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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure a/e filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6. il est filmd d partir de Tangle supirieur gauche, de gauche h droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. arrata to pelure. )n d n 32X t 2 3 1 2 ' 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 AN IRISH c^- • EVOLUTION RY WATSON GRIFFIN ^^ if r. ;( H; c / <^-*-\J K » *•) J.. y / / y. / <^ ^.J 't An Irish Evolution, HOME RULE FROM AN AMERICAN STANDPOINT. h BY WATSON GRIFKIN. Gkifkin & KiuNKR, Pkiniers, Ham II. ION, Ont. n an er h; at o' \v VI An Irish Evolution, THE Fourth of July in the United States of America is now generally observed as a quiet holiday, a time for excursions and picnics ; but during the first century of the Republic's exist- ence it was a day of speech making. The Declaration of Inde- pendence was read and orations were delivered in every town and hamlet throughout the country. The speech that attracted most attention on the i''ourth of July, 1842, was the first public effort of an Irish boy of seventeen years — Thomas D'Arcy Mc(]ee. It was addressed to an audience of Boston Irishmen, and was a vehement ap])e;il to their national prejudices. There was nothing prepossessing in the appearance of the young orator, whose features have been described as singularly ugly and his manner as awkward and unformed : but his musical voice and fiery eloquence won the hearts of the audience and gained for him a large number of compUmentary notices in the newspapers. Thomas D'Arcy Mcdee was born at Carlingford, Ireland, on the 13th of April, 1825, ^^eing the son of James Mcdee. an official of the Coast Guard Service, by his wife, Dotcas Morgan. His mother, who was a fervid nationalist, burning with hatred of English opjjression, delighted in singing to the little boy stirring ballads that made his blood tingle with enthusiasm for the cause of Ireland. He was a mere child when she died, but her early teachings lived in his heart always, and when he emigrated to Ainerica in the spring of 1842, he hated everything that was English. At this time there was nothing to distinguish young McGee from the typical Irish emigrant, and had his hostility to England continued until his death, there would be nothing in his 4 AN IKISH EVOLUTION, biography of interest to Englishmen just now. But D'Arcy Mc(iee, unHk(.' most Irishmen, learned a lesson in America in course of years, and were he alive to-day he would |)robably have something sensible to say on the (jucstion of Irish Home Rule. A few days after his Independence Day oration he was offered a position on the Boston Pilot, the leading Irish Catholic paper of New England, and his contributions were so well received that he succeeded to the chief editorshi]) two years later. His editorials, lectures and poetical effusions in favor of Ireland's sejiaration from England obtained for him such a reputation, that at the age of twenty he was offered and accepted the editorship of the Freeman's Journal of Dublin. He had not yet learned the lesson of Americanism, his mind being so occuj)ied with the wrongs of Ireland thai bis eyes were blinded to the course of events in the United States. His views were just as radical, his hatred of England just as intense, as when he first left Ireland. The pre- scribed policy of the Freeman's Journal was too conservative to suit his impetuosity, and he soon severed his connection with that paper, becoming a member of the Young Ireland Party and a contributor to the seditious Dublin Nation. One of the enter- prises of the Young Ireland Party was the jjublication of a series of shilling volumes for the people, entitled the '* Library of Ireland," of which McGee wrote two, one being a series of biographies of illustrious Irishmen of the seventeenth century and the other a memoir of Art. McMurrough, an Irish king of the fourteenth century. He was one of the most active workers of "The Irish Confederation" association, and when Smith O'Brien, the leader, was arrested for heading an insurrection, McGee fled to America in the guise of a priest, and making his way to New York started there the New York Nation. This venture not proving a success, he moved to Boston, where he established The American Celt, and continued in it his attacks upon the English. But slowly his eyes were opened to the fact that the world is larger than Ireland. He began to take an interest in American affairs. Instead of being actuated entirely by sentiment as before, • 4 • » • • • > » f • • • • • -t 1 ■1* •I AN IRISH EVOLUTION. 5 he began to reason. He saw Irishmen in America livinfi in friendly relations with other nationalities, retainiiif^ their religion and intermarrying only with those of their own churrh, yet becoming thoroughly Americanized. Tlie Knglish, he knew, were like the Americans a mixed race — (_'elt, Saxon, Dane and Norman being merged in the modern I'-nglishman — and he was forced to ask himself the (iuesti(»n, Why should not Irishmen become Britons in Hritain as well as Ameri( ans in America ? He saw that the maintenance of the i)olitical connection between the British Isles was a geographical necessity. He became convinced that England would never agree to a separation, and that secret assassination or open war could only result disastrously to the Irish people. He saw that cc^nsolidation was carved on every step of the stairway of American progress, and huge signboards at every landing announced that union is strength. If union was the basis of American ])rogress, how could disintegration benefit Britam ? The change came about gradually, but the revolution of opinion was most complete The character of his writings and speeches was entirely altered, and mstead of wasting his time in senseless attacks upon the English, he devoted his attention to the elevation of the Irish people of America. The eyes of D'Arcy McGee were opened, but the majority of his old associates and disciples were still blind. They could not understand his change of views, and he lost greatly in popularity. About this time he was invited to Montreal by the Canadian Irishmen, who wanted an able leader, was elected to Parliament, and soon became one of the most prominent men in Canadian politics. He had learned in the United States the value of unity, and the remainder of his life was devoted to the work of teaching the peoj)ie of the British North American provinces that isolation is weakness. There was at that time a great deal of ill- feeling between Roman Catholics and Protestants in Canada, ?.nd he availed himself of every opj^ortunity to urge a policy of concilia- tion. That the Dominion of Canada is to-day free