ff'^^'A^ Canadian Political H istory . OUTLINES OF A COURSE OF TEN LECTURES DELIVERED IN CONNECTION WITH THE gPUCATIONAI. WORK S OF THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OK IVIONTRSAL DURING THE AUTUMN OF 1 894 BY HERBERT B. AMES. B.A. PUBLISHtD BY THE Toufia MCN'« Christian Association of montrcal. IB eiNT* Ptn COPY. r \ f> . s « * ji d \ tl-.J > i-i't'- CONTENTS. PAOK Lectuhe I. Tlie Old Frencli Kegime in Canada .... 5 " TI. The British Constitution jj III. The Constitution and Oovorniucnt of tlio Tnitod States 12 IV. How the Canadian Constitution was Developed . 16 " V. The Canadian Constitution. The B.N. A. Acts. Parti. 21 " V^- " " " « " " Part II. 28 VII. The Dominion Parliament in Motion ... 31 " VIII. Canadian Political Parties . . . . .35 " IX. Canada's Future Destiny 42 X. The Right of Dominion Sutirage . . . .47 1 19730 LECTURE I. THE OLD FRENCH REGIME IN CANADA. Champlain's Government— System of Louis XIV— Governor and Intendant— The Superior Council — Feudal Tenure— Roman Catholic Church - Political Con- dition of French Ciinada prior to the Contjuest— Treaty of Paris. In order to clearly understand the spirit and estimate the influence of early French occupation in this portion of the North American continent, it will be necessary for us carefully to distinguish be- tween such facts as are of mere romantic interest and those which have direct bearing upon the political history of Canada. To those who may desii'e to study the narrative of historic events more fully than we shall be able to do, lot me recommend the lines that are followed by Francis Parkman, the historian, in the volumes of his work upon this subject. The divisions are somewhat roughly made. In some instances the chronology overlaps, but the follow- ing outline will give a fair, connected idea of the main characteris- tics and general boundaries of the different periods of the early French era : — 1. Discovery and early settlement, 1535 to 1035, vide " Pioneers of France in the New World." 2. The rise and fall of the Jesuit missions, 1635 to 1675, vide "Jesuits in North America." 3. The struggle for existence against the Iroquois, 1658 to 1701, vide " La Sallo and the Discovery of the Great West," and " Fronte- nac and New France under Louis XIV." 4. Canadian feudalism, 1661 to 1760, vide "The Old Regime in, Canada," 5. France vs. England in America, 1745 to 1760, vide " Montcalm and Wolfe." But reading the works of Parkman, however fascinating, is hardly a study in Canadian political history. We must reluctantly turn from their narrative and devote ourselves to a consideration of such facts only as bear directly upon the purpose of our course. The political history of Canada may be said to have commenced g^arapiams with the founding of Quebec by Champlain in 1608. The first form of government— that which he set up— was invested with large local authority. The governor was the centre of all power, and although Byiiti'in of IxniiH XIV. Governor and Inlendant. assisted by a council, was not bound to follow Its advlco. Up to 16G7 the history of New Franco contains Utile else than an account of the struKffle for bare existence against the inroads of the Iro- quois, and the severity of the surroundings. With the accession of Louis XIV. to the throne of Prance in KiGO, an entire change came over the policy of that country with n'gard to her colonial affairs. This king was the embodiment of the monarchical idea, and he determined to establish in America a re- production of the provincial system as it Imd been brought to per- fection by Cardinal Richelieu. The powers of the governor as they had been exercised by Champlaln, were now greatly ciu-talled, and the government of Canada brought directly under the control of the King himself. The (Jovernor still held noniinr.l power. He was military chief of the colony, and represented the Crown on State occasions ; but yoked with him was an officer known as the In- tendant, usually of humble birtli. but trained in the law and in ad- ministration. Without the consent of the Intendant, no public money could be expended, no regulation enacted, no transgressor brought to justice. In fact, the King of France, while not wishing to have these two colonial authorities (luarrel, Intended to li'iv«» each act as a spy upon the other, and thus secure a critical report from two sources with regard to the minutest details of the administra- tion. The Superior Council was also established at Quebec. It in- cluded the military governor and the legal-mhuled int(>ndant, to- gether with the religious bishop. There were also councillors ap- pointed (not elected) by the King for li/e, varying in number from five to twelve. In this council was centred all legislative, executive and judicial power. Its members were responsible not to the people, but alone to the King. The people had no voice whatever in the management even of their purely local affairs, and public meetings were so effectively discouraged, as soon to cease altogether. PoiKiai Tenure. The System of feudal tenure was adopted in the disposal of all land. The greater part of Canada was divided into large estates and conferred upon seigneurs (usually men of noble lineage and modest fortune) in return for their doing homage to the King of France, and undertaking to colonize their respective grants. The seigneur in his turn conferred portions of his land upon " consl- taires," on condition of clearing the same and the payment of cer- tain dues to the seigneur. Since the Governor maintained the right, seeing that all land originally was conferred by grant of the King, to intervene at any time, in the King's name, and annul any arrangement between the seigneur and his vassal, it will be seen that the power of the former was of a nature both indefinite and uncertain. ■Hie Superior Council. From earliest times we find the Roman Catholic Church exercising Rom«ii a dominant Influence upon all affairs of state. All land, as it was Jj^ilrch!' settled, was divided into parishes for ecclesiastical purposes, these divisions being afterwards recognized in the administration of local affairs. In each parish the influential men were the cure, the seigneur and the local captain of militia. Of these three, the re- presentative of the (^hurch carried the most weight in the com- munity. Quoting from their own historians (" Doutre et Lareau," pag(> 308) the position of French Canada up to the time of the Bri- tish concpu'st, maj' be described thus :— " Without education, without an opportunity of taking part in o""',^"-'',, ^f public affairs, without an interest in the public otflces, all of which French Caiia.ia were filled by persons sent out by the government, the Canadian conquest, people were obliged to seelc in the clearing of the forest. In the cul- tivation of the field, in the chase and in adventure, the means of live- lihood, and never busied themselves with public matters. Some- times they thought they were becoming " a people " on this conti- nent, and might acquire a larger degree of liberty, but all such as- pirations were promptly checked by the Governor, the intendant, and the bishop, in obedience to the instructions of the King. No social union existed between the people, no guarantees of civil liberty were ever established. On every occasion the people were taught to have no ambition for civil power, or have a share in public business. Reduced at last to a state of passive obedience, they accepted the orders and edicts of the King without murmur." On Sept. 8, 1760, the terms of a capitulation, by which Canada J/'^J^^^^'y became a British possession, were signed. Full religious liberty was granted the French-Canadians, and certain religious bodies allowed to retain possession of their goods and privileges. Th'j subsequent Treaty of Paris, signed on Feb 10, 1703, transferred to Great Britain all of the former possessions of France in North America, except St. Pierre and Miquelon, unimportant islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Before considering the system of government that was conferred upon French Canada upon the taking possession of that country by the British Crown, it will be well for us to turn aside and refresh our memory with regard to British institutions. Old French Can- ada was like a sturdy trunk, upon which was engrafted a new civilization. In order to rightly estimate the result, one must un- derstand the nature, not only of the trunk but of the graft as well. LECTriiE ir. THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION. Early Anglo-Baxon Ideas. Norman Oonquest. Oreat Oouncil. Early Anglo-Saxon Ideas— The Norman ConquoHt and the Feudal Systotn — The Great Council— Magna Charta— Origin of House.s of Lord.s and Commons- Parliaments of Edward I -Supremacy of Parliament— Bill of Rights. Inasniuc'li as tho British form of govcrnnicnt served, to a very Kroat extent, as the model for that of the Dominion of Canada, It is well at this point to spend a little time considerinj? it. We will not undertake so mncli to deseribe the features of the present gov- ernmental system, as the principles which underlie them. By the term " Constitution." we mean the system under which a country is governed. The British Constitution came into existence at no particular date, its origin being shrouded in obscurity, and it has been gradually amended to suit the necessities of the time. Great Britain differs from most of the Continental nations, in that the Roman occupation left no perceptible influence upon its political institutions. The Saxon invader had escaped Romanizing in- fluences. The three leading Anglo-Saxon ideas were an elective king, with executive but not legislative powers ; a representative council of free men ; and an established principle that no man should be taxed without his own consent. The Witan, or representative meet- In>JC of wise men. named the king and coiild depose him. By its authority laws were made and taxes imposed, it being the king's duty to carry out these decrees. No important act could be com- mitted without tlie Witau's consent. With the conquest of England by William the Conqueror, 1066. came a temporary submersion of the Saxon ideas of popular liber- ties. William introduced the Feudal System, upon the principle that th(> soil was the absolute property of the Crown. The land was parcelled otit among his chief men upon condition that they were loyal to him and attend(»d him in time of war with armed I'etainers. These chief men in turn distributed the land among vassals, every vassal being bound to defend and obey his lord. In place of the Witan, we now find the Great Council of the nation, but it differed from the Witan in that it was not a representative bodj', being composed only of feudal barons who had been created 9 tlu'or.jrh tlic Kind's K\(t of land. It took nmny years for tho old Saxon Idoas to work up tliroiiKh the Norman systom, tliis bcln); possibh' only because of the tenacity with which the peoi)h' clunj; to the conunoii law of the lanil and the jtrlnciples of Koverninent that had prevailed in the time of Edward the Confessor. From time to time the (Jreat Council was called to>;ether by the Klnjj to vote him moneys. It never lost this opportunity to effect a bargain for Ihe abolition of some abuse, or the grantinjr of som.' concession. With tlu Ma>j:na Charta. llila. Is ushered in Ihe age of written Mubiiu charu. legislation. The (Jreat Charter, however, did not create liberties ; it nu'rely recojjrnized otficially what had previously existed. It established. In writinj;, that no man should be imi)risoned, or In any way broujjht to ruiii, save by le^al Judgment of his peers ; and also that no tax should be imi)o.sed except with tlie consent of the Council of the realm. The constitution of the Council was also regulated, it beiufj agreed that all Archbishops, Hishops, Abbots, Earls, and ;rreater Barons should be .summoned to it by the King's letters. (Jradually the precn-dent was estal>lished that any to whom a writ of summons had once been Issued by the King, might claim for himself, and his eldest son aft(>r him, the right to attend this (Jreat Council, and out of it finally grew the House of Lords. It must be remend)ered, however, that there was nothing repre-'*'^'''!"i''i sentativ*' alxmt the (Jreat Council of King .John's time. This ele- <-""•" mo"»' ment was added later. The gradual growth of snuiU towns, that no longer needed protection of a feudal lord, brought about the establishment of a number of independent communities. For con- sent to colh'ct revenue from these communities, it was nece.ssary for the King to grant them representation. Hence we find that, by the middle of the l.'Uh century, it was found necessary to summon to the (Jreat Council citizens and burgesses and knights of the shire, elected from the free-holders themselves ; and in the reign of Henry III., in the year IL'Cm, we lind Simon de Montfort issuing writs directing the election of two knights for each county, two citizens for every city, and two burgesses for every borough, to serve in the (Jreat Council of the kingdom. Thus began tho elec- tive assembly, which later separated itself into the House of Com- mons In the reign of Edward I., was passed the famous statute that no j,'»riiament8 of tax should be levied except with the joint consent of the Lords and Commons. The parliaments that Edward I. gathered at the end of his reign, are identical with tliose that sit to-day. From this time on. King, Lords, Commons, Courts of .lustice. the forms of public administration, oiu* local provisions and provincial jurisdic- tions, the relations of church and state, in great measui'e the frame- work of society itself, had taken the shape which they essentially now retain. By the reign of Edward III. wo find the "common- alty " fully acknowledged as one of the estates of the realm. Some time afterwards the Lords and Commons became separate bodies. To-day the taxation of the country is entirely regulated from th(; House of Commons. There had been little legislation prior to the time of Edward I. All the struggles had been for the observation of the old laws. With the perfected parliament of Edward I.. 1205, commences a time of legislative activity. England had assi- milated all that was assimilatable in the Norman ideas, and the old • principles of liberty emerged from Norman domination. For a long time, however, the status of the Commons was an inferior one. It was understood that they might only petition, and that the King with the advic(> and consent of the Lords, assented and enactcnl. Oftentimes thes(> enactments were by no means wliat the Commons I had asked for. By virtue of their petitioning powers, the Com- mons were at first critics nierc^ly, and could initiate no legislation. .Sunreuiaoy of The uext three hundred years after tlie reij;iis of the Edwards, Parliament. " was a struggle for supremacy between the King and the parlia- ments. There was law enough, but the kings repeatedly attempted to escape every constitutional fetter, to reign without parliamentary autliority, to impose taxes by tlieir own authority, or to legislate ^ with tlie consent only of their own council. Parliament, with varying success, endeavored to liold the monarchs to the strict letter of the law as understood in the t.me of Edward I. Sometimes par aments were packed or subservient, and the kings assumed ex.. .ordinary powers. Parliament assianbled only at irregular in- tervals, being called together when the King want* money, and being dissolved by the King when it in return demanded what he did not choose to grant. Under such conditions as these passed the periods of the Wars of the Roses, of the Hoxises of Lancaster York and Tudor. But with the House of Stuart and the arbitrary rule of .Tames I. and Charles I., we liud Parliament again vigorously asserting itself. This was tlie beginning of the end of the final struggle between personal monarchy and parliamentary govern- ment. The parliament of King .Taunts established the precedent that it had the right to discuss any question relating to the public good, whether the King had asked its opinion or not. The early parliaments of Charles I. maintained the riglit to demand the dis- missal of unpopular royal advisers. The story of Cliarles' con- tinuous quarrels with his various parliaments is not necessary here. Revolution was the result, and the King lost his life. When in 16S9 parliament abandoned James II. and offered the joint sover- eignty to William of Orange and Mary, it meant that the ultimate decision in the state was transferi'ed from the King to the parlia- ment. The 15th century had seen the power of the Lords predomi- 11 uatliiK in the state ; the 17th closed with the power of tlie House of ('onimons predominating. The Habeas Corpus Act of 1079, established that any person im- ^iii of Rights, prisoned was entitled to be brought into open court and learn the nature of the cliai'ge against him, and if shown to have been im- properly detained, should be set at liberty. When William and Mary ascended the throne, the Bill of Rights established the author- ity of parliiiment and confirmed the freedom of the subject. This date, KISl). may be considered the commencement of modern Eng- lisJi history, inasmuch as the two hundred years tliat have since passed, have been occupied merely in developing the imwritten constitution. Tliis famous Bill of Rights declares : (1) That a King cannot override existing laws. (2) That no money can be levied without a grant of parliament. (3) That any subject has the right to petition His Majesty. (4) That the size of the standing ax*my shall be regulated by parliament. (5) That the election of members of parliament shall be fair and free. ((») That statements made in pal'liament sliall be unquestionable in court. (7) Tliat parliament shall be held at rc^gular and frequent intervals. 8) That the re- venues of the ri'own shall l>e voted annually by parliament. (9) That judges shall be hereafter responsible to parliament and not to the King. The dev(>lopment of go ernment by party comes in at about this period, and William has the credit of being the author of the idea of Cabinet government. With the Bill of Rights, tlie British Con- stitx-.tion may be considered as evolved, and we now understand the author'jy that enacted a system of government for Canada in 1774, and the principles which p]nglishm(Mi wished to have estab- lished in British North America. FW«— Green— "A short history of the English People." Albnny (le Fonblanque-" How we are Governed." C. H.Wyatt- "The English Citizen. ' H. D. Trail " Central Government." Oscar Browning-"The Citizen, his liights anil Responsiljilities. 