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/■/ 
 
lOllN CABOT 
 
 nil- DISCitVHNI'K OF SORIII-AMI-NirA 
 
 AND 
 
 Sl':r> ASTI AN IT I S SON 
 
THIS COP^• OF JOHN CABOT IS PART OF THE 
 FIRST ENGLISH EDITION. 
 
 In ,lclcix-ncc u, th. uishc. of CoUcctors k ,s issued with the English 
 impnnt solely, in.t it i, published in the United States l.y arrangement 
 with the Author and Envdi-h imblishcrs liy 
 
 Onni), MioAD, c\: Company, Nf.w York. 
 
 I 
 
 

 1 
 
 John Cabot 
 
 THE DISC'OVRRER OF NORTH A M ICRK" A 
 
 AND Sebastian his Son 
 
 A CIIAPTKR 01' THE MARITIXri: HI STORY OF 
 
 F.NGI.AAI) UNDER TlIE TUDORS 
 
 I 49(^-1 55 7 
 
 \\s WV.^MX MARRISSK 
 
 ■■i2^Sep32-- 
 
 LONDON : 4 IRAFALGAR SOUARE, (.:HARINC, CROSS 
 
 HEN I AM I.N FRANK UN STEVENS 
 
 1896 
 
 „'ajiMuiMifciuaiUftUUii»«iawtf iwni^»«Ui*iu£ t^fssm 
 
r 
 
 / 
 
 / •■ 
 
 ~1 
 / 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 /-,' 
 
 ;■ 
 
 "Zf 
 
 
 280430 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 

 
 TO 
 
 TnK Rkv. JOHN JOHNSON, DJ)., LL.D. 
 
 OK ClIAKI.KSl'ON, .SOL'lll lAKOl.INA 
 
 THIS WORK IS DKDICATKD IIV Ills OLDEST 
 AM) MOST FAITHFUL FKILM) 
 
 HKNRY HARRISSE 
 
 ) ^ 
 
i 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
\ I 
 
 ■i 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 » 
 
 ()// lie iliiil (Utx iii('f/> i/i/r /a I'cyi/,-. 
 
 In the ycur 1497, a Vcncliun citizen, called Ciiovanni 
 Caboto, havini4 obtained letters-patent from Henry 
 VII. the year previous for a voyage of discovery, 
 crossed the Atlantic Ocean, and, under the British 
 Hag, discovered the continent of North America. 
 
 In 1498. he fitted out in Bristol a new expedition, 
 and again sailed westward ; but scarcely anything 
 further is known of that enterprise. 
 
 Caboto had a son named Sebastian, born in Venice, 
 who lived in England not less than sixteen years, 
 and then removed to Spain, where in 1518 Charles 
 V. appointed him Pilot-Major. This office he held 
 for thirty years. 
 
 In 1526, Sebastian was authorized to take com- 
 mand of a Spanish expedition intended for " Tharsis 
 and Opliir," but which, instead, went to La Plata, 
 and proved disastrous. 
 
 After his return to Seville, he was invited, in 1547. 
 by the counsellors of Pxlward VI. to England, and 
 again settled in that country. Seven years after- 
 wards, he prepared the expeditions of Willoughby 
 
VIII 
 
 /iVj'hu)/)rcT/<),v. 
 
 aiul Ch.uicelor. and of Stephen Hurroiioh, ;„ search 
 of a Norlh-East I'assage to Cathay. 
 
 He finally died in London, after 1557, at a very 
 advanced aqe, in complete obscurity. He is now 
 hel(l by many lo have been one of the greatest 
 ii;ivi<rators and cosmoL^raphers that ever lived, nay, 
 "the author of the maritinn; strenj,^th of Knyland, 
 who opened the way to those improvements which 
 have rendered the ['aiglish so great, so eminent, so 
 llourishing a people." 
 
 To set forth a true history of these two men, 
 b.ised e.KcIusively upon authentic documents, is the 
 object of the followin''; paces. 
 
 
 I'AKis, A'uvcinbcr 1S95. 
 
 I 
 
(OX r !■: N IS. 
 
 I'AkT I. 
 
 I IIAI'. 
 
 1. lOIIN (Alini NOI A VKM'.I I AN \:\ r.llMII. 
 
 II WAS lolIN I AlilH A i;k\oksi-, .■' 
 
 III. lOIIN I'AIU)'! (AIM:!! A (M''.\0|.,S1.-, 
 
 I\'. si;i;Asi'rA\ cakot's ac.i- anh \a i in\Ai.i i a.— 
 
 KNCI.IMIMAN, . . . . _ 
 
 y. lOIIN CAIlDl's l.ll'K 1\ l.\i;I.ANIi. 
 
 \'l. lOHN ( AliOl's KlUsr |-||-(1IMS, 
 
 \II. Till'; lUlclMI'-.NI AK\ I'l^iiOKS I'ON lOllX CAIiivr's KM'I' 
 
 \!ll. lOIIN ( AllO'l's IIKST FAI'KDII ION, 
 
 l\. nil', \\:,\\<. (11 loiiN I Ai'.oi's i-iKsT [■■.Ni'F.niTros, 
 
 .\. (I'M-; .\0|- IHK MONIIi n|- |i|l'; lAMHAI.I.. 
 
 .\l. lOIIN CAIIOl's Al.l.I'.di:!) l,AMi|''\I.I,, 
 
 .\ir. A I Ul'.Nfll MAI' Cdl'IKli \:\ SKISA.SriAN (Al'.nr, 
 
 .\ni. sKDAsriAN (Ar.nr's san man island imac.inaun'. 
 
 .\[\'. H rill', cMioriAN MAP (;1';mink? 
 
 .W. lUK <llAUACMKk f)|- SKISASI IAN I'MIOT, 
 
 .\V[. JOHN CAIiOr's SKCONI) KNI'KDI IION, 
 
 NVIl. Al.l.liCKIi IlilRIi A'OVAGE Ol' sKIlAs'l |AN lAKOI. 
 
 Ill AN 
 
 IM I I0\. 
 
 I'AOF. 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 I I 
 
 ^(' 
 
 42 
 4S 
 50 
 
 63 
 69 
 
 «5 
 
 '"; 
 1-6 
 14;? 
 
 
 r.AKT II. 
 
 I. sr'.HAsriAN cAiior skti i.ks in sI'ain. .... 
 II. sKiiAsirAN (Ai'.or's Ai.i.KC.Kii \nvA<;|.; nr 1517. 
 
 ni. I'ldllEST OV rUK l.n'F.RIKS (>!■ I.ONUnN ADAINM F.M I'l.DVINC 
 .sEHASTiAN CAliOT, ...... 
 
 M9 
 
 "57 
 I6S 
 
COtYTENTS. 
 
 IV. 
 
 \'. 
 \I. 
 
 VIIF. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X, 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 Xlll. 
 XIV. 
 
 XV. 
 
 X\F. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 xxu. 
 
 SKHASTIAN CADO'l's I'liKACIlEKOfS INTklCUKS WITH VKN' ICK, 
 
 IHK KXl'KlilTIO.M TO lilK MOLUCCAS, 
 
 IHK \OVAC.K TO I.A I'lAT A. 
 
 SKllASI'IAN CAHOI .VS ( OM.VIAN DKR AMI SKAMAN, 
 SKUASI'IAN CAIiOl' KI'-.TURNS lo .SI'AIN, 
 .SKliASIIAN lAlKVr IS AKKKSI-KD AND I'lJOSlCUTKli. 
 sICIIAsriAN CAliOr Rl-.SUMKS Oiqqt'K, 
 
 rilK SCIKNTIFIC CI.AIM.S Ol' SKUASTIAN I AI!0|'. — ( A) IIIS 
 
 lARincRArmcAi. works, 
 
 rilK SCIKNTIFIC CLAl.MS OF SEIiASTlAN CAIiOl.— (it) HIS 
 AI.T.Er.RD niSCOVF.RIRS TN MAONETICS. 
 
 IIIK SCIENTIFIC (I. AIMS OF SEl'.ASTIAN CAHOI,— (t) Ills FIRS 
 METHOD lOR FINDIN'C, IHK I.ONCIinDE AT SEA, . 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CI.Al.MS OF SEMASIIAN CAIiOT. — (|i) II 
 SECOND METHOD FOR lAKLNG THE I.ONCITl'DE, . 
 
 THE SCTENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEHAHTI.V.N CAI'.Or.— (f) II 
 iNAFTlCAI. THEORIES A.ND .SAILINC, niRECITONS, 
 
 SEIiASTlAN CAIiO'l ACAIN SETTLES l\ ENCLAM), 
 
 SEr.ASTI\.N CAISOt's EMI'I.OYMENI in ENC.I.AND, 
 
 ENCI.ISII EXPEDITIONS TO CAIIIAY, 
 
 KNCI.ISH RXPEDnTOXS TO CATHAY ilY THE NORTH-EAST, 
 
 SEIiASTlAN CAISOr's AI.LEC.ED INFLUENCE, 
 
 LAST YEARS OV SEIiASTlAN CAIiOl's LIFE, 
 
 I'HE END 0|- CAIlOl's lAREER, .... 
 
 (A) HIS I'ORTKAFI. ..... 
 
 (11) HIS AI.LECED ENKilirilOOD. 
 
 fC] HIS WIFE AM) iTilLDREN, 
 
 (0) Ills liROTHERS, ..... 
 
 (E) his ALI.EOED DI'.SCKNDANTS, 
 
 I* AGE 
 
 •«5 
 
 201 
 
 227 
 
 256 
 264 
 
 270 
 
 281 
 
 2S9 
 296 
 301 
 
 309 
 31S 
 32S 
 336 
 342 
 360 
 
 364 
 372 
 374 
 376 
 378 
 
 3 So 
 .581 
 
 ^'^tw— MWipwim^' 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XI 
 
 I' ART III. 
 
 SYl.I.AI'.rs OK rilK ORKIINAI. CONTKMI'ORAUY DOCUMENTS, FROM 
 1476 10 1557, WIIK II KKIER 10 rHK C'AIIOTS, lO THI'.IK 
 l.IVKS, AND 10 rilKIK \OVA(;i;s, .... 
 
 OUIC.I.NAI. TK.\T OF THE ISI.ARIO Ol' NAN lA rRlV.. 
 
 RECORDS or THE CRIMINAl. I'ROSKCUTIONS ACAINST SKIiASTlAN 
 CAIIOT, ........ 
 
 CAROt's I'l.ANISrUERES Ol- 1544 AND 1549, 
 
 SPANISH TEXT Ol- CAROT's TREATISES ON MAGNETICS AND 
 NAVIOATION, ....... 
 
 INDE.X, ...... 
 
 PACES 
 
 385-469 
 -109-411 
 
 415-427 
 432-44S 
 
 454-456 
 471 
 
 MA1\S AND ILLUSTRATIOXS. 
 
 SECTION OF CAP.OT's PLANISPHERE OP 1544 (a), 
 
 I'ART OP THE FRENCH PORTOI.ANO COI'IED liY SERASTIAN C.APO' 
 FOR HIS ALLEGED NORTH-WEST DISCOVERIES (m), 
 
 FIRST \'OVAGE OF JOHN C.MIOT, I497, 
 
 THE NORTH-EAST COAST IN THE MAP OF LA COSA, 
 
 SECOND VOVAGE OF JOHN CA1;0T (I49S-99 ?), 
 
 RIIIEIRO'S .MAP SHOWING PHE COAST RANGED P,V SEIiASTIAN 
 CAIIOT IN HIS VOYAGE TO LA PLATA, JUNE 1526-M ARCH I527. 
 
 CAHOT's liASIN OF THE LA Pl.A I'A (A). 
 
 THE REAL HASIN OF THE LA PLATA (P.), 
 
 NEWFOI!Nl)LAND ACCORDING PO SEIiASTIAN CAROI" (a). 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND IN MODERN MAPS (P), 
 
 lACSIMII.I. (^F .XF'l'OGRAPH LETTER OF ^l-.IiASTTAN CAIIOT. 
 
 94-95 
 
 94-95 
 iio-ni 
 
 «36-f.?7 
 140 141 
 
 202-203 
 262-263 
 262-263 
 2S6-2S7 
 286-287 
 42S-429 
 
^! 
 
PART FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 JOHN CABOT NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 
 
 IT is Still a mooted question with certain writers 
 whether John Cabot, the discoverer of the 
 American Continent, was by birth a Venetian or a 
 Genoese. 
 
 Henry VH. calls him in 1496 and 1498 " Civis 
 Venetiarum : — Venetian citizen," and "Venetian." 
 In the same years, when speaking of him, Lorenzo 
 Pasqualigo, a native of Venice, uses the expression : 
 " Nostro Venetiano : — Our Venetian [countryman] " ; 
 and Raimondo di Soncino, the Milanese ambassador, 
 that of " uno populare Venetiano : — a Venetian 
 plebeian," Finally, he calls himself, in a petition 
 addressed to the King of England, March 5th, 1496, 
 "John Kabotto, citezen of Venes."' 
 
 In the i5th century, the term " Venetian citizen" 
 applied to three descriptions of individuals, viz. : (a) 
 a native of the city of Venice ; (d) one born within 
 the limits of the " Duchy," or JDogado, that is, the 
 original territory of the Republic ; and {c) a foreigner 
 
 * For those various designations, see 
 Rymer, Fu'dera, 1745, vol. v, part 
 iv, p. 89 ; BiDDLK, A Memoir of 
 Selnistiaii Cubot, Philadelphia, 1831, 
 Svo, p. 76; Rawdon Brown, Ra;^- 
 ,!^-tiit»/i St 1 1/(1 vita e opere di Marin 
 Saiiiito, Vcnel., 1837, Svo, vol. i, p. 
 
 99 ; Anntiario scientifico for 1865, 
 Milano, 1S66, p. 100 ; Cornclio 
 Df.simoni, Iiitomo a Giovaui Cabolo, 
 Genova, 1S81, Svo, p. 47. In the 
 course of the present work, when 
 quoting, we shall spell the name strictly 
 as it is in the document cited. 
 
 I 
 
^r 
 
 2 JOHN CABOT 
 
 by birth who had been naturalized. John Cabot 
 belonged to the latter class. 
 
 Here is the text of the decree by which the Senate 
 of Venice, by a unanimous vote, on the 28th of March 
 1476, conferred on him the full naturalization, in con- 
 sequence of a (constant) residence of fifteen years in 
 that city ; dating, therefore, from 1461. 
 
 " 1476, die 28 Martii.— Quod fiat privilegium civilitatis de intus 
 et extra loani Caboto per habitationem annorum XV, iuxta 
 consuetum. 
 
 Dc parte, 149 
 
 l)e non, o 
 
 Non sinceri, o. 
 1476, 28th day of March.— That a privilege of citizenship within 
 and without be entered in favour of John Caboto, as usual, in con- 
 sequence of a residence of fifteen years. 
 
 Ayes, 1 49 
 
 Noes, o 
 
 Neutrals, o."i 
 
 This, of course, establishes the fact that John 
 Cabot \vas not a Venetian citizen by birth ; other- 
 wise it is plain that he would have been under no 
 necessity to become naturalized. But does it also 
 prove that he was born beyond the limits of the Re- 
 public of Venice ? 
 
 No satisfactory reply can be made to that question 
 without first examining what were the naturalization 
 laws enacted in Venice before the i6th century."'' 
 
 On the nth of December 1298,' the Venetian 
 
 * State archives in Venice, Senato 
 Terra, 1473-1477, folio 109. Infra, 
 Syruihw;, doc. I. The laUer word in 
 every c ise refers lo our own ap])endiN. 
 
 ]- Veulor Sandi, Priucipj di Sioria 
 Ch'iL' Jdia Kcpubblua di Vcnczia, 
 Venezia, 1755 ; 410, vols, ii and iii • 
 Cristoforo Ten tori, Sai^gio snlla 
 Storia civile, poUtica, cccL'siastica . , . 
 dr//a Rcpii!)blica di ]'cnczia, Venezia 
 1785-1790, 8vo, vol. i, dissert, iv '; 
 (jiumliaUisla Galliccioli, Delle 
 Memorie Vcmte antiche, \'enezia, 
 
 179s. vol. iv, vol. i, p. 330, § 395 ; 
 l\OMANl\, Stona documentala di 
 J'nie-.ia, Venezia, 1855, Svo, vol. iv, 
 !'• 469, quotes regarding the Venetian 
 naturalization, the registers of (he 
 Great Council called Magnus and 
 Capriiormts, which comprise the years 
 1299-1308. We jiresume that for the 
 subsetiuent laws and decrees, the 
 Spiritus (1325-1349), the Leona (1384 
 -1415), and Ursa (14IS-14S4). should 
 no consulted. 
 •' Galliccioli, loc. cit. 
 
NOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 
 
 population was divided into two classes, viz.: the 
 nobility, and the common people. These classes, 
 so far as national rights were concerned, formed 
 again separate orders, consisting of {a) the natives 
 of the city of Venice, {b) those of the laguna islands, 
 or Duchy, and {c) the natives of the annexed towns 
 and provinces. 
 
 At first, noblemen alone were citizens ; but the 
 term must be taken in the sense of a full citizenship, 
 for we find even in those remote times citizens de 
 j7i.ri\ who, although plebeians, enjoyed civic rights of a 
 patrician character. The only condition imposed on 
 each was that of being a legitimate child born in 
 Venice, whose father was himself the son of a citizen 
 who had never obtained his living by manual 
 labour.* 
 
 Those classes of Venetians, however, did not 
 long retain their exclusive privileges, for in 1305 a 
 law conferred the citizenship on every individual 
 born in lawful wedlock, who had been a resident of 
 Venice for twenty-five consecutive years.- 
 
 In 1348, when the plague had swept off a very 
 large portion of the population, every foreigner who 
 was married and had resided in the city with his 
 family for two years, acquired the right to be made 
 a citizen." This extreme liberality caused strangers 
 to (lock into Venice from every quarter, and the 
 number of applicants became so great that the 
 Government, fearing lest the old inhabitants should 
 be overwhelmed by this influx, passed a law extend- 
 ing the period of domicile to fifteen years.' 
 
 On the 7th of May 1391, for reasons which we 
 have been unable to ascertain, but which may be 
 ascribed to a diminution of the population in conse- 
 
 ' Marco Fkuko, Dhionario del vol. ii, p. 813; Tentoui, op. cit., 
 
 Dirilfo Cciiinnc e Veiielo, X'enezia, vol. i, p. 102. 
 
 1779, 4to, vol. iii, p. 189. " Sandi, vol. ii, p. 814. 
 
 - Sandi, o/>. tit., lib. iv, cap. 5, ^ //vV/fw, p. 815. 
 
4 JOHN CABOr 
 
 quence of the Genoese war, and the spirit of terri- 
 torial extension which animated the RepubHc after 
 the treaty of Turin, the rulers again resorted to 
 extremely liberal measures. Anyone who removed 
 to Venice with his family had only to cause his 
 name to be recorded in the registers of the Pro- 
 veditor to acquire immediately civic rights ; at least 
 de intus, that is, rights to be exercised only within 
 the territory of the Republic.^ 
 
 Such excessive generosity soon resulted in the 
 same evils as in 1348, for the applications became 
 more numerous than ever. But as the Proveditor 
 was obliged to accept every demand, with no option 
 as regards granting citizenship, the right to confer it 
 was transferred to a special college, composed of at 
 least one hundred and fifty members,- clothed with 
 discretionary powers, as we presume. 
 
 Venice having been again gready depopulated by 
 epidemics, the Senate, on the 7th of July 1407, issued 
 a general decree extending the right of citizenship to 
 any stranger married to a Venetian woman, and 
 coming to reside in the city.-' We infer that once 
 more such a great facility, which dispensed with the 
 condition of previous residence, resulted after a while 
 in detrimental effects. However, it is not till sixty- 
 five years later that we find modifications introduced 
 in the law. On the nth of August 1472, the Doge 
 Nicola Trono decreed that in future a residence of 
 at least, fifteen consecutive years and payment of all 
 State taxes during that time, should be first required ;" 
 but nothing was said relative to marrying a Venetian 
 woman. 
 
 The reader must bear in mind that these naturaliza- 
 
 '_ Ferro, art. Gittadinenza. A. Avo,i;., MS. ; Tentori, vol. i, p 
 
 - Sanui, hb. IV, chupl. 5, vol. ii, loS ; Cecchetti, // Doi;c di Vene~Ja, 
 
 P- °'S- N'cneziu, 1S64, 8vo, |). 246. 
 
 Sandi, lib. vi. cap. 2, vol. iii, ' Infra, Syllahus, doc. 2, which 
 
 p. 345, on the authority of the book contains thu entire text of the decree 
 
NOT A VENETIAN RY BIRTH. 6 
 
 tion laws applied only to aliens, or natives of the 
 annexed provinces. The inhabitants born in the 
 metropolis, or within the Duchy, never ceased to 
 enjoy the full nationality conferred on that class of 
 residents by a special decree issued in 13 13, and of 
 which we shall speak hereafter. 
 
 The citizenship was of two kinds, viz. : de intiis 
 and ^ de extra, relating respectively to privileges 
 within and without the dominions of the Republic. 
 These two sorts of privileges were frequently com- 
 bined in the same individual, who was then a citizen 
 dc intiis et cxtm. And as the citizenship dc extra 
 comprised the enjoyment of all the commercial rights 
 which Venice possessed in foreign lands, together 
 with the privilege of sailing under the Hag of St. 
 Mark, dependent, after 1472, so far as naturalized 
 citizens were concerned, only on giving security to 
 the State, applicants who were traders or seamen 
 naturally sought to complete their naturalization by 
 becoming citizens de extra as well as de iiitiis. 
 
 In addition to the entry in the Senatorial 
 register quoted at the beginning of the present 
 chapter, we possess a list of seventeen naturaliza- 
 tions de intiis et extra, recorded in the Book of 
 Privileges. John Cabot figures the thirteenth in 
 the roll, as follows : — 
 
 " Simile privilegiuni factum fuit Joanni Caboto sub duce supra- 
 scripto 1476: — The like privilege has been granted to John 
 Caboto, under the above-mentioned Doge, in 1476."! 
 
 The privileges alluded to are set forth in the 
 decree of Doge Trono, rendered the 1 ith of August 
 1472, which precedes the list of naturalized citizens 
 already cited, and is entitled: " Privilegium Civi- 
 litatis de intus et extra per habitationem annorum 
 ^^« ••—Privilege of Citizenship within and without 
 
 ' Ibidem, 
 
6 JOHN CABOT 
 
 granted in consequence of a residence of rifU!en 
 years." The motive is to be derived from the 
 follo\sinf»; clause : — • 
 
 " Quod ijuicumquc annis XV vcl indc supra, Vcnctiis continue 
 habitassct ; factioncs et oncra nostri dominij ii)So tempore subeundo, 
 a niodo civis et Venetus nostri essct ; Venetiarum (Jitadinatus et 
 privilegio et alijs beneficiis, libertatibus et imnumitatibus, (|uibusalij 
 Veneti et cives nostri utuntur et gaudcnt perpetuo el ubilibet con- 
 gaudcret : — That whosoever has inhabited ^'e^ice for fifteen years 
 or more, and during that time fulfilled the duties and supported the 
 charges of our Seigniory as if he had been a citizen and one of our 
 own Venetians, shall enjoy perpetually and everywhere, the privilege 
 of Venetian citizenship, and the other liberties and immunities 
 enjoyed and used by the other Venetians countrymen of ours." ^ 
 
 It is evident, on the face of this document, that 
 the decree was rendered in favour of individuals 
 who were not Venetians, or " countrymen of Vene- 
 tians." This is made further apparent by referring 
 to the list itself. The applicants whose origin is 
 stated in the decrees, all come from places which 
 never belonged to Venice, such as Milan, Balabio, 
 Lodi, Novara, nor even to the original dominions, 
 such as Brescia and Bergamo. 
 
 We also note in the list that the last seven 
 names are not followed by an indication of original 
 nationality. John Cabot's is among these. The 
 omission is simply due to the negligence of some 
 clerk of the Ducal Chancery, who engrossed the list, 
 in as succinct a form as possible, a long time after 
 the decrees were rendered ; for it covers twenty- 
 eight years, and not only omits important particulars, 
 but likewise exhibits great chronological confusion. 
 We notice, for instance, that the term : " Sub duce 
 suprascripto " in Cabot's case, is made to refer to 
 Doge Giovanni Mocenigo, whilst it was under the 
 rule of Andrea Vendramin that he acquired the 
 Venetian naturalization. 
 
 ^ Ibidem. 
 
XOT A VENETIAN BY BIRTH. 7 
 
 The peculiar organization of the Venetian Re- 
 public makes it incumbent on us to examine the 
 question of nationality under one more aspect. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that in the 1 5th century, which 
 is the epoch of the greatest prosperity of Venice, 
 the State only extended a right of protection to its 
 annexed, or conquered, towns and territories. The 
 natives of Padua, Verona, Bergamo, Brescia, Ravenna, 
 &c., &c., could not assume the title of "Venetian 
 citizens," although those cities actually formed parts 
 of the Republic of Venice. Even the laguna islands, 
 which were the nucleus of the rising republic in the 
 7th century, had, for many years previous, been 
 deprived of Venetian civic rights. 
 
 The 15th century was for Venice a period of great 
 territorial conquests : Vicenza, Verona, Padoua, in 
 1410, the Frioul in 1420, Dalmatia in 1426, Ravenna 
 in 1 44 1, Cremona in 1448, &c., &c. Now, we see 
 in the roll above cited a native of Brescia, and one 
 of Bergamo, which cities were annexed to Venice 
 in 1428. This shows that a man born in the 
 conquered towns or provinces was, in 1476, a 
 Venetian, but not a Venetian citizen, which title he 
 could acquire only after having been naturalized 
 individually. And, as the place from which John 
 Cabot came originally when he applied for citizen- 
 ship in Venice is unfortunately omitted from the 
 abstract of the decree, critics can \>x^smx\Q, prima facie, 
 that he may have been brought into life in one of the 
 numerous Venetian localities the natives of which, 
 at that time, were not Venetian citizens born. 
 
 This view of the case has not been considered by 
 the patriotic Venetian writers who claim John Cabot. 
 They simply allege that he was born in Venice. 
 This, so far as the city is concerned, we have shown 
 to be absolutely untenable. Of late years, others 
 have put forward the original dominion of the 
 
{ 
 
 8 yo//N CABOT 
 
 Republic as tlic region of his birth. Here again the 
 pretension is inadmissible. 
 
 In 1313, a law conferred on all resident natives of 
 the Dogado the full naturalization, that is, de inius ct 
 cxlra. The two highest authorities in the old 
 Venetian Jurisprudence, Vettor Sandi and Cristoforo 
 Tentori, are positive. They state the fact in these 
 words : — 
 
 "Nell' anno stcsso [1313] dilatatasi la prcroKativa all' antico 
 Dogado Vcncziano, si dccrctb Cittadino dull' una c 1' altra classc chi 
 nato dcntro il tratto da Grado sino a Cavarzcrc ahitasse con furma 
 stazionu in (jucllc terrc : — In the same year [1313] the [)rerogative 
 of the old Venetian Duchy was enlarged, by granting the citizen- 
 ship of both classes to any one born within the space extending 
 from Grado ' to Cavarzere,- with a fixed residence in that region." •' 
 
 Particular attention should be paid to this decree, 
 because those who reluctantly concede that John 
 Cabot was not born within the city of Venice, hope 
 nevertheless to gratify national vanity in naming as 
 his birth-place Chioggia, one of the laguna islands, 
 which would make him a Venetian in the general 
 sense of the term. This selection is particularly 
 unfortunate. 
 
 Reverting to the decree of 1313, which, so far as 
 known, has never been abrogated, we reply that 
 Chioggia belonged to the original dominion, or 
 Duchy. " Esse Dogado," says Sandi, " comprendeva 
 \ 12 principali Isole . . . erano Chioggia, o Fossa 
 
 Clodia maggiore, e minore." ' Consequently, if 
 John Cabot had first seen the light in Chioggia, he 
 would not have been obliged to ask the Senate in 
 1476 to grant naturalization, since the natives of that 
 
 ^ Grado is a town situate at the ^ Sandi, vol. ii, p. 814, and 
 
 northern entrance of the Gulf of Tentori, Saffi^io, vol. i. p. 103. 
 
 Trieste. •» Sandi, lib. iv, art. v, vol. ii, p. 
 
 2 Cavarzere is another town, situate 530. i* 
 
 on bolh banks of the Adige, twelve -jlw 
 
 miles from Chioggia. i.^ 
 
 •^ ..--,--. ,.rir 
 
NOT A VENETIAN BY lURTH. 
 
 ic 
 
 iskiiid, for more than one hundred and lifly years, had 
 been full Venetian citizens by birth ! 
 
 At all events, there is no proof whatever that he 
 was a Chioggian, The assertion is based exclusively 
 upon two lines inserted in a sort of keepsake written 
 at tiie close of the last century, and unsupported by 
 proof of any kind, viz.: — " Caboto Veneziano native 
 di Chioggia ha scoperto la America settentrionale 
 per gli inglesi."^ It may be true as regards Sebas- 
 tian ; - but if John Cabot is meant, such a bare 
 statement, made three hundred and fifty years after 
 the event, is, of course, worthless, even when 
 bolstered up with the allegation that in Pelestrina, 
 and in Chioggia, there were families of the name of 
 Capotto, Giabuto and cha' Botto. For that matter 
 there were many individuals bearing a similar name 
 in other parts of Italy, in Gaeta,^ as well as in Savona, 
 Porto Maurizio, and various localities, particularly 
 of Liguria,'* which, as we shall now proceed to show, 
 rests its claims on more defensible grounds than 
 either Chioggia or Venice itself 
 
 ' Cited by ]3i;llo, La Vera Patria 
 di Nuoli dc' Conti e di Giovanni 
 Ca/wto, Chioggia, 410, p. xxii. 
 
 - Caslello, however, is the place 
 in Venclia menlioned as having given 
 birth to Seliastian Cabot. Mineiva, 
 No. of Fcl)ruary 1763, quoted by Mr. 
 
 BULLO. 
 
 ■' MUKATORI, Anliquitatcs italicr 
 mcdii (cvi, 174 1, vol. iv, dissert, xlix, 
 col. 39S-6. 
 
 ^ G. DoNF.Ai'D, / Ga/iolo di Porto 
 Mauri-Jo, in l.a Provincia, No. of 
 November 19th, i88i, in that Porto 
 Maurizio newspaper. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 I ! 
 
 WAS JOHN CAI50T A (iKNOKSF, ? 
 
 WK have shown that Jolin Cabot was only 
 an adopted citizen of Venice. It is 
 necessary now to ascertain his birth-place. 
 
 Several writers presume that he was born at 
 Castiglione, a place near Chiavari, in Limirla, be- 
 cause Raimondo di Soncino relates that : " Messer 
 Zoanne Caboto ha donate una isola ad un suo barbero 
 da castione Genovese : — Mr. John Caboto has t,nven 
 an island to a barber of his from the Genoese 
 Castiglione."^ The fact that John Cabot made a 
 present of an island to his barber (surgeon ?), who 
 was a Genoese, is scarcely sufficient to prove that he 
 also belonged to that nationality, inasmuch as he 
 made at the same time a similar present to another 
 of his companions, who was " Borgogne : — from 
 Burgundy." There are better reasons to show John 
 Cabot to have been a Genoese by birth. 
 
 So early as January 21st. 1496. Dr. Puebla, the 
 ambassador of Ferdinand and Isabella to England, 
 informs them of the efforts of an individual " like 
 Colurnbus," who was endeavouring to fit out an 
 expedition to discover transeitlantic lands. His 
 letter is lost, but we possess the reply of the Spanish 
 monarchs, which contains the following passage : 
 " You tell us that a man like Columbus has come to 
 
 ^ Dispatch of December i8th, 1497. text to draw a distinction between the 
 
 Jean ct S3asiicn Cabot, i\oc. \, Y<. -^2$. Castiglione in Liguria, and several 
 
 The expression " Castione Genovese," places of the same name in Lombardy 
 
 is evidently intended in the original and Tuscany. 
 
WAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE i 
 
 n 
 
 IS 
 
 I'jij^land for the purpose of proposinjjj an undertakiii}; 
 of the same Uiiul to the Enghsh Ki^^^" ' The words 
 " uno coino Colon " so clearly suggest those used hy 
 I'uehla two years afterwards : " otro Genoves como 
 Colon," that we may suppose an ellipse in Their 
 Majesties' answer, and that Puebla's letter contained 
 a similar reference to Cabot's nationality. Be that 
 as it may, if his later dispatch of 1498 omits to give 
 the name of the navigator, it states explicitly that 
 he was a Genoese, in these words : " Cinco naos 
 armadas con otro genoves co'iio Colon : — five shijjs 
 equipped with another Genoese like Columbus." 
 However, the petition of March 5th, together 
 with the letters patent of April 5th, 149O. aiul 
 February 3rd, 1498,-' show that John Cabot is meant. 
 Pedro de Ayala, Puebla's adjunct in the embassy, 
 also writes as follows : — 
 
 " I have seen the map drawn by the discoverer, wlio is another 
 Genoese Hke CoUinihus . . . For the last seven years the ISristol 
 people fit out ships to go in search of the I5ra/.il Island and of 
 the Seven Cities, according to the notions of that (lenoese." •' 
 
 Let us now examine the English historians of the 
 first half of the i6th century. 
 
 Neither Richard Arnold," Edward Halle.' John 
 Hardyng," John Harpsfield,' nor any other historical 
 writer of the time in England, says a single word 
 concerning either Columbus, Vespuccius, or any of 
 the two Cabots. With the exception of a manuscript 
 chronicle which we shall cite hereafter, it is only in 
 the year 1559, in connection with the expedition of 
 
 ^ Dispatch of March 28th, 1496, op. 
 cit.^i doc. V, p. 315. 
 
 - Desimoni, /iitonio, pp. 47, 48, 
 49, 56. IjIIHji.e, Memoir, p, 76; 
 Jean el Si'bastieu Cabot, docs, iii, iv, 
 .\i, pp. 312, 313, 327. 
 
 ^Jean ct S3aslicn Cabot, doc. .\iii, 
 p. 329. 
 
 * Arnold, usqttc 1520, London, 
 s.a.y led 1^20, fol. 
 
 ■'' IIai.i.f., iisi/ue 1559, MS. of the 
 liritish Museum, CoU. I'/'f. cix. 
 
 * llARDVNr,, usi/tie 1542 (continua- 
 lion by Gkai'TON), London, 1543 (?), 
 410. 
 
 ^ Chrouicon Johamiis Harpcsfeldi a 
 diluvio ad annum 1559. Cotton MS. 
 Vitcll. cix. George Lilly, Francof, 
 1565, 4to, and Arthur Kelton, usque, 
 1546, London, 1 547, in-i6,arcalso silent. 
 
12 
 
 IVAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE ? 
 
 ] 
 
 W 
 
 li 
 
 Willoughby and Chancelor (1553), which probably 
 would have been also left unnoticed but for the tra^^ic 
 death of its noble chief, that English historians begin 
 to insert brief details about transatlantic voyages.^ 
 
 Judging from the letters patent which we have 
 just cited, the manuscript chronicle belonging to the 
 collection of Robert Cotton,- and the Cabotian plani- 
 sphere of 1544, which hung up in Whitehall, the 
 documents of that period, which take notice of the 
 official nationality of John Cabot, call him a Venetian. 
 Yet, the first English chronicles or histories which 
 make mention of the discovery of the North- East 
 Coast of America, all declare that Sebastian Cabot 
 was the son of a Genoese. 
 
 For instance. In the third edition of the Epitome 
 of Thomas Lanquet, published in 1559, we read as 
 follows : — " Sebastian Caboto, borne at Bristow, but 
 a Genoways sonne."^ It is the first time that such 
 an assertion occurs in an English book. 
 
 In Richard Grafton's Chronicle, printed ten years 
 after Lanquet's, there is the following passage : — 
 
 " Aljout this time (1553) there were three noble ships set forth and 
 furnished for the great aduenture of the vnknowne voyage into the 
 East, by the North Seas. The great doer and encourager of which 
 voyage was Sebastian Gaboto an Enghshc man, borne at Bristow, 
 but was the sonne of a Genoway."' ' 
 
 A similar statement can be read in all the editions 
 of the Chronicles of Ralph Holinshed,*^ and in those 
 
 ^ Richard GraI'TON, however, in 
 his cdiiion of 1550 of Halle's 
 Chyoniclc (vol. ii, fo. 158), gives a 
 few lines to the expedition suggested 
 by Robert Thorne, and which John 
 Rut led to the Norlh-West in 
 
 1527. 
 
 The first allusion to the discovery of 
 the New World to lie found in a book 
 printed in England, is in the transla- 
 tion made by Henry Watson after 
 the French version of Sebastian 
 Brandt's Stultifera tiavis, London, 
 
 Caxton, or Wynken de Worde, 15091 
 4to. {Bibliot. Amcric, Vclttst., Aiidil., 
 No. 33, pp. 44-45- ) 
 
 ^ Infra, chapter vii. 
 
 ■' Lanquet, An Epilomc of cron- 
 ic/es, 1559, 4to, stil) anno 1552. 
 
 ■* Grafton, A Chronicle at large, 
 and mccre History of the Affayrcs of 
 England, London, 1569. fob, and in 
 Ellis' edition, vol. ii, p. 532. 
 
 * IIOLiiNSHED, 7'lic Chronicle of 
 England, London, 1577, fob, vol. ii, 
 p. 1714. 
 
IVAS JOHN CABOT A GENOESE ? 
 
 13 
 
 of John Stows Annals. In the latter, however, the 
 wording is different ; — 
 
 "This ycarc one Sebastian Gabato a gcnoas sonne borne in 
 Bristow professing Iiimselfe to be experte in knowledge of the 
 circutc of the worlde and Ilandes of the same."i 
 
 Here are, therefore, six writers who separately 
 declare in express terms, or impliedly, that John 
 Cabot was a Genoese by birth. It is important, 
 nevertheless, to ascertain whether Dr. Puebla, Pedro 
 de Ayala, the continuator of Lanquet, as well as 
 Richard Grafton, Ralph Holinshed, and honest John 
 Stow, have not perchance derived their information 
 on that point from the same source ; because those 
 six opinions would be then equal to one only. We 
 must also ascertain whether the statements were 
 borrowed from personages who by their position, 
 their facilities for being- well informed, the time and 
 the country in which they lived, are entitled to faith 
 and credit. 
 
 ^ ^mw, T/ie C/ironick of England, Christ , 15S0, Lond., 15S0, dto, 11. 
 jrom Biutc iiii/o the present yeare of 872. 
 
1' 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 RUY Gon;^ales de Puebla was a doctor of laws, 
 whom Ferdinand and Isabella sent to Henry 
 VII. in 1488 to negotiate the marriage of Catherine 
 of Aragon with Arthur, Prince of Wales. He came 
 to England a second time, about 1494, as Spanish 
 Ambassador, and represented not only Castile and 
 Aragon but also the Pope and the Emperor until 
 1 509, when he died, 
 
 Puebla was venal, and so mean, that for the sake of 
 cheap lodgings he lived in a disreputable house. ^ His 
 official position, and intercourse with Court people, 
 which he rendered frequent, as much to be enter- 
 tained at dinner as to obtain news,'- enabled him to 
 be well-informed. He also frequented the numerous 
 Genoese who were settled in London. In fact, his 
 intimacy with them was too great ; since by paying 
 him bribes, which at times amounted to so much as 
 500 crowns, they secured his influence to be relieved 
 of fines imposed by the English government. The 
 corruption was such that commissioners were sent 
 from Spain in 1498 to investigate the charges brought 
 against him.'' 
 
 * " I le has been living for three years - "Once Henry asked his courtiers 
 
 already in the house of a mason who if they knew the reason wliy De 
 
 made money by keeping disrcputalilc I'UEDLA was coming. They answered, 
 
 women under his roof." Pelition of 'To eat,' and tlie king laughed." 
 
 the Spanish merchants in London, " Report of LoNDONO," f/. «?,, Nos. 
 
 and letter from Dr. Hrkton, in llie 204, 207. 
 
 Spanish Calendar of Bkrgenkotii, ^ Ibidem, No. 206, p. 165. 
 vol. i, Nos. 20(3, 206, p. 166. 
 
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 15 
 
 This intercourse with people from Genoa, many 
 of whom we must suppose to have known John 
 Cabot personally, as in those days the Italians 
 residing in London often met in Lombard Street, 
 and also the probability that Puebla himself saw 
 him at the Court in 1496 and 149S when applying 
 for letters patent, are considerations which add great 
 weight to the expression " a Genoese," used by 
 Puebla in reference to John Cabot. 
 
 Pedro de Ayala first went to Scotland as am- 
 bassador to the Court of James IV., and afterwards 
 to London, as adjunct to Puebla, until 1500. Ferdi- 
 nand of Aragon then sent him to the Emperor at 
 Bruges, whence he returned to his native country in 
 the spring of 1506, via England.^ 
 
 Ayala differed greatly trom Puebla. He was a 
 gentleman of high birth, and, although belonging to 
 the Church, as apostolic protonotary, was of a pugna- 
 cious, haughty, and prodigal disposition, withal, a very 
 skilful diplomatist, who had the greatest contempt 
 for his chief, Puebla, whose company he avoided. 
 Instead, he lived in the intimacy of Raimondo di 
 Soncino, the ambassador of Ludovic the Moor, who 
 then held Genoa as a fief of the French crown. 
 He even corresponded directly with that prince, 
 and, to use an expression of the time, " was not less 
 in the service of the Duke of Milan than Raimondo 
 himself" - 
 
 At the Milanese Embassy, he had frequent inter- 
 
 Mlc is the "Peter Ilyalas" of 
 IlAi.i.r., CiRAi'TON, and IIoi.insiif.d, 
 and the "KHas" of Bacon {Hist, of 
 Iknry VII., p. 174), who negotiated 
 tlie iriice between Jamks IV. and 
 Henky VII. in 1497. He is also the 
 I'edii) OE Ayala whom Kkrdinand 
 and IsAHKi.i.Asenl as amhassaikir witli 
 (iarci Lope/. i>k Carvajai. in tlie 
 autumn of 1493, to Jn.U) II., concern- 
 in;,' the modifications proposed by the 
 
 latter for the Line of Demarcation or 
 Partition, after Coi.UMni's had de- 
 parted on his second voyat^e. This 
 ])r()nipted the svitty remark of the King 
 of Portugal: ".My cousin's embassy 
 lacks both head and feet ;" referring 
 to the weak intellect of Carvajai,, and 
 the lameness of Ayala. Uarros, 
 Decad. i, fo. 57. 
 
 ■-' Rawdon iiuowN, Calendar, vol. 
 i, Nos, 7S0, 783. 
 
A 
 ;ji'. 
 
 16 
 
 /0//N CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 course with the distinguished Genoese who occupied 
 such high positions at the Court of England that 
 several of them were entrusted by Henry VII. with 
 diplomatic missions to the Pope and to the King of 
 France. There were among them men like Agostino, 
 Antonio, Benedetto and Francesco Spinola,tlie King's 
 physician Zoane Battista de Tabia, Cipriano de 
 Fornari, &c., &c.^ It was the time of the disco- 
 veries accomplished by their countryman Christopher 
 Columbus. His voyages across the ocean were 
 doubtless a frequent subject of conversation with 
 those enterprising Italians. Ayala, himself, certainly 
 took great interest in the subject, as he had been one 
 of the two commissioners sent by Ferdinand and 
 Isabella to Joao II., the King of Portugal, in the 
 autumn of 1493, regarding the Line of Demarcation 
 fixed by the Papal Bull of May 4th.- We are 
 authorised, therefore, to think that when Ayala thrice 
 called John Cabot " a Genoese,"^ his information was 
 derived from the men of that nationality whom he 
 met so often, and is, consequently, entitled to credit. 
 
 The statements of the English historians of the 
 1 6th century relative to the same question require 
 also to be examined in detail. 
 
 The Epitome of Chronicles published in 1559, is 
 only the continuation of the chronicle of Thomas 
 Lanquet or Lanquette extended to the reign of 
 Elizabeth. The second part, in which is to be found 
 the passage concerning Sebastian Cabot, is ascribed 
 to Bishop Cooper, as the title reads : " Secondly, to 
 the reiune of our souerai^ne lord kinsr Edward the 
 sixt, by Thomas Cooper." 
 
 Cooper does not seem to have resided elsewhere 
 than at Oxford, where he practised medicine,'* before 
 
 > Ibidem, Nos. 785, 7S7. 
 - Supra, p. 15, note i. 
 
 ■• At the age of twenty-four years. 
 ^,..j;^, y. .J, ..^..^ .. Wm. NiCHOT.sON, 77/1 EngUsh Hh- 
 
 ' Dispatch of July 2Sth, 1498. Jean lorical Library, 1O96, 8vo, vol. i, 
 et Seb, Cabot, doc. xiii, p. 329. \\ 18S. 
 
f 
 
 JOHN CAUOr CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 17 
 
 Elizabeth ascended the throne, in 1558. He was 
 not made a bishop till 1570. 13orn about 1517, 
 and living until 1594, he may have met Sebastian 
 at the Court during- the last eight or nine years 
 of the hitter's life, which were spent within the 
 city of London. 
 
 But it is necessary at the outset to ascertain 
 whether Thomas Cooper was really the author of 
 the expression : "a Genoways sonne," applied to 
 Sebastian Cabot. 
 
 The first edition of Lanquet's Chronicle, pub- 
 lished in 1549, does not contain, of course, any 
 allusion to an event of the year 1553. 
 
 The second edition, which was printed in 1554, 
 we have failed to find in any library. 
 
 The third edition appeared in 1559, and is the 
 one from which we have borroAved the previously 
 quoted statement concerning the nationality of 
 Sebastian Cabot's father. The title states that the 
 third part is " to the reigne of our soueraigne Ladye 
 Ouene Elizabeth, by Robert Crowley," and it bears 
 the imprint " Londini. In a^dibus Thomce Marshe " ; 
 but we read in the colophon : " Imprinted at London 
 by William Seres." The reader should bear in 
 mind these three names, Crowley, Marshe and Seres 
 (or Ceres). 
 
 The fourth edition is of 1560, and the fifth of 1565. 
 Both of these were certainly edited by Thomas 
 Cooper. The reference contains only the words 
 "one Sebastian Gaboto," without any allusion to 
 the birth-place of his father. Further, in the 
 " Admonicion," on the verso of the tide-page, 
 Cooper protests against the edition of 1559 in 
 energetic terms : 
 
 " AVhercin as I saw some thyngcs of myne Icftc out, and many 
 thynges of others annexed . . . greatly l)lanie their vnhonest 
 dealynge, and protest that the Ediclon of this chronicle set foorth 
 
/ 
 
 ^r 
 
 18 
 
 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 by Marshe and Ceres in the ycre of Christe 1559, is none of 
 
 "1 
 
 I I 
 
 I! ' ' 
 
 i* .' 
 
 
 mync 
 
 The edition of 1 559 is therefore a mere counterfeit, 
 and as the words "a Genoways sonne" are not in any 
 of the editions which Cooper recognises as his own, 
 the designation is an interpolation of the compiler 
 who edited the publication of Marsh and Ceres, that 
 is, Robert Crowley. 
 
 Crole or Crowley was at once printer, bookseller, 
 poet, controversialist and preacher. After receiving 
 his education at Oxford,- he settled in London 
 towards the close of the reign of Henry VIII. and 
 became one of the most zealous reformers of his day 
 and country. As he did not die till 1588, Crowley 
 may have known Sebastian Cabot personally, since 
 they both lived in the same city from at least 1551 
 until 1554, when Crowley went to Frankfort return- 
 ing to England only on the death of Queen Mary, 
 in 1558. 
 
 Richard Grafton's Chronicle is in reality that of 
 Edward Hall or Halle, remodelled and augmented. 
 But as Halle's Chronicle in its original printed 
 form'^ only dealt with the reign of Henry VIII., 
 while the continuation, found, it is said, among 
 Halle's papers, only came down to the year 1532, 
 and as moreover, he died in 1548, it is evident that 
 the details about Cabot siib anno 1553, given by 
 Grafton, were not borrowed from Halle. 
 
 Grafton was the appointed printer of Edward VI., 
 who notwithstanding his youth, wrote a great deal. 
 Having already enjoyed that privilege while as yet 
 Edward was but Prince of Wales, in 1545, Grafton 
 continued to hold it to the young monarch's death 
 in 1553. We are unable to say whether this 
 
 1 Thomas Lanqi'ET, An Epitome London, 1819, 410, vol. iv, p. 324, 
 
 of Chroiiicli's ; Cooper's editions of ^ T/ie Union of the two noble and 
 
 1560 and 1565, 4I0. ill list )x fanielies of Lanautre and 
 
 ■^ Ames, Typographical Antiijnities, Yovke \ London, 1548, fol. 
 
 H»«">")ISBD! 
 
 I 
 
^ 
 
 of 
 
 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 19 
 
 circumstance brought Grafton into contact with 
 Cabot, whom we know to have frequented the 
 Court of that King, where he- even cleHvered 
 lectures on Cosmography. But the sentence in 
 question, such as Grafton gives it in 1569,^ resembles 
 too much that in the third edition of Lanquet's 
 Chronicle, although inserted j?/^ anno 1552. instead 
 of 1553, not to have been borrowed from Crowley. 
 
 \Ve Unow scarcely anything of the life of Ralph 
 Holinshed, but for the present inquiry this is of no 
 importance, as what we read about Cabot in his 
 Chronicle is copied literally from Crowley, or from 
 Grafton. 
 
 Crowley, Grafton and Holinshed therefore con- 
 stitute but one authority ; yet we should recollect 
 that the first two, and probably the third, were con- 
 tcMuporaries of Sebastian Cabot, and lived in London, 
 wlier(i he himself then resided.- It is certain that 
 under the circumstances they would not have repre- 
 sented him to be the son of a Genoese, if they had 
 ever heard that he was the son of a Venetian born. 
 
 W(^ now come to John Stow, and must ascertain 
 whether he also borrowed his statement from the 
 same source. 
 
 The life of that learned antiquary is really touching. 
 He was a poor tailor, who worked at his trade until 
 the age of forty.' Being then impelled by an 
 innate taste for historical studies, he (Quitted the 
 shears aiid the needle to make researches into the 
 English archives. He travelled long distances afoot, 
 to investigate documents preserved in churches, 
 colleges and monasteries, and collected, compared, 
 copied and annotated a mass of texts, with a skill 
 
 ^ /can ct Silltast. Cabot, doc. xxxvii u a., 4(0; in llie E|)istle dedicaloiy. 
 '') P- 364- •' There is, hdwever, ;i Summarie of 
 
 - A Tcij ncicssaric Bcokc rourcnunc^ Eiii^lyshc Chronhks, Loudon, 1561, 
 
 Navii^alion . . . by J. Taisnik.kls, 121110, written when he was hut tliiiLy- 
 
 translated hy Richard Edkn ; Lond., live years old. 
 
20 JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 and devotion truly jidmirable. Finally, when at the 
 ajrc of eighty the zealous and patriotic " searcher and 
 
 1 preserver of antiquities," as Hakluyt justly calls him, 
 
 was no longer able to work, James the First, as a 
 reward for the services which he had rendered to 
 national history, authorized him, by letters patent of 
 May 8th, 1603, to beg his bread under the porch of 
 all the churches in the kingdom. He died two years 
 afterwards, April 5th, 1605.^ 
 
 Stow speaks of Sebastian Cabot three times. We 
 shall take these in their reverse order. 
 
 The third time is on the occasion of the disastrous 
 expedition of 1553, in which Willoughby and all his 
 companions were frozen to death. There is an 
 account of that terrible event in the Chronicles 
 of Lanquet, Grafton and Holinshed ; but Stow's 
 betrays a different source of information. He gives, 
 for instance, the precise date, viz. : May 20th of the 
 .seventh year of the reign of Edward VI., but omits 
 the name of the unfortunate navigator, as well as the 
 sequel of the voyage. We also notice a circumstance 
 which the other Chronicles of the time have failed 
 to report, viz. : that the expedition was fitted out at 
 the cost of merchants, who each subscribed £2^, 
 and that among the principal promoters were Sir 
 George Barnes and Sir William Garrard. Unfor- 
 tunately, Stow speaks of our Cabot only as " one 
 Sebastian Cabotte," without mentioning either his 
 nationality or that of his father. Our reason for 
 quoting Stow at this point is simply to show that 
 he was not a blind follower of his predecessors, and 
 that he possessed independent information regarding 
 Sebastian Cabot. 
 
 The second time he refers to him is with refer- 
 
 j ence to the three savages from the New World 
 
 '' ' Lift' of John Slow, in the ediiion of ^720, of his Survey of London, fol,, 
 
 vol. i. 
 
 (:. ' 
 
 I i 
 
 ! 1 
 
 . ' ■■ ' I ",;,!! ' 
 
JOHN CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 21 
 
 W 
 
 (i 
 
 who were exhibited in London in 1502.' In this 
 instance Stow again omits to state the nationality 
 of Sebastian's father, doubtless because he has 
 already given the information in a passage referred 
 to in a marginal note. This brings us to the first 
 mention, and there our hero is described as "one 
 Sebastian Gabato a genoas sonne." It is in Stow's 
 brief account of the transatlantic voyage in the 
 course of which the continent of North America was 
 discovered.- No authority is cited for the assertion, 
 but we can easily ascend to its source by comparing 
 ihe account with that of Hakluyt. It will be seen 
 from the following extracts that both are unquestion- 
 ably derived from the same original. . 
 
 Hakluyt 
 (in 1582). 
 
 "This yeerc the King (liy 
 means of ... . which made 
 himselfe very expert and cunn- 
 ing in knoweledge of the circuile 
 of the worlde, and Ilandes of 
 the same as by a Carde, and 
 other demonstrations reasonable 
 hee shewed) caused to man and 
 victuall a shippe at Eristowe, to 
 search for an Ilande, whiche he 
 said hee knewe well was riche 
 ." and replenished with riche com- 
 modities . . ." ^ 
 
 The similarity continues to the end of the descrip- 
 tion, which Hakluyt frankly states "to have been 
 taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabyan's 
 Chronicle, not hitherto printed, whiche is in the 
 custodie of Mr. John Stowe."' On his part, 
 Stow acknowledges possessing "a continuation by 
 Fabyan himself, as late as the third year of Henry 
 
 Stow 
 (ill 1580). 
 
 "This yeare one . . . pro- 
 fessing himselfe to be experte 
 in knowledge of the circuite of 
 the worlde and Ilandes of the 
 same, as by his charts and other 
 reasonable demonstrations he 
 shewed, caused the King to 
 man and victual a shippe at 
 Bristow to search for an Ilande 
 which he knewe to be replen- 
 ished with rich commodities 
 
 ' /can et Sibast. Cahol, doc. xiv, 
 !>• ,330; 
 "'■ I/ui/ciii, doc. vi r., ]), 317. 
 
 •^ Jean ct Sc'basticn Cabot, loc. cit,, 
 and doc. vi c, p. 318. 
 •• Ibidem. 
 
 '■S^ 
 
22 
 
 JOHN CAfiOT CALLED A GENOKSIi. 
 
 VIII."' 1"herc is no doubt ihcrcforc that Stovv's 
 description of the voya<^e of [497 was derived from 
 Fabyan. 
 