from unseemly (quarrels between Protestants and Roman Catliolics is in a large .5? i 6 AN IRISH EVOLUTION. measure due to the wise rounsel of D'Arcy McClee. On one occasion lie s;ii(l to a Montreal audience : " The result f)f my observation is that there is nothing' more to he dreaded in this coiintty than feuds arisiu}^ from religion and nationality. On the oiher h.uid the one tiling nei'ded f.)r in:ikin^ C'-anada the happiest of iiomes is to rul) down all sharj) auLjles and to remove those as|)erities which divide our |)eoplc on fpieslions of origin and religious profession. There are in all (jrij^ins men good, bad and indifferent ; yet, for my own part, my expeiience is that in all classes the i^ood j)redoiniiiales. In Canada, with men of all origins and all kinds of culture, if we do not bear and forbear, if we do not get rid of old (juarrels, but on the < ontrnry make fresh ones - -whereas we ought to have lost sight of the cajjeti and lu\ullands of the old countiy —if we will carefully con- vey across the Atlantic half-extinguished i>nd)ers of stiife in order that we may by them light up the (lames ot our inflammable forests ; if each of us will try not only to nurse up old animosities, but to invent new grounds of houility to his neighbor ; then, gentlemen, we shall return to ujiai flobbes considered the state of nature — I mean, a state of war. In society we must sacrifice something as we do wIkmi we go through a crowd, and \mA only must we yield to old age ; to the fairer and belter sex, and to that youth which in its weakness is entitled to some of the respect which we accord to age ; but we nuist sometimes make way for men like ourselves, though we could ])rove by the most faultless syllogism oiu" right to push them from the ])ath." Soon after I)".\rcy McCiee's arrival in Canada the American civil war begun, and his sympathies throughout the contest were with the party of unity. In an address at a political j)icnic at Ormstown, Quebec, Jul}' lylh, 1.S61, referring to the fact that a section of the people in Ihitish America symi)athized with the South and rejoiced over what they considered the downfall of the Republic, he said : " 1 repeat here what I s;iid in my ])!a(:e in the last Parliament, that all this wretched small talk about the failure of the Repub- lican e.xjieriment in the Ignited States ought to be frowned down wherever it a])pears by the Canadian pui)lic. I am not a Repub- lican in ]K)liiics. I-ong beftire the recent troubles came to a head in the American union, 1 had ceased to dogmatize upon any ab- 'Si AN IRISH EVOLUTION. 1 strart scheim* of L(ovrrnment ; luit I li;ue no lu'sitation in decl'ir- ing my own hope uiui belief -a belief founded on evi(kn( e accii- niuiated throuL;h several years of observation that the American system, so far fi<)m being proved a failure, may emerge from this, its first diinustir trial, purified, conscjlidated. disciplined, ft)r greater usefulness and gieater achievenienls than before. It is then, it seems to me, the duty of C'anadian statesmen to look through the temporary to the lasting relations we are to sustain to our next neighbors ; to supi)ress and discountenance all ungener- ous exultation at the trials and tribulations which they .ire under- going ; to show them, <»n the contrary, in this the day of their adversity, that while preferring on rational 'crouiids the system of ronstiuitional n)onarchy for ourselves and i>u'r rliiUlren ; while preferring to lodge within the ;)recincts of the < »nstilution elabor- ated through ages by the highest wisdom of tiie i5rilish Islands, we can at the same time be just, nay, g'"' ;rous, lO tbf .nerits of the kinr'red system, founded by their ''ithers in the defensive and jusliii,i.;;e war ci iheir revohuion. If we are ircv 'nen, so are they, and the public (.alamilies which befall one nee i)eoi)le cm never be matter of exultation to another, .so long as the world is half dark(.'ned by desj^oiism, as it is. The Ameiican system is the |)rodnct of the highest ])olitical ex|)eriencc of modern times, work- ing ill the freest Held, cast adrift from all luii )p';an ties by the madness of an arbitrary minister, blind to all circumstances of time and place. If that fabric should be destined to fall — as fall I firmly believe it will not in our day, nor at any early day — the wiioie world must feel the shoik, and all the civilized parts uf the earth might well be c;lothed in mourning if they only understood the value of what they hatl lost." (^ould not Americans say as much for that country which has for so manv centuries led the van of civilization, and is now threatened with dismemberment at the hands of Mr. (iladstone and Mr. Parnell } In another speech on the same subject, McGee said : "The ordinary American mind has been, for a generation or two, so occupied in the contemplation of the blessings of liberty, that it has neglected or overloc'ked the co-ecjual worth of unity. This war — this great adversity t)ursting like a summer thunder- storm in their clear sky — will lead them to in(]uire into many phenomena in the heavens above and the earth beneath. Discip- ■Mi 8 AN IRISH EVOLUTION. line and subordination in war will teach them the value of unity and obedience to laws in time of peace. They will learn that unity is to liberty as the cistern in the des.:;rt to the seldom-sent shower ; that of liberty we may truly say, though Providence should rain it down uj^-on our heads, though the land should thirst for it till it ga])cd at every pore, without a legal organization to retain, without a sui)reme authority to preserve the Heaven-sent blessing, all in vain are men called free, all in vain are states de- clared to be independent." D'Arcy McGee found north of the United States boundary line a string of provinces whose geographical position was incom- parably superior to that of the United States for commercial pur- poses, and whose natural resources were very nearly as great, while the climate was similar to that of the Northern States ; yet they were in many things at least half a century behind the neighboring republic. For the reason he had not far to seek. The states had been united for many years : the provinces were isolated. The states had one national government : the provinces had nothing but Home Rule. The backwardness of the provinces was due to a century of disunion ; if they were ever to compete with the United States they must be united. McGee was not the originator of the confederation idea in Canada, but he was one of its most active promoters. He lectured in Upper Canada, Lower Canada, and the maritime provinces, always setting forth the advantages of union and the great commercial future that would be assured to the country