12 History. LECTURE III. THE rOXSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Periods of American Political History — Tiie American Sj'stein in its Legislative, Judicial and Executive Departments— State and Local Governments — A Com- parison between some Features in the American and Canadian Systems — Influence upon Canadian Constitution. At the same tiino that Great Britain was painiiif? control over the northern portion of this continent, she was loosing her gra.sp upon the central and southern sections. To the south of Canada a new nation sprunj? into being in a decade, a nation that was to evolve from British ideas a ])urely democratic form of govcn'nment, and pronnilgate a constitution that has been considered by many the fou'ulation for an ideal republic. Some knowledge of the form ot ;roveruir.ent adopted by this new- born nation, and of what experier;ce taught regarding its adapt- ability to meet the needs of succe(>ding years, is necessary for the student of Canadian political history, since the American example and experience both left a deep Impress upon the Canadian consti- tution. Periods of We have hardly space to more than outline the periods of Ameri- American Poiiticni can political history. The student, by parallel reading, must de- velop these ideas for himself. Brietly reviewed, the political history of the United States— from the granting of the charters by James I. to the Plymouth and Lon- don Trading Companies, to the constitutional amendments as a re- sidt of the war of the Secession— shows as its chief divisions the following :— The period of Colonization 1007-1750 The period of Expansion 1750-1763 The Union of the Colonies 17G3-1775 The War of Independence 1775-1783 The Evolution of a National Government 1777-1789 The Development of the United States under the (Constitution, 1790-1850 Tendencies to disunion and the Civil War 1850-1865 The reconstructed nation 1865-date 13 This clmptef, however, must be devoted more especially to the two followinp: lines of thought :— (1.) A consideration of the system of govei*nment in vogue in the United States to-day. (2.) A comparison between some features in the American and Canadian systems,— wherein we think our method superior to theirs. The government of the United States is a federation which is the The American most complicated form of government known to civilized communi- ties. Its essence lies in the fact that in eveiy part of the country two governments and two sovereignties rule. There is a complete central government with certain powers over the States which com- prise the federation, while each separate State is suprenn* over its own affairs within certain limits. The United States then, to-day. Is a republic, itself composed of forty-five n>pul)lies. According to the constitution, the functions of tlie National Goveiuiment fall under three departments,— legislative, judicial, executive. These departments are co-ordinate, acting as far as possible independent of one another. It is the legislative department that enacts the laws, the judicial wliich interprets them, and the (>xi'eutiv(» tliat en- forces the laws after they have been made and interpreted. The Legislative Department consists of a Congress in wliieli tliere are fiegisiative two bodies, the Senate and the House of Representatives. The ^''" '"^" " Senate represents the States as States, each State, whether large or small, sending two members. The House of Representatives reiiresents the citizens of the nation. Senators are elected by the liCgislatures of the several States for a term of six years, one-tliird being renewed every two years. the Vive-Pre- sident is tile eliairman of the Senate. Its work is largely done by standing committees. Its Legislative functions are exercised together with the House of Representatives. It has, however, also judicial functions, such as the trial of impeachments, and executive functions, such as the approval of Presidential appointments and the ratifying of treaties. The Hou.se of Representatives is renewed in toto evei'y two years. The present House contains three hundred and sixty-five membe^rs, or about one to eveiy 175,000 inliaintants. The House is too large to admit of mueli debate, lienee its work Is largely done by committees. Says Prof. Bryce, " It rules through and by Its committees^ and the whole House does little more than register by its votes the conclusions which th(» committees submit. One subject alone, taxation and appropriation, receives genuine discussion by the House at large," Tliere are al)out sixty commit- tees. Laws are made by joint action of Senate and House. The signature of the President is also required. If tliis be refused, a bill can become a law without Presidential approval, by a two- thirds vote of both Houses. If the Senate and the House disagriK* u and both insist, a compromise is usually effected by means of a joint committee. Department. The Judicial Department, as we have said, interprets and applies the laws which the nation has made. It consists of one Supreme Court, nine Circuit Courts, an'^' sixty-four District Courts. It.s jurisdiction extends only to questions arising in regard to the Fede- ral laws, d as belonging to tlie Provinces. The " i"«^siduum of power," as it is called, rests, with \is, in the nation, with them, in the State. Our tendency is towards a strong, and theirs towards a weak, central power. The American Civil War, the i-ailway strike of last summer, are examples of the disadvantages arising out of tills principle. (2.) The American Senate represents a collection IT) of Statos considered equally important. Rhode Island and New York have each two senators. The American Senate can act con- trary to the wish of the majority of the people. This was evi- denced in the dead-lock over the Sherman Bill, and recent tariff lej^islation. The Canadian Senate recognizes the greater Interest of the larger provinces, and it would be hardly possible for the Canadian Senate to represent a minority. (3.) The American Pre- sident, once elected, passes out of the reach of popular opinion. For four years he can be removed only in case of violation of the constitution. Witliin a year or two of his election, it may be pos- sible, in fact is at present the case, that his policy is quite conti-ary to tliat of the majority of the people, and yet he must continue to the end of his administration. Not so with the Canadian Premier. He can lead only so long as confldent that he represents the will of the majority. The moment he feels this confidence is lost, he must make way for another who has it. (4.) Any representative may in- troduce into the American House a bill interfering Avith the revenue. If it become law, it i-es'ts with the administration to provide the funds. "With us such measures can only be introduced by the ministers who cannot be, contrary to their wish, compelled to assume further obligations. (.">.) The American (>xecutive is independent of the Legislature. The members of the Cabinet, so-called, cannot in per- son explain or defend the conduct of their departments upon the floor of ('ongress. In Canada, the heads of administrative depart- ments are Cabinet ^Ministers in the true sense of the word, and liave seats in the House. They can explain and defend their ac- tions. If their managenu>nt of affairs becomes unpopular, the ad- verse criticism of their confreres can cause tliem to I'esign. (G.) In many American States there are elective judges. Sometimes these remain in office but for a comparatively short time. This does not i-emove tliem from political influence, and they are not as liable to be impartial as when appointed, as in Canada, by tlie Crown for life. 7. The American Speaker is chosen by the dominant party, and has very large power, since he has the nominating of the members of the several committees, and since, too, no one can address the House unless the Speaker "recognizes" him. The Canadian Speaker, though also elected from the party in power, has no such wide privileges in the naming of committees. Between 1774— when a system of government was first granted Jhe(?ana to put it to sufficient test to demonstrate to our legislators U) wherein lay its good and its bud feiitnres. The British system, It is true, is fundamentally the Canadian model, but this model has been materially altered, owing largely to the Amerlean example and experlenee, and therefore some idea of the Amerlean system was necessary for an adeiiuate appreciation of our own. Vide—C. D. Higby— " Ontliiie of Civil Government." Prof. Bryce— "Tlie American Commonwealtli." KucyclupHidiu Britannica. LKCTrKK IV now THE CANADIAN CONSTITUTION WAS DEVELOPED. The Five Periods. The Five Periods— Canada a Royal Colony— Tlie Quebec Act — The Constitu- tional Act— Development of Repre.sentative Institutions— The Union Act — (irowth of Itet^ponsible Government— How Confederatio!» came about — Passage of the B. N. A. Act — Canada a Part of the British I'hnpii-e. \N'e are now prepai'ed, having considered the condition of Canada l)rior to tlu' eonciuest, the nature of the super-Imposed British In- stitutions, and the career and example of the neighboring republic, to take up the study of the development of oxu" own Canadian con- stitution. To this end let us divide the political history of Canada into five periods ; - (1.) The old French regime, KiOS-lTGO; (2.) Canada as a colony under the direct control of (treat Britain, 17(50-171)1. (3.) The development of representative Institutions, 1791-1840; (4.) The growth of rc^sjionsibh^ government. 1840-18(>7. (5.) The Confederated Dominion. 1807 to date. Royuf Colony. <^f ^^^'^ Ai'^t of these periods we treated in our first chapter, where- in we ascertained that the French-C^anadlans at the time of the concpiest were without the semblance of popular government. On the first day of February, 17(33, the Treaty of Paris was signed. 17 This treaty Km^i'antood to tlio Frcncli Canadians t!i(» t'roo oxorciso of tlu'ir roli;^i()ii, but did not delinitoly ostal)lisli wliotlicr tlic old laws of tlie country or those of Groat Britain sliouhl obtain. That same year, by proclamation of Georj^o III., a system of government was set up. and Cvw. Murray appointed (Jovei'nor. lie was to make laws willi tlie^ a;iance and supremacy, and r.iake a declaration aj^ainst transubstantiation. As the peopl(! were all Catholics, and no Catholic could conscientiously make this declaration, no representative ever appeared to claim his seat. Th(» jiovernnient was consequently carried on solely by the Governor and his Executive Council. The revenues of the country weve at the disposal of the Crown, and might be used both for local purposes and Imperial defences. Tlu; people nupht levy direct taxes upon themselves for local improvements if they so desired. In 1774 the British Parliament granted to Canada a definite sy.s- The Quebec Act. tem ot government with a constitution, by an Act known as the Quebec Act. In order to conciliate the Fn^nch Catholics, whose allegiance it was feared the American Revolution might shake, large liberties Avere granted them. Notwithstanding opposition on the part of the English who had taken up residence in Britisli North America, the French civil procedure in matters relative to property and civil rights was authorized, whilst the criminal law of England supplanted any previous code. The hated test oath was abolished, but with it was also withdrawn the offer of an elective assembly. Lord Dorchester, the fu'st Governor undi-r this constitution, carried on the government by means of a Legislative Council of twenty- three mend)ers nominated by himself. One-third of this Council were Ilonuin Catholics, but they did not sit as representatives of the people, nor were tliey in sufticient number to greatly intlueuce legislation in favor of their countrymen. At the time of the Comniest. Canada contained ().").000 souls, t'"' .^ ^. CJoiiBMtHtional French and Roman Catholic almost to a man. When the Amerl- Act. can colonies revolted, some 40,000 United Eminre Loyalists (Mui- grated to British North America. Of these, 10,000 established themselves in what is now Ontario. By 1790 the total population of the British American colonies had reached lO.l.OOO souls. There now became a clashing of interests between the Englisli and French speaking portions of Canada, the French having tlie majority in one. the English in the other. To end this was passed the Constitutional Act, 1791, making two provinces, and giving to each a representa- tive form of government, made up of an appointed Council and an elective Assembly, with powers to make laws. Parliament still 2 18 roscrvod the riwht to (l(>t(n'niiiio how the Canadas should rniso iv- venue, but left the disi)osal of the same to the local Legislatures. All j)u])llc otticials were ai)j>ointed by the representative of the Crowu. The two Kovennnents now organized, m(>t for the lirst time in 1792. that of liOwer Canada at Quebec, that of Upper Canada at Niagara. Each I^egishiture was opened by a Lieut.-Governor, and adopted as far as practicable the rules and procedure of the British Parliament. RepreSatiu'^ ^''^^' "^'''^''^y thirty years, i)olltical affairs in each I'rovince proceed- institutioiig. ed with a fair degree of harmony. (Jradually friction developed between the appointed Council and otiicials on the one handy and the representative Assembly on the other. The struggle was fought over the questions of money and patronage. There were certain revenues not controlh'd by the representative branch. The execu- tive took advantage of this to govern without the Assembly. Not being able to starve the executive into submission, the people's re- presentatives I'ould not hold the otticlals to responsibility for the rightful performance of their duties It became almost a matter of indifference to the executive as to wlietlu'r their actions were pleasing or otherwise to the representative body. Every ottiee with salary attached, from Prime Minister to Sergeant-at-Arms, was in the gift of the Governor, and fdled usually witli his imported friends. In fact, the system granted by the Constitutional Act of 1791, was a strange ndxture of representative government coupled with an irrespons ilWe executive. The same struggle was in pro- gt*ess in Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick. The difficulty was first settled in New Brunswick, 183G, and from the time that all revenues were placed at the disposal of the repre- sentative brancli of the Legislature, we find there no further lack of harmony. In the Canadas, discontent grew more apparent until it culminated In the Rebellion of 1837-8. Although this was quickly quelled, it served to call to the notice of the Imperial Parliament the necessity of another change in the Canadian Constitution. Lord Durham was sent out as High Commissioner, with practically ab- solute powers, and his report and recommendations formed the foiuidatlon of the settlement that came al)out with the Union Act of ISIO. and ushered in a new and liberal colonial policy, establish- ing a truly responsible government. The Union Act. Lord Durham's report recommended the union of Upper and Lower Canada into one pi'ovince, with equal representation in one common legislature, and that this legislature be entrusted with re- sponsible govex'nment. As a result, a bill was drawn up upon these lines, and after receiving consent of the colonists themselves, it passed Parliament In the summer of 1840,— this being the Union Act, before mentioned. This act provided for :— (1.) A Legislative Council of twenty members, and a Legislative Assembly of eighty- 19 fonv monibors, each of tho foriiKM* provinoos to linvo equal ropre- scntntion ; (2.) This reprosontation could b(> clmnsi'tl only by a two- thirds' vote of both branches of the Legislature ; (3.) The English language alone should be employed in Legislative records ; and (4.) All revenues should go to niak(> up a consolidated fund out of which Civil Service salaries and other cliarges having been first paid, the balance shoidd be at the disposal of the Legislature. With the control of the civil list by the elective Assembly, the executive was thencefortli the servant and no longer the master of the situation. From this time on, E'lgland appears to have been willing lo I't'move JjJ'.^^ljM',',^, all restrictions that weie declared obnoxious by the Canadian '*"»''•""'"•"«•• p(>ople. I.,ord Sydenham was instructed to administer the govern- ment " accoi'ding to the wislies of the people." and to summon to his council those persons wlio had the confidence of the iidiabitants. Lord Elgin received instructions " to act generally upon the advice of his Executive Coimcil. and to receive as members of that body those persons i)ointed out to him as possessing the confidence of the Assembly." By ]S.")0, the Canadas, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were in full possession of a system of self-government such as their own public men had advocated. Between 1840 and 1807 the Canadian Legislature passed many important measures which receiv(>d Imperial assent :— (1.) The independence of Parlia- ment was fully secured, and judges and officials debarred from sit- ting in either House. (2.) An elaborate system of municipal gov- ernment was perfected, thus relieving the Legislatures from much local legislation. (3.) The clergy reserves weVe divided among various municipalities. (4.) Seigniorial tenure was abolished. (5.) The Canadian Civil Service was put upon a business basis, and pre- ference given to home talent. The Imperial Parliament also passed several acts during this period, relating to Canada :— (1.) It formally gave up all claim to the right to dispose of provincial moneys. (2.) It granted to Canada control of the Post-offlce service. (3.) It surrendered to Canada the regulation of all matters relating to trade and commerce, so that Canada has ever since arranged her tariff legislation. (4.) It repealed the old navigation laws which hampered trade in the St. Lawrence. (5.) It repealed the clause of the Union Act which re- fused to recognize the French language in Legislative records. (6.) It authorized an elective Upper House. The union between the Canadas lasted from 1840 to 1867, when ^J|]^pJp^^jj, „ it gave place to the Federation we have to-day. It will be remem- came about, bered that the Union Act provided that the two provinces, formed Into one, should each have equally I'epresentative powers. At that time French Canada had a larger population by some 200,000 than English Canada, and felt somewhat aggrieved at losing the addl- 20 tional reprpRontntion to which It apponrod cntith'd. But durinj? tho next twenty years, KiiKHsh innniKration tlowcd nipidly into Upper Canada, so that by 18()1 that province had 300,000 more people than had Quebec. It was not long before a demand came from the Eng- lish provin<'(> for Increased representation. This demand th(! French province bitterly opposed as contrary to the terms set forth by the Union Act. The parties became so evenly balanced that it was almost Impossible to cany on public buslnc'ss, until in 1864 there was a practical deadlock. The leaders of both parties then agreed, as the only way out of the difficulty, to endeavor to bring about a federal union of all the British North American provinces. It so happened that representatives of the Maritime Provinces were meeting at Cliarlottetown to discuss a similar proposition for a Maritime union. Eight members of the Canadian Ministry at- tended their meeting, proposed the new and larger scheme with such effect, that all the provinces agreed to send repn'sentatives to a further conference at Quebec, which was lu>ld on the 10th of Oct., 18(54. Here a statement of seventy-two resolutions was drawn uj), which formed the basis of the ultimate imlon. The delegates re- turned to their respective Assemblies to secure their ratilication to the draft resolutions. The Canadian Legislature readily agreed. New Brunswick did not consent, however, until 1S(>(;. and Nova Scotia some time after. A final conference was then held in Jjon- don, th(> whole ground again carefully gon(> over and a few minor alterations made in the interests of the Maritime Provinces. A bill was drawn up. known as the British North American Act. which passed the Imperial Parliament and received Royal assent on the 20th of March, 1807. This new constitution came into force on July 1, 1807. which date Is the birthday of the Canadian Federation. The following year the great North-West was purchased, and in 1870 the I'rovince of Manitoba was catved out and admitted to the Union. British Columbia also joincHl the Dominion in 1871, on the understanding that it should be connected with the Eastern seaboard by a line of railway. Prince Edward Island was the last to seek admission in 1873. Newfoundland, though originally repi'esented in the Quebec Conference, still holds aloof, and its government is as distinct from that of the Dbmlnion as Is that of Australia ov the Cape of Good Hope. The Bi-ltish Empire to-day Includes one-fifth of the land surface and more than one-fifth of the world's population. As a market for her manufacturcnl products, this empire 1.