 The fact that no such account is to be found in 
 any of the manuscripts or editions of Fabyan's 
 Chronicle which have come down to us " is no proof 
 to the contrary. The first edition of Fabyan was 
 published four years after his death, in 1516, and it 
 extends no later than the reign of Richard III. The 
 additions to the second edition, published in 1533, 
 and which reach to the year 1509, are only brief 
 notes, which cannot even be said to come from 
 Fabyan's mss. And yet this author certainly left a 
 continuation, of which, however, his posthumous 
 publishers, Pynson and Rastell, have not been 
 aware. That continuation covered the entire reign 
 of Henry VII., since Stow says it reached to the 
 third year of the reign of Henry VIII., and it 
 consequently embraced the period of Cabot's first 
 transatlantic voyages, as well as a description of 
 the same. This is further shown by the other 
 statement (above cited) relative to three savages 
 brought from the New World in 1502, which is 
 also given as having been taken from L'abyan's 
 Chronicle, although it is not to be found in any 
 known text of his work. 
 
 Now, if Stow's declaration that Sebastian Cabot 
 was the son of a Genoese comes originally from 
 Fabyan, as must be admitted a priori, it is entitled 
 to credit. Not that Fabyan, notwithstanding his 
 efforts to reconcile the various accounts of historians, 
 possessed great critical acumen ; but as he was born 
 
 
 1 Ilarlcian MSS. 538, quoted by pari which interests us. The copy of 
 
 BiDDLE, p. 299. Fahyan in the Reading Room of ilie 
 
 ■^ Chronicle, London, 1516, 1533, Jiritish Museum contains the following 
 
 1542, 1559, fol. Ellis has consulted MS. annotation : "A third MS. in 
 
 for his 1811 edition two MSS., but the Ilolkham Library." We have 
 
 they were incomplete as regards the vainly endeavoured to discover it. 
 
 {, 
 
 1> 
 
 
JOI[N CABOT CALLED A GENOESE. 
 
 23 
 
 in London, and lived in that city to ilic time of his 
 
 death in 151 2. havini^ held the important oliices of 
 
 sheriff and alderman, the latter of which he still 
 
 filled in 1502, he must have been in a position to 
 
 obtain reliable information concerning matters of 
 
 importance to trade and navigation, such as were 
 
 unquestionably the granting of the letters patent of 
 
 1496 and the successful voyage of John Cabot in 
 
 1497. He must then have known personally the 
 
 fortunate navigator, to whom, in London, on account 
 
 of his great discovery " vast honors were paid, and 
 
 after whom the English ran like wild people."' 
 
 Besides, Fabyan was a draper by trade, and, on 
 
 account of the celebrated Genoa and Savona cloths 
 
 and ])lushes which were then largely imported into 
 
 Euij-land, doubtless had commercial intercourse with 
 
 the Ligurian merchants residing in London, and 
 
 may thus have acquired from them information 
 
 relative to John Cabot's original nationality. 
 
 Withal, the matter is not yet absolutely clear. In 
 the quotation given above the reader may have 
 noticed a certain blank in the extracts alike of Stow 
 and Hakluyt. This line of argument required us to 
 leave out a few words, which must be now replaced. 
 They are : 
 
 Stow (1580). 
 
 " One Sebastian (labato a 
 genoas sonne." 
 
 Hakluvt (1582). 
 " by meanes of a Venetian." 
 
 The difference is great, and the more noticeable 
 that both Stow and Hakluyt took their text from 
 the same manuscript Fabyan. An interpolation has 
 certainly been made by one of them. 
 
 It must be said that Hakluyt did not always 
 follow original texts faithfully. Without accepting 
 
 ' I'ASQUALiGO's Lutlcr ; Jean ct Sib. Cabot, doc. viii, p. 322, 
 
 J*^iU 
 

 'A 
 
 ,j •! 
 
 i 
 
 •«i 
 
 ( ' 
 
 
 24 
 
 /()//N C/inOT CALLED // GENOESE. 
 
 all^lhc criticisms k:v('llccl iit him by liiddlc ' concern- 
 ing extracts from (jomara, Ramusio and Wilics, 
 inscrtcxi in the Pi'iiicipall Navii^ations. the inac- 
 curacy of which must be in part ascribed to Richard 
 Eden, there is one which we think w(;ll-t"oundcd. It 
 is that which concerns the three savaj^^es from the 
 New World already referred to as exhibited in 
 London in 1502." This circimistance is related by 
 llakluyt and by Stow, in both instances as having 
 been borrowed from l''abyan. According to Stow, 
 the exhibition took place "18 Hen. VII. a.d. 1502."^ 
 Hakluyt in his Divers Voyages published in 15S2. 
 had given almost the same date : " in the xvii yi^ere 
 of his [Henry VIP'"s] raigne." ' Being anxious, 
 afterwards, to make the exhibition ccjincide with 
 Cabot's voyage of 1498, he changed, in his edition 
 of 1599-1600, the date of 1502 into that of "the 
 fourteenth yere of Henry VI ^'''s raigne;" which 
 covers the period from August 21st, 1498 until 
 August 2 1st, 1499. We have just seen also that 
 in 1582. he says, again in quoting Fabyan : "by 
 meanes of a Venetian." Yet, eighteen years after- 
 wards, he alters his text, so as to make it read : "by 
 meanes of one John Cabot, a Venetian," continuing 
 nevertheless, to give the fact as coming from 
 Fabyan. Hakluyt therefore may be charged with 
 manipulating sometimes the authors whom he 
 quotes. 
 
 As to John Stow, we must frankly admit that 
 he is also liable to the charge of having foisted 
 several words into the cited passage derived from 
 Fabyan. True it is that we do not possess the 
 latter's original text, but the critic can trace it to 
 
 ' liiDDLK, pp. 13, 21, 34, 53. See '^ Jean et SCbastien Cabot, doc. xiv, 
 
 Tytlkr's excellent vincliciUion of p. 330. 
 
 Haki.uyi', Pro'^rcss of Discovery, ^ Hakh'YT, /?«'6'r.t ewj'rt^w, in the 
 
 Hdinb., 1823, pp. 417-444. Hakluyt Society's reprint, p!23. 
 
 - Stow, C/uon. , Lund., 15S0, p. 875. 
 
 I [I 
 
 ■' ^V 
 
JOHN CAliOT CALLED A GENOESK. 
 
 25 
 
 its prolotyiK',, viz. : the Cottonian iMS. ciuiiled 
 Cnmicon rioum Amrlicc it scries {naioruin ct vice 
 coiniiiDii Civiia/is London ah anno priiiio Ilcnrici 
 Icrliuni ad annum prhnuin Hen. S"', vvliich bt:,L;ins 
 as follows : 
 
 " Tliis ycro the Kyn^ at thu hcsy rotiucst and supplicacion of a 
 Slraungcr veiiisian, which l)y a Ccjuart made by hyiu sclfcxiierl in 
 kiunvyii^ of llic world. . . ." ' 
 
 Hakluyt's first account (1582) is certainly more in 
 accordance with the above text than is that of Stow, 
 and as he (expressly states that he took it from the 
 copy of Fabyan then in the possession of Stow, 
 we are bound to infer that Stow's copy of I^'abyan 
 did not contain the words : " Sebastian Gabato a 
 L^enoas sonne," and that these are an interpolation 
 made by Stow himself. 
 
 We have been unable to ascertain where he 
 obtained his information on this point. True it is 
 that Crowley, thirty years before him, had already 
 stated that Sebastian Cabot was "a Genoways 
 Sonne," which statement was repeated by Grafton in 
 1569, and by Ilolinshed in 1577, and the chronicles 
 of those authors cannot have remained unknown 
 to Stow. Withal, our impression is that if he had 
 borrowed the statement from them, we should find 
 it, not in his account of the voyage of 1497, but in 
 his description of Willoughby's expedition, exactly 
 as those historians have it, and with the same 
 details. 
 
 Further, however paradoxical it may seem at 
 first sight, we are inclined to believe that in Stow's 
 opinion, the Cabot who discovered the continent of 
 North America, and the Cabot who " encouracred " 
 the enterprise of Willoughby fifty-six years after- 
 wards, had nothing in common, not even the name. 
 
 ' Jiun ct Si,'//, Ciihol, (ioc. vi, \k 316. 
 
fT' 
 
 I 
 
 26 
 
 /OHN CABOT CALLED A CENOESE. 
 
 I 1 
 
 
 Under the years 1498 and 1502, he calls the navi- 
 i^ator "' Gabaio" \ under the year 1553, '' Cabottd' 
 When speaking of Gabato in 1502, in order to show 
 that he is the same individual mentioned previously, 
 Stow omits the adjective a before the name and 
 adds in the marginal note : "before named in anno 
 1498." Now, there is no such reference, — although 
 greatly needed, — when he speaks of the principal 
 promoter of Willoughby's expedition, whom he 
 simply designates as "one Sebastian Cabotte," as 
 if the man had never before played any part in 
 the events related in his chronicle, and without 
 knowing, apparently, where he came from. 
 
 It is not impossible, therefore, that Stow may 
 have borrowed his information relative to the 
 original nationality of Sebastian Cabot's father, from 
 some old document, and not from the same source 
 as Crowley, or from Crowley himself. 
 
 At all events, it has been shown that until the 
 day when the Doge Andrea Vendramin said to 
 John Cabot, according to the consecrated formula : 
 " te nostrum creamus : — We create thee one of us," 
 John Cabot had only been in Venice, a " forestiere," 
 or alien in the full sense of the term. Further, the 
 documents prove that after he removed to England, 
 diplomatists and historians believed him to have 
 come originally from Genoa, and called his son 
 Sebastian " a Genoways sonne," whilst no proof to 
 the contrary has yet been adduced by anyone. 
 
 
 .') 
 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAISOT's AGE AND NATIONALITN'. 
 NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 A number of English writers state that Sebastian 
 Cabot was born in England, at Bristol.' This 
 assertion requires to be thoroughly examined. 
 
 John Cabot was married to a Venetian woman, 
 who followed him to England, apparently in one of 
 those galleys which Venice sent regularly to the 
 principal ports of Great Britain. On the 27th of 
 August 1497, she was living at Bristol with her 
 children." Lorenzo Pasqualigo, in the only mention 
 which has reached us of John Cabot's wife, and 
 Sebastian's mother, simply says : "so moier venitiana 
 e con so lioli a Bristo."^ We do not even know 
 what was her maiden or her christian name.'* The 
 probability is that she died at the close of the 15th 
 century, since, when Sebastian Cabot alleged, as a 
 pretext for going to Venice, that he had to prosecute 
 a claim relating to his mother's jointure, Peter 
 
 ' Lanouet {i,c. Crowi.ky), Graf- 
 ton, lloi.iNSiiEi), Srow, iX:c. &c. 
 That belief was certainly tiased upon 
 ]*>niCN\s marginal note (mentioned 
 below), wliicii must have inspired 
 tiiem with the more confidence that 
 it emanated from Cabot himself. 
 
 Francis GninviN, Ainialcs of 
 Eni^itind, London, 1630, folio, calls 
 "Sebastian Cabota, a rortugall." 
 Gaspar Coi;ri;a, who lived in the 
 times of Cabot, says he was a l)as(|ue : 
 " N' cstc anno de. 527 partio de 
 Sevilla hnniBastiiio Gabalo, biscayno;" 
 
 Lcndas de India, Lisbua, 1S58-62, 
 4t<), vol. iii, p. 109. 
 
 - Rawdon Urown, CrrAv/f/rtr, vol. i, 
 No. 752 ; lU^Li.O, l\m Pati/a, p. 61. 
 
 "• ji an li Si-l>. Cabot, doc. viii, p. 322. 
 
 ^John Cabot's wife seems to have 
 had a sister, whose name is also un- 
 known, and who was re]iresented as 
 living in Venice on the 2Sth of April 
 1523, and to be then very old : "la 
 aniecla vostra e molto vecchia," says 
 the Kagusian wlien writing to Sebastian 
 Cabot. Jean ci Si!uas/hii Cabot ; doc. 
 xxxi, 1). 353. 
 
 
 
tw 
 
 i 
 
 -J 
 
 i I 
 I 
 
 28 SEBASriAN CABOT S AGE AND NATIONALITY. 
 
 Valines wrote to the Privy Council on the 12th of 
 September 1551 : " this matter is above fifty years 
 old.'" 
 
 It will be remembered that in the iith year of 
 the reign of Henry VII.. John Cabot and his three 
 sons requested a grant of letters [jatent for a voyage 
 of discovery.- "rhese were granted on March 
 5th, 1496, and it is from them that we learn the 
 names of Cabot's three sons, " Lewes, Sebestyan 
 <md Sancto." 
 
 If we follow the order in which the grantees are 
 mentioned in the letters patent, Sebastian was the 
 second son; but we have yet to ascertain his age 
 and the place of his birth. 
 
 The grant is to John Cabot personally, and to 
 his sons, but he does not receive it at the same 
 time as guardian for them, or any of them. On 
 the contrary, the individual character of the grantees 
 is preserved absolutely, as the letters patent are to 
 each separately, their heirs and deputies : 
 
 " Dilcctis nobis Johanni Cabotto civi Vcnctiarum, ac Lodovico, 
 Sebastiano et Sancto, filiis diet! Johannis, ct eorum ac cujus libel 
 corum hccredibus et deputatis : — to our welbeloued John Cabot, 
 citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanctus, sonnes of the 
 said John, and to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their 
 deputies." 
 
 Apparently, John Cabot's three sons were therefore 
 in March 1496 all of full age. True it is that Henry 
 VII. asserted high prerogatives, and perhaps infancy 
 or minority would not have been a bar under his 
 reign to the vesting of a royal grant in an infant or 
 minor, leaving the question of disability to arise 
 when it was sought to enforce some liability against 
 the alleged infant, or when some question was 
 started as to the exercise by him of authority pur- 
 
 ^ JcandSilhasl. Cabot; doc. ssxvi, - Kymi.k, luvdera, vol. v, part iv, 
 p. jf,2. y. So ; Dksimoni, Iitloiiw, doc. vi. 
 
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 29 
 
 porting to be given to the minor by the grant of 
 letters patent. Yet any one at all familiar with 
 the history of English jurisprudence will concede 
 that, even under the first Tudor, powers such as the 
 making of contracts with third parties, and the 
 right to take and equip ships in British ports, to 
 bind crews, and enjoy the privileges of exclusive 
 resort and traffic, — all of which could be vitiated on 
 the ground of infancy, — would scarcely have been 
 granted to any one who was not obviously of full 
 age. Nor is it likely that powers so extensive as 
 to give authority to subdue, occupy and possess 
 foreign regions, and t(j exercise jurisdiction over 
 them in the name of the King of England, could 
 also have been given to minors. The counsellors of 
 the Crown, we think, would have required proofs of 
 majority, if the least doubt had arisen in their mind 
 on that most important point. 
 
 This objection involves the question of majority. 
 If we interpret it in the sense of the English common 
 law, Sebastian Cabot, on the 5th of March 1496, 
 had attained at least the age of twenty-two since 
 his younger brother Sanctus was then, necessarily, 
 not less than twenty-one years old. Sebastian there- 
 fore was born before March 1474. If, on the other 
 hand, we view the question from the standpoint of 
 the civil law which prevailed at Venice, Sebastian's 
 birth occurred at the latest in 1470. 
 
 The place of his birth can also be ascertained, 
 both by implication and from trustworthy reports. 
 
 If we are to believe certain English biographers, 
 Sebastian Cabot's native place was in England, on 
 the banks of the Frome or Avon. This assc;rtion 
 rests almost exclusively upon a statement made by 
 Sebastian Cabot himself, which, however, as we 
 shall hereafter show, carries but little weight. 
 
 Richard Eden, in a marginal note appended to his 
 
'J 
 
 T 
 
 J. 
 
 I 
 
 30 SEBASTIAN CABOT'S AGE AND NATIONALITY. 
 translation of Peter Martyr's Decades, makes the 
 
 ^ following statement : 
 
 " Sel:)astian Cabote toiild nic that he was borne in Brystowe, 
 and that at iiii. yeare ould he was carried with iiis father to Venice, 
 and so returned agay le into England with his father after certayne 
 years, whereby he was thouglit to have been born in Venice." ' 
 
 Reverting to the decree by which the Senate of 
 r Venice conferred the Venetian nationality on John 
 
 I Cabot, we must recall the fact that the privilege was 
 
 ' granted in consequence of a constant residence of 
 
 ■ fifteen years in Venice. And as the act is dated 
 
 ' March 28th, 1476, whilst the letters patent of Henry 
 
 VII. bear date March 5th, 1496, Sebastian Cabot 
 was not only already in existence when his father 
 obtained the Venetian nationality, but he must have 
 then been not less than two, or six years old. That 
 is, he was begotten whilst John Cabot yet awaited 
 within the limits of the Republic, to all appearances 
 in the; city itself, the prescribed period when an alien 
 could be invested with the rights and privileges of a 
 Venetian citizen. Sebastian Cabot therefore was 
 born in Venice. 
 
 If, in reply, misguided English patriotic writers 
 bring forward the statement of Cabot to Eden, "that 
 |i at iiii yeare ould he was carried with his father to 
 
 ■>4 Venice," they must admit one of two consequences, 
 
 (} either of which is damaging to their case. 
 
 The first is that if John Cabot's wife went to 
 England only after her husband was made a Venetian 
 citizen, March 28th, 1476, and then gave birth to 
 Sebastian, in that case he cannot have been older 
 than nineteen when Henry VII. granted him the 
 letters patent of April 5th, 1496. Our argument 
 derived from incapacity on account of lack of age, 
 preserves therefore; its full force. 
 
 ' Eprn, Decades of the Neii< IVorhic, London, 1555. 4111, fo. 355. 
 
 * .'J. 
 
■^ 
 
 NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 31 
 
 The second consequence is that if it was before 
 the time when John Cabot had acquired his Venetian 
 naturalization that h(; became; in luigland the father 
 of Sebastian, then the latter was born prior to 1457, 
 since the naturalization "granted in 1476, is predicated 
 upon a residence of fifteen consecutive years in 
 V^enice, and Sebastian says that he had attained the 
 a<re of four when his father took him from Eng-land 
 to that city. As Sebastian was still at the head of 
 the Muscovy Company in i 556-1557, he would thus 
 be in active service when one hundred years old ! 
 
 The next le^al document relating; to the question 
 of l)irth-place or original nationality is the grant of 
 March 5th, 1496, in which John Cabot is mentioned as 
 being a " Venetian citizen." We arc; of opinion that 
 if his sons had been actually born within the domin- 
 ion of the crown of England, being in consequence 
 natural born subjects, although they were children 
 of an alien, ^ their names would have been preceded 
 in the hitters patent by the usual formula : " dilectis 
 subditis nostro." And if only one of them, Sebastian, 
 for instance, had been brought into life on British 
 soil, a similar expression would also have recorded 
 tlie fact. We have, only to examine the numerous 
 grants in Rymer's "Jcvdcra to become convinced of 
 this vwVi. On the (nher hand, if the sons of John 
 Cabot alone had bc;en the grantees, the probability 
 is that their nationality would have been stated ; but 
 in the present instance it was doubtless deemed 
 sufficient to employ th(; prescribed statement for 
 the pater fainilias alone. 
 
 This interpretation is borne out by the wording 
 of another authentic document, viz. the letters patenf' 
 grr.nted by Henry VH. on the 19th March 1501, to 
 J-iichard Wardc;, Thomas Ashehurst, and John 
 Thomas of Bristol, associated with three Azorean 
 
 ' ISi.ACK.si'ONE, \.;' i, p. 28:i, note. - Letters patent in Diudle, p. 312. 
 

 '.1 
 
 '4 
 
 ■I 
 
 12 SEBASTIAN CAUOrS AGE AND NATIONALITY. 
 
 adventurers. This patent is the first of the kind 
 ii granted in England after the authorizations conceded 
 
 '1, to the Cabots in 1496 and 1498. Now, in these 
 
 [^ letters patent of 1501, Henry VII. explicidy 
 
 % abrogates the similar privileges which he had pre- 
 
 ; viously granted, necessarily those to John Cabot and 
 
 I his sons, including, of course. Sebastian. And in 
 
 \ what terms does the King refer to his first paten- 
 
 I r • tees ? He says that this new grant shall not be 
 
 ^^ interfered with by virtue or colour of any previous 
 
 ') ' grant made by him to any foreigner or foreigners 
 
 und(;r his Great Seal : 
 
 { " Sou aliquis extrancus aut aliqui cxtranei virtute aut colore 
 
 I alicujus concessioiiis nostra; sil)i Magno Sigillo Nostro per antea 
 
 factfe." 
 
 ' j It Stands to reason that Henry VII. never would 
 
 \ haveusedsuch expressions as"extraneus: — foreigner," 
 
 if Sebastian Cabot, who was one of those first gran- 
 tees, had been an En"-lishman born. We must also 
 notice that he; does not use th(i term " foreigner " 
 m<^rely in the singular,' which would make the 
 restriction apply only to John Cabot, the sole grantee 
 in 1498. The word is also employed in the plural : 
 " extranei," which again necessarily is a reference to 
 the several grantees in 1496. 
 
 Our conclusion that Sebastian Cabot was a 
 Venetian by birth, and, in England, never anything 
 else than a foreign resident, is confirmed by a number 
 of other proofs. 
 
 Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, who was on very 
 friendly terms with him, from constant personal 
 intercourse, speaks in his third Decade, written in 
 1 515, as follows : — 
 
 " Familiarem habco donii Cabottum ipsuni et contubernalem 
 interduni : — Cabot is my very frende, whom I vse famylierly and 
 
 * The reader will find in Ry.mkk's Fadoa a number of instances where the 
 distinction between these terms is clearly expressed. 
 
 
NOT AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 33 
 
 e 
 
 delyte to haue hym sumtymes kccpe me company in niyne owne 
 house." 
 
 This historian makes at the same time th 
 following statement : — 
 
 " Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venctus, sed a parentibus 
 in Britanniam insulam tendentibus . . . transportatus pene infans : 
 — Sebastian Cabot a "\'enetian borne, whom beinge yet but in 
 maner an infante, his parentes caryed with them into Englande." i 
 
 Peter Martyr would hardly be so positive if the 
 information had not been derived either from a 
 trustworthy source, or from Cabot himself. 
 
 Oviedo, who also knew Sebastian Cabot personally, 
 and must have often met him at the Court of Charles 
 v., makes a similar statement : — 
 
 "Sebastian (laboto, por su origen veneciano e criado en la isla 
 de Inglaterra :— Sebastian Gaboto, of Venetian birth, brought up 
 in the island of England." ' 
 
 However, in the cedula of King Ferdinand of 
 Aragon appointing Sebastian Cabot, October 20th, 
 1512, naval captain, there is a mention of English 
 nationality in the words : — " Sebastian Caboto, 
 Ingles."" He had then been living in England for 
 at least sixteen years and doubdess spoke English 
 perfectly ; he also belonged to the retinue of Lord 
 Willoughby de Broke, who had command of the 
 liritish troops which were landed at Pasages only a 
 few months before. In consequence of these facts, 
 S(;bastian Cabot may well have passed in Spain for 
 an Englishman. But English documents absolutely 
 authentic and of the time show that such was not 
 then the opinion in England. 
 
 In 152 1, Henry VIII. ordered that the Twelve 
 Great Liveries of London should bear most of the 
 cost of an expedition to the New World, under the 
 
 ' ANr.iHF.RA, Dc rebus Oceania's ct fiidias, lil). xxiii, cap. I, vol. ii, p. 
 Orhc iwiio, I'asil. 1533, folio, fo. 55. 169. 
 'OvncDO, Historia General de las ■' Jean el S3. Cal'ol,i\oc.y.\\\,\\ y.,2. 
 
 C 
 
■1 ;, 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
 r 
 
 34 SEBASTIAN CABOT'S AGE AND NATIONALITY. 
 
 command of Sebastian Cabot. The Wardens and 
 Company of Drapers, actini^ as spokesmen, objected. 
 Among other reasons, they stated that Cabot knew 
 .' nothing personally of those transatlantic regions, whilst 
 
 if " perfite knowledge might be had by credible rcporte 
 
 ■\ of maisters and mariners naUirally born within this 
 
 ;J realm of England having experience, and exercised 
 
 in and about the forsaid Hand." ' The words in 
 italics arc certainly an allusion to the foreign birth 
 of Sebastian Cabot and carry great weight when 
 we consider that they were addressed to the King 
 and to Cardinal Wolsey by old and highly respect- 
 able residents of London. 
 
 We now come to assertions from his own lips, 
 made under very grave circumstances. 
 
 At the time when Cabot was holding the office 
 of Pilot-Major of Spain, he sent an agent to Venice 
 for the purpose of entering into negotiations con- 
 cerning an expedition, of which we will speak at 
 length hereafter. The Chief of the Council of Ten, 
 in reporting the interview with that envoy (called 
 
 fHieronimode Marin de Busignolo), September 27th, 
 1522, stated that Cabot "dice esser di questa cittd 
 f ' nostra : — says he is of our city [of Venice]." - 
 
 The Council instructed Gasparo Contarini, the 
 Venetian Ambassador at the Court of Charles V., to 
 J see Cabot. He came to the embassy at Veilladolid, 
 
 on the 30th of December 1522, and made a state- 
 ment which Contarini forwarded to his government 
 the next day, in Cabot's own words : — 
 
 "Signer Ambassator per dirvc il tuto io naqui a Venetia ma 
 sum nutrito in Ini^cltcrra : — To tell everytliing to your Lordship, 
 1 was born in Venice, but brought up in England."'' 
 
 'A 
 
 I 
 
 An admission of this kind could then be easily 
 
 ' Wardens AiroiDits 0/ the Drapers - Jean c( Si!b. Cabot, Aoc. \w\,\>.l/^^. 
 Company of London, in our Discovery ^ Idem,<\oz. xxviii, p. 348, v^mX infra, 
 of North America, p, 748. Syllabus, No. xx.wi. 
 
 I 
 
 it 
 
m 
 
 •V 
 
 lips, 
 
 NOT AN ENGUSHMA N. 35 
 
 verified in Venice, and, bold as Cabot undoubtedly 
 was, h(; never would have dared to make such an 
 assertion, if untrue, to a foreign minister whom he 
 was called upon to meet frequently at the Court, 
 and to men like the Ten, jusdy jealous of their 
 dignity, and who never left unpunished an imposture 
 practised on that all-powerful Council.' The belief 
 in Sebastian Cabot's Venetian birth remained 
 unshaken among the Venetians who knew him 
 personally. Andrea Navagero, Contarini's successor 
 in Spain, in official accounts, written in 1524, twice 
 uses the expression : " Sebastian Cabotto Vene- 
 tiano."^ So does Ramusio, as well as the Mantuan 
 Gendeman, who, in repeating to Ramusio a conversa- 
 tion lately held with Sebastian Cabot, employs the 
 terms " Un gran valent' huomo Venetiano," and 
 " vostro cittadino Venetiano :— Your Venetian fellow- 
 citizen." - Thirty years afterwards, when Cabot 
 lived in London, the Council of Ten in a dispatch 
 addressed, September 12th, 1551, to Giacomo Sor- 
 an:^o,_ the ambassador of the Republic to England, 
 mentions him as the " fidelissimo nostro Sebastiano 
 Gaboto : — Our own most faithful Sebastian Cabot. "^ 
 ^ What more can be asked to prove that Sebastian 
 Cabot was born not only on Venetian soil, but in 
 the City of Venice itself: "di questa citta nostra".? 
 
 ' Navacero's dispatch n'i Sept. 
 2ist, 1524, in Un.LO, p. 69. 
 '- Ramusio, Ddle Spetierk, in Ka,. 
 
 coll a, 1 563, vol. i, fo. 374, verso. 
 
 •' Jian el Sch. Cahot, doc. xxxv, 
 361. 
 
wr-"^ 
 
 ) 
 
 i 
 
 f 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 JOHN CAHOT's LIFK in ENGLAND. 
 
 PETER Martyr, apparently repeating- what Sebas- 
 tian Cabot told him, says that h(^ was broiiL;ht 
 over to England when yet an infant. As Sebastian 
 died after 1557, and was, as we have shown, at least 
 twenty-two years old in 1496, if the expression 
 "pene infans " is to be taken literally, the settling of 
 John Cabot in England would have followed soon 
 after his Venetian naturalization ; since the decree of 
 the Senate conferring it is of the year 1476, and the 
 term "infans" applies only to a child who does not 
 yet know how to speak. 
 
 A passage in the narrative of the Mantuan Gentle- 
 man contradicts Peter Martyr's rcnnark. Me reports 
 that Sebastian Cabot made to him the following 
 statement : 
 
 " When my father departed from Venice, many yccres since, to 
 dwell in England, to follow the trade of merchandises, Iiee tooke 
 me with him to the citie of London, while 1 was ratlier young, yet 
 having ncverthclesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie, and 
 of the sphere." ^ 
 
 The words "lettere d'humanita" mean here 
 classical studies, and "la sphera," is Cosmography. 
 Sebastian therefore must have been at that time not 
 less than fourteen or fifteen years old, to possess a 
 knowledge of these things. And as he was at least 
 twenty-two when Henry VII. granted him letters 
 patent in 1496, John Cabot can scarcely have settled 
 
 ' Ramusio, vol. i, fo. 374. 
 
 
JOHN cAnors life in England. 
 
 37 
 
 yet 
 
 I 
 
 in England with his family I)clbrc 1490, — if Sebas- 
 tian's statement to tiie Mantiian Gentleman be exact. 
 
 Sebastian also told Contarini, the Venetian 
 Ambassador, in 1522, "sum nulrito in In_L;(.'kerra : — 
 I was reared in England."' The verb "nulrire" 
 conveys the idea of early youth, follow(.'d by several 
 years employed in be inn" educated." If so, he came 
 to England when a child, and in that country 
 acquired his early education. This statt:mcnt tallies 
 with the " pene infans " of Pet('r Martyr, but con- 
 tradicts the remark made by Sebastian Cabot to 
 the Mantuan Gentleman. In the course of this 
 inquiry, wc shall be confronted at every step with 
 contradictions of the kind, without being able to 
 find positive reasons for preferring one of Sebastian 
 Cabot's assertions to another. 
 
 Under the circumstances we can only hope to 
 arrive at approximative; dates, and then only by 
 inference. We reason in this wise : 
 
 When John Cabot obtained his English letters 
 patent in 1496. he had three sons, all of whom were 
 grantees with him, and therefore of full age. If we 
 limit ourselves to the age of majority according to 
 the common law, the eldest of those; sons, Lewis, 
 was, therefore, in 1496, not less than twenty-three 
 years old, or born in 1473. 
 
 John Cabot consequently married at the earliest 
 in 1472, and as the marriage took place in Italy, or 
 was ruled by his personal status, he must have been 
 then at least twenty-one. This places the date of 
 his birth not later than 1451. Our figures, naturally, 
 are extreme ones, and not absolute. There may 
 have been, for instance, a difference of more than 
 one year between each of the three sons, and John 
 Cabot may have married later than the age of 
 
 'CoNTARlNi's ilispatcli, m Jean ct "^^'^\\\x\o^c<)L.\\z()=^iS:\c:\^m(\<i.\\'=>(\\\x: 
 Sib. Cabot, doc. xxviii, p. 34S. parvu sunl et crcscunl." FoRCKLLlNi. 
 
<i 
 
 38 IOIIi\ CAnoTS I.IhE IN ENGLAM). 
 
 « Iwcnty-oiKJ. But, in \\\v pn^sciU state of the ques- 
 
 tion, it is not possibli; lo obtJiiii j^rcatcr exactness. 
 I Taking, liovvever, the usual course of tliini^s, our 
 
 results can clifler but a few years, say four or five, 
 ,> from the reality. ' 
 
 We are inclined to believe that John Cabot 
 t| removed with his entire family to En^^land in 
 
 "' 1490. This impression is based upon the fact that 
 
 \ the first indication of his presence in that country is 
 
 ' the statement of Pedro de Ayala that during the 
 
 seven years [)rcvious to 1498, the Bristol men had 
 sent an annual expedition to find the (imai^inary) 
 island of Brazil, in accordance with John Cabot's 
 notions, 'i'his locates him in Kn^land in 149 1. 
 
 1'he inference drawn from the above hyj)othctic 
 mode of computation is that John Cabot did not 
 undertake his memorable voyage of 1497 till he had 
 attained the age of forty-six, and that when Sebastian 
 came to England, he was a lad (jf about sixteen. 
 This would agree with the statement made to the 
 IMantuan Gentleman. '; 
 
 All that we have been able to ascertain relative to 
 John Cabot's avocations before settling in England, is 
 that Ayala represents him as having visited Portugal 
 and Spain to obtain royal aid to undertake trans- 
 atlantic discoveries, and also as having visited 
 Mecca. ^ We shall examine the first of these state- 
 ments in the following chapter. As for the voyage -^ 
 to Mecca, it must have been accomplished after 
 1476, for John Cabot remained in Venice fifteen 
 years previous to that date ; and when his probation 
 time commenced, in 1461, he was not much more 
 than ten years old. 
 
 If Bristol is the place where John Cabot first settled 
 in England, such a residence may imply on his part J; 
 
 ' " Et dice che altrc voile csso e of Raimondo ni SoNCiNo ; Jean ct 4 
 
 sUUi) alia Mccciia." Second disjiatcli SlI. Cabot ; doc, x, p. 325. ;« 
 
 ■'&■ 
 
 '% 
 
JOHN CABOT S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 
 
 39 
 
 notions of tr.ins.illaiuic c:iUcrpri.se.s dating from his 
 arrival. That city w.is the: centre of I'jigh'sh tradi; 
 vvitii tlic northern countries,' and the port from whicii 
 sailed such bold e\|)cditions as those to " 'Iluile," lor 
 e.\am[)le, as Cohnnhus himself relates in 1477."^ lUii 
 it is not certain that Bristol was the; place where John 
 Cabot first established his I-'ivjlish home. The 
 Mantuan Gcnitleman, as we have already remarkc:d, 
 states, on the authority of .Sebastian himself, that 
 London was the city to which the family emigrated 
 from V^enice : " nella citta di Londra."' 
 
 Peter JMartyr, again, we believe, in repeating 
 statements from Sebastian Cabot, who evidently 
 endeavoured to belittle his father, says that the latter, 
 together with his family, " came into Knglande 
 ha\yng occasion to resorle thc^ther for trade of 
 merchandies, as is the manner of the Venetians too 
 leave no parte of the Worlde unscarched to obtcyne 
 richesse."' Sebastian made, as we have seen, a 
 statement of the same kind to the Mantuan 
 GenUeman, to whom he said that his "father 
 departed from Venice to dwell in England, to follow 
 the trade of marchandises,"^ 
 
 Like so many Venetians of the time, John Cabot 
 may have engaged in commercial pursuits ; but the 
 information transmitted by his contemporaries re- 
 presents him simply as a seaman. The Cronicon^ 
 and Pedro de Ayala^ speak of charts and mapamundi 
 of his own make. Raimondo di Soncino, in two dis- 
 patches written at a few months' interval, mentions 
 
 ' Finn Mac.nusen, Om dc E)ii:;cl- 
 :kcs Ilaihkl paa Island ; Ciipcnluij^ue, 
 183.?, ]). 147, quoted l)y Kohl, J)ii- 
 (OTcry of Maine, p. 112. 
 
 ■ Sec the letter of Chrisloiilier Coi,- 
 UMmrs in Las Casas, Hlstoria dc las 
 Iitdias, vol. i, p. 48. 
 
 •' Kamusio, op. cit. 
 
 ■• " Sed a parentibus in Britanniain 
 insulam tcndentibus (uli moris est 
 
 Venetonnii, fpii conimcrcii causa tcr- 
 raiuni omnium sunt hospites)." An- 
 rniii.KA, Dci-ad. iii, jil). vi, fo. 55. 
 
 ■"' " Andato a stare in In^liilterra a 
 far nicrcantic io meno seco nella citta 
 di I.ondra." Ramhsio, loc. (it. 
 
 *' /can vt Si!l). Ca/iot, doc. vi, p. 316. 
 
 " Dispatch of AVAI.A, I/iid., doc. 
 xiii, p. 329, anil infra, Syllabus, No. 
 xvi. 
 
I 
 
 
 40 
 
 yO//N CABOT'S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 
 
 ■ z 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 •f 
 
 ii 
 
 I' l^ 
 
 •I 
 
 John Cabot, in one as " molto bono marinare ct a 
 bona scientia de trovare insule nove : — a very good 
 mariner, possessing- great talent for discovering new 
 islands," and in the other as being "de gentile 
 ingenio, peritissimo de la navigatione : — a man of 
 fine mind, extremely skilful in [the art of] naviga- 
 tion." ^ The references to his endeavours to obtain 
 the aid of Spain for voyages of discovery "like 
 Columbus," and the alleged repeated attempts of the 
 Bristol men to find the island of Brasil according to 
 his notions, are additional proofs that in England 
 John Cabot was considered to be a practical navi- 
 gator. 
 
 In a work written at the beginning of this century, 
 we find the following passage, in support of which, 
 unfortunately, no authorities are quoted : 
 
 " The VciiL'tians had factories in the different towns and cities 
 of the northern kin^ydom.'^, and agents wheiever they deemed it 
 advantageous to preserve an intercourse. John Ciabota, or Cabot, 
 by birth a Venetian, was employed in that capacity at Bristol : 
 he had long resided in England, and a successful negotiation in 
 which he had been emj)lo)ed in the year 1495, ^^'■'^'^ '^'''*^ court of 
 Denmark, respecting some interruptions which the merchants of 
 Bristol had suffered in their trade to Iceland, had been the means 
 of introducing him to Henry VII."- 
 
 This is evidently the source of the statement 
 inserted by Rafn in his celebrated Antiqiiitates 
 Americaiuc'^ but also without the support of docu- 
 mentary proofs. 
 
 At first sight, there is nothing impossible in the 
 statement. Englishmen having killed the governor 
 of Iceland in a riot. King Christian I. embargoed 
 four British vessels laden with valuable mcTchandise. 
 As Echvard IV. made no reply to the com[)laints 
 of the Danish monarch, the latter allowed the 
 cargoes to be sold. This brought about an open 
 
 ' Kaimoncid Di Son'CINO, loc, dl. Nrd<foundlaudy Lornlon, 1S19, p. 25. 
 - L. A. Anspacii, a Hisloiy of ■' Ilafnia', 1837, 410, p. 451. 
 
 % 
 ■I 
 
 ^i>'i'»- .**«; JiUft-* •« '\»wt»»»<^l«»TW -■ •wnwA^ '***'»*iW 
 
JOHN CABOT'S LIFE IN ENGLAND. 
 
 41 
 
 w;ir between the two nations,' which lasted from 
 1478 until 1 49 1, when England and Denmark 
 entered into negotiations at Antwerp, but peace was 
 not concluded before June 24th, 1497. It is possible 
 therefore that John Cabot may have been engaged 
 by Bristol ship owners to prosecute their claims in 
 
 '495-. 
 1 hinking that perhaps a mission of this sort might 
 
 have left traces in the records of the Hansa, we 
 carefully examined the Han&ccrcsse from 1477 to 
 1500," but found only two mentions of Bristol 
 vessels (in 1487 and 1491), and these unimportant. 
 At all events, Cabot's name does not figure in those 
 records. We also instituted researches in the 
 archives of Denmark,'' and in the old chronicles of 
 that country, in order to find traces of negoti- 
 ations of the kind mentioned in the above extract. 
 Nothing whatever was discovered on the subject, 
 nor do we believe that authentic documents refer- 
 ring to such a matter exist in Bristol or anywhere 
 in England. 
 
 The assertion of William Stratchey that John 
 Cabot "was indenized Henry VI I. 's subject and 
 (Iwelling within Blackfriers, "^ rests upon no proof 
 whatever. 
 
 ' " . . . Accessil ct alia hujus belli 
 causa, (juod quum xVngli ])roefectiini 
 Chrislicrni lof^is ejus noniinis prinii in 
 Islandin |)L'r Umuiltuni occidisscnt, Rex 
 111 illiiumi injuriani ulcisccrcUir (jualuor 
 illdruin naves jircciosis mcrcilms onus- 
 las co(.'i)it ac (liu tLMiuil. (,>uuui(|ue de 
 cctlu facia qucrenti icgi Angli rcspon- 
 flcic nolk'nt, passus osl rex caiilaruni 
 naviuni merces distrahi : f|u,c res paulo 
 post in a|)eiluni helium (irocessit dam- 
 na(|ue in niari ah An^elis niulia Uanis, 
 magna vicissini Anglis tarn suh Chris- 
 tierni) palre quani suh fdio ejus Joanne 
 illata sunt." — P. Pakvi s Rosefon- 
 TANi's, Ckronuon, in his /ufiiMi'o <al- 
 timniariini, 1560, s. /., 4I0, sij;nal. o 4. 
 
 - Ediled i)y Dietrich Sciiakkr, 
 Leipzig, 1S88-90, vols, ii and iii. 
 
 •' Through the ohligiiig .igency of 
 Mr C. II. IJRUNN, the learned director 
 of the Copenhagen Royal Library. 
 
 ^ Stka( HKV. 'J'hc /■'iisl Hoo/;r cj 
 lIu Ilislorie of 'J'nvt'aik iiilo I'iixiiiiu 
 IhiUiHiua, i6i2. Hakluyt Society 
 edition, 1849-51, p. 6. We may judge 
 of STRACl[l■.^'"s accuracy by this olher 
 statement : — "John Cabol, a Veneliaii, 
 liowbeit endinezed an Lnglish subject, 
 and at that tynie, governour of the 
 comjianye of the marchants of Cathay 
 in the cittie of London." — Op. ci(., 
 P- J39- 
 
 >' 
 
 ■\V 
 
I I 
 
 I I '<!■! 
 
 CHAPTHR VI. 
 
 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS. 
 
 t\ : 
 
 >4 
 
 i 
 
 
 A T the outset, we must state that John Cabot is 
 -^^ not, as certain writers beheve/ the " Magister 
 navis scientificus totius Anglioe " who, according to 
 William de Worcestre, left Bristol, June 15th, 1480, 
 on board a ship equipped at the cost of John Jay, 
 junior, in search of the imaginary islands of Brazil, 
 and of the Seven Cities. That vessel, which on 
 account of heavy storms was compelled to return 
 after a voyage of seven months (or weeks), without 
 having made any discovery, was commanded by one 
 Thomas Llyde or Lloyd." 
 
 In the dispatch addressed to Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella, from London, July 25th, 1498, by Pedro de 
 Ayala concerning a transatlantic voyage then lately 
 accomplished under the British flag, we notice the 
 following sentence ; 
 
 " I have seen the map which was made by the discoverer, who 
 is another Genoese like Columbus [and ?] who has been to Seville 
 and Lisbon trying to obtain assistance for that discovery : — Yo he 
 visto la carta que ha fecho cl inventador que es otro Genoves 
 conio Colon que ha estado en Sevilla y en Lisbona procurando 
 haver quien le ayudasse a esta invencion." ^ 
 
 .111 emissary of the King of Fr.ancc 
 (Chari.ks VIII.), for in reply to tlie 
 leUerofDr. I'lF.ni.Ascnl from London, 
 January 2ist, i496{lost unfortunately), 
 informing them of Cabot's efforts to 
 obtain aiil from IIknrv VII., they 
 wrote: "We believe that this under- 
 taking was thrown in the way of the 
 King of England with the premedi- 
 tated intention of distracting him from 
 his other business." — I5EKGENROTH, 
 Calendar, vol. i, p. 88, No. 128. 
 
 ' D'AvKZAC, I.clh't to the Kcvcraid 
 Leonard Woods, 1868, in Kohl's 
 DocHiiu'ulary History of Maine, Port- 
 land, U.S., 1S69, Svo.'p. 506; JWK- 
 IKN DK LA GRAVih'.Rr., J.es marins 
 du xv^ et dit .x-jv- siiV/e ; Paris, 1879, 
 vol. i, p. 215, and others. 
 
 - Discovery of North America, Nt). 
 xiii, p. 659. 
 
 ■'' Pedro DE AvALA, ubi supra. 
 Ferdinand .ind Isaisella seem to 
 have believed that Jiihn Cabot was 
 
 'I 
 
 I 
 
ly] 
 
 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS. 
 
 43 
 
 le 
 
 The last phrase is ambiguous ; but althouiLi^h Col- 
 umbus, fifteen years before, had been to Seville and 
 Lisbon to obtain assistance, — a fact which Their 
 Majesties certainly knew, — the general context of the 
 sentence, the needlessness of the remark if applied 
 to Columbus, and the positive expression: "a esta 
 invcncion," authorise the inference that Ayala had 
 then in view the recent discoverer, when speaking 
 of the efforts made in Spain and Portugal. Now 
 we learn from the letters patent granted by Henry 
 VII.. April 5th, 1496, and Raimondo di Soncino's 
 dispatch to the Duke of Milan, that this discoverer 
 was John Cabot. Must we not also infer that John 
 Cabot visited Spain on such an errand either before 
 Christopher Columbus or at the same time ? This 
 supposition is to a certain extent strengthened by the 
 following passage of Ayala's dispatch : " For the last 
 seven years, Bristol people have sent out every year, 
 two, three, or four caravels, in search of the island of 
 Brazil and the Seven Cities ticcording to the fancy 
 of this Genoese." ^ 
 
 Those "seven years" give 1491 as the time when 
 John Cabot was already settled in England ; and his 
 visit to Spain and Portugal is therefore anterior to 
 that year. If Ayala's information is exact, the critic 
 must also consider John Cabot as having enter- 
 tained, at a very early date, the idea of crossing 
 the Ocean in search of new lands, and as having 
 actually endeavoured to carry it into effect with the 
 aid of Bristol seamen," 
 
 These deductions are not historically or chrono- 
 logically improbable. The project of reaching Asia 
 by sailing constantly westward was advocated in 
 
 ' " Los <li; JSristnl h.a sictc afios quo - Thai the IJrisloI pcojilc did engage 
 
 cada ano an ainiado dos, Ires, cualro in exfieditions of thai character is 
 
 car.ivelas para ir a buscar la isla de shown by our reference in the pre- 
 
 Urazil, y las siete ciudades con la ceding chapter to the voyage of 
 
 fantasia desle (iinoves." — Ibukm. Thomas Lloyu. 
 
 )> 
 
 
 '..r 
 
I ' I 
 
 44 
 
 JOHN CABOT S FIRST EFFORTS. 
 
 
 * 1 
 
 4 'ii 
 
 i 
 
 
 \ 
 
 1 
 
 Italy, by Tosciinelli, so early as 1474.' and John 
 Cabot was still a resident of Venice in 1476.- 
 
 A letter lately brought to lin,ht shows that Tos- 
 canelli's notions with regard to transatlantic countries 
 were current in Italy, and that the news of the dis- 
 covery achieved by Columbus was considered as a 
 confirmation of the theories of the Florentine as- 
 tronomer. It is a dispatch from Hercules d'Este. 
 Duke of Ferrara, addressed to his ambassador at 
 Florence, as follows : 
 
 " Messcr iManfrt'do : Intendcndo Nuy, che il quondam Mastro 
 Paulo dal Pozo a Thoscanclla niudiccj fccc nota (juandu il vivcva 
 de alcune Insule trovate in Ispagna, che pare siano ([uelle niede- 
 sime che al presente sono state ritrovate per aduisi che se hanno 
 de quelle hande, sianio venuti in desiderio de vedere dicte note, 
 se lo e possibile. Et perb volemo, che troviate incontinenti vno 
 Mastro Ludovico, Nepote de esso quondam Mastro Paulo, al 
 (juale pare rimanesseno li lihri suoi in bone parte ed maxime 
 <iuesti et che lo pregiati strectamente per nostra parte chel voglia 
 essere contento de darvi una nota a punctino de tuto ([uello chel 
 se trova havere apresso lui de ([ueste Insule, perche ne riceveremo 
 piacere assai et ge ne restaremo obligati, et havuta che la haverite, 
 ce la mandareli incontenenti. Ma vsati diligenlia per havere bene 
 ogni cosa a compimcnto di (juello lo ha sicome desideramo. 
 Ferrarie 26 Junis 14^4.: — Mr Manfredo : As We have just heard 
 that the late Paul dal Pozzo Toscanelli, a physician, penned in his 
 lifetime a note concerning several islands found in vSpain [a/V.], 
 which it seems, are the same which have just been rediscovered 
 (according to news received from there), We desire, if possible, to 
 see said notes. 'J'hat is the reason why Wc want you to fmd 
 immediately one Mr. Ludovico,'' who is the nephew of the late Mr. 
 Paul, and who appears to have inherited most of his books, and 
 particularly those [notes]. AVe also wish you to rec[uest him on 
 our part to give you an exact list of all he has with him concerning 
 those islands ; for We should be happy to obtain it, and shall be 
 thankful for the favor. And do you, as soon as you are in 
 
 ' Sec the original Latin text of the 
 Copia misa cluistofaro (oloiibo per 
 paiiltini fisiiuvi (TosCANlCLLl), first 
 ])uhlished in the .iddilions to the 
 Bihiiot. Aiiteik. I'c/ustissima, ])p. xvi- 
 xviii, .and Rcvuc Critique, Paris, Oct. 
 9lh, 1S93. 
 
 - Letters patent of March 28th, 1476. 
 
 •' Lodovico DAL Pozzo Toscanelli, 
 born towards 1428, was the second 
 son of I'ietro, l)rolher of the threat 
 Toscanelli. He practised medicine. 
 UziELM, Bcllcttino di hihiiopafia c di 
 s/oria dcllc sciciizc mateinatiche; Rome, 
 November 1883, in the Genealogical 
 tree. 
 
JOHN C A POT'S FfRST EFFORTS. 
 
 45 
 
 possession of it, send the same at once. But do not fail to do 
 everything in your power to get from him all that he has ; for 
 such is Our desire. Ferrara, June 26, I4g4-' ' 
 
 A phrase of Soncino may also be cited in support 
 of our interpretation of Ayala's remark. It occurs in 
 the passage where John Cabot is made to relate, in 
 connexion with his first voyage across the Atlantic, 
 that when he was at Mecca, he inquired from the 
 caravans which brought spice from afar, whence 
 the article came ; and believing in the sphericity of 
 the earth, he inferred from their reply that it came 
 originally from the West. Cabot thus gave it to 
 be understood that, like Columbus, his project was 
 prompted by the hope of finding a maritime and 
 shorter route to Cathay. 
 
 However this may have been, the desire of John 
 Cabot to propose the undertaking to Henry VH. 
 was certainly enhanced, if not suggested, by the; 
 success which attended the first voyage; of Colum- 
 bus, the news of which he; doubtless heard while in 
 Bristol or in London. His son Sebastian, who 
 claimed for himself, as we shall afterwards show, 
 the sole merit of havintj brouoht to a successful 
 issue the first English expedition westward, con- 
 fessed that he conceived the notion while in Eng- 
 land, upon hearing of the discovery made by 
 Christopher Columbus, it being the theme of con- 
 versation at the Court of Henry VII. Further, 
 Soncino states that it was on seeing the Kings 
 of Spain and Portugal acquire new lands that John 
 Cabot thought of conferring a similar boon upon 
 the King of England.- 
 
 We should also recollect that London in tht; 
 15th century was the residence of numerous 
 
 * State Archives in Modena, Can- - Ramijsio, vol. i, fo. 374. This, 
 
 celkiia Diicale. Published by Mr. however, implies ii contradiction as 
 
 Uzilii.l.l, Bolktliiio tie/hi Soc. Ucogr. regards the alleged efforts of John 
 
 Italiatia, Oct.-Nov. 1889, p. 806. Cabot in Spain and Portugal. 
 
 M 
 
 >' 
 
Tfli^ 
 
 f I 
 
 
 < i^ 
 
 't I 
 
 
 A I 
 
 1-i 
 
 ,r ,.-■ 
 
 ii ' 
 
 -I 1^ r. 
 
 46 
 
 yoi/jv CABors first efforts. 
 
 Genoese, several of whom occupied high positions 
 at the Court of the English King.^ They formed 
 with other Italians, as we have already said, an 
 important colony, met daily in Lombard Street, and 
 frequented the legations which Spain, several Italian 
 princes, and the Republic of Venice maintained in 
 London. Those active and intelligent foreigners, 
 nearly all of whom were engaged in commercial 
 pursuits, which they carried on by sea, direct from 
 the Peninsula, must have watched the progress of 
 transatlantic discoveries, especially as these threat- 
 ened to destroy the trade of the Italian cities with 
 the East, Their means of information were great. 
 The Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima shows Italy 
 to have been the principal receptacle of such tidings ; 
 whilst the considerable commerce carried on between 
 that country and Great Britain, chiefly by m.eans of 
 Genoese and Venetian galleys," was a ready vehicle 
 of news, increased by the touching of those vessels 
 at the principal ports of Spain and Portugal. 
 John CalDot doubtless learnt from those countrymen 
 of his the details of Columbus' achievement, and 
 most probably formed then the project of imitat- 
 ing the great Genoese. The fact remains that John 
 Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian and 
 Sanctus, filed on the 5th of March 1496, the follow- 
 ing petition : 
 
 " To the Kyng our sovcroignc lord. Please it your highncs of 
 your nioste noble and haboundant grace to graunt unto John 
 ("abotto citizen of Venes, Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto his son- 
 neys your gracious letters patentes under your grete scale in due 
 forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying. 
 And they shall during their lyvcs pray to God for the prosperous 
 continuance of your most noble and royale astate long to enduer." 
 
 ' Rawpon IJrown, Calendar, vol. du Lawit, Leipzig, i866, 8vo, vol. 
 
 i, Nos. 617, 751, 770, 771. ii, 11. 727. Our memoir read ijefore 
 
 - Rymki!, /-Wdi-ra, vol, ii, part ii, I he Instil ule of France, /,w Co/cw/' </«; 
 
 p. 941 ; llEYD, Hisloirc du Conniurif l-'yame (t d'' ilalk, p. 45. 
 
JOHN CABOT'S FIRST EFFORTS. 
 
 47 
 
 We infer from the expression : " according to the 
 tenoure hereafter ensuing," that a draft of the letters 
 patent was added by the Cabots themselves to their 
 petition ; just as in certain pleadinj^s, American 
 lawyers add the order or decree which they beg the 
 judge to grant. In that case, the letters patent first 
 published by Rymer in 1741 set forth in the Cabots' 
 own words their purpose and wishes, viz.: 
 
 " Upon their own proper costs and charges to seek out, dis- 
 cover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces 
 of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part 
 of the world soever they be, which before this time have been 
 unknown to all Christians." ^ 
 
 Henry VII. granted the petition on the 5th day 
 of the month of March 1496. 
 
 ' For the Latin text, Rymei;, Enj;lish, Hakluvt, Principall Navi- 
 F(tdeni, vol. v, part iv, p. 89. In :;a/iotts, London, vol, iii, 1600, p. /\. 
 
 r 
 
 
 1 h 
 
 ■V 
 
 ?>■ 
 

 i I 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 TIFK DOCUMENTARY PROOFS FOR JOHN CAliOTS 
 EXPKDITION. 
 
 AS the reader has seen, the letters patent of 1496 
 were ii^ranted to John Cabot and liis three 
 sons ; but no documentary proof whatever has yet 
 been adduced to show that any of them accompanied 
 thc;ir father in his Hrst transatlantic voyage. The 
 only circumstanci; which may be cited on the subject 
 would rather prove the reverse. Pasqualigo, in 
 describing John Cabot's return, says : 
 
 "R ali dato danari fazi bona zicra liiif) a quel tempo e con 
 so iiioicr venitiana e con so fioli a Jjiisto : — And [the Kinji;] has 
 given him money whirewith to amuse himself till then [the second 
 expedition] ; and he is now at Bristol with his X'enetian wife, and 
 with his sons." ^ 
 
 This sounds as if after his arrival in London, he 
 had gone to Bristol to join his wife and children. 
 Still less can it be demonstrated that Sebastian 
 Cabot himself joined the expedition. The belief 
 rests exclusively upon statements from his own lips, 
 made at a time, under circumstances, in a form, and 
 with details which render them very suspicious. 
 Nay, they have been positively denied at least 
 twice in his life-time, in England as well as in Spain, 
 as we intend to prove in clue course. 
 