if a railway were constructed through British terri- tory, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. He predicted that with the completion of this road Cartier's dream would be fulfilled, and the shortest route from Europe to China be through Canada. He paid on one occasion : '* I see in the not remote distance one great nationality, bound, like the shield of Achilles, by the blue rim of ocean. I see it quar- tered into many communities, each disposing of its internal affairs, but all bound together by free institutions, free intercourse, and free commerce. I see within the round of that shield the peaks of the western mountains and the crests of the eastern waves, the winding Assiniboine, the five-fold lakes, the St. Lawrence, the Ot- AN IRISH EVOLUTION. !ue of unity 1 learn that seldom-sent i'rovidence land should organization Heaven-sent e states de- ;s boundary was incom- mercial pur- great, while ;s ; yet they neighboring e states had ated. The lad nothing was due to te with the le originator of its most ^er Canada, vantages of be assured •ritish terri- e predicted I would be be through lity, bound, see it quar- rnal affairs, :ourse, and he peaks of waves, the ice, the Ot- I I i tawa, the Saguenay, the St. John, and the basin of Minas. By all these Hewing waters, in all the valleys they fertilize, in all the cities they visit in their courses, I see a generation of industrious, con- tented, moral men, free in name and in fact — men capable of maintaining in peace and in war a constitution worthy of such a country." Partly through his elocjuence, and partly through the efforts of such men as Sir John Macdonald, Sir Charles Tupper, Mr. George Brown, and Mr. Alexander Mackenzie, the scheme of Canadian confederation was carried, and now his hopes are in a fair way to be realized. All British North America excepting Newfoundland is em- braced within the Dominion of Canada, the two oceans are con- nectedby railway, the shortest route from Europe toChinaisthrough Canada and twenty-oneyears of confederation have shown thatunion is better than isolated Home Rule. Twenty-one years more will satisfy the most pessimistic croaker. But D'Arcy McGee did not live to see all the provinces brought into the Dominion. He visited Ireland in 1865 and at Wexford made an eloquent speech on the Irish question which attracted much attention at the time, and still further incensed his old associates in the United States. In the course of that speech he said : " There ought to be no separation of the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. Each country would suffer loss in the loss of the other, and even liberty in Euroi)e would be ex[)osed to the perils of shipwreck if these islands were divided by hostile seas." But he advised Englishmen to try kindness and generosity in their legislation for Ireland, consider her feelings, res))ect her prejudices, study her history, and concede her rights. It was shortly after this speech that the Earl of Mayo in the British Par- liament said : " Mr. Ihomas D'Arcy McGee, a man who never speaks with- out influencing large masses of his countrymen wherever he ad- dresses them, is at tiiis moment one of the most eloquent advocates of British rule and British institutions on the face of the globe." In a speech delivered at Ottawa on the lyth March, 1868, re- E^' ?«**..>■•»« to AN IRISH EVOLUTION. ferring to the charge that his love for Ireland had grown lukewarrri, D'Arcy McClee said : "When in 1865 and 1867 I went home to represent this country, I, on both occasions — in 1865 to Lord Kimberly, then Lord Lieutenant, and last year to the Earl of Derby, whose retire nient from active jjublic life and the cause of it every observer of his great historical career must regret — I twice respectfully sub- mitted my humble views and the result of my considerable Irish- American ex[)eriences, and they were courteously, and I hope I may say favorably, entertained. I cannot accuse myself of having lost any proper opportunity of doing Ireland a good turn in the proper c[uarter, and if I were free to publish some very gratifying letters in my possession, I think it would be admitted by most of my countrymen, that a silent Irishman may be as serviceable in some kinds of work as a noisy one. As for us who dwell in Canada, I may say finally, that in no other way can we better serve Ireland than by burying out of sight our old feuds and old factions, in mitigating our ancient hereditary enmities, in proving ourselves good subjects of a good government, and wise trustees of the equal rights we enjoy here, civil and religious. The best argument we here can make for Ireland, is to enable friendly observers at home to say, ' See how well Irishmen get on together in Canada. There they have civil and religious rights ; there they cheerfully obey just laws, and are ready to die for the rights they enjoy and the country that is so governed.' Let us put that weajjon into the hands of the friends of Ireland at home, and it will be worth all the revolvers that ever were stolen from a Cork gunshop, and all the republican chemicals that ever were smuggled out of fslew York." This sensible view of the Irish question met with the approval of the majority of Canadian Irishmen, who were then and are now loyal, law-abiding citizens, but the Fenians of the United States and their agents in Canada were exasperated by his fiery denunci- ation of their criminal projects, and on the night of the 6th of April, 1868, after delivering in the House of Commons, at Ottawa, one of his most brilliant speeches in defence of the Canadian con- federation, he was shot dead by a Fenian, Patrick James Whalen. Were I writing the life of D'Arcy McGee it would be necessary to examine his literary work — his " Popular History of Ireland," AN IRISH EVOLUTION. II n lukewarm*, ^resent this nberly, then ^'hose retire observer of jctfully sub- rable Irish- I hope I If of having turn in the y gratifying by most of rviceable in 10 dwell in T we better ids and old m proving ise trustees The best ble friendly on together i there they rights they IS put that >me, and it )m a Cork e smuggled le approval nd are now ited States ■y denunci- the 6th of at Ottawa, adian con- s Whalen. t necessary F Ireland," " The Catholic History of America," a volume of poems and a series of essays and lectures on various subjects. Apart from its bearing upon the question of Home Rule, his life is interesting as a remarkable* evolution of character. It suggests to my mind the possibility that the character of the Irish race may in course of time undergo a similar process of evolution ; that just as in 1848 the character of D'Arcy McGee was typical of that of the Irish race to-day, so