^ of Immense value, while England depends very larg(^ly for existence upon the supplies and raw materials of her colonies. It is recognized plainly in Eng- land to-day. that Canada is necessary to the unity of the Empire, and of all the Colonial possessions Canada enjoys the fullest prl- 21 vik'Ros of Holf-vrovornnKMit. The entire expeuse of (lefcndinj; the Kmplro is borne by Great Britain. Her protection prevents foreign nttacliincnt, her capital opens up Canadian industries, her sons havu bt'conu' our most acceptable colonists. Our only expense is the cost of Kidcau Hall, which, since Confederation, has amounted to about three million dollars. England does not attempt to tax us ; on the contrary, slie submits to our levying hipli protective duties upon her numufactures. Wldle Canada has not the ri>;lit to negotiate treaties in lier own name, her ri^lit to l>e represented duvet, in all negotiations affecting her, Is conceded. The demand for exclusive control of our treaty making is hardly a fair one, unless we are ready to disju'use with England's assistance In enforcing the pro- visions thus made. rWf-Dr. .!, (!. lioiniiiot'B "Mnimiil of the Oonstitiitional History of CaniMla;" " Lociil Oovernmeiit in Caiiadu " ami other works. LECTUIIE V. THE CANADIAN CONSTITUTION. Textual Stuuy ok thk Bkiti.sh Nouth America Act 1867, Sections 1 to 95. Preamble — Divisions of the Act — Preliminary—Union— The Central Executive Power — The Central Legislative Autliority — Provincial Constitutions— Provincial Legislative Authority — Distribution of Legislative Powers. We have reviewed the steps leading up to the formation of the Canadian Confederation ; we have spent an evening each in the study of the British Constitution, and the American example ; now we will make a textual study of a portion of the Canadian Consti- tution as granted by the Imperial Parliament in 18G7, and known as the " British North America Act." The Act opens with a preamble which (1) sets forth the Preamble, occasion for its enactment ; viz., that the Provinces of British North America have expressed a desire for union ; (2) defines the nature of this union to be federal and under the British Crown; ■ )0 niTiRiOllH of the Act. Preliniinitry. ITnioii . The Central Kzecutive Power. (3) (It'clnrcs that (ho couHtltution to bo plvcn Hliall follow the Brltl«h moilol (4)stnt('s that Huch union would advance both colonial and British Interests ; (5) prru-eeds to define the scope of the ensulnR Act, in that it Hhall provide f(»r the (>stabllshnieiit of LeKlslatlvo authority and declare the nature of Executive (toveniinent, in the now Confederation ; ( to 101. 8. lieventies, debts, ass«'ts, taxation ; .sections 102 to 12(5. 9. Miscellaneous prcivlslons ; sections 127 to 144. 10. Intercoit)aial raihay ; section 14.'>. 11. Adndssion of otlier colonies ; sections 14(5 to 147. Tlien follow live seliedules delininj; the olectoral districts, taiiing Inventory of provincial stock-in-trade and assets, and jriving formu- lae for oatli of alle>?ianee and declaration of Its local legislature, and that a decennial census shall, commencing witt» 1871, be hereafter taken, upon whicli shall be based the representa- tion in Parliament of the varioiis provinces. The Third Division of the Act, Sections 9 to Id, undertakes to de- fine the nature of the Executive Government. At its head is the Britisli Sovereign, represented In Canada by tlie Governor-General. The Governor-General chooses and summons his advisers, and that body is linown as the '* Queen's Privy Council for Canada" (the " Cabinet" being the Executive of this Council). The powers for- merly enjoyed by the several provincial governors, ai"e now united 3S in tlu' (}ov»'riior-(J('iu'ral. Th«' Rrltlsli Sovereign is dccian-il to be the ortlciiil licjul of the ('iiimdiau army and navy. Tlu* capital of til*' Dominion is tixcd at Ottawa. Tlu' Fourlii Division of tlic Act, Sections 17 to .".7. provides foi' fjIgiiiauV,'.'' the constilntion (»1' llie Legislative autliority In tiie Dominion. Authority. There shall be one general raiiiament for the Dominion. This shall <'onsist of tliree l)ranclies; viz. :— ied witiiin six months of tile uidon. and tliercafter meet at least once a year. Tlie privi- leges, immunitie.s, and powers of mend)ers shall be as In Great Bri- tain. The iiinul>er of mendiers in tlie Senate as stated in the Act is 1'2. (It now ninnlters Sl.i OriKinaliy tlie three divisions Ontario. (Quebec, and the Maritime I'rovinces considered together, had I'liual representation. The (pialitlcatlon for Senators then fol- lows. Tlieir api»ointmeiit is made by tlie (Jovernor(Jeneral. The Queen has furtiier power in emergency to name threo or six addi- tional senators. (A power never as yet called into use.) A sena- tor's tenure of ottice Is for life. Ho may, however, resign, (»r. under certain conditions enumerated, may cease to be (pialith'd. Tho (lOvernor-tJeneral appoints the Si)eaUer of the Senate. Fifteen members form a cpiorum ; a majority decides, the Speaker always votes, and a tie vote is equivalent to a negative. Tlie number of mend)ers in tlie House of Commons, as stated in tlie Act, is 181. (Tliere are now lil."».) The House is summoned by the (Jovernor- (ieneral. No Senator can also be a member of the House. Then follows in the Act an enumeration of the electoral districts of the four provinces to be followed in the first election. Ontario is jjiven 82 members (now !)2). Quebec r the election laws of the several pro- vinces. Provision is then made for the first election and for casual vacancies. (This election law has since been altered, as we will see In Lecture X.) The Speaker of the House shall be elected from and by the members of that body, and over it he shall preside. Provision is made in case of his absence. p(>rmanent or temporary. Twenty members form a quorum of the House, a majority decides, and the Speaker votes only in case of tie. The life of a House shall not exceed five years, though the (iovernor-General may earlier dissolve it. Quebec shall continue to have (55 representatives in the House. As on is to Quebec's population, so shall the repre- sentation of any given province be to its population, a readjustment of representation to be made after each decennial census. Sec- tions r»8 to rtl treat of money votes, and Royal assent. Measures dealing with revenue must emanate from the House, and only upon recommendation of the Governor-(ieneral. (This practically 24 means that they must come from tlu' Ministry.) A l)ill liaviny passed Paiiiamcut r('<]uir(>s Royal assent. Tliis may bo either im- mcMliately firanted Ity tlu- (Jovernor-CJenoral, aotinj; in the Qm>en'H name, or such assent may he withheld, or the bill may b(> reserved for fui-ther considf^ration by the llonu^ (government. Any act may be disallowed by the Queen within two years, and cannot bo in force as law without Uoyal assi'ut. Provinoial Division V. of the Act, sections r»S to '.K). deals with provincial constitutions. With the introduction of the British North America Act, 18r»7, wo find the ]>osition i)reviously occupied by the Imperial Government towards each separate colony now filled by th(> newly created Do- minion (Jovernment. Tlie colonies are now provinces. Where be- fore Imperial control had been dii'ectly exercised over each, now this is sui)erscded by Dominion control, and the Imperial CJovern- ment is call(>d upon to deal only with one central power. As there was now a division of authority between the central and local gov- ernments, it was necessary that such coloni(>s. as pnn'ioiisly had had governments of their own. should have the limits of their new powers defined ; and it was nec(>ssary that the old province of Canada, which by the Act was divided into two provinces, should be furnished with a local government for each of its new divisions. The sections (from r>8 to 90) of the British North AmcuMca Act, 1807. which make up division Y. of this Act. treat of tlie regulations affecting the Provincial liOgislatures. Sections r>8 to (iS deal with th(- Executive power, being nearly the same in each province. Sections GO to 00 deal with the Legislative' power, which varied considerably with the several provinces. The chief executive officer of each province is the Lieut. -(lOver- nor. He represents the Dominion Government. His appointment emanates from the Governor-General in Council, to whom he is re- sponsible, and by whom he may be removed. His term of office ordinarily is five years, his salary i)eing provided for out of the Dominion funds, and his oath of office being similar to that of the Governor-General. In his capacit.v as chief executive, the Lieut.- Govc'rnor is advised by an I]xecutiv(> (^>uncil called together by himself, though responsible to the L(>gislatin'e. The Lieut.-Gover- nor may act contrary to the advice of his Council, but he does so at his peril. In the Province of Quebec, this Council to-day is composed of seven members, the Provincial Treasurership at this moment being vacant. In case of a Lieut.-Goveruor being unable to discharge his duties, a substitute may be appointed by the Gover- nor-(}eneral-in-Council. The Act then Axes the capitals for the various provinces, expressly stating, however, that it remains with-. in the jtowcr of the I.ofal I>t'f;islatnr('S to ohanso the scat of gov- onniuMit if so disposod. Sections GJ) to 90, next treat of tlie provincial IcRislative atitliority; rrnyinciai and tliis consideration falls nnder six snl)-dlvisions :— (1.) Provisions .vuliiority. expressly api)lical)le to Ontario, (sections (JO and 10); (2.) Sptvially api)lical)le to Qnebec, (71 to SO); (.'{.) To Ontario and Quebec, (81 to 87); (4.) To Nova Scotia and New Brtniswick, (88); (.'>.) To all but New Brunswick. (SO); ((».) Provisions alik(> applicable to all of the four ]u-ovinces, (00). (1.) The Ontario l.efjislature consists of a liieut.-CJovernor and one House only, styh'd the I^ejiislative Assembly. (New Bruns- wick, Manitoba. Prince Edward Island, and British Columbia have also but on(> House.) Fornn'rly tlu' Ontario House contained 82 members. There are now, however, OU, rcjiresenting the i)arlia- meutary constitm>ncies. Manliood sulTraye, (lualified by residence, obtains in Ontario. (2.) Quebec has, besides a Lieut. -(Jovernor, a bicameral legisla- ture, that is, there are two Houses— a Legislative Council and a Legislative Assembly. Tlie Quebec Legislative ('ouncil is composed of 24 members, appointed by tlie Lieut. -Governor for life. The districts they rej.re.sent. their (pialitications and tlie rules in regard to filling vacancies, are the same as in the case of Dominion Sena- tors. The Council is itself the .lurtge as regards what constitutes proper (pialification of its members. One of their number is ap- pointed Speaker by the Lieut. -(Jovernor, ten members form a quorum, a majority decides, the Sjieaker always votes, and a tie vote is ecpiivalent to a negative. Tlie Quebec TiCgislative Assembly was, after Confederation, composed of ()."> members. That number, in 1800, was incrt>ased to 72. The boundaries of the provincial electoral districts, therefore, no longer coincide with those made for Dominion purposes In this province. (;?.) Certain iirovisions now folloAv in the Act eir Legislative Assemblies was direcled to be held within six inontlis of .Inly 1, 18<)7. Eadi Lieut.-C'overnor was to summon in tlie Queen's name his respective Provincial liCgislature. No official in the employ of the province could be also a member of the Legislative Assembly. It was understood, however, that this restriction sliould not affect members of the Executive Council. Contrary to American custom, a (\inadian Cabinet :Minister may sit in either House. A member, however, called to be a Cabinet Minister, reipiires to again come up for election in his constituency. The duratitm of a Provincial liCgislature. unless it be sooner dissolved by the Lleut.-Governor, is four years, (in Quebec it has been alt«'red to five years), and a period of one full year must not be allowed to elapse between the 26 close of Olio session and the coninienceinent of the next. The re- gulations regarding quorum, etc., whlcli we have already considered in respect to the Dominion House of Commons, arc; practically the same for the Provincial Assemblies. (4.) Nova Scotia and New Brunswick eacli had, at the time of ConfcMleration, a properly constituted I^egislature. It was pro- vided that this continue under the same constitution as heretofore, except where the creation of the new power limited tlie former sphere of authority. The New Brunswiciv legislative body was ac- tually in session at the time of Confederation, and this body was permitted to till its limit of legislative existence. (5.) The local Legislature of Nova Scotia, howi'ver, had fulfilled its time, and tlie new provinces of Ontario and Quebec had as yet no separate Legislatures. These thri'e provinces, th(>refore, have provision made for them in the Act under which their first local elections were iield. ((>.) In finally disposing of this subject of legislative power in the four provinces. i)rovision is made in tlie Act tiiat in matters relat- ing to money votes and Koyal assent, dealt with elsewhere from a Dominion standpoint, (se(» sections ">.■» to r>7) th(> sani(> proctnlure should be followed, mutatis mutandis, in Provincial Legislatures, nistribution ( f And uow Coining to Division VI., we talie up the consideration of Powers. that most im])ortant topic the Distribution of Legislative Powers. A sphere of action was to be provided by tlie British North America Act, ISCu, for l)oth the central and local authorities. Definite limits, within which each authority was to be supreme, must needs be set forth. It was to be settled at the outset wlier(> the Do- minion and where the Province was to l)e in full control. The experience gained by the Amcn-ican repul)lic, which had only just emerged from an exhaustive civil war over th(> question of States' rights, was to be so taken advantage of by Canadian law-makers, as to make the rejietition of a similar catastrophe impossible upon Canadian soil. This Division VI., treating of the distribution of legislative powers, is made up of sections 01 to 05 of the Act. We will take up those sections seriatim. Section 01 outlines the powers, in the matter of making laws, re- legated to the Dominion Legislative. After making tiie general statement that Parliament may make laws " for the peace, order and good government" of Canada, on matters not expressly taken out of its hands and placed under exclusiv(! control of the provinces, there follows for greater c(>rtainty a specific list of tweiity-nin(; sub- jects, selected, as being so national in nature, as to rightfully fall within the control of the central power. Tliis section closes with a declaration in effect that the "residuum of power" shall belong to Parliament and not to the Provincial Legislatures. Section 02, 27 on the othoi* hand, onumerated sixteen chissos of subjects in respect of which the Provincial Legislature of each jirovince may exclusively make laws. Thus, between the two lists, nearly every matter that can come up for consideration, Is definitely assifjned to one or other sphere of lejrislative authority. Section 98 deals fully with the question of Education, laying down as a general principle the right of the Provincial Legislature to make laws upon this subject. But, owing to the fact that there was no system of national schools, but in certain provinces separatt; schools, wherein various denominations had, hitherto, according to their respective beliefs, determined wliat should be the instruction given their children ; and it was conceived to be not impossible that at some later date a majority in a Provincial Legislature might desire to override the wishes of the minority on these mat- ters ; therefore, certain restrictions were laid ujjon provincial legis- lation, and tlie way left open for appeal to the liigher power, should any parties have reason to feel aggrieved. Section 94 gives to Parliament the j-iglit to legislate for three provinces, so as to bring about uniformity of laws in regard to pro- perty and civil rights, court procedure, etc. Any such legislation by Parliament would re(]uire, however, the sul)se»iuent approval of the local government before it could come into force as law in any province. Care is taken, however, in this section, to omit Quebec, wherein the French law, as it existed at the time of the cession, remains. Section 95 deals with Agriculture and Immigration. Here we have a case of wliat is tevmed " concurrent powers." Each gov- ernment may pass laws on these subjects. If, however, there is any collision, the Provincial Government is the one required to give way. (To 1)6 continued.) 