 Meanwhile, in order to determine all the facts 
 known relative to that expedition, it is prudent 
 to limit the inquiry to contemporary authorities. 
 These shotild be divided into two classes, viz. : the 
 evidence furnished by witnesses who obtained, or 
 
 ' /eati et Sib. Cahol ; <loc. viii, p. 322. 
 
 ! 
 
 ■u 
 
PROOFS FOR JOHN CABOT S EXPFDTTION. 
 
 49 
 
 may have obtained their information from John 
 Cabot himself; and the evidence supphed, directly 
 or indirectly, by his son Sebastian. 
 
 The lirst class of data, that is — which emanates 
 from John Cabot, comprises three documents : 
 
 1. An extract from a letter addressed from 
 
 London, Auoriist 23rd, 1497, by Lorenzo 
 Pasqiialigo to his brothers at Venice.' 
 
 2. A dispatch sent from London, August 24th, 
 
 1497, by Raimondo di Soncino to the 
 Duke of Milan.-' 
 
 3. Another dispatch from and to the same 
 
 parties, London, December i8th, 1497.'' 
 
 The second class of documents consists of the 
 (evidence supplied directly by Sebastian Cabot, It 
 comprises the following : 
 
 1. A description given by Pietro Martire d' 
 
 Anghiera (usually called simply " Peter 
 Martyr"), in his third Decade.* 
 
 2. An account from some anonymous informer, 
 
 usually designated as "the INIantuan Gentle- 
 man," who furnished it to Ramusio.'' 
 
 3. An engraved map dated 1 544 bearing on its 
 
 face a legend to the effect that it is the 
 work of Sebastian Cabot." 
 
 ' Copia dc Hit capitolo scrivc in una 
 h'ttaa St'i- Lorenzo J\xsi^iia/ii;o fio di 
 Sc'r I'llippo, da Loitdra adi 23 Agosto, 
 a Ser A /vise c Francesco Pasqualigo 
 sno frcuk/i in Veniexia. Pi.xposla 
 adi 23 Setcmbre 1497. In Rawdon 
 Brown, Raf„s;nali siilla vita c siillc 
 opcrc di Marin Sanitlo ; \^enozi;i, 
 1837, Svo, part i, p. 99 ; Calendar, 
 vol. i, p. 262, No. 752 ; M.irin 
 Saxuto, Diarii, X'enet., 1S79, Svo, 
 vol. i, p. 806 ; Jean et Silbasticn Cabot, 
 doc. viii, p. 322. 
 
 " Rawdon Bkown, Calendar, vol. i, 
 p. 260, No. 217, Jean et Sch, Cabot, 
 (li)c. viii, p. 322, 
 
 ■'■Jean ct Sch. Ca/wt, doc. x, p. 324. 
 
 ' Ancleku's, De rebus Oceanictis et 
 Orbe novo Decades tres ; Basilex, 1533, 
 folio, fo. 55 li. 
 
 •"' Ramisio, Discorso sopra varii 
 J 'iagf^i, in Primo I 'oliiine delle Nauii^a- 
 tioni et Viaggi, Venezia, 1563, folio, 
 fo. 374 li. ' 
 
 " There is a fac simile of the portion 
 of the map which interests us just now, 
 in Jean ct Si'/>astien Cai'ol, anil in the 
 following chapter xii. For a full 
 description of the planisphere, see 
 at the end of the (iresent work. 
 Syllabus ; No. Ixi. 
 
 1) 
 
 I 
 
 ^» 
 
 ':i 
 
 ' n 
 
/I ' 
 
 
 ii 
 
 r .ii 
 
 
 L 
 
 I'. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 JOHN cahot's first expedition. 
 
 ACCORDING to Peter Martyr and the Mantuan 
 Gentleman, who obtained their information 
 from Sebastian Cabot in person, and to Gomara and 
 Galvao, both of whom, however, have simply copied 
 Peter Martyr, the first expedition was composed of 
 two ships, with a crew of three hundred men. 
 
 The letters patent of 1496 authorized the employ- 
 ment of five ships, equipped at the cost of the 
 grantees : 
 
 " Five ships of what burthen or quah'ty soeuer they be, and as 
 many mariners or men as they will have with them in the sayd 
 ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges." 
 
 But we have the positive statements of Lorenzo 
 Pasqualigo and Raimondo di Soncino, who repeat 
 what they themselves heard John Cabot say in 
 London, immediately upon his return in the first week 
 of August 1497, that he accomplished his discovery 
 with only one ship :^ "con uno naviglio de Bristo," 
 which is even reported by them to have been a small 
 craft, with a crew of but eighteen men : *' cum uno 
 piccolo naviglio e xviii persone." It is true that an 
 English chronicle written soon after, and which we 
 propose to discuss at length further on, says that with 
 the ship, stated therein to have been equipped by the 
 
 ' Weread in the /^M/o/j <y"y>;7j/o/of to find in Bristol or elsewhere that 
 
 Win. Barrktt, Bristol 1789, 4to, p. manuscript, the authenticity of which, 
 
 172: "Intheyeari497,the24thofJune, owing to Barrett's intercourse with 
 
 on St. John's day was Newfoundland Chatter TON, is extremely doubtful, 
 
 found by Bristol men, in a ship called See the London Alhevn'iim, No. of 
 
 \\\t: ATatthrw," II has been impossible June 8th, 1889 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 I* 
 
 1 
 
 
 MUAKflKflUQAlWlL. 
 
JOHN CABOrS riRST EXPEDITION. 
 
 51 
 
 KiiiQ^, w(!nt three or four Bristol vessc^ls sent by 
 EiiLj^lisIi mcrchiints. lUit we expect to clt:monslrale 
 that these details r(;ter only to the; second vova^i^e 
 
 As we have just said, the exp(;dilion consisted of 
 only ''one small shi[), manned by ei!^htc!(;n men, 
 nearly all luij^lishnKjn from Bristol : — uno piccolo 
 navii^lo v. xviii j)ersone, quasi tutti inglesi, v. da 
 Bristol."' 
 
 We do not possess the date when John Cabot 
 sailed out of Bristol.-' Th(^ words " departc:d from 
 thi' W(tst Cuntrey in the bej^ynnyng of somer." in 
 the Cottonian manuscript, and "departed from 
 Bristowe in the bei^nnnin^- of May." in Hakluyt, aft(*r 
 Fabyan, which we once thought applied to the* 
 voyat^e of 1497, concern only the expedition of 
 1498. But as Pasqualigo, when describing, on the 
 23rd of August 1497. the arrival in England of John 
 Cabot, which had just taken place, says that the 
 voyage lastt;d three months: "e state mexi tre sul 
 viazo," we must infer that he set sail about the 
 middle of May 1497. This date coincides to some 
 degree with the expression of Soncino, who, writ- 
 ing August 24th, 1497, says: "They sailed from 
 Bristol, a western port of this kingdom, a few months 
 since : — Partitisi da Bristo porto occidentale de 
 questo regno, sono mesi passatev"'' 
 
 When the vessel had reached the west coast of 
 Ireland, it sailed towards the north, then to the 
 east {sic pro west), when, after a few days, the North 
 star was to the right : " Passato Ibernia piu 
 occidentale, e poi alzatosi verso el septentrione, 
 
 and SONCiNo's 
 
 ' Pasquai-iho's 
 ■-ecoml dispatch. 
 
 - The Encyclopedia Bnlanuica, 
 vol. iv, p. 350 (ail. Bristol), says thai 
 the Matthew sailed from Bristol, M.iy 
 2iid, and returned August 6th, 
 according; to a MS, in the possession 
 
 of the Fust family, of Gloucester. 
 Unfortunately, .as we have already 
 s-aid, BristoUian MSS. are not always 
 to lie tnisted. See Notes and Queries, 
 2nd series, vol. v, p. 154. 
 ' Soncino, second dispatch. 
 
 X 
 
 !», 
 
JOHN CABOT S FIRST EXPEmTION. 
 
 
 « ;■ 
 
 V, , 
 
 .\ 
 
 ^fl 
 
 I i< 
 
 i ' 
 
 iii 
 
 if 
 
 i 
 
 commnncio ;icl naviVan; ;ilc parte orientale, lassaiidosi 
 (fra (lualclu; ^iorni) la traiiioiUana ad niano drita."' 
 
 After sailiiiL,^ for seven hundred (or only four 
 hundred) leagues, tiiey reached the mainland : "dice 
 haver trovato lige 700 lontana de qui terra ferma," 
 says Pasqualigo. " Lontane da linsula de Ingilterra 
 lege 400 per lo camino de ponente," reports Soncino. 
 
 'I\;chnically speaking, all that geographers can 
 inf(!r from those details is that Cabot's landfall was 
 north of 51 ' 15' north latitude ; this being that of the 
 southern extremity of Ireland. Ireland, however, 
 extends to 55" 15' lat. N. From what point between 
 these two latitudes did he sail westward ? Supposing 
 that it was Valencia, and that he continued due west, 
 he would have sighted Belle Isle or its vicinity. 
 But Cabot is said positively to have altered his 
 course and stood to the northward. How far, and 
 where did he again put his vessel on the western 
 tack? We are unable to answer this important 
 question, and can only put forward suppositions 
 based upon the following data : — 
 
 The place wh' re he landed was the mainland : 
 " captioe in terra ferma." - 
 
 He then sailed along the coast 300 leagues : 
 " andato per la costa lige 300." " 
 
 As to the country visited, we find it described 
 as being perfect and temperate : " terra optima et 
 temperata." It is supposed to yield Brazil-wood and 
 silk : " estimanno che vi nasca el brasilio e le sete," 
 whilst the sea bathing its shores is filled with fishes : 
 "quello mare e coperto de pessi," * 
 
 The country is inhabited by people who use snares 
 to catch game, and needles for making nets : " certi 
 hv/A ch'era tesi per prender salvadexine, e uno ago 
 da far rede e a trovato certi albori tagiati." '' 
 
 ' SoNCiNt), first disiialch. 
 - SoN'ciNO, second disi)atch. 
 
 ■' I'ASQUALICO. 
 
 ■* Soncino, second dispatcli 
 '^ I'ASQUAi.Kio, disjiatch i)f Aiit;. 23, 
 1497, Syllabus, No, vii. 
 
 \\ 
 
 kM *q;; 
 
.5' 
 
 JOHN CABOrs FIRST EXPRDITION. 
 
 53 
 
 Tlu' w;it(;rs (tides) ;irc shick, and do tiot rise as 
 ihcy do in I'^ni^diiiid : " Ic aque c staiichc u non haii 
 corso come aqui." ' 
 
 BarrinjLj the jj^raiuitous supposition about the 
 existence i)f dye-wood (unless it be sumach), and 
 silk, and taking into consideration that the country 
 was discovered in summer, Cabot's description could 
 apply tt) the entire northern coast of America. 
 
 The same may be said concerning the remark 
 about slack tides. It was natural that John Cabot 
 should have been surprised at seeing tides which rise 
 only from two and three quarters to four feet, whilst 
 in the vicinity of Bristol they rise from thirty-six to 
 forty feet ; but this diminutiveness is peculiar to the 
 entire coast from Nova Scotia to Labrador.' 
 
 There is another detail, however, which is of 
 importance. Cabot on his return saw two islands to 
 starboard: "ale tormir aldreto a visto do ixole."'' 
 
 Those two islands were unknown before, and are 
 very large and fertile : " due insule nove grandissime 
 et fructiffere." ' The existence of islands in that 
 vicinity is further confirmed by the fact that Cabot 
 gave one to a native of Burgundy who was his 
 companion, and another to his barber : '' uno 
 
 Borgognone compagno di mess, Zoanne li 
 
 ha donate una isola ; et ne ha donato una altra ad 
 suo barberp.""'^ 
 
 What were these large islands } This question 
 we propose to examine later. 
 
 " La e terra optima et temperata." 
 
 The headlands clad in the pale green of mosses 
 and shrubs, may have conveyed at a distance to 
 a casual observer the idea of fertility. As to the 
 
 1 l\\SQUALic;o, he. (it. 
 
 '" Henry Mitchell, Sio-vey of the 
 
 " I'ASQUALIGO. 
 
 ■' SONCINO, first dispatch. 
 Bays of Fiindy ami Minas, for the •'' SoNCi no, second dispatch, Decem- 
 Unitcd Slates Coast Survey (1877?), her i8ih ; Syllabus, No. x. 
 quoted by Mr. Kiddick. 
 
 ■11 
 
i«p 
 
 '. I' jl 
 
 I 
 
 
 I? ! 
 
 \ '.I 
 
 ■ r 
 
 i 
 
 i ! '■ 
 
 s 
 
 '! 
 
 U I 
 
 1 1' I' 
 
 ' li I > 
 
 54 
 
 JOHN CABOT'S FJRST EXPEDITiON. 
 
 climate, it \v;is in June and July that Cabot visited 
 those rejrions. Now, in Labrador, " Sinnmer is brief 
 but lovely. " ^ 
 
 He did not see any inhabitant, and therefore we 
 have no specific details enabling' us to identify the 
 race of men who inhabited the country. But the 
 needle for making nets, and the snares for catching- 
 game, indicate the regular occupation of the Eskimo, 
 whose proper home is from Cape Webeck to Cape 
 Chudleigh ; whilst the ingenuity which the making 
 of such implements presupposes, agrees perfectly 
 with that race said "to have been able in the 
 manufacture of their tools to develop mechanical 
 skill far surpassing that of savages more favourably 
 situated." Nor should we forget " that judging from 
 the traditions they must have maintained their pre- 
 sent characteristic language and mode of life for at 
 least i,ooo years," The Eskimos of Cabot's time 
 may therefore be judged by those of to-day. 
 
 But there is a circumstance in John Cabot's con- 
 versation with the Milanese ambassador which is 
 still more convincing. It is evident that the Venetian 
 adventurer and his companions were greatly struck 
 with the enormous quantity of fish which they found 
 in that region. It surpassed anything (jf the kind 
 they had ever seen, even in the Icelandic sea, where 
 cod was then marvellously plentiful. He dwells at 
 length and with evident complacency on that fortunate 
 peculiarity : 
 
 " Quello marc c copcrto do pessi li (juali sc picndcnno non solo 
 cum la rete, ma cum Ic cistc, csscndoli alligato uno saxo ad cib 
 che la cista su impo/i in la([ua .... dicono die portaranno tanti 
 pussi chc ([ucsto regno non havura piii hisogno dc Islanda, del 
 quale paese vene una grandissima mercantia de pessi che si chia- 
 
 * See the excellenl article on French [by Sklliis] of Henry l'',i. Ms' 
 
 Labrador, in the last edition of the Voyw^c for the discovery of a noith-tuest 
 
 Eneyclopedia Brilauniea\\}\i.i{.\\\'^Vi, passiv^e \ Piiris, 1749, I2mo, vol. ii, 
 
 Explorations of the I.alirador Pcniii- p. 164. 
 suhi, 1863 : and translation into 
 
 : m 
 
JOHN CABOT'S FJRST EXPEDITION. 
 
 
 55 
 
 manno stochfissi :— That sea is covered with fishes, which are 
 taken not only with the net, but also with a basket, in which a 
 stone is put so that tlie basket may plunge into water .... 
 They say that they will bring thence such a quantity of fish that 
 England will have no further need of Iceland, from which a very 
 great conmierce of lish called stockfish is brought." ' 
 
 It is clear that the existence of vast quantities of 
 cod is a circumstance which is applicable to the 
 entire tran.satlantic coast north of New Flnoland. 
 Yet, however plentiful that species of fish may be 
 on the banks of Newfoundland, the quantity is 
 surpassed near the entrance of Hudson's Strait. 
 Modern explorers report that, there, cod and salmon 
 " form in many places a livin^^r mass, a vast ocean 
 of living slime, which accumulates on the banks of 
 Northern Labrador;"- and the spot noted for its 
 "amazing quantity of fish," is the vicinity of Cape 
 Chudleigh, which the above details and other 
 reasons seem to indicate as the place visited by 
 John Cabot in 1497. 
 
 ' SONCINO, second dispatch. - I'rof. lIiNU, op. dl. 
 
 
 I ; 
 
 ■?( 
 
 'II 
 
 m 
 
'I . •»>.,!■ 
 
 CllAPTI'R IX. 
 
 Till-; VKAK OF JOHN CAISOT S FIR.ST VOYAGE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 V . 
 
 
 'i): 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 (, 
 
 WE have stated that the first transatlantic voyage 
 of John Cabot was accompHshed in the year 
 1497. Several writers have believed, and others 
 still assert, that it was in 1494. They rely for their 
 opinion exclusively on a date set forth in one of 
 the inscriptions ' of Sebastian Cabot's planisphere of 
 1 544, which inscription is as follows : — 
 
 " No. 8. Esta tierra fuc descu- 
 bicrta por loan Caboto Wmic- 
 ciano, y Sebasliaii Caboto su 
 liijo, anno del nascimiento de 
 nuestro Saluador Icsu Christo 
 de M.CCC.XCUII. a ueintc y 
 quatro do lunio por la man- 
 nana ..." 
 
 " No. 8. Terrain hac olim 
 nobis clausani, aperuit loannes 
 Cabotus Vcnctus, necno Scbas- 
 tianus Cabotus eius filius, anno 
 ab orbe rcdcmpto 1494. die 
 uero 24. lulij \sic], bora 5, sub 
 diliculo. . ." 
 
 "No. 8. This land was discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, 
 and Sebastian Cabot, his son, in the year of the birth of our 
 Saviour Jesus Christ M.CCCC.XCIIII, on the 24th of June in 
 the morning." 
 
 In the above we have made our translation from 
 the Spanish, because that is the language in which 
 all these tabular inscriptions were originally written, 
 and because they contain fewer errors than their 
 Latin version. In the above, for instance, the 
 Spanish says that the country was discovered 
 "June 24th," the Latin, "July 24th." The latter 
 
 ^ That [ilaiiispherc contains a scries are both in Latin and Spanish ; that 
 
 of twenty-two legends inscribed on is, the columns set forth lirst a legend 
 
 two cokimns, one on the right, tlie in Spanish, and then a Iranshuion 
 
 other on the left of the reader. The into Latin. There are also legends in 
 
 legends, which bear the numbers I- 17, tlic body of the map. 
 
 \h 4 
 
THE YEAR OF JOHN CABOT S FIRST VOYAGE. 57 
 
 
 is in contradiction to the legend which states that 
 Cabot named then and there an adjacent island 
 "the island of St. John," because it was discovered 
 on the same day when they made their landfall. 
 The custom of the old navij^ators to name their 
 maritime discoveries after the saint on whose day 
 the discovery occurred is well known. The day of 
 St. John the Baptist always falls not on the 24th of 
 July, but on the 24th of June. Another difference 
 worth noticinjj- is that the Spanish says it was " in 
 the morning," whilst the Latin is more precise : 
 " hora 5. sub diliculo : — at the hour of five, at day- 
 break." 
 
 The date of " 1494" contradicts all the authentic 
 records of the time and is clearly an anachronism, 
 which can be easily demonstrated. 
 
 Let us first examine the chronology of the facts. 
 
 On the 2 1 St of January 1496, Dr. Puebla, the 
 Spanish ambassador in London, informs Ferdinand 
 and Isabella that an individual "like Columbus" has 
 just submitted to Henry VI L a project for trans- 
 atlantic discoveries.^ 
 
 Their Majesties reply, on the 28th of March 
 following," and in terms implying that the idea was a 
 novelty in England. 
 
 On the 5th of April 1496, Henry VII. grants 
 letters patent to John Cabot and his three sons, 
 none of them until then ever mentioned in English 
 documents. By that act, they are authorized " to 
 seek out, discover, and find whatsoever isles, 
 countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and 
 infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part of the 
 world soever they be, "which before this time have been 
 unknown to all Christians." 
 
 i\ 
 
 Y 
 
 'f 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 ' Thai disp.ilcli is referred lo in iloc. v, p. 315 ; IIekc.ENKOIII, Calcn- 
 Ftrclinaml and Isuhelhi's rc|)ly of dur, vol. i, p. SS. 
 •Marcli 28lh, 1406. Jam c/ S,'/>. Cal>o/, '-Ibidem. 
 
ri3 rUE YEAR OF JOHN CAnor^ FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 i! ■, f 
 
 \ .f* 
 
 ) 
 
 lijf 
 
 I 
 
 The expedition does not sail, however, until May 
 1497. Why, vv(; do not know. 
 
 A dispatch from Raimondo di Soncino confirms 
 the time of the year, and the yt:ar above L;iven ; as 
 under the date of August 24th, 1497, he writes to 
 the Duke of Milan, that the Kin^*^ of Knjriand had 
 sent the Venetian navinator on his vovaue of dis- 
 covery a few months before : " alcuni mesi," and 
 " sono mesi passate." ' 
 
 On the loth of August 1497, Henry VII. gives 
 ^10 as a reward "to hym that founde the new 
 isle.""" That is the first direct allusion existing, so 
 far as known at present, in the English documents 
 relative; to transatlantic discoveries ever accomplished 
 by an English expedition. 
 
 On the 23rd of August 1497, a Venetian established 
 in England, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, writing to his 
 brothers in Venice informs them of the return of their 
 countryman " Zuam Calbot," and that the English 
 King, on account of his successful voyage, has given 
 him money wherewith to amuse himself: " fazi bona 
 ziera. 
 
 The next day, August 24th, Raimondo di Soncino, 
 confirms Cabot's recent arrival in Enoland, and adds 
 that he has returned from the voyage undertaken a 
 few months before.^ 
 
 All these facts form a well-connected chain, show- 
 ing" that the events positively occurred between March 
 5th, 1496, when the Cabots first petitioned for leave 
 to go in search of countries "heretofore unknown to 
 all Christians," and August 1497. which is the time 
 of John Cabot's return to England after having 
 succeeded in his undertaking. 
 
 In opposition to this undeniable chronology, the 
 
 ' JitDt ct Si'/), Ca/'Of, p. 323. 
 - Harris Nicolas, Excapla hislor- 
 Art, p. 113. 
 
 ■■ TASnuAi-lco, ii/ii supra. 
 * fiMH ct Si'liaslkii Caliol, iloc. ix, y. 
 32 J- 
 
 1 \' Si 
 
THE YEAR OF JOHX CABOTS FIRST VOYAGE. 59 
 
 believers in the date of 1494, in preference to that of 
 1497, only quote the followinjj^ passage from the 
 letter of Pedro de Ayala, already cited : 
 
 "The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years, sent out 
 every year, two, three, or four caravels, in search of the island of 
 Ikazil and the Seven Cities, according to the ideas of this 
 Oenoese [i.e. John Cabot]." 
 
 In the first i)lace, the words in the original Spanish: 
 "con la fantasia," do not mean, or imply that John 
 Cabot either led. or took part, personally, in the ex- 
 pedition. They convey no other meaning than that 
 of his having suggested or prepared the venture, 
 "after his own fancy." 
 
 It is also well to recollect that efforts of the kind 
 were not unfrequent in those days. We have cited 
 in another work ' authentic documents referring to 
 eighteen similar enterprises projected or attempted, 
 between the years 143 i and 1492 ; that is, anterior to 
 the memorable voyage of Columbus. Ayala refers 
 to attempts of this kind annually renewed, and of 
 which the expedition sent out from Bristol by John 
 Jay junior in July 1480. under the command of 
 Thomas Lloyd,- gives us a pretty clear idea. John 
 Cabot doubtless advised, and may even have laid 
 out plans for such voyages of discovery, between 
 1490, which we suppose to be the date of his first 
 coming to F^ngland to settle, and the close of 1495, 
 when he submitted his plans to Henry VII. Hut 
 it is impossible to see in the perfectly successful 
 voyage described by Ayala and other contemporary 
 authorities, as having been accomplished in 1497, 
 an expedition dating so far back as 1494. When 
 that diplomatist, for instance, again asserts, July 
 25th, 1498, on the subject of the fleet which had 
 been equipped a few months before in consequence 
 
 ' /hiiovciy 0' Nortli America, pp. - Ihidan, in liic C/uoiioh.;y of 
 635-661. Voyaf:cs, No. xin, \>. 659. 
 
 f 
 
 f 
 
 i 4 
 
 
 1, 
 
il J 
 
 
 '« 
 
 »f 
 
 - ># 
 
 60 r//E YEAR OF JOHN CABOT'S FfRST VOYAGE. 
 
 of the successful issue of the voyci^e of 1497, that 
 the object now in view is to "verify' certain islands 
 and continents which he was informed some people 
 from Bristol . . . had found last year [1497]: — 
 
 hallaron ano passado ; " " and when Henry 
 
 VII. tyrants new letters patent to Jcjhn Cabot, 
 February 3rd, 1 [98, "to take at his pleasure vi 
 Englissht; shippes, and them convey and lede to 
 the Londe and Isles 0/ late ftmnde by the seid 
 Jo/m,'' impartial historians cannot but admit that the 
 attempts mentioned in Ayala's letter came to a 
 successful issue in 1497, and not three years before! 
 
 Nor is this all. The first letters patent granted 
 to John Cabot in 1496, specify as their sole object, 
 as we have already said, the discovery of " Provin- 
 cias, gentilium et infidelium in quacumque parte 
 mundi positas. quae christianis omnibus ante ha:c 
 tempera fuerunt incognitas." If John Cabot had 
 already discovered such countries, the fact would be 
 recorded in the act, just as the discovery of 1497 is 
 recalled in the letters patent of 1498, and doubtless 
 in the terms which we have quoted ; for these con- 
 stitute a formula prompted by legal parlance not 
 less than by mere common sense. Cabot therefore, 
 in 1497, does not return to countries and islands 
 formerly discovered by himself The wording of the 
 letters patent of 1496, shows that on the contrary, 
 he goes in search of transatlantic regions unknown 
 to him as well as to all other Christians, what- 
 ever may have been his notions on the subject at 
 any time before 1497. 
 
 As Biddle. who was an able jurist, justly observes: 
 
 "The patent of 1496 would be inapplicable to any region 
 previously visited by either of the Cabots, and confer no right. 
 
 'The word "doscubrir," in llic 1775.) The word " hallaron," in the 
 
 text, has also in Sjianish the sense of same sentence, shows that the above 
 
 inspiccrc, And prospicen. (DkSkjoU'K- is the nieaninj^. 
 NAM', Diilioiiairc Espai^iwl-Zraiiiah, '• Jean ct S3, Cabol, p, 329. 
 
 J 
 
 I, '\ 
 ij 
 
 K 
 
THE YEAR OF JOHN C A HOTS FIRST VOYAGE. 61 
 
 Assuming, what is obviously absurd, that the discovery could have 
 been made without bucominf^ at once universally known, yet the 
 |iatentees must have been aware that they exposed themselves, 
 at any moment when the fact should come out, to have tlie grant 
 vacated on the ground of a deceptive concealment." ' 
 
 It remains now to examine the date of 1494 
 paleographically, that is, as the reader finds it 
 inscribed in one of the legends pasted on Sebastian 
 Cabot's planisphere of 1 544. 
 
 We have demonstrated in a former work,'- that 
 those geographical additions were not written by 
 Cabot, but by a Dr. Grajales, living in 1544 at the 
 Puerto de Santa Maria, in Andalucia. They were 
 composed there, in the Spanish language and trans- 
 lated as well as printed apparently in the Nether- 
 lands, where the map itself was engraved, and con- 
 sequently at a time and in a country excluding the 
 probability that the proof sheets were corrected by 
 Cabot or by Grajales. 
 
 The date is in Roman numerals, viz. : M.CCCC. 
 XCIIII. Paleographers will not hesitate, when 
 considering the documentary proofs which we have 
 adduced in favor of the date of 1497, to explain 
 the discrepancy between M.CCCC.XCIIII, and 
 M.CCCC.XCVII, by a lapsus calami, ^ on the part of 
 Dr. Grajales, produced by the outside stroke in the 
 V having been separated from the inside stroke in 
 that numeral. In such a case, particularly in manu- 
 scripts, where the strokes intended to depict Roman 
 numerals are frequently of equal thickness, VII may 
 well have been taken for II 1 1. 
 
 The fact that the date in the Latin translation is 
 given in Arabic numerals, viz. " 1494," is no argu- 
 ment to the contrary, as the translation was made 
 
 ' l?n)Dl.E, Memoir, p. 75. Eni^Hsli discovery of the American 
 
 '- Discovery of North America, p. Continent under John and Sel>astian 
 
 640. Cabot, London, 1870, 410, p, 17, unci 
 
 ■' Major, The true date of the Archicologia^ vol. xliii. 
 
 \) 
 
 I «1 
 
■■' ,/ 
 
 I' 
 
 llv 
 
 f- 'I 
 
 ■ w- 
 
 P 
 
 62 T//E YEAR OF JOHN CABOrs FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 out of Spain, and from the Spanish manuscript con- 
 tainino- the alleged slip of the pen. 
 
 Our explanation is so much the more plausible 
 that in the issue of the Cabotian planisphere which 
 was edited in I.ondon by Clement Adams in 1549, 
 the date is not 1494, but 1497. Now Adams 
 h(;ld an office at the Court of Encrland, where he 
 certainly met Sebastian Cabot who had then been 
 livint^- in London for two years. It may be inferred 
 therefore that the correction is due to Cabot himself 
 At all events, the date of 1497 substituted for that 
 of 1494, under such circumstances, and in a country 
 where all the original documents were then at hand, 
 confirms the evidence gathered from the dispatches 
 of the Spanish and Italian Ambassadors. 
 
 We conclude therefore that the continent of North 
 America was discovered by John Cabot, sailing 
 under the British flag, in the year 1497. 
 
 I,? 
 
 I 9] 
 
 \ lit 
 
 % 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 r 
 
 M 
 
 JUNK NOT THE MONTH OF THK LANDFALL. 
 
 THE date when land is said to liave been first 
 siglited, viz. : June 24tli, is to be found only 
 in the leL;ends of the Cabotian planisphere of 1544, 
 which, as we have shown, were not writtcm by- 
 Sebastian Cabot, but are the work of one Dr. 
 Grajales, who, however, doubtless received his 
 information from Sebastian himself at Seville. 
 
 After rejecting the year set forth in that map, w(; 
 apprehend that the month and day must be rejected 
 likewise. 
 
 The landfall was made, it is stated, on the 241)1 of 
 Jun(;. The documents show that Cabot was already 
 in London on the loth of August following ; which 
 implies that he reached Bristol about five days 
 before. This leaves only forty-two days between 
 the arrival of Cabot within sight of the New World, 
 and his return to England. Now, we must assume 
 that Cabot and his small crew of eighteen men, after 
 an alleged voyage of more than fifty-two days (since 
 they left England in the beginning of May) rested a 
 while, and devoted some time to refit or repair their 
 diminutive craft, as well as to take in wood and 
 water, and renew the stock of victuals, which could 
 only be done by hunting and salting game on the 
 mainland. Besides, Pasqualigo states that they 
 skirted three hundred leagues of the coast ; which is 
 corroborated in a manner by Ayala's statement that 
 he saw th(^ map which John Cabot made of th(i 
 newly discovered lands. In those days, particularly 
 
 i i 
 
 
64 JUXF NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFAIJ.. 
 
 .t 
 
 ■!, 
 / • 
 ,i 
 
 1 ■'» 
 
 4 i « 
 
 If 
 
 i 
 
 vvlic.n coasting; in unknown roi^ions, anchor was cast 
 at sundown, and sailing' rcn(;w(;d ai^ain only with 
 daylii^ht thi: next morningr. This, in tli(i present 
 instance, was so much the more necc;ssary that in 
 June and July, na\iL;alion all around Newfoundland 
 and the Gulf of St. Lawrence is impeded by fo_L;s, 
 iceberi^s, and under curnMits. How can all this have 
 been accomplished in the limited space of time which 
 the alleged landfall on June 24th leaves to Cabot 
 before returning- to England? if we suppose that 
 owinin- to the wt;st(;rly winds and gulf-stream he 
 (effected the homeward voyage in oni; third less time 
 than was required for the sanie passage when out- 
 ward bound, that is, thirty-four days instead of fifty- 
 two, as he was already back in IJristol on the 5th of 
 August, he would have taken the necessary rest, 
 made the indispensable repairs, effected landings, 
 renewed his provisions, and coasted nine hundred 
 miles, all within eight days!' 
 
 If we now submit to the test of analysis and 
 discussion the; accounts of that voyage ascribed to 
 Sebastian Cabot himself, directly or indirectly, the 
 date of June 24th is again not only highly improbable, 
 but altogether impossible. 
 
 We possess three such accounts.^ The first 
 is Peter Martyr's, written in 1515, in Spain, which 
 from his frequent intercourse and personal intimacy 
 with S(;bastian Cabot, we must believe to have be(;n 
 derived from the latter's own lips. P'urthermon;, it 
 was published at Alcala, whilst Cabot was frequent- 
 
 ' Thirty- four days preceding Autjust 
 5th give July 2ikI for the <l:iy of 
 Cabot's sailinf; out from America 
 homeward hound. And as he had 
 first landed in llie New World June 
 24th, only eight days (June 24lh-July 
 2nd) were left for his accom|)lishing all 
 that which we enumerate. 
 
 - We have not taken into considera- 
 
 tion the accounts of Galvao and of 
 GoMARA ; because, in our estimation, 
 Galvao, who wrote in 1550, has 
 derived liis data from the Cahotian 
 jilanisphere of 1544, whilst Go.maka, 
 whose work hears the date of 1553, 
 gives only an amalgam of I'K.rKR 
 Mak lYR with Gai-Vao. Compare the 
 texts, injcan et S^l>. Calwt. 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
n 
 
 fUNE NOT THE MONTI! OF THE LANDEAU.. 
 
 65 
 
 II 
 
 iiiL,^ the courl. th;it beini^ the tiiiK; when Ferdin.ind 
 of AraL^on tj^rantecl him gratuities and (Miiolunients. 
 It is as follows : 
 
 "Cahol directed his course so fane toward the northe pole, 
 that eiien in the mooneth of July lie fuunde monstruous heapes of 
 Ise swinuiiin;; on tlie sea, and in mauer eontiiuiall day lyj^lil. 
 Vet sawe he the lande in tliat tracte, free from Ise. 'I'hus seyni; 
 siiclie heajies of Tse l)ef()re ii)ni, he was enforced to tourne his 
 sayles and folowe tiie weste, so eoastyng styll by the shore, that he 
 was thereby broughte so farre into the southe hy reason of the 
 lande I)eiidyi\u;i' so nuiche southward that it was there alnioste 
 etjuall in latitude with the sea eauled I'Vctuin Jfcnii/fiim, hauynj^e 
 the north [)ole eleuate in maner in the same dej^ree. He sayled 
 lykewise in this tracte so farre towarde the weste, that he had the 
 Ilande of Cuija on liis h;fte hande in maner in the same degree of 
 longitude." ' 
 
 I'he next account we find in Ramusio, who first 
 says that Cabot ranged the north coast, from the 
 Codfish coimtry to a latitude stated in one place to 
 be 67," and in another, 67,',. ' and then gives, as 
 cominu" from Sebastian himself, the foilowino; details : 
 
 " And he told me that having sayled a long time west and by 
 Norlli beyonde these Hands unto the latitude of 67 degrees and 
 a halfe under the north Pole, and, at the 1 1 day of June, rinding 
 still open Sea without any manner of impediment, hee thought 
 verily l)y that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaio, which 
 is in the East." ' 
 
 Finally, there is the; well-known conversation held 
 at Seville between Sebastian Cabot and the Mantuan 
 Gentleman after 1533 and before 1547, reporttnl by 
 Ramusio. who heard it repeated by the interlocutor 
 himself, and used quotation marks when stating 
 Cabot's own words, in this wise : 
 
 " His Majesty the King [Henry VH.] . . . fitted out two 
 caravels for me with everything needful. This was in 1496, in 
 the commencement of the summer. I began to navigate towards 
 
 , 4 
 
 S 
 
 . 
 
 ' AiNUlliiiRA, Di.cad. iii, book vi, 
 fo. 55, D, uf the edition of IJasil, 
 1553. Aruer's edit., p. 161. 
 
 - R.VMUSio, vol. iii, rcctoof fo. 417. 
 '■'' Itldiii, i'rcfacf, verso of Aiiij. 
 ' Idem. 
 
 ,\'; 
 
 )1 
 
 ^m 
 
 ■'/A 
 
' I 
 
 66 JUNF. NOT THE MONTH OF T/IF LANDFALL. 
 
 V 
 
 w 
 
 i.' 
 
 
 If \ 
 
 |u^ ■ 
 
 f I 
 
 t' ' 
 
 the west, cxpi'ctinp not to find land until I ranie to (!atliay, whence 
 I could go on to tin; Indies. Hut at the end of some days, I 
 discovered that the land trended northwards, to my j,'reat dis- 
 appointnieiit ; so I saiKd along the coast to see if 1 could fiiul 
 some gulf where the land turned, until 1 reached the height of sd" 
 under our pole, hut finding that the land turned eastward, I 
 despaired of finding an opening. I turned to the right toexaniino 
 again to the southward, always with the object of finding a passage 
 to the Indies, and I came to that which is now called I'lorida. 
 lieing in want of victuals, I was obliged to return thence to 
 England.'" 
 
 Those accounts, allhoiit^h vvritUMi at different times, 
 as much as eiolilcen and twenty years aj)art, and in 
 different countries, ai^rec in the main. They contain 
 impossibilities, but that is not the fault of the 
 witnesses, two of whom at l(;ast we know to have 
 been men of intelligence and reliable, whilst the 
 confidence placed in the third by such a writer as 
 Ramusio, entitles him also to great credit. The 
 reader may rest assured that he has here what 
 Sebastian Cabot actually reported relative to his 
 alleged discovery of the continent of North America, 
 and almost in his own words. Nor can the discre- 
 pancy be explained away by supposing that Sebastian 
 meant to embrace in his statements the results not 
 of the first voyage only, but of the second like- 
 wise. Nowhere does he mention havino- then 
 twice crossed the Atlantic ; the wording, too, betrays 
 on his part a desire to convey the impression that 
 he discovered the entire region, from about 36° to 
 65° north latitude, in the course of the first trans- 
 atlantic expedition carried out under the auspices of 
 Henry VII. Finally, we have the positive date 
 given by the Mantuan Gentleman that "this was in 
 1496, in the commencement of summer: — fu del 
 mille quatrocento novanta sei nel principio della 
 state." This is only the date of the letters patent ; 
 but as the voyage was undertaken in the spring of 
 ' Ramusio, vol. i, fo. 414. 
 
 » ( 
 
i'. 
 
 JUNE NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL. 67 
 
 1497, It , Is near cnoiifrh, in general conversation, 
 to ideiilify it with th(; first voya^^e in pn;f(;rcnc(; to 
 any other. Mort:(n'er. the dale is corroborated by thi; 
 further statemctnt that when Cabot returned home 
 from his voyage of discovery, \\v. "found in England 
 great popular tumults among the rebels, and a war 
 with Scotland." This coincides with the rebellion of 
 Perkin VVarb(;ck. as tlie battle of iilackh(;ath was 
 fought on the 22nd of June; 1497, and the truce 
 b(;tween Henry VII. and James IV. was not nego- 
 tiated until Septc;mber following;' that i.s, when 
 Cabot had Ik^cu back in England for more than a 
 month. 
 
 What must be particularly nf)ticed in these 
 accounts, is the series of circumstances, implied or 
 expressed, which they involve;. According to 
 Sebastian Cabot's narratives, he found himself, in the 
 month of July, in a region where there was 
 " continuall daylight," This implies an exploration 
 of Davis' Strait to at least 65° latitude. H(; then 
 " turned his .sayles," and ranged the coast south- 
 ward as far as the parallel of the Strait of Gibraltar, 
 about 36" latitude. Erom that point he recrossed 
 the Atlantic and returned homi;. In other words, 
 he sailed in longitude froin about 80^ to 5°. As John 
 Cabot was in Bristol again early in August, it follows 
 that in six or s(*ven weeks at most, for at times he 
 must have tarried on the American coast, he would 
 have navigated over twenty-nine degrees of latitude 
 and seventy-five of longitude. Who will (;ver believe 
 that a small ship, manned by eighteen men, in the 
 1 5th century, in regions theretofore unknown, ranging 
 lialf the time a dangerous coast, and impeded by 
 fogs or icebergs, sailed over six thousand miles in 
 less than forty-two days ! 
 
 ' RA\vnoN']iRO\VN, Calendar of V^enetian Dorumenls, vol. i, Nos. 754, 760, 
 706, PI). 264, 266, 267. 
 
 f ' 
 I 
 
 1^1 
 
 I .' 
 

 I 
 
 .''•i 
 
 [i .t 
 
 P I 
 
 1^ 
 
 Ir! 
 
 
 vU 
 
 68 
 
 yCW^" NOT THE MONTH OF THE LANDFALL. 
 
 Yet such is the locrical and necessary inference to 
 be drawn from Sebastian Cabot's own allegations, 
 when examined in connection with the date of the 
 landfall inscribed on the planisphere. Admirers of 
 that navigator may endeavour to explain away 
 the impos'sibility by presuming that he meant to 
 cover in his accounts the results both of the first and 
 second voyages. His own statements do not admit 
 of such a palliative. They expressly embrace all 
 those details within the period assigned for the 
 expedition of "1496" {sic pro 1497)- We must 
 take Sebastian Cabot's description as it stands, 
 regardless of its impossibility ; for that is what he 
 meant to convey to his hearers. If historians feel 
 bound to reject such vainglorious fables, so much the 
 worse for his memory. 
 
 Either the landfall in 1496 {i.e. 1497) was not 
 effected on the 24th of June, or. contrary to Sebas- 
 tian Cabot's asseverations, both cartographical and 
 d(!scriptive, only a very limited portion of the coast 
 of the New World was visited on that occasion. 
 
 In a succctxling chapter we shall endeavour to 
 ascertain the origin and reason of that spurious dat(;. 
 
 'i 
 
 f %\ 
 
 ) I 
 
 111 ■ 
 
 -.-^^mmMBAm 
 

 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 i! 
 
 JOHN CALOTS ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 THE documents of the time, geographic and 
 historical, which have come down to us, fail to 
 mention the locality of John Cabot's landfall in his 
 first transatlantic voyage. We can only presume, 
 but with great probability, that it was on some point 
 of the north-east coast of Labrador. 
 
 No graphic data on the subject are to be found 
 until forty-seven years after the event, and it is again 
 in the Cabotian planisphere, where, on the extremity 
 of a large peninsula of the north-east coast of the 
 New World, we read these words : " Prima tierra 
 vista: — the first land seen." This cartographical 
 assertion is repeated in the 8th longitudinal legend, 
 to which reference is made in an inscription placed 
 across the continent, west of the words above quoted.' 
 It begins, as we have already stated, with these 
 words : — 
 
 " Esta tierra lue desculjierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y 
 Sebastian Caboto su hijo : — Tliis land was discovered 1))' John 
 Caboto, a Venetian, and Sebastian Caboto, his son." 
 
 That locality was doubtless intended to represent 
 the region which we now call Cape Breton island, 
 north of Nova Scotia, and at the entrance of the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence. But it is very inaccurately 
 depicted. In that planisphere, instead of a regular 
 island, we see only a continental promontory bend- 
 ing eastward, the apex of which is on a line 
 with 48° 30' north latitude, according to the scale 
 
 ' See infra^ fac simile of the North American portion of that map. 
 
 4 
 
 IV 
 
 r 
 
 !:1 
 
 IP/ 
 
 
r 
 
 f > 
 
 I ) 
 
 ' I 
 
 
 %.■ 
 
 
 
 70 
 
 /0//N CAliOrS ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 
 inscribed on the map, instead of 47"^ 5' latitude. The 
 longitude is also erroneous, viz. : 63° west, instead 
 of 59°. The outline likewise presents oreat differ- 
 ences. Then, in the j^ulf there is a large island, tt) 
 the north-west of the peninsula, the north coast of 
 which corresponds with the 50^ latitude on the map, 
 and bears the designation: "I. de s. Juan." If 
 intended for our Prince Edward Island, the latitude 
 would be almost 4" too high. At all events, it is 
 the island alleged to have been discovered on the 
 same day as the landfall ; which is a point that we 
 propose to discuss hereafter. 
 
 The positions in that map contradict, as we claim 
 to have shown, the authentic assertions of John 
 Cabot, who states that in the voyage of 1497, he 
 sailed from the west of Ireland (which implies a 
 starting point no farther south than 51° 15' lat. N.), 
 and that so far from having steered thenceforth in 
 a southerly direction, he held first a northward, and 
 then a westward course. Now, the above alleged 
 landfall is not less than 5° farther south than it must 
 hiive been in reality. 
 
 At the outset, we must proceed to show that the 
 latitudes, longitudes, profiles and other characteristics 
 ascribed in the planisphere of 1544 to the Cabotian 
 discoveries, which discoveries the reader must con- 
 sider to be synonymous with those made in these 
 regions by the English at that time, are com- 
 pletely at variance with the very explicit statements 
 which mark on all previous maps the countries 
 discovered under the British Hag on the north-east 
 coast of America, and, as a necessary consequence, 
 with the cartographical declarations set forth pre- 
 viously by or under the direct responsibility of 
 Sebastian Cabot. We allude to the nautical charts 
 which were designed by the cosmographers of 
 Charles V., and to all maps derived more or less 
 

 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 71 
 
 directly from the same. But before descrlbinj^ 
 their North American delineations ;Lnd legends, it 
 is necessary to give an account of what may be 
 termed the Hydrographical Bureau at Seville, where, 
 in the i6th century, those charts originated. 
 
 Pilotage and Hydrography were taught in 
 Andalusia at a very early period, especially by 
 Biscayan mariners. An ordinance from Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, dated March i8th. 1500, confirms the 
 regulations which until then had been followed in a 
 school of Basque pilots established at Cadiz. The 
 document declares the origin of the school to be so 
 ancient that " the memory of man runneth not to 
 the contrary : — que de tanto tiempo aca que memoria 
 de hombres non es en contrario." ^ 
 
 On the 20th of January. 1503, their Catholic 
 Majesties created in Seville the Casa de la Contra- 
 tacion de las Indiasr It was a vast State establish- 
 ment which embraced everything pertaining to the 
 administration, laws, trade and maritime affairs of 
 the New World. The Casa had its own pilots 
 and cartographers, as well as professors of cosmo- 
 graphy, and a technical office where charts were 
 designed or authenticated. 
 
 Cosmography and chart-making were nevertheless 
 freely taught beyond the walls of the institution, and 
 the probability is that in all the ports of Andalusia 
 there were pilots who made their living by drawing 
 nautical maps, which they sold openly and without 
 being interfered with by the Spp.iiish Government.^ 
 
 I 'f 
 
 V 
 
 I 
 
 'i 
 
 
 ' Real a'du/a dc i8 de viaizo de 1500 
 dada 01 Sevi/la par los Reyes Don 
 ferdinamio y Dona Isai'iel, coiifuinando 
 las onienaiKtis del eclei;;io de pilolos 
 TJhea/itos estahleeido en Cadiz. Citwl by 
 IS'AVARKETE, Disertaciou sohre la 
 Historia de la Ndntica ; Madrid, 1S46, 
 4to, p. 357. 
 
 - ViiY 1 lA Linage, Note de la con- 
 
 tiaiaeioH, Scvillo, 1672, folio, lib. i, 
 cap. i, p. 2, and Primeras Urdenan- 
 zas para el estahkiimien/o y gobieruo 
 de la Casa de la Coutralacion de las 
 Indias ; Navakkkte, Coleccion de los 
 I'iaxes, vol. ii, doc. cxlviii, p. 285. 
 
 ■■' Inlroduclion to llic CaitO!::yaphia 
 .■Imcrieana Veliistissinia in our Dis- 
 covery of North Aineriea. 
 
 A 
 
 I' 
 
 i 
 1 . , 
 
r 
 
 14 
 
 72 
 
 yONJV CAliOT'S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 
 
 
 si , 
 
 ;( • /( 
 
 ^)! 
 
 (\ 
 
 But to avoid the dangerous consequences arisin;^ 
 from too jrreat a multiplicity of siiilinj; charts, it was 
 ordered, Auoust 6th, 1508, that an official pattern, 
 called Padron Real, slu)uld be (established.' For 
 that purpose a commission was named, and com- 
 posed of the ablest pilots in the kingdom. Americus 
 Vespuccius, for whom the office of Pilot- Major had 
 been expressly created, ■ became its president. 
 According to Hc;rrera,'' Juan Diaz de Solis and 
 Vincente Yanez Pinzon were then appointed Royal 
 Pilots for the purpose of securino- their services in 
 that useful undertaking. 
 
 The model which tliose able mariners were directed 
 to create was to include "all the land and isles of the 
 Indies theretofore discovered and belon^iny^ to the 
 Crown." This tj^eneral map was to be considered as 
 official, and all pilots were prohibited from employing 
 any other, under a penalty of 50 doubloons. They 
 were also enjoined to mark on the copy which had 
 been used on their voyages, "all the lands, isles, 
 bays, harbours and other new things worthy of being 
 noted ; " and, the moment they landed in Spain, to 
 communicate the chart so amended or annotated to 
 the Pilot- Major.' 
 
 Whenever the Pilot-Major received new geogra- 
 phical data, these were communicated to the Crown 
 cosmographers, with whom, twice a month, he dis- 
 cussed the expediency of inserting the same in the 
 P •dron Real or General." Put maps or copies of 
 that royal pattern were not issued by the Casa de 
 Contvatacion as they are, for instance, by the 
 English Admiralty, or the U. S. Coast Survey, 
 
 ^ Real tittilo de Piloto mayor; ■* Navarreik, 
 Navarrete, vol. iii, iloc. ix, p. 300. 199. 
 
 loc. ix, vol. iii, p. 
 
 - Ibidem, (loc. vii, p. 297. 
 
 A cnnicndar cl Padron." Reco- 
 
 •* Hkrrera, Av(7(/. i, lib. vii, cap. pUaciondc Icycsde. los rcytiosdc Iiidias, 
 I, p. 177; where the acl is erroneously Madrid, 1750, folio, ky\\\, titttlo iii, 
 menlioned under ihe year 1507. fo. 286. 
 
Ik 
 
 JOHN CABOrs ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 73 
 
 i 
 
 The Pilot-Major and certain Crown pilots, by special 
 appointment, took or caused to be taken copies of 
 the Padron General, which they sold for their own 
 benefit, according- to a tariff fixed by the Casa} 
 
 As regards the elements which served for making 
 the first model, tliey were borrowed from maps then 
 current in Spain, and not fn^n special or actual 
 surveys, even for the New World. And we may 
 take it for granted that this official map presented 
 entire sections which remained for a century or more 
 totally unaltered, though sometimes erroneous in 
 many respects. But there were also configurations 
 furnished by the Crown pilots or cosmographers, 
 and derived from their own stock of information. 
 Mariners, and cosmogra})hers of Portuguese or 
 Italian origin, like Americus Vespuccius and the 
 Reinels, nuist have furnished data of that kind. 
 
 Now, Sebastian Cabot filled in Spain the office 
 first of Crown pilot, from August 15th, 1515, and 
 then of Pilot-Major from February 5th. 15 18, until 
 October 25th. 1525, and from 1533 until at least 
 October 1547.'^ Nor should we omit to state that 
 not only was Sebastian by virtue of his office super- 
 visor of the Chair of Cosmography in the Casa dc 
 Contratacion, and filled the professorship of nautical 
 and cosmographic science in the institution,^ but 
 he was a member of the commission of pilots and 
 geographers who in 151 5 were required by King 
 Ferdinand to make a general revision of all maps 
 and charts.' 
 
 Under the circumstances, it would prove highly 
 
 ' " Por privilegios firmados :'i 12 dc (overy of North America, pp. 706-708, 
 
 Julio de 1512, se conccdii) a Juan '' Navakkkte, Disertacioii sohrc la 
 
 Vispuchu [j/c] y a Juan do Solis que Ilistoiia dt: la Naittita, y. 134, nicn- 
 
 pudieran sacar traslados del padron tions Sebastian Calxjl first on the list 
 
 general de las Indias, y vendcrlos of the professors of Cosmography in 
 
 a los pilolos al precio (jiie dijesen los the Casa dc Conlratacioii. 
 
 oficiales de la Casa de Conlratacion." ■* Herkkra, Dccad, ii, lib. i, cap. 
 
 Mufioz MSS., vol. xc, fo, 105, V. xii, p. 18. 
 
 -' I'ur all those dates, see our Dis- 
 
 ii 
 
 II 
 
74 
 
 JOHN CABOrs ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 I 
 
 
 i *' ^ 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 interesting to conipurc some Seviliiin official map 
 made while Sebastian Cabot held the office (jf Pilot- 
 I\Iajor, with the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. Un- 
 fortunately, they have all disappeared. The follow- 
 in<4 fact also complicates the question. 
 
 Althoujj^h the Padj'on General was the object of 
 much solicitude from the government, we find in the 
 ordinances enacted by Charles V., proofs of negli- 
 gence on the part of the pilots and cosmographers 
 to whom it had been entrusted. They were charged 
 with failing to maintain the hydrography of the New 
 World at the required standard. On the other hand, 
 the sort of monopoly enjoyed first by Solis, then by 
 Juan Vespuccius (Americus' nephew), who alone 
 could dispose of copies of the Padroii, induced 
 unauthorized pilots to make and sell clandestine 
 duplicates, which were necessarily inferior to the 
 original, and probably introduced additional errors. 
 The chief j)ilots complained, as far back as 15 13, 
 of those repeated infringements, but no remedy was 
 applied for several years, although the counterfeits not 
 only departed greatly from the Padron General, but 
 even presented different scales of degrees,^ and, con- 
 sequently, a variety of latitudes. At last, Charles V., 
 not in the pecuniary interest of his cosmographers or 
 to increase the revenue of the State, but to render navi- 
 gation more secure, determined to remedy the evil. 
 
 On the 6th of October, 1526, Fernando Columbus 
 was commissioned to order Diego Ribero and other 
 competent cosmographers- to construct a sailing 
 
 ' Coloquio sohrc las dos i^radtiauoius 
 dij'cycutcs que his caiias dc Jiidias 
 ticncn. jMunoz I\TSS., vol. xliv, as- 
 cribed to Fcrnaiulu Cui.UMiirs. 
 
 '■• Real Cedilla a Don llcrnaudo 
 Colon, in llic Colcciion dc docttincittos 
 ineditos dc Jiidias, vol. xxxii, p. 512. 
 This ordinance, dated Mi\y20lh, 1535, 
 refers to the one previously issued by 
 the Emperor, in 1526. Thai junta 
 
 not only comprised the Pilot-Major and 
 I lis Majesty's cosmographers, but more 
 than one hundred experienced jjilots, 
 besides other members versed in 
 nautical science : "Masde cien pilotos, 
 muchos tie ellos antiguos en la navega- 
 cion dc las Indias, y otras personas 
 peritas en el arte," says the Coloquio, 
 See also IIerkicra, Dccad, iii, lib. x, 
 cap. xi, ]), 294. 
 
 ..JL 
 
)\ 
 
 JOHN CAflOrS ALLEGEP LANDFALL. 
 
