'"
l^bevencastdcnjtsupontu^
sard's report ot the ^^f ale m U e n ^^^ ^^,
_stating/hat, ac^ordrngo another^ ^^Pj _^^^
in ?!^''^";";^,ontin7d ' him'^'e^f to the facts alone, and ^^^^_^^_^
£?S^l5^he use^f alUpUh^. ^^, ^-'ber, bUhy. -"-^^SStSSiSS'
Butthesenaor Jom;^^^^^
the existence of tln^ mai ^^.^ ^^^^^,^,, He
tbpv sent Lord Asuoui w" e- j^oments.
bates? A man writW .ml" P«'-l'amentary Dr,-
niiglU mala- «ny aJsc ?o^, "u"''','' "«/esnonsif,ility,
notknoAv rt-],ctlferthp.n ^e pleased. ]ilr. R. jfj
were not rcvi.'u;' ^JSJ;:^ ^ Hansard were ir
I<new that they were ToSemJ H '"'''''^^5 ^"' ''^
J'gh sense of iH.^o;,Ia|d^V7H''f ^^^ ^^''^ «^^'"
ov,r langnage could be s?ro,?^ erfo'l? "° ^P''^'^' "'
infamy of any ijoveniniem wh 1 '"^ '^^P''*'''"' '^'e
high,nterc«urs^eofit.sdip)olJv .• *^""''»*=ted the
^ wouJd justly be inferS S^^'^m" """'' " '"'^"n^T
a map Jike this by the Bri^.T '^J^^°"'='^^'ilment of
«oubt lon;?er rc.nafn as to the il"'?""'^- ^'^^ ^«»
their pan? 1„ t|,e Ho^.e of I n? , r ""?''^''"e"t ""
had been sit(in^ by Lord Brm, Ji^'' ^""'^ Aberdeen
the speech f.oni wl?ich extr tcti f "n ^'''" ^"^ "'"^e
Senate, and when heh^^ -f-!^ ^'^''" ^'cad to tlie
«cor„ that the Brhi gotr^t'^ '''' '"'^ ^ith
obhgation to poduce £ maT V^'"'' ""''^r «ny
Aberdeen haJ several tfmno ?' ^"J"' '""''e: Loid
Lord B.,u,ham i^e cZ, ^7li?P]f'^ '« "^ '
yet he expressed no dissent L '''''•'''■'^'^: '^'^^
-Wow Mr. B whi?«f , "^^^"t. but sat m silenr-P
from Vir^infa ast' he ;;„Sf ^^^ thecal"
could not think that if dlT^ ?'"^ "^^"'^h conduct
f^ had been appS to t '^ ButT ' '''T '^^"^-e
ble senator perceive that all the .f '^ """^ '^'' ''"«»'a.
guage now applied fn iti r 'f^'^'^y °f' his Ian-
^ngth and bre.Ihlto7h p.St B r^-^" «" ''«
He agreed with the senafoV f^. ^'"^^'' ministry?
now conducted in a fairer nl. ^^"^ diplomacy was
It had been in ancient .wf^ ?'f "'''"• '"annef t a'
cur in the doctrine pmSh'r^r''" '^""'^ "ever con
to the lawfulness ^ofr^nn 'l^ ^°!"'l ^^ugham as
n^ade against our o^v^ S^f'Sf "" ''''^"''' ^vh'ie"
t'onal dmpute. AccSrdtf„\',,'5 "''"«" '" a na-
ancient diploniacy and tl e'iln . ■ '^ '"axuns of the
?m, a negotiator vas Jo nd 7 ""' "/^""-d through!
in conducting a niotiadon •"/''"' '^^'^ '""« country
forhiscIie„t^,eon"dTt°i ;■'"'' ''^^^ '^^^Tcr acte^J
advantngeshe <ouId obt f a^Jd"'^ «^'»"«t 'ake al]
which might wr-,1fn» I ■ ' "" concea evervthino-
His lordship' SZ -idicr^ "'\°^^'- 'I"-" -
most scorn/Ul manner 1 e f ' '" i'^^ ^'^^.-est and
hand m st.ch a game ' Here Sr p''"'^"'^ """'
Brougham's lan|uage. ^'- ^- looted Lord
Iherc was one view of f},« „
presented a still more senous „?""'. ^'"''■"^"'•' ^^'hich
ish ministry than Tl,t i"^ "T'^' 'gainst the Brit
highhMmproper s th a r''!'"^"' "'^ thi.s „ i'
this: that fn, fed ys'o?L.ordVr' ^''"- ^^ "^
the British g..vcrnment was w,'r'''''°"''^'"»'^«t'-y
claim to the point of actuaTS..^ '"^ ^^ P'^^^ thii
twns, knowing, at the same i "'''''" ^''^ ^'^om-
appeared they" did thai ?.? •"'^' •''^ " now clearlv
unjust. Notliing^iu fan 't" 'j^.^"" ^^as false ard
averted this calain y fromT'?^ Providence iL d
prevented an actual L/u ■ l"^ '^^^ nat bns anrt
the northeastern boLnrary?" ''''^^'^" their forc'es;;'
1^4'
claims, N„«- si,, r nm .