28 LKCTUUK VI. THE CANADIAN CONSTITITTION. Judicutiiie. Revenue, Debts, etc. Thxti-al Sti-dy ok thk v.. X. A. A(T,s ISdl \886~-Courlii?es in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick). Until a uniform system of law prevails throushout the Dominion, judges of Provincial Courts shall be chosen from the bar of their respective provinces. This shall always be the case in Quebec. Superior Court Judges are appointed for life, being removable only by the Governor-General on joint address of Senate and House. Salaries of these judges are provided for out of the Dominion purse, being the seventh fixed chavge upon the consolidated fund. The Canadian Parliament is given power, from time to time, to establish a Court of Appeal, and additional Courts as necessary. (This has since been done in the case of the Supreme Court of the Dominion.) Thus provision is made for the administration of justice. We have now reached Division VIII., comprising sections 102 to 120 inclusive, and dealing with Dominion revenues, debts, assets, taxation, etc. Parliament has full control of all Dominion moneys and revenues. These form one consolidated fund to be appropriated for the public service after the deduction of certain fixed charges. The first charge is the cost incidental to the collection of the re- venue ; the second, the interest on the public debt ; third, the salary of the Governor-Gen(>ral ; then in order follows the paymcat of moneys borrowed to build the I. C. II., to purchase the North-West, borrowed for public works ; and the last fixed charge is the salary of the judges. These having been paid. Parliament can appro- priate the balance as it desires. When Confederation was entered into, such assets of each province, as were readily convertible into funds, were ci-edited to each province. Such public works as were of national utility were transferred from each province to the Do- minion. All lands, mines, minerals, etc., still remained in the 29 possession of the several provinces. The Dominion became liable for the previously contracted provincial debts, but as the propor- tional Indebtedness of the provinces varied, the following plan was adopted. Ontario and Quebec were permitted to turn over to the new Dominion their united debt of d^Vz millions. The Dominion further agreed to assume an eight million dollav debt for Nova Scotia and a seven million dollar debt for New Brunswick. The total net debt of the provinces, thus assumed at Confederation, amounted to about Tf) millions. The building of th(! Intercolonial Railway and the C. P. K., of various public works, the purchase of the North-Wost, canals, waterways, etc., have gradually increased this amount, so that to-day the net debt of the Dominion is about 250 millions. As the Dominion had acquired most of the sources of provincial income, an allowance was made to each province to help pay the expenses of carrying on the local governments. On- tario v.-as to receive (by section 118 of the Act), .$80,000 per annum ; Quebec, $70,000 ; Nova Scotia, $00,000, and New Brunswick, $r)0,000; and an additional grant of 80 cents per head of the population. A further grant was also made to New Brunswick. After Confedera- tion, all trade barriers between the pi-ovinces Avere removed. The products of one province were admitted free of duty into another. For a time, however, until one common tariff could be arranged, it was understood that whore imported goods passed from one pro- vince into another, the difference between the two tariffs should be made good. For four years after Confederation, New Brunswick was allowed to collect her lumber dues. Dominion property and lands were declared exempt from local taxation. Such revenues as by this Act wovo reserved for the respective provinces, should be under the control of the Provincial liOgislatures, each province hav- ing also its consolidated fund for the public service within its boundaries. Division IX., which includes sections 127 to 144. contains a number Miscriianeous of miscellaneous provisions :— Former members of Provincial Legis- ''""''■'''""s. lative Councils upon becoming Senators, should forfeit their old po- sitions ; every member of the Senate or Commons, b(>fore taking his seat, should take the oath of allegiance and declaration of qualifica- tion ; until otherwise provided, the existing law-courts, officers, etc,, were to be continued; the former officials of the provinces were, in the main, to become employees of \ho Dominion, the Governor- Genefal-in-Councll having power from tim(^ to tijue to appoint such new officers as were needed. Section l.")2 explains Canada's posi- tion regarding treaties. As a nation, Canada cannot enter into treaties with another nation. Her treaties are made for her by the Imperial authorities. Canada has the riglit. however, to legis- late as to how the obligations imposed by treaty .shall be carried 30 out. Section 133 states that cither the French or the English lan- guage is permissible for all purposes in Parliament and in the Legis- lature of Quebec. The Provincial Lieut. Governors appoint their executive. It is with the advice and consent of this executive that ths' duties of eacli member of that body and of their subordinates are detined, and the Lieut. -(Jovernor-in-Council appoints any further officers necessary, and detines their duties. This places the ap- pointment of local officers in th(> control of tlie Provincial Govern- ment of the day. Then follow in the Act a number of provisions of a temporary nature, providing that, at the cr<'ation of the new central power, the previous acts and proclamations for Quebec and Ontario sliould be held to be valid until they were superseded by definite legislation. In settling the question of financial arrange- ments in tlie formation of the new Dominion, a Board of Arbitra- tors was named. A division of the records, formerly belonging to Upper and Lower Canada in common, was to be made by the Do- minion Government. Power was also given tlie I^ieut.-Governor of (Quebec, to constitute townships in portions of the province hitherto unoccupied. The above outline of tliese miscellaneous provisions is necessarily very fragmentary and disconnected, as these sections were intend(>d to provide for contingencies not stated in the main body of the Act. iiitercoioniiii Division X. One of the stipulations of the ITnion was, that a railway be built entirely iipon Canadian soil, connecting tlie city of Quebec with the city of Halifax In Xova Scotia. This was under- talcen by the Dominion (Jovernment, and has since been owned and operated by it. It is known as the Intercolonial Railway. ^t'h?rCo*io.i?e8 '^'*^' ^'^*^*^ Division, XL, of tlu> Act, provides that should the Can- adian Parliament and the LegislattU'e either of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, or British Columbia, petition the Queen for permission for one of these provinces to be .ioined to the union, such power would be granted liy the Imperial (Jovernment. Newfound- land and Prince Edward Island were each to be entitled to a repre- sentation in the Senate of four members. The fovn- members from Prince Edward Island, however, were to be deducted from thoso already assigned to the Maritime Provinces. At the end of the Act Schedules. ^re live schedules :— The first gives the electoral districts for the first election after Confedtn-atlon ; the second gives the twelve eastern townships, the boundaries of which weve specially fixed under section 80 ; the third scliedule describes the provincial public works and property that were to become the property of the Do- minion, according to section 108 ; the fourth schedule gives a list of the assets in property which Ontario and Quebec conjointly contri- buted ; the fifth schedule gives the wording of the oath of allegi- ance and de laration of qualification required according to Sec. 28. 31 Since 1S(!7 there have been four Acts that may rishtlv be inchul- Acu ofl in tlie Canadian Constitution :—Tlie iirst is known as the Acttoiae;. for autliorizinj? a fjiiarantee of interest on a loan to be raised by Canada to defray tlie expense of constructing; the Intercolonial Rail- way. This we haA'e seen to be the fourth fixed charge upon tho Dominion revenue. Then in 1871 an Act was passed which pro- vided for the establishment of new provinces not enumerated in the original Act, and made a fifth charge iipon the consolidated fund by the purchase of the North-West. In 1S75, a third Act was passed, removing certain doubts respecting Section 18 of the origi- nal Act. and making it possible for parliamentary committees to examine witnesses under oath, thus exceeding the privileges of Im- perial committees. Finally, in 188(5, a fourth Act was passed re- gulating the ivpresentation in Parliament which the territories, not included in any province, should have. These live enactments are known as the British North America Acts, 18n7-18S(!. A copy can l)e readily obtained by sending ten cents to the Queen's Printer at Ottawa. This necessarily imperfect outline covers the Impevlal legislation which provided the Dom'nion of Canada with its constitution. T'Wc -Clement's Canadian Constitution. Munro— " The Coimtitiition of Canada Houston—" Constitutional Docuuienls of Canada. " LElTTHE VII. THE DOMINION PARLIAMENT IN MOTION. Tlie As.seinbliiipr of Parliainent— The Opening Ceremonies Queen's Speecli — CJonmiittees — Method of Legislation— Tiie Home of Parliament — How a Bill becomes a Law — Tlie Permanent Departments. We will suppose that there has recently been a general election, and that a new Parliament is about to assemble for its first session. Tlie Covernor-fJeneral, by proclamation In the Queen's name, sum- mons the Senators and Commoners to appear upon a certain day at 32 The Opening Oeremoiiiof-'. (Jucen'K Speech. Coniinittecs. the Dominion capital for tho dospatch of public butsinoss. Dnrlnj; the morning of this day, the members of Commons gather together in their chamber, take the oath prescribed in the British North America Act, and sign the roll ki'pt by the clerk. At an appointed hour in the afternoon, the Senate, whose Speaker has already been appointed by the Governor-tJeneVal, assend)les within Its proper chandler. The Governor-General, escorted by military, and amid martial music and the boom of cannon, is driven to the entrance of the main Parliament building. lie enters the Senate Chamber and occupies the throne. The (ii'ntleman Usher of the Black Rod is now despatched to summon the Commons to attend and hear what the Governor-(;eueral has to say. This functionary, after rAp- plng three times upon the door, enters the House of Commons, and in French and English summons its members to attend upon the Governor-General in the Senate Chamber. Upon arrival there, if the House has, as yet chosen no Speaker, Its members are dismissed and told to reassemble the following day headed by a duly elected Speaker. Again assembling, the Governor General delivers from the throne what is known as the Queen's speech, which is supposd to declare the causes for the summoning of Parliament. This speech is, in reality, the composition of the ^linistry, is largely con- gratulatory in character, and outlines only in the vaguest possibU' manner the proposed l(>gislation of tho session. After the delivery of the speech, tho Commons retire to their own chamber, move a pro forma bill as a proof of their official existenci', and then usually adjourn until the following day. It is customary for a resolution in reply to the Queen's speech, thanking the Governor-Geni>ral for what he has said, to be moved and seconded in both Chambers. This is oftentimes tho signal for the opening of a fierce party debate. The Opposition can hardly criticise tho utterance of the Governor- (^.eneral, but they frequently mercilessly handle the resolution in reply. If the Opposition feel strong enough, they may move an amendment, or even defeat the Government upon this first measure. One of the lirst proceedings of the session is the appointment of committees. This is ustially done by a committee of selection, named by the Speaker. There are four kinds of committees :— (1.) The Committ(>e of the whole House ; (2.) Standing or Permanent Committees, each named to consider a definite class of subjects ; (3.) Select committees, appointed from time to time for special busi- ness ; (4.) Joint committof^s, containing members of both Senate and House, for compromise purposes. There are in the House eight principal standing comnnttees, those with which Ave are most familiar being, standing orders, privileges and elections, railway- canal-telograph, private bills. These committees, as we shall sjee hereafler. play a very important part in the making of our laws. 33 Tlio nu'tliod of legislation is rcgulati'd, (1) bv statutes, (2) bv stand- Mcthodof in;; orders and rnU's, {'A) l»y cnstonis. Section 'A of the British North America Act says that money bills nood the (»overiior-Geue- ral's recommendation, and section i;{.'> requires all Acts to be printed in both lan.i;na;,^'s ; with these exceptions, the procedure of the House is that of the IOn;,dish Parliament. There are three kinds of bills :— Government bills, introduced by a minister with the con- sent of his collea^jnes ; i)nblic bills, introduced by a mend)er, but intended to enact laws atfectinK the whole people ; and private bills, introduced by i)rivate members upon (piestions i)uchin;; individual citizens. Government bills are ;;iven precedence on government days, and i)rivate l)ills on private members' days. Karly in the session it is customary for the Finance Minister t(» brin^j; in the " Hud;;ct." that is the annual tiuancial statement. In connectioii with this the estimated expenditure of (iovernment for the cominj; year is subnutted to rarliament, and the mend)ers are asked to vote the necessary funds. When the Ilnuse becouies a Committee of the Whole to consider the estimates in detail, it is said to be " in supply." All measures for raising I'cvcnue to meet the expen.ses of Government, are considered by the House in Committee of the Whole, at which time tlie House is calhul the Committee of Ways and Means. The introduction of the Budget and the request for the necessary supplies, is usually made the occasion of an attack upon the G» vernment's entire policy by the Opposition, which being pressed to a vote, tests the strength of the opposing parties in the new House. As we may now in imagination consider rarliament as duly con- ^,!j^, i"""^*, "' stituted and in proi)er working order, let us visit the capital city and view for our.selves the government machine in motion. Ottawa, which was first occupied in ISCi.") as the capital of old Canada, is situated between the Chaudiere Falls and the northern (>ntrance to the Rideau Canal. Tt is the centre of the buuber trade of the sec- tion. The main Parliament buildings are magnificently situated ui)on a high bluff conunanding an extensive view of the surrounding country. The buildings ave of cream colored sand-stone with red facings, the architecture being twelfth century gothic. The central tower rises to a height of 220 feet. Tlie buildings cost about flvtc million dollars, and cover four acres. The chandlers occupied by the Senate and Commons ar(> side by side. The Speaker in the Senate Chamber is s(>ated at the northern end. and the seats are ar- ranged with ii free space running lengthwise of the room. In th" Commons this method of arrangement is reversed, the Speaker being seated upon the west side of the room, the members sitting at double desks, the Government supporters upon his right, and tlie Opposi- tion upon his left. The members of the Ministry, of whom there 3 are three in the Senate and fourteen in tlic House, occupy seats in tlie front riinli, while llie lendint,' debaters of tlie Ojtposition sit in the scats nearest faeiny tlieni, Tlie visitor to the House, if fortu- nate enough to secure a copy of the orders of the day, linds that tlie rontinc iiroceedinjJTs are as follows :—(!.) rresentiiij; petitions ; (2.) Iteadinj; and receiviiij; petitions ; (.'{.) Presenting; reports by Stand- ing and Select ("onmiittces ; (-1.) Motions ; (5.) IntroducMon of bills. Then eonie the orders of the day, (piestions to be put by members, notices of motion, etc. It is always of interest to tlie visitor to witness a division. The aoufx is h(>ard throujjhout the corridors, and the members lloek in to their seats. The Clerk of the Honse then rises and proceeds to call over the 21i5 names of the Assembly. If a member, when his name is called, desires to assent, he rises !ind bows. If he do(>s not concur, he remains silent in his seat. The list is twice j>one over, all the yeas answeriiifj^ the lirst time, and the nays, the second. The chief clerk then announces the result. How a Bill 'x'lii, successive sta>?es by which a bill becomes law are of much interest. These are seven in number :—(!.) Introdnction. In the House, every bill is introduced npon motion for leave; specifyiufj; the title. The member having the bill in charge usually explains his measure, but there is at this point rarely any debate. (2.) Leave having been granted to introduce the bill, it is tlien r(>ad for the first time, without amendment or debate. The Speaker then pro- poses the formal question, *' When shall the bill be read a second time ? " and a day having been tix. (.■{.) Now comes tlie second reading, when the Commons discuss the principle l)ut not th(» details of the measure. A vote is here usually taken and the bill may be altogether rejected. (4.) If, however, the prin- ciple involved is declared by the House to be a sotind one, and the 1)111 pa.;ses its second reading, it next comes to the f'oinmittee stage It may be considered by the House either as a Committee of the Whole, or may be referred to a Standing or Siiecial Committee. Assuming the House to be In Committee of the Whole Avhen the order of the day is reached, the Speaker puts the motion, " I do now leave the chair." Debate may here ensue. If the Speaker is per- mitted to leave the chair, the chairman of committees takes his place, and the bill comes up for consideration clause by clause. Changes may be made and amendments added. This is the critical stage of a bill. (.").) Having altered the bill to suit the majority of the House, the Committee of the Whole tlien rises, and the House is again properly constituted, and the previous chairman reports progr(-ss to the Speaker, relating what the House in Committee has done. (0.) It is then determined that upon a certain day the bill shall be read for its third and last time. No amendment is now 3fl expected. (7.) IMnnlly, the motion is put " that this hill do pass," which usually carries, no one dlssentinK. The bill is now aKain printed, and koos up to the Senate, where It undergoes a similar course ol' treatment. If the Senate amend the bill, it must then be r<'tm'ned to the House to receive its concun'(>nce. If the Senate pass till' bill without amendment, however, it «oes on to th(^ Gover- nor-fSeneral to receive the Roynl assent. This havinj; been jjiven, the bill becomes law. During: tlie session, and while the Oovernor-fJeneral Is In resi- JiXir^mroST'* dence, the sociul life of Ottawa is exceedingly brilliant. When Parliament is proroKued, matters assume a very quiet aspect. There are, however, a number of permanent departments, the work of wliich y;oes on unintei-ruptedly during the entire year. These depart menis may be said to be thirteen In number, each being pre- sided over by a Cabinet Minister and by a deputy head. The in- ferior ai)pointments are made after civil service examination, the head of the deiiartment selecting whom lie will from those duly qualilied. The following is a list of the departments :— (1.) Trade and Commerce.