 75 
 
 chart comprchendiiifj^ all the islands and the continent 
 discovered and to be discovered : " una Carta de 
 navegar en la qual se situen todas las Islas e Tierra 
 firme questhobiesen descobiertas e se descobriesen de 
 ay adelante." ' 
 
 This royal order nevertheless remained a dead 
 letter for nine years. At last, Queen Isabella of 
 Portugal, during the absence of her husband Charles 
 V. in Italy, May 20th, 1535, enjoined Fernando 
 Columbus to cause that all-important map to be 
 executed at once : " lo acabeis con toda la brevedad, 
 e sinon, entendais luego en que se efetue." - We do 
 not know at what time it was completed ; but when 
 ready, the Emperor confided the chart to the presi- 
 dent and judges of the Casa de Confralacion, and 
 ordered the P'ilot-Major and cosmographers belong- 
 ing to that institution to verify it twice a month. 
 Charles V. went further. He authorized all profes- 
 sional cartographers residing at Seville, to design 
 and sell maps of the New World, with no other 
 restriction than that of causing the same to be 
 first approved by the Pilot-Major and the cosmo- 
 graphers of the Casa. He even permitted the 
 Pilot- Major himself, not only to sell copies of 
 the Padron General, but also maps and globes 
 of his own making, provided that the trade in 
 such articles was not carried on within the city of 
 Seville.^ 
 
 This chart, known thenceforth under the name of 
 Padron General, was not a complete innovation, and 
 could be considered only as the Padron Real im- 
 proved. We possess no copy of that standard map ; 
 but it is no doubt revived in the description which 
 Oviedo has given ^ of the chart made by Alonso de 
 
 > Real Ccdula above quoted. Del Pihto Mayor y Cosiiiografos, lib. 
 
 - Ibidem, i-'^i ''/• "^'"j ''O''-* "'> ^'i'l ^''> '^'^• 
 
 ^ Recopilaeioit de /eyes de /os reyiws •• 0\'IE1)0, Hiitoria General, Ub. 
 
 dc las Indias; Madrid, l68l, section xxi; cap. x, vol. ii, p. i^^ sci/. 
 
 i. 
 
 t i 
 
 
 if 
 
 U], 
 
76 
 
 JOHN CABOrs ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 A 
 
 t- . 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Chaves in 1536.' As Ribcro died AiiL,aist i6th. 
 1533," Chaves, who then stood so hi_oh as a carto- 
 !;^rrapher, must have been entrusted with the task of 
 continuin')' tlie work. 
 
 The commission to revise the Padron was 
 appointed in 1526. On the other hand, Sebastian 
 Cabot, as captain-general of the fleet intended to 
 visit the Moluccas, sailed from San Lucar de 
 Harrameda April 3rd of that year,'' and returned to 
 Spain only on July 22nd, 1530. The maps desiij^ned 
 in Seville or copied from the Padron Real between 
 those two dates, were therefore commenced and 
 fmished whilst S(;bastian Cabot was on the Rio de 
 la Plata, It is necessary nevertheless to examine 
 them with the view of determininj^^ the character of 
 their north-eastern confi;^urations, and of ascertain- 
 ing whether these must not be attributed to Sebas- 
 tian Cabot, or at all events, considered as containing; 
 data furnished by him while he filled the office of 
 Pilot-Major. 
 
 It is not until a quarter of a century after Juan de 
 la Cosa made his celebrated planisphere ( 1 500), that 
 we find an engraved Sevilian or Spanish map 
 exhibiting the north-eastern American regfions. 
 This is the mappa-mundi on an equidistant polar 
 projection devised by Juan Vespuccius, engraved in 
 Italy, and of which two editions are known.' As 
 the second edition is dated "1524," the map was 
 originally constructed before that year, and at Se\'ille, 
 while Sebastian Cabot still held and exercised tliere 
 the functions of pilot-major, Juan Vespuccius being 
 designated therein under the title of " Pilot to the 
 King," an office^ of which he was not deprived until 
 
 ' Carlographia Americana Velnslis- 
 sima, in the Discovery, No. 239. 
 
 - Munoz MSS., vol. Ixxvii, fo. 
 165, verso. 
 
 ' Hkkkeka, Decade iii, lib. ix, 
 
 ca|). iii, pj). 259, 260 ; Navarrete, 
 vol. V, p. 440. 
 
 ■* Car/, Amcr. Vet int., Nos. 147, 148. 
 
 '" Navarrkte, Coleccion, vol. iii, 
 p. 306, note. 
 
i: 
 
 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 77 
 
 March iSth, 1525. Now, in that extremely curious 
 map, the Vera del Bachaglia, or Codfish Country, 
 is placed in the extreme north, borderino- the Arctic 
 circle, at 55' N. latitude according to its own scale. 
 There are no further desi_<rnations, but as the 
 northern configurations are all above 55° N. latitude, 
 we must view this parallel as the; southern limit 
 (accordin<>- to the map of Juan Vespuccius), of the 
 countries which Sebastian Cabot claimed to have 
 discoverc^d in that part of the New World. 
 
 The next map is the one which was engraved at 
 Venice for the readers of the: Libri dclla historia 
 dellc Indie occidcntali, published in that city by 
 Ramusio in 1534;' but the map itself, or. rather, 
 ils prototype, is of an earlier date. 
 
 The map states that it was made from two nautical 
 cliarts designed in Seville by the pilots of His 
 Majesty (Charles V.): "cauata da due carte_ da' 
 nauicare fatte in Sibilia da li piloti della Maiesta 
 Cesarea." One of those charts is said in the Libri 
 to be the work of Nuno Garcia de Toreno, who 
 ranked among the most renowned Spanish carto- 
 graphers of his time," and to have been the property 
 of Pietro Martire d' Anghiera, who died in 1526. 
 As the Padron General was ordered in that year, 
 and required considerable time and labour before it 
 could be ready for use, we may fairly consider the 
 map of the Libri as exhibiting data anterior to that 
 year, and derived from the, Padron as it existed when 
 Sebastian Cabot was still Pilot-Major. But it is not 
 much older, as the name Stend goincz (Estevao 
 Gomez), inserted at 45° latitude north, carries us to 
 November, 1525, which is the date of the return of 
 that navigator. 
 
 ' Dihliothcca Americana Vettisth- quoted by Andres Garcia pe 
 uma, N(j. 190. Cesi'EHES, Rcgi/niciilo dc Navegacion, 
 
 - I'edro Ruiz DE VlU.EGAS, as Madrid, l6o6, folio, fo. 14S, 
 
 y\ 
 
 If 
 
 I'l 
 
 u 
 
'f 
 
 78 
 
 /0//N CAHOrs ALLEGF.n LANDFALL. 
 
 a i 
 
 U^ 
 
 It is but an (extract, (evidently abridj^cd, and makns 
 IK) explicit mention of the discoveries accomplished 
 by th(' Enjj^lish in th(; northern re<4ions of the New 
 World. This omission would be sufficient to thrust 
 it out of our inquiry, if it did not exhibit th(! con- 
 fil^urations of the north-east coast pr(;cisely as we 
 fmd th(;m in all subsequent Sevilian maps, and. for 
 that matter, as they must hav{; been L;iv(;n in the 
 charts copied at the Casa de Contralacion when 
 Sebastian Cabot filled the office of Filot-iMajor, and 
 revised or endorsed all such copies. 
 
 We now proceed to examine manuscript charts 
 which doubtless reproduce the confi,L,airations of the 
 Padron RcaL beinj^" the acknowledged works of 
 Royal Cosmo<(raphers belon^ini^' to the S(!ville 
 Ilydrographic Hur(!au. 
 
 Three such maps yd (;xist, the first : 
 
 Carta Universal, en que se eoniiene to do lo, qvc dec 
 Mundo se a desevhierto fast a aora hizola tm cosvio- 
 grapho dc Sv Majestad Anno JMDXXVII. en 
 Sevilla} 
 
 Here, the configuration of the north-east coast is 
 identically that of the preceding map of Garcia de 
 Toreno, except that where we read Lauorator 
 only, the inscription bears in full : Tierra del 
 laborador, but with no allusion whatever to Iinolish 
 voyajj^es. The legend relating to that region is also 
 placed at 60° north latitude, although the land 
 extends south to 56" N. 
 
 The second map is : 
 
 Carta Universal en que se eontiene todo lo que del 
 nmndo Se ha descubierto fasta agora, Hizola Diego 
 Ribcro Cosmographo de sti magestad: ATio de. 
 
 This likewise exhibits the same confiofurations of 
 
 ' \ssm\.y Die Beidcv Alleslen general l;irc;e folio; Jean cl Si'has/ii'ii Cahot, 
 K'arten voir Amcrika, Weimar, i86«, No. ii, [ip. 1 72- 1 75. " Ibidem, 
 
JOHN CABOT S AI.I.nC.RD LANDFALL. 
 
 79 
 
 th(! north-(;ast co;ist. j)lacing tin; I.abrador inscrip- 
 tion at 60" lat. N., but with th(; iii^hly important 
 additional remark that it was discovered by the 
 Kn^lisli : " F.sta licrra desctibricnm /os fno/cscsJ' 
 
 Finally, we j)oss(!Ss a duj)licate of that map. mad(; 
 by Ribero himself, which presents identical configura- 
 tions in the same latitiid(;s, but in which the inscrip- 
 tion reads as follows : " Tierra del Labrador la qital 
 dcscubricron los /itolcscs dk la villa dk isristol." ' 
 This latter specification is certainly a ref(M'ence to 
 the voyage made; by John Cabot in 149;, as the 
 vessel was manned chielly by Bristol men: "sono 
 (juasi tutti ini^desi (!t da Bristo," and sailcxl from that 
 port : — "partitosi da Bristo.'"-' 
 
 Now, what is the; latitudes ascribed by Ribero to 
 those Rn_L;lish discoveries ? From 56' to 60" N. 
 
 The maps made by Vesconte de Maooiolo in 
 1527,'' Hieronymo Verrazzano ' in 1529 and the 
 Wolf(Mibiittel map B.'' are, in these jiarticulars, 
 derivatives from Sevilian planisplieres, more or less 
 direct. They also placed the English discoveri(;s 
 at 56°-6o°, in Labrador; the Wolfenbiittel ch.u't 
 referring likewise explicitly to the " Yngleses de la 
 vila de Bristol." 
 
 We shall now complete this cartographical proot 
 by another legend in the latter chart, viz. : 
 
 " R por (]uc el (juc dio el lauiso della era lahrador de las illas 
 de los acares le (|uedo este nombre : — And as the one who lirsl 
 gave notice [of the country] was a labourer of the Azores islands, 
 they gave it the name' [of Labrador]." 
 
 Considered by itself, this statement does not seem 
 
 ^ TllO's\Xfi%'i, Lcs Pafics ff,'o_::rap/ic.s, Ilcnry C. Mukphv, T/ic I'ofas^v of 
 
 Paris, 1852, 8vo, pp. ilS. The Venaxzam, New York, 1875, Svo ; 
 
 original is preserved at the Propix- Cornelio Dksimoni, Inlonio a/ 
 
 t^anila, at Koine. J'loniilhio Giovanni Vena-:xano, 
 
 '-' l'ASi,)UAl.lGO, iihi supra. Genova, 18S1, Svo, p. loi. 
 
 ■' CartOi^raphia, stth anno, 1527. * Cartoj;ra/>/tia Americana I'etus- 
 
 * ]. Carson Bri:voorj , I'erra-.ano lissima No. 195, p. 5S0. 
 t/ie Navii^ator, New N'ork, 1874, Svo; 
 
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 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
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 to have any bearing on the point in question. The 
 case, however, is quite different when we study it in 
 connection with a passage of the manuscript Islario 
 of Alonso de Santa Cruz, who was Sebastian Cabot's 
 companion for many years, particularly in Seville, 
 where he filled the high office of Cosmographer- 
 Major. Describing, in Cabot's lifetime, the septen- 
 trional regions of North America, Santa Cruz speaks 
 as follows : 
 
 " Flic dicha tierra de labrador per que dio della aviso e yndicio 
 un labrador de las yslas de los a(;;ores al Rey de ynglatierra quando 
 elle embio a descubrir por Antonio Clabot piloto yngles y padre 
 de Sebastian Gabot piloto mayor que oy es de V. Mag^ : — It was 
 the country of Lal)rador [so called] because it was disclosed and 
 indicated by a labourer from the Azores islands to the King of 
 I'^ngland, when he sent [on a voyage of] discovery, Anthony {sic) 
 (labot, an English pilot, and the father of Sebastian CJabot, at 
 I)resent Pilot-Major of Your Majesty.'' ' 
 
 All we wish to retain in this quotation, is that in 
 the opinion of Santa Cruz, Labrador was visited by 
 John Cabot when Henry VII. sent him westward on 
 a voyage of discovery. 
 
 The chain is almost complete, and shows that 
 in Seville the cosmographers of Charles V. never 
 located the first transatlantic discoveries accomplished 
 under the British flag, at 45° north latitude, or at 
 the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence close to 
 Cape Breton Island, On the contrary they marked 
 those discoveries ten degrees at least further north, 
 along the region which cartographers then called 
 Labrador. 
 
 Reverting to the manuscript Sevilian charts, it is 
 true that the direct agency of Sebastian Cabot in the 
 making of these maps has not yet been shown, inas- 
 much as he was absent from Spain when they were 
 
 ^ El yslario general de lodas las ysfas por A huso de Saii/a Cruz, sit Cosmo- 
 del inondo endres^ado ala S. C. C. I\Iai>i. grafo maior. MS. of the BesarK^on 
 del Emperador y Rey nuestro Se/ior, Liljrary ; fo. 56, recto, 
 
JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 81 
 
 made. But with respect to the north-east coast, 
 the cartographers of Seville cannot but have acted 
 constantly on information derived from him ; as we 
 shall endeavour to show. 
 
 What those northern configurations were on the 
 Padron Real when Americus Vespuccius and Dias 
 de Solis supervised it, we can only guess ; but the 
 reader may rest assured that if they differed from 
 Sebastian Cabot's notions, he did not hesitate to 
 correct them, as his duty required. When he first 
 came to Spain, in 15 12, Ferdinand of Aragon en- 
 gaged his services chiefly on account of the exclusive 
 knowledge which he claimed to possess concerning 
 "la navigacion a los Bacallos " ; ^ that is, to the 
 north-east coast of the New Continent. Is it not 
 therefore evident that the first use which he made of 
 his special experience was to make the northern 
 regions in official maps tally with the charts which 
 he or his fether had brouq-ht from these transatlantic 
 expeditions? It is not less certain that during the 
 whole time he had charge of the Padron Real, the 
 Baccalaos regions must have been the object of 
 particular attention on his part. Why should his 
 successors in office alter those configurations, or 
 place them in a different latitude ? Between the 
 Anglo-Portuguese navigation of 1505, and John 
 Rut's voyage of 1527, there were no English 
 expeditions from which any Spanish cosmographer 
 might have derived data unknown to Sebastian 
 Cabot. Even if, perchance, John Rut had dis- 
 covered any lands, the legends in the maps which 
 we have just described could not apply to that 
 navigator, a he was from Ratcliffe and sailed from 
 
 ' " Snl)eis que on I'lirgos (is liahlaron 
 de mi parte Conchillos i el Ohp. ile 
 I'alencia sohic la navegacion a los 
 liacallus e ofiecistes servirnos,'' wrote 
 King Fekdinam) ok Aua(;on, then 
 
 regent of Castile, to Seliastian Caliot, 
 Se[)temlier 121I1, 1512. Jean ct S,'h- 
 aslicn Cabot, No. xiv, p. 331 ; Ili.K- 
 KERA, Dciad. i, lib. i.\, cap. xiii, p. 
 254. 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 iv'' 
 
82 
 
 JOHN CABOT S ALLEGED LANDFALL.. 
 
 
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 hi 
 
 I 
 
 if! 
 
 M' 
 
 Portsmouth ; ^ whilst Ribero and his followers state 
 positively that those northern regions were first seen 
 by mariners from Bristol. 
 
 As to the inscription which ascribes the discovery 
 simply to '' /os Inglcscs',' without specifying the port 
 they came from, we must recollect that the Sevilian 
 cartographers of 1527 were not the originators of it, 
 and that the expression only conveys a matter of 
 universal belief at the time. For instance : 
 
 The map of Juan de la Cosa is headed as follows : 
 
 "Juan de la Cosa la fizo en el pucrto de S : ma-' en ano de 
 1500: — Juan de la Cosa executed it at the Port of Sancta Maria 
 in the year 1500." 
 
 That celebrated seaman and cartographer sailed 
 for the New World with Alonso de Hojeda, May 
 i8th, 1499; returned to Spain in the first fortnight 
 of April 1 500 ; left again with Rodrigo de Bastidas 
 in October following, returning to Cadiz in Sep- 
 tember 1502. His map was therefore constructed 
 after the 15th of April 1500, and before the close 
 of that year ; embracing consequently the regions 
 previously discovered under the British llag. Now, 
 in that map, the row of Engl'sh flags on the coast 
 line bearing the legend ''Mar dcsmbierta por 
 Inglcse',' begins with a Catio de ynglatcrra which, 
 when represented approximately on our modern 
 charts, corresponds with a point almost as far north 
 as the entrance to Davis' Strait Humboldt'- places 
 the Cmio dc ynglatan-a near the Strait of Belle- 
 Isle, which is at 53°, whilst KohP reduces it to 
 "about 50° N." In either case it is farther north 
 than the point given by Sebastian Cabot for his 
 landfall in 1497. 
 
 dcs Sccfahrcrs Kilter Marl in BeJiaim ; 
 Niirnbf_rg,^i8s3, 4(0, \\ 2. 
 
 '' J. ( ;, Kohl, Doiumcnlary Ilislory 
 of llic Slalc of Maine ; Ponlaiul, 1S69, 
 8vo, [). 154. 
 
 ' J. S. Urewek, Calendar, No. 
 3203. Letter from Albcrtus DE 
 
 111, 
 
 I'KATO, in PUUCHAS, Vol 
 
 Sot). 
 - In V. W. Ghillany. Ceschieiili 
 
 ■J 
 
JOHN CABOT'S ALLEGED LANDFALL. 
 
 83 
 
 I 
 
 
 In the portolano of Vcsconte de Magoriolo, made 
 in 15 1 1, there is a " Terra de los Ingres" {sic), which 
 that celebrated cartographer has placed about ten 
 degrees^ even farther north than his Terra de 
 Lavorador de rey de Portugall, which brings the 
 " Lands of the English," certainly nearer to the 
 North Pole than to Cape Breton Island. 
 
 In The forme of a Mappc sent i^ij from Sivil 
 in Spayne by maister Robert Thorne marchamit to 
 Doctor Ley Embassadotir for King Henry the 8. 
 to Charles the Emperotir^^ we notice on the same line 
 with Nona terra laboratorum dicta, or Labrador, a 
 legend which reads as follows: "Terra ha^c ab 
 Anglis primum fuit inuenta : — This land was first 
 discovered by the English." It is inscribed at 
 about 60° north latitude. 
 
 So far as we know, the Ribero map is the first in 
 which the legend goes beyond stating merely that 
 the discovery of Labrador was accomplished by the 
 English, and specifies that they were Englishmen 
 from Bristol. This detail, which must be taken as a 
 direct al!usi(jn to the Cabot expedition of 1497, was 
 doubtless derived from Sebastian himself. Diego 
 Ribero, as one of the Crown cosmographers entrusted 
 specially with the making of nautical instruments,^ 
 held daily intercourse with him at Seville from the 
 year 1523. He was also his colleague at the famous 
 council of Badajoz in 1524,* where the voyages to 
 the north-east coast of the New World must have 
 been frequently discussed, as the intended expedition 
 of Estevao Gomez in search of the North-West 
 passage depended greatly on the ruling of that 
 
 ' D'AvEZAC, Atlas hydro:^raphiquc 1582, /^\.o, Jean d Scbasticn Cabot, pp. 
 
 dc 1511; Paris, 1871, 8vo, ji. 13. 93:111(1176. 
 
 Jean ct Silhastkn Cahot, p. 166. "• Jean el Se/iaslien Cabot, pp. 173, 
 
 - IIakluy')", Divers Voyages loitch- 174, 1S4, note. 
 
 ing the Diseovcrie of Aiiieriea and tlie ■* Navakiucte, Coleeeion, vol. i, p. 
 
 lands adjacent unto the same, made 124; IIerkicra, Deead. iii, lib. vi, 
 
 first of all by an Englis/ttnan; London, cup. 6, p. 184. 
 
 1>- 
 
 ••; ( 
 
 m 
 
 I '1 
 
 ^ 
 
I <r ' 
 
 * i . 
 
 84 /0///V CABOT'S ALLEGED I^ANDFALL. 
 
 junta. The cartographical information concerning 
 the northern latitudes had to be furnished to the 
 members of the council by Ribero. Is it not certain 
 
 V: that he never communicated a map to the Spanish 
 
 or Portuguese commissioners without first submitting 
 it to Sebastian Cabot who sat by his side, and who, 
 in the capacity of Pilot-Major, was his superior? 
 Hence, naturally, the details about the agency of 
 British mariners, from the conversations between 
 these two cosmographers relative to the history of 
 the voyages made by Cabot to that north-east coast. 
 All these facts prove that the names, legends and 
 configurations of the northern extremity of the New 
 
 f |> Continent, as inscribed and depicted in charts eman- 
 
 ating from Spanish cosmographers in general, and 
 Diego Ribero in particular, were supplied directly 
 by Sebastian Cabot or through his professional 
 instrumentality, and that for almost half-a-century 
 he placed his landfall many degrees farther north 
 than the Prima vista of the Cabotian planisphere of 
 ^•"f' '544- 
 
 V I 
 
 t I 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 if 
 
 I !■ 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 A rRLNCIl MAI' COriEI) liV SKiJASTIAN CAliOT. 
 
 RELYING upon a statement of Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert/ certain critics are inclined to believe 
 that the discrepancies which we have shown to exist 
 between the Cabotian planisphere and all Sevilian 
 maps concerning- the north-eastern regions, or the 
 absence in the latter of details relative to Cabot's 
 alleged discoveries in the vicinity of the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence, were due to positive orders from the 
 Spanish oovernment. They assume that Charles V. 
 was apprehensive of furnishing information to the 
 English and French regarding the imaginary North- 
 West passage. Surely, the English who had dis- 
 covered the north-east coast, and who with the 
 Norman, Breton and Portuguese fishermen continued 
 to frequent the fishing-banks, and even to make 
 discoveries in that region," had nothing to learn from 
 the Spaniards, who, even as late as the middle of the 
 1 6th century, had only reached as high as 41° north 
 latitude.'' 
 
 The cause of these blanks and omissions in that 
 class of maps is much more simple, and can be 
 easily ascertained from Oviedo, who, in his descrip- 
 
 , i 
 
 ' "Tho Spaniards and Porlu_L;:iIs . . . 
 have commanded that no pilot ofUieirs 
 upon painc of dcnlli should plat out in 
 any sea-card, any thorovv passage." 
 GiLinaiT, Discoitcyic, in IIaki.uyt, 
 vol. iii, p. 23. Sec note 3, p. 72, in 
 Jean tt Sell. Calwt. 
 
 '■^ See the document lately published, 
 
 " Carta de privilcgios conce<lidos a 
 I)ioL;o \iv. liAkCKi.i.os, pelos servicos 
 de i'edro dk liAiai-.i.i.os no doscohri- 
 mcnto do norte ; dc 7 >'. ' jimho dc 
 1508." Airhivo dcs .-liorcs, vol. xii 
 (1S94), No. 72, p. 530- 
 
 •■ Ovii;uo, Ilhloiia GLticra/, vol. ii, 
 p. 148. 
 
H 
 
 *• u 
 
 f-ti 
 
 » >. 
 
 I 
 
 0. 
 
 t^.d 
 
 86 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 ticm of Chaves' Padron oencral, or official pattern, 
 says, concerning the vicinity of our Nova Scotia, 
 
 " Wc scarcely possess any details relative to tiie gulfs in those 
 northern parts, and the data collected by Ciiaves do not seem to 
 he reliable, 'i'hat is the reason why we notice such great contra- 
 dictions between the maps and cosmographers as regards the 
 northern coasts." i 
 
 Ovieclo's remark well shows that the defective 
 character of Spanish charts in the first half of the 
 1 6th century, as regards the northern re[(ions of the 
 New World, should be ascribed solely to the fact 
 that the cartographers of Spain, although under the 
 immediate control of Sebastian Cabot for t "rty 
 years, possessed no adequate geographical know- 
 ledge of those parts, and not to an alleged intention 
 of their government to conceal, for political motives 
 or otherwise, any details on the subject. 
 
 We have still to account for the more exact 
 delineations of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the 
 adjoining country depicted in the Cabotian plani- 
 sphere. These have no other origin than the French 
 maps which were constructed in Dieppe after the 
 second or third voyage of Jacques Cartier, as can be 
 readily shown. 
 
 From very early times the fishermen of the 
 northern Atlantic coasts of Europe have gone to 
 the northern seas, in search of cod and haddock, 
 and it may be that the Germans were the first to 
 name these fish, which are not to be found in the 
 latitudes of Spain and Portugal. Yet, we are not 
 prepared to say that the German word backljmr is 
 the prototype of the terms bacailhaba, bacalJiao and 
 
 ' OviF.no, tihi supra. fish, in a St. Gall register of 1360, l)ul 
 ^ Ka/theljomuc, or Cahliatnvc, trans- as meaning a salmon. The supple- 
 posed in Bark/jaii, whence Baialhao, ment of the Mitlcl Dcutschcs ]Vcirtcy- 
 and Baccala (Koui,, Disiovciy of buck of SciUl.l.KR and LuiilU-ER, 
 Maine, p. 199, who sees in the word Bremen, iSSo, quotes instances of 
 a derivative of "bolch," = fish. Bclihc, Kabdow and Kabblaiv in the year 
 bakhe, figures already as name of a 1381. 
 
 hi 
 
 <L 
 
FRENCH MAP COriED 11 V SEJIAST/.IN CAIIUT. 87 
 
 
 hnccala,^ used in the Basque, l^ortu^ucse and Spanish 
 lauL^iianes to designate the cod-fish. 
 
 Whether it was John Cabot or Gaspard Corte-Real 
 who made known the existence of the Newfoundland 
 banks, it is certain that the fishermen of Brittany, 
 Normandy. Portui^al and Biscay frequented those 
 fish inn- grounds as early as the beL^innini; of the 
 1 6th century.'- and have continued to do so without 
 interruption. To dry or salt the fish required 
 constant landings ; hence the need of stations which 
 must have been distinctly marked on their maps, 
 crude as they doubtless were. At a somewhat later 
 period, but before 1544, the prcjfits of the expedi- 
 tions to the Banks led to the formation of com- 
 panies. These, having command of larger capital, 
 could secure the services of more skilful pilots, 
 who certainly brought home geographical data, 
 which may have come to the knowledge of pro- 
 fessional cartographers. The information, however, 
 must have been obtained surreptitiously, as it 
 is unlikely that the parties interested would have 
 communicated such practical and valuable informa- 
 tion to rival fishermen. These data, as we suppose, 
 were, moreover, limited to separate parts of the 
 coast,^ graphically unconnected with the adjoining 
 regions, and, on that account, calculated to mislead 
 both as to form and position. This is, without doubt, 
 the cause of the disparity to be noticed in the profiles 
 of the north-east coast in the early portolani. The 
 most cosmopolitan and competent pilots for New- 
 
 1 " Baccai'ariiis, lii..\allao, iuukfjaw, 
 A'alib/Jaw," in ihc lUidio^^raphia critica 
 por/ii[^uu:M, Torto, 1873-75, vol. i, p. 
 373-74. In Lri iRi^.'s Dpinion (voc. 
 Caht/Iatid), Kak-Ijaauio is a derivative 
 "par rcnversement," of hacailhaha, 
 which is the liasque word for cod-iisli, 
 " wlicnce tlie Spanisli Imcalao, and the 
 Flemish bal;l<eljaw." I'KDkO M akivk 
 says that it is an Indian word: 
 
 "certeyne Ijigi^e fysshes much lykc 
 vnto tunies (which the inliabitanles 
 caule Baccalaos ") Dccad. iii, booU 
 vi, 
 
 '' Jiivi ti S,'/'. Cahol, ii. 75, note 3. 
 
 ■^ The map whicli Jac(|ues Cautikk. 
 had with him, for instance, in 1534, 
 cannot have dejiicted the main entrance 
 to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. See 
 infra, p. 90, note I. 
 
 / 
 
 l> I 
 
 li- 
 
 t lV/I 
 
fl 
 
 88 I-RENCII MAP COPIEI) DY , SEBASTIAN CAflOT. 
 
 I 
 
 foundlaiul ;it that time were the I*ortiiL;"uese,' aiul 
 it is to their charts that we must look for j^raphic 
 descriptions enabh'iiijj us to ascertain the extent of 
 L^eoi^raphical information possessed in those days 
 relative to the north-east coast of America. 
 
 A valuable document of this kind is the map 
 of the Lusitanian cosmo^rapher Caspar Viei^as,' 
 dated October 1534, which is the year of Cartier's 
 first voya;4e, constructed, however, before the results 
 of that expedition were known. It exhibits the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence, but very inaccurately, both 
 as regards form and extent. Nor is there any 
 island within it, and Newfoundland is still joined to 
 the coast, as if it were an integral part of the 
 continent. 
 
 For many years after the making of Viegas' 
 portolano, all the maps continued to reproduce the 
 incomplete or erroneous delineations of the Sevilian 
 Hydrography for the north-east shores, although 
 the explorations of Jacques Cartier could have 
 furnished new and more reliable data concerning 
 those countries. The Dieppe cartographers alone 
 seem to have availed themselves of the geographical 
 information gathered by the celebrated French navi- 
 gator in the course of his first voyage, which may be 
 briefly sketched as follows : — 
 
 Sailing from St. Malo, April 20th, 1534, Cartier 
 made his landfall on the north-east coast of New- 
 foundland, at about 47° 30' latitude. Thence he 
 sailed north and north-west, as far as the passage at 
 the northern extremity of Newfoundland (Belle Isle 
 
 * rorluguesc from Vianna colonisci^l 
 Cape Breton so early as 1521. JJis- 
 covcry qf Norl/i Aiinriia, art. I-"Ac;u\- 
 DES. Sir Iluniplirey CrlLHERT speaks 
 of very ancient ]'ortU!,'Uese establish- 
 ments at the He de Salile, on the coast 
 of Nova Scotia. 
 
 The leading pilots in Magellan's 
 
 expedition : Estevani Gome/, \'asco 
 Gallicco, Joito DE Cakvalho, Jofio 
 Rodriguez de Mai'RA, were i'orlu- 
 guese. See alsu Diego RliiERO, the 
 i'Ai.EiRos, the Reinels, Diogo 
 lIoMEM, Andreas Homo, &c. Sec. 
 
 - Dlscoz'iiy of North America, \>. 
 599, No. 214. 
 
 f^Ik 
 
FRENCIf MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CAIiOT. 89 
 
 
 Strait). Knteriiii;- the chunntjl, he ranged its western 
 border (Labrador), as far as a h.irbour of the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence which he named " Hrest." From this 
 point he darted across the Gulf westward to a cape 
 on the south-west coast of Newfoundland, at about 
 49" 40', and followed this shore almcjst to the south- 
 western end of the island. He then crossed over to 
 a group of islands, the first of which he named " Hie 
 de Hryon," after the Admiral, and thence to our 
 Magdalen islands, the entire string; of which he: 
 followed on the westward side alonc,^ their shoals 
 and sandbanks, from north to south. From the 
 south-easternm(xst point of that little archipelai^o, he 
 sailed southward, about forty leagues, until he 
 reached what he /00/c to be the mainland, but which 
 was in reality the north-west coast of Prince Edward 
 island. He skirted it westward, and when at its 
 extremity, crossed over to what we call New Bruns- 
 wick, believing' that it was a continuation of the same 
 firm land, separated by some gulf from the point 
 where he then stood. He then coasted along the 
 eastern borders of the Gulf of St. Lawrence to a bay 
 at about 48° 40', from which he crossed to some 
 point of the south-east coast of Anticosti (not sus- 
 pecting that it was an island), rounded what seemed 
 to him a mere promontory, skirted the coast west- 
 ward, then followed the coast of Labrador to the 
 place which he named '' Cap Thiennot," and crossed 
 due east to Newfoundland, whence he sailed home- 
 ward by the Strait of Belle Isle, returning to St. 
 ]\Talo on September 5th, 1534. 
 
 The original account of that voyage is^ sufficiently 
 explicit to enable us to reconstruct the map, now 
 lost," which Cartier made of that expedition, or, 
 rather, of the periplus accomplished by him in 1534. 
 
 J Notes stir la Noiivc/lc Fraiht,\-i. 2. in existence .at the close of the i6th 
 ^ These maps of Caktiku were ttill century. Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 236. 
 
r 
 
 i.! 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 K 
 
 ^i 
 
 \] 
 
 00 FRENCH MAP COPIED P.V SEHASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 If, to render it clearer, he cleliiiealecl a [)()rti()n of the 
 north-east coast, vvc; must assume that it was borrowed 
 from one of the maps then current ; as at that time 
 he possessed no knowledge of his own concerning 
 the regions soutli of 47' 45'. It might have been 
 a chart akin to that of Viegas, but this is doubtful, as 
 his account leads us to believe that he knew nothing 
 of the eastern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.* 
 As to the new and original delineations, they con- 
 sisted of a rough tracing of the north-east of New- 
 foundland (which he did not ajiproach sufficiently 
 near to sight its numerous bays and headlands) ; the 
 west coast of that island down to about 47' ; the 
 Magdalen group in an elongated form, preceded by 
 " Ille Bryon," and terminating with " Allezay" at tht; 
 west ; the north-western extremity of Prince Edward 
 island, but fused with the mainland of New Bruns- 
 wick ; a break ; then the continental shore, deeply 
 indented for "la Baye de Chaleur"; a new break at 
 about 48" 40'; a long and wide promontory pro- 
 jecting eastward, which, in fact, was a considerable 
 portion of the island of Anticosti, represented, how- 
 ever, as belonging to the mainland; and, finally, the 
 east coast of Belle Isle. Among the new names 
 inscribed, were " Brest," " Le cap Thiennot," " La 
 ripuiere de Barcques," and " le cap clez sauuaiges," 
 That map, consequently, exhibited, for the first 
 time, the Strait of Belle Isle, and, in the Gulf, to the 
 west or north-west of Cape Breton island, which was 
 not separated therein from the south-western 
 extremity of Newfoundland, two or three islands^ 
 surrounded by sandbanks, which, in a rough sketch 
 
 ^ "Je presume mielx que aultrement, Relation on^'iiiak, \\ 20. Tliis un- 
 
 a cc c|ue j'ay veil, c[u'il luy aict aulcun expected ignorance of the main entrance 
 
 passaige entre la Terre MculTue ct la to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the 
 
 terre des Bretons. Sy ainsi estoit sc part of Caktiku in 1534, leaves us 
 
 seroit unc grande abrcuiacion, tant at a loss as regards the map which he 
 
 pour le temps que pour le chemyn." had with him in his first voyage. 
 
 ! 
 
 
I-RENCII MAT COriF.D IIV SEUASTIAN CABOT. 91 
 
 m;iy have assumed the shape of a larLje triani^ular 
 mass. This is not, as yet, the chart which furnished 
 all the elements for the representation of Newfound- 
 land and of the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the Cabotian 
 planisphere of 1544. 
 
 Let us now examine Cartier's second voyaii^e. 
 
 Leavinu^ St. Malo IMay 19th, 1535, he made his 
 landfall on the coast of Newfoundland at about 48" 50', 
 entered the Strait of Belle- Lsle, followed the south- 
 east coast of Labrador, came to a i)ort which he 
 named " La baye Sainct Laurens," sii^hted ai^ain 
 "Brest," "cap Thiennot," and a place calU;d 
 " rionuuedo," rounded for the second time the 
 eastern extremity of Anticosti, and crossed over to 
 the mainland, which he still believed to be a con- 
 tinuation of Anticosti. Continuing- to follow the 
 shore, he came to the river which he named " La 
 riuiere de Saguenay," passed by it, entered tht; 
 estuary of the river St. Lawrence and sailed up 
 as far as a locality to which he gave the name of 
 "Mont Royal." He then retraced his steps follow- 
 ing the same coast northward, but this time passed 
 between the mainland and Anticosti, which he thus 
 discovered to be an island. From a point of the 
 mainland he crossed over to Brion island, explored 
 again the Magdalens, but more carefully, and on the 
 eastern side, naming that cluster of islands, islets and 
 sandbanlvs, " Les Araynes," ^ from the Portuguese 
 word " Arena," gallicised. like other terms borrowed 
 from Lusitanian charts, or pilots. From the eastern- 
 most point of that archipelago, he went, for the first 
 time, to Cape Breton island, apparently altogether 
 unknown to him. He entered the broad channel, 
 skirted the south-east coast of Newfoundland to a 
 
 ' " Nous trauersasmcs :i vne Icrre el de ]3ryon cnuiiun huict licues. El 
 sahlon de basses araynes, qui de- pareillement les dicles Araines csire 
 meurenl au Surouaisl de la dictc ysle ysles." BrcfrJciL, fos. 45'', 64''. 
 
T^ 
 
 92 FRRNCII MAP COPIED BV SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 
 ^ J 
 
 ft 
 
 ! 
 
 poinl beyond Gipc Race, and finally sailed homeward, 
 arriving at St. Malo on July 6th or i6th,^ 1536.' 
 
 The map which Cartier made to exhibit this 
 voyage is also lost, but may be easily imagined. It 
 must have represented the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
 such as we see it in several of the Dieppe charts, 
 and not very different from what we see in our 
 modern maps. That is, there was the course of the 
 river St. Lawrence traced as far as IMontreal ; 
 Anticosti delineated as an island, and the Magdalen 
 cluster stretching from north to south, and encum- 
 bered with signs for reefs and sandbars, which may 
 have imparted to the group the form of a solid mass. 
 This group or mass was " Ille de Bryon " at the 
 north-east, " Allezay " at the south-west, and in the 
 middle, bore the inscrijitions " Les Araynes." On 
 the other hand. Prince Edward island was still joined 
 to the mainland, remaining so on all charts y^r more 
 than sixty years afterzoards. As to the nomen- 
 clature, it repeated, of course, the names in the chart 
 of Cartier's first voyage, with a number of others, 
 among which were " La baye Sainct Laurens " 
 (which should not be taken for the gulf), 
 " Honguedo," and " La riuiere de vSaguenay." 
 
 The nomenclature and delineations for Newfound- 
 land and the Gulf of St. LawTence in the Cabotian 
 planisphere -A 1544, show that they were borrowed 
 from a map constructed after the first two voyages 
 of Jacques Cartier, and with cartographical informa- 
 tion brought for the first time by that navigator. 
 
 ' " TcllcmciU f|uc le vj'" icmr dc 
 luillol somnies aniiiLz au lial)lo de 
 Saincl Malo." MS. 5644, fo. 57, verso. 
 The 6lh is also Ihe date Ljiven in 
 Roi tkt's edition, Paris, 1545, and in 
 Ramtsio, iii, fo. 453 1). 
 
 - " Tellement (|iie le seiziesmc jr. de 
 Juillet somnies arriuez au liable de 
 Sainct Malo." MS. 5653, fo. 56, 
 recto, and 5589, fo. 62, recto. This is 
 
 also the elate L:;iven by Lescariuti' : 
 " le seizieiiie jour de juillet," 1612, p. 
 394. The dale of the l6th must he 
 the correct one, for Car Ti Eli can 
 scarcely have sailed from the liaie 
 des Tre]iasses to St. Malo in eii;litcen 
 days. Vet, in his first voyage, leaving 
 lielle Isle, August IStli, he arrived at 
 St. Malo on Seplemher sih, notwith- 
 standing contrary winds. 
 
 ^1 
 
 \%l- 
 
 
 irirsocTTr^ifl 
 
FRF.NCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 93 
 
 First, as to the nomenclature. The followino- 
 names, although greatly disfigured, betray their 
 Cartieran origin, ina:;much as the locus is the same 
 in Cabot's map, and in Cartier's original account : 
 
 Cartier 
 Brest 
 
 Toutes Isles ^ 
 
 Cap de Thiennot"" 
 
 Sallynes " 
 
 Baye Sainct Laurens 
 
 La rip2iicre Sainct Jac- 
 
 qties 
 Hable Jacques Cartier 
 Honguedo * 
 liitiicrc dUau doulcc'' 
 Rip2iiere de Saguenay " 
 Ripuiere dc Barcqtics 
 T^e cap dcs Sautiaigcs "' 
 Isles dangoulesmc 
 Lac danzoulesme^ 
 Stadacone ^ 
 
 Calot 
 Brest 
 todo yslas 
 C" de tronot 
 Salinas 
 Baya de S. loremc 
 
 Jaqui 
 
 Onguedo 
 
 la duce, rio duce 
 
 Rio de S. quenain 
 
 Rio de paris 
 
 Saluayos 
 
 golosme 
 
 laaga de golesme 
 
 estadas. 
 
 Furthermore, Cabot even records (unconsciously) 
 in his planisphere the mishap of Jacques Cartier 
 when on the 28th September 1535, he was unable 
 to cross with his ship the western extremity of the 
 Angouleme or St. Pierre lake, and was compelled to 
 continue the voyage in boats. For the legend in 
 Cabot's planisphere " pora quinopde pasar {i.e. : 
 
 ' 7 Isles (Desliens) ; Tout ys 
 (Descemeks). 
 
 - Ticiwt (Desliens) ; C. Traiot 
 (Vai.laiu)), 
 
 ■^ ,Sa//yitcs (Desi.iens); Sa/inas dc 
 Ti-Vw^w/ (Di'.scKi.iEUs). 
 
 ' Ifoil^^licdo (I)KSLIENS). 
 
 ■• Enn Doulcc (Uesliens) ; Rio 
 
 doulcc (I)ESCELIERS). 
 
 " R : dc Sa^iiay (Desliens). 
 
 ^ Sauuai^cz (Uesliens) ; .Sauluaq;es 
 (Dehcei.ieks). 
 
 •'* /.(<;•» do ■golesme (Vai.i.ARp). 
 Aui^oulcsjuc (Iocs not figure in 
 Cak'I'IEr's accounts ; Imt it is a name 
 which was t;fvcn by Jiini. Sec iufni. 
 
 ■' Estadacoc (X'ai.I.ARD). Il was tlio 
 residence of the chief Uonnacona, 
 
 *-»*'^^-'**t?«*fe.. 
 
94 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 
 !; 
 
 I 
 
 W 
 
 por aqui no puede pasar : — here it is not possible to 
 pass)," does not refer, as Kohl says,^ to Cartier's 
 " premier sank : — first rapids," but to the lake St. 
 Pierre, or d'Angouleme, which, as already said, 
 Cartier could not traverse, owing to shallow water 
 at its western extremity.' 
 
 The delineations in Cabot's map are not less 
 strikint>-. We find them almost identical with those 
 in all the Dieppe maps of the time which have 
 come down to us ; particularly in the oldest one, 
 which bears the inscription : faicte a Dieppe par 
 NICOLAS DESLiENS. 1541. This map was certainly 
 derived from the same prototype as Cabot's plani- 
 sphere for that portion of the north-eastern regions,'* 
 The reader is referred to the accompanying fac- 
 similes of these two maps. 
 
 The points to be noted are, — the island on the 
 west coast of Labrador, also the one to the west of 
 Cape Breton called there " y** des arenos" ; New- 
 foundland represented as an archipelago,^ and the 
 absence of the imaginary isle of St. John, which 
 on so many of the early maps, and even in Dieppe 
 ones of a later period, flanks the east coast of Cape 
 Breton island. 
 
 The date of 1541 inscribed on that map of 
 13esliens precludes its containing data later than 
 Cartier's second voyage. But we know that Desliens 
 continued to draw maps for at least twenty-five years, 
 and with nearly the same north-eastern configura- 
 tions. There is one of these in the Paris National 
 Library. It bears the inscription : " Dieppe, par 
 
 ' Kohl, Documentary I/tstoiy of 
 A/aiiic, p. 365. 
 
 -Cartier, Brcf ricit., fo. 20, 
 verso, 
 
 '■'' This valuable ma]i is preserved in 
 tlie Dresden l^oyal Library (Geogr. 
 A. ^2. m.), and was first made known 
 iiy iJr. So]-iluis RuGE ; Die Enticickc- 
 
 iitng (icy Kariograpliic von Aiiierika 
 Ins 1570. In supplement No, 106 of 
 retcni!a7nis Mitteilitngcn, 1892. 
 
 ^ We call the attention of our readers 
 particularly to the shapes and different 
 tinges given to the fragments consti- 
 tuting that archipelago in Desliens' 
 map and in Cabot's. 
 
■Hk^-r^*- 
 
 Si^i 
 
 
 '4 
 
 I 
 
'^^y, 
 
 
 %' 
 
 ^ .' 
 
 I.J 
 
 I 
 
 r 
 
 7 
 
 ri 
 
 
 O 
 
 w 
 
 2^ 
 
 < 
 
 V, 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 

 in 
 
 UltfJlJjp 
 
 t 
 
 o 
 w 
 
 1 
 
 l-H 
 
 2', 
 
 ___ 
 
 < 
 r 
 
 
 O 
 
 -< 
 
 T. 
 
 
 .^ 
 
 X 
 
 Iff 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 1—4 
 
 ■Ji 
 
 W 
 
 03 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 a 
 
 
 •■■■■IIIIBL ^ 
 
II i 
 
 111? 
 
 N' 
 
 i r I 
 
 
 a 
 
 •ii 
 
 1 ' 
 
 
 t 
 
 ; ^■ 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
"T 
 
 FRENCH MAP COPIED BY SEBASTI/XN CABOT. 95 
 
 Nicolas Desliens, 1566," and differs but little 
 from the one of 1541, except as regards New- 
 foundland, which, as might be expected at such a 
 date, is represented as one compact island. These 
 two maps of Desliens, aiid others akin, indicate a 
 school of Dieppe cartographers different from that 
 of Desceliers, and remaining faithful for the most 
 part to the above given profiles. 
 
 There can therefore be no doubt that it was a 
 chart of that class which, directly or indirectly, sup- 
 plied Cabot with the cartographical data exhibited 
 in his planisphere of 1544. Yet, that Dieppe chart 
 cannot have been of an earlier date than 1536, owing 
 to the inscription in Cabot's planisphere : " laaga de 
 golesme," which is the lake *'d'Angouleme" of 
 Vallard and of Hakluyt, whilst the single word 
 " golosme," close to it, is the " y° dangoulesme" of 
 Pierre Desceliers. The widening of the river St. 
 Lawrence where those names occur in Cabot's map, 
 as well as the names themselves, correspond with 
 the anonymous extent of water afterwards called 
 " Lac St. Pierre." "^ But as Cartier visited that 
 region both in 1536 and 1.542, the nam.e " Angou- 
 lesme " may have been given only in the course of 
 the third voyage, and figured for the first time in 
 maps made when he returned from the latter expedi- 
 tion. If so, Cabot's prototype was a derivative of 
 some Desliens map constructed in 1542 or 1543, 
 from which he borrowed both the configurations 
 and nomenclature for the entire basin of the river 
 and Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 ' Ahhc Faili.on, Hisloirc dc la i, p. 16, and Rkli.IN's map in CiiAKi.K- 
 Colonisalion framaisc en Canada, vol. voix's Noiivcl/c Frame. 
 
 A 
 
 t 
 
 
 if 3/ 
 
1. 
 
 ■il 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAISOt's SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY. 
 
 IT will certainly seem strange that a professional 
 cartographer like Sebastian Cabot, who claimed 
 to have found and explored the north-east coast 
 of the New World, and the Baccalaos in particular ; 
 who owed his position in Spain, so far back as 15 12, 
 to the special knowledge which he was supposed 
 to possess of their geography ; and who, as pilot- 
 major, had to supply, for many years, the carto- 
 graphical information required for the charts issued 
 by the Spanish government, should have been 
 obliged to borrow in a servile fashion all his topo- 
 graphical data from a French map made half a 
 century after his alleged discovery. Yet, this, of 
 itself, would not be sufficient to charge him with 
 mendacity. We can easily realise how he might 
 have selected a later, more complete, or more exact 
 chart than the one he had himself originally drawn, 
 and inscribed thereon his pretended landfall. Just 
 so Stanley, for instance, might to-day insert certain 
 names and legends on some map made since his 
 return by explorers who had surveyed more fully 
 the regions discovered by him several years before. 
 
 Such a manipulation on the part of Cabot acquires, 
 however, great importance when brought in connec- 
 tion with other circumstances. We have shown in 
 the preceding chapters that the alleged landfall at 
 Cape Breton island contradicts all the data furnished 
 by John Cabot, — the real discoverer, — and reported 
 by auricular witnesses of unimpeached veracity. 
 
 li I 
 
 &s 
 
SEll CABOT S SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY, 97 
 
 We have also demonstrat(;d that the place desig- 
 nated by Sebastian Cabot in the planisphere of 1544, 
 differs entirely, both as to characteristics and latitude, 
 from the locality set forth by all cartoirraphers of the 
 time, includinn those who worked under his direc- 
 tion, to mark the English, or Cabotian discoveries 
 in North America. These probatory data can be 
 further strengthened by correlative evidence derived 
 from a study of that portion of Cabot's map under 
 another aspect, viz. : its graphic description of the 
 surroundings of the alleged landfall at Cape Breton. 
 
 In his planisphere, the legend for the landfall 
 contains the information that after sighting the new 
 region, in the morning of June 24th, Cabot dis- 
 covered, on the same day, a large island close to the 
 land which on the map bears the inscription " Prima 
 tierra vista " (that is, the northern extremity of Cape 
 Breton island), and that he named the so discovered 
 isle: " Sant loan." 
 
 At the outset, it must be stated that there is no 
 island, either large or small, in the immediate 
 vicinity of the northern shores of Cape Breton 
 Island. The nearest is a mere islet (St. Paul), at 
 a distance of fourteen miles, which, being to the 
 north-east of Cape North, Cabot would have sighted 
 before! reaching the alleged landfall. Besides, he 
 places his " Sant loan," to the north-west, far within 
 the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 After doubling the cape, and entering the Gulf, he 
 had to sail north-westward before meeting with any 
 island ; and then it could only be one of the Mag- 
 dalens, the nearest point of which after leaving Cap 
 North is at a distance of not less than fifty-four miles 
 (Point Old Harry in Coffin Island), The descrip- 
 tion, therefore, is inadmissible. 
 
 We now turn to the topographical data, and find 
 in the planisphen?, to the north-west of Cape Breton, 
 
 i; 
 
 \ 
 
 1 
 
 
 •V 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 I! J, 
 
 t 
 
 'ft 
 
SEHA S TIAN CA IW T'S 
 
 ,! f 
 
 f'i 
 
 4 
 
 i/( 
 
 a very large island, the northern shore of which 
 Cabot marks at 50' north latitude, and denominates 
 " I. de S. Juan." This is, evidently, his alleged 
 insular discovery, although in reality, the parallel 
 would take us to Labrador. 
 
 Looking around for a large island to correspond 
 in some degree with Cabot's allegation, Kohl and 
 others, ourself included, thought that it could only 
 be Prince Edward island. But, so far as we are con- 
 cerned, we eave at the same time reasons showing 
 the impossibility of reconciling that interpretation 
 with Sebastian Cabot's own statements. 
 
 For instance, the landfall was made in the 
 morning : " por la mannana," and the aforesaid large 
 island was discovered on the same day : " el mismo 
 dia," necessarily very soon after the landfall, since 
 the island is said to be " par de la dicha tierra,' 
 that is, close to the same.^ Now, from Cape Nord, 
 which is the landfall when coming from the north- 
 east, to East Cape, which is the first sighting of 
 Prince Edward island when coming from the north- 
 west extremity of Cape Breton, the distance is one 
 hundred and twenty-nine miles ! 
 
 On the 24th of June 1494 and 1497, in the 
 latitude of Cape Nord, the sun rose at ten minutes 
 past four, and set at eight. Cabot, therefore, must 
 have crossed that great distance within sixteen 
 hours, and even less if we follow the Latin text of 
 the legend, viz. : " hora 5. diliculo." Taking all the 
 facts in the case, it is an impossibility. 
 
 The ship was a small one with a very small crew 
 (eighteen men). She left Bristol at the beginning 
 of May, some say on the 2nd, and reached, we are 
 told, on June 24th, a locality which corresponds with 
 
 ' " Par, adverb. Aupres, pres, journant, Dictionnairc ('spas^iw/- 
 proche, joignant, tout contre, Lat. fiaiuais et latin, Paris. 1775, vol. i, 
 Jiixtit, J'ropt', Secundum." (De St.- ]). 731.) 
 
«« ^^wplpl I 
 
 SAN JUAN ISLAND TMAGINARY. 
 
 99 
 
 le 
 
 Cape Nord, the extremity of Cape Breton lookinp^ 
 towards Newfoundland. The distance betvv(;en 
 liristol and that Cape Nord is 2243 miles. The; 
 l)assage therefore averaged about 42 miles per day, 
 which is less than two knots per hour. How can 
 Cabot have crossed the 1 29 miles which separate 
 Cape Nord from Prince Edward island between sun- 
 rise and sunset, that is, in less than sixteen hours, 
 when his sailing in the open sea, during the previous 
 eight weeks, only averaged 30 miles for sixteen 
 hours.-* Even if we place Cabot's departure from 
 Bristol a week earlier, we find figures, which rela- 
 tively speaking, are quite as improbable. 
 
 Another fact which must be taken in consideration 
 is that the Cabotian legend describes the alleged 
 Isle St. John, as being a very sterile country : " es 
 tierra muy steril." with many white bears: " ay en 
 ellos muchos orsos plancos {sic)!' On the contrary, 
 I'rince Edward island is noted for the beauty of its 
 hills covered with vegetation and clusters of fine 
 trees. As to white bears, particularly at the c;nd of 
 June, they are unheard of. The inscription also 
 says that the natives go about clad in skins of wild 
 animals, and describes no fewer than six species of 
 weapons used by them in war : 
 
 " La gcntc dclla andan uestidos de pieles dc animales, usan un 
 sus gucrras arcos, y flechas, laiK.-as, y dardos, y unas porras dc 
 palo, y hondas :— the people of [that island] go about clad in skins 
 of animals ; use in war ijows, arrows, lances, and spears, wooden 
 clubs and slings." 
 
 I 
 
 I / 
 
 How could Sebastian have acquired that informa- 
 tion when we have the positive assertion of Raimondo 
 di Soncino that John Cabot described the country as 
 very fine and temperate : " Et dicono che la e terra 
 optima et temperata," and of Pasqualigo that al- 
 though the crew went ashore, they did not see any 
 
 
 
 ; *■ 
 
 f 
 
t> 
 
 100 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT'S 
 
 human bein^ in course of the; voyaijc : "e desmon- 
 tato e non a visto persona aloiina " ? ' 
 
 It cannot be thcrefon; Prince Edward island 
 which Cabot discovered on lh(; sani(; day that he' 
 made his landfall, and named " Isla de San Juan.' 
 Yet this larii^e and well-known island of th(! (iulf of 
 St. Lawrence (with due allowance for the errors in 
 form and position so frequent in the early charts), 
 answers at first sit^ht to the isle of i^^reat size deno- 
 minated "I. de S. Juan" in Cabot's planisphere. 
 This conformity misled us all. Hut we are at last 
 in a position to account for the delusion. - 
 
 Cabot's " Isla de San Juan," as he depicts and 
 describes it in the planisphere of 1 544, so far from 
 bein_i>- Prince Edward island, is an h)iaQi'nary con- 
 /iouration, borrowed, like all the rest of his north- 
 eastern profiles and localities, from the French map 
 which directly or indirectly, served him in delineat- 
 ing those parts. 
 