the large-minded, liberal statesman of 1868 may have been a type of the Irish race of the future. I can bring to the task none of the ability of D'Arcy McGee, but I may point out some of the facts to which he would jirobably call the attention of the British people if he were alive to-day. The Irish agitation has gained much strength from American sym- pathy. Let us suppose that the question of Home Rule is to be settled in the light of American experience. In the first place we may assume that England, Scotland and Wales will never j)ermit the complete separation of Ireland from the empire any more than the Northern and Western States of the American union would permit the secession of the South. In the great American Re- public there are thirty-eight states and eight organized territories, besides the district of Columbia, the Indian territory and Alaska. The states are all represented in the United States House of Con- gress in proportion to population, and each state has two represen- tatives in the United States Senate. Each state and each territory has its own legislature, but the governors and judiciary of the ter- ritories are appointed by the President of the United States, and they have no members in the United States Congress, only being allowed to send delegates who may speak, but cannot vote. The relation of one of these territories to the United States is almost precisely the same as would be that of Ireland to Great Britain if Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule scheme were carried out. Do we find the states of the American Union anxious to withdraw their representatives in Congress and take the inferior position of terri- tories? Not at all. The great ambition of all the territories is to be admitted as states, with full representation in Congress. The ■mmd 12 AN IRISH EVOLUTION. territory of Dakota has for several years been petitioning Congress to admit it to the Union of States, and much indignation has been caused among the settlers by the delay of Congress in granting their request. If it was proposed to keep Dakota* in territorial status forever, there would be an agitation in the American North- west such as Ireland n. ver dreamed of. Strong as is the state rights sentiment throughout the country, there is not a state in the American Union to-day which would not prefer to see all the state legislatures abolished, and all laws made by the United States Con- gress, rather than give up its own representatives in Congress and fall back into a territorial condition such as Mr. Gladstone pro- poses for Ireland. If the Irish question is settled in the light of American experience, the Irish representatives will certainly re- main in the British Parliament. The first lesson of Americanism seems to me to be that the national legislature should have the power to enact only laws that are common to all sections. If Congress made one law for New York state and another for Penn- sylvania, the country would be continually in a state of ferment and dissatisfaction. Much of the trouble in Ireland is due to the fact that there has been special legislation for Ireland. No wonder that there are Nationalists in Ireland when the system of govern- ment has always recognized it as a separate kingdom. There should not be three kingdoms nor two kingdoms, but one king- dom. Is not Victoria queen of Ireland ? What need then of an Irish viceroy ? There is no English viceroy. All the acts of the British Parliament should apply to the whole of Britain. Parlia- ment should assume in legislating that there is no England, no Ireland, no Scotland — only Britain, one and indivisible. There are many Anglo-Saxons in Ireland and many Irishmen in England. They are intermingled as they are in America. They are all British citizens ; in whichever island they live they should be at home ; there should be one law for all. Mr. Gladstone would forever separate the Irishmen in England from the Irishmen in Ireland. Having established the principle of unity. Home Rule in local matters may be allowed to the various sections of the united king. AN IRISH EVOIUTION. «3 g Congress on has been in granting n territorial lean North- the state state in the all the state States Con- ongress and dstone pro- the light of ertainly re- mericanism d have the sctions. If :r for Penn- of ferment due to the No wonder of govern- m. There It one king- then of an acts of the in. Parlia- ngland, no le. There n England. ; all British at home ; lid forever n Ireland, e in local lited kingr dom without fear of disintegration. Just what form this Home Rule should take is a question for debate. The first point to be settled is how many local legislatures shall there be. There can' ot well be less than four, one each for England, Wales, Scotland and Ire- land. Should there be more ? To me it seems that the most satisfat:tory results will be obtained by smaller local sub-divisions. This is the tendency in America. Several of the American states have already been sub-divided : Texas may at. will of the electors divide itself into three states ; Dakota wishes to be admitted to the union as two states instead of one, and the western part of Kansas is clamoring for separation from the eastern part of that state. It is not unlikely that in course of time a general system of sub-division will be arranged, entirely ignoring the present state lines and having regard only to the convenience of the people. When the constitution was adopted, and for some time afterward, state jealousy was stronger than national sentiment, but migration is so general in the United States that a largo proportion of the population have lived in several states at different periods of their lives, and if a constitutional convention is ever called to reconsider the question of state boundaries, the provincialism with which the fathers of the country had to contend is not likely to stand in the way of a sensible rearrangement. The bulwark of state sovereign- ity is the United States Senate, in which each state has two rep- resentatives, irrespective of the size of the state and the number of its inhabitants, and there is a growing feeling that it is most unjust that the states of Rhode Island, Colorado and Nevada, with a com- bined population of less than one million, should have the same representation in the United States Senate as New York, Pennsyl- vania and Ohio, with a combined population of about twelve millions. The people of the United States are very conservative with regard to the constitution, but the increase of population and especially the extraordinary growth of the larger cities will probably force a reconsideration of the Home Rule system. It is now pro- posed to consolidate all the