— Presided over by the Premier, Sir ^lackenzie Pow(>ll, under whom are two sub-departments, that of Customs, over which \. Clarke Wallace. .M.l*., has control, and that of Inland Uevenne, directed l)y .T. F. Wood, M.P. (2.) .Tustice.— Minister at its head, Sir Chas. Hibbert Tupper, assisted l\v Solicitor-Ceneral .T. .T. Curran, M.P. The Minister of .1usti<'e is the legal authority upon which tlu' Crown and the various departments act. This department is responsible for the enforce- ment of law, the cai'e of penit(>ntiaries, etc. (3.) State.— Th(> lion. A. R. Dickey. Tills department has control of state correspondence, records, registratiy the Hon. .Tohn Oostigan. und(>r whose charge ar(> tlie lighthouses, pilots, ports, harlior commissions, signal sei'vice, etc. ((!.) Railways and Canals.— The Hon. .John Haggart. which has control of the (iovernment railways and canals, subsidized lines, tolls, etc. (7.) Pul)lic AVorks.— The Hon. .T. A. Ouimet, which manages the public buildings, harl)ors, dredging, etc. (8.) Militia.— The Hon. .7. C. Patterson, which looks after the Can- adian militia and national defence. (9.) Interior.— The Hon. T. M. Daly, controlling the Crown Lands, M6 Indian AITnirs, North-Wost TcrrltorlcH. Imnilnnition. Kcolojjical nnd natunil history Hurvcys. (10.) A>,M"insus. patents, copy lijjl its, ti-ade marks, etc. (11.) Post Ottice.— Sir A. P. Caron directs tlic postal sorv, of tho Dominion. (12.) Pfivy rouncil.— The president of wldch is tlie Hon. W. R. Ives. 'I'liis Is not an ndministrativ(> department ; its main duty Is to ti-anslate into worltable rules tlie i)rovislons of sucli laws as are made by Parliament. Tiie President of the Privy Council is head of the Mounted Police. (13.) Office of Hi^h Commission(>r.— This office is held by Sir Tluis. Tnpi)er. who acts as resident n^ent for the Dominion at the Imperial Cotu't in London. The worl\ of these departments makes a larj;e force of emjiloyees necessary. The Ministers ordinarily spend most of their time dl- r<>ctinjr llieir dei)artments at the cai)ital. No visitor sliould leave Ottawa witiiout makinj; tlie round of the immense departmental buildings. Vide -Dr. nouritiot'H Parliamentary I'racticc iiiul Procetlurt' in Canadn. Tlu< Statesinaii g Vcar Hook, 1891. Tlu' .S7(ir Almanac, 1S95. Thie Statiftical Year Hook of Caimda, 1893. LECTURE VIII. CANADIAN POLITICAL PARTIES. Wliat is Piirty? -Succt>ssivp Caiiiidian Ministries since lH(i7— The National Policy — (ieneral Electii)n of IMS?— t^uentions at issue in the Election of IS'.il — The Liberal Platform to date— Liberal-Conservative Platform for 18!).")— The Patrons of Industry- Prohibition — Protestant Protective Association— Parliamentary Indei)endence. What 18 " Partv is orj;anized public opinion, and this is at once its iustifi- Party? . r- . i , cation and the proof of its necessity. If any number of persons share a. conviction. It is reasonable that they should unite to realize It." The political questions, affecting the Dominion, afford oppor- 87 tuiiity for wide dlvcrnt'iicc of n|)inion. TJiP Htiiiul taken by our pollticiiiiis natiinilly sciuinilcs tli<>iii into rival camps. Onr pur- poso in I Ills cliaptcr is to asct>rtaiii and di'linr ilif principles advo- cated l»y tiic various political groups wliicli are to l)e found anion;? Canadians. We need scan-ely revert historically to a date earlier than |,S(>7. ^.'"-cRfiivp Prior to llial time tiicr*' liad Ix-en it is true, liiberals and Conserva- Miiii»trii'n Hjiic)' 1)J67, tives, l>nt Con federal ion was tlie woriv of tiie i)eople irn'six'ctive of old time jiarty opiidon. Tlie lirst nnnistry after Confederation, aimed to include tlie al)iest representative men of both the former parties, and tiiiis came into use tlie name of Liberal-Conservative. An Op|)osiliMn parly was devel iiied from anion;; those wlio had ()p])osed (iie Confederation, afterwiirds auiiiiiiented from time to time tlirouKh otlier c;iuses. There have lieen si.v Parliaments since Con- federation, and soon the seveiitli sliall liave completed its allotted time. During lids jieriod live Ministrit>s liave lield sway. On Nov. ssion of a majority at Ottawa, and its leadership suc- cessively held by Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir J. J. C. Abbott, Sir John S. I). Tliompson. and Sir Mackenzie Howell. Between lS(i7 and 1S74, the Canadian tarilf averaged only about J'he Nfttionai Policy. 15 percent, and the country, owiiiK largely no doubt to th(» effect of the American Civil War upon that Uepublic. enjoyed a full degnie of prosperity. DuriufX the succeeding liiberal re;;ime, the tariff remained about the same, beins. if anytiiin^, slightly advanced. The Americans meanwhile adopted a hifjh protective s.ystem which gained and preserved for them their home market. A time of de- pression now followed in Canada, and th(> Libi'ral-Conservatives began to urge an increase in the tariff, at first merely to raise addi- tional revenue for developing the resources of the country, but after- wards with the purpose of affording Incidental prot(>ction to home Industries. On Alarch 7, 1S7S, Sir John A. Maedonald brought for- ward tlH' famous resolution in the House of Commons, setting forth the so-called National Policy. This resolution was defeated by the Liberal majority, but endorsed by the country at the succeeding election. It has been the main plank of the Liberal-Conservative party ever since. Another question causing party conflict in 1879, was the building of the C. P. II. During the first administration, a promise had been made to British Columbia that if she would enter the Confederation, which she did in 1871, a transcontinental railway would be undertaken by the Dominion Government. The 38 Liberals hat! not in the first place approved of this promise, nor (lid they while in jiower take any measures to put it into effect, but upon the return of the Liberal-Conservatives in 1878, immtnliato steps to redeem this pledge were undertaki-n. The road was com- pleted in 1885, having cost nearly seventy millions of dollars. The question is still a debated one as to whether the advantages de- rived are commensurate with the expenditure thereby entailed. «eneriii At the general elections in 1887, the two main arguments set forth r.Iectinii on887. by the Liberal-Conservatives for a continuance of public confidence were (1) the beneficial effects, already claimed to be apparent, as a result of the National Policy ; (2) the successful construction of tlie C. P. R. The ina.1ority of the Liberals strongly advocated free trade as the platform of their party. Tlie Hon. Edward Blake, however, in his celebrated Malvern speech declared himself unable to see how the n(>cessary revenue for carrying on tlie Government could be raised under free ti'ade without resorting to direct taxa- tion, and in consequence of this disagreement with the other leaders of his party, Mr. Blake resigned the leadership and was succeeded by the Hon. Wilfred Laurier. '"f^fuSi''^'^''' " Coming now to the last general election, 1891, we will consider the opposing platforms in that contest. The ^IcKinley tariff of 1890 was the direct occasion of the appeal being made to the elec- torate. Whethef this Act was passed with hostile int<'nt or not, it certainl.v did for a time cause hardship to certain Canadian pro- ducers. To secure some amelioration of its conditions became the avowcMl purpose of both political parties. Although tlie Oovern- meut of Sir John A. Macdonald was entitled to another parliamen- tary session, this leader preferred dissolution, declaring as his reason that he desired to enter into negotiations wltli the American Gov- ernment fresh from the electorate rather than with the support of a moribund Parliament. The platform of the Liberal Conservative party, as set forth in Sir John A. Macdonald's last manifesto, issued on the 8tli of Feb., 1891, may be summarized as follows :— (1.) The continuance of British connection ; (2.) A fair reciprocal trade ar- rangement with the United States ; (3.) A continuance of the Na- tional Policy ; (4.) The continued assistance to railways by liberal grants, and to steamship lines by generous subsidies, (the C. P. R. being cit(Hl as a proof of the success of this policy) ; (5.) No dis- crimination against Great Britain. The Tiiberals in reply argued (1.) That they too favored British connection, but if British con- nection clashed with Canadian interests, they were prepared to sacrifice the former rather than the latter ; (2.) They also favored reciprocal trade relations with the IJuited States, being prepared to go much further in that direction than tlie Liberal-Conservatives; (3.) As to the National Policy, the Liberals would abolish every 39 vostijro of pvotoction in it. Tho country hiul not adviinccd. they clainu'd, in consociucnu'o of this policy, bnt in spito of it. (4.) As to the C. P. H., its enormous cost outwcijjrhod its advantages, and tho principle of bonuses and subsidies was bad, and th(>y should be dis- continued ; (."».) Althoujjh in favor of unrestricti'd reciprocity with the United States, the Liberals stoutly aflirnied that commercial union was not necessarily n precursor of annexation.- The election of 1S91 resulted in thi> continuance in power of the Liberal-Conservative party. Tho Consi'rvalives secured 12."), and the Liberals \M) seats in the new Parliament. AVhile honors were pretty evi'uly distributed in the central provinces, the ronsorvatives were the greater gainers in the Maritime and Nortli-West sections. Since the general election, the Conservatives have strengthcmed . their position in the bye-elections, so that their normal majority in the House to-day runs from 55 to 05. Since the last g(>neral ehvtion, the Liberal partv has .somcnvhat ?!'";/'""'''"' remodelled its platform, and its views as s(>t forth at the Liberal to tiatc. Convention held in Ottawa in June of 189.'^, are as follows :— (1.) We favor a customs tavilf not based upon the protective principle, but ui)on th(> requirements of the pul)lic service ; (2.) We favor a reciprocal trade arrangement with the TInit(Hl States wh(>reby. in return for gaining the American markets for natural products, we are prepared to admit upon favorable terras a well-considered list of American manufactured articles. (^.) AVe cliarge the party in power with (>xtravagance and corruption in its management and expenditure of the public monies ; (4.) We stand for the strictest economy in the administration of the Government, condemning what we consider to have been the undue and iinnecessary inci'ease in the public debt ; (5.) We demand that, hereafter, a Minister accused of misconduct in otfice, be tried by tlie House of Commons, and not by a partisan Royal Commission ; (0.) We demand that the sales of Dominion public lands be made dir(>ct to settlers, upon as reasonable terms as possible ; (7.) We demand that the provincial franchise be adopted for Dominion elections ; (S.) We demand that when electoral divisions are framed for the House of Commons, the county boundaries be preserved ; (0.) We favor an elective Senate ; (10.) We endorse the taking of a Dominion plebiscite in order to ascertain the views of tho p(>ople regarding prohibition. At the approaching general election, the Liberal-Conservative r-ioerni- pal'ty will stand pretty much by the old platform of 1S01. The jij^Ii^f^';;,';" ^^ Colonial Conference, held in Ottawa last .Tune, with the jjrospect ''"■ ^^''^• that it will encourage closer relations between the British colonies and open furtlK r markets to the Canadian producer ; the trans- pacific cable and the tran.s-Atlantic service now in contemplation ; the French treaty, recently ratified ; Canada's comparative immunity 40 The PatroiiB of Industry. I'rohibitioM. (luririR the n-ccnt world-wide jxTiod of financial depression ; the faet that a IK'niocratic administration at Washington lias consider- ably modified the severities of the McKinley tariff without it havinjr been necessary for Canada to make sacrifices to obtain this end ; the measure of tariff reform that the (Jovernmcnt carried through last session, and the modification of th(> Franchise and Banking; Acts, liable to be accomplished during the coming session, all these will doubtl(>ss be urged by supporters of the pres( nt (Jovernment as additional reasons for their being granted a further lease of power. As the French say, " We shall see wliat we shall S(>(\" And now we will consider the platform ai.l principles of a new party, one not yet with separate^ rei)resentation within the walls of Parliament, and yet not iirobably long destined to nnnain luu'epre- sented. I refer to the Patrons of Industry. This is primarily a farmers' organization. Its aim is to constitute a third party. Al- though the movement is now but three years old, it claims to have over one thousand associations and nearly 20<),()(»0 members in On- tario alone. The patrons have an independent deh^gation of i<) in the recently elected Ontario Jjegislature. They vehemently deny any aftiliation with existing parties. Their platform is as follows : —(1.) Maintenance of British c(mnection ; (2.) Reservation of the public lands for the actual settlers ; (.'?.) Purity of administration, and absolute independence of Parliament ; (4.) Rigid economy in every department of the public service ; (o.) Simplification of the laws and a general reduction in the machinery of Government ; (G.) The abolititm of the Canadian Senate ; (7.) The election of county offlcials ; (S.) Tariff for revenue only, falling upon lu.Kuries rather than upon necessaries ; (D.) Reciprocal trade upon fair and equitable terms between Canada and the world ; (10.) IjCgislation to protect labor and its products from combinations and monopo- lies ; (11.) Prohibition of bonuses and grants to railways ; (12.) Pre- paration of Dominion and Provincial A'oters' lists by municipal ofli- cers ; (13.) Conformity of electoral districts to county l)oundaries. There is as yet no distinct Labor Party in Canadian politics. Probably the Patrons of Industry stand highest in favor with the militant electoral forces of organized labor. The l»rohibition Party has not, as yet. a separate existence in the Dominion House. Its ideas find acceptance with members upon both sides of th(> Speaker. It is probable that a majority of the electors in every province, with the exception ])ossibly of Quebec, would vote, upon a plebiscite, in favor of prohil)ition. Sucli a mea- sure can, however, only emanate from the Dominion Parliament, the Provinces having only the poAver to restrict the traffic. The main declaration of this party is as follows :— " Tliat in tlu>ir opinion the time has arrived when it is expedient to prohibit the manufac- 41 ture. importation and sale of intoxicating liquor for beverage pur- poses." The Liberal party have Introduced a plank in their plat- form for taking a Dominion plebiscite on this question. On the other hand, the Conservative party appointed a Koyal Commission to consider the effects of the liquor traftic upon all interests, and the measures adopted elsewhere to lessen its evils. The recent mani- festo of the Dominion Alliance strongly advocated a union of all prohibitionist voters for concerted political action, the putting for- ward of indeiiendent prohibition candidates in the various Parlia- mentary constituencies— or where this was iinadvisable, the offer of the total prohibition vote to candidates of avowed prohibition principles— and the immediate organization for political work In every constituency. Anotlu'r organization, although hardly entitled to be included pr^'g'tf"^* among national political parties, " The Protestant Protective Asso- AsBociation elation." re(iuires mention. Its main purpose is to combat what it characterizes as " the aggressive efforts of the Roman Catholic Church to control the Dominion." It advocates a non-sectarian school system, the taxation of unoccupied religious properties, and considers the election of a Roman Catholic to office as perilous to national interests. The existence of this faction has tended to confuse the interests in moi'e than one contest. Probably the best known instance of independence upon the floor {'ir''''"»e"Jj»f^>' of Parliament is the secession from the Conservative ranks of Messrs. Dalton McCarthy and Colonel O'Brien. These gentlemen have supported the Conservative pai'ty in its general trade policy, but favor a greater measure of tariff reform than it has yet pleased the Government to introduce, while they condemn the gerrymander, the Caron whitewash, and Avould abolish the French language and separate schools outside of the Province of Quebec. Independents are not numerous in the Dominion Parliament. A member fre- quently finds a tender conscience to be a disadvantage rather than otherwise. There are probably not more than half-a-dozen on either side of the House who would desert their party from con- scientious scruples. Fide— Life of Sir John A. MncDonald. Life of Hon. Alexander Mackenzie. 