 It is unquestionable that the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 was visited by fishermen long before Cartier, and 
 explored as far back as 1521; at all events, by 
 Joao Alvarez Fagundes.^ Maps were doubtless 
 made then of certain points at least of that region, 
 but they have not come down to us. And, judging 
 from the profile of the north-east coast, south of 
 Newfoundland, in the charts of Maggiolo, Verrazano, 
 Nuno Garcia de Toreno, the Weimar maps, and 
 even Viegas,^ it is certain that few, if any, of the 
 geographical data relative to the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 collected before Cartier's voyages, were known or 
 
 * Pasquai.IGO, Ji'aii et S3. Calwt, Canada, sect, ii, 1S87, and sect, ii, 
 
 p. 322. 1889. See :ilso Mr. (lAN<>N(i's article 
 
 - This demonstration was first made in Caitadiaiia, No. of May 1890, wiiich 
 
 l)y Mr. W. ¥, Ganong, in his ex- is a just revindication of that scholar's 
 
 cellent memoirs _/«(-<///« Cartier s First claims and orifjinal investigations. 
 
 Voyai^c, and The Cartography of the •■ Discovery of North America, jip. 
 
 Gulf of St, Lawrence, inserted in the 181-188. 
 
 Transactions of the Royal Society of ^ //'idem, pp. 599-601. 
 
 
 
PI' 
 
 SAN JUAN ISLAND IMACIAARV. 
 
 101 
 
 Utilised by professional rartot;ra{)hirs. What we 
 possess in that resj)ect, so far as the. details of the 
 intcriorof the Gulf are concerned, in maps constructed 
 before the year 1546, has no other origin than the 
 tracin^rs brouLjht by Cartier o i his return to France 
 from the second (!.\[)edition in 1536.' His own 
 cartographic.d data have lont; since disai)peared, but 
 they can be reconstructed by the lij^^ht of the accounts 
 which he wrote of the first and second voyages, and 
 by comparinti^ his geographical descriptions with the 
 Dieppe maps of the time which we still possess, such 
 as IJesliens", that of Rot/ {i.e. Jehan Rose), and 
 Desceliers'. This comparison shows conclusively 
 that Prince Edward island was not discovered to 
 be an island until long after the Cabot planisphere 
 had been constructed,'^ as we [)roposc to den\onstrate 
 presently. But there is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 a large island, which observers rarely fail to assume 
 to h^., prima facie. Prince P'dward Island, and which 
 the critic who rejects such an assumption is bound to 
 account for. 
 
 If that island had appeared in Cabot's planisphere 
 for the first time, we might infer that it was a datum 
 of his own, which he inserted to complete the French 
 map he was copying. But it is found in Dieppe 
 charts of a prior date, like Desliens' of 1541. Nor 
 can it be said that Desliens borrowed it from some 
 older map of Cabot, because if such a Cabotian map 
 had been in existence, Sebastian would not have 
 copied a French one, — as we have shown he has, — 
 its nomenclature, as well as its configurations, when 
 making his planisphere of 1 544. 
 
 What then is that island in reality ? Nothing else 
 than a crude, conglomerated representation of the 
 Magdalen group. ^ 
 
 
 ! 
 
 ' JiMt cl .S,'/i. Ca/)0/, [). 214. 
 - Ganonu, o/>. cil. 
 
 •* Iliii^'in, 
 
 I I 
 
\ ! 
 
 102 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT S 
 
 ' i 
 
 
 
 I t 
 
 I ' ■ 
 
 Here is the proof for this assertion : 
 
 On the 25th of June, 1536, Cartier sailed from 
 some south-west cape of Newfoundland, went north- 
 west by west seventeen and one-half leagues, and 
 then south-west twenty leagues, which brought him 
 to his " llle de Bryon." At a distance of four 
 leagues from Bryon, he sighted the headland to 
 which he gave the name of " Cap du Daulphin," 
 belonging to another island, which he coasted until 
 he came to another one which he named " Allezay." 
 That insular region is, unquestionably, the small 
 Magdalen archipelago, encumbered with its belt of 
 reefs, shoals and sand-bars. Then the glowing 
 description given by Cartier of the Isle de 
 Brion, which, on account of its fertility he named 
 after his protector Admiral de Brion, and of " Cap 
 du Daulphin pour ce que c' est le commancement des 
 bonnes terres,"^ shows that those islands must have 
 occupied a prominent place in his own original maps. 
 
 Now if we consider that in the early Dieppe 
 charts, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the region of 
 Cape Breton, contains only one island, which 
 solitary isle is named " des arenos" in the Desliens 
 chart of 1541, " Alezay," in the Harleyan, and both 
 "brion" and "alezay," flanking a semicircular 
 cluster of reefs and sandbanks, m Desceliers, and 
 that nowhere in the descriptions of Jacques Cartier 
 do we find the least intimation of the existence of 
 another island in that part of the Gulf of St. Law- 
 rence, still less of one of such immense size as 
 Prince Edward, it is evident that the isles so 
 represented in the Diejipe maps and in their 
 derivatives, are intended for the Magdalens, Nay, 
 the identification is absolute when we compare 
 Cabot's " Isla de S. Juan" with the island in the 
 same place and of similar shape as well as relative 
 
 ' Caktikk, Relation oii^iiuile, jip. 19, 20. 
 
 
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY. 
 
 103 
 
 size in Desliens' map of 1541 and notice that the 
 latter bears the name of " Y" des arenos" {sic pro 
 des Araynes), which was j^iven to the largest of the 
 IMagdalen group by Jacques Cartier, on Thursday, 
 May 26th, 1536.^ 
 
 Furthermore, neither Cartier, nor any cartographer 
 for half a century after his voyages to Canada, 
 even suspected the insular character of Prince 
 Edward island," as we shall proceed to show. 
 
 When Cartier ranged the northern coast of Prince 
 Edward island, or, rather, a small portion of its 
 north-western shore, which he did but once, he 
 certainly thought it was a continental land, and, 
 necessarily, the west side of the " Terre des 
 Bretons" (our New Brunswick and Nova Scotia), 
 so named and depicted in all preceding maps for 
 at least twenty years. Nor do we find in any chart 
 made before, or for half a century after Cartier's 
 discoveries, or any where in the writings of the 
 period, the least mention of a channel answering to 
 the Strait of Northumberland. Reverting to his 
 own accounts, it will be seen that the knowledge 
 which he possessed concerning that region was 
 altogether limited to a few leagues of the north-west 
 coast of Prince Edward island, then and to the last, 
 believed by him to be part of the mainland. 
 
 We left Cartier at the western extremity of the 
 southernmost Magdalen island ("Allezay"). Here 
 is his own description of the course taken immedi- 
 ately afterwards : 
 
 " The next day (June 29th), the wind blew towards S. and ,[ 
 S.W. We sailed westerly until Tuesday morning (June 30th), 
 without sighting or discovering land at all, except in the evening, 
 when we saw two islands, W.S.W., at a distance of about nine or 
 ten leagues. We continued sailing westwardly, until the next 
 morning at sun rise, something like forty leagues. In so doing, 
 
 « \\ 
 
 i' 
 
 n 
 
 ' CAuriEK, Brcf ixdl, To. 45' 
 
 - GANONt;, op, iit. 
 
.'/' , im» 
 
 .M4V>«**««lr<l 
 
 i' I 
 
 104 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT'S 
 
 \ 
 
 h 
 
 1^1 i 
 
 \ ■;• 
 
 I I 
 
 ) '\ 
 
 \ ; 
 < 
 
 ( 
 
 i 
 
 
 we found thai the land which appeared to us hke two islands, was 
 the mainland, lying S.S.E. and N.N.W."i 
 
 A mere glance at any map, ancient or modern, will 
 show that a land said to be situate forty leagues'- 
 south of Allezay can only be the northern shore of 
 Prince Edward island ; whilst the term " terre 
 ferme," proves that in Cartier's opinion it was not 
 an island, but, on the contrary, continental territory. 
 The sailing continued westward by northward. 
 Unfortunately, when Cartier reached the west end of 
 Prince Edward island, instead of ranginij the coast 
 in a southerly direction, which would have led him 
 to the western opening of the Strait of Northumber- 
 land and enabled him to see that his "terre ferme'" 
 was only an island, he darted across, this time, to 
 the real mainland (New Brunswick), and judged that 
 the space between the two points was a bay, pre- 
 cisely as he did again, shortly afterwards, when 
 crossing from Gaspe over to the south-east coast of 
 Anticosti. Here are his own words : 
 
 "The next day, on the 2nd of July, we sighted, to the north of 
 us, a land connected with that which we had ranged, and knew 
 that it was a hay with a depth of about twenty leagues, and as 
 much of breadth. We named it the bay of Sainct Limaire (St. 
 Leonarius)."^ 
 
 Neither Cartier nor any of his immediate followers 
 ever visited that locality ag:-iin, at all events previous 
 to the making of Cabot's planisphere. He returned 
 to France from his first voyage by the Strait of 
 Belle Isle, not suspecting even the existence of 
 the Cape Breton outlet. In his second voyage, he 
 again explored the IMagdalens, when crossing over 
 
 ' Cartier, Relation on'ginaL', p. 
 
 22. 
 
 ■^ " Et celuy jour fismes a Oiiaist 
 jusques au lendeniaiii, sollail a I'Est, 
 cnuiron quaiante lieues ; Et faissanl 
 chemyn, eusmes la cognoissancc du la 
 
 ditc terre qvic nous auoit aparut comme 
 deux iles, que c' estoit terre ferme que 
 gissoil Su Suest el Norl Norouaist," 
 kclat. or/i;///a/c', p. 22. 
 •' Ibidem, p. 25. 
 
SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY. 
 
 105 
 
 from the Labrador coast, on his way home, visiting 
 the Httle archipelago on the east, and thence issuing 
 due east into the Atlantic through the Cape Breton 
 channel, which he then saw for the first time. 
 
 Cartier returned a third time to Canada, on the 
 23rd of May 1541, and made his landfall on the 
 north-east coast of Newfoundland. As the main 
 object of that expedition was to explore the Sague- 
 nay, and we find him at Sainte Croix, in the region 
 of the St. Lawrence river on the 23rd of August 
 following, we assume that he entered the Gulf by 
 the Strait of Belle Isle. On the 2nd of September 
 1541, he sent his brother-in-law (Jalobert), and his 
 nephew (Noel) to France. But they could carry 
 with them no other geographical data than such as 
 may have been gathered about Cape Rouge and 
 Charlesbourg Royal. Cartier spent the entire 
 winter of 1541-42 in the latter place. In the spring, 
 he determined to return to France, and crossed over 
 to the north-west coast of Newfoundland, where, 
 near Cape Double, he waited for Roberval, whom 
 he met there, apparently in September. Nothing 
 indicates that during that time Cartier explored the 
 south-west coast of Newfoundland, or that he visited 
 either Cape Breton or Prince Edwards island. The 
 probability is that after meeting Roberval, he re- 
 turned again by Belle Isle Strait to St. Malo, 
 where we find him in October 1542,^ necessarily 
 bringing not any new geographical information except 
 as regards the river St. Lawrence beyond Montreal. 
 
 No vessel returned to France until Senneterre 
 was sent to La Rochelle by Roberval in 1543. 
 Here again, if his pilots possessed new carto- 
 graphical data, they could only relate to the river St. 
 Lawrence, where Roberval remained, until he went 
 back to France, in May 1544. 
 
 ' Jean cl S3. Cabol, p. 214. 
 
 I I 
 
 /li 
 
 .1 t 
 
 
J' 
 im4 
 
 - v>.-- •— *• *•♦■• ^*" ■ ^J» 
 
 106 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT'S 
 
 Pi " 
 
 :', ! 
 
 'i 
 
 \\ 
 
 
 i: 
 
 ( 
 
 It follows from this series of facts that all the 
 configurations of the islands in the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence near or about Cape Breton, Nova Scotia 
 and New Brunswick, whether depicted in the 
 Dieppe maps of Desliens, Desceliers, Rotz, and the 
 like, of a date prior to 1 544, or in Sebastian Cabot's 
 planisphere, have and can have no other origin than 
 the cartographical data collected by Jaccjues Cartier, 
 or his pilots, in the course of the voyages made by 
 him in 1534, 1536, and 1542. _ 
 
 It also follows that Sebastian Cabot's " Isla de S. 
 Juan," which he claims to have discovered on the 
 24th of June 1494 {sic pro 1497), is only one of the 
 small islands of a group first found and depicted by 
 the French navigator, and named by him "the Isles 
 of sand," the configurations of which Sebastian 
 Cabot has borrowed wholly from the Carterian pro- 
 totype used by Nicolas Desliens for his map of 1541. 
 
 Another noticeable consequence of this appro- 
 priation is that Cabot's delineation of the said island 
 of St. John, does not represent a really existing 
 island. What he has thus depicted and named, is 
 only a cartographical distortion, an amalgam of islets, 
 sunken rocks, shoals and sand bars, conglomerated 
 by mistake, to which some French cartographer 
 ascribed the shape of a regular compact island of 
 considerable dimensions, and which Cabot actually 
 believed to be, as such, in existence ; thus perpetuat- 
 ing an egregious geographical error. 
 
 It remains to account for the name '' Isla de San 
 Juan," given by Sebastian Cabot (or by Dr. Grajales) 
 to that delineation in the Cabotian planisphere. 
 
 The legend states that it was so named because 
 Cabot discovered it on the 24th of June, which is St. 
 John's day. If, as we claim to have shown, ^ a land- 
 fall made at such a late date as June 24th is not 
 
 ' Supra, chapter x, iij), 63-68. 
 
r 
 
 SAN JUAN ISLAND IMAGINARY. 
 
 107 
 
 compatible with Sebastian Cabot's alle^i^ed doings 
 and movements immediately after sighting the New 
 World that name is just as spurious as the rest. 
 
 Our belief is that the date of June 24th was 
 invented, either by Sebastian Cabot or by Dr. 
 Grajales, to tally with the name of "St. John," then 
 existing in maps of that region. 
 
 As the reader will see even at a glance, when com- 
 paring our two facsimiles, the north-eastern con- 
 figurations in Cabot's planisphere and those in 
 the Desliens map of 1541, proceed from the same 
 prototype; but Cabot's have very probably passed 
 through an intermediary derivative. The Spanish 
 and Portuguese forms of the original French names, 
 indicate in Cabot's map a Lusitanian or Spanish 
 model, made after Desliens' prototype, but which 
 may have introduced certain cartographical peculiari- 
 ties of the Spanish and Portuguese charts. One pf 
 these is another imaginary " Island of St. John." 
 
 So far back as the map constructed by Pedro 
 Reinel in 1504 or 1505, we find to the east of the 
 peninsula of Cape Breton, in the latitude of 49' 
 (according to its scale), a large isle denominated 
 "Sam Joha." This island, which, as _ such, is 
 fictitious, may owe its cartographical origin to a 
 misconception of the great peninsula which stretches 
 into the Atlantic from the southernmost or Sydney 
 region of Cape Breton island, to which it is joined 
 only by an extremely narrow isthmus. We find it 
 in all Lusitanian maps and their derivatives, includ- 
 ing those of Dieppe, and with the names of " I" de 
 S. Joan" (Maggiolo of 1527). " Y. de S. Juhan " 
 (Wolfenbuttel B), nameless in Viegas, but " Y" de 
 St. Jeha" in the Harleyan, and "Sam Joam" in 
 Freire's portolano. ^ 
 
 ' TluU island should not he nn.'^laUcii \\t. : '']\.\:m estcucz," which co-cxists 
 for nnollKT imaginary one near it. in nearly all the iii;ips of the time. 
 
 W 
 
 (I 
 
,-^ .^,«,^% »T'* • 
 
 
 108 SEE. CABOT'S SAN JUAN ISLAND IM AGINARY. 
 
 1 ' 
 << Its position is not exactly the same in all maps, 
 
 |i although in every instance the island is located in 
 
 the vicinity of Cape Breton. Some maps have it 
 more to the north, and even like Wolfenbiittel R' 
 
 , and Verrazano's mappamundi. inside the Gulf of St. 
 
 I J Lawrence. 
 
 'i ^ If Cabot's north-eastern configurations were not 
 
 exactly the same as Desliens' Dieppe map, we should 
 
 y at once ascribe the insertion of the island and name 
 
 r of St. John in the Cabotian planisphere to the 
 
 I fact of their beinfj borrowed from some Lusitanian 
 
 _ ^ chart, but the resemblance is too great. This con- 
 
 ■\ -' strains us to infer that Cabot's model map, which 
 
 we assume to have been a Portuguese derivative of 
 a Cartieran map, also had its Cape Breton peninsula 
 Hanked by the imaginary Atlantic St. John. We 
 may presume that, like Wolfenbiittel B, for instance, 
 it inserted the " I. de S. Juan," configuration, name, 
 and all, to the west, instead of to the east of Cape 
 Breton. Cabot, then, if the blending of the two 
 insular configurations did not already exist in his 
 model, may have merged it with the delineation 
 originally intended by the Dieppe designer of the 
 prototype to represent the Magdalen group of 
 Cartier. 
 
 Our interpretation of the origin of the name leads 
 to what might be termed a reflex consequence. 
 Dr. Grajales, if not Cabot himself, fully aware of the 
 almost constant practice of naming islands after the 
 saint on whose day they were found, may well have 
 coined the date of June 24th, which is that of the 
 festival of John the Baptist, on seeing the island 
 labelled '' I. de San Juan." 
 
 ' Discovery of North America, No. data, as certain names, and parlicu- 
 
 '95) PP- S^o-S^l- WolfcnbUttfl B hirly the legend relating to the origin 
 
 is a Sevilian map, of about the year of the term " Laborador" amply show. 
 1531, but completed with Portuguese 
 
 If 
 
 / '1 
 
 D 
 
 U i 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 «.v 
 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 { ^ 1 ? 
 
 / % 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 f ♦ ^i 
 
 \ 
 
 k 
 
 .V 
 
 r 
 
 i 
 5^ 
 
 
 
 K^ 
 
 k) 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 IS THE CAIiOTIAN MAP GENUINE? 
 
 THE conclusion to be drawn from our analysis 
 is that Sebastian Cabot's statements as regards 
 the first landfall on the continent of North America, 
 are in absolute contradiction to the legends and 
 delineations of the planisphen^ of 1544, and that 
 these, in their turn, are based entirely on the dis- 
 coveries made by Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1536 
 and not at all on Cabot's. 
 
 If in connection with these facts, we recollect that 
 for forty-four years previous to the making of his 
 planisphere, all the maps locate expressly, or by 
 implication, the first discoveries of the F.nglish in the 
 north-east of the New World, including necessarily 
 lohn Cabot's transadantic voyages under the British 
 flag, ten degrees farther north ; and that witnesses 
 of ^undoubted veracity and entirely disinterested 
 t(;stify to having heard John Cabot declare that 
 he sailed westward from Ireland, without alluding to 
 a change southward in the course of the ship, at 
 any time during the voyage, we feel constrained to 
 place his prima tierra vista, in 1497 beyond 51° 15' 
 north latitude. 
 
 Taking moreover into consideration that, according 
 to the same contemporary and unimpeached evidence, 
 not only did John Cabot not sail in his first expedi- 
 tion towards the south after he had proceeded west- 
 ward from a point which was at or above 51' 15' 
 north latitude, but on the contrary stood thence tcj 
 the northward, and afterwards steered in a due 
 
 'i 
 

 no 
 
 /.S' 7W/f CABOTfAN MAP GENUINE? 
 
 h i 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1 • 
 
 1 
 
 > 
 
 r 
 
 ( 
 1 
 
 
 westerly direction, the critic must place the landfall 
 on some point of the north coast of Labrador, 
 probably between Sandwich Bay and Cape Chud- 
 leii^h. 
 
 Such an interpretation permits us to comprise 
 within a possible space of time the necessary rest, and 
 the exploration of the newly discovered country, as 
 related by eye-witnesses of John Cabot's return to 
 Knuland in 1497. Withal, the date of the landfall 
 should be set back two or three weeks before June 
 24th, This would leave about seventy days for the 
 voyage to and fro, and twenty-five for the stay, 
 repairs, and exploration of the coast. As to the two 
 islands of considerable size which, when homeward 
 bound, John Cabot is said to have seen to the star- 
 board, they admit of the followinfj explanation, 
 
 Pasqualigo does not specify the character of those 
 islands, as he says only : " al tornar aldreto a visto 
 do ixole." Soncino is more explicit. " The two 
 islands were extremely lar^e : — due insule orandis- 
 sime." According to Professor Hind, that coast of 
 North Labrador " is fringed with a vast multitude of 
 islands ; " ^ but in nautical charts of the district, no 
 large islands are marked except at the entrance of 
 Hudson's Strait. Of the two in Ungava Bay, one 
 Akpatok, is very large, the other. Green, is rather 
 small. Then, according to this hypothetic route, 
 John Cabot when reaching the headland of Cape 
 Chudleiofh, would have launched into what must 
 have looked to him to be the open sea (as between 
 Chudleigh and Resolution Island the strait is 45 
 miles wide), instead of hugging the shore and 
 doubling the cape, which, owing to his small craft 
 and lack of provisions, he would have been induced 
 to do in preference. It is probable, then, that after 
 following up his supposed landfall in Labrador (some- 
 
 ' CitAri'ioi.l,, Nan-ath'c of a I'oyage to Iliidsoiis hay \ London, 1817, Svo. 
 
'^ 
 
 i 
 
 /I 
 
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/S TllR C A nor /AN MAP GRNUINEI 
 
 111 
 
 where about Sandwich Uay or Iiiviictoke), as far 
 west as Cape Chutllei_L;h, lie turned Ills prow to th(! 
 south-eastward, and when on the east shore of N(!w- 
 foundland, mistook for islands the peninsulas which 
 project on that side from the main Ixxly of the isle. 
 
 The latter hypothesis is the; more plausible since 
 the east coast of Newfoundland is indented with 
 bays running', in some instances, So or 90 miles 
 inland, and at no great distance from c'ach other.' 
 The peninsula of Avalon, pointing south-east, is 
 almost severed from the principal portion of the; 
 island, the connection being- a narrow isthmus, in 
 one place but three miles wide. 
 
 In fact, it was this deceptive profile which caused 
 all cartograph(;rs of the first half of th(! sixte(;nth 
 century to represent Newfoundland as an archi- 
 pelago.'^ Kven in the Cabotian map of F544, tlu; 
 isle is still broken up into eleven large fragments. 
 We should also recollect that its bays have th(;ir 
 shores clad in dark green forests to the water's 
 edge ; and, as Cabot himself says that he merely 
 sighted those islands'* without circumnavigating 
 them, the supposed mistake is perfectly accountable. 
 
 If so, the accompanying map would represent 
 the route of John Cabot in the expedition of 1497. 
 
 All this, however, we put forward as a mere 
 hypothesis, yet the best that can be proposed to 
 explain Sebastian Cabot's contradictory assertions. 
 These contradictions are so manifest that they have 
 prompted the inquiry whether he was really the 
 author of the planisphere which bears his name. 
 
 It must be repeated here that the leg(*nds in 
 
 ^ Rev. M. IIarvky,^«0/.5;-. xvii,382. •' " E .il lornar aldrcto a vislo do 
 
 - Indeed, the number of fraf^ments ixole nia non ha voluto desender i)er 
 
 is ahiiost a test to ascertain ihc non perder tempo che la vituaria li 
 
 anti(iiiity of the configurations ascribed mancava." Letter of Lorenzo. I'As- 
 
 lo Newfoundland in the Dieppe maps Qi'Ai.ir.o, _/,<?« t/ .S',7'. CVkV, doc. viii, 
 
 of the l6th cenlury. p. 322, 
 
 \ 
 
 : 
 

 r 
 
 
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 A 
 
 . f 
 
 H 
 
 1 1 
 
 ( 
 
 r 
 
 1 
 
 VI 
 
 i; 
 
 \*^i 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 112 
 
 AV r//E CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE? 
 
 Cabot's map were not written by him, but are the 
 work of one Dr. Grajales, who wrote them at the 
 Puerto de Santa Maria, half a century after John 
 Cabot's first voyage ; ^ while the translation into 
 Latin seems to have been made by some Dutch or 
 German pedant - of the place where the planisphere 
 was enoraved. The cartographical data, however, 
 which served as a basis for those tabular explana- 
 tions, were certainly furnished by Sebastian Cab(3t, 
 or published with his assent, particularly as regards 
 the configuration of the north-east coast of the 
 American continent, and the alleged landfall at Cape 
 Breton. 
 
 In 1544, Charles V. reigned over both Germany 
 and the Netherlands ; and whether we consider the 
 Cabotian planisphcTe as having been published in 
 Spain, at Antwerp, or at y\ugsburg, it is not likely 
 that anyone would have ventured to palm off on the 
 Emperor's Pilot- Major a forgery of that character-, 
 or add to the plate the Imperial arms. Besides, 
 the genuineness of the publication is proved by its 
 (^\istence and circulation in P^ngland while Sebastian 
 Cabot lived and held an official position in that 
 country. The importance of this fact makes it 
 incumbent on us to producer our authorities for the 
 statement. 
 
 As to the first assertion, we must recall the circum- 
 stance that Sebastian Ca'oot was still living in 1557 ; 
 and that Eden, b(;fore 1555, which is the date of the 
 first edition of his English translation of the Decades 
 of Peter Martyr, published in that work certain 
 
 'Sec in the appendix of tiie liisi " navi.qandi arte astronomiaqiie pcri- 
 
 )iart of the Caiii^^'a/'/n'a Anicrhana lissinnis .... astroruni peiitia navi- 
 
 /V///i'//.wwa, the note entitled : ^"///i:;';'*/ -^undiciue arte omnium <ioctissimiis . . 
 
 i/ia/'of Co/it>///'tis' //a7'(t;a/ioits, aui\, /ih . , lida doctissima(|ue mapslra;" all 
 
 /'ra, Syiiopsn, No. Ixi, three of which are in the Latin version 
 
 - The self-laudatory expressions of tiie lej^end xvii, do not exist in tlie 
 
 which also lead us to thinU tliat CAi:or Spanish text, wliether printed, or in 
 
 did not write the letjenils, viz. : the manuscript copy. 
 
 ^ 
 
 f 
 
IS THE CABOTIAN MAP GENUINE 1 
 
 113 
 
 It 
 
 the 
 
 If pcn- 
 ia navi- 
 imis . . 
 a;'' all 
 vorsiou 
 A in tlie 
 nr ill 
 
 ^r^' 
 
 "notable thynges as tovchinge the Indies," which, 
 he said, were "translated owt of the bookes of 
 Franciscus Lope [Gomara] . . . and partly also owt 
 of the carde made by Sebastian Cabot." ^ 
 
 The Cabotian planisphere could be seen at West- 
 minster. Purchas, after referring to the voyage of 
 1497, sums up the eighth tabular legend, and adds : 
 " These are the wordes of the great Map in his Maies- 
 tie's priuie Gallerie." - There was also a copy in the 
 casde of the Earl of Bedford : " Cabot's table which 
 the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheynies," says Richard 
 Willes.^ Finally, the map was reissued in 1549 for 
 Clement Adams who re-edited the legends, once, as we 
 propose to show,' with modifications most probably 
 suggested by Cabot himself, and Hakluyt says that 
 " the copye of Gabote's map sett out by Mr. Clemente 
 Adams was in many marchants houses in London.""' 
 
 It is impossible that the wily Venetian should 
 not have been aware of the existence of those 
 maps ; and if he had no part in such publications, 
 or if he disapproved of their cartographical state- 
 ments, we should find traces of protest and dis- 
 claimer in the works of Eden'' and of Hakluyt;" 
 
 ' Edkx, Decades ; London, 1555, 
 4to, f. 324. 
 
 - ruucilAS, His Pilgrinia^^e ', Lon- 
 ilon, 1625, folio, vol. iii, p. S07. 
 
 ■' Wiu.F.s' edition of Edkn's History 
 of Travay/e; London, 1557, 4U1, f. 
 2^2, 
 
 *'Sy//al>us, No. Ixi, § iii, 
 
 •"' IIaki.uvt, Westeme Platilini;, 
 written in 1584, and pul)lishcd for the 
 lirst time in vol. ii of the I^flcit- 
 mental y History of t lie State of Maine, 
 Torlland, 1870, 8vo, p. 126. As 
 Clement Adams did not die till 1587, 
 and Haki.uvi', born cirea 1553, live<i 
 until 1616, they must have known one 
 another ; owing to their livint; in the 
 same social circle, and their (levolion 
 to mutually congenial studies. 
 
 * Edkx, who was personally ac- 
 (luainled with Sebastian Cabot, and 
 
 derived information from him concern- 
 ing his voyages ( The Decades of t lie New 
 IVor/de, London, 1555, preface, leaf c I 
 and fol. 249, 255, 268), had seen that 
 ma[) and, as we have already said, actu- 
 ally rejiublished one of its legends. 
 
 " TIakluvt also reprinted a legend 
 taken frt)nr the same chart, a coi)y of 
 which he saw hung up "in her 
 Maieslies' priuie gallerie at Westmin- 
 ster " [PrincifaH Navi\c;atioiis, 1589, 
 p. 511, and 1599, vol. iii, p. 6), ami 
 iicsides, from his language, he must 
 have consulted "all of Sebastian 
 Cabote's 'mvn mappcs and discourses 
 drawne and written by himselfe,' 
 which, he is the fust to say, 'are in 
 the custody of Master William Worth- 
 ington who is very willing to suffer 
 them to be overseene.' " — Divers 
 voyages, 1582. 
 
 H 
 
 i( 
 
, —rf"*^ »i u :-r j^-.pmf 
 
 II I.' 
 
 1 
 
 ,i ] 
 
 
 114 
 
 /5 7*//^ C A HOT f AN MAP GENUINE'! 
 
 while they would neither have quoted nor used the 
 
 map. 
 
 What then could be Sebastian's object in placing 
 at the southern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 a landfall which for so many years previous had 
 rightly figured, though it be only by implication, in 
 all charts and portolani, as on the north-eastern coast 
 of Labrador ? Was it his personal interest to do so, 
 and have we any reason to consider him as capable 
 of making wilfully untruthful statements ?_ These 
 grave questions require the critic to examine with 
 care and impartiality the real character of Sebastian 
 Cabot. 
 
 <\ 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 
 
 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CAROT. 
 
 CKBASTIAN Cabot was a man capable of 
 ^ disguisinpr the truth, whenever it was to his 
 interest to do so. 
 
 The account of the discovery of the north-east 
 coast of the New World, oiven by Peter Martyr "is 
 exclusively from communications by Sebastian Cabot 
 vvhen the latter was his ouest : " Familiarem habeo 
 domi Cabottum ipsum, et contubernalem interdum."» 
 Yet, It contains no mention whatever of John Cabot 
 and the merit of the discovery is ascribed solelv to 
 Sebastian : ^ 
 
 "ScrutatusesteasSebastianusCabotus . . . Duo is sibi navi-ia 
 propna pccunia ,n Britannia ipsa instruxit, et primo tcndens ouni 
 hominibus tcrccntumad septentrionem ..... --These nor he 
 seas hauc byn searched by one Sebastian CaI)ot . . . He there 
 
 fyrst with three hundreth men, directed his course . . . " 2 
 
 Had he ever mentioned his Other's name to Peter 
 Martyr in connection with that discovery, the latter 
 would certainly have inserted it in his Decat/rs. 
 
 Again in Sebastian's own words as reported by the 
 Mantuan Gentleman, it was he alone who accom- 
 plished the first voyage, his father being said by him 
 to have been dead when Henry VH. o-ranted the 
 required authorization to undertake it : "^ 
 
 " Mori il padre in quel tempo che venne nona che'l signer don 
 /W f ilbrvi, &sl1r ^"'"'^' latli^J"^"" "^^^ '' '^"'^ ^-^'^ ^-- 
 
 > .V 
 
!> 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 116 
 
 THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 I 
 
 vi 
 
 \ : 
 •. :: 1 
 
 •<•( 
 r 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Christopher Colombo Clcnoesc havea scopcrta la costa dell' Indie, 
 et se ne parlava grandemente per tutta la corte del Re Henrico 
 vij, che allhora regnava .... subito feci intender qucsto niio 
 jjcnsicro alia Maesta del Re, il qual . . . mi arnio due caravelle 
 . . . . et cominciai a navigar ... in capo d'alquanti giorni la 
 discopersi .... iV'c: — When my father died in tliat time when 
 newes were brought that Don Christopher Columbus (lenoese had 
 discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the 
 court of King Henry the Seventh, who then raigned .... I 
 thereupon caused the king to l)e advertised of my devise, who 
 immediately commanded two caravels to be furnished with all 
 things .... and I Oei^an therefore to saile .... After certaine 
 dayes J found .... iS:c." ^ 
 
 In an Italian paraphrase of Peter Martyr,'- which 
 we have elsewhere shown to be the work of Ramusio,^ 
 who corresponded with Sebastian Cabot, and from 
 whom he received information which we must assume 
 to be embodied in that pubHcation, the above state- 
 ment is even enlarged, in this wise : 
 
 " Fu [Cabot] mcnato da suo padre in Inghillerra, da poi la 
 morte del (^uale trouandosi ricchissimo, ct di grande animo, 
 delibero si come hauea fatto Christoforo Colombo, voler anchor 
 lui scoprire qualche nuoua parte del mondo, et a sue spesc armo 
 duoi nauili : — He was taken by his father to luigland, where, after 
 the latter's death, finding himself extremely rich, and being high- 
 spirited, he determined, as Christopher Columbus had done, to 
 discover some new part of the ^Vorld, and at his own cost, he 
 equipped two ships." ' 
 
 Now, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, who was an eye-witness 
 of the navigator's return, and Raimondo di Soncino, 
 who interviewed him at the same time, and was, more- 
 over, his personal friend,^ both name him " Zoanne 
 Caboto," and never mention Sebastian. John 
 Cabot, so far from being dead when the expedition 
 was fitted out, received, personally, from Henry 
 VII. on the 13th of December, 1497, a pension 
 
 ' Ramusio, ofi. cit. 
 2 Jiihliot. Americana Vclttstissima, 
 No. 190. 
 " Christophe Colaoh, son origine, sa 
 
 vie, scs voyages ; vol, i, pp. 92-94. 
 ^ Ramusio, Raccolla, 1565, vol. iii, 
 r... 35. 
 
 ■' Jeau. et Si!!). Cabot, pp. 322, 326. 
 
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 117 
 
 as a reward for the discovery which he had 
 just accompHshed.^ Further, there was only one 
 discoverer on that occasion, at least, and not 
 several, as the English King, August loth, 1497, 
 (that is, immediately upon the return of the expedi- 
 tion,) gave from his privy purse £\Q) "to hym that 
 found the New Isle."" There can be no doubt about 
 the identity of the discoverer whom Henry VII. 
 meant, as in his second letters patent, dated 
 February 3rd, 1498, he says that "the Londe and 
 Isles of late found," were discovered " by the seid 
 John Kabotto, Veneciane."^ 
 
 Sebastian's disregard of truth is maintained in his 
 repeated explanations that his father was only a 
 sort of itinerant merchant, who had come to 
 P2ngland solely to sell his goods or engage in 
 mercantile pursuits : " Uti moris est Venetorum, qui 
 commercii causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites : — 
 hauyng occasion to resorte thether for trade of 
 merchandies, as is the maner of the Venetians . . ." 
 do we read in Peter Martyr's Decades^ "Andato 
 a stare in Inghilterra a far mercantie : — to dwell in 
 England, to follow the trade of marchandises," 
 Sebastian told the Mantuan Gentleman.'' His 
 hearers could not but see in such untilial and insi- 
 dious remarks, a confirmation of his boast that he 
 had himself discovered Newfoundland. 
 
 It is not certain even that Sebastian accom- 
 panied his father to the New World, although he is 
 one of the grantees mentioned in the letters patent of 
 March 5th, 1496. 
 
 We are first struck with the expression in 
 Pasqualigo's letter of August 23rd, T497, already 
 quoted : 
 
 iO. 
 
 ' Collection of I'rivy Seals, No. 40, 
 quolcd by Mr. Charles Dkani;, /c//// 
 and ScbasI inn Cubol, Cainbiid^e, lSS6, 
 8vo, p. 56, ami our Syllaliiis, No. ix. 
 
 - Excerpta His/orira, p. 113, 
 
 ' HiniH.K, 11. 75. 
 
 ^ A.N(-.iin,K.\, /\<iii{. i, ii, cliapt. vi. 
 
 •' KA.MU510, /oc. lit. 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 V 
 
 118 
 
 77//i CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 ,*/} 
 
 in 
 
 
 n I 
 
 " E ali dato danari fazi bona ziera fino a quel tempo c con so 
 moier vcniziana e con so fioli a Bristo : — The kin}; has given him 
 money wherewith to amuse himself till then ; and he is now at 
 Bristol with his Venetian wife, u/k^ with his sons." 
 
 May not this be interpreted in the sense that 
 John Cabot's wife and sons remained in Bristol while 
 he was accomplishinn' the voyage of 1497 and that 
 upon returning to England, he went to join them 
 in Bristol? If not, how can we account for Pas- 
 qualigo's silence regarding Sebastian, who was by 
 birth a Venetian like himself, if his young country- 
 man had participated in that great discovery ? 
 
 Peter Martyr, notwithstanding the fact that he 
 was on friendly terms with Sebastian Cabot, and not 
 prone to disparagement, confesses that there were 
 Spaniards who denied his having been the discoverer 
 of the Bacallaos region, or that he ever sailed so far 
 westward : 
 
 " Ex Castcllanis non dcsunt, qui Cabothum primum finisse 
 Baccalaorum, repertorem negent tantumciue ad occidentem 
 tetendisse minime asscntientur : — Sume of the S[)anyardes denye 
 that [Sebastian] Cabot was the fyrst fynder of the lande of 
 Baccallaos : and affirme that he went not so farre westwarde.'' ^ 
 
 What is more, in March 152 1, the twelve great 
 Livery Companies of London having been required 
 by Henry VIII. to furnish a heavy contribution 
 towards fitting out ships of discovery to be placed 
 under the command of Sebastian Cabot, the drapers, 
 who had undertaken to settle the terms and amount 
 for all the parties, made representations to the King, 
 the Lord Cardinal (Wolsey) and the Council, against 
 the projected expedition. Their principal reason 
 was that the intended commander, Sebastian Cabot, 
 could not be trusted, given in these very significant 
 words : 
 
 "And we thynk it were to sore avenf to joperd V shipps w' men 
 ' An(;hikka, Iol. (•//. 
 
 .V ' 
 
THE CHARACTER OF SEBAST/AX CABOT. 
 
 119 
 
 and goods vnto Ihe said Hand [the Newo found Hand] vppon the 
 singular trust of one man callyd as we vndcrstond Subastyan, 
 whiche Sebastyan as we here say was neu'' in that land hym self, all 
 if he maks reports of many things as he hath hard his Father and 
 other men speke in tymes past . . . trusting to the said Sel)astyan, 
 we suppos it were no wysdoni to avenf lyves and goods thider in 
 suche man . . ." ^ 
 
 Cardinal Wolsey, to whom these severe objections 
 were particularly addressed, was twenty-six years 
 old when the first English transatlantic expedition 
 sailed from Bristol and by his position at that time 
 in the Marquis of Dorset's family, must have known 
 the circumstances attending that voyage, the results 
 of which created such a great sensation in London." 
 Moreover, Sebastian Cabot was in England ^ when 
 these representations were lodged in the hands of 
 the competent authorities. That under such circum- 
 stances the Livery Companies should have ventured 
 to make so bold a statement, officially, to the King, 
 to Wolsey, and to the Council, is a matter worthy of 
 notice. It proves, at all events, that if Sebastian 
 ever played any part in those expeditions, it must 
 have been very insignificant. 
 
 In the conversation with the Mantuan Gentleman, 
 Sebastian ascribed his leaving England and seeking 
 employment in Spain to the " great tumults among 
 the people, and preparation for the war to be carried 
 into Scotland," and mentioned the King and Queen 
 of Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella, as having enter- 
 tained him at that time : 
 
 " Dove giunto trovai grandissimi tumulti di popoli sollevali, el 
 della guerra in Scotia .... per il che me ne venni in Spagna al 
 Re Catholico, et alia Regina Isabella, i quali mi raccolsero." 
 
 ' Wardens Aciounts of the Drapers 
 Company, London, MSS., vol. vii, fo. 
 87. This imporUml document was 
 lirst made known l)y the lale William 
 IlKRiiKRT, in his highly valuahle 
 History of the Twelve Great Livery 
 Companies of London, 1837, Svo, vol. 
 i, p. 410. The present text is taken 
 
 from a copy of the original records, 
 kindly secured at our request by Miss 
 Mary Toui.AUN Smith. 
 
 - For the complete document, see 
 the Discovery of A'ori/i Amor tea, pp. 
 747-750. 
 
 ^ HoLi.NSKKP, Clironiiles, London, 
 1586, folio, vol. ii, p. 781. 
 
I' 
 
 '\ 
 
 : 
 
 '<l 
 
 <i 
 
 V 
 
 120 77/A' CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 He ^oes so far as to add that the Catholic Kings 
 sent him to discover the coast of Brazil : 
 
 " Mi dicdero hiioiia provisionu facccndomi inavigar dictro la 
 costa del lircsil, pur volcrla scoprirc." 
 
 It would be difficult to throw into a few sentences 
 a oreater number of erroneous statements and ana- 
 chronisms. The great tumults among the people can 
 only be the irruption of the Scots and inroads of the 
 Cornish rebels, who " neere incamped to the citie."* 
 This occurred in the spring of 1497, as the battle of 
 Blackheath was fought on the 22nd of June, 1497. ^ 
 At that time, Cabot was on the coast of Labrador. 
 When he returned to England in August following, 
 the "preparation to carry war into Scotland" had 
 long been over, as, according to I lolinshed, " King 
 James had retired without proffer of battle," and 
 Pedro de Ayala'- was negotiating the truce which 
 was finally concluded in the month of January 
 following."' Cabot, far from proposing to remove to 
 Spain, was then soliciting a new licence from Henry 
 VH., who granted it February 3rd, 1498; and pre- 
 parations were immediately made for the expedition 
 which set out from Bristol in May next ensuing. 
 
 On the other hand, Sebastian Cabot told a 
 different story to Peter Martyr. According to this, 
 it was upon the death of Henry VH. that he 
 abandoned the service of England, and removed to 
 Spain : " Vocatus namque ex Britannia a rege 
 nostro catholico post Henrici maioris Britanniie regis 
 mortem." 
 
 This declaration is just as untrue as the other. 
 
 ' IlUMi;, History of England, 
 Boston, 1S54, Svo, vol. ii, p. 541. 
 
 " The Knglish historians call him 
 "Hialyas." 
 
 ■' " Peace with the King of Scotland 
 is in coui'ie of ne;;otiation " (Sept. 
 9th, 1497). " Tlic .unbassador fioni 
 
 the King of Scotland has arrived lo 
 conclude a truce" (Novemb. 28th). 
 "Affairs with the King of Scotland 
 are well nigh pacified" (January nth, 
 149S). Uawidon Ukown, Calendar, 
 \ul. i, \o;i. 754, 760, 7C3. 
 
 
 « 
 
 \ 
 
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CAHOT. 121 
 
 Henry VII. died April 22nd, 1509, and Sebastian 
 Cabot was still in the employ of the English govern- 
 ment,_ on May 12th, r5i2,^ and in England with 
 his wife and home, " su mujer i casa," on the 20th of 
 October following,'^ 
 
 As regards his statement that he was sent by 
 Ferdinand and Isabella to make discoveries on the 
 coast of Brazil, it is well to mention that Isabella 
 died November 26th, 1504, and his name appears in 
 connection with projected Spanish voyages for the 
 first time, March 6th, 1514. As to expeditions 
 actually carried out under his leadership, or in which 
 he took part under the flag of Spain, there is only 
 one, and, as we intend to prove, it did not sail 
 before April 3rd, 1526, when both Ferdinand and 
 Isabella had long been dead. 
 
 As we have seen in a preceding chapter, when 
 speaking to Italians, Sebastian Cabot claimed to be 
 a Venetian by birth, who had been brought over to 
 England as a child: " Genere Venetus, sed a 
 parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus .... 
 transportatus pene infens," he said to Peter Martyr. 
 Ten years later, he declares to Gasparo Contarini 
 that he was born in Venice, but reared in England : 
 " Per dirve il tutto, io naqui a Venetia ma sum 
 nutrito in Ingelterra." To the Mantuan Gentleman 
 he stated, on the contrary, that, so far from having 
 left Venice when he scarcely knew yet how to speak 
 "pene infans," he had already received most of his 
 classical education : " era assai giovane non gia pero 
 che non havesse imparato et li'ttere d'humanita, et 
 la sphera." But when twenty-five years afterwards 
 we find him setded in England, receiving or expect- 
 ing new f^ivours from Edward VI., and speaking to 
 
 T. S. J]RE\VER, Ciilohhii- domestic Aragon to Luis Cako, October 20th 
 andforagv vol ii, pari ii, p. 1456. 1512 ; Jean d SaasUun Cabol, .loc' 
 
 - IJir-palch fiom ruf.DiNAND of xviii, p. 53-. 
 
 j 1 
 
 ' i' 
 
I 
 
 
 
 122 
 
 T//E CHARACTER 01' SEBASTIAN CABUT. 
 
 Englishmen, he declares just as positively that he 
 is their countryman : " Sebastian Cabote tould me 
 that he was borne in Bristovve," Richard Pxlen relates. 
 
 We could cite a number of other untruthful 
 statements made by Sebastian Cabot. ^ At first, we 
 were inclined to believe that they should be ascribed 
 to his interlocutors ; but the conversation which he 
 had with Contarini in 1522, and which this most 
 truthful witness reported verbatim immediately 
 afterwards to the Senate of Venice in an official 
 dispatch, shows that it was Sebastian's usual manner 
 of speaking, vainglorious and erratic. 
 
 Such proofs of constant mendacity demonstrate, 
 as we asserted at the outset, that Sebastian Cabot 
 was capable of swerving from the truth whenever it 
 might profit him. 
 
 What then were the interested motives which 
 could prompt him in 1544 to locate at the southern 
 entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence a landfall 
 which in reality had been effected ten degrees further 
 north ? The absence of documents, and the difficulty 
 of scrutinizing a man's motives, compel us to answer 
 this question only by resorting to hypothesis. 
 
 In 1 544, a great change had taken place relative 
 to the importance of the more northern coast of the 
 new continent. The seas which borciered those 
 regions were wo longer a mere common fishing 
 ground frequented by the smacks of Portugal, Biscay, 
 Brittany, Normandy, and England. The successful 
 explorations accomplished by Jacques Cartier, from 
 1534 until 1543, had been followed by the planting 
 of French colonies. The reuion .selected was not 
 Labrador, on which, in all the maps of the time, was 
 inscribed the uninviting legend : " No ay en ella cosa 
 de provecho : — Here there is nothing of advan- 
 
 ' Sec S3asticn Cahot, tiavr^atciiy vilniiicu, in DrAPKYRON's Paris Kcviii: 
 dc Cio^yaphic, No. of March 1S9S. 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 ;)l < 
 
THE CHARACTER OF SEBASTIAN CAIIOT. 
 
 123 
 
 tage,"* but around the Gulf of St. Lawrence and 
 the island of Cape Breton, which the reports of 
 Cartier and Roberval to Francis I. represented to be 
 a beautiful and fertile country, with rich copper 
 mines, fine ports and the most navit^able rivers in 
 the world. Gomara, in a work written before [551 
 and addressed to Charles V., says of that region : 
 " The French arc settling or will settle the country, 
 for it is just as good a land as France : — Dicen que 
 [los Franceses] pueblan alii 6 que poblaran, por ser 
 tan buena tierra como Francia." - 
 
 The voyage of Master More in 1536 favoured by 
 Henry VIII. was doubtless prompted by the news 
 of Cartier's first successful results ; and although it 
 was not followed, so far as we know, by other 
 English expeditions, Sebastian Cabot's cartographical 
 statement, as embodied in the planisphere of 1 544, 
 may well have been a suggestion of British claims, 
 and a bid for the King of England's favour. To 
 place within the Gulf of St. Lawrence the landfall of 
 1497, was tantamount to declaring that region to be 
 F!nglish dominion, as the discovery had been 
 accomplished by vessels sailing under the British 
 flag : "sub banneris vexillis et insigniis nostris," and 
 whose commander, by virtue of a royal commission, 
 had actually planted that flag when landing on those 
 shores for the first time.^ Nor was the hint con- 
 veyed at an unseasonable time, Henry VIII. being 
 then at war with Francis I., and continuing so until 
 1547. At all events, it is certain that "the Tide 
 which England has to that part of America, which is 
 from Florida to 67 degrees northward," is or was 
 
 ^ ' " Labrador, Ihe land allotted by of I'ulnuary 3r(l, 149S, says lliat the 
 
 God to Cain," as Cariikr writes. " l.ondc and lies were foundc by the 
 
 Kelation originak, fo. \\a. scid John [Kahotto] in oure name and 
 
 - Clo.MAKA, Ilisloria dc /as /itdias, by oure comniandenienle." Letters 
 
 1'-,17S. patent of 3rd February, 149S, in 
 
 ' Henry VII., in bis letters patenl JJiiMM.i;, Memoir, \\ "JS- 
 
 i 
 
 r, i. 
 
V 
 
 
 
 \: 
 
 1 f. 
 
 I it 
 •i 
 
 
 
 124 
 
 '/7//i ClIAliACTER OF SIlIiASTIAN CAnoT. 
 
 derived " from the letters patent jj^ranted to John 
 Cabote and his three sons," to use the language of 
 Hakluyt.' 
 
 Such underhand dealings were also in keeping 
 with Sebastian Cabot's natural disposition, as we 
 shall soon show him constantly engaged in plotting 
 and corresp(jnding in secret with foreign rulers to 
 advance his own interest. The planisphere was 
 designed in 1544: " hizo esta figura . . . . anno de 
 MDXLIIII. ;" and the fact of it being engraved at 
 a great distance from Seville, where Sebastian then 
 lived, may have retarded its publication until a year or 
 eighteen months after that date. Now there is in 
 the Council Register of Edward VI., a ;^foo warrant, 
 dated October 7th, 1 547, " for the transporting of 
 one Shabot {sic), a Pilot, to come out of Hispain to 
 serve and inhabit in Eni>"land."'- This individual 
 is unquestionably Sebastian Cabot, inasmuch as in 
 1549, we see Charles V. sternly requesting the 
 English ambassador to cause the return to Spain of 
 "one Sebastian Gabote, his generall pilot, presently 
 in England."'' The warrant and order were only 
 the results of a series of efforts and intrigues on the 
 part of Sebastian to leave the service of Charles 
 V. and obtain a better position in England. Eurther 
 on, we shall give positive proofs that so early as 
 1538 he was intriguing to influence Sir Thomas 
 Wyatt, the resident ambassador at the Court of 
 Charles V., to recommend his services to Henry 
 
 ' Haki.uyt, Divers Voyages; 
 London, 1582, in the dedication lo 
 Sir Philip Sydnkv. The earliest 
 assumplion of that character which we 
 have found, is in the long argument 
 written in 1580, by John Dke, on the 
 hack of his map ol*^ America (Hritish 
 Museum, MSS. Coll. Aii^'. i, i art. 
 i), where he bases on the discoveries 
 or voyages ofCAHOr, Robert Thorn 
 and Hugh Eijor or Elliot, " the 
 Queenes Maieities Title Royale to 
 
 these foreyn Regions and Islands." 
 -Jean et Schaslicn Ca/iot, doc. 
 xxxiv, p. 358. An imperfect tran- 
 scription nf (he name (viz. : S. Cahol 
 misspelled Sha/iot) easily accounts for 
 the above erroneous spelling, or lapsus 
 pence. 
 
 ^ Notes and Queries, London, 3rd 
 Series, vol. i, p. 125, where the 
 Emperor'.s ilemand is carefully j)rinted 
 from the original text by Mr. Clement 
 Hooper. 
 
 \ 
 
 i\ 
 
.„ 
 
 THE CHARACTER OF SEHASTfAN CAPOT. 
 
 125 
 
 VIII., whics, in fact was clone when Sir Philip Hoby 
 returned to London. The time required for his 
 efforts and correspondence brin<Ts us very near 
 the date when the {planisphere must have reached 
 Enq^land. It is difficult to see a mere coincidence 
 between these facts ; and tiiey constitute important 
 elements in ascertaining- the motives of Sebastian 
 Cabot for placing the landfall of the English in a 
 f(-'rtile country, which was then being colonized by a 
 rival nation. 
 
 <„ i'J 
 
* 
 
 !| 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 J 
 
 JOHN cahots second expedition. 
 
 OHN Cabot returned to Bristol from his first 
 voyage (;arly in August, since we see him in 
 London on the loth of that month, when he 
 received from the King a gratuity of ;^io, "to 
 have a good time : — fazi bona ziera," as Pasquah'go 
 says.' On the 13th of December following, he also 
 obtained the grant, during the royal pleasure, of a 
 pension of ;^20 per annum, which was made a charge 
 upon the customs of the port of Bristol,'"^ and to date 
 " from the feast of thanunciacion of our lady last 
 passed," that is, from the preceding 25th of March. 
 But he found some difficulty in collecting it, since 
 on the 22nd of February 1498, Henry VU. was 
 obliged to issue a warrant reciting that His Majesty 
 had been "enformed the said John Caboote w^'ls 
 delaied of his payement because the cnstumers of 
 the poorte of Bristowe had no sufficient matier of 
 discharge for their indempnitie to be yolden at their 
 accompt before the Barons of the Eschequier." ^ 
 
 The news that John Cabot had discovered the 
 island of Brazil, the Seven Cities, and the kingdom 
 of the Grand Khan, produced the deepest impres- 
 sion in England. " He is styled the great admiral, 
 vast honour is paid to him, he dresses in silk, and 
 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 i' 
 
 ' PASQUAi.KiO, Jean ct Si'h. Cabot, Henry VII. See, infra, our Syllabus, 
 
 doc, viii, p. 322. No. xii. We are iiidehted to M. 
 
 -Mr. Charles Dkank, John ami Ori'KMiKiM, Esq., for that document 
 
 Sebastian Cabot, [>. 56. and a ninnher of olliers from the same 
 
 •' Warrants for Issues of tlie 13th of source. 
 
 % \\ \ 
 
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 127 
 
 i 
 
 Englishmen run after him like mad people," we 
 also read in Pasqualigo's letter to his brothers.' 
 
 Relying upon the relative success of the expedi- 
 tion, John Cabot applied for new letters patent, 
 which were granted on the 3rd of February 1498. 
 
 According to Pasqualigo, the King did more, for 
 he promised to equip ten ships, and allowed to Cabot 
 as many prisoners, except such as were confined for 
 high treason, as he required to man the fleet. 
 Raimondo di Soncino swells the number of vessels 
 intended for that voyage from fifteen to twenty. 
 Yet, the new paten<' gives licence to take six ships 
 only, being of the burden of two hundred tons or 
 under, " paying for theym and every of theym as and 
 if we [the Crown] should in and for our owen cause 
 paye and noon otherwise." ' We do not think, 
 therefore, notwithstanding the expressions used by 
 Puebla and Ayala, " El Rey de Inglaterra embio 
 cinco naos," that Henry VII., whose avarice was 
 notorious, equipped the expedition at his own cost. 
 But Cabot had no difficulty in finding men to ac- 
 company him, judging from the following remark of 
 Pasqualigo : 
 
 " Tanti qiianti navrcbo con li e etiam niolti de nostri furfanti : — 
 He can enlist as many Englishmen as he pleases, and many of 
 our own rascals besides." 
 