WeLir',:;?."' '^••^""^'"-eliir hee^r"'"''^'^'^ i,ioE would in
vvith , 'rfj''*' f ^Pi-'ct to this man H, h^^i^" "Poi«enc« of I
'<"'nvMhnt'„L"\ " '">' that it f -athri l/'"".'"'"'^'*?"!!..!!)' to
IMUoi the i;„,ied States s^Jnl J V^''V^^r"°'''''' »«•"•>« ""^^
...... ."onia I'O he ,1 boui,,) I, *3Ss of iuloi
-' was in *..,.„.. ,"^r . ■ •
tin
.'Limes of the Kiji oovery of the
1 . — 1 .. i^i.
founrt hiv.n, ,. ''* '<'"Piof fJr Kn ,1 lil. ""^ •"'Jioovery ofi
c=onn, xYo, 'hS« '-'■"T'^ *" "o"'" man ^ ' >,'' '"''^ «'='<> ^eCt/u vv i
i-VaiikliL ,''.IV^'" '.he map .o foum'l ' .3 V,"'": ''."o 'l^- th. impouch
ca«,.'n"f"^ '" KfUL'i-al, there is k'mVk ' "'<■ letter nfovlnc tlmt he
thi;^cal'""'^,*;^;!i'"«''i''ind«'p^t^^f^^^^^ i,;ff If 1.1.-
is the leniic ,.?„ " 1."""ng to .show that I,"'''''-' ^*' """.on those wh,
.!; ir^'./''^'"."^''''"" ^vi-th ;:«.!?? "^ ^"'^^ Cr tC;.; seHe/, fot. (
W tt :^^a;^^,^^vi^fl^.V^^ -|n 0.^^eut .;
iuV i^on rT'""'-'' ''earing, n any mnn'*"' ''•''"''"'' ^"as m :laUon; and tli
of LoriLi m
UUinks to
iington.
A great
to n th< k.u,,:"'*'*,' '"•PP<'-'ed bVh ;;'°J^,°f f'^'-nVa, a'le,\evVrhe may 1
'■■•adv s ta e i^' '° ?"**"■ to our first u,, " """^ refer,,, for Oieoppos)
H hic'h « . ' *° '"''h map could be 1''^'' ""'>'• ^^ ' ''ave ;,:niOte than an
cause he
mon sense, p
ige, a Ihori
cpuntry and
Se matters 1
has yet to 1;
rienced dipl
who have g
jjt of stale:
country, an
the terms o
your own,
disclose a
your duty
duty is lirs
to tell ever
._ ^ ,i..i
is your
du(
w ■ tier' l^,^:^'' hy a i,r:a"rn.d ^^"^'^ ">J^^'- Wei'
ARPENDIX
has
farj
/Ae treaty of fVashinston ' ^> '^ "^ *«*/«' o/
But th« nnl,l,. i._j ^ ■ '
t'>c no^n-atorM ir.r''', "l^" t'o»nded-thatV '^S '.'>«« claim
Hw. ir, *' .".aiora intended to ratifv i '' ^ claim which
have lain
those prin(
6th of Vict
assuredly
man, albei
language
the purpoi
son he ha(
practised
that it wa
let every
duty, it t
equally tl
It was m;
ami noth/i^s I thi^it ""^^ .'^«^^' "'attm much"'^*, conviction
15«
'^'f^fti thrnUt^^^ 'lion would inevitably ha»c been given in your favor, in
Ho
ill
hag j,o!l "P'''«quenco of the evicfcnce of man's, wliich "would ni)t bi;
'" not liHv '^krwid as maps recoifnised liy tilt' ni'Kotiators tlionisi' Ives.