42 LECTUIJE IX. CANADA'S FUTURE DESTINY. The possible Alternntives. Disunion. The Possible Alternatives -Disunion of tlie Dominion— Annexation witli the United States— From an American am) from a Canadian Standpoint — Canadian Independence— Considerations in favor of and against Independence — Imperial Federation - Considered in the Canadian rarliament— Colonial (Conference at Ottawa— An Imperial Parliament— Statement of Lecturer's conclusion. When now wo conic to inquire what tlic future may have in storo for this country, our first question naturally will be : " Does serious discontent exist with rejjanl to the present situation V " If the |)eople of Canada are contented and happy, then we may infer that no olianjie is imminent ; if, on the other hand, they are discontented and restless, wo may expect to behold altered conditions in the near future. In supjiort of the contention that the former is the correct view of the case, let me point out the apparent lack of serious attention given to the consideration of the subject of this lecture ; from which fact the conclusion is natiu-al that this is not a burning question, else would it more freipiently occupy the columns of our public prints, instead of serving almost wholly as a topic for literary articles or ornamental addresses. And why should not Canadians be content with existing conditions V For the last fifty years Great Britain has kept back nothing in the way of self-government that our i'(>i)resentatives have desired. We enjoy, to as full a measure, the advantages of Britisli institutions as do the citizens of tlie mother land, and the limitations placed upon \is are very slight. Yet there are some among us who are dissatisfied. These declare for one or other of the following alternntives : disunion, annexation, independence, or Imperial federation. There are those disiuiionists who, opposed to Confederatin at the otitset, still con- sider it a failure. Their numbers are growing less with time. An- other class, however, cherishing a somewhat similar idea, belongs to the present genei-ation. These are the more Anglo-phobe of the French-Canadians in the Province of Quebec, who dream of an inde- pendent French-speaking republic upon the banks of the St. Law- rence. Sometimes they even contemplate a vas^t domain, French and Catholic, including Quebec and the New England States. For- 43 tunatoly no Froiu'li-(\ana(lian of national inflnonco snpports this « idea, tlie Hon. Wilfred Lanrior liaving gone ont of liis way, npou several occasions, to declare agaiiist it. This dream is obvionsly unrealizable, as this province has not the resourci^s requisite for an independent existence, nor would an exclusively French-Canadian management tend to make a prosperous community. That there is a certain amount of sentiment botli in the United Aiinexation with the I .S. States and Canada in favor of annexation, cannot be denied. As early as the time wluni the New Kufiland colonies separated fi'om Great Britain, a provision was ins(>rted in tlu'ir constitution for tlie future admission of Canada. In 1S4SI a p;>tition was signed by nearly a thousand leading citizens of Montreal, endorsing annexatiou and (lelining it as "a friendly and peaceal)le separation from Brl- tish connection, and a union upon e(iuitable terms with the great North American confederacy of Sover(>ign states." The idea has been formally recognized upon both sides of the line. As to the pi'esent attitude of the I'nited Stat(>s, as near as Ave can .ividge of itPnuniiM ,, , , ., . . , ,. , , , American from the utterances of American public men, wq would conclude stamipoii.t. that, while unwilling to make any half-way arrangement witli Can- ada, the United States would admit the Dominion to a full share of the benefits and responsibilities of American citizensliip. Cer- tain American manufacturers, especially in New England are ex- tremely anxious for the consummation of tliis project as destined to open a new market for their products. There are, however, other Americans who realize that the admission of Canada would be ac- companied with many embarrassments. A Canadian unattached party would be suddenly interjected into Amofican politics, the strong pro-British sentiment could not be ('xpected to extinguish itself, and what to do with Quebec would be a problem. But, on the whole, we may regard America's desire to annex Canada as one of the dangers that beset us if we would continue to pursue our present way. Looked at from a Canadian point of view, it isFrnm:; claimed that ann(>xation would bring great benefits to the Canadian sumipouit. fai'inei", lumberman, fisherman, and to some manufacturing indus- tries. On the other hand it is pointed out that the TJnlted States is rather a competitor than a market for natural products, while, without increasing her industrial establishments, the United States could supply the markets of Canada with manufactured goods. As the New York " Sun " says, " In case of annexation, there is no competition across the border which we cannot crush out." Canada too, would have to assume her share in the r(^s])onsibilities of Ameri- can cltizensliii). To her own local problems would be added that of dealing with the freedmen of the South, the assimilation of America's enormous foreign immigration, the reconciliation of capi- tal and labor, the silver question, movements like the Coxeyite 44 Ciinnditiii Independence. In favor. Consideration agninat Independence. nmivh. and the strugfjlc with jjigantic American monopolies. It costs Canada five percent of her revenue to-day for di'fence pur- poses, wliile it costs tlie United States thirty-live percent. We would net.'d to assume our proportionate share of tliis expense. The loss of idcMitity, the l)li>ttinf; out of Canada from the map of the world, and tlie relin(iuisliment of what it has taken a century to build up, would be a yreat grief to the majority of our Canadian people. For these reasons it is hardly probable that a majority will soon favor annexation. Th(> French Canadians, wlio enjoy peculiar privileges, would also probably strenuously oppose being swallowed up in the American T^nion. Another idea, which has apparently taken deeper root in the hearts of the Canadian people than that previously considered, is that of Canadian Independence. This means a compl(>te severance of the tie binding us with Great Britain, and the assumption, un- aided, of all the duties and responsibilities of an independent na- tion. As an ideal of the far-distant future, we will not consider it, but will regard it. for purposes of discussion, as within consum- mation within our own generation. This idea, especially to our young men, is an exceedingly attractive one. The Hon. Wilfred Laurier has more than once expressed liimself as awaiting inde- pendence. The Young Liberal Clubs, and, as a rule the Liberal pi'ess pronounce in its favor at no distant date. The latest utter- ance of imjjortance upon this subject was the pamphlet issued by the lion. Joseph Royal, ex-Lieut.-Governor of the North West Terri- tories, a Conservative, in the spring of the pi'esent year. By the advocates of Independence, it is claimed that Confederation has completed its work and must now make way for a new idea. As a colony, we can have no national spirit. Nothing short of inde- pendence can evoke the necessary sentiment required to unite all the various elements. It is well, however, for us to consider whether we are likely to have to pay too dearly for this privilege. In the first place, would there be any advantage in replacing the Governor-General by a local politician ? Secondly, would our bur- dens of taxation be lightened or the reverse ? Our commerce is now protected throughout the world by the British flag. Were we independent, to accomplish this same end, it would be necessary to maintain an army and navy, fortifications and protected harbors, and a consular force at all the principal ports in the world. This could not but mean a vastly increased taxation. Then again, con- sider the position we would be in with reference to the United States. A country of five millions can hardly deal upon equal terms with a country of 75 millions. Past treatment has convinced us that we could not depend merely upon the innate sense of justice and humanity on the part of the United States. How did she treat 45 Mexico and Chili ? Wlmt would have been the result in the fish- eries dispute and Belaring Sea controversy had we been ■ indepen- dent ? Does the contract labor law, the restrictive regulations on Canadian railways and discrimination regarding canals, assure us that we would be liberally treated by our more powcn-ful neighbor r It is the knowledge of our British connection alone that prevents annoyance from becoming aggression. Independence can mean no- thing other than ultimate annexation. Our position outside the fold of Uncle Sam woidd soon become so intolerable, that whatever our scruples, we would be glad to form a part of his republic. It is well then for those who advocate independence to beware that they are not unwittingly helping on the cause of annexation. As to the French-Canadians, though many among them favor independence, the majority liuow when they are being well treated, and do not feel that they would enjoy any privileges in independent Canada, while they might lose some they already possess. It is hardly probable then that Canada, within the next fifty years will be pre- pared to cut loose from Great Britain and attempt to play the diffi- cult role of an independent nation. We will now taivo up the next alternativ(>— Impeinal Federation. J;^'^[ef|*|^ Of this idea there are two phases— the moderate and the more ad- vanced. The former proposition favors for the present, at least, a general closer relationship between Great Britain and her colo- nies, while the latter carries the idea farther, and formulates various schemes for a world-wide parliament of English-speaking peoples. As far back as 1801, we find Sir John A. Macdonald outlining a scheme for Imperial Federation as our ideal future. For the past ten years the Imperial Federation Leagu(>, with headquarters at London and Toronto, have held periodic meetings and made con- siderable headway in the advancement of their ideas. From time Considered in ... .,. ,. . , ., . ,-, ^ thf Canadian to time, this question, in some form or other, comes up m the Can- PaiUament. adian Parliament. In the spring of 1S92, Mr. Alex. McNeill, mem- ber for North Bruce, introduced a motion declaring it to be the wish of the Canadian Parliament, whenever Great Britain saw fit to admit Canadian products into her marki>ts upon more favorable terms than those accord(>d other nations, to accord corresponding advantages by reducing the duties upon Britisli manufactured goods. In speaking to this motion, the Hon. Geo. E. Foster pointed out the difficulties, in the way of any step towards reciprocal trade relations, to be, fi'om a Canadian point of view, the protective ideas of Canada and the necessary loss of revenue, and from a British point of view. - the strength of the free trade sentiment in Great Britain, and the " most favored nation " clauses in existing British treaties. He did not, however, regard these difficulties as insurmountable. The Hon. Mr. Davies moved an amendment to the effect that Canada 46 should reduce her duties upon British manufactured j^oods, without stipuhiting for l)enelits in return. This was lost, and the original motion carried by a vote of 97 to G3. This division shows with tolerable clearness the position of the Canadian rarliament on this (piestion. Our present Government would be willing to enter into a give-and-receive arrangement with the mother-land, but not ono which meant concession on our part only. colilvieiice '^'^'^' '""•'^t Important event of the past year, bearing on this idea, atottiiwii. is undoubtedly the Colonial Conference, held in Ottawa last June. The Imperial (Jovernment was represented by the Earl of Jei'sey, and delegates were present from all the Australian Colonies, from New Zealand, and from the Cape. Among the resolutions approved were those advocating :— (1.) A Customs arrangement between Bri- tain and her Colonies whereby trad(> within the Empire should be placed upon a more favorable footing than that which is carried on with foreign countries ; (2.) I'ntil Britain could entertain for herself such a proposal as the above, the passing of such Impevial legisla- tion as would enable the various colonies to enti-r without restraint into reciprocal trade relations with one another ; (3.) The removal of any clauses in existing treaties which prevent the self-governing colonies from entering into reciprocal trade arrangements ; (4.) The establishment of a trans-Pacific telegi'aph cable between Canada and Australia, and ultimately extending to the Cape, the expense of the survey to be borne equally by Gr(>at Britain, Canada and Australia ; and (.">.) The approval of Canada's efforts to establish fast steamship communication on the Atlantic and Pacific, and the request that Great Britain grant assistance towards defraying the expense of the fast Atlantic service. We have recently learned that Lord Jersey favorably reports to the Home Government upon the recomm(>ndations of this Confer- ence. Any step taken by Great Britain along these lines would sen'^e to cement the tie binding her with her colonies, and have a strong bearing upon the future of Canada. There are already ties of sentiment binding Canada with the mother land, and it is likely that bonds of interest will bo strengthened in the coming years. The British mai'ket consumes, in enormous quantities, ,iust the pro- ducts that Canada produces. The annual imports of food stuffs alone into Great Britain, amounts in value to nearly eight hundred million dollars per annum. Canada, during the last few years, has greatly increased her exports to Great Britain, while those to the United States are falling off. It seems probable that this in- crease Avill continue, and that, unless conditions materially change, Great Britain will become the chief market for Canada's agricul- tural products. This being the case, British connection will un- doubtedly grow stronger. 47 Tlu' larger sclu'Uio of Iinporial Fotlcmtion contemplates nu Im- am imptriai poi-ial Parlianu'iit at London, in which ivprcsentatlves from all the '''"^'"""*"'- British possessions would have seats. While theoretically phius- il>le, tills plan, as yet, seems too ailvaneed for present consideration. In review, tlien, I would dismiss tlie idea of disunion without i he i.ectuiers comment as not being scn-ious ; annexation, meaning absorption and obliteration, is. as yet, distasteful to the ma.1ority of Canadians, and. as long as this is so, cannot be our jmssible future ; indepen- (ience. though a glorious dream for the far distant future, is im- practicable for the Canada of to-day, and could mean nothing short of annexation ; the continuance of British connection, therefoi'e, seems to me to be our probable futur(>. and. as our relationship must iKH'ds grow closer or more distant as the years go by, 1 believe and hope that Canadians will accept the former alternative. LE("Ti:i{K X. TIllO UlCIIT OF DOMINION SUFFUAGE AND THE METHOD FOB EXEBCISING THE SAME. The Statutes regardiTig Electidns— Tliu Francliise Act— Who may Vote— How the Voters' Lists are Prepared and Revised— The Election Act— Issue of Election Writ— Metliod of Nomination— Of Election- Counting <»f Ballots - A Recount— Miscellaneoi s Provisions—The Controverted Election Act— Election Pttitions. We have now reached the final lecture of the cours(>. Having considered the Government and institutions of Canada, it is requi- site that we understand the methods provided whereby each citizen can make his influence felt in regard to these matters. We live under a popular form of government, and the will of the people is expressed through the ballot box. Art. 41 of the British North The statutes America Act provided that the Dominion Government in due course liiectiona might enact uniform election laws for the Dominion. So, when in 1883, the Parliament of Great Britain, after careful consideration of the entire sub.iect. revised and strengthened tlie Britisli statutes conc(>rning corrupt and Illegal practices ; taking this law and pre- vious Canadian enactments as a basis, the Dominion Parliament 48 passfd throo statutes in 1S.S(>, covoiinp Iho ontlrc subji'ct of fran- The Franchise chlse and election procedure. Tliese statutes an; liuown as tho Act. ' Electoral l^ranchise Act (188G, R. S. C. 5); the Election Act (188(5. 11. S. C. 8), and the Controverted Election Act (188(5, R. S. C. 9). Tak- ing up the tirst of thes<>, we ascertain who are entitled to vote in Who may vote. Doniinion elections. Every person has a riyht to be registered upon the voters' list— for his own proper district— and when correct- ly rejrister(>(l has the right to vote, pi-ovlded said person :— (1.) Is a male. (2.) Is of the full age of 21 years. • . (3.) Is a British subject by birtli or naturalization. (4.) Is neither disqualified nor prevented from voting by any law of the Dominion. These four (Hialificatlons are all prerequisite with every elector, but he must also be (lualified as ri>gards property or income, and as regards occupation or residence under one of the following con- ditions :— (a.) f)wnership. He uuist possess real property to th(> value of $300 in a city. $200 in a town, or $ir)0 elsewhere ; and this owner- ship must have existed prior to the time of the revision of the • voters' lists. (b.) Tenancy. He must be the tenant of real property, under a lease, and pay a monthly rental of at least $2. a quarterly rental of at least $0, or an annual rental of $20 ; and shall have been in pos- session as tenant for the year next previous to his being placed upon the list. (c.) Occupancy. He must be the bona fide occupant of real pro- perty worth $300 in a city, $200 in a town, or $1.")0 elsewhere ; and this occupancy must have existed for one year next preceding his being placed upon the list. (d.) Residence and income. This specially interests young men. One who derives an annual income of $300. that is. earns steadily $6 per week, and has resided in Canada for a year priwious to the date of the revision, may thus qualify in the polling place where he resides at the time of the revision. (e.) As a farmer's son. Such are qualified, provid d the farm upon which they live with their father, Is of sufficient value to give each a vote, as under the ownership clause, a year's previous resi- dence being here also required. (f.) As son of owner. This also interests our city young men. If a father, or in case he be dead, a mother, owns property of suffi- cient value if equally divided between parent and sons to give each the amount required under the ownership clause, then each may thus qualify to vote. Here, too, a year's previous residence is ne- cessary. 