 There is no ground whatever for the assertion, 
 frequently repeated,'* that John Cabot did not com- 
 mand this second expedition, or that it was under- 
 taken after his death by his son. The name of 
 Sebastian Cabot, who, let it be said, was not one of 
 the grantees in these new letters patent, appears for 
 the first time in connection with these voyages, in 
 Peter Martyr's account, printed twenty years after 
 
 ' Pasqualigo, loc. dt. So-89 ; Geortje Bancroft, in 
 
 " BiDDLE, p. 75. Appkton's Eiicy<lopaiiia, art. Cahot, 
 
 ■' ISlUDLE, op. r/A, chapter x, pp. &c. ^ic. 
 
I 
 
 128 
 
 JOHN CABOT'S SECOND EXPEDITWN. 
 
 \ 
 
 'h I 
 
 
 
 the event/ and taken exclusively from Sebastian's 
 own lips, which, as we have shown, is not a recom- 
 mendation. In England, his name reveals itself as 
 regards the discovery of the New World at still a 
 later period, in John Stow's Chronicle, published 
 in 1580." And although both that historian and 
 Hakluyt'^ quote as their authority for the statement 
 a manuscript copy of Robert Fabyan's Chronicle, the 
 name of Sebastian Cabot, as have hinted already, is a 
 sheer interpolation/ 
 
 Those two writers may have derived the details 
 which are given in their chronicles, from some 
 Fabyan manuscript no longer to be found ; but the 
 description itself certainly originated in a document 
 which we shall proceed to describe. 
 
 Among the Cottonian manuscripts preserved in 
 the British Museum, there is one which bears the 
 following title : Cronicon rcgimi Anglice et series 
 maiorum et vicccomitnm Civitatis London ab anno 
 primo Hcnrici tertinm ad annnm primnm. Hen. 8''."'^ 
 
 Mr. Gairdner, of the Public Record Office, who 
 kindly re-examined that manuscript at our request in 
 188 1, and who is one of the highest authorities on 
 such historical matters, reported that the Cro7iicon is 
 a perfectly trustworthy source of contemporaneous 
 information, its earlier portion derived from a com- 
 mon source with several other London chronicles, — 
 such as Gregory's," whilst the latter part has some- 
 thing in common with Fabyan, but containing a good 
 deal for the reign of Henry VII. not to be found 
 any where else in print. So much for the intrinsic 
 and paleographic proofs of its authenticity. 
 
 ^ Anghiera, De OrbeNovo Decades, 
 Alcala, 1516, fol., Decad. iii, lib. vi, 
 fi). 56, verso. 
 
 - 'J he Chronicle of England, from 
 Brute unto the present ycare of Christ 
 1580, London, 4I0, p. 862. 
 
 ■' Hakluyt, BiversVoyas^cs, Lond., 
 1582, 4to, p. 23 of the reprint. 
 
 ' Supra, chapter iii, pp. '21-25. 
 
 " MS. Cot I. Vitellius, A xiv, f. 173, 
 
 " Tublished by Mr, Gairdner, in 
 the Co/kelions of a London Citiztn. 
 
 
JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPEDIT/ON. 
 
 129 
 
 ksic 
 
 bnd., 
 
 173. 
 IR, in 
 In. 
 
 As we have; already stated, the oldest Knglish 
 account known of the voyage which we are discuss- 
 ing is the one inserted in this chronicle ; but it sets 
 forth certain dates and details, which require to be 
 carefully examined. 
 
 The Cronicoii places thc^ e\'ent "In anno 13 HtMir. 
 VII." The date of Henry the Seventh's accession 
 to the throne is th(! 21st or 22nd of Auj^ust 1485. 
 The thirteenth year of his reign corresponds with 
 22nd y\ugust 1497 -21st August 1498. Now, we 
 have shown conclusively that the first voyage of 
 John Cabot required from the beginning of May 
 until the beginning of August 1497; that is, one 
 year previous to the 1 3th year of the reign of 
 Henry VII. 
 
 The author of the Crojucon, or of its prototype, 
 speaking in the present tens(.', ends his account with 
 the statement that the lleet "departed from the West 
 Cuntrey in the begjnnyng of Somer, but to this 
 pr(;st:nt moneth [?] came n'^vir knowledge of ihvh- 
 exployt.'' 
 
 Whatever that month maybe, it necessarily applies 
 to a date which is posterior to August 22nd, 1497. 
 How are we to reconcile it with the fact that John 
 Cabot had already return{;d to London on the loth 
 of August 1497, as is shown by tht; gratuity of ,^10, 
 granted to him on that date by Henry \T I. ? 
 
 F'urthcT, the wording shows that the account reftTS 
 partly to the first voyage of Cabot, since it gives as 
 the motive of the expedition: "to sake an Hand 
 wheryn the said straunger [or conditor of the fleet] 
 siirmyscd to be grete commodities." No such 
 language would be used if the object of the 
 (enterprise had been to rceturn to a country already 
 discovered. 
 
 One interpretation of these conflicting statements 
 is that the chronicler has blended in the same para- 
 
 I 
 
 n 
 
♦ 
 
 i 
 
 130 
 
 JOH^' CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 I 
 
 
 orraph the first and the second voyage;. This is 
 indicated in the various expressions used. 
 
 The Croiiicoii describes the expedition as being 
 composed of four or five vessels : " w*^ which ship by 
 the Kynges grace so Rygged went 3 or 4 moo owte 
 of Bristowe." 
 
 Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, and Pedro de Ayala, 
 referring in July 1498 to the second voyage, also 
 sav that the new expedition was composed of five 
 ships: " fueron cinco naos." True it is that both 
 state the number of ships "sent by the King to be 
 five: — el Rey de Inglaterra embio cinco naos," 
 whilst, according to the Cronicon, there was only 
 one furnished by His Majesty, the other three or 
 four being equipped at the cost of private; indi- 
 viduals, liut we must bear in mind that two 
 witnesses, Pasqualigo and Soncino, each separately, 
 and from information derived from John Cabot 
 him.self. in their description of the first voyage, 
 speak of one vessel only : " uno naviglio." Soncino 
 even says that it was a small ship, manned by a 
 crew of (Mgliteen men: "cum uno piccolo naviglio 
 e xviii persone." The above details concerning the 
 number of vessels which composed the fieet, apply 
 therefore not to the first, but to the second expedi- 
 tion exclusively. 
 
 The squadron sailed early in the spring of 1498, 
 and at the end f)f July following the first news 
 relative to its progress was received in England, as 
 is shown by Ayala's letter of the 25th of that month 
 and year. This still comes within the 1 3th year of 
 the reign of Henry VH.; and to make the statement 
 agree with the passage in the Croiiicon : "this present 
 moneth came nevir knowledge," we have only to pre- 
 sume that the writer of the latter chronicle made the 
 entry in his chronicle in July 1498, but before the 
 2Sth. 
 
 I 
 
 'A ( 
 
 \ s 
 
JOHN CABOrS SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 131 
 
 Revertincr now to the account of the voyaee or 
 rather of the preparations, such as we find them 
 described in Stow and in Hakkiyt, it can be easily 
 shown that the Cronicon has been the prototype of 
 he Kabyan chronicle from which Stow and Hak- 
 Juyt derived their information concernino- Cabot's 
 voyage : '^ 
 
 Cromcon (149S). 
 
 "This yere the Kyng 
 :il tile hesy rccjucsl of a 
 Straunjjer venisian, which 
 made hyiii self exiieri in 
 knowynf,r of the world 
 caused the Kyngto niannc 
 ashipw^vytaill andolher 
 necessaries for to seche 
 an Hand whereyn the 
 said Strainiger surniysed 
 li> he grete comniodiiies 
 &c., \c. " 
 
 Stow (1580). 
 
 " Thys yeare one Seb- 
 asiian (Jabato |)rofessing 
 himselfe (o be experte in 
 knowledge of the circuite 
 of the worlde . . . caused 
 the King to man and 
 victual a shipjie ... to 
 search for an ilande 
 whiche he knewe to be 
 replenished with rich 
 commodities , . . ^c 
 >.S:c." 
 
 IlAKLlVT (1582). 
 
 "Thisyccre the King 
 (by meanes of a Vene- 
 tian) which made him- 
 selfe verj' expert ... in 
 knowledge of the worlde 
 ... causeil to man and 
 victual! a shippe ... to 
 search for an Ilande, 
 which hee saide hee 
 knevvc well was riche 
 and replenished wilh rich 
 commodities . . iV,- 
 iVc." 
 
 In comparincT these three extracts, the reader 
 will notice an important difference. Where Stow 
 ascribes the discovery to "Sebastian Gabato." the 
 Lromcon describes the " Conditor of the saide Flete "' 
 F.imply a.s "a .straunger venisian," and omits the 
 name of Sebastian Cabot altogether. So it is true' 
 does Hakluyt. in his text; but he shares Stow's 
 error m that respect, as the heading of the account 
 m his Divers voyages is " A note of Sebastian 
 Cabotes Voyage of Discoverie. taken out of an 
 Old Chromcle. Notwithstanding the interpolation 
 made by him in 1589, of the name of John Cabot 
 and the contradiction it involves when compared 
 with the heading prefixed by him to the notice 
 taken from I^abyan. it is clear that those two his- 
 orians believed and meant to convey the impression 
 that Sebastian Cabot was the sole discoverer of the 
 continent of North America. This we have proved 
 to be erroneous. So is the interpretation of the 
 
^^"^^^ 
 
 132 
 
 JOHN CADOrS SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 i 
 
 
 I 
 
 1,1 
 
 3 
 
 Statement of the Cronicon by his modern admirers, 
 when they ascribe to Sebastian the merit of having 
 led the second British expedition westward. 
 
 Pasqualigo ' and Soncino - specify John Cabot, 
 and no one else, as the person to whom Henry VII. 
 intended to entrust the fleet for the second voyage. 
 Also, in his application John Cabot tacitly excluded 
 his own children from the enterprise, since he did 
 not, as in the petition of 1496, pray for letters patent 
 to him and his heirs. It begins as follows : 
 
 " Please it your Highnesse of your most noble and habundaunt 
 grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your gracious Lettres 
 Patents in due fournie to be made accordyng to the tenor here- 
 after cnsuyng . . ." 
 
 As to the grant itself, it is in these words : 
 
 "We have geven and graunten, and by theis Presentis gcve and 
 graunte to our welbeloved John Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente 
 auctoritc and power, that he, by him his Deputie or Deputies 
 sufficient, may take at his pleasure vi luiglisshe Shippes . . . 
 paying for tlieym and every of theym . . ." 
 
 This grant passed no rights to Sebastian or any 
 one else except John Cabot, and expired with the 
 expedition itself. 
 
 Then we see that John Cabot explained in person 
 to Soncino his plans for the second voyage ; ^ and 
 on July 25th, 1498. Puebla and Ayala* announced 
 officially to their sovereigns that the vessels • had 
 actually sailed out "with another Genoese like Col- 
 umbus : — con otro Ginoves como Colon." which 
 
 ' "El re le ha promcsso a tempo 
 novo navil x. e armati come lui vor.^. 
 . . , FjI qualsechiamaZuam Talbot. " 
 Pasqualico, in our feau et S\'6as- 
 /fan Cabot, doc. viii. 
 
 - "La Maesta de Re (luesto primo 
 liono tempo gli vole mandare xv. in 
 XX. navili." — Soncino, in op. cit., 
 doc. ix. "Chiamato Zoanne Cai)oto ; " 
 doc. X. 
 
 ■■' " Et dice . . . Et fa questo argii- 
 
 nicnto . . . El diceilo per nioflo . . 
 . ." Soncino, doc. x. 
 
 •* " El Key de Inglaterra emhio 
 cinco naos armadas c(m otro ginoves 
 como colon .... dizen cjiie seran 
 venydos para el setiemhre.'' Pl'KHi.A, 
 doc. xii. "El ginoves liro.su camino 
 . ... El Rey de Vnglalerra me lia 
 fahlado algunas vezes i sol)re ello." 
 AvAl.A, doc. xiii. 
 
 i! 
 
) 
 
 JOHN CABors second expedition. 
 
 133 
 
 :n 
 
 no 
 ha 
 
 \ 
 
 description certainly docs nut apply to Sebastian, but 
 to John Cabot, as we know from corroborative evi- 
 dence already stated. 
 
 The expedition was composed of five vessels, fitted 
 out at the expense of John Cabot, or of his friends, 
 according to the terms of the letters patent : " paying; 
 for theym and every of theym as and if we should in 
 or for our owen cause paye and noon otherwise," 
 which means also that the price was not to be higher 
 than for vessels chartered by the King himself. Yet 
 if, as we have just endeavoured to demonstrate, the 
 details given in the Cronicon apply to the second 
 voyage, one ship had been equipped at the King's 
 cost, whilst three or four were vessels sent out by 
 merchants. This is snown by the following state- 
 ment : 
 
 " A Straungcr vcnisian . . . caused the Kyng to nianne a ship 
 W vytaill and other necessairies . . . w' which ship by the 
 Kynges grace so Rygged went 3 or 4 moo owte of Bristowe . . 
 . . wheryn dyuers niercliauntes as well of London as Bristow 
 aventured goodes and sleight merchaundises . . ." 
 
 We find in the alleged F'abyan chronicle, as 
 copied by Stow and Fiakluyt, an account, apparently 
 borrowed originally from the above, judging from the 
 following phrase : 
 
 "To man and victual a shippe at Bristowe, in which diverse 
 nierchauntes of London aduentured snial stockes, and in the 
 company of this shippe sayled also out of Bristow three or foure 
 snial shippes fraught with slight and grosse wares as course cloth, 
 Capes, Laces, jjoints and such other. . . ." 
 
 We have not the exact date when the lleet sailed. 
 It was certainly after April ist, 1498, as on that day 
 Henry VII. loaned £10 to Thomas Bradley and 
 Launcelot Thirkill, 
 
 going to the New Isle."^ 
 
 ^ Exccrp/a Hislorira, \). 116; Dks- altre ir::;ioiii dell' Alia Aiiieriax. p. 
 IMOM, liilonio a Citn'tiiiiii Calwlo 61 ; Jean el ScOasticn Cabol, pj). 102, 
 ^ciiovesc sioprttoic del Labmdor c di 256. 
 
} 
 
 134 
 
 JOJJA' CABOT'S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 •A. 
 
 i \ 
 
 ! 
 
 ir I 
 
 r 
 
 The Crouicoii only says : "which departed from the 
 West Cuntrey [ Bristol] in the bei^ynnyni; of Somen" 
 
 A more ex])licit date can be derived from Hakluyt's 
 quotation of I'abyan. This, in whatever form it has 
 reached lis, we have shown to be a direct derivative 
 of the Cronicon, and consequently, to apply partly 
 to Cabot's second voyage, i\ further ])roof is the 
 sentence in Hakluyt's version: " .uid so de])arted 
 from Bristow .... of whom in this Maiors time 
 returned no tidings." That Mayor was William Fur- 
 chas, who held the office in London from October 
 28th, 1497, to October 28th, 1498; and the reader 
 will recollect that John Cabot had already returned 
 from his first voyage on the 10th of Auijust 1497. 
 Now. in Hakluyt's above mentioned extract, the 
 dots in our quotation are filled with the sentence : 
 " de{)arted from Bristowe in the be^innini; of May." 
 
 The only direct news concerning; that expedition 
 after it left Bristol is comprised in this short sentence 
 of I'edro de Ayala's dispatch of July 25th, 1498 : 
 
 " 1 )(j1 armada ([uc liizo (|uc fucron cinco iiaos . . . lia vcnidi) 
 niiuva, la una en ciue iva un otro I'"ai \sic pro l'"ray ?] Bull aporto 
 en Irlanda ron i,'ran torniento rotlo el navio : — News has been 
 received t)!' the (leel of five sliips. The one in which was another 
 Brother [?] IJuil, put into Ireland owing to a great storm and 
 broken ship." ' 
 
 Puebla states that the fleet was expected back in 
 the month of September 1498: " Di/en que seran 
 venydt>s para el Setiembre ; " yet, the vessels had 
 taken supplies lor one year : " fueron proueydas por 
 hun ano." But we do not know when they returned 
 to IL upland, nay, whether John Cabot survived tlie 
 expedition, or where it went. Our only information 
 is that Launcelot Thirkill, who owned, or commanded 
 one of the ships, was in London June 6th, 1501. 
 
 ' IJiCRGKNunru, Cu/liii/ui, vol. i, No. 210, |i. iTh;J,iui </ S,'l>as/tcii Ca/io/, 
 doc. xiii, |i. 329. 
 
JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEniTION. 
 
 135 
 
 At thai date he repaid a loan of ^20 made to him 
 by Henry VII. Mr. Dcsimoni justly |)resumes^ that 
 it may have been the one of March 22nd. kjq.S, 
 received from the Kin^- while fittin^j out a ship for 
 the voyage. 
 
 It is only by inference that we can form an opinion 
 relative to the ret^ions which John Cabot visited 
 in the course of his second expedition. The data 
 for such an estimate are to be found in the map of 
 the world drawn by Jluui de la Cosa in the year 
 1 500," after the month of February, as before that 
 time the threat Biscayan pilot was with Alonso 
 de Hojeda, exploring- the Gulf of Paria and the 
 Venezuelan coast. 
 
 At the outset, it is well to bear in mind that the 
 Cabotian expeditions of 1497 and 1498, are the only 
 ones which, in tht: 1 5th century, ever sailed to the 
 New World under the auspices of the Kin^- of 
 England, and in fact, the only transatlantic voyages 
 known to have betMi tlien accomplished by English- 
 men. Every American region the discovery of 
 which is attributed to the I'lnglish in any map con- 
 structed before the year 1501. comprises therefore 
 the results of John Cabot's maritime efforts beyond 
 the Atlantic Ocean. 
 
 In the celebrated chart of Juan de la Cosa, above 
 mentioned, there is, in the proximity, and to the west 
 of Cuba, an unbroken coast line, delineated like a 
 continent, and extending northward to the extremity 
 of the map. On the northern portion of that sea- 
 board, the Bascjue pilot has placed a row of British 
 flags, commencinj^ at the southern end with the 
 mscription : " Sea discovered by the English : — Mar 
 descubierta por ingleses,'' and terminating at the 
 north with " Cape of England : — Cauode ynglaterra." 
 
 ' Dksimom, /iitonw, above quoted. 
 
 - Disioiiiy 0/ North Aiiicrka, No. 3J, pp. 412-15. 
 
■ f mmi ! ^f^^m 
 
 ■m^ 
 
 136 
 
 JO/nV CABOT S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 M 
 
 
 " h 
 
 k 
 
 it. 
 
 Unfortunately, those cartoj^raphical data art; not 
 sufficiently precise to enable us to locate the landfalls 
 with ad('quate exactness. Nor is the kind of pro- 
 jection adopted,' vvitliout explicit deLjrees of latitude, 
 of such a character as to aid us much in determining 
 positions. We are compelled, therefore, to resort to 
 inferences. 
 
 The north-western portion of La Cosa's map sets 
 forth twenty inscriptions, seven of which are the 
 names of capes, whilst one refers to a river (r" lon^o), 
 another to an island (isla de la trinidad), and a third 
 to a lake (lago fore }). Although many of these 
 designations convey no meaning to us (apparently 
 on account of imjjerfect transcriptions), and are not 
 to b(; found on any other map, they must be con- 
 sidered as proving that the coast had been actually 
 visited before 1 500. On the other hand, the 
 northernmost names certainly represent the points 
 marked by Cabot during his first voyage, whether we 
 place them on the north coast of Labrador or on the 
 eastern shores of Newfoundland. But as the row of 
 English llagstaffs covers a space by far too extensive 
 for the voyage of 1497, which lasted only three 
 months, the legends further south necessarily apply 
 to the expedition of 1498. 
 
 When preparing to return to the newly discovered 
 regions, John Cabot told Raimondo di Soncino that 
 liis intention was to pursue the undertaking as 
 follows : — 
 
 " Messcr Zoaniic lia posto I'animo ad niagior rusa perche punsa, 
 (la (iiicllo loco (.)C(;iipato aiidarsfiic scniprc a Riva Riva piu verso 
 cl Lc'vantc, taiito chcl sia al opposilo dc una Isola da lui chianiata 
 Cipango, posta in la icgioiic cquinoctialc : — From the place already 
 possessed [discovered] lie would proceed l)y constantly following 
 the shore, until he reached the east, and was oi)posite an island 
 called Cipango, situate in the ecjuinoclial region."- 
 
 ' N/WAKUKric, Bibliotccu Muiiliiiui, 
 Vul. i, \). JI2. 
 
 •Jfun d SiHiasiicii Cabot, due. n, 
 
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 ^ 
 
 
 
JOHN CABOT'S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 137 
 
 All that is clear in this vague description, and to 
 be^ retained just now, is that John Cabot's ultimate 
 object, when he set out from England in 1498, 
 was an equatorial or southern region : — "la regione 
 equinoctiale," situate south of the point reached by 
 him in 1497. To this interpretation must be added 
 the fact that the line of British flags in La Cosa's 
 map, corroborates such an intention, as it indicates 
 plainly a southward coasting. 
 
 How far south then did John Cabot go in 1498? 
 Taking the distance from the equator to the extreme 
 north in La Cosa's map as a criterion for measuring 
 distances, and comj)aring relatively the points named 
 therein with points corresponding for the same 
 latitude on modern planispheres, the most southerly 
 F!nglish flagstaff seems to indicate a vicinity south of 
 the Carolinas. 
 
 This hypothetical estimate finds a sort of corollary 
 in Sebastian Cabot's account, as reported by Peter 
 Martyr. In describing his alleged north-western 
 discoveries, Sebastian said that icebergs having 
 compelled him to alter his course, he steered south- 
 ward, and followed the coast until he reached 
 about the latitude of Gibraltar : " Ouare coactus fuit, 
 uti ait, vela vertere et occidentum sequi tetendique 
 lamen ad meridiem, littore sese incurvante ut Mer- 
 culei freti latitudinis fere gradus . . . ."^ This 
 statement was made at the latest in 1515.' Several 
 years afterwards. Sebastian Cabot again mentioned 
 the matter in his conversation with the IVIantuan 
 Gentleman ; but this time he extended the explora- 
 tion five degrees further south, namincr Florida as 
 
 ha , *-^ CJ 
 
 IS termmus, and the point whence he sailed home- 
 ward : " Venni sino a quella parte che chiamano al 
 
 J I'ETER Maktyk, «(5i «//;-«, says: " Martio mcnsc unni fuUiii 
 
 - In the s;iniu decade, Tetku Mau- MDXVI. inito ad c\i)Iorandiini disccs- 
 
 TYK, alludini; toaiiroiectiMl cNpolitioii suriini." Dc nhm Ouanuh, Dead. 
 
 in scaic-li ut ihc NoiiIiAVl.sI l'abba};e, iii, li|.. vi, fo. 56.\. 
 
» 
 
 138 
 
 JOHN CABOT S SECOND EXPHniTlON. 
 
 ■\ 
 
 H 
 
 V 
 
 ; S: 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 '4 
 
 ^i 
 
 presente Florida, et mancandomi gia la vedov. glia, 
 presi partito di ritornarmene in Inghilterra." ' 
 
 It is true that assertions from Sebastian Cabot, 
 particularly when calculated to enhance his merits 
 in the eyes of others, must always be taken with a 
 mental reservation ; but, excepting his unfilial custom 
 of ascribing- to himself a credit which belonged to his 
 father, we see no good reasons for rejecting his 
 ciescription in this instance ; particularly as it is 
 confirmed by an authentic map of the time. The 
 statement confirms John Cabot's project as disclosed 
 to Soncino, and is justifiied by the importance of the 
 expedition of 1498, which was on a much greater 
 scale than that of 1497. 
 
 It is also corroborated by Ferdinand and Isabella's 
 order to Alonso de Hojeda, when he was on the eve 
 of sailing for the Caribbean Sea to stop the progress 
 of the English in their exploration of the newly-found 
 continent.- " Para que atages el descubrir de los 
 ingleses por aquella via." The letters patent which 
 contain this injunction are dated June, 1501 ; that is, 
 three years after Their Catholic Majesties had been 
 informed by Puebla and Ayala of the results of 
 John Cabot's first voyage, and at a time when there 
 had as yet been no other expeditions under the British 
 Hag across the Atlantic, except that of 1497, and the 
 one of 1498 now under consideration.'' 
 
 We must mention, however, a circumstance which 
 at first sight might militate against Sebastian Cabot's 
 accuracy in this respect. Twenty years after his 
 conversation with Peter Martyr, he was summoned 
 as a witness on behalf of Luis Columbus, who had 
 brought an action against the Crown, in vindication 
 
 ' Rami'sio, vol. iii, lb. 374. 1501, can .scarcely have sailed fiuiii 
 
 - Ibidciii, chap, vi, ])|). 116-122. England soon enough to have been 
 
 •'The lirsl expedition of NN'akd, seen in liniCito enable Fukdinami and 
 
 AsiiEHUR.ST and others, by virtue of Isai'.ei.i.a to mention it in their cedula 
 
 letters patent granted March 19th, ofJuncSih, 1501. 
 
JOHN CABOT'S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 139 
 
 of certain rights acquired by his grandfather Chris- 
 topher. Sebastian then declared, under oath before 
 the Council of the Indies, December 31st, 1535, that 
 he did not know whether the mainland continued 
 northward or not from Horida to the Bacallaos 
 region: "que desde el rio de Santi Spiritus [the 
 delta of the Mississippi | en adelante, la Florida e los 
 Bacallaos, no se determina si es todo una tierra firme 
 6 no." 
 
 The last phrase may be literally construed as 
 implying that Sebastian Cabot possessed no infor- 
 mation whatever relative to the countries south of his 
 alleged first landfall ; which, however, could not be 
 the case if, as he averred, he had followed the coast 
 "littore sese incurvante," down to the latitude of 
 Gibraltar, or to that of Florida. Sebastian might 
 nevertheless give a dubitative answer in case the 
 American coast surveys of his time still left a gap, 
 however insignificant, between the Gulf of Mexico 
 and 36° latitude north. His answer, therefore, does 
 not, in the main, absolutely contradict the statement 
 reported by Peter Martyr. Withal, it is difiicult to 
 reconcile its general bearing with facts which Sebas- 
 tian Cabot, by virtue of his official position, was 
 bound to know, to record, and to disseminate. Thus 
 "^ ^535' which is the time when his deposition was 
 taken, he could not be ignorant of the nature of the 
 coast which lines the northern part of the Gulf of 
 Mexico, as in the Seville map of 1527 that region 
 bears the legend : " Ticrni que aora va a poblar 
 panfdo dc narvacs : — This is the land which Pamphilo 
 de Narvaez is going to settle ; " whilst on Ribero's 
 (1529), we also read: "■Tierra de Garay,'' which 
 locates the exploration accomplished by Alonso 
 Alvarez Pineda in 15 19. Besides, he had certainly 
 been informed of the sailing of Antonio de Alaminos 
 who was despatched from Vera Cruz by Cortes 
 
( / 
 
 . ^_*i»u.m^ 
 
 t 
 
 140 
 
 yC/AV CABOT'S SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 ill the same year, and which must have doubled 
 Cape Sable and hut^-L^^ed the Florida coast at least 
 as hii^h as Georgia, considering that when in 
 the Bahama Channel, Alaminos " metiendo se al 
 norte," ' He must also have been familiar with the 
 expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in J 5 13 from 29" 
 to 30° north latitude,- and then south to 25". Nor 
 could he fail to be aware of the sailing of Lucas 
 Vasque;^ de Ayllon in F526, along the Carolina and 
 Virginia coasts.'^ Finally, he was cognizant of the 
 discoveries accomplished by Estevao Gomez in 
 1525, which ranged from 40° to 42° 30' north lati- 
 tude/ and established, at all events, the connection 
 between Ayllon's and John Cabot's own explorations. 
 This continuous coast lini; was so well known to 
 exist that it is specifically marked on the very maps 
 entrusted to Sebastian Cabot, and which were not 
 permitted to be drawn or copied without having been 
 first approved by him as Pilot-Major. How could 
 he then depose and say in 1535 that he did not know 
 whether the region extending from the Gulf of 
 Mexico to Nova Scotia, or to Labrador, formed part 
 of a continent ? We suspect in Sebastian's dubious 
 answer some interested motives, as usual, but which 
 the documents do not permit us yet to fathom. It 
 can at least be proved that Cabot did not long 
 maintain such an opinion, as his planisphere of 1544 
 presents an unbroken coast line from Labrador to 
 the Strait of Magellan. 
 
 Be that as it may, these contradictions are not of 
 
 ' licrniil Diaz, Ilistoiia I'erdiuiera ; 
 Mmlrid, 1S62, lil). i,iv, p. 48 ; IIiCK- 
 uivRA, Dccad, ii, lib. v, cap. xiv, p. 
 
 •32. 
 
 - I'liscnEL, Gcschiihtc dcs Zeitalkrs 
 dcr Eiitdecktiuffcii, Stultgardl, 1858, 
 8vi), p. 521. 
 
 •' "Cit'n Icguas ni;is A Norlc df I;i 
 Florida. '-—Hlkkera, Dead, iii, liU 
 
 viii, cap. viii, p. 241. " TrciiUa y 
 cincn, y Ireinla y scis, y ircinta y sicte 
 t;iado.s noitc-sur." NAVAKRiiii:, vol. 
 
 iii, V- I53- 
 
 ■* " Ucsdc fjuaranta c un grados 
 hasla quarcnla e dos y medio." 
 0\ iicDO, Ilhtoria Genera/, vol. ii, lib. 
 xxi. cap, X, ]). 147. 
 
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JOHN CABOTS SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 141 
 
 such a chunicter as to compel the critic to reject 
 the statements made by Sebastian Cabot to Peter 
 Martyr, and to th(; Mantuan Gentleman, concerning 
 the coast which his father visited during a voyajrc; 
 which was necessarily accomplished in 149S-1499, 
 The accompanying' ma|j exhibits the route probably 
 followed on that occjvsion. 
 
 What nevertheless remains an enigma is the; 
 silence of the English and other Chroniclers of the 
 time regarding the results of that \oyage. In th(; 
 accounts of the first expedition they speak only of 
 icebergs, white bears and of bleak regions, th(^ 
 inhabitants of which were never even seen. In 
 1498, on the contrary, Cabot could not range \\\v. 
 American coast down to the 36" latitude without 
 noticing the beautiful entrances to the Hudson, 
 Delaware and Potomac. Those regions were 
 relatively well p(;opled, with a fine, stalwart race of 
 Indians, who possessed curiously wrought metal 
 objects, and boats in which they navigated off the 
 coast. The native products of the soil, particularly 
 the maize or Indian corn, were calculated to attract 
 the attention of the English, and it is difficult to 
 understand why there should be no traces left of the 
 accounts which they must have brf)ught to I^igland. 
 On the other hand, it may be that the expedition 
 having proved an absolute failure, as its main object 
 was to find a north-west passage and bring home 
 spice, silks and pearls from the East India islands, 
 the Bristol adventurers pocketed tjieir loss, and no 
 more was said about the enterprise. ' 
 
» 
 
 f t' 
 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 i 
 
 TtIK AI.LF.r.F.D TIlIkD VOVAGF OF SFliASTlAX CAHOT. 
 
 THE pretended third trans;itlantic voyage of 
 Sebastian Cabot under the British (latr is only 
 an inference drawn, exclusively, and gratuitously, 
 from another remark ascribed to Fabyan, and re- 
 ported by Stow as follows : 
 
 l8. lloni, VII. 
 
 A.I). 1502.' 
 
 Thys yL'are,\vcrc brought vntothc Kyng llircc 
 men taken in the new founde Hands l)y Sebas- 
 tian Gahato^ before named in Anno 1468 \sic pro 1498] the.se men 
 were clothed in Beasles skinnes, and eate raw Flesh, but spake sucli 
 a language as no man could vnderstand them, of the which three 
 men, two of them were scene in the Kings (Jourt at Westminster 
 two yeares after, clothed, like Eiiglishineii^ and could not bee 
 discerned from Enx'/is/inien."- 
 
 The eighteenth year of the reign of Henry VH. 
 embraces from /\ugust 22nd, [502 to August 21st, 
 1 503. According to Stow, then, the arrival of those 
 Indians took place during that time; and, were we 
 to admit that it was Sebastian Cabot who brought 
 them over to England, this alleged voyage would 
 have been accomplished before the end of the 
 summer of 1 503, and initiated scarcely more than 
 one year previous. 
 
 Hakluyt, on two different occasions, also reports 
 the circumstance, which h(; likewise says, is " men- 
 tioned by the foresaid Fabyan." But he does not 
 give it on both occasions under the same date. 
 
 ' In the London edition of 1605 of in the margin " AW', rahiati An. ;<•^^ 
 Stow's CItronui'e, which is the l.i.st i8.'" 
 one published in his lifetime, we read - Stow, C/irotiicte, 1580, p. 87s. 
 
 i 
 
A 1. 1. EC ED TIIIRI) VOYACE OE SEH. CAnOT. 
 
 143 
 
 When sjjciiking oi those savaires for the first time, 
 in 1582. the event is related in these words : 
 
 "Of three sauagc men wliicli hee [Sebastian Galjote] lirouglu 
 home and presented vnto the King in tiie tjth yeere of his raigne. 
 
 'I'his yeere also were brought vnto tiie King three men, taken 
 in the new foiinde Hand, that i)efore I spake of in William I'urchas 
 time being Maior. These were clothed in beasti's skinnes, and 
 ate rawe fleshe, and sjjaKe such s])eech that no man coulde under 
 stand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom 
 the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres past 
 after I saw two ap[)arelled after the manner of Englishmen in 
 Westminster j)allace, which at that time I coulde not discernc 
 from Englishemen, till I was learned what they were. I'ut as for 
 speech, I heard none of them vtter one worde." ' 
 
 That is, he places the arrival of those Indians 
 between Aufjust 1501 and August 1502, one year 
 earlier than Stow. altiiouLjh both quote, as their sole 
 authority for the statement, the same Fabyan MS. 
 
 liut when relating); that event the second time, in 
 1 599-1600, the date is no Ioniser 1501 1502. it is 
 1498- 1499, as the item is headed thus : 
 
 " Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented 
 vnto the King in the fourekeutli yo\- of his raigne, mentioned by 
 the foresaid Robert l-'abian."' 
 
 He then repeats the sentence; : 
 
 "This yeere also were i)rougt vnto the King three men taken 
 in the new found Island that before I spake (jf, in William I'urchas 
 time being Maior.""-' 
 
 The language of Hakliiyt, in this instance, is not 
 precise. He may mean to say that these Indians 
 were brought from the newly discovered islands of 
 which he had previously spoken, and that they came 
 while Purchas held the o{\\zv of Mayor. If so, their 
 arrival in London occurred b(ttween October 28th. 
 1497 and October 27th, 1498, that being Purchas' 
 term of office. Hakluyt may also have intended to 
 
 ' JI.VKLL'YT, Divos voyai^es, 1582, - IIakuvi-, Prhirif'a// A'avii^a- 
 and 1 lAKl.ij'vr Society reprint, A;(. (//. lions, 1599- 1600, vnl. iii, ]i. 9. 
 
 WBrn 
 
144 
 
 THE ALLEGED THIIil) VOYAGE OF 
 
 I 
 
 convey tin; iiu.'aninL; lliat the s.iid sav.ij^cs came frorn 
 the island which was discovtircd during- IVirchas' 
 term of office, l)iit that they arriviid in Lontlon ihiriiifj 
 \\\v. i4tli year of lh<' reign of ilenry VII., vi/.., from 
 Au!l;"usI 149S to /Xugust 1499.' In either case, the 
 event would relate to Cabot's second voyaj^e, wliich 
 was initiated in May 149S. This was evidently 
 ilakluyt's belief and his reason for altering his first 
 date of " th(; xvii yeere " of Henry VII. 's n-ign, to 
 "the fouretectntii.'"- Thus far, therefon;, he cannot 
 be (]U()U!d in support of the; opinion that Sebastian lc;il 
 in 1502 a third expedition to the New World. 
 
 If now we revert to Mahluyt's first date : "in 
 the xvii yeere" of the; reign of Ilenry VII., or to 
 Stow's " 18 Ilenr. VII.." that is, respectiv(;ly, 1501 
 1502 and 1502 1503, we encounter another and still 
 gr(\ater difiiculty. 
 
 The i)atent of 1496, which is the only one; that 
 convey(;d rights to Sc^bastian Cabot, cxpir(;d with 
 the expedition of 1497. As to the. second patcMil, it 
 was granted solely to John Cabot, and, as before, the 
 |)rivileg(; conv(;yed thereby ceased after th(; voyage; 
 of 1498. Henry VII,. on iMarch 19th, 1501, conse- 
 quently issued nc:w letters patent, embracing the privi- 
 leges heretofore concedtid to the Cabots, but this time 
 the grantees were Richard Warde, Thomas Ashe^hurst, 
 and John Thomas, of Bristol, and Joiio I^'ernandctz, 
 I*>ancisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales;' of the; 
 
 ' As to supposiiifj that tlic ciicuni- thai tliis "John (liinsolus is doubtless 
 
 stance refers to the first expedition, it llie Juan (lonzales, I 'ortuj,':iis, whose 
 
 is evident that if Cadot then had name appears as a witness in the 
 
 brought Indians with him, the Spanish celebrated trial of the l''iscal w ilh 
 
 and Italian aml).issadors would have Diey;() Columbus (Navakrkik, iii, p. 
 
 mentioned such a remarkable circum- 553)" is erroneous. The Juan 
 
 stance. Instead of this, Lorenzo (ioNZAi.KS of the trial was, October 
 
 pASQtiAT.lt;(5 states positively thai John 1st, 1515, only " dc edad de 32 ailos," 
 
 Cahot saw none of the natives : " non consetjuently, but eij^hteen in 1501, 
 
 a vislo persona alguna," Syllabus, No. and, on that account, could not have 
 
 vii. been a fjranlee then of Knt^lish letters 
 
 - BiDDLE, page 227. patent. 
 
 ^ The surmise of HiDDi.ic (p. 230) 
 
' 
 
 1 
 
 sF.nAsriAN cAiurr. 
 
 146 
 
 ilk'ss 
 
 i'hosf 
 
 the 
 
 wilh 
 iii, !>. 
 
 I lum 
 :l"ober 
 .nos," 
 
 1501, 
 have 
 
 ettcrs 
 
 Azor(!S. On December ytli, 1502, leiUTs paleiit 
 were aL';ain Ljrantecl to several of tliese parties, with 
 whom was associated in tlie privilege and expecUtioii 
 I Iu_(rh I'*lliotl. of Bristol." 
 
 hi liiose two documents the Iving confers on 
 the patentees the monopoly of trade in the newly- 
 found countries, first for t(;n, then for forty y(;ars, 
 emj)ovv(;riniL; them to prevent any person L;oinj4 
 thither, and to drive away by force of arms all 
 intrudc^rs whatsoe\'er. lie then adds the followiny^ 
 prohibition : 
 
 " Vx (jiiod millus I'x sul)ditis nostris cos coruni alif]U('n) ilu ct 
 siijjt'r possessions ct titiilo suis {\v d in diclis tcrris I'lrmis, iiisiilis 
 ct provinciis se ali(|iialiti'r contra voliintatcm suam i'\|)L'llal (juovis 
 niodo st'ii ali(iiiis (.'xlranc'iis aiit a li(|iii ixtranri virtiilc aul colore 
 alicujus cone (.ssionis nostni! sil)i Magno Sij^illo Noslro piT antca 
 facta; aut inii)osteriim facicnda." cum aliquihus aliis locis ct insulis : 
 — And let none of our subjects drive lluini, or any of tluni, from 
 tlicir title and |)()ssession oviT and in tlie said mainlands, islands 
 and provinces, in any way or manner ai^ainst llieir will i)y virtue 
 or color of atiy previous \:;rant iiiixdc by I'S to a)iy forci;^iuf or 
 forciiincrs under our dreat Sial, or wliicli may be made hereafter 
 concerning any place or islands . . ."- 
 
 The patentees of foreitj^n orioin here excluded from 
 any participation in the privileges are necessarily the 
 Cabots, as, previous to 1501, they W(;r<; tlu; only 
 persons who received letttirs patent from Henry VII. 
 lor such a maritime enterprise, it is true that in 
 the original manuscript the pen is drawn throuo^h the 
 phrase beginning- with " seu aliquis," i^ut, as IJiddle 
 justly remarks, " it was, pc;rhaps, thought better not 
 to aim an ungracious, and superlluous blow at what 
 had alr(;ady (;xpir(;d " ; ' for, as we have just stated, 
 the privilege granted in 1496 had been sujierst^ded 
 
 ' DistOTCiy of North A.iicroa, p. 
 687, No. xlviii, |i. 692, N<j. Ix ; 
 BiDUi.K, p. 312 ; kv\n;K, /'.cAru, 
 vol. V, pari iv, p. 186. 
 
 - BiiJULr:, p. 712. 
 
 ■' Ibiikin, p. 94. ll is pnjl)al>ly for 
 the same reason that tlie pasMiije is 
 also oniitteil in the second letters 
 patent, granteil 9th Derrniher 1 502, 
 to Thoiiias Ashkui Ksi et ais. 
 
 K 
 
'l 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 '7' 
 
 146 
 
 r/Zii ALLEGED THIRD VOYAGE OE 
 
 by the letters patent of 1498, and these, in their 
 turn, had terminated with John Cabot's second 
 voyage. It follows, that to undertake a trans- 
 atlantic expedition under the English flai>-, from 
 August 1 50 1 to August 1502, or from August 1502 
 to August 1 503, Sebastian Cabot requirtxl new 
 letters patent, which Henry VII.. by his patents of 
 March 1 50 1, and December 1502,10 Richard Warde 
 and his Bristol as well as Portuguese partners in 
 the imdertakings,^ precluded himself from granting, 
 except in case of forfeiture on the part of the above 
 named grantees. Let us add that there are no traces 
 either of such abrogation of privilegt:s or of any n(;w 
 letters patent ever granted after 1496 by the English 
 Crown to Sebastian Cabot. This is also shown by 
 the fact that when, June 4th, 1550, Cabot wished to 
 possess tangible proofs of his having been in former 
 times the recipient of a favor of the sort, he asked 
 from Edward VI. for that purpose a copy of the 
 letters patent of !496, and no other,'- as we shall 
 show later on. 
 
 The sentence in Stow : "thys yeare, were brought 
 vnto the Kyng three men taken in the new found 
 Hands by Sebastian Cabot," implies, of course, a 
 landing on some point of the coast of North 
 America ; but it does not necessarily follow that 
 th(;se Indians wer brought to England by Sebastian 
 Cabot. The worcu.ig may also niean that they were 
 taken " in the islands not long before, or during the 
 mayoralty of Purchas, discovered by Sebastian 
 Cabot," Stow and Hakluyt. and even Fabyan, con- 
 tinuing to ascribe to Sebastian a discovery which 
 actually belonged to his father. 
 
 We shall now proceed to show that the arrival of 
 these savages in London must have; happened early 
 
 ' I'ublished by Diddle, Memoir oj - See, iii/itt in our Sy/hihii'', No. 
 Sebastian Cabot, \)\). 224-227, I.wiii. 
 
 ■ 
 
SE /I A ST/ AN CAHOT. 
 
 147 
 
 of 
 
 irly 
 
 No. 
 
 in 1502, and consequently that they were brought 
 over in the ships of Richard Warde's first expedition. 
 In the Account of the Privy Purse expenses of 
 Henry VII., there are the following entries: 
 
 "Jan. 7, 1503. To men of Bristol! that founde Thisle, . jT^t^. 
 
 Sept. [24] 1502. To the merchants of Bristoll that have bene 
 
 in the Newe founde Yaunde, .;^20." ' 
 
 As between the letters patent for transatlantic 
 expeditions granted to John Cabot in 1498, and 
 tho.se bestowed on Warde and his associates, March 
 19th, 1 501, there are no traces of other letters patent 
 of that Uind, the voyagers rewarded as above were 
 necessarily companions of Warde in his first voyage. 
 A document just discovered confirms our inference. 
 It is a warrant issued by Henry VII., December 
 6th, 1503, for the payment of a pension conferred 
 on two associates of Warde in that very expedition, 
 Francisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales. The pre- 
 amble contains the following passage : 
 
 "Whereas we hy our letters undre our privie seal bering date 
 at oure manor of I.angley the 26th day of Septembre the iStii 
 yere of our Reigne gaf and graunted unto our trusty and wel- 
 beloved subgietts flraunceys ffernandus and John Ciuidisalvus 
 s(|uiers in consideraeion of the true service which tlu'y have doon 
 unto us to our singler pleasure as cai)itaignes unto the newe founde 
 lande . . .""- 
 
 The pension, as the reader will notice, was 
 granted September 26th, 1502, and, consequently, as 
 a reward for the first expedition, since the second 
 (expedition was based exclusively upon letters patent 
 issued three months afterwards, December 9th, 
 I 502. 
 
 The entry of January 7th, \ 502, above cited, 
 shows that the first expedition of Warde, P^ernandez, 
 Gonzales and their Bristol associates, had already 
 
 ' N. Harris Nicolas, Rx,er/'la Hislon'ca, oriHiistraliotis of Rni:;liih Ilislory, 
 London, 1831, 8vo, p. 126. " SyHalua, No. xix. 
 
 A 
 
rr 
 
 ] 
 
 t 
 
 ! 
 
 148 
 
 A /.LEGE/) T/IIR/-) VOYAGE OE SEP,. CABOT. 
 
 returned to Enoland at the beginning of the year 
 I 502, which date comes within, not the i8th, but the 
 I 7th yc^ar of the reign of Henry VII. Consequently, 
 if we accept Stow's figures, these savages would 
 not have been presented to the King until at least 
 nine months after their arrival in England; which 
 is scarcely admissible. We believe, therefore, that 
 the date first given by Hakluyt in his Divers voyages, 
 for the presence of the American Indians in London, 
 viz. : "in the xviith yeere of the raigne of Henry 
 VII." is the correct one. 
 
 It follows that Sebastian Cabot had nothing to do 
 with this importation of natives, and, consequently, 
 his alleged third voyage, which we find based on no 
 other argument, is altogether imaginary. 
 
 II 
 
 im 
 
 ( 
 
 <»& 
 
^ 
 
 P A R T S I^. C O N J). 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 SEKASTIAX CAIJOT SKT'IMJS IN SPAIN. 
 
 npHKRE is no further mention of Scbuslian 
 ^ Cabot in any document until ten years after 
 his allejred third transatlantic expedition. VV^e do 
 not know what were his occupations in the mean- 
 time. Neither in the statements ascribed to him 
 by historians, nor in his own accounts, is there to be 
 found any allusion to vovai^es undertaken during- 
 that tmie, except a pretended expedition to Brazil, 
 which, he says, Ferdinand and Isabella entrusted 
 to him (necessarily before November 26th, 1504, 
 the date of the Queen's death), but of which there 
 are no traces anywhere else. 
 
 In the account of Marc- Antonio Contarini's dip- 
 lomatic mission to Spain, read before; the vSenate of 
 Venice in 1536, we notice a statement which, at first 
 sii^dit, might perhaps be interpreted as indicating a 
 voyage made by Sebastian Cabot to the North-West, 
 in 1 508- 1 509. It is as follows : 
 
 " Sebastian Caboto, the son of a W'lietian, who repaired to 
 Kngland on galleys from Venice with the notion of going in search 
 of countries . . . obtained two ships from Henry, King of 
 England, the father of the present Henry, who has become a 
 Lutheran, and even worse, navigated with 300 men, until he 
 found the sea frozen . . . (Caboto was obliged therefore to turn 
 back without having accomplished his objccl, witii the intention. 
 
 { : 
 
 .r _ /^ 
 
> ' ff"^^ 
 
 ISO 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPATX. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 however, of renuwinfj; the allcmpl at a lime wlicn the sea was not 
 frozen. Hul upon his return lie found the King dead, and his son 
 raring Httle for such an enterprise.'' ' 
 
 It is the last sentence which [jermits the sup- 
 position that Contarini's account may refer to a 
 voyage made by Cabot in 1508-1509, as it is 
 represented to be contemporaneous with the last 
 year of the life of Henry VII., who died April 21st, 
 
 1 509. 
 
 Marc-Antonio Contarini was Venetian Ambassador 
 
 to the Court of Charles V. at the time when Cabot 
 held in Spain the office of Pilot-Major, and it is 
 certain that, being countrymen, they saw much of 
 each other. We have only to compare the leading- 
 assertions in Contarini's statement with those in the 
 accounts of Peter Martyr and of the Mantuan 
 Gendeman, both explicitly said to be derived from 
 Cabot's own lips, to be convinced that such was also 
 the source whence the Venetian diplomatist obtained 
 his information : 
 
 Contarini 
 
 " Ol)lained (wo ships from 
 Henry, King of England." 
 
 Contarini 
 
 " Navigated with jr ' men . . . 
 he found the sea frozen . . . 
 was obhged to turn back." 
 
 Mantuan Centlkman 
 
 " The King commanded hvo 
 caravels to be furnished." 
 
 Peter Martvk 
 
 " Tivo ships, and with joo men 
 directed his course . . . seeing 
 such heaps of ice before him, 
 he was comi)elled to turn his 
 sails." 
 
 Now, when did all this occur, — in the year which 
 preceded the death of Henry VII., or some years 
 before } 
 
 At the outset should be noticed the sentence in 
 the beginning of Contarini's short narrative, implying 
 
 ' J\ai.io/ta Co/oiiihiaiia, pari iii, vul. i, p. IJ7. 
 
 I 
 
 ii; 
 
SEBASTIAN CABOT SETTLES IN SPAIN. 
 
 151 
 
 that the circumstance happened in consequence of, 
 and shortly after Cabot's arrival in England "with 
 the Venetian galleys," Then we have Cabot's own 
 statement that it was " when news were brought to 
 England that Christopher Columbus had discovered 
 the coast of India . . ., as farrc as I remember in 
 the yeere 1496, in the beginning of Sommcr." 
 
 Contarini's account consequently refers to the first 
 Cabotian transatlantic voyage, and we have here 
 another example of the random talk noticeable in 
 all the statements which originated with Sebastian 
 Cabot. 
 
 According to Peter Martyr, who evidendy repeats 
 what Sebastian told him, he left England after the 
 death of Henry VII., and came to Spain at the 
 request of I'^erdinand of Aragon : 
 
 " VocaUiy luuKiLie c.\ IJrilannia a rcgc noslru catholico i)ost 
 Ilciirici maioris Britannia; regis mortem: — lor beinge cauled 
 owtc of England by the commandement of the calholyke Kynge 
 of Castile after the deathe of Henry Kynge of Englande the 
 seventh of that name." ' 
 
 Henry VII. died In 1 509, and the name of Sebastian 
 Cabot appears for the first time in Spanish documents 
 in 1512, in terms, as well as under circumstances 
 implying that his arrival in Spain is of no earlier 
 date and was due exclusively to his own initiative. 
 Besides, his wife and home : "su mujer i casa," are 
 authentically shown to have been still in England in 
 October 1512.' 
 
 King Ferdinand, profiting by Henry VIII.'s eager 
 desire to receive from Pope Julius II. the title of 
 " Most Christian King," which had been hitherto 
 annexed to the crown of France and which was 
 regarded as its most precious ornament,^ caused him 
 
 ' Anghiera, Decad. iii, lil). vi, fo. 55 n. 
 
 2 Jean ct .S3. Cabot, doc. xviii, p. 332. 
 
 '' Hume, llistoiy of England, Bostun, 1854, vol. ii, p. 576. 
 
 ■•5;^ 
 
 mwl. .»--^ 
 
\f' 
 
 \ 
 
 It 
 
 152 
 
 SJi/iASr/AN CAliOT SETII.ES IN SPAIX. 
 
 '' 
 
 m 
 
 •\" 
 
 f. 
 / 
 
 \ 
 
 to join the lc'ci<^ii(; ag.iinst Louis XII. One of the 
 terms of the treaty was thai the King of E!ngland 
 should send 6000 men to Aquitaine in \essels pro- 
 vided by the S[janlsh monarch,' The English army 
 was under the command of Thomas Grey, Mar([uess 
 of Dorset.- Lord Willoughby was one of his lieu- 
 tenants. Sebastian Cabot, after receiving a gratili- 
 caiion from Henry \T II. of 20 shillings for a map of 
 Gascony and (iiiyenne,' accompanied Willoughby. 
 l)ut we do not know in what capacity.' Leaving 
 Southampton, or Falmouth, on May 16th, 1512, the 
 English landed at Pasages, a small port near San 
 Sebastian, on June 3rd following. 
 
 Cabot, who seems to have come to Spain solely to 
 proffer his services to the King, re[)aired soon after 
 to the court, at Burgos,'' where he had an interview 
 with Lope Conchillos, the secretary of Queen Juana, 
 and a bishoj) of Palencia, who must have been Juan 
 Rodriguez de Fonseca." Those two high function- 
 aries, apparently in conse(}uence of the report which 
 they had doubtless sent to the King, were instructed 
 to obtain from Cabot information on the subject of 
 the Baccalaos, or Codfish country, and perhaps of 
 the Western Passage, which was supposed to exist 
 in that region. Cabot Immediately placed himself at 
 
 .1 ! t 
 I I 9 
 
 ' 1;i-.R(;k\roi 11, Cakndar, vol. ii, 
 Nos. 59, 63, ]). 68, and convention 
 i.Uiticil, Fcl)ru;\i7 3, 1512. 
 
 - lii.RNAi.Dioz, Histoiia i/c /os A'c}u.\ 
 Ca/c/hox, Scvilla, 1870, 8v(i, vdl. ii, 
 ]). 400, calls DoKsi r " Mai(]ius dc 
 Hrislok-i," which liilc is not In iii.' 
 found in the Inn^ list of honorary dis- 
 iinctii)ns added to DoRSKi's name hy 
 kVMKR. The name of Hristol is to he 
 noticed, owinij to its heinj;; represented 
 as the first English home of the 
 Cahots. 
 
 ■' Brewer, CahiuUv, Domcslii and 
 Foreign of Hcitry ]'///., vol. ii, part 
 ii, p. 1456. 
 
 * ■' He saLido (jiie vienc en vuL.3tia 
 
 compaiiia Sebastian Caholo Ingles,"' 
 I'ERui.nand's letter to " Milor Ulihy," 
 Jidii ct Si'b. Ciibot, doc. xv Ii, p. 331. 
 eonrerning Lord Wii.ioihiiiby di; 
 llROKi;, and that expedition, see 
 IIiRiiiCRl's J/ciiry r///., p. 20, and 
 DtH;i)Ai.i"."s /Idioi/iiL^v, part ii, ]). 88. 
 
 •' " Saheis (pie en lUirgus os liali- 
 laic'jn dc mi parte Conchillos i el Obp. 
 de I'aleneia sohre la navegacion a los 
 liacallos." Letter of I-'erdinand, 
 Sept. I3tli, 1512. Jcaii i:i Sdi. Cabol, 
 
 p. 33'; 
 
 '' We do not sf'e Juan Rodriguez ni', 
 Fonseca, called Archbishop (of 
 Kosano) before 1513. 
 
 k- 
 
>i-:/iAsT/Ai\ C/inoT sE/r/.Hs JiV spa/a: 
 
 153 
 
 the disposition of Kin<4 I*\jrclin;iiid.' As soon as the 
 latter was informed of thi; results of the interview, 
 he directed \VilloiiL;hby. on the 13th of September 
 1512, to send Cabot to Loj^n'ono, with whom he 
 wished to conv erse ' on the subject of maritime enter- 
 prises. The expedition of Juan de A^ramonle. 
 ))rojected in the previous year, shows the great desire 
 entertained by the King of Araj^on to "ascertain 
 the secret of the new land : — para ir al saber el 
 secreto dc la tierra nueva."' ' 
 
 On th(; 20th of October 1512, Sebastian Cabot 
 was appointed naval caj)tain, at a salary of 50,000 
 maravedis.* He then determined to settle in Spain 
 and establish his residence at Seville.'' To thai 
 end, he asked leave to j^o to lMi<.(land and bring 
 his family. This was granted, and King I'Crdinand 
 even recommended him particularly to Luis Carroz 
 de Villaragut. the ambassador in London,*' who 
 advanced him money in that city. 
 