of Jiis pois '■"? '"-S*"'' "'''' with rofiiniiro to the niai).s discovnicd
^alhnr I'lrrf '''''^',''''''<^c""y 'o "'" ooiirhif.ion of tlic ni-gotiatioiis con-
l^omafista „' .^''■' tea by Lonl Ashburtoii. Tl\i; nobio lonl opposite
thai (K "" '" •■. -
'ii'i.l hJi
stated that his preiiuccssor
Oi'liri- had ruudo
bo hi'iii li<??.''''i"''P<'*'''''" ''"li'iry '"'" ""-' "latter, and possesscil all tlu,'
F"-' vvas in t ""'!•' l nents of inlbrniation connected with it. Lord Asliliurtun,
therpfo,.,, '^^.'"■' I'ljfll' '" ii riu;ht to draw tin; same rondusioii. lie had a
■I'lemanol Wt»* i'resuine that h(; was ''*''" "'""I'l '" )ios.sissioii of
•'•'. Vf;ry .^''"rl/i the elements of information on whicii a satisfactory cou-
liivcs of ,'J''";''''- '.,ilon could be come to; and, therefore, the sul)se(jueut
t"iJi/j'j]'j, 1,,, ,''"1 COvery of the map in I'aris, evt;u if it could bo positively
but thoj.,.- '" onectcd witli Dr. I'lauklin's despatch, would be no ground
"ifl till. I If."'* ''' th* impeachment of tlie treaty of Lord Aslilnirloii, or for
Conn(.xjo."'"'''^'''K "'''''"•'''"'' ""' "bly and lionorably disclurged his
I biji tiler"'"* '"itiei. If lilnme should tall ujion anyone, it i liould fall
ft'iat til,, _,"'* "oiiion those whd have been conductintj these nej^otiations
liar"';"^"'^?^,:';"^-"-
i^5...';'%''.ir or, ,;x<
,„ ., yirii:; oti"'Xtncl, from Hansard\i Parliamentary Debates, (Ihl
' "li?" ''"-• ";i se^f^' '-■o'- e«: i'«?f s 626, (i'J7, G28, and f.29,). ofacoi-
t'l'dl>S
Office at 'p."!?*^'' reeled speech delivered bij Lord Brovgkam in the House
j'^'ion at flrgj"' :^ of Lords on the 1th Jlp'nl, 1843, on the proposition of
"" Utonks to Lord JMbiirton fm- the treaty of Wash-
&:'ir?»
' ' search «■„.
niadi, bngton.
f>th: A great charge against Mr. W'cbster is, th.it ho sup-
, - in ((• gnawed the map of Dr. Kranklin in the course of the nego-
• upp j^J ^"as rrifiiiation; and this suppression bus been said to savor of had
r nor ni, ^ '^^''PU'iaittt- I deny it. I deny that a neifotiator, in carrying; on a
s ,);■.„ P couJij controversy, as reijresentiiiK his own country, with u Ibr-
PfAmoric
tlie
'J oily
^ .ercd, (jj eiga country, is bound U) disclose to the other party what-
'1' a letifever he may know that tells atfainst his own country, and
"jnp reffcriY. for the opposite party. I deny that he is so bound, any
ovcii. J ,,''"*'« ,i;inore than an advocate is bound to tell the court all that he
it r ^''"' tiii deems to maku against his own client and for liis adversary,
f'her f m" **'*'' My noble friend. Lord Ashburton, has been objected to— my
u^ " 'be Kinj noble friend opposite has been blamed for selecting l)im —
to i,y fk^^P °^ th' because he is not a regular l)red diplomatist ; because
Kini; " ij'^*'"')' w he is not acquainted with diplomatic lore
yOW, ,sj; plain unlettered man as regards diplomatic allairs; and be
Arneric^ri cause he had onl) the guide of common honesty and com-
■"'(•"re w'i.s
MicaJ
S!^t^-^^4
Jnied
w,o found"
aiis „:.:> 'ha
because he is a
"6- i\i,... ■ -■ . . . . ' . •
to the
q,,' '^'ns pill) mon arnse, great fcx|)eiience of men, great general knowl
edge, a thorough at(|uaintauce with the interests of his own
(yiuntry and of the country he was sent to, for his guide in
Se matters he was to negotiate. Hut I believe my noble friend
has yet to barn this one bvsson— that it is the duty of e.spe-
rienced diplomatists, of regular bred politicians, of those
who have grown gray in the mystery of negoliation and the
art of statescraft. that when you are sent to represent a
country, and to get the best terms you can for it, to lower
the terms of the opposite party, and to exalt the terms of
your own, as far as may be— you ought first of all to
disclose all the weaknesses of your own case— that
your duty to ) our country is something, but that j our
duty is first to tlu; opposite party, and tliat you are bound
to tell everything that makes for that adverse party, 'i'hiit
is your duty; that is one of those arts of diplomacy which
have lain concealed until the present year 181.'t--one of
those principles of statesmanship which it remained for the
6th of Victoria to produce and iiromulgate. but w hich weie
assuredly not quite understood by that old French states-
man, albeit trained in tlic diplomatic school, who said that
language had been conferred upon men by I'rovidence for
the purpose of concealing their thoughts. This was a les-
son he had yet to learn, this regular-bred diplomatist — this
practised negotiator. Ho certainly could not huve thought
that it was his duty to practise a window in his hosoin, and
let every one see what pa.'-sed in his mind. Hut it was the
duty, it seems, of my noble friend to tell all; and it was
equally the reciprocal duly of .Mr. Webster to do the same.