49 (jf.) As rtslKn-iiiMn and owner. Snoli nn one may qunlify upon !pir»0 worth of land, boats. Ilsliin;; tackl(>. etc. (h.) As nnnnitant. that Is one who annually thus roceivos $l(M) per year, havlnjj n'shled within the district for a year prior to the re- vision. Women, rhlnamon and Indians west of Ontario, cannot vote. The law provides for an annual revision, but the great cost which vuiTtr'^ liBtB this would entail. Is re>;arded as sufficient excuse? for dlspenslniii'"i)iepiir.Mi with this xuulertakiufr. except when Dominion elections are reason- ably near at hand. An old list continues in force until replaced by a new one, and we sometimes have elections upon lists three or four years old. Wh(>n u revision Is deterndned upon, the Govern- ment appoints for each electoral district a person called the Revis- ing Otiicer. In this province, he is usually an advocati^ or notary of at least five years' standing. The work of preparing a voters* list entails a preliminary and final revision. Early in June, taking for his basis the Dominion list in force, and comparing this with the latest municipal assessment rolls, and other available informa- tion, the revising otticer undertakes the preliminary revision. He prepares two supplementary lists ; the former of names to be added, and the latter of names to be struck off. Any person claiming for himself or for another the right to be reglsteved, may now appear and make proof. A solemn declaration is required, and if the proof be satisfactory, the name is added to the former supplemen- tary list. The names of persons who are dead or no longer quali- fied, are placed upon the latter supplementary. These lists are open and on view for several months, the preliminary revision usti- ally closing about Oct. 1. The original and supplementary lists ai'e then printed at Ottawa, and returned to the Revising Otfleer. The lists are then exposed by being placarded in specified public places until the date of final revision, five weeks after such posting. Any person desiring, at the time of final revision, to have his name added to the list, must give notice to this effect to the Revising Officer ; and any person desiring to have names removed from the list must give similar notice also to the pafty objected to. On the day appointed, the Revising Otticer holds his court of final revision and acts as judge upon all personal applications and objections. He adds or removes names as, according to the proof adduced, appears to him good and proper. The hearing concluded, the final list is prepared, the electoral districts divided into polling districts, each containing not over 300 electors, and a copy of the corrected list is sent to the Queen's Printer at Ottawa. Unless there be an appeal from the decision of the Revising Officer, the list as corrected, is final. 50 The Klectimi Act. iHRiie of J'lleotloii Writ. Mi'thod of Nomiimtion. Method (if Ktection. We will next coUHldcr the luctliod of «hrtl()n us liild tlown in tlu' lOk'C'tlon Act niul Its amcnduu'nts. While the Hrltish North Amerlcii Act provides that not more than five years shall iiitervcnt> between eh'dions, they may take j)!ace more rn'TJ to act as returning olflcers, declarlnj; it the will of the Sovereign that the Canadian Parliament be a8send)led upon a given date, and commanding tlie returning offlcei's to cause elections to be held, naming the day of nomination. Upon I'cceipt of a writ, each returning oHl<'er takes llie oath of otllee, appoints his assistant, i»rocures from tlie revising olllcer copies of the voters' list, and proceeds to select polling stations. At least eight days before nomination, the returning oll1c(>r placards a pro- clamation stating tlie day of nomination, the day of election, where the polling stations are situated, and where thi' votes will be count- ed. Upon the day llxi'd for the nomination of candidates, between the hours of 12 and 2 the electors usually asseml)le, and the return- ing othcer i)repares to receive nominations. A nomination is made by the di'i)osit with the returning olHcer of a properly drawn up and signed nomination paper. Tins document must bear the signa- ture of at least 2r> electors, must be accompaiued with the consent in writing of the person nominated, and a deposit of ^'200, forfeit- able in ca.se the candidate reci-ive less than one-half the number of votes cast for the person elected. Should more than one person be nominated, a poll is granted and the election folloAvs one week later. The returning otlicer. as soon after tho nonunation as pos- sible, caxises notices to be placarded stating that a poll has been granted and that the choice lies between such and such candidates. A candidate may retir(> at any time previous to the closing of the poll. The returning otlicer now appoints a deputy returning otlicer for each electoral district, who in turn selects a poll-clerk. A certl- lied list of voters for the polling district, a ballot box of approved pattern, the requisite quantity of ballot papers, and copies of printed directions for voters are furnished each deputy returning otfieer before he enters the poll. Every polling-booth must contain two apartments, the one to be occupied by the officers of the election, the other to enable the voter to mark his ballot in private. Each candidate is entitled to be represented within the poll by an agent commonly called a " scrutineer," who watches that no irregularities occur. The poll opens at 9 a.m., and the voting continues until n p.m. It is hardly necessary to describe the method of polling a vote. An elector, who is so desired by one of the scrutineers, must take the oath that he is qualified, and that he has not been paid or 51 proinlHcd anythliif,' (or liis volf. What constltuU's ji corrupt prac- tise and the pt'iiallics attaclu'd upon coiivictUm of tlu> HUino, aro all plainly set forth In \\\v Act. At precisely r» p.m. the poll Is closed. J''m»t^''Kt»''' and the depniy returning,' ollicer. in the presence of (lie scrutineers, counts tlu' ballots aiul yives each scrutineer a certillcate stating the nund»er of votes cast for each candidal*', and the number of rejected ballots. Tile dejiuty returninK ottlcer tli(«n places In the ballot-box all i»apers aiinds has d(iul)ts refxardiny: the correctn(>ss of the result as deelMreil. In sucli cases tlie statute permits of a recount upon certiiin conditions beinj; complied witli. Tills recount takes place before a jtidfxe. and may reverse a previous decision. The law pro- MiH<.iiaiipmi.s vides that all tlie candidat(>'s expenditure be made through an jvu- ^'"" '*'"'"• thorized agent. Any bill for services conni'cted with an election Is outhiAVed if unpaid witliin one month. The agent is required with- in two months of an election to imlilish a detailed statement of all expenditures incurred in connection with the election, and any agent furnisliing an untrue statement is guilty of a misdcMueanor. This " law if rigidly enforced, would do much towards preventing corrup- tion in elections, biit it is unfortunately, to a great extent, a dead letter. A few words in closing, with regard to the Controverted Election The Act. After the result of an election has been announced, the de- loit'ctiuim Act. feated candidate or his friends niav fi'd tliat the seat has been \m- , , .. fairly won, in which case the following method of recourse is open J'ttitixn. to them. An {>lectiou petition is drawn up, signed by any elector, complaining tliat he has good reason to lielieve that the person, de- clared to be elect(Ml, was not duly returned, that another should have been returned in his plac(>. or that the election should be void, or that corrupt practices have been committed. In this province such a petition is presented to tlie judge of the Superior Court, within forty days of the election, and the action is usually tried within the district where the election was held. The petitioner must de- posit one thousand dollars to cover expenses. The trial takes place before a judge and not a jury. Witnesses can be forced to attend and testify and produce documents relevant to th(> case. The judge iletermines what evidence is permissible, makes his decision, and 52 transmits the same to the Speaker of the House of Commons. Here also, an appeal lies from the rulluf? of the judge to the Supreme Court if the petitioner be dissatisfied. The Speaker, upon receiv- ing the Judge's decision, gives the neces.sary directions to carry the determination into effect and reports to th(? House of Commons. An election petition may be withdrawn, though another elector may present himself and secure the substitution of his name to cai'ry on the complaint. To withdraw a petition through any corrupt bar- gain or agreement, is an ill(>gal act. Election petitions are usually numerous after an election, but by mutual consent the majority are withdrawn, and comparatively few come up for trial. Thus have we vei-y imperfectly attempted to outline the main provisions in the three acts which relate to the right of suffrage? and the method of exercising the same. Every young Canadian should secure the registration of his name upon the voters' list for the di- vision in which he lives, and regard his ballot as a most sacred trust to be used as a matter of conscience. 53 ArrENDix I. A YOUNG MAN'S DUTY IN REFERENCE TO POLITICAL PARTIES. (An Extract from Lecture VIII.) " What should be a young man's attitude in rc'forence to party ])olitics ? " We sometimes hear the dismal wail, " both political parties are hopelessly corrupt, no honest man can have his portion Avith either." It may be true that corruption is carried on under the cloak of both political parties, but we cannot believe that the forces of evil are dominant in either. Obviously the surest way to reinforce those evil influences and permit them to secure undisputed sway, is for good men to have nothing to do with either party and stand each upon his separate pinnacle, secure in his integrity. This is not, however, the advice I would give to young Canadians. If the good forces in each party seem to be battling against heavy odds, all the more reason why j'^ou, with your good intentions, should hurry to their reinforcement. For the moment, I care not to which political party you belong, but to one you certainly should own allegiance. Satisfy yourself, by means of careful investiga- tion, as to which policy, followed out to its logical conclusion, would be likely to produce for Canada, the most beneficial results. Take a broad view, and do not be governed by local prejudices. Think for yovU'self, and be not content to receive your political principles, as you do your last name, from your paternal ancestoi*. If your political beliefs are reall: worth anything to you, they will deepen into convictions which should urge you on to aggressive action. Join the political party of your choice. Enroll your name with one of its working organizations. Throw yourself heartily into the work of spreading a knowledge of its principles, and aiding in every lawful manner its triumph at the polls. But always put principle first and party afterwards. Perhaps some day you may be asked by your party leaders to act contrary to tlie dictates of your conscience. What then ? This is the opportunity, which, such a man as you are, was created to seize. This is your chance to do the cause of pure government and your own party an inestimable service. We are presuming 64 that the question at Issue is not one of ju(lis:ment, here you might do well to bond to the opinion of old'n* and \A'isor men, but tliis is a question of principle, and you have only God and your own con- science to reckon with. That being the case, unflinchingly oppose the noxious project within the coimcils of your own party, and re- frain from supporting it in action. You will likely hear some un- pleasant things said, but in the long i*un you will hav(> raised your- self in the estimation of your comrades and benefitted your cause. You may be even surprised to find that yoin* political associates are still willing to accept yonv aid on future occasions. Only when it becomes evident that yon are to be constantly at variance with your party, do I advise you to openly sever all connection with it. Remember also, that a policy, however reasonable, if depending for its execution upon dishonest instruments, is sure to fail of good re- sults. Unless there is a righteous man behind it, mere orthodoxy in party belief is of little value. However good the laws may be, dishonest men can use them for evil ends. If I were forced to choose between permitting the angel Gabriel to frame the laws, leav- ing it for Satan to enforce them, or vice versa, I should certainly say, let Satan do his worst at legislation, provided Gabriel had tlio in- terpretation and enforcement. And so if I had to choose between the bad nominee of a good party, or the good nominee of a bad party, I should certainly choose the latter as the lesser evil. If the party I usually endorse, makes a bad nomination, in the division where I have my vote, and the party I usually oppose puts forward a candidate spotless in contrast, I shall certainly vote against my party for its own good, but I will probably go into an adjoining constituency, where my party has done itself honor by a good nomi- nation and there will I put in my heartiest work for botli the policy and the man which I endorse. Such a course, followed by an elec- torate, would force both parties to make good nominations ansirous of securing or retaining power, to i)urge itself of such masiu'es as Avere contrary to righteousness. I trust that the near futui'e may see this dream realized. Regarding Provincial Political Parties, there is, to my mind, little to be said. The well defined lines of political cleavage on national 55 Issuos are well-nigh obliterated upon provincial questions. The main duty of a provincial government is to tax liglitly, administer the revenue economically and honestly, and dispense even-handed justice to all classes in tlie community. Any government, whatever be the name by which it is known, which follows such a course, is worthy of support and any party which does not do this, should be promptly cast out. As to our Provincial Legislature in the Province of Quebec, it really contains but two groups ; the one composed of those who will vote right from principle and the other of those Miio can be induced to vote wrong for a consideration. Our duty lies in distinguishing between these two classes, and extinguishing the latter, whatever b<' the party name by which its members are sheltered. AIM'KXDIX If. THE CHRISTIAN YOUNG MAN IN POLITICS. Eeing an Addivi-s dehvered by Mr. Herbert B. Ames, 15. A., before the Young Men's Christian ^Vasociation of Montreal, February lOtli, 1892. The lack of interest evinced among otu* Christian young men, in regard to the national affairs of our country, has always been to me a cause for wonder and sui*prise. How to accoiuit for this indifference, is a problem to which I have given no little thought and attention, but as yet without satis- f;^ctory result. Sometimes I think it is because our young men imagine that the country has no need of their services. This would imply either that the State is already perf(>ctly governed and there can be no improvement ; or else that such sin-vices , as our Christian young men can conscientiously render, are of no value. Neither of these suppositions seems admissable. We have only to examine the truc^ state of things either at Ottawa, Quebec, or in our own Civic Chambers, to be convinced that gov- ernment has not reached such a stage of perfection nor politicians such an ideal of unselfisliness, that it is wise to altogether dispense with the care and guidanct? of the Christian portion of our com- munity. AC) 'Pile r(»nl cinise of this lack of concern lies. I think, in Ihi^ fact that onr Christian yonnj: men arc afraid of iK)litics. as wc under- stand the term. What little they do know of them is unsavory, and they feel that there is no place for tliem in the i)olitical arena of to-day. unless they are willing to stooj) their colors and lower their i)rincii)les. Hence, in the mind's eye of many a younj; man rises a vision similar to that portrayed by Dante in the Inferno. As over tlie door of hell api)ears the superscrii)tion "all hope abandon .ve Avho enter here," so. over the door that ojiens before the Christian yonn^r man who has asi)iration to (>ntt>r i»ublic life or take some ac- tive part in citizenship, a similar inscriptitm i)resents itself, "all rifjhtc'ousness al)andon ye who enter here." T often measure up our public men by the somewhat old-fashltuied. but yet never out of date standards that .Mosi's. David, .Telioshaphat and the early Christian Church adopt(>(l. liisten to some of them :— Here is .Tethro's advice to Moses :— " Moreover thou shalt piovide out of all the people, able men. such as fear ss; and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds, rulers of lifties. and rulers of tens. And let th^iin iudji'e the peopl(>. . . ." — (Ex. xviii.. 21-22.) These are some of the last words of Kiuj; David:— "Tlie Hod of Israel said. . . . He tliat ruleth over men must be .just, rulinji in the fear of God." (2 Sam. xxiii.. .'{.) And it was thus that Kiny .lehoshaphat ad- monislied his Judjjes :— " Take heed what ye do. for ye .iudfie not for man. but for the Lord, who is with yon in the .judjiuicnt. Where- fore, now let the fear of the Lo d be upon you: take lu>ed and do it; foi- there is no iniqxiity with tlu> Lord our CJod, nor respect of per- sons, nor takinj; of jjifts." (2 Chr. xix.. (t-7.) And when the early A])ostolic Church undertook to provide for the daily distribution, this was the advice upon which thi>y acted :— " Choose out seven men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business." (Acts vi., 3.) I fi>ar numy of oiu' public men will hardly show to advantajxe if estimated on such lines, but there are names upon which we can turn the search lifiht of closest scrutiny and not fear to find what is dishonest or unclean. Some there are. worthy to be described as men " who never sold the truth to serve the hour,— nor paltered with eternal God for power," Amid all the abuse of party warfare, no scandal has ever fastened Itself to such as Gladston(> and (Jartield. Mackenzie and lUake, Mowat and Meredith, Thompson and Laurier, Deliouchervllle and Joly de Lotbinii're. While these men live in the tiesh or in the memory, it can never be said that politicians are universally cor- rupt. And should they be ? Is there anythinj; inherently bad in what is known as politics V Is it in nature and essence essentially 57 impure, nnd should it hv polluting to those who come iu contact with it V If wo consult our dictionnry we find a dual delluitiou for the word politics. 