 On the 6th of ]\Iarch 1514, Cabot was sinn- 
 nioneil to the Court of Spain by the King, who 
 desired to consult him regarding a voyage of dis- 
 covery which he was to undertake.^ We possess 
 no information relative to that intended e.xpedition. 
 It may have l^een to find the Western Passage pre- 
 sumed then to be in the Codfish rc:gion ; but the 
 
 ' "E i)frccisicis .-ictvirnu.s. " /ciui,! 
 SS. Cahol, loi. r//. 
 
 - I hid., doc. XV n. 
 
 ' Navakkmi;, vol. iii, p. I2J. Il i> 
 Worthy of iioiicu ih.il by ihc leniis of 
 lh;it ccihila, .\i;ka.mon"1 F, \v:is iiTniiicil 
 U) ^o lo liiilanny to unlisl Ihc iiilol> 
 who Will, to lake him to " una ticria 
 c|iic SL' llama Terra nova. (Jiic jioi- 
 ciianlo vos halicis (Ic ir por los jiiloios 
 fjuc con vos lian dc ir al dicho viajc a 
 Tirctafia.'' 
 
 ^ Jian ct S,7i. dibo/, doc. wii, p. 
 33.2- 
 
 ■' " I Ic niando icbidir en Sculla." 
 
 1 1 1'.KKKKA, /)i\aii. i, lili. i\, cap. \ili. 
 .AcconMn^' to the Kaopiladoii <ie /iy,:\ 
 <lc India, the oliice of pilot-major. In 
 which Caliot was railed not loni; aflci- 
 wards, re(|uired him to live in Scvillr, 
 init rmlside llic Casa de Contratacion. 
 
 " " I'avorcccd su hueno y l)rcve 
 despacho." Jam rl Si'h, Cahol, iloc. 
 xvui, i>. 332. 
 
 " " En C. -Marzo 514, se dan a 
 Seliast. Cahoto 50 ducados en ciicnta 
 del salario(nie sc le ha de dar, con fiuc 
 fucse a la L'ortc a consultar con S. A. 
 las cosas del viajc r|uc ha de Ik'. at a 
 debcubrir." Ibid., doc. wiii, p. 333. 
 
i .7 
 
 < .1 
 
 1 
 
 J 
 
 I 
 
 1^ ^ 'I i 
 
 154 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAnor SETTLES IN SPA/N. 
 
 project only assumed a more positive form two years 
 later. 
 
 Peter Martyr speaks of Cabot it) 1515 as bein^ 
 " concurialis noster est," which Eden erroneously 
 translates : - " one of ovvre counsayle." ' This ex- 
 pression has led historians to believe that he was 
 a member of the Council «)f th(! Indies with Peter 
 Martyr, which is a mistake. In the first place, the 
 latter entered the Council only in 1520;"' at which 
 time Cabot does not figure in any capacity whatever 
 in the official lists. Peter INIartyr merely says that, 
 in 1515. he was with him at the Court, in Puri^os'' or 
 Medina del Cam})o, advising" on the subject of some 
 projected voyage to the Indies. 
 
 On the 13th of June 1515 Cabot received from 
 King Ferdinand a further allowance of 10,000 mara- 
 vedis. In the order, he is called simply " P'leet 
 Captain for matters in the Indies: — Capitan iVi 
 armada de las cosas de las Indias;"' a title which 
 seems to refer to the intended transatlantic expedi- 
 tion of which we shall speak presently. 
 
 On the 30th of August following he received nine 
 months arrears of pay as " Capitan de Mar." In 
 the same year, apjjarently after that date, Cabot, in 
 company with Andres de San Martin, Juan Vespucci, 
 Juan Serrano, Andres Garcia Niiio, Francisco Cotto, 
 Francisco de Torres, and Vasco Gallego, was 
 appointed Pilot to his Majesty, under Juan Dias de 
 Solis, who received the appointment of Pilot-Major. 
 In reality this was his first admission into the 
 maritime service; for, in Spain, the term "Capitan," 
 did not so much apply to a naval officer, as to the 
 
 ' Angiiikra, DcKvi, iii., lib. vi, fo. 
 56, recto, A, edit, of 1533. 
 
 • Pkikr Martyr was nnide " Con- 
 sejo cle I;. Junta" in 1520, anil "Con- 
 sejo del Consejo " in '524. lie never 
 filled any other office in llie Council of 
 
 Tahlas tyoiwlo^i^icas \ Madrid, 1892, 
 Svo, pp. 2, 28. 
 
 ■^ This error was first pointed out liy 
 M. d'Avkzac. 
 
 ^ For these and the following state- 
 ments and dates, sec Jean el Stjb. 
 
 the Indies. i\nt. Dli Lkon PlNUl.O, Calipt, doc. xviii li, pp. 333-34 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
SEIlASriAN CAIiOT SETTUiS IN S/'AIX. 
 
 Wo 
 
 i 
 
 \d 
 
 coininaiider of an expedition, or of a ship, in the ad- 
 ministrative sense of the word. The j)ractical navi<^a- 
 tion was entrusted to " maestres," and to pilots. 
 
 On the 13th of November 1515, we see Cabot 
 among thi; cosmographers called toj^ether to ascer- 
 tain whether the Line of Demarcation between Spain 
 and Portugal should pass by Cape St. Augustine, 
 i lis deposition deserves to be recorded as contain- 
 ing some details, not found elsewhere, relative to 
 one of the voyages of Americus Vespuccius : — 
 
 " C^alxjl dcpuscs that, willi regard to sigluinj^ t'apc Si. Augustine, 
 and ranging tlic coast to the limits fixed by the Kings of .S[)iiin 
 and Portugal, nothing certain can he stated unless credit he gi\iii 
 to what the late Americus says in a voyage accomplished iiy 
 him, that he sailed from tiic Island of vSantiago, (one of the (,'ai)e 
 Verde archipelago), west-south-west 450 leagues, and that finding 
 himself by 8°, he steered westward, and doubled the said cape 
 
 He was a man very expert in taking altitudes . . . and 
 
 those who, like Andres de Morales and others, contradict him, 
 speak only hy[)othetically, as lliey never were there themselves."' ' 
 
 In 1515 Peter Martyr mentions Cabol as being 
 then entrusted with the command of an expedition 
 to the North- West, which was to sail in the following 
 year. No other historian speaks of that intended 
 voyage, of which, moreover, there are no traces in 
 the books of the Casa de Contratacion. 
 
 " Cabot is here with us, says I'eter Martyr, looking dayely for 
 shippes to be funiysshed for hym to discouer this hyd secreate of 
 nature [the North-West Passage]. This voyage is appoynted to bee 
 liegunne in March in the yeare next folowynge, l)einge the yeare 
 of Chryst INF.!)., xvi. What shall succeeade, youre iiolyness [Po|)c 
 Leo X], shall be advertised by my letters if god graunte me lyfe." - 
 
 ' Kvs^islro (ie topias (k CcJii/as (/i- /a his uncle wliich he iiusscssod. l)iU 
 
 C(i.<a dc Contnitaiioii ; 1515-1519, what is that voyage? The details in 
 
 i|iiote(lliy NavakkkI'IC, C'//Mi7/'/(?,f, vol. (Iaiioi's (leposilion are not to he 
 
 i, p. 66. The lestiniony of C'Alsoi' in found in any of the accounts of the 
 
 favor of the opinion of Vesplhcius is expeditions of V'ESi't.cciis which have 
 
 confirmed liy that of Nufio CIarcia come down lo us, although Cape St. 
 
 UK TdRKNO, who repeals what \'i:s- Augustine is mentioned in the third, 
 
 pitccms told him, and hy fuan \i;s- - Aniuukka, itln stiprn. 
 ruccn"s, who relies upon writings of 
 
f/ 
 
 if 
 
 I . 
 
 »!' 1 
 
 V t 
 
 106 
 
 SEnASTlAiV CAIIOT SETTLES IN SI'AliW 
 
 The i)r()jt!ctccl L'Npcclition was ccrtainl)- not Ctirricd 
 oul ; ollurvvisf, I'ctcr Martyr, who coiiliiuii:cl to 
 tic-scribe the vo\a^(.'S to the New World until 1524. 
 would have not ("ailed to keep his promise by relatinj; 
 its results in one (A his Decades. I'urther, I^'erdinand 
 of Ara^on died on the j;,rd of January 1516. two 
 months belorc the ilate fixed for the dei)arture. The 
 heir to the throne, Charles V., was at that time in 
 the Low-Countries, which he did not leave to come 
 to .Spain till the end of the yiuir 1517. Cardinal 
 Ximene/ Lioxerni^il the kins^dom in the young Kini^'s 
 absence, anil had matters of L;reatt;r imp(^rtance to 
 attend to than the discovery of the Western Passage, 
 or the "secret" of the Codfish regions. 
 
 It ma}' be that under the circumstances Cabot 
 went to i'lngland in 1516, and that Henry VIII., 
 availing himself of his presence, caused to be 
 e([uip])i:d the expedition of which we shall speak 
 presently ; but this can only be a supposition. At 
 all events, Cabot was in Spain early in 15 iS. since, 
 by a cedilla dated I'ebruary 5th of that year, 
 Charles \'., who iiad just arrived at Valladolicl to 
 summon the Cortes, appointed him Pilot-Major' in 
 the place of Juan Dias de Solis. who had been 
 killed and eaten by the Indians in the Rio de la 
 IMata. 
 
 I 
 
 ' " e'dii 50,000 (Ic siiliiri(j 
 lo. z%. 
 
 MONOZ MSS., vol. l.\.\v, fo. 213; IxNvi, 
 
I 
 
 C HAITI'. R II. 
 
 l\NVi, 
 
 SF.HASTIAN CAHOT S ALLEGKD VOYAGIC OF I S I 7. 
 
 WI'^ notice in th(! Preliminary Discourse affixed 
 by Rainusio to the third vokime of his 
 Collection of Voyag(^s the following statement : 
 
 " As many yccros past it was written vnto mcc by Signor Suhastian 
 (iaboUo, our Venetian [countryman] a man of great r\[)erii'n(e, 
 ind very rare in the art of Nauigatiun and ihe knowledge of 
 ( ,'osmogra|)liie, who sailed along and beyond this land of New 
 France, at the charges of King Henry tlie seiienth of ICngiand. 
 And he advertised nee, that hauing sailed a long time \Vest and 
 l)y North beyond those Hands vnto the Latitude of 67 degrees 
 and a halfe, vnder the North pole, and at tlu' Ji. day of June 
 fuiding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, he 
 ihought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to 
 Tathaid, which is the east, and would haue done it, if the mutinie 
 of the vShipmarkers and Mariners had not hindered him and made 
 him to returne homewards from that place." ' 
 
 The above was written at Venice the 22nd of 
 June f553, but not printed till 1556. On the other 
 hand, the reader will observt^ that Ramtisio says 
 he received these details from St^bastian Cabot 
 " many years ago : — gia molti anni sono," and, since 
 as Secretary of the Senate, an office which h(^ held 
 from 1515 to 1533,^ Ramusio was conversant with 
 
 ' F<AMrsio, 1565, verso of llu; iliii 
 
 leaf. 
 
 - It is to tlie Sen;ilc of Venice Unit 
 (liisparj CoNTAKiNi uildressed his 
 lUmous .lispatch of December 31st, 
 1522, whieli was certainly calculated 
 lu attract the attention of a savant 
 like Uamusio, who tool; such inieresi 
 in cosmography. He hatl entereil 
 the Venetian secretaryship-; May iSth, 
 
 1505, and kli them only a short linu- 
 liefore his death, which occurred in 
 >557- ^^" .h>nu;try 8th, 1515, he 
 was prom()te<l Secretary of ilie Senale, 
 a posi which he filled until July 7lh, 
 15JJ, wiien hi' wasa[)pointeil Secretary 
 of the ("oinieil of Ten. CiroGNA, 
 /<i lizioiii Tt'iitiiane niiioltt' ed illtn- 
 ttale, Venezia, 1824-43, S ""'"l^' 4''J' 
 vol. II, p. 315, iequitiir. 
 
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 SE/rN CAnOT'S ALLF.GED VOYAGE OF 1517. 
 
 I 
 
 
 the negotiations and correspondence initiated by 
 Cabot when he proffered his services to the Venetian 
 <Tovernment in 1522, the information may l)e of a 
 date not distant from the alleged voyage which forms 
 the subject of this chapter. 
 
 The reference to Henry VII. indicates, at first 
 sight, the expedition of 1497, or that of 1498, or 
 another which would have been attempted before 
 1509, the year of Henry's death. The first two 
 dates must be rejected on account of the accu.sation 
 brought against the leader of the enterprise of having 
 caused its failure by sheer malice ; " se la malignita 
 del padrone," as John Cabot (and even Sebastian 
 in person, if we are to believe the statement), was 
 in command. Sebastian certainly would not have 
 brought such a charge against either his father or 
 himself. 
 
 As to an expedition which might have been 
 attempted between 1499 and 1509, no traces exist 
 of other transatlantic voyages under the English 
 flag at that time, than the Anglo- Portuguese expedi- 
 tions of 1 501- 1 502, [502-1503, 1504 and 1505,^ 
 with which none of the Cabots had, and, as we have 
 shown, could have had any connection whatever. 
 Besides, Sebastian in his conversation with the 
 Mantuan Gentleman, refers, for that period, to only 
 one expedition, which, he said, was to Brazil, and is 
 certainly imaginary. 
 
 We possess, however, another statement which 
 supplements Ramusio's, written at the same time 
 by Richard Eden and from information also supplied 
 directly by Sebastian Cabot."- We find it in the 
 (;pistle dedicatory addressed to the Duke of North- 
 umberland in June 1553, which precedes his transla- 
 
 ' Disfffihry of Ncrlh Ainerua, pp. personal intercourse with Sebastian 
 692, 696, 698. Cahot, with whom he even was at the 
 
 '• EoF.N frequently refers to his time of his death. 
 
 V 
 
 ,i I 
 
\ 
 
 i -I 
 
 SEITN CABOTS AI.I.F.C.RD VOYAGE OF \^\-]. 
 
 159 
 
 tion of the fifth part of Sebastian Munster's Cosmo- 
 graphia. It is as follows : 
 
 " Which manlye courage (like vnto that which hath W-w seen 
 and proued in your grace, aswell in forene realmes, as also in tliis 
 oure countrey) yf it had iKJt been wanting in other in these our 
 dayes, at suche time as our souereigne Lord of noble meniorie 
 Kinge Henry the viij. ai)out tlie same yere of his raygne, 
 furnished and sent forth certen shippes vnder the gouernaunce of 
 Sebastian Cabot yet liuing, and one Syr Thomas Perte, whose 
 faynt heart was the cause that that viage toke none effect, yf (1 
 say) such manly courage whereof we haue spoken, had not at that 
 tyme bene wanting, it myghte happelye haue comen to passe, that 
 that riche treasurye called Peritlaria, (which is now in Spayne in 
 the citie of Ciuile, and so named, for that in it is kepte the infinite 
 ryches brought thither from the newe found land of Peru) myght 
 longe since haue bene in the towne of London." ^ 
 
 The date of that event appears in the plirase : 
 " Kino-e Henry the viij. about the same yere of his 
 raycrne"; that is, when Henry had been on the 
 throne for seven or eight years ; in other words, 
 between April i6th, 1516, and April 15th, 1517. 
 
 The object, origin and principal details as given 
 by Eden resemble too closely those which we read 
 in Ramusio not to relate to the same expedition. 
 The only important difference, which however can 
 easily be explained by attributing it to a mere slip of 
 the pen, is in the statement of Ramusio that the event 
 occurred in the reign of Henry VH., whilst Eden 
 says it was during that of Henry VHI. The reader 
 will notice that a simple I omitted by Ramusio, or 
 his printer, would suffice to account for the discrep- 
 ancy. For. if both writers are correct, then such an 
 unusual occurrence, with precisely the same concourse 
 of circumstances, would have happened twice to the 
 same indiv dual, and within a few years, which is 
 highly improbable. 
 
 Eden is nearer the truth, inasmuch as we find in 
 the documents an English seaman "of the eighth 
 
 ' Eden, A treatyse of the newe fiidia, Lotuldn, 1553, Svo. 
 
» 
 
 II 
 
 *!| 
 
 i 
 
 160 
 
 SEIfAI CA/UirS ALLEGED VOVAilE OE 1517. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ tl 
 
 J' 
 
 i Ks 
 
 yearof thercifi^n of Henry VIII.. " called, indifterently, 
 "Thomas Pert" and "Thomas Spert," ' whom, 
 owing to his being a yeoman of the Crown, Eden 
 may have called "Sir" by courtesy, since we see 
 Purchas use the same title when speaking of 
 Sebastian Cabot,- who certainly never was either a 
 knight or a baronet. 
 
 Thomas Spert commanded, from 1 5 1 3 to 1517, two 
 ships of the military navy, the Henry Grace a Dieti, 
 also called the Great Harry, described in those days 
 as "the grettest shyjie in the world,"'' and the 
 Alary Rose, also a very large vessel for the time. 
 Eden, however, is the only author who mentions a 
 transatlantic voyage entrusted to Spert. His words : 
 " that viage toke none effect," have been quoted to 
 show that the expedition never sailed from England. 
 In such a case, the "faynt heart" of Pert or Spert, 
 would have manifested itself at the time of depart- 
 ure. This interpretation is erroneous. The words 
 "furnished and sent forth certen shippes" prove, on 
 the contrary, that the ships actually sailed, and, con- 
 sequently, that the cowardice of th(^ commander was 
 exhibited on the hiijh seas. 
 
 The possibility of Sebastian Cabot having joined 
 an English expedition between 1516 and [517, is 
 at first sight not inadmissible. After the death of 
 Ferdinand of Aragon, which occurred at the begin- 
 ning of 1516, and during the administration of 
 Cardinal Ximenez, Cabot, seeing that the projected 
 voyage (mentioned by Peter Martyr) was not carried 
 out, may have gone to England. This seems so 
 much the more plausible as the documents furnish 
 no information whatever concerninu his doinsfs and 
 
 / 
 
 ' J. S. Brewrr, Lel/ers and Tapirs, - PURCIIAS, His Ei/grimaqe, 1625, 
 
 Foreign and Domestic, ILiiry ]'///., vol. iii, \i. 806, and vol. iv, p. 1 177. 
 
 1509-1514, No. 4535, p. 694 ; for ■'" 1000 tons, sokliers 349, mariners 
 
 Pert, and for Spkrt, Nds, 3591, 301."' Diaryof/Ienry :\fai>iyn,'p. ^i,^. 
 3977, 4377, -S^c 
 
 \ 
 
SEIfN CAIWT'S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 15 17. 
 
 161 
 
 )incd 
 7, is 
 
 whereabouts from November 15th, 15 15, or, rather, 
 January 23rcl, 15 16 (which is the date of the death 
 of Ferdinand), to F'ebruary 5th, 1518, when he was 
 appointed Pilot-Major by Charles V. Some niay 
 also presume that the legacy bestowed on the 7th 
 of May, 1516,^ by the Rev. William Mychell upon 
 the daughter of Sebastian Cabot, was brought about 
 by the hitter's alleged presence in London. 
 
 The statements of Ramusio and Eden contain 
 therefore a series of allegations which may be 
 plausibly grouped as follows : 
 
 In 1 5 16, Henry VIII. causes an expedition to be 
 equipped to go in search of the North- West Passage, 
 and Thomas Pt^t or Spert is put in command. 
 Sebastian Cabot joins it, possibly at Portsmouth. 
 
 The fleet sets sails during the first quarter of the 
 year 1 5 1 6. 
 
 In the course of the voyage, either on account of 
 storms, icebergs, or the length of the navigation, 
 Spert refuses to go any further, and returns to 
 England, without having accomplished, of course, 
 any discoveries, or even landed, apparently, any- 
 where. 
 
 We do not mean to say that this is a faithful 
 description of events ; nay, that the voyage took 
 place at all. Our sole object is to bring Cabot's 
 assertions, as reported by Ramusio and Eden, 
 within the range of an hypothesis not contradicted 
 at the outset by the documents known. 
 
 It remains to examine these assertions intrinsically, 
 so to speak. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot says that on the 1 ith of June: 
 "xj di Giugno" he found himself by 67° 30' north 
 latitude: "a gradi 67° et mezzo". Now, on the 
 loth of July 1517, Thomas Spert was engaged in 
 ballasting the Mary Rose in the Thames, at least, he 
 
 ' Travers Twiss, Nautical Ala^'a-.ine July 1876, p. 675. 
 
 I 
 
7 r.' T^ X' 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 I ' 
 
 162 SEB'N CABOrs ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 1517. 
 
 ' collected at that date his charges for the work.* In 
 
 1 either case, this circumstance compels us to place, 
 
 I' at best, the alleged voyage in the previous year, viz. : 
 
 15 16, as it implies that the expedition had already 
 been accomplished for some time, since the ballasting 
 , [ was certainly in view of another voyage to be under- 
 
 f taken soon afterwards. Nor can we suppose that 
 
 J ) Cabot's alleged expedition took place after July 
 
 !i5i7, since it would no longer tally with the " eighth 
 ; year of the reign of Henry VIII.," which expired 
 
 April 15th, 15 1 7. 
 
 We are hemmed in consequently between 15 16 
 , and July 151 7. Ferdinand of Aragon died January 
 
 22nd, 1 5 16; but Sebastian Cabot is not likely to 
 i have left his important post of Pilot-Major of Spain, 
 
 ., j to which he had been promoted only five months 
 
 j'l j 5 before, until he had ascertained the course of events 
 
 J * ' ^' after the King's demise. This, together with the 
 
 ' P ^ delays necessitated by his preparations for leaving 
 
 t* Seville, and the voyage to England, required some 
 
 ' weeks. Let us admit that Spert's expedition had 
 
 \ been already prepared, and was even about to sail 
 
 '; when Cabot arrived in London, yet he must again 
 
 have employed a certain time in obtaining leave 
 / from the King to join the expedition. Further, an 
 
 arctic voyage of discovery is not undertaken, particu- 
 larly when fitted out in an English port, before spring. 
 We may therefore suppose that Spert's expedition, 
 like those of John Cabot in 1497 and 1498, sailed 
 from England during the first week of May, at the 
 soonest. It is scarcely possible that in those days, 
 a sailing vessel, starting most probably from Ports- 
 mouth early in May, could ever have attained on 
 the nth of June following, that is, in less than six 
 weeks, 67° 30' north latitude, and, at least, 60° 
 
 > "Ballasting in the Thames." Sec Brewer, op. a'/., vol. ii, part ii, No. 
 3459, p. loi. 
 
 i^ 
 
SEB'N CABOT'S ALLEGED VOYAGE OF i^iy. 
 
 163 
 
 I 
 
 ii, No. 
 
 lonc^titudc west, which is one of the coldest and most 
 obstructed of all the northern regions at that season 
 of the year.^ 
 
 Nor do we believe that such an extraordinary 
 voyage, which, although it failed in its main object, 
 would have been the greatest of the kind ever 
 attempted by British seamen before Frobisher, would 
 not have left traces in the English chronicles of the 
 time. True it is that, nearly half a century after the 
 alleged event, Sir Humphrey Gilbert," Hakluyt,^ 
 Bclleforest,* Chauveton,'^ and others refer to that 
 expedition, but it can be easily shown that they copy 
 each other, and that the prototype is exclusively 
 Ramusio's statement above given. 
 
 Furthermore, if Sebastian Cabot had ever visited 
 those regions at such a late date as 1516, particularly 
 under the English flag, it stands to reason that the 
 Wardens of the Twelve Great Livery Companies of 
 London never would have dared to tell Henry VHL 
 and Cardinal Wolsey, less than five years afterwards, 
 when ordered to furnish ships for an expedition to 
 those parts under the command of Sebastian Cabot, 
 " that he had never been to the New World, 
 although arrogating to himself discoveries made by 
 his father, in relating facts the knowledge of which 
 he held from him and other people ! " 
 
 In connection with the leading statement in Eden's 
 account of that alleged voyage, it is not amiss to 
 recall here two other references to transatlantic 
 expeditions. 
 
 The first is to be found in a play called : A 
 new interlude and a mery of the iiij. elements 
 
 ' Kohl, Documentary History of * Bellkforest, La Cosmographie 
 
 Maine, p. 219. Universelle \ Paris, 1575, vol. ii, p. 
 
 ^ Gii.HERT, A Discourse of a Dis- 2175. 
 
 covcrye for a tuzv passage to Cataia ; '-' Chauveton, Histoire tiouvelle du 
 
 London, 1576, 4I0, leaf d iii. Nouveait Monde {Gen<^\a.), 1579, i2mo, 
 
 ^ IIakluY'I', The principal! Navig., p. 141. 
 1889, 8vo, vol. xii, p. 27. 
 
 i 
 
I 
 
 164 SliJi'N CAnOrS ALLEGED VOYAGE OF iS'7. 
 
 
 W V 
 
 \ dcclaryncre many proper poynts of philosophy natural. 
 
 It occurs as follows : — 
 
 I ( And northwardc on this sydc 
 
 1) There lyeth Iselande where men do fysche, 
 
 ' I But beyondc that so colde it is 
 
 ' No man may tliere abyde 
 
 I , This See is called the Crcat Oceyan 
 
 \ ► So j^reat it is that never man 
 
 Coulde tell it sith the worlde began 
 Tyll more mthin this. XX. yere 
 Westwarde we founde new landes 
 That we neuer harde tell of before this 
 i| y I l{y wrytyngc nor other meanys 
 
 Yet many nowe haue ben there 
 ' And that countrey is so large of rome 
 
 Muche lenger than all cristendome 
 (■ , Without fable or gyle 
 
 I ' For dyvers maryners haue it tryed 
 
 i And sayled streyght by the coste syde 
 
 / Above .V. thousande myle 
 
 \ But what commodytes be within 
 
 ^1 No man can tell nor well I magi n 
 
 / ./;/// yet not /oni^- a i^-,) 
 
 '\ Some men of this co/itrey went 
 
 1 V,y the Kynges noble consent 
 
 \ It for to serche to that en tent 
 
 ^ And coude not be brought therto ; 
 
 V But they that were they ventere[s] 
 
 Haue cause to curse their maryners 
 I Fals of promys, and disemblers 
 
 That falsly them betrayed 
 JV/tick wold take no painc to sailc farther 
 Than their owne lyst aftd pleasure 
 Wherfor that vynge, and dyvers other 
 Such kaytyffes haue destroyed 
 O what a thynge had be than 
 j^ , I If that they that be englysche men 
 
 ;1 I Myght haue ben first of all 
 
 That there shulde have take possessyon 
 And made furst buyldynge and habytacion. 
 A memory perpetuall 
 And also what an honorable thynge 
 Bothe to the realme, and to the kynge 
 To have had his domynyon extendynge 
 There into so farre a grounde 
 
 ; 
 
 < 
 
 V 
 
 i 
 
I5'7. 
 
 165 
 
 SElhV CAnors ALLEGED VOYAGE OF 
 
 Whiclic the iioblc kyiii^^e of late vumorv 
 'I'he most wysc pryncc the .VII. Hc[n]rry 
 Causyd furst for to be foundc. . . . ' 
 
 These lines clearly refer to a voyai^^e undertaken 
 by Englishmen to the north-western regions of the 
 New World, which did not terminate successfully 
 owing to the seamen in charge not caring to sail as 
 far as their destination, to the great damage of the 
 promoters and of p:ngland. 
 
 Such are the points of resemblance with the 
 accounts of Eden and Ramusio. But what is the 
 date of the abortive voyage described in the Intcr- 
 hidc ? 
 
 The book (of which only one copy is known to 
 exist),- bears no date or imprint on the first page ; 
 and as it lacks the last leaf, which probably contained 
 a colophon, no one can tell from the typographical data 
 when and where the work was printed. We are left 
 to ascertain these important points trom internal 
 evidence. 
 
 The critic first notices the following lines : 
 
 But this nc\v(j lands foundc lately 
 Ben callyd America, by cause only 
 Americus dyd furst them fynde. 
 
 These show that the play was written after May 
 1507, when the Cosmogi'aphicc mtrodiictio, where 
 the name " America " occurs for the first time, was 
 originally printed. 
 
 The following, when read in connection with the 
 above, may enable us to obtain a more precise date : 
 
 We liavc revised uiir text on the 
 one which was published l)y the Rev 
 
 PP- 50-51- The ciriginal hears the 
 fallowing note in the handwriting of 
 
 Ivlward Aruer, in I he fust three the celelirated actor : " First inipres 
 
 En;^lish books, pp. xx-xxi, and whicli 
 is ihe most correct. 
 
 - That unique copy is preserved in 
 the British Museum, in the Garrick 
 Collection of plays. For a full descrip- 
 tion, see Bibliotheca Amcricami 
 Vetitstissima, AddUainaita, No. 38, 
 
 sion dated 25th Oct. 11 Henry VIII," 
 which corresponds to the year 1519- 
 20. This may mean that his copy 
 was not of the first edition, or perhaps 
 that he supplied with that note the 
 missing colophon. 
 
 lai 
 
4 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 h 
 
 f 
 
 \ 
 
 U 
 
 i 
 
 166 SEnW C A DOT'S ALLEGED VOYAGE OE isi?- 
 
 Within this XX ycrc 
 
 \ Westwardc \vc rouiidtj new Inndes 
 
 ' That wc never hardc of before this. 
 
 i , I It has been justly observed/ that in the opinion of 
 
 '] the poet the discoverer was not Cokmibiis, who is 
 
 1 nowhere mentioned in the Interlude, but Vespuccius. 
 
 jl ) Now, according to the account pubhshed in tiie Cosmo- 
 
 graphicc introdtictio, which is, in our opinion, the 
 source whence the poet drew his data for the two 
 last quotations, the discovery was accomplished in 
 1497. By adding "XX yere," we obtain the year 
 1517; that is, he alludes to a voyage undertaken 
 between 1497 and 15 17. We bring the date still 
 nearer by recalling the couplet : 
 
 Which the noble kynge of late memory 
 The most wyse prynce the .VII. Henry. 
 
 That is, the Interlude was written after April 2 1 st, 
 1509, which is the date of the death of Henry VII. 
 Now come the lines : 
 
 But yet not long ago 
 
 Some men of this countrey went. 
 
 The voyage, consequently, took place between 
 1509 and 15 1 7, but not long before 15 17. 
 
 We believe that this only shows a coincidence 
 which must have occurred several times in the early 
 history of maritime discoveries. 
 
 The second reference is the following : — 
 In the letter addressed in 1527 to Dr. Lee, the 
 ^ ambassador of Henry VIII. in Spain, by Robert 
 
 \ Thorne, a Bristol merchant established in Seville, 
 
 mention is made of a circumstance somewhat similar 
 \ to the one reported by Eden, Speaking of the 
 
 I expedition to the North- West undertaken by his 
 
 I 1 Charles Deane, John and Seb- History of America, edited by Mr 
 
 . astian Cabot, a Study. Reprinted Winsor, Cambridge, Mass., l886, p. 
 
 ) from the Narrative and Critical i6, note. 
 
 *6" 
 
SEEN CA no rs ALLEGE/) VO YA CK OF 1517. 167 
 
 fath(T, Nicholas Thornc, with Hugh Elliott, he says 
 concerning the North-West i\assagc : 
 
 "Of which there is no doubt (as now plainly apparcth), // the 
 mariiwrs would tlwii Juwc been ruled and followed their pilot's mind 
 the lands of the West Indies (from whence all the gold conieth) 
 had been ours, for all is one coast." ' 
 
 This statement refers to the expedition which 
 sailed in 1503, by virtue of letters patent granted to 
 Hugh Elliot, and other Bristol merchants in 1502, 
 considered in a previous chapter, and from which 
 the Cabots were implicitly excluded. It cannot be 
 identical with the alleged Spert-Cabot miscarried 
 voyage of 151 7, as the' latter is represented to have 
 taken place fifteen years after the one mentioned 
 by Robert Thorne. 
 
 ' IIakluyt, vol. i, p. 219. 
 
fr 
 
 \ 
 1 
 
 
 Lll/M'TKR III. 
 
 I'ROTEhT t)l- Tin: LIVKKIKS AGAINST KMI'LOMNG 
 SKIIASTIAN ( Ai;UT. 
 
 ACCORDING to the statements made by Cabot 
 to (iaspiird Coiitarini, the V(;netian ambas- 
 sador in Spain, a year had scarc(;Iy elapsed since his 
 appointment, in 1518. as Pilot-Major, when he 
 went to iLngland. There, Cardinal Wolsey urged 
 him, he says, to accept the command of an expedi- 
 tion, fitted out at a great cost, to go in search of 
 new transatlantic lands. Cabot pretends that in 
 obedience to his duty, he not only repelled the offer, 
 on the plea that being in the service of Cliarles V. 
 he could not serve any other [)rince without his 
 U.'ave, but wrote to that monarch to refuse whatever 
 rciquest the King of England might make on the 
 subject. 
 
 It can readily be shown that Sebastian Cabot 
 never entertained scruples of the kind. As to the 
 offer, whether it originated with him, or with Henry 
 VIII., it must have been made not in 1519, but two 
 years later. 
 
 In the first place, Cabot was still at Seville on the 
 6th of May 15 J9, since he collected on that day 
 25,000 maravedis, as one third of his annual pay of 
 Captain and Pilot-Major.' 
 
 We now give a narrative of the events connected 
 with the protest, some of which have been already 
 stated. 
 
 ^ Jean ii Scb. Ctih/, iloc. xviii ii, j). 33^]. 
 
 rl 
 
 -A 
 
 dS. 
 
r NOTES T AC A INST S Eli AST I AN CAIiOT. 
 
 16'J 
 
 Towiirtls llic close; ol ihe inoiilh of I''c;bru;iry, 
 1521, the vvurdciis of the Twc^lvc (irc.it Livery 
 Comi)iiiii('.s of Loiuloii were officiiiUy informed by 
 two members of the Kind's Council, Sir Robert 
 VVynkfeld aiul Sir VVolston lirovvn, lh.it lienry 
 VIII. required of them five vessels for a maritime 
 expedition : 
 
 "To furnysclnj v. sliii)|)s aflcr this man'. 'The Kings (liacc In 
 |)rc:|)ar(j tlicm in lakyll orclcnaiincc and all ollur ncccssaiiis at his 
 rliargf. And also llu' King to Iktc the adviiUuiir of the said 
 shipps, And the mcrrhaunts and conipanys to he at the charge of 
 tile vitayiling and inennys wage of the same shi])ps for one hole 
 yere and the shi|)ps not to he ahove vj" ton apece. And that 
 this Citie of London shabe as hede Reulers for all the hole realm 
 for as many Ciles and 'I'ownes as be mynded to |)repare any 
 shipps forwards for the same |)urpos and viagc, as the Town of 
 bristowe hath sent vp there knowledge that they wyll pre[)are ij. 
 shipps." 1 
 
 The promised reward for the oiiliay was " that x 
 yere aft there shall no nacion haue the trate but | the 
 said companies] and to haue respyte for there custom 
 XV monthes and xv monthes." 
 
 The required vessels were intended " for a viage 
 to be made into the newefound Hand;" and to be 
 commanded by "one man callyd as understoud 
 Sebastyan," who was no other than S(;bastian Cabot, 
 although the surname is not mentioned in the 
 records. 
 
 A meeting was held on March ist, 1521, to consider 
 the demand, which met with decided opposition on 
 the part of the liveries, the Drapers' Company 
 assuming the leadership, and being intrusted, as it 
 seems, with the task of speaking in the name of the 
 "other auncyaunt ffeliships." 
 
 On the I ith of March, the report drawn up by the 
 wardens of the Drapers and of the Mercers, was read 
 at a meeting of " the hole body of the ffeliship, ryche 
 
 ' The reader will find the full tc\l of thai import.inl document in the 
 appendix to our Discovery of North Anurica, pp. 747-750. 
 
 
\'ff 
 
 'I' 
 
 170 
 
 PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ( A 
 
 >,!/ 
 
 and pouH!." They objected to the King's demand on 
 the ground that with regard to the intended expedition, 
 His Majesty, the Cardinal (Wolsey), and the Royal 
 Council, "Avere not duely and substancially enformed 
 in suchc manner as perfite knowledge myght be had 
 by credible reporte of maisters and mariners naturally 
 born within this Realm of England having experi- 
 ence and excersided in and about the for said Hand." 
 This was evidently aimed at the foreign nationality of 
 Sebastian Cabot, whom they did not consider as 
 being " naturally born within the realm of England." 
 The wardens then expressed the greatest reluct- 
 ance to the appointment of Sebastian as commander 
 of the expedition, in most energetic terms, which we 
 have already quoted, but beg to repeat : 
 
 " And we thynk it were to sore a venture to joperd v shipps 
 with men and goods unto the said Hand uppon the singuler trust 
 of one man callyd as we understond Sebastyan, whiche Sebastyan 
 as we here say was neuer in that land hym self, all if he maks 
 reporte of many things as he hath hard his father and other men 
 speke in tymes past." 
 
 Finally, they expressed willingness to the extent of 
 " furnysshing of ij shippys and suppos to furnyssh the 
 thryd." This decision having been communicated to 
 the authorities, " the commissioners brought aunswere 
 fro my lord Cardynall that the King wold haue the 
 premisses to go furth and to take effect. And there 
 vppon my lord the maire was send for to speke w' the 
 King for the same matier, so that his grace wold 
 haue no nay there in, but spak sharpely to the Maire 
 to see it putt in execucion to the best of his power." 
 
 On the 26th of March, the Mayor of London 
 summoned before him the entire company at the 
 Drapers' hall, " where was w' grete labo' and dili- 
 gence and many diuers warnyngs grunted first and 
 last ij C mcs. [200 marks] presentyd by a byll to the 
 maire the 9th day of Aprill." 
 
 s 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 xj 
 
 I 
 
AGAINST EMPLOYING SEBASTIAN CABOT. 171 
 
 What was the object or destination of the 
 voyage? Must the words : " Newefounde Hand " be 
 interpreted as meaning the island of Newfoundland 
 or any point of the east coast of America ? We are 
 not prepared to give an affirmative answer. 
 
 It will be remembered that Sebastian Cabot, who 
 was constantly plotting, intriguing, and betraying his 
 employers, had proposed in 1522 to go to Venice, 
 for the purpose of selling to the Republic secret 
 information relative to a North- West Passage, which 
 he claimed to have discovered : "come e il vcro che 
 io r ho ritrovata." The Council of Ten sent the 
 entire correspondence to Caspar Contarini, the 
 Venetian ambassador at the Court of Spain, with 
 instructions to interview Cabot. In their conversa- 
 tion, the latter, to enhance the value of the proposed 
 enterprise, said that when in England, three years 
 before, Cardinal Wolsey had made great efforts to 
 induce him to take the command of an important 
 expedition to discover new countries, 30,000 ducats 
 having actually been obtained for equipping the 
 fleet : " Hor ritrovandomi ja tre anni, salvo il vero, 
 in Ingelterra, quel Reverendissimo Cardinal mi volea 
 far grandi partiti che io navigasse cum una sua 
 armada per discoprir paesi novi la quale era quasi 
 in ordine, et haveano preparati per spender in essa 
 ducati 30 m."* 
 
 The words " paesi novi " do not apply, we think, 
 to a western passage, but to new countries which 
 Cardinal Wolsey hoped to discover, perhaps in the 
 track of the Spanish navigators. There may be an 
 inkling of some such intention in one of the arguments 
 used by the wardens of the Drapers' Company 
 against the expediency of the enterprise, when they 
 
 ^ C. BULLO, La Vera patria di p, 64, and Jean et SibaUien Cabot, 
 Nicolb de' Conti e di Giovanni Cafwto, doc. xxviii, p. 348. 
 Studj e Documenti, Chioggia, 1880, 
 
 J 
 
mm» •■ m at^M 
 
 
 172 
 
 PROTEST OF THE LIVERIES 
 
 say : " Also wc thynk it is dowbtfuU that any 
 luiglish ship shalbe sufferd to laid in Spayii and in 
 other countres by reason of suche acts and statuts." 
 
 It was in October, 1522, that Sebastian Cabot 
 made those statements to Contarini, and ascribed to 
 Wolsey's proposals a date three years previous to 
 that interview. This. 15L9-J520, in general con- 
 versation, is sufficiently near the spring of 1521 to 
 authorise the belief that these proposals coincide 
 with the expedition which Henry VI 11. intended to 
 entrust to Sebastian Cabot, and against which the 
 Liveries protested so vigorously. 
 
 The Drapers paid their share of the expenses, for 
 the records contain a list of names and the sums 
 which each gave for that purpose. " My lord the 
 INIaire, Sir John Brugge." heads it with ^8. This 
 first list of " Masters and livery" contains seventy- 
 eight names. There is a second list of forty-six 
 " Bachillers." who give smaller sums ; one gives 
 ^3 6s. 8d., the next 5 marks, then 40 shillings, down 
 to many at 3s. 4d., 2od., and even 1 2d. But the 
 exj)edition never set out from England. 
 
 Sir Thomas Lovell, a Knight of the Garter, died 
 at his manor of Elsynges, in Enfield, Middlesex, 
 May 25th, 1 524. He was a man of great wealth, who 
 allowed two years to his executors for the adminis- 
 tration of his will. In an account of expenditures, 
 under the head of "Dettes paide to creditors owynge 
 vnto them in the lyfe of Sir Thomas Lowell," 
 mention is made of a certain sum of 43s. 4d. paid to 
 one John Goderyk, " in full satysfacon and recom- 
 penses of his charge costis and labour conductying of 
 Sebastian Cabott master of the Pylotes in Spayne to 
 London at the request of the testator." ^ 
 
 Cabot was in Spain during the years 1524, 1523, 
 
 ^ |. S. IjKKWKK, Calciuiar of Stale Papers, Ilcnry V/IL, vol iv, part i, 
 1>. «S4. 
 
 \\ 
 
 iJX_ 
 
J 
 
 AGAINST EMPLO YING SEBASTIAN CABOT. 173 
 
 1522.^ We infer therefore that the above payment 
 was on account of the voyage which he made 
 to England in 15 20-1 521, as we see him in London 
 apjDarently in March of the latter year, when the 
 Livery Companies were discussing the obligation 
 laid upon them by the Crown. As Sir Thomas 
 Lovell had been steward and marshal of the house 
 of Henry VI I L, we m;iy suppose that Cabot was 
 called to England by the direction of the King.- It 
 should be noted, however, that according to the? 
 latest authorities,'* the; rise of Wolsey's power seems 
 to have prompted Lovell to withdraw from public 
 life altogether shordy after 15 16. 
 
 ' See above under those dales, 
 ' Maukiiam, The Journal of Christ. 
 Coliiiiihtts, 1893, ]i. .wix, note. Fnil 
 the learneil ])resident of the London 
 (leographical Society is mistaken wlien 
 he says: "On March 7th, 1523, the 
 Venetian Ambassador reported that 
 Cai!OT had delayed his visit to Venice 
 because he was called to Eni^land on 
 business and woidd be absent three 
 months." Con iarim only said : " se 
 ha risolto non poler per hora diman- 
 dare licentia dubitando che non lo 
 lolesseno per suspecio che el volesse 
 andare in Eni;elterra, et che pero li era 
 
 necessario anchor per tre mesi scorer, 
 (|ual passati al tutto era per venir a li 
 piedi di V. I. S." Hy referrin<; 
 infra, \^. 176, the reader will see that 
 the mcaninji; is entirely different. Nor 
 did Cahot come to Enj^land to .attend 
 the funeral of Sir Thomas I^OVEI.I., 
 as we once thought. The ilebt w.as in- 
 curred in the hitter's " lyfe," and in 
 May 1524, Cauot was al U.adajoz, 
 attendini^, in his official capacity, the 
 Molucca Island Conference. 
 
 ■' Mr. W. A. J. ARCiiiiOi.i), in 
 l')iclionary of National Biography, vol. 
 Nxxiv, p. 176. 
 
 i 
 
 rill 
 
 '^ 
 
1 
 
 
 ,' 'l 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 0/ 
 
 CABOTS TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 
 
 THE pretended scruples of Sebastian Cabot as to 
 serving more than one master at a time, lead 
 us to inquire into certain grave underhand deaHngs 
 with the Venetian RepubUc, of which he was the sole 
 promoter. 
 
 Richard Biddle, in his unbounded enthusiasm for 
 Sebastian, says "it is a pleasing reflection that he 
 was never found attempting to employ, to the annoy- 
 ance of Spain, the minute local knowledge of her 
 possessions, of which his confidential station in that 
 country must have made him master."* If Biddle 
 had consulted the dispatches exchanged between the 
 Council of Ten and their ambassadors at Valladolid 
 and London, the probability is that he would have 
 modified his views in this respect. 
 
 In 1522, after Cabot, by virtue of his office, had 
 been made privy to all the plans and projects of the 
 Spanish Government regarding the alleged western 
 passage to Cathay,^ and received from Charles V. 
 important favors, as well as marks of confidence, he 
 sent to Venice a Ragusian adventurer called 
 Hieronymo Marin de Busignolo, under the most 
 solemn oath not to divulge his errand except to 
 
 1 Biddle, Memoir, p. 173. 
 
 * "jDal Re Ferdinando fui facto 
 Capitano cum provisione di 50 m. 
 maravedis, poij fui faito da questo Re 
 presente piloto major cum provisione 
 di altri 50 m. maravedis, et per adiuto 
 di costa mi da poij 25 m. maravedis 
 
 che sono in tutto 125 m> maravedis, 
 possonovaler circa ducati 300." CoN- 
 TARiNi's dispatch of Dec. 31, 1522, 
 Jean et Sib. Cabot, p. 348, 
 
 That was a great deal more llian 
 SoLis (50,000 mrs.), and Americas 
 Vespuccius (70,000). 
 
 ^ 
 
 V \ 
 
 ^'Vi 
 
 Jt 
 
 ii 
 
CABOT S INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 
 
 175 
 
 members of the Council of Ten. He was to inform 
 them that the Pilot- Major of the Spanish monarch 
 was ready to repair to Venice for the purpose of re- 
 vealing a secret on which depended the future 
 greatness of the Republic. Marin faithfully per- 
 formed his trust. The Venetian Government 
 rewarded him, and at once forwarded to Gasparo 
 Contarini, its ambassador at the Court of Spain, 
 the following dispatch : — 
 
 "September 27th, 1522. The chiefs of the Ten to Gasparo 
 Contarini Ambassador in Spain : 
 
 There arrived here the other day a certain Hieronimo de Marin 
 de Busignolo a native of Ragusa. On presenting himself to the 
 Chiefs of our Council of Ten he declared he had been sent by 
 one Sebastian Cabotto, who says he is a Venetian and now 
 resident at Seville where he receives a salary from the Emperor as 
 his ' pilot-major ' for voyages of discovery. 
 
 On behalf of this individual the Ragusan made the enclosed 
 statement. Although it is perhaps unworthy of much credit, yet 
 by reason of its importance we did not choose to decline Seb- 
 astian's offer of coming hither to explain his project. We have 
 permitted Hieronimo to answer him, as you will perceive by the 
 accompanying letter. 
 
 Contrive cautiously to learn whether Sebastian be at the 
 Imperial Court or expected there shortly, in which case you are to 
 send for him and give him the letter bearing his address. We 
 have tied it up with another directed to the secretary. Elicit as 
 much as you can concerning his project. Should it seem well 
 grounded and feasible urge him to come hither. Should he not be 
 at the court forward the letter to Seville through some safe channel 
 giving the person entrusted with it to understand that you received 
 it from one of your private correspondents." ^ 
 
 The required visit to Venice, which was deemed 
 necessary to facilitate the intended treachery, could 
 not safely be carried out at that time, owing to the 
 fact that Charles V. mistrusted Cabot, not, however, 
 with regard to the Venetian Republic, but in rela- 
 tion to England. This suspicion shows that the 
 King of Spain did not place implicit confidence in the 
 
 ' Rawdon Brown, Calendar, vol. iii, No. 557. For the Italian text, see 
 Jean et Sibastien Cabot, doc. xxvi, pp. 344-46. 
 
i 
 
 176 
 
 CAnors TREACHEROUS /NTRIGUES 
 
 I 
 
 , 
 
 i 
 
 «ii , 
 
 professions of fidelity which his Pilot-Major claims 
 to have made when urged by Wolsey to take charge 
 of the maritime expedition considered in the pre- 
 ceding chapter. The suspicion is only hinted at, yet 
 it is clearly indicated by the words : '' per suspecto 
 chc: el volesse andare in Engelterra," in the following 
 dispatch from Contarini : — 
 
 " Sebastian Cal)ot with whom you desired mc to speak on 
 matters connected with the spice trade has suhsetiuently been to 
 see me several times, always telling me how much disposed he is 
 to come to Venice for the purpose of carrying into effect his 
 schemes for the Signory's benefit. 
 
 This day he informed me that he could not ask leave at present, 
 kst they suspect him of intending to ,(,w to Eni^Iand and that he 
 must, therefore, serve for three months longer on the expiration 
 of which he would place himself at the feet of the Signory. Prays 
 you to write him a second letter urging him to come to Venice for 
 the despatch of his affairs. 
 
 I write all that Sebastian has stated to me and what he requires, 
 your Highness will act as you may please. Valladolid, 7th March 
 
 1523 
 
 "1 
 
 As we shall soon see, Cabot frankly acknowledged 
 that he was running the risk of his life, and we can 
 readily understand why great precautions were re- 
 quired on his part. To that end, the two wily 
 Venetians invented an imaginary claim arising, as 
 they alleged, from the estate or dowry of Cabot's 
 mother, and of such importance as to require his 
 immediate presence in Venice. The Council of Ten 
 approved of the pretence, and wrote to Contarini on 
 the 28th of April 1523 a dispatch to that effect, 
 which the reader will find further on. 
 
 Tlie Ragusian's speech when he appeared before 
 the Council of Ten and the description of Cabot's 
 project sent by them to Contarini are both lost, and 
 we can only guess their object from the report of his 
 interview with the Venetian envoy, when, quaking 
 
 ' Rawdon Brown, op. at., No. 634 ; Jean et S^b, Cabot, doc. xxix, p. 351. 
 
 ; 
 
WITH VENICE. 
 
 177 
 
 35»- 
 
 with fear,' Cabot went on Christmas-eve, after sunset, 
 secretly, to the n-sidence of Contarini. " It is in my 
 power," said he, "to cause Vcmice to participate in 
 that navigation, and 1 can show her a route, found 
 by me. from which she would derive great profit." 
 The remark was doubtless made as a sequel to 
 certain disclosures touching Magellan's discovery 
 (" questa navigatione : — that navigation "), news of 
 which had been received by Charles V. only three 
 months before. At all events, the gist of Cabot's 
 project was to disclose; to a fontign nation, a route, 
 fancied or real, leading to the .Spice islands,^ the 
 knowledge of which should have b(;en first imparted 
 to the Spanish (iovernment, in whose pay and special 
 employ Cabot then was ; a route too. calculated to 
 compete, in the interest of a rival power, with that 
 just discovered by the Spaniards at such a great 
 sacrifice of men, time and money. And if we 
 add that the proposal was bolstered by his positive 
 assertion, as the: reader will soon see, that " in truth 
 he had actually discovered the passage : — come e il 
 vero che io 1' ho ritrovata," every impartial historian 
 must acknowledge Sebastian Cabot to have shown 
 himself then both an impostor and a traitor. 
 
 As to the plan in itself, and the method for 
 carrying it out, we know of nothing which gives a 
 better idea of Cabot's arrogance and unreliable 
 talk, than Contarini's official reports of their inter- 
 views on the subject. 
 
 " ValladoUd., jrsf Deccinbcr fJ32. Caspar Contarini to the 
 (.'ouncil of Ten : 
 
 According to your letter of 7th September I ascertained that 
 
 ' " Li dotti la k'ttera, lui la lesse ct J'AKI.M, December 31st, 1522, Jean et 
 
 K'L^iendola si mosse IuUd di colore. Sch, Cabot, ]>. 347. 
 
 Da pdij lella, stele cussi un jiociiein - "A parlarli circa le cose de le 
 
 senza dirmi altro quasi shigotilo et s|)i/iarie et da me cussi exeguilo come 
 
 diibio . . . ma vi presto tjuanto posso per mie di x. zener li significai." 
 
 che la cosa sij secreta perche a me Contakini, March 7th, 1523. 
 anderebhe la vita." Dispatch of CON- 
 
 M 
 
J 
 
 . ill 
 
 178 
 
 CAISOrs TREACHEROUS INTRIGUES 
 
 \ 
 
 V 
 
 
 I 
 
 Vl L 
 
 Sebastian Cabot was at the Court and where he dwelt. I sent to 
 say that my secretary had a letter for him from a friend of his and 
 that if he chose hi: might come tcj my resi(!enrt\ Hi; told my 
 servant he would come, lie made his appearance on Christmas 
 eve. At dinner time I wilhdrev witii him and delivered the letter, 
 which he read, his colour chanj^ing completely during its jierusal. 
 Having finished reading it he ii_mained a short while without 
 saying anything, as if alarmed and doubtful. I told him that if he 
 chose to answer the letter or wished me to make any conmumica 
 tioii to the quarter from which I had received it, i was ready to 
 execute his commission safely. Up(in this he took courage and 
 said to me ' Out of the love I bear my country, I spoke hereto 
 fore to the ambassadors of the most illustrious Signory in England 
 concerning these newly discovered countries through which I have 
 the means of greatly benefiting Venice. The letter in question 
 concerned this matter, as you likewise are aware, but I most 
 earnestly beseech you to keep the thing secret as it would cost me 
 my life.' 
 
 I then told him I was thoroughly acquainted with the whole 
 affair and mentioned how Hieronymo the Ragusan had presented 
 himself before the tribunal of their Kxcellencies the Chiefs, and 
 that the most secret magistracy had acipiainted me with everything 
 and forwarded that letter to me. I added that as some noblemen 
 were dining with me it would be inconvenient for us to talk 
 together then, but that should he choose to return late in the 
 evening we might more conveniently discuss the subject together 
 at full length. So he then departed and returned about 5 p.m. 
 feeing closeted alone in my chamber, he said to me : 
 
 ' My lord Ambassador, to tell you the whole truth, 1 was born 
 at Venice but was brought up in England, and then entered the 
 service of their Catholic Majesties of Spain and King l-'erdinand 
 made me captain, with a salary of 50,000 maravedis. Subse- 
 quently his present Majesty gave me the office of Pilot-Major, with 
 an additional salary of 50,000 maravedis, and 25,000 maravedis 
 besides as a gratuity, forming a total of 125,000 maravedis, equal 
 to about 300 ducats. 
 
 ' Now it so happened that when in England some three years 
 ago, if I mistake not. Cardinal AVoIsey offered me high terms if I 
 would sail with an armada of his on a voyage of discovery. The 
 vessels were almost ready, and they had got together 30,000 ducats 
 for their outfit. I answered him that, being in the service of the 
 King of Spain I could not go without his leave, but if free 
 permission were granted me from hence I would serve him. 
 
 ' About that time in the course of conversation one day with a 
 certain friar, a Venetian named Sebastian Collona with whom I 
 was on a very friendly footing, he said to me " Master Sebastian, 
 
 
 U 
 
 I 
 
\ 
 
 W/TH VENICE. 
 