populous districts at the mouth of the Hudson River into one great American metropolis, to be known as I 14 AN IRISH EVOLUTION. Manhattan. It would include New York city, Brooklyn, Staten Island, the Long Island towns contiguous to the city and the greater part of Westchester county in New York State, and New- ark, Jersey City and Hoboken, in the state of New Jersey. Com- mercially this district is already one great city, and if such a con- solidation could be arranged, Manhattan would at once rank as the second city of the world. The proposal is to make of this urban district a new state. It is argued that the dissimilarity between the rural and metropolitan populations of New York state is a constant source of friction in the state legislature, and there is a wide-spread feeling that the interests of both sections of the popu- lation would be best served by separation. If this scheme is carried, no doubt the great cities of Philadelphia and Chicago will demand similar recognition as states, and the result must be a general rearrangement of state boundaries. The fact that in nearly all the states the ser^t of government is in the smaller cities will have an important bearing jjjon the settlement of this question, for if New York, Philadelphia and Chicago were the capitals of their respective states, a strong influence in favor of centralization would be at work, and there would in all probability never be a rearrangement. The State of Massachusetts is a notable excep tion. Its capital, Boston, is the centre of commerce and culture, and every citizen of Massachusetts has a feeling of proprietorship in the capital city. Crossing into Canada we fina the people of Montreal complaining that the interests of the commercial metro- polis of Canada are constantly sacrificed in the Quebec legislature to those of the rural districts of the province, and that even when there is no conflict of interests between the rural and metropolitan districts, it is sometimes most difificult to secure necessary legisla- tion. Montreal has now a population of about a quarter of a million, and is growing very rapidly. Situated on an island at the junction of ocean and lake uuvigation, nearer the centre of the American cont-.nent than any other port for ocean vessels, the ter- minus and headquarters of the Canadian Pacific and Grand Trunk, the two longest railway lines in the world, it must in a few years AN IRISH EVOT.UTTON. '5 oklyn, Staten city and the ite, and New- ersey. Com- f such a con- cerank as the of this urban arity between rk state is a nd there is a of the popu- is scheme is Chicago will It must be a fact that in smaller cities this question, e capitals of :entralization y never be a itable excep and culture, roprietorship le people of ercial metro- ic legislature t even when metropolitan ssary legisJa- quarter of a island at the ;ntre of the sels, the ter- rand Trunk, a few years become a very great city, and every year the dissimilarity between the city and the province at large will become greater, especially as the i)eople of the rural districts of (Quebec province speak French, while Montreal, trading with the whole continent of English-speaking peojile, is obliged to speak English. Its trade with the province of Ontario is already larger than with the prov- ince of (Quebec, and its trade relations with the maritime provmces and the Northwest are very extensive. It would certainly be to the advantage of the Dominion at large to remove the city from the jurisdiction of the non-jirogressive (Quebec legislature and make the island of Montreal a new province. Toronto is to Ontario what Boston is to Massachusetts, and it will always favor a centralized government for the province ; but Ontario has about the same area as the German empire, and when the northern and northwestern portions are settled, there will probably arise an agi- tation for the subdivision of the province, in which the extreme eastern counties will join. At present an agitation is going on in Cape Breton Island, looking to separation from the province of Nova Scotia and the formation of a new Canadian province. The people of the island complain that their interests are not properly looked after in the provincial legislature and that they do not get a fair share of the subsidy which is annually paid to each province by the Dominion Government. In both the United States and Canada this movement is likely to gain strength as the two countries become densely populated, and it is possible that it may in time lead to the abolition of all the state and provincial legislatures, some of their legislative powers being transferred to the city and county councils, and the remainder assumed by the National Congress at Washington and the Dominion Parliament at Ottawa. I do not pretend that any such change is likely to take place in this generation : indeed, it is hardly probnble that it will ever be brought about, but British statesmen, in looking to the United States and Canada for precedents, should bear in mind the fact that the present state and provincial boundaries were arrang- ed, not to suit the convenience of the people, but to allay provin- cial prejudice. n l6 AN I/ilSn f: VOLUTION. It is very important in devising a scheme of government for the British Kingdom, to satisfy as many Irishmen as possible. If Ireland is subdivided into several provinces, the Nationalists will be displeased, while on the other hand the loyalists of Ulster will complain if the whole island is under one local government : a united Ireland would not mean Home Rule for Ulster. The pro- fessional Irish agitators will never be satisfied with anything short of separation from England, but the Nationalist agitation would probably soon wear itself out if the land question were settled, and each section of the island had Home Rule in all matters of local concern. One thing is certain : If Ireland is cut into several small provinces, England and Scotland should also be subdivided for purposes of local government. London is probably big enough to take care of itself, and it would be as reasonable to grant Home Rule to the world's metropolis as to create a city state of Manhattan. As regards the system to be adopted, whatever may be said in favor of the Republican form of government in vogue in the United States, it may be taken for granted that the people of Britain will not at present depose their sovereign and elect a president, nor will they be willing to give up the system of responsible government. Canada has adapted the Federal system lO responsible government : the Dominion and not the adjoining republic must be the model. Perhaps British states- men will be able to greatly improve upon the British North