1st. " Politics is the science of government. Tliat part of ethics which has to do with tli(» ri'gulation and government of a nation or state, the preservation (►f its safety, peace and prosperity, the de- fence of its existence and rights against foreign control or conquest. th(! augmentation of its strength and resources, and the protection of its citizens in their rights with the preservation and improvement of their morals." This is politics as God intended it. Surely the consideration of theuu-s like these can have naught of degradation in it. To siiend life and energy in an honest endeavor to bring about such results, should rather serve to elevate and en- noble him who thus enlists. And is it not the duty of every man to take this rightful place and fulfil the charge his Maker has laid upon him ? The state is but a whole made up of parts. Every citizen is an integral i)art. The policy of the state is but the resultant of the forces acting within it. You are one of those forces. Your indi- vidual force <'xerted goes to swell the resultant for good, or un- exerted allows of a projjortional increase to ihe powers of evil. " lie who is not for us is against us." He who is too indifferent to ex(>rcise the duty of citizenship is not a neutral but a negative force in the community. But I imagine I heal* some saying : " All this is theoretical, impractical. AVhat are we to do with politics as we find them V We grant, that were politics as Hod intende-^ them, tliere would be an honorable place and activity for Christian men. but what of politics in the sense in which the term is generally ac- cepted and understood V " To treat this (piestion with greater exactness, let me quote the other portion of our double definition : — " Politics is tlie management of a political party ; the conduct and contests of parties with reference to political measures, or the ad- ministration of pid)lic affairs and the advancement of candidates to office." That is i)()litics as man has madi' it. In this sphere you ask is there any place for Cliristian young men. We have now a serious (luestion before us. As we do not desire to understate the case, we must acknowledge that there exist many grave evils in the conduct of politics understood on the lines laid down above. '* Something is rotten in the state of Denmark," said Ilandet. This may be as truly said to-day of the commonwealth of Canada. :)8 I admit that thoro is much truth in the accusation that such Is tho manasomont of political parties that a corrupt l>ut cucrfr«'tic min- ority may rule an honest but lethargic majority, and endanget tho very principles of representative {government ; that our civil service,, supposed to be conducted on business principles has dejronerated into little better than a prize system by which services to the party in power are recognized and rewarded ; that so great has become the influence of money, that parties to win the elections deem it neces- sary to expend enormous sums, for the collection of which, begginc. borrowing, bullying and even stealing is considered .justi(ial>le ; that no account is rendered to any responsible party, and that in the ex- penditure of this fund, the briber and the bribed, the rum-seller and the rum-drinlier. the impersonator and the tough, all find employ- ment and remuneration ; that in the United States nearly all r(>- spectable citizens are drojiping out of public life ; that our cotmtry. our province and our city, whih^ not having yet reached this pass, have not much to boast of. or grounds on which to make th(» asser- tion. " I am holier than thou." T admit that in all this there is far too much truth, and I could go on enum(>rating what is at once too familiar and disgusting, were it not a waste of time, but here lies the main cpiestion :— Is there any remedy ? In their r(>volutionary impatience, the Anarchists have avowed their hostility to all existing political forms except the free com- mune, wliicli alone will be hM't standing among the general wreck they contemplate. Sometimes when my blood boils at some fresh outrage on decency and good government. I feel almost tempted to cast in my lot with them and diH'lare for a complete reorganization. But with human nature uiiclianged, little can be hoped foi- by methods so radical. What guarantee have we that the latter would be better than the foruKM" state ? How often the question is asktMl : is it i)ossil)le to dispense alto- gether with iiarties ; or unite the independiuit men of both camps to form a third that would restore politics and govei'nment to the pedestal of purity from which tliey have fallen ? Is it possible to dispense altogether with partyism ? Party is organized opinion, and this is its justification and the proof of its necessit.v. If any number of persons share in a con- viction, it is but reasonable that they unite to realize it. So long then, as there ai'e common opinions, thei'o must also be parties or aggr(^gations of men imit(>d to support the propagation of these opinions. But while it seems necessary tliat wo be governed by means of i)arty. it is not necessary that we hv governed for the sake of part.y. 59 Partyisni as tlio sorvant of tlio people has its proper place; ram- pant partyisni as the master of the peoi)le (leserv(>s to \w over- thrown, for it then threatens the very principles of representative government. But how about a n(nv third party ? "We l)i'lieve that a ;:reat majority of those who care to interest themselves in political questions, are sincerely anxious to see the country well f^overned, and yet have not full confidence in the poli- ticians in either camp. Shoidd such men unite to form a third party, and can they hope to do so with success ? is a fn>quent question. It was by such action, it is said, that the " mugwump " element of the Republican iiarty, in ISS-l, recorded its disapproval of an unac- cei)table candidate, and tauj^'lit that party that the way to victory lay only in the nomination of clean men. Rut the " mufjwump " organization fell to pieces when President Harrison was nominated and it is doubtful, whether, as an organization, it will malie itself felt in the next T'nitc'd Stat(>s national ehvtion. There are certain lines of fiscal policy that keep the Canadian partii'S a])art to-day. Thinking men, when Dominion matters are nnder discussion, her(> find ample I'oom for a divergence of opinion, and, according to their conclusions, attach the mselves to the party representing one or the otlier of these views. It would be necessary for a third party, in its appeal to the elec- torate, to rel.v wholly on a " puritj' platform," and while its influ- ence, for a time, might be good, it would cease to have a raison d'etre, and at the same time cease to live, as soon as the old political parties put up clean candidates. Unless it can be founded then on some fixed principles of fiscal policy other than a mere " purity platform," an independent third party, extending throughout the Dominion, seems little likely to maintain lasting organization or obtain a powerful influence. In provincial and civic affairs, where the main— in fact the only- issue is one of an honest and economical administration, there is room for a third party ; but it is hard for men who were yesterday called Conservatives, to-day to consent to be called anything else, even where this change of name implies no change of sentiment. There seems to be, then, at the present time, but one course open towards securing the remedy for these evils which exist in our poli- tical system, and that is. for Christian young men, working within existing party lines, to make their influence felt, and strongly felt, in favor of what is honest and honorable. Rut how ? How often does a young man, fired with interest and zeal, ally himself with some political organization in tlie hope thereby of gaining a wider 00 knowlodpo on tho sront questions of the day. and of bonefittlng his Kcnenilion by iiidinj; to spiH'ud wisi! dot-trinos. After a few evenings spent In low-celled halls, reeking with stale tobacco and Hie odor of spirituous liquor, lie awakes to find to his disai)pointnu'nt that "important (piestions " occupy very little of the active jjolitician's attention, and that unless willing to engage In the all-important pursuit of catdiing votes, be the means ever so dishonorable, there Is no place for his activity. Tlie usual course tak(>n in sudi a case is to ut the real sentiment of the party, and honest men are justified in passing over such a choice, and declaring for a man whom they can respect. Their defection from the nominee of the machine, may temporarily defeat the party in that constitu- ency ; it will eventually strengthen it, not only there, but through- out the country at large. There are times when a party's defeat may be the greatest good fortune it can fall heir to, since it may thus be enabled to slough off its old skin and emerge in purity to renewed vigor. I am not sanguine as to the usefulness of a third independent party, but the hope of the nation lies in the independents who are not afraid to do their conscientious duty, even if the knife be used to wound that which is dear to them. 2. Next, we have the pernicious doctrine that corrupt practices are sometimes .iustifial)le, if deemed necessary to elect a good man. An honest man lost many votes in the recent municipal elections because he refused to pay day's wages to laborers who would, under those circumstances have remained in the city and have voted. " I have no money for that puiiiose, gentlemen," said he. It did not appear a very grievous sin. The men only wanted $1.50 a day, just what they would lose by remaining Idle for that day, but ac- cording to the statute it was bribery, and being questionable, the candidate would not avail himself of the opportunity. The city lost tlie services of a good man. Some day she will awake to the consciousness that such men can ill afford to be lost. Very specious are the arguments brought up to support this doc- trine. " Your candidate will be defeated," say the managers. " A bad man will get in." " If you will only fight fire with fire, we will win, otherwise we must suffer defeat." Defeat it may ap- pear to human eyes, but better far to spend one's days with an un- sullied conscience, than occupy the Premier's chair, with the know- ledge that a soul was perjured to secure it. To show what can be done, let me cite an instance from real life, A certain well-known political club, through the influence of Christian young men among its ranks, not long since pledged itself to support the following resolution :— " Whereas it is an undoubted fact that the only safeguard of con- stitutional government lies in a pure electorate ; and " Whereas the present campaign is distinctly understood to be one for honest, as opposed to dishonest administration ; and 62 " Whoroas the opinion pivvails in certain (luartcrs that imlitical clubs are willin;: to socuro tlu> results clcsirotl by corrupt practices ; and "Whereas this inis('onr('i)tion deprives this ehib of the desired sup- port of many amonj,' our younj? men who ar(> willing to work on pure lines to secure the return of honest men ; be it " Resolved, that this club wish it to be plainly understood by the l)ublle. that from its inception it has been, and in future will bo, stron^'ly opjjosed lo malciuK use of intoxicating licpiors, bribery, or " telefiraphiuK," in order to return the candidates of its choice ; and that it will only employ such methods as are lawful, and com- mend thinisi'lves to tlu' ^ood moral S'Uise of the community." If a clul> will pass such a fesolution it is desorvin^jf of success. Wln'ther it shall secure such success and ever maintain a high standard of morality, depends very largely upon the support it shall receive from the Christian youn^r iiicn of this conunnnity. Un- supported by them it must eitlier die or lower its standards to meet tlie popular demand. 3. Lastly, we must remember that pi:!blic otflce is a public trust, and to the victor does not belon.ij the spoils. Tlie adverse work- ings of this principle avo easily enough discernible. It leads to the distribution of public otiices among " heelers " and incapables, whose only claim for recognition is that they brouglit in so numy votes at tlie last election. They may be iitterly incompetent, neve mind, their intluenc* acquired generally at the tavern, is too great to ad- mit of their ciaims being passed over, they must be given a snug berth somewhere, at the public expense. It is the hope of such rcAvard that insi)ires much of our politicnl " patriotism." No Christian yoimg man has any us(> for politics indess he tenders his services from a sincere desire to see the right triumph. The moment he expects otlu'r reward for his services, he lays himself open to temptations that cannot fail.— soou'U" or later.— to wreck his moral life. Had we a body of Christian young men, who were willing to work only because their cause was just— who withheld tlu^r support when called upon to al)ate one iota the vigiduess of tlunr principles, tre- mendous as may seem the task, I believe they could do much to- wards bringing politics up to their level, provided they resolutely refused to give their assistance on any other terms. We remember how Earl Warwick grew so great and powerful that he set \ip and dethroned monarchs at his will. As " king- maker," he was greater than the king himself. In a com ty north of the St. Lawrence, not many miles from Montreal, once liv(Hl a man avIio could elect or defeat any candidate either party laight init forth. Often was he asked to allow himself to be returned to 98 rnrliamoiit. Ills answer was always : " No, by compoUiiiK you to nouiiii'itc upright mou, I servo luy country better as a simple citi- zen, than I could do within the halls of Ottawa." That man was the "kingmaker" of the country. Would it not seem that the united Christian sentiment of Montreal mlKht do for this city what one man did for an entire district. And has not tiie world a rifjht to expect that Christianity and Christian youn;,- men will do something to rescue the national life from the perils into which it at tinu'S sliall have fallen V (Jreat has been the service in ases past, that Christianity lias rendered to politics. To-day. Roman law is repirded as tlie 1)nsis of modern jurispru- dence. In th(> time of tlie later repul)lic and the early empire, Ro- man law and Roman pliilosophy may be said to have reached their perfection, yet, no greater contrast has ever (^xisted before the eyes of the whole world, tlian lliat between the f^randeur of the Roman law and tlie debased life of tiie Roman people. But wlieii Chris- tianity entered the Roman world, the Imperial law found an ally in Christian ethics, which it had never had during the reign of pagan- ism, and discovered, too. a liigher sanction for its i)rec<'pts than mere economic interests. From the time of t'onstantine onward, the intluence of Cliristianity on Roman law is femarkal)l(', and always on the side of morality in the highest sense of the term. Do you realize tliat it was Christianity tliat gave to the world those two great factors in civil lil)erty— a consolidated pul)li( opinion and an eflicient system of representative government V Constantine was the lirst Roman Emperor, yes, he may be characterized as the tirst monarch of olden times, wlio ruled with " pul)lic opinion at his back," and since his day, though whispering at times, this voice has never been wholly silenci^d. The early church method, too, of electing its officers was the first purely Democratic system of government, and the tie that bound to- getlier tlie churches in all the provinces of tlie Empire and extended to many in even barbaric lands, was the first successful attempt at true federation. So strong was this tie of union, that it postponed not for years, but for centuries, the downfall of tlie Roman Empire. Is the mission of Cliristianity as a purifier of politics ended V Having given to the world such mighty principles, should she be content to stand idly by, while they are abused ; or has she a duty to perform in seeing that they are preserved and safeguarded V Surely the necessity for action exists. The precedent is undeniable. Why then, any hesitation ? "I speak to you young men because ye are strong." I cannot doubt your willingness to act, the diffi- culty must lie in the knoAving how to go about it. To meet this end then, let me offer a few suggestions by way of peroration. 64 1. Thoro is a imblic opinion : It is asl(M>i) iHTlmps, but It Is not ;itatin^ iu season and out of season, for purity in eltH^tions, honesty In ad- ministration, and j;«''iidne statesnianshij) in policy. 2. But you may thunder on in denunciation of iniquity in high places until you are gray, without distui'i)ing the repose of the cor- rupt politician, if you neglect to secure and use your vote. This is a wea))on of self-defence placed in your hands that yoxi can ill afford to let idly liang unused within its scabbard. If you are old enough and qualilied to lun-ome a voter, let not another month go by without claindng what is both your duty and privilege, and having claimed it, use it as a Christian man. .'{. Then I would suggest that eacli one iionestly attemi)t to inform hinis«'lf with regard to matters of national import. If you cannot watch and sift all the contradictory reports of the dally press, you can at least purchase and read a finv such boolcs as Dr. Bourinot's "Constitutional History of Canada," and learn liow this country came to be acquired by your forefathers, and under what general laws we live together in unity. 4. This leads me to a word of caution and (>ntreaty. We are hei-e a mixed people. Among us are ditfi>ring languages, religions and ancestry. Naturally it is difficult for one portion of the com- munity to fully understand and appreciate the merits of the other. We must cultivate agreement where agreement is possible, and genuine toleration where agreement is impossible. The confedera- tion is only as strong as its weakest link. That weakest link is undoubtedly Quebec, and it remains for us here to prove that the two peoples can live in harmony, and that out of this union can spring one nation. liCt us brand as a traitor that man who, for personal ends, undertakes to stir up hatred and hostility, a civil war of hearts, among the differing classes of a community that God intended shoidd dwell together in unity. 5. Finally, let us cultivate a spirit of faith and buoyant hope in the future of this our native land, and in the great work of nation building. God grant that each one of us, to whatever part of the task he may be appointed, may faithfully and conscientiously do his. duty. £ T ■ X < f\ ./ t ■, '. *' i ^ -■ '^ \ rAi A^S !r^S-^»j: '* t 1 ^4 ? .««-tj f' II ; ^-^ -^. What IS THE YOUNG MEN'S f CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION ■ The Only Organization ... Doing a definits work for the benefit of Young Men — Socially, Spiritually, Intellectually and Physically, fl J3t»othcPhood . . Banding in one society young men of all religions, nation- alities and vocations. The Best l^noxjxn ... Association prepared to furnish practical educational advan- tages. Evening Class Instruction can be secured in the ^ following branches: — French, Phonography, Freehand and Mechanical Drawing, Book-keeping, Business Arithmetic, Penmanship and Vocal Music. The Most Popular ... Resort in the great cities of the world where leisure time can profitably be spent. An Institution ... Practically allied to business and commercial enterprises. The Counter Attraction . . . 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