 179 
 
 )orn 
 the 
 inand 
 ubse- 
 
 with 
 ivedis 
 
 qual 
 
 years 
 sif I 
 
 The 
 ucats 
 of the 
 
 free 
 
 you take such great pains to benefit foreigners and forget your 
 native land. Would it not be possible for Venice likewise to 
 derive some advantage from you ? " At this my heart smote mo 
 and I told liiiii 1 would think about it. So on returning to him 
 the next day I said F had llie means of rendering Venice a [)artner 
 in this navigation and of showing her a passage whereby she would 
 obtain great |)rofit ; which is the truth for 1 have discovered it. 
 
 'Iti conse(iuence of this, as by serving the King of England I 
 could no longer benefit our country, I wrote to the Emperor not 
 to give me leave to serve the King of ICngland as he would injure 
 himself extremely, and thus to recall me forthwith. Heing recalled 
 accordingly and on my return residing at Seville, I contracted a 
 close friendship with this Ragusan who wrote the letter you 
 delivered to me ; and as he told me he was going to Venice I 
 unbosomed myself to him charging him to mention this thing to 
 none but the Chiefs of the Ten ; and he swore to me a sacred 
 oath to this effect.' 
 
 I bestowed great praise on his |)atriotism and informed him I 
 was commissioned to confer with him and hear his project which I 
 was to notify to the (,'hiefs to whom he might afterwards resort in 
 person. He re[)lied tliat he did not intend to manifest his plan to 
 any but the ( Chiefs of the Ten and that he would go to Venice after 
 requesting the lyiiijcror's permission, on the pK'a of recovering his 
 mother's dowry concerning which he said he would contrive that 
 I should be spokt'U to by the Hishop of Uurgos and the Grand 
 ("hancellor, who are to urge me to write in his favour to your 
 Serenity. 
 
 I ai)i)roved of this, but said I felt doui)tful as to the possibility 
 of his project as I had api)lied myself a little to geography, and 
 bearing in mind the position of Venice I did not see any way of 
 effecting tiiis navigation as the voyage must be performed either 
 by ships built in Venice, or else by vessels which it would be 
 recjuisite to construct elsewhere. Venetian built craft must 
 necessarily pass the gut of Gibraltar to get into the ocean ; and as 
 the King of Portugal and the King of Spain would oppose the 
 project it never could succeed. The construction of vessels out of 
 Venice could only be effected on the southern shores of the 
 Ocean, or in the Red Sea, to which there were endless objections. 
 
 First of all it would be requisite to have a good understanding 
 with the Great Turk. Secondly the scarcity of timber rendered 
 shiplniilding impossible there. Then again even if vessels were 
 built the fortresses and fleets of Portugal would prevent the trade 
 from being carried on. I also observed to him that 1 did not see 
 how vessels could be built on the northern shores of the Ocean 
 that is to say from Spain to Denmarck, or even beyond, especially 
 as the whole of Germany depended on the Emperor : nor could I 
 
Jf 
 
 'I 
 
 21. 
 
 180 
 
 C.^ no rs TREA CUERO us IN TRIG UES 
 
 % 
 
 'A\ 
 
 \ 
 
 
 ) \ 
 
 perceive any way at all for convt-yin^ mcrrhaiulise from Venire to 
 these ships or for ronveyi?!^; spices and other prodiici' from the 
 ships to Veniee. Nevertheless, as he was skilled in this matter, 1 
 said I deferred to him. 
 
 He answered \\\c. ' N'oii have spoken ahly, and in truth neithe'r 
 with ships built at Veniee nor yet by tlie way of the Red Sea, do 
 I perceive any means soever. Hut there are other means not 
 merely possible hut easy, both for buildin;; ships and ronveyinj^ 
 wares from N'enict' to the harbour, as also spices, ^old and other 
 produce from the harbour to Venice as 1 know, for 1 have sailed 
 lo all those countries, and am well ac(|uaintid with the whole. 
 Indeed I assure you that I refused to accept the offer of the King 
 of England for the sake of benefitting my country for had I 
 listened to that proposal there would no longiT have been any 
 course for Venice.' 
 
 I shrugged my shoulders, and although the thing seems to me 
 impossible \ nevertheless would not dissuade him from coming 
 to the feet of your Highnt'ss (without however reconnnending 
 him) berausi' possibility is inuih more unlimited than man often 
 imagines ; added to which, this individual is in great repute lurre. 
 He then left me. 
 
 Subseipieiitly on thi- evening of St. John's Day he came to mi? 
 in order that I might modify certain expressions in the Ragusan's 
 letter, which he was apprehensivt; would make the Spaniards 
 suspicious. It was therefore, remodelled and written out again by 
 a Veronese, an intimate friend of mine. 
 
 After this, continuing my conversation with him concerning our 
 chief matter, and recapitulating the difficulties he said to me ' I 
 assure you the way and the means are easy. I will go to Venice 
 at my own cost. They shall hear me ; and if they disapprove of 
 the project devised by me, I will return in like manner at my 
 own cost.' 
 
 He then urged me to kee[) the matter secret." * 
 
 The nei^otiations continued for six weeks secretly 
 in the house of the Venetian ambassador whenever 
 Cabot came to Valladolid. The scheme was always 
 based upon a personal visit of Cabot to Venice, as the 
 Council of Ten was still anxious that he should come 
 in person, and explain his project more fully in their 
 
 ' Rawdon Brown's own translation. Calendar of State papers in Venice, 
 No. 669 ; Jean et SSnst/'rn Cabot, doc, xsviii, pp. 447-51. 
 
WITH VENICE. 
 
 ISl 
 
 ,.'■ 
 
 prfjsence. Thi; pretext concocted to ol)iaiii Ic.ive from 
 Charles V. had met with thi; approval of all [iarties 
 concerned, and they laboured assiduously to render 
 it still more plausibNi. As the r(;ader has just seen, 
 it chiefly consisted in a prc;tended claim in connec- 
 tion with alleij^ed dowries of Cabot's mother and 
 aunt. Me even made bold to obtain from liishop 
 I'^onseca and Mercurino de Gattinara the Hi,L;h 
 Chancellor of S|)ain, a recommendation addressed 
 tf) Conlarini. urj^inj^ him to request the Venetian 
 l^overnment to advance that imaj^inary claim ! 
 
 The following (,'xtracts from Contarini's dispatches 
 mark the steps in this bold intrij^ue : 
 
 " March jt/t, 1323. Conlarini to the Chiefs ot the Ten : 
 Sebastian Cabot prays you to write him a second letter urging 
 liiiu to come to Venice for the desjiatrh of his affairs." ' 
 
 '■ April 2Sf/i, /S-^j- Coiincii of 'I'en to ('ontarini : 
 According to Cabot's desire, we enclose a letter drawn up in 
 the name of Hieronymo de Marino the Ragusian, touching his 
 private affairs, in order that it may appear necessary for him to 
 (juit S[)ain. This you are to deliver to ('aboto re/notis nrhilrcs 
 urging him to come hither. Marino is not in Venice now, nor do 
 we know where he is although the letter is dated here.'"-' 
 
 " April j8t/i, 1523. Hieronymo de Marino to Cabot ; 
 Some months ago, on arriving here in Venice 1 wrote to yon 
 what I had done to discover where jour property was. I received 
 fair promise from all (juarters and was given good hope of recover- 
 ing the dower of your mother and aunt, so that I have no doubt, 
 had you come hither, you would already have attained your oljject. 
 I therefore exhort you not to sacrifice your interests but betake 
 yourself here to Venice. Do not delay coming, for your aunt is 
 very old." •' 
 
 Finally, we have the following letter : 
 
 ''July 26th, J32J, Contarini to the Chiefs of the Ten : 
 Sebastian C^abot who has been residing at Seville, has returned 
 hither on his way to Venice. Me is endeavourinic to obtain leave 
 from the Imperial councillors to repair to Venice, .uid induce them 
 
 ' Rawdon IJrown, op. (■{/., ami _/£,•«;/ ef SS. Cabot, doc. xxix, p. 351. 
 
 - Ibidem, and due. xxx, \^. 352. 
 
 •' Ibidem, No. 670, and dor. xxxi, p. 353. 
 
I 
 
 I, 
 
 ') 
 
 ,i! 
 
 t 
 
 f'7 
 
 
 182 
 
 CABOrS TKI-AC/NCKOiS /NTN/GlIiS 
 
 to speak li) nic in liis lavoiir. Tliis is wlial \\c Itlls iul-. Vour 
 Serenity shall l)c a(i|iiainli(l with thi- result." ' 
 
 This troasonal)I(: iiitcrcDiirsc seems to have bcni 
 broken off soon .iflcrwanls, as vvc fiiul no fiirlhcr 
 traces of it in th(; clis|)atcli('S of Gasparo Coii- 
 larini, althouj^rli he continued to reside as Venetian 
 ambassailor in Spain inuil 1525. Our impression is 
 that the project was reliiu[iiisiied for the time ovvin^ 
 probably to a n;fiisal on thi; part of Spain to i^rani 
 the necessary leave, — not because she suspected 
 Cabot's nefarious intentions, but on aecounl of i\\v. 
 impendinjT^ neij^otiations with Portugal rel.itive to the 
 Molucca islands, which retiuired him to be at his 
 post of Pilot-Major. 
 
 The successful voyage of Magellan, so far as 
 reaching the S[)ice islands by the Strait till then 
 unknown is concerned, could only [)rompt n(!w 
 d(Miials on the part of l\)rtut>al that the Moluccas 
 lay within the Spanish Western division as Fixed 
 by the Demarcation line. On the 4th of February 
 1523, Charles V. had sent two ambassadors to the 
 King of Portugal to settle once for all the ownership 
 of the Spice; islands by determining technically the 
 western line of Demarcation. Plenij)otentiaries were 
 not appointed till January 25th, 1524, but the dis- 
 patches e.xchanged before the latter date ' show that 
 the matter had been engrossing the attention of 
 the two governments for several months. And as 
 one of the first steps was the appointment of a com- 
 mi.ssion, or jimta, of astronomers and pilots, to act as 
 scientific e.xperts, it is plain that the presence of 
 Spain's i^ilot-lNIajor could not be dispen.sed with at 
 such a juncture. This is evidently the only cause 
 why Cabot's efforts to betray Charles V. came to a 
 standstill in the autumn of 1523. So far as we 
 
 ' Kawdon Hrown, op. (it., and doc. xxxii, p. 354. 
 - Navai!Rkte, vol. iv, p. 312. 
 
 •V 
 
i 
 
 WITH VENICR. 
 
 183 
 
 know, iln'y were not rcin-wccl with Venice until 
 iweiity years afu;rwiircls, but then to the detriment of 
 En^^lancl. 
 
 Our surn)ise is stren,cjllienecl by the fact that 
 Sebastian Cabot sii^necl witli Tomas Duran and 
 Juan Vespuccius on tin; 15th of April 1524 the 
 rcjMtrt establishiuL; the lon^^titude of llic |)arliti()n 
 line in the Moluccas region.' and, on the 25th 
 following, with T'ernando Columbus. Dr. Sancho 
 Salaya, Simon Tarragona. Tomas Dur.ui. Pedro 
 Ruiz d(; Villegas, Juan Vespuccius, Dr. Sala/ar, Juan 
 Sebastian del Caiio, Martin Mendez, Diego Ribero. 
 Nuno Garcia de Toreno and Estevam Gomez, the 
 curious letter addressed from Badajoz to the Em- 
 peror, informing him that the Portuguese members of 
 the Junta had no iU;sirt.' to come to an understand- 
 ing, and that the difficulty was as to the point in the 
 Cape Verde islands at which they should commence 
 to count the 370 leagues leading to th(; line of 
 
 Demarcation.'^ 
 
 On the 16th of November 1 
 
 3. the salary of 
 
 Sebastian Cabot was attached to the amoimt of 
 10,000 maravedis on behalf of Maria Cerezo, the 
 widow of Americus Vespuccius,'' for the following 
 reason : — 
 
 When Vespuccius died. February 22nd. F512. 
 Juan Dias de Solis succeeded him in the office of 
 Pilot-Major, but under the express condition that 
 out of his salary he should pay the widow, annually, 
 during her life-time, 10,000 maravedis. Solis fulfilled 
 this obligation faithfully until his death.'* But when 
 
 ' Navarkimk, \(i1. iv, doc. xxx\, 
 I'- 339; Rawdon Urown, No. 635; 
 .Vndrcs Garci.i ui-; Ci'.spkdf.s, A'<;;'-/- 
 miculo de Navc^i^aaoit, Madrid, 1606, 
 folio, fo. 149, wiicrc tlie document is 
 cnlitlcd "' Tiirccer acerca de la longitiul 
 lie las islas de Maluccos." 
 
 ' " Carta f|uc los juczes de Castilla 
 escriuicron al Kniperador," in Ces- 
 
 ri.Diis, <!/, (it., in. 150-152. We have 
 not found that document anywlicreelse. 
 
 ■' Navarrkte, vol. iii, doc. xiv. 
 )'. 308. 
 
 ^ " Sieni])re Ic fueron pagados los 
 dichos 10,000 mrs . . . hasta quel 
 dicho Juan Dias dk Soi.is falleciodesla 
 prcsente vida." Ibidem. 
 
 i 
 
 1' 
 
f vf- - 
 
 
 184 
 
 CABOT S /Ari^/aiES WITH VENICE 
 
 \, 
 
 Cabot was appointed to succeed him, althoujjjh under 
 the same obligation,' and witli a salary much larger 
 than that of Solis, Maria Cerezo, notwithstanding 
 repeated demands, failed to receive her allowance. 
 Charles V. had to interfere, and on the 26th of 
 November 1523, compelled thi; Casa de Contratacion 
 to pay out of Cabot's monies what was due to her 
 for the whole period, and to continue to do so. until 
 her death.' .She; recovered thus five; years arrt;ars ; 
 but the obligation cea.sed the following year oti 
 December 26th, 1524, when she died, leavirig no 
 other heir than a sister. 
 
 ' "Los diclios 10,000 1111s. (Ic 111 
 i|iiitacion «j sal:irii> quel dicho .Sebas- 
 tian Caljoto haliia de haber con el 
 dicho oficio de Filolo mayor, di/, (|iu' 
 vosotros no lo liaheis ([uerido facer 
 sin que vos mostrase nuevo mandami- 
 ento nuestio jiara ello." Navarreii;, 
 vol, ill, doc. xiv, p. 30S. 
 
 - " Uel salario (juel dicho Piloto 
 mayor ha recibido desdel dia quel 
 Ljoza del dicho salario ... hagais 
 pai^ar e |iai;ueis a la dicha Marin 
 Ceiezo lo que hasta aqui se le dcbe, y 
 de a(iui adelante hobiere de haber cii 
 cada un afio por lodos los dias do su 
 vida." //'/■(/., p. 309. 
 
 H 
 
 7 
 
 f j 
 
 iS, 1 1> 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 \ \ 
 
• 
 
 A 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 TUK EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 A LLURED by the specimens of cloves, nutmeo-s 
 ^ V and cinnamon which EI Cano had brought from 
 ihe Indian Seas in 1522. and encouraged by the 
 representations of Sebastian Cabot that there were 
 other spice islands in the region of the Moluccas ' 
 which could be reached by a shorter route thaii 
 Magellan's,' and which he even pretended to have 
 already visited,^^ a number of Sevillian merchants 
 formed a company for a voyage in quest of these 
 productive isles. The principal among them were 
 Wancisco Leardo, a Genoese and banker of Fernando 
 Columbus,* Francisco de Santa Crux, father of the 
 great cosmographer of that name. Bartolome de 
 Xeres, Fernando de Jaen, Pero Benito de Basinana 
 Luis de Aguilar,'- and the English house of Robert 
 rhorne, established at Seville." which alone subscribed 
 ' 1400 duckets." 
 
 ' " I'orque Sebastian Gaboto, Capi- 
 1.111 (Id Rci; i Piloto Maior, lamhion 
 lenian opinion, (lue havia nnichas islas 
 por (Icscuhrir ccrca de los Malucos." 
 Hkrkkra, Z'f.r. iii, lib. iv, caji. 20, p. 144. 
 - "Delia qiial e Capitanu un Scl)- 
 astian Cadotto Venetiano cnstui va 
 tier scoprir cose nove et ogni ^'iorno di 
 '|ua fan niaggior Ic sjieranze di (|ueste 
 inilie, et piii li mettono 1' animo et 
 credono all' ultimo haver anco ie 
 speranze per qiiella I)anda et con viag- 
 gu) niolto pill breve di quel che fece la 
 nave Vittoria."' Dispatch of Andrea 
 Navagero ; Toledo, Sept. 21st, 1525. 
 in BUT.1.0, 0/. a'/., doc. xii, p. 69. 
 
 ' " Vr a las yslas e lierra quel avia 
 descubierto." Deposition of Gregorio 
 Caro, question iii. 
 
 ■* Feinand CoLOMii, Sa vie, ses 
 anvrcs, Pans, 1872, p. 201. 
 
 •' /ii/oniiaaoit pedida par Fraiuisco 
 Leardo y Framiseo de Saii/a Cfta, con- 
 Ira Sebastian Cahot, in the Duchess of 
 Ai.HA, Anlot::yaJ'os de Ciislolml Colon y 
 papeles de Ameyiea, Madrid, rSQ2, folio 
 p. 118, 
 
 ^ A report of two Ew^lishmen in the 
 company oj Sclmstian Cabot. Hak- 
 LUYT, Priueipall Navigations, 1600 ; 
 vol. iii, p. 726. 
 
'^ 
 
 ¥ 
 
 I, 
 
 186 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 L, -■ 
 
 U 
 
 if 
 
 "7, 
 
 
 They appointed Sebastian Cabot leader of the 
 expedition. But the authorization of the Govern- 
 ment was required, not only because no transatlantic 
 voyage could be undertaken without leave from the 
 Crown, but also for the reason that Cab('t wished 
 to be continued in his office of Pilot-Major. He 
 consequently repaired to the Court and secured the 
 approbation of the Council of the Indies, at the bejTin- 
 nino- of September 1524.' He even contrived that 
 Charles V. should become interested in the enter- 
 prise, probably by urgint^ geographical considerations, 
 which we shall set forth presently. 
 
 It is somewhat difficult, with the few existing 
 documents, to gain precise information relative to the 
 manner in which the e.xpedition was fitted out. Peter 
 Martyr, who was then a member of the Council of the 
 Indies, as well as Royal Chronicler, and therefore in a 
 position to be correctly informed, states that the funds 
 were supplied by the Imperial Treasury." At the 
 same time, he seems to say that all the King did 
 was to furnish ships, representing the equipment to 
 have been undertaken by Cabot's partners. He goes 
 so far as to fix the amount paid by them at 10,000 
 ducats, the share of the profits to be proportioned to 
 the sum advanced by each.' 
 
 According to Herreia, the expenditures amounted 
 to 10,000 ducats, all told, of which Charles V. 
 supplied 4000.* Perhaps we must understand that 
 
 ' ' ' Spcramus naiiKiue fore vl Sclias- 
 lianus CahoUis . . . cui circitcr Kal. 
 Seplembris .supplicaiUi,cxnoslri senatus 
 autoritate permissa est uius nauigationis 
 perqiiirencUv polestas." Anghiera, 
 1530, Dccad. vii, cap. vi, p. 495. 
 
 - " Quatuor naviuni classiculani, 
 omnibus ad rem marilimam facientilms 
 ct commodis tormenlorum vasis para- 
 lam, ab Cxsareo ;vrario Cabolus popos- 
 cit." Loc. (it. 
 
 •' "Socios ail se rcperisse Hispali, 
 . . . <iui sub spe magni lucri, ad classi- 
 
 cuix' commcatuni el ratera necessaiia, 
 ducalorum decern niillium sua sponle 
 
 summam oblulerinl Contri- 
 
 buentium pecunias pro sua quisc|ue 
 rata, si bene ccsserit, uti speratur, lucri 
 portioiiem habebit. " Ihidevi. 
 
 ^ I'ara los (|uaies le havia de dar el 
 Rei ([uatro mil ducados . . haviendo 
 el Rei dado los (ju.atro mil ducados . ." 
 Hekrera, Dccad. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3, 
 p. 259. It is by mistake therefore that 
 BiI)Di.Esays(p. I2i)that "theemperor 
 was to receive four thousand ducats." 
 
/7/A" EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 187 
 
 besides the hiring of the ships, he suppHed the latter 
 sum, a portion of which was to be expended in 
 purchasing gifts for the aborigines of the countries 
 to be discovered. Withal, our researches in the 
 documents oi the time have brought to light a sum 
 of 5000 ducats furnished by that monarch for the 
 expedition, from October 7th, 1525 until the spring of 
 1526, which seems to be the only amount supplied 
 by him. Of this sum. Christoval de Haro received 
 1000 ducats, and Sebastian Cabot 4000, the whole 
 taken from the proceeds of the sale of the cargo of 
 clo\ es brought by the survivors of Magellan's expedi- 
 tion in the Victoria} 
 
 The following details and the intentions which they 
 disclose, deserve to be mentioned : 
 
 " It will be well," says Peter Martyr, " to act kindly, without 
 ever resorting to violence, and without injustice ; also to secure the 
 goodwill of the natives by kind treatment and presents. The 1 0,000 
 ducats entrusted to (>abot by his partners are to be expended in 
 view of such result. The victualling of the shijis is for two years, 
 and the salary of the men amounts to 500 ducats. The rest will 
 be employed in buying such trinkets as are known to please those 
 islanders. Thus will they see that articles which to them seem to 
 he of no value, can be exchanged for our own manufactures, which 
 they have not yet seen. In fact those people do not know the use 
 of money, and everything new appears to them valuable." " 
 
 It was stipulated that the squadron should be com- 
 posed of at least three ships, but not more than six. 
 In the latter case, the supplementary vessels were to be 
 
 ' '"1525, 7 Octuliro. Sl' dan looo 
 ilucadosa Christoval dc Ilaroa cumpli- 
 miendo dc 5000 <|iio S. M. niando para 
 cl armada dc la Espi:ccria que a la sazon 
 sc hacia en Sevilla. Los 400c se havian 
 dado a Caboto." Taken from the MS. 
 
 " Relaeion dc 1526 de los inrs. ([ue 
 sc hacia cargo haver recibido Christoval 
 de Haro factor de S. M. donde cnlrc 
 otri\s cosas se conlienen 7,588,684 
 
 mrs. =20,236 due. 5. r. 34 nir.-.. qiic 
 iniport(') el clavo de la nao Victoria que 
 vendieron los oflicialcs dc la contra- 
 tacion ile .Sevilla a razon de 42. due. 
 el quintal = 4000 dues, que dichos 
 officiales le dieron por S. M. para el 
 armada de Seb. Gaboto." Mu.NO/. 
 Transcripts, vol. Ixxvii, fos. 126 and 
 16S. 
 
 " ANGHrERA, hi. lit. 
 
 .xL 
 
f 
 
 
 ./ 
 
 188 
 
 7Y//t EXPEDITION TO /HE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 of not less than one hundred tons. Only one hundred 
 and fifty persons, including officers and crews, were 
 to join the expedition.' 
 
 As for the real object of the enterprise it must have 
 been limited in the mind of the Sevillian associates 
 to the discovery of islands producing spices, like 
 the Moluccas. For Charles V., however, this could 
 be but a secondary consideration, as he had just 
 equipped, at the cost of the Crown, the lleet of 
 Garcia de Loaysa, which sailed from Corufia on 
 the 24th of July 1525, precisely for the same object 
 and by the same intended route. In our opinion, 
 the chief reason which prompted Charles V. to 
 encourage Cabot's undertaking, was the necessity of 
 a certain geographical exploration, then apparently 
 suggested by the latter, but which in reality dates at 
 least as far back as the voyage of Juan Dias de Solis 
 
 The Turin map," and the anonymous Weimar 
 mappamundi, which emanated from the Sevillian 
 hydrographers in 1527,'' show that the Pacific coast of 
 the New Continent had not up to that time been 
 explored from 50' south to 12^ north latitude; that 
 is, in the South, from the point whence Magellan took 
 his course homeward, called in the Turin map 
 " Tierra de diziembre," to the locality occupied by 
 Gil Gonzales Davila in 1523-24, according to the 
 Weimar planispheres. It was indispensable, there- 
 fore, to survey that vast extent of coast, inasmuch as 
 the Spaniards were not as yet convinced of the con- 
 tinental character of South America, although the 
 entire eastern shores had been ranged by a number 
 of Spanish navigators, from Vincente Yanez Pinzon 
 to Magellan. Hence the expression in the contract 
 
 ' IIkrrkka, Io(. (//. map oC Macgioi.o of December 1527 
 
 - Tlie Discovery of North America, delineates thai coast, but hypotheli- 
 |). 52S, No. 148. cally, addiny : Terra Incognita {Ibid.. 
 
 - Ibidem, No. 177, y. 559. The No. 173. P- 553)- 
 
 ,' i„ J 
 
 
1 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 189 
 
 V^eimar 
 ;villian 
 oast of 
 e been 
 that 
 in took 
 map 
 iecl by 
 to the 
 there- 
 luch as 
 le con- 
 
 H 
 
 made with the Sevillian merchants, as we find it 
 summed up by Peter Martyr, "a terj^o no'^tr \ pjitaii 
 continentis." These terms are identical with those 
 used in the- instructions given to Juan Dias de 
 SoUs in 1515, " de ir a las espaldas de la tierra, 
 donde agora esta Pedro Arias : — to go to the 
 other side of the country where; Pedro Arias is at 
 present." ' 
 
 We are inclined to think from the object of the ex- 
 pedition of Solis,- of which that of Diego Garcia was 
 only a continuation, and from the supposed course of 
 the great Brazilian rivers as depicted in the early 
 maps of the N(;w World/* that the Spanish cosmo- 
 graphers believed in the existence of a passage to 
 the north of the Strait of Magellan, communicating 
 with the Rio de Solis (La Plata), and leading to the 
 Indian seas, forming of the southern portion of the 
 continent an immense island. 
 
 For us, the question is whether the exploration of 
 the Pacific coast was to be undertaken by Sebastian 
 Cabot before or after the search for the Spice; 
 islands. In other words, was he, after coming out 
 of the Strait of Magellan, to sail at once westward, 
 or first to range the western shores of the American 
 continent? 
 
 If we follow Peter Martyr,* Cabot was to sail direct 
 from Seville to the Strait of Magellan, go through 
 the same, navigate north-westerly, and explore 
 the seas between the Tropic of Capricorn and the 
 Equator, in quest of islands producing spices. After 
 discovering such isles, he was to turn round, traverse 
 
 ' Navarrete, vol. iii, p. 134. 
 
 '^ ' ' Luego como llcgdrodcs ;i las 
 espaldas de donde esluviere Pedrarias, 
 enviarlceis un mensagcro con cartas 
 vuestias para mi ... e si la dicha 
 Caslilla del oro quedare isla, e hohiere 
 abertura por donde podais enviar otras 
 
 cartas vuestras a la isla de Cuba, 
 cnviadme otro honihrc ]ior alH." 
 
 Ill ! lie III, p. 137, 
 
 ■■' Discovery of North America, plate 
 xxi. 
 
 ^ Anghii.ra, Decad. vii, cap. vi. p, 
 498. 
 
If'/ 
 
 I 
 
 1 ] 
 
 li .;• 
 
 190 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 the Pacific, reach the American continent about the 
 latitude of Panama,' and only then rant»-e the south- 
 west coast, returniniT to Spain by the Strait of 
 Mai^ellan. 
 
 Accordingly to Herrera,*' only one caravel was in- 
 tended to visit the Pacific coast of the New World 
 immediately upon coming' out of the Strait, from 52° 
 south to 12' north latitude. The rest of the fleet 
 was to continue its course north-w(;stward. Herrera 
 omits to state whether Cabot intended to return by 
 way of the Strait of Magellan, or by the Cape of 
 Good Hope. 
 
 The foreign diplomatists at the court of Charles V. 
 give another version. For instance, Gasparo Con- 
 tarini, whose constant intercourse with Cabot at 
 that time entitles him to great credit, stated in 
 person to the Senate of Venice, on the i6th of 
 November 1525, that the King of Spain had lately 
 j'.quipped an expedition which was intended under 
 the direction of Sebastian Cabot to explore "the 
 entire coast, and thence go to the Indies : — andasse 
 a investigare tutta quella costa pn'micj'anicnte, poi 
 che andasse etiam nelF Indie." '' We believe that 
 Contarini's statement is the correct one, not only 
 because it tallies with the interest of Spain at the 
 time, but also for the reason that it serves to explain 
 the conduct and opposition of the company of Seville 
 
 u '■» 
 
 1^- 
 
 f ^ 
 
 A, 
 
 ' Hence the letters wrilten liy Fei- 
 naiid CoRTKs to CAiior and his 
 I'ompanions, May 28th, 1527, by the 
 order of Chari.ks V., and which were 
 entrusted to Alvaro i)E Saavkdra, 
 who was sent in quest of news con- 
 cerning both L'AHor and Loaisa. 
 Ibidevti vol. Vj pp. 456-459. 
 
 - " I que si endesenihocando el 
 Estrecho, ciuisiese embiar vua caravehi, 
 rescatando ]ior la Tierra-llrme, hasta 
 donde se haliaba Pedrarias Davila, to 
 piidiesehacer." Herrkra, Drraif. iii, 
 lib. ix, cap. 3, p. 259. 
 
 ' " J)a Panama mo verso 1' oriente 
 et mezzodl, dove e quello stretto detlo 
 di sopra, ritrovato dalla nave J'itton'a, 
 non si sa cosa alcuna. 1 loia la maesta 
 cosarea havea fatta un' armata di 
 cinque navi in Siviglia, et fatto capi- 
 tano Sebastiano Cabnto suo peota 
 maggiore, il (|ualee venetianod 'origine, 
 perche andasse a investigare lutta 
 quella costa primieramente, poi che 
 andasse etiam nell' Indie." Relazione 
 di Gasparo Coiiiarini, letta in senato. 
 \^enezia, 16 Novembre 1525. 
 
' 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 191 
 
 poi 
 
 that 
 
 only 
 
 at the 
 
 xplain 
 
 Seville 
 
 r oiienU' 
 retto (leltii 
 Vittoria, 
 la niaestii 
 .irmala di 
 fallo capi- 
 suo peota 
 iroriginc, 
 rare tutta 
 poi che 
 Kelazione 
 in senato. 
 
 merchants wh(m they were informed of the intentions 
 of the Crown. 
 
 Although the project had been approved at the 
 beginning of September 1524,' as we have already 
 seen, the approbation of the Iimperor was not given 
 until the 4th of March 1525, at Madrid.'- " The 
 expedition suffered still further delays before being- 
 allowed to set out. Meanwhile, Cabot was confirmed 
 in the post of Captain-General of the fleet, rt;taining 
 at the same time his office of Pilot-Major of Spain, 
 with leave to appoint to the post ad interim Juan 
 Vespuccius, the nephew of Americus, and Miguel 
 Garcia, but with limited powers.'* 
 
 Cabot also solicited and obtained a fresh favour 
 from Charles V. He had been granted an annual 
 and supplementary gratification (" ayuda de costa ") 
 of 25,000 maravedis for life. In view of his pro- 
 jected expedition to the " descubrimiento de las islas 
 d(; Tarsis e Ofir al Catayo oriental : — discovery of 
 the islands of Tarsis and Ophir in Eastern Cathay," 
 (to use the precise terms of the original document), 
 he asked that the said gratification instead of ex- 
 piring with him, should revert to his wife, Catalina 
 Medrano. This favour was granted on the 25th of 
 October 1525.'' 
 
 The parties interested finally decided that the 
 squadron should consist ot tour ships, three equipped 
 in the manner which we have stated, and the fourth 
 at the cost of one Miguel Rifos,'' a personal friend of 
 Cabot. 
 
 ' " Speranuis fore ut Sehastianus 
 Cabotus Baccalorum repertor, cui cir- 
 citer Kal. Se]itemhri.s supplicanli, ex 
 nostri scnalus .auctoritate perinissa est 
 navigationis pcrtiuirenda' potestas, 
 breviore tein])ore ac felicioribus avibus 
 :ied rediturus, iiuam Victoria navis."' 
 Anghiera, uhi supra. 
 
 '■' " .\ quatro dc Marjo del ano 
 
 pasado de mil quinientos i veinte i 
 ciiico, capitiilo con el Rei en .Madrid." 
 Ilr.iiRKRA, Dccad. iii, HI). i\, cap. 3, 
 p. 259. 
 
 ■'' Ill-.RRERA, Op. (it., p. 260. 
 
 ■* Jean et S3. Cabot, doc. xxxii H. 
 
 '' The document of the Duchess of 
 Alha prints : " Miguel Rifos " ; Her- 
 RKRA, " Miguel de Rufis." 
 
i I 
 
 
 192 77/A ExrF.nnio\' to the Moluccas. 
 Tlicsc ships and their officers were : 
 
 T/ie Flao-s/iip, or " Capitana " : 
 
 Martin Mcnclez. lieutenant (j:eneral. 
 
 Antonio de Grajeda. master. 
 
 Hernando de Calderon, treasurer. 
 
 Miguel de Rodas, pilot. 
 
 Francisco Concha, or de la Concha, purser. 
 
 Maldonado, alguazil. 
 
 Juan Miguel, caterer. 
 Jacome . a Greek sailor. 
 
 \ 
 
 ^;l . 
 
 La Sancta Maria del Esphiar-} 
 
 Gregorio Caro, captain. 
 
 Miguel Valdes, accountant. (" contadot ). 
 
 Juan de J unco, treasurer. 
 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz, suijercargo (" veedor ). 
 
 Francisco Garcia, priest. 
 
 Andres Daycaga (of A/.coitia), page. 
 
 Luis de Leon (of Aviles), sailor. 
 
 ^w 
 
 La Trinidad : 
 
 Francisco de Rojas, captain. 
 (;on(jalo Nunez de Balboa, treasurer. 
 Antonio de Montoya (of Lepe), purser. 
 - Mafra, second mate. 
 
 Pero Fernandez, pilot. 
 Bautista de Negron, cockswain. 
 Caspar de Ribas, Chief Alguazil. 
 Master Juan (de la Hinojosa), surgeon, and 
 alsfuazil. 
 
 o 
 
 1 It is this ship which is frequently designated in the depositions of the 
 nesses in the Proba^izas as " la nao portugueza :-ihc Portuguese vessel. 
 
 witnesses 
 
 4 
 
THE EXnEDlTION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 193 
 
 Rifos 0W71 brigantinc : 
 
 Commandccl by himself. We do not know wlio 
 vv(!nt with him ; nor on what ships worn the; followint.- 
 members of the exp(;dition : 
 
 RodHi^o Alvarez, pilot. 
 
 (ieronimo Coro. 
 
 I-rancisco I locra^on, of Valdeporras, passeno(;r. 
 
 Hoso de Ara.criis (?), a Hiinirarian, furbisher^ 
 
 Juan de Arsola, cooper. 
 
 Antonio Ponce, a Catalonian, clerk. 
 
 Master Pedro, surgeon. 
 
 Luis Ramirez. 
 
 Fuor de Acuna, a Portuguese.'' 
 
 Michael , a Genoese. 
 
 Gonzalo Romero. 
 Juan de Villafueiite. 
 Fernando Rodriguez, of Penafiel. 
 Otavian de Brene {?), supervisor. 
 Camacho de Morak^s, gentleman. 
 Martin Ybane/:. notary of the Ihi-.t. 
 Nicolao, of Naples, boatswain. 
 Cuellar. 
 
 Orozco, a Basque, carpenter. 
 
 Pera^a. 
 
 Avoca. caulker. 
 
 Aguirre, a Basque, sailor. 
 
 Bojo de Araujo (a Portuguese ?). sailor. 
 
 Diego Martinez, apothecary. 
 
 Bartolome Saez de Medina. 
 
 Gomez Malaver. 
 
 Geronimo de Chavarri (a Genoese ?) 
 
 Miguel Martinez, of Azcutia. 
 
 del 'R?.vn"''''i'"'T' "■''■"'■^'! '''^=i>-''ig"s ■-' OviEDO, Nisfcrm General de ,as- 
 
IIV 
 
 194 
 
 Tiir. j-.xrr.nrriox to the Moi.rccAS. 
 
 /| 
 
 Sebastian Corzo. 
 
 I'ahian tie Irausi, 
 
 Aloiiso HiKMio. |)il()t. 
 
 I'Vancisco Cesar, " capital! " (of soldiers). 
 
 Casimir, of Niireinhern. |)ass(ii*^er. 
 
 Anton I'alcon, of Aliba, ship boy. 
 
 Juan Grejjfo (a Greek?), sailor. 
 
 Andres, of Venice, sailor. 
 
 Marcos, also of V^'nice .and sailor. 
 
 rXlonso de Valdivieso. 
 
 Juan de .Medina. 
 
 l^orenzo dt; la Palnia. 
 
 rh(; g(Mitlemen recommended to Cabol by Charles 
 v., and who joined the (!X])edilion. were ; 
 (iaspar de C(;lada. 
 Rodrii^o de l?cnavides. 
 Sancho de HuUon. 
 Aharo Nunt-z de Balboa. 
 Juan Nunc/c de Halboa. 
 Martin de Rueda. 
 Martin Ybanc^z de Urquico.' 
 ChrisKnal de (iue\'ara. 
 1 lc;rnan Alendez. 
 l*"rancisco Maldonado. 
 DieiTc) Garcia de Cells. 
 
 There were also two iMitjlishmen, versed in 
 cosmogra|)hy, friends of Robert Thorne who sent 
 lh(;m to U.'arn the navigation of thos(; resj^ions,'- viz. : 
 
 Roi;-er Barlow.'' 
 
 Menry Latimer, pilot. ^ 
 
 ' Till' jiiilicial fl(icunicnls tjive ' S.\N"r,\ Cur/, in his hiario jjivcs 
 
 VnANKZ llie litlc ol clerk, which is Iho real chrisli.nn name, viz. : Jto^er, 
 
 scarcely conipalihle with the ilesij^na- whilst lli;iu<i;uA, I'iciad. iv, lib. i, 
 
 tion of "hidaltjo."' vol. 3, p. 3, and lib. iii, p. 39, calls 
 
 - A nporf of tuio Eiii^'is/iriicii in Ihc him "Kinjel" and " Ji>rt,'e Mario" and 
 
 coiiipauy of Schastiaii Cahoto. Taken "Uarloquo." 
 
 out of Ihc iiifoniialion of Mr. Robot ■* Rojas and (.)vii;i)(i call him 
 
 Thome. IIaki.I'YT, Triiicip, Navii^., " I'atinier." It is the former who says 
 
 vol. iii, p. 726. that LA'iiMr.K was a pilot. 
 
 PI.' 
 
 4 
 
rifP. Expp.n/T/n/v to the Moluccas. m 
 
 I'inally,^ a numl)(T of Scvilliaii subscribers were 
 on board,' but their names have not come down 
 to us. 
 
 This h"st has been drawn up by m(!ans of the 
 moratory commissions and other le^ral papers tiled 
 m the various suits brou(,dn against' Cabot when he 
 returned from l.a Plata.' Hut there are oth(;r nam(;s, 
 which can bt; _<rathered from the Ar^niiiua, written 
 m 1612 by Kuy IMasd(- (iuxman.' 'As he was the 
 son ot Alonso Riquelme de Guxman, who arcom- 
 panKxl his uncli; Alvar Nunez Cabe;ia de Vara to 
 that country in 1540. he may have collected traditions 
 which, perhaps, are the basis of his account, but on 
 which, ne\-erih(;less. we place litth; reliance. The 
 allecrcd companions of Sebastian Cabot whose names 
 W(; hnd in the Ari^ciidna are the following : 
 
 Juan Alvarez Ramon. 
 I)i(;_L;-o de i^racamoiiK;. 
 Juan (\v. Justes. 
 Hector de Acuna. 
 Alejo (iarcia.' 
 
 Mendo RodrioiKv de Oviedo. 
 Luis \\'X(v/. d(! naroos(.?). 
 Ruy Garcia de Mosquera.'' 
 b>ancisco de Rivera. 
 
 l-inally. Sebastian de Hurtado, of Ecija, with his 
 Mife Lucia de Miranda, [who are the '' Nunode Lara 
 
 ' OVIKDO, op. (it., vol. ii, p. j6(J. 
 
 - Jicsidi's the jiulicinl iiKiuiiies, and 
 Ukkkeua, wc have (•(insiiMeil for iht- 
 names the Ms. hlario of Sam a Ckiz, 
 Ramikk/.'s letter, and the documents 
 puliiished by the nucliess of Ai.ha. 
 
 ' I'aho UK A.\(;ei.is, Co/,;;iou d,: 
 docnmcnlos yelativos n la flisloria (h- 
 /as proviticias del Kh d,- la Plata ; 
 Hucnos Ayrcs, (SjG, vol. i, p. 26. 
 
 ' This Alejo (Iarcia, father of one 
 ol the same name, whom Ct'/man 
 
 knew personally, is also said to be 
 the first Spaniard who reached I'ara- 
 ^niay hy the way of Ura/il, in 152O. 
 Me did not therefore coine v\ith 
 Sebastian Caiso'I'. 
 
 '■' Kiiy or Ruiz Garcia is said by 
 Ruy IJKxs DK GtrzMAN to have been 
 one of Caisoi's captains, who after 
 havinj^ been abandoned in the island 
 of St. Calarina, settled in Huenos 
 Ay res. 
 
T 
 
 'i' 
 I 
 
 I! 
 
 w 
 
 106 
 
 r///-: I'Xrr.nfTfos' to Tin: .]f(>Li/rcAS. 
 
 and tli<- liuv. dc Cisiro of Paraguay " | to whom 
 CliarI(;voi.\ ascribes such romantic adventures.' 
 
 We ^ive the above hst. extracted from the 
 narraiivt; in the /In^i'ii/iiid, without warrantinj^^ its 
 authenticity, althou'^h a niuiiber ol these names are 
 .ilso to be found in the v\t»rk «)f I'ather N'icolao del 
 'I'echo. One argument in favor of the list is thai 
 a certain I lector de Acuna ligurcs at I.a Plata with 
 Cab(!ca d(! Vaca in 1543, as inttn'prcttcT.' This 
 implies that he hail already lived in that country ; but 
 il ma\ have been at the time of Mendoza, who went 
 in 1534. We an- inclined to think that the names 
 given 1))' Bias de (iu/man belong to expeditions 
 sent to i.a Plata after Cabot's r(;turn to Spain. 
 In ;my case w(! would not withhoKI them from the 
 ri;ader. 
 
 Although, according to Merrera, Cabot was autho- 
 rized to take with him only owv. hundred and fifty 
 persons, il is evident from the numb(T of mi-n killed by 
 the Indians, togetht^r with those who died of sickness 
 or slar\ali()n, or wen; abandoned at La Plata and in 
 Hrazil. that even more than two hundnxl, which is 
 the figure given by Dr. Simao Affonso,"' accompanied 
 him when he set out from Seville. Oviedo swells 
 the niMiiber to two hundred and fifty.' Cabot says 
 "two hundred more; or less." and refers to the rolls 
 kept at that time in the Casa de Contratacion of 
 Seville;.'' Casimir Nuremb(!rg(;r is n(;arcr the; truth, 
 we think, when stating that "the i;ntir(; number 
 .amounted to two hundred and ten or two hundrt:d 
 and tw(;nty."'' But from this number should be 
 
 ' CliAUi.EVdix, ///v/. ilii Pdiv^/iaj', Geral. do Bra-AI \ M.adrid, 1854, vnj. 
 
 vol. i, |). 29; N. Di'.i, Ti'.Cllo, Hist, 1,11.439. 
 
 /•roi'iihiu puith/iiarii, SoaVlas Jesit ; '()\ikiio, /or. <il. (lOMARA, caj). 
 
 Lici^e, 1673, ill folio. IxwiN, y. 211. 
 
 - IIkunandkz, Comnunlarios del '■' liijonniuion hecha eu Sevilla en 2'& 
 
 i^ovcinador Alrar NiiHiz Cahc(;a de di Julio dcnrio dcia itao Sitj. A/aria, 
 
 f'aia, Barcia's edit., cap. Iviii, p. 44. in our Sylln/nis. No. 1.. 
 
 •■ i'lihlishcd \>y Varnmahkn. //«/. *' /hidem. 
 
 fi ! 
 
 K/: ,' 
 
THE EXrEniTIOS TO THE UO/.l/CCAS. 
 
 197 
 
 (Iccliictccl lour mi:n l(;ft at l*alma, r(:|>lact'il, hovvc.vtir. 
 by eight others, inakinj^ a total of 214 or 224 who 
 crnssi'd tlir Atlantic. 
 
 We havr only been al)l<- to collet I hioj^rapliical data 
 conccrninL; lliirty of those companions of Sebastian 
 Cabot, and these data arc very brief. 
 
 Martin Mende/ was a Sevillian of j^ood Tamil), 
 and, as we learn from 1 lerrera. had been recom- 
 nu'iuled by Charles \'. lie was th(; notary of 
 MaL(ellan's expedition on board tlie Vicloria, and 
 one of the survivors who returned to Sj^ain, but not 
 with E*!! Cano, as the Portuj^aiesc (h-tained him at 
 Cape Verde in July 1522. VVe may jud^e of the 
 estimation in which ]\I(Midc;/C was held by Charles V., 
 from lh(' fact that he ;^ranted him an annuity of 
 200 t^old ducats, and a coat of arms, with the 
 same beautiful device i^^iven to I*!l Cano: Prinms 
 circumdcdisti mc} Garcia de Cespedes says,'-' that 
 Mende/ was one of the [)ilots of the Hadajo/ junta in 
 I 524. Our impression is that he was only summoned 
 then to <rive evidence with rei^ard to the- action of the 
 government in the Moluccas, as we see him assume 
 no other title at Tidor, when \\v. drew up the deeds 
 for taking [)ossession of the; island, than that of "con- 
 lador," ■' which implies simply an office like thai of 
 treasurer or accountant. 
 
 There is a b'rancisco de Rojas who was commis- 
 sioned by the Crown in 1531' to collect colonists 
 throughout Spain for the West Indies. He seems 
 to be the same; Rojas who had command of the 
 Trinidad in the present e.\|)edition. 
 
 ' IIkrrkka, />ii(i(/, iii, lil). iv, c;i|>. 17} only as liiirbcr. Others also 
 
 '4) !'• 'SSt who i;ivcs il : /'riiiitis i/tii received the device al the lime. 
 
 I /V,7//«f(tv?/y Wd, ami descriliLS the coal - Ci:si'i;i)Ks, /uj^iinirnto <fr A'aTt- 
 
 of arms. Lcl us add tliat the same :;arioii, Madrid, i6o6, fo!., p. 152. 
 
 device was also given lo Mijjiiul DK •' Navakkivie, vol. iv, pp. 19, 370: 
 
 KoDAS, and lo one Hernando Die Duchess of Ai.iiA, p. iii ; /^/jvwtvj^ 
 
 HtisTAMUNlK, who, however, li^iires JVor//i .l!u/:n'(i7, \\ 723. 
 
 on the rolls <Navaui<U|-, vol. iv, p. ^ I II. ;kkka, Poad. iv, p. 213. 
 
I It ■ 
 
 IP I, 
 
 I 
 
 llr 
 
 til 
 
 X 
 
 \ 
 
 ! 
 
 ,1, 
 
 I 
 
 i t 
 
 198 
 
 r///i EXPEDITION TO THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 Miguel de Rod;is. born at Rodas (Galicia) in 
 1492/ was a personage of considerable importance. 
 He also accom[)anied Magellan, as " contramaestre," 
 on board the Victoria, and returned to Spain with 
 El Cano. On the 20th of August 1522, Charles V. 
 granted him a patent of nobility, also with tlie famous 
 device already cited, encircling a terrestrial globe : 
 " You have been the first to embrace me," appcjinted 
 liim a member ^i the Badajos junta, and, as a reward 
 for the services he had rendered, gave him a pension 
 of 50,000 maravedis. Rodas, who was a good 
 seaman, enjoyed the confidence ot the Emperor, 
 whom he represented in Cabot's expedition, without 
 filling any special office, says Herrera. Yet the 
 rogatory commission refers to him as " piioto de la 
 nao capitana," and even of " Piioto Mayor de la 
 armad.i. " 
 
 Gonqalo Nunez, Alvaro Nunez, and Juan Nunez,all 
 three Balboas, were brothers"" of tlie famous Balboa 
 who, from the summit of the mountains in the isthmus 
 of Panama, discovered the Pacific Ocean in 1 5 1 3. 
 
 Hernan Mendes was the younger brother of 
 Martin Mendes. 
 
 Bautista Negron was (evidently a Genoese. 
 
 Alonso Bueno, born at Seville, figures in the 
 list of pilots for the West Indies drawn up in 
 
 Juan de J unco was an ^Vsturian nobleman, born in 
 1503, who married the daughter of Lucas Vazquez de 
 Ayllon, at vSanto Domingo, We find him at Carta- 
 gena in 1536, and with Gonzalo Ximenez at Bogota 
 in I 540, and among the discoverers of the Guatemala 
 emerald mines in 1541. Oviedo consulted a descrip 
 tion of the Rio de la Plata written by de Junco, 
 
 ' MuNO/ MSS. ; Navakkete, vol. 
 iv, p. 369 ; IIerreka, Dcccui. iii, 
 p. 132. 
 
 - IIkkrkka, Pccad. iii, p. 14. 
 '-'' Dociiinciitos iitalitos dc Jndias, vol. 
 wii, ]). 5^7. 
 
of 
 
 '^' 
 
 ^^ 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO THE MO I A CCA S. 
 
 199 
 
 but only a few quotations inserted in ihe Historia de 
 las Inciias ' remain. 
 
 I lerrera mentions several of the name of Francisco 
 Maldonado, all men of position, but we do not 
 know which of them was the companion of 
 Cabot." 
 
 Gregorio Caro, born .it Talamanco, in the province 
 of Toledo, was the nephew of the Bishop of the 
 Canaries, who afterwards became Bishop of Sala- 
 manca." 
 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz was born at Seville in 1 506. 
 His father, PVancisco de Santa Cruz held the office 
 of alcalde of the Sevillian alcazars, and it was doubt- 
 less owing to the fact of his having taken shares in 
 the company, that his son joined the e\|)edition as 
 its representative and supervisor of the; cargo. On 
 his return, Santa Cruz enjoyed the confidence f)f 
 Charles V. and later of Philip II. who appointed him 
 to high positions at the Court. He died after having 
 filled the office of Chief Cosmogra|iher for many 
 years, leaving behind him the rejiutation of being the 
 greatest adept in the science of navigation that Spain 
 ever had.* 
 
 Rodrigo Alvarez is the [)ilot who, in the course of 
 Cabot's voyage discovered in the estuary of the Rio 
 de la Plata the little islands which still bear his 
 name.'"' 
 
 Gonzalo Romero was one of the Spaniards whom 
 Cabot abandoned at La Plata, and who. in 153O, 
 rendered great services to Mendoza." 
 
 Antonio de Montoya was an Andalusian gentleman 
 
 ' Ill'-.KKEUA, Dcmd. \, |ip. 28, .350; 
 vi, pp. 3, 114, I4S, 191. OVIKDO, 
 vul, ii, pp. 1S4-185. 
 
 - We do noi even know whether il is 
 llie same person, ns in the rolls .Mal- 
 donado li^^ures only as "alguazil."' 
 
 ■■' IlERRliKA and OVIEDO.V^,. ft'/. 
 
 ■* N'avarrkie, Ofiitsailos, vol. ii. 
 
 pp. ()I-S(), and Hisfovery of Noiik 
 . Inuriiii, p. 736. 
 
 ■'"Cincd yslelas (jue se llanian 
 yslas de {■vodrigo Alvarez por las aver 
 descuhierto un piloto ijue con nos 
 oiros; llevaranios." Santa Cru/, 
 /s/ario, Hesanron MS., fo. 119. 
 
 " IIkrukua, D.uiif. V, p. 246. 
 
 M 
 I* 
 
 '•''**''' i!Miiiiiimiiiiiwit>^'^ 
 
I'i'l 
 
 I 
 
 200 
 
 TiiK KSPi-:nrnoN ro the moij'CCAs. 
 
 \ 
 
 
 H 
 
 from Lepe. He iiccompanied Hernandez I^izarro to 
 Peru in 1534. 
 
 Luis Ramirez, to whom we are indebted for an 
 excellent account of the voyage, written in the form 
 of a letter addressed to some prelate in Spain, was 
 evidently a gentleman and a scholar.^ 
 
 Hernando Calderon was from Madrid, born in 
 1495. He seems to have been a man of character 
 and inlluence al the Court. 
 
 Master Juan was born in 1498. He figures in the 
 legal documents under the title of surgeon, but says 
 himself that his (miploy was also that of " alguazil de 
 la nao que Francisco de Rojas fue por capitan : — 
 alguazil of the ship of which Francisco de Rojas was 
 captain." 
 
 Diego de Cells was only twenty-one years of age 
 when he went with Cabot as " gentil hombre de la 
 armada : — Gentleman in the lleet." 
 
 Francisco Hogacon came from Valdept)rras, was 
 also only twenty-one years old, and a relative of 
 Rojas. 
 
 Casimir Nuremberger, or of Nuremberg, was, as 
 his name indicates, a German. He calls himself 
 "gentil hombre de la armada," which probably 
 means " passenger," but carried with him a stock 
 of merchandise ft)r the purpose of barter with the 
 natives. 
 
 ' //'/fl'., p. 151. As Kami KKZ speaks I'lala, tliat hi^ concspondcnl .should 
 
 of cassocks: "las solcnas," si'i- pro secure one of ilu' commissions for him. 
 
 " sotanas," sent to him, il wouKI Elsewhere, he lefers to the sword which 
 
 naturally he thought that he was a he carried. His father outlived him, 
 
 priest. 13ut at the end of the letter and hrought an action against Caiso'1 
 
 (Syllabus, No. xlix), he asks, in ease in Seville in 1531. 
 officers should he appointed fur La 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 S\. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 TIIK VOVACE TO LA I 'LATA. 
 
 % 
 
 A short time before Charles V. arrived at Seville, 
 the expedition sailed from San Lucar de 
 Barrameda, two days after Plaster, on the 3rd of 
 April 1526/ "al descubrimiento de las islas de 
 Tarsis e Ofir e al Catayo Oriental :- - to the discovery 
 of the islands of Tharsis, Ophir, and Eastern 
 Cathay,"" via the Strait of Magellan. 
 
 As rejj^ards the route followed, Biddle has only 
 consulted Herrera," whose Decadesi in this respect 
 are e.xtremely brief and incomplete. The other 
 historians'* have been able to acid but few details, 
 borrowtid from the letter of Luis Ramirez,'' which is 
 very valuable, considering^ that he was an eye-witness, 
 but unfortunately it is deficient in geographical 
 information. A curious fact is that Oviedos 
 General History of the Indies, which contains a 
 technical and precise description of all the points of 
 the south-east coast of America visited on that occa- 
 sion, should have been neglected. 
 
 ' OVIEOO, Jlisloiia Gcnoal dc. las 
 Indias, lib. xxiii, c;ip. iv, vol. ii, p. 
 177. 
 
 - Coclula of ()ctc)l)cr 25lh, 15^5. 
 
 ' UlDULF. is excusable, for il' il be 
 iniu 'iliat the iiuinu.scri|)t of Ovikdo bad 
 lonj; been known lo exist in Madrid. 
 books xxi and xxiii of the latlei's 
 llistoiia were i)ui)lishe(l only in 1852. 
 
 * Mr. !•;. W. DAtiLCKKN, bowever, 
 in" his