America Act. The province of Quebec is the Ireland of Canada. Here as in Ireland the great majority of the people are Roman Catholics, while the wealth of the province is largely in the hands of the Protestant minority, although most of the land is owned by Roman Catholics. This Protestant minority is protected against unjust legislation by the British North America Act, which provides that the Dominion Government may disallow any act of any of the provincial legislatures within a year of its passage. The veto power has been very sparingly exercised, only one act of the AN IRISH EVOLUTION. ■ernment for possible. If ionalists will r Ulster will 'ernment : a The pro- ything short ation would settled, and ers of local several small )divided for big enough grant Home ty state of lay be said )gue in the 2 people of and elect : system of le Federal nd not the itish states- tish North Here as Catholics, nds of the by Roman inst unjust ivides that my of the The veto ict of the 17 Quebec legislature having been disallowed since confederation.* Five acts of the Ontario legislature have been disallowed, one of them several times In view of the fact that Mr. Gladstone pro- poses to give to the British Government power to veto Irish legis- lation, it is interesting to note that notwithstanding the moderation of the Dominion government in the disallowance of jirovincial legislation, there has been some friction between the Dominion government and the Ontario and Manitoba legislatures on account of it. In Ontario, the trouble was caused by the disallowance of the Rivers and Streams Act, and in Manitoba by the disallowance of Acts chartering railways, which it was feared would divert the traffic of the North-west from the Canadian Pacific Railway to rival American lines. Some of the Liberals are in favor of withdrawing the veto power from the Dominion Government, but the general feeling seems to be that it is a safeguard that should be retained, as it has a restraining influence upon the provincial legislatures. It is argued that as the Dominion Government is resj)onsible to * Since the above was written the Dominion government lias disallowed the Magistrates' Court Act, because it is ultra vires of the Quebec provincial legislature, and it is probable that the Debt Conversion bill passed by the same legislature will be disallowed on the ground that such repudiation will injure the credit of the whole Dominion. Mr. Mercier has commenced an anti-disallowance agitation, and some of the Liberals have gone so far as to threaten secession and annexation to the United States as a consequence of the disallowance of these measures. Such threats made by a minority of the people are of little consequence ; no one in Canada supposes that they are seriously meant, but it is a notewor- thy fact that during the many years when the Conservatives controlled the (^)uebec legisla- ture there was no trouble about disallowance. The Conservatives being in power at Ottawa while the Liberals control nearly all the provincial legislatures, there is a disposition on the part of the latter to provoke disallowance in order to furnish an excuse for agitations against the central government, and the former watch the course of provincial legislation more vigi- lantly when their opponents control a legislature than when their friends are in power. Now the Irish legislatures would probably be in a state of chronic opposition to the British Parlia- ment, and the disallowance of provincial measures would furnish fuel for continual agitation. Such conflicts between the central government and the provincial legislatures would perpet- uate the bitterness of feeling now existing, and they tan be avoided by limiting the legislative powers of the local legislatures, giving them complete autonomy in the matters within their own jurisdiction, and allowing the courts to decide when they have exceeded their powers. I think therein little doubt that in Canada the ultimate outcome of the difference of opinion regarding disallowance will be a compromise by which some of the powers of the provincial legislatures will be transferred to the Dominion Parliament and the veto power now pos- sessed by the Dominion government will be abolished. i8 AN /A' 161/ EVOLUTION. Parliament, whi<:h represents the whole (-ountry, and as no govern- ment can afford to lose the suppc^rt of any province, the i)Ower will never be abused. Writing to Lord Carnarvon on the 6th Septem- ber, 1876, Mr, Edward Blake, for many years leader of the Cana- dian Liberals, said in regard to this : " The Parliament of Canada is composed of the representatives of the seven provinces, each of which has, in its provincial charac- ter, like political rights. Ministers whose tenure of office depends upon their retaining the confidence of a parliament so composed are not likely to abuse a power, the exercise of which would obvious- ly be jealously watched by representatives from the province, and each is alike interested in the maintenance of provincial rights, and therefore, in the principles upon which the power of disallowance is exercised. For the same reason, any al)use by ministers of their power would be quickly followed by the application of the constitu- tional remedy by parliament. The experience of ten years during which this power has been exercised does not indicate that the apprehended evils will follow." This was written before the Liberal agitation in Ontario, on ac- count of the disallowance of the Rivers and Streams Act. This agitation appears to have altered Mr. Blake's view of the matter, but it seems to me that the fact that the Liberals in Ontario have been able to make so much political capital out of the disallowance of an Act in which the people in general were not greatly interested, proves that no government depending upon pop- ular support, could with impunity arbitrarily exercise the veto power. With regard to the advisability of disallowing Manitoba's railway charters there was much difference of opinion in Canada, but It only required a short agitation in Manitoba, accompanied by expressions of sympathy from other parts of the Dominion, to in- duce the Dominion Government to discontinue the policy of dis- allowance, as soon as it could make arrangements with the Cana- dian Pacific Railway Company for the purchase of its monopoly privileges. Of course, if Ireland has no representation in the British parliament, as Mr. Gladstone proposes, there will be no such check upon arbitrary disallowance as exists in Canada. Many Canadians who oppose the abolition of the power to veto provin- AN /A'/SN EVO LOTION. I» cial legislation jmssessed by the Dominion Oovcrnnient, would be willing to allow the provinces complete autonomy, i)rovi(lecl some of the powers the provincial legislatures now possess were trans- ferred to the Dominion Tarliament, so that only matters of local interest would be within the jurisdiction of the provincial legisla tures. Under such an arrangement the right to charter railways and many other powers possessed by the lejiislatures at present would be withdrawn. If, in providing for local government in all parts of the British Islands, the local legislatures are given juris- diction only in purely local matters, there will be no necessity for disallowance of provincial acts, and a great many contlicts and much ill-feeling will be avoided. Another question for consideration is whether the members of the local legislatures shall be allowed to sit in the British Parlia- ment also. During the early years of confederation in Canada, some of the most prominent politicians had seats in both provin- cial and Dominion parliaments at the same time, but before long serious objections were found to this system of representation, and now members of the provincial legislatures cannot sit in the Dom- inion Parliament. The careful student of American history cannot fail to note that good government depends more upon the character of the people than upon the form of constitution. The constitutions of the United States and Canada are in many important respects essentially different, yet both countries are peaceful and progressire. Mexico and the Central American States are republics, with con- stitutions modelled after that of the United States, and revolutions frequently occur. The good government of Ireland under any system of Home Rule that can be devised will depend very much upon the Irish people, but it seems to me that a system ensuring the integrity of the United Kingdom, while recognizing the princi- ple of Home Rule, will be most likely to bring about an Irish evolution. Watson Griffin. Montreal, Canada. " THE STORY NOWHERE LACKS IN INTEREST." St. John (N. B.) Taitgraph^ 15V WATSON liRIFKIN. !R, as OINTS. OLOTH, SO CINTft. Gkikkin cV KiDNKK, I'ulilishcrs, IlamiUon, Ont., Canada. '* A most interesting and strikini; story. The scene of the novel is laid in Canada, and the incident, scenery and conversations are nianajjed with tact and skill. Mr. Orithn writes with yreal taste and spiiit. His entire work is very even, and we may, without hesitation, declare this story to he one of the hrijjhttst hits of Canadian tiction that we have yit seen in Knulish. The philosophy is charniinjj. It is a real credit to the author and to the country. The love making is particularly well done." — TAe Chronicle, Quebec. " An ingenious and interesting story, liut who is Twok ? The chain of events which led to her identification is skilfully linked together, and the career ofTrenwith, as related hy himself, is highly sensational. The l)o;)k is not faultless (what hook is?). Hut it has the main merit of heing entertaining, and that is a virtue in a writer that covers a multitude of sins. Mr. (Jriffin has originality, constructive ability and considerable tact as a story teller." —./)/. Mr. (Jrififin outlined a plot with rare skill, and marshalled his characters with consummate ability, the result being a book of intense interest." — Toronto Mail. " ' Twok ' is the decidedly odd title of a domestic story, somewhat out ot the common run. The scene is Canadian, and this not very usual locate for a work ot fiction gives the scheme novelty, which is enhanced by numerous clever, realistic touches. The book is markedly religious in tone, yet is not wanting in vivacious incident." — American, Philadelphia. " ' Twok ' is as strange as its name. It is not to be classified exactly with anything in literature that we know of, and we are uncertain whether we like it or not. It is the story of two waifs, and just as we begin to find it a little tedious, something crops out here and there to arrest attention, and make one reflect that perhaps after all it is a remarkable book." — The Critic, New York. " ' Twok ' is a story of Canadian life. Its scenes are laid in Ontario, and its characters are cleverly sketched. Sometim^^s the author indulges a little in sermonizing, and his descriptions are ofien overdrawn, but the whole story is well to\d."— Scottish- American, New York. I "Tlitrt It a grtal d«al of humM intaratt in Uia ttory/'-Clavalantf (Ohia) Laadaf. •' Wc cnn say like ihe mmlern school girl, this iitory is "just too lovely for anything." That is, it in a pure, harmless story, luit is cruwnnl with a true novel'M ending, such as gives the scnsationnl thrill, without which a novel is un- satisfyint;."— AVw York C hurt h Unton. " The story is intcrentin^— unique in some resfiects, and does credit tn Mr. Griffin. The story of Twok has a lesson of its own, which would lie sufficient- ly obvious without the philosophy and religion so freely discussed by certain characters in the l)Ook. It is better art to let ihe story be its own moral, rather than a vehicle for the author's morali/.ations. But altogether there is justiHcation for Mr. Griffin's writing of the lx)ok, and for its publication, — Buffalo Express. " It is ra'her remarkable for the extraordinary amount of speculation, often crude and sonieimas cranky, but more frequently original in coloring and bold in style. Perhaps the most remarkable part of it is the lavishness with which it is done. A more prudent novelist would have managed to build half a do7.en tales on different phases of the development of often striking opinion which this writer has prodigally crowded into one book." — Chuago Times, " That a busy journalist has found lime to produce a readable, healthy and even striking story in his scanty hours of leisure, is highly creditable to the author. 1'he story commands the interest of the reader from start to finish. The Dint is developed in a somewhat sensational manner, though the author mana^ • ^o air his psychological and other theories in the pauses of the tale, and ii i ,e reader's leniency is occasionally taxed, his patience is rewarded by the fresh, unpretentious style of the narrative. The book is worth reading and there is a great deal of originality in it." — Ottawa Journal. " Twok is a story which combines much original thinking with a variety of sensational elements." — Montreal Witruss. " Interestingly written, and its delineation of character shows careful obser- vation and insignt. It is a creditable contribution to Canadian literature." — Canada Presbyterian. " The odd word ' Twok ' is the title of an odd novel, from the pen of a bright young Canadian. Quaint as it is, it is full of thought and food for thought. The author's hobbies and theories are clearly exhibited in the warp and woof of the tale, but they are sufficiently novel and original to fascinate an intelligent reader." — International Royal Templar. "The book is full of incident and life, but the more thoughtful re&der will find abundant food for reflection in the clear and searching observations on liv- ing topics, more especially with reference to character building and spirit- ual forces. The tone of the writer is pure and hopeful, and any one should be the better of a careful perusal of ' Twok.' " — Gueiph Mercury. " Mr. Watson Griffin is a young Canadian who has distinguished himself by some good writing in American magazines, done in the few calm moments be- tween the ' flumes ' of a journalist's work. ' Twok ' is a queer, pleasant, story. The tale is mostly of Ontario life, is full of local color, is marked by a good deal of curious observation, and has the great literary merit of being un- pretentious." — Toronto Globe. Preface to Second Edition.— Several critics have supposed that my purpose in intro- ducing Twok and her friends to the public was simply to set forth my views, and whenever an opinion is expressed by any of the characters of the book it is assumed that I am actinc the part of a ventrilociuistand makine mychaiacters speak for me. This is a mistake. It is true that I am much in sympathy with the views of Joy Cougles, but I cannot always endorse what he says, and the observant reader will notice that Joy himself changes his opinions somewhat as he grows older. The essays of Joy Couples were written precisely as they appear in the book at die age of seventeen : they are supposed to express the opinions of a thouehtfui, self-educated youth of an original turn cf mind^ who has but a smattering of knowledge, and they are of necessity rather crude. The hobbies of Dr. Someryille are not my hobbies, and although they seem to me more sensible than some other hobbies of like character, 1 would be sorry to have them uken seriously by the public— The Author. A NEW CANADIAN WORK OF SURPASSING INTEREST. HOMANIIC AND PH I LOSO I ' H I C A L. ItKAI.INC, \M I II I UK ATMOSI'MKKK Ol Ci IN [ KM lOi; AH V KkKNIH C AN A I )1 AN 1,11 K, ANIi MaKKIM. Ol I A Dli INI IK FL'iri-'K I OK Canaiia. ki THE YOUNG SEIGNEUR ' \\\ WIIJKII) ( IIATF.AL'i LAIK. PAPER, SO CTS. CLOTH, $1.00. \V. I)uvsi(Ai.E & Co., ^^ll)li^hers, Montreal, Canaila. EXTRACT FROM AUT HOP'S PREFACE. " The chief aim of iliis liook is thf, perlinps, ton 1k)!c1 one ,'k iim/' out a future /<^r the Ciinudian luitum, vvliiili lias liitlierio lift-n lirifting williout any plan. .\ lesser purpose of it is to make some of the almospliere of Frein h Canada understood liy those who speak English. The writer hopes to havi; done some servii.e to these lirotht-r-. of ours in using as his htro one of those lofty characters which their circle ha- pniduied more than mice. " From :i very laige ininiher of reviews, in whic;h the work !> ranked in the forefront of Canadian literary art, wi; sidect the following : "'The N'oung Seigneiir,' a romance of Canadian life, of unusual hrilliancy, strikes one note with welcome i learness- that of nationality. Whoever Wilfred Chateauclair, the author of ' I'he Vouiii; .Seiuneiir,' may he, aii'l lo whatever side of the struggles of tlie day he may lean, he ha- the tine patriotic icnse, ami it is impos-^ihle to read his tlioughtful, vigorous pages, so inci-ive ami yet so well hred, without being stirreil to something of the enthusiasm that warmed the heart of his hero. " — M,'iitr,iti (.lazettc. " The work is an unusual one, ami i- well worth perusal. -//«;// /7^cJ« I'.venin^ Finiea. " . ..An event in the literatuie of this p.irt of the world. 'I'he author has given us a Canadian story of the pn-sent day, and ha- heen alile to iinesi ordin.iry surroundings- if the heautiful scenery of our l.ind may he called ordinary- and people like one is accustomed to meet every day, with all the charm necessary to a«akenthe fancy and rivet the attention. There will prohahly he a su-pii ion in some mind- that certain descriptions of politicians are intended for men now living and moMiiL' among the people of (Juehec ; there may also he sii-- pecled a lurking de-ire lo liave a hit at the Cluin h in (Juehec. ' The Vontig Seigneur' is full of originality and promise. It is a hook, which, in itself, is si'llcient to repel the charge that our national intellect is asleep, and thai Canada cannot inspir.' her sons to literary laho.ir." — The Toronto I'.iiif'in . " The author has discovered New France, and we read with avidity every revelation he makes of our French-Canadian -cenes ; the /iit.\, their ways, their weakness and their strength The hook is powerfully, carefully and intereslint;ly written, and the reader feels that he is in ( ominunion with a mind matured heyot d those wl-.ich are wont to print in Canada. If wemi->take not, the hook marks an epoch ii our literature,' - Montreal Star. '• ' The N'oung Seigneur ' i- nmre than clever -it is hold, t.mtali/ing, oflen v.itly, always original, .and nut without very h.ippy characterization It (jroiniies us a Canadian writer of indis|iutahle geniu-. ' Toioiito lilolw " There iM much in the hook vhii h young Canada may well ponder thiiugi tfully, and there is great promise for the future in the earnest purpose of *he gifted writer." -.l/c;«/n'a/ /( 'itncss. " 'J'here is a cliarm aljout this hitle story wliicli is not evoked hy n work of art, but rp'her by a gracious spontaneity of nainrc'. The author has sketched some picture-(|ue scenes picturesi|uely, and ha- cre.ited some -trikiiig .-indlieantiful characters. . . . 'I'he pathetic end of the tale is iioetic.illy heautiful and syinliolically true." — /'//(■ ( /tristiun I'ni'on, New York. " The work gi\es an in-ight into life in i^)iiel)e< ; and it^ perusal would do much towards removing the prevalent ignoianci; about the inhahitanl- of that pros iiice. It is bound to compel thought on subjects whii:h are (iressing for consideration and settlement, and it should be widely read." -.I/.j«/A'/v» /■'roe /';■., v\. "'The Young Seigneur' is a book that will make it- mark on the a^e." - < 'nVlia Pae/cet. " A reiinrkahle book." -.St. Jolin fyogtess. " ' The Young Seigneur ' illustrates, in au ingenious way, modern life, movement and cliar.icter in Canada." ^'/^iVci C liroiiio/e. " The book contains some ch-.rining love pass.iges, some idyllic pictures of French-Cana- di.rn life, some fine descriptive writing, and though 'it is not a novi / with a purpose,' its interest is absorbing. We presume the name of the author of ' The Young Seigp.^i'r.' as printed on the tiile-i)age, is a noiiiiief'iuiiie. Whoever he maybe, he has written a remark- able book, and one that will live."- Evening Gazette, St. John. N, 1'.