It was my noble friend's duty, to disclose all that he had
'^ "'01 of COD
/••■ankJin. To
founded
inft't
,'Y «"ounfrjr_
-" a niaj) by
J^,o/~.ndJ
"' 'he nohlp
' "iatJino ;»
'°|'«lor,Mr
the --
.. ^'nited
'""^npos-
inT°"« "»
'P- ' repeat,
't ^'''"«'*
foundarv
'Vhat ^v^
■?'ors; but
found out again.'it the negotiation he w cnt to conduct. That
was tlie new art, the new mystery, the new disco>ery of
181.'); Imt I find my honorable friend, Mr. Webster, has great
uuihoiity, and that even if he were wrong, he errs in excel-
lent good company. It does so hapjien that then; was a map
published by the King's geographer in this country in the
H'ignofhis .Miijestv Cieorge III: and here I could apjieal to un
illustrious duke wliomi now see, whethi r that monarch wan
not us little likely to err from any fulness of nttaehment to-
wards America, as any one of his faithful sul)jectsl [The
iJuke ol Cniiil)rii!i>i:: Ileur.J liecause he widl knows that
theie was no one thing which his revered parent had
HO much at heart as the separation from Amer-
ica, and there was nothing he deplored so m ich a." that se|)-
aiation having taken placi;. 1 be King's geogiupher, Mr.
t''ad(;n, puldished his map 1783, which contains, not the Ilrit-
ish, but the American line. Why did not my nolJe friend
take ovei a copy of that map? i\"iy noble friend o()pos'te
(Lord Aberdeen) is a candid man; Ik; is an e:\peiience I ili-
ploniatist. both abroad and at home; he is not nnl(;tti re,l, but
thoroughly conversant in all the crafts of diplomacy and
statesmanshiji. Why ('id he conceal this map? Wv have a
riglit to complain of that; and I, on the part of .America,
complain of that. Vou ought to have sent out the map
of .\lr. Kad(;n, and said, "this is (ieorge the Third's map."
But it never occurred to my nobh; friend to do so. Then,
two years after .Mr. l-'uden published that mH|), another was
liublished, and that took the Hiitish line. '1 his, however,
came out after the boundary had becoini- matter of contro-
versy, jiosl litnin niolam. But, at all ev(;nts, my noble friend
had to contenil with the force of the argument against Mr.
VVel'Ster. and America had a riglit to tin; benefit of both
maps. My noble frii;nd ojipositi; never sent it over, and no-
I'Ody ever blamed him for it. But that was not all. What
if there was another map containing the American line, and
lutver corrected at all by any subseciuent chart coming from
the same custody .' And what if that rna]> came out of the
custody of a person high inollice in this country — nay, what
if it came out of the custody of the highest functionary of
all,— of George 3d himselff I know that map— 1 know a
map which I can (race to the custody of (Jeoige .3d, and on
which there is the .American line and not the Knglish line, and
upon which there is ii note, that from tlie hand-writing, as it
has been described to me, make."; me think it was the note of
(ieorge ;>d himself: "This is tlie line of Mr. Oswald's treaty in
1783," written three or four times upon tin- face of it. Now,
sup))ose this should occur — 1 do not knoiv that it has happen-
ed— but it may occur to a Secretary of State for Foreign
.Mlairs,— either to my noble friend or Lord rahnerston.
w lio, I und'Tstand by comjjion report, taken a great interest
in the question; and though he may not altogether approve
of the treaty, he may peradventnre envy the .^ucci^ss v^'hich
attended it, for it was a success which did not iittend any
of liis own American negotiations. Until is possible that
my noble friend or Lord I'almerston may have discovere.i
that then; was this map, because (ieuige 3d's library, by
the munificence of fJeorge 4th, was given to the British
Museum, and this map must have been there; but it is a
curious circumstance that it is no longer there. I suppose
it must have lieen taken out of the British Museum for the
purpose of being sent over to my noble friend in America;
and that, according to the new doctrines of diplomacy, he
was bound to have used it when there, in orlcrto show
tliat he had no case— that he not a leg to stand upon. Why
did he not take it over with him.' Probably he did not
Know of its «xistence. I am told that it is not now in the
British Museum, bnt that it is in the Foreign Ofiice. Proba-
biy it wiis known to exist; but somehow or other that map,
which entirely destroys our contention and gives all to the
Americans, has been removed from the British Museum,
and is now to be found at the J>'oreign Ortice. Kxplain it as
you will, that is the simple fact, that this important map
was removed from the museum to the office, and not in llie
time of my noble friend [L,ord Aberdeen.]
la/m
"pon
that thny
]".''lc lord
■"{'ration,
c'aiins, I
"pen to
'af claim
? WhJcll
^er, that
Sparks'.^
eviction
y Were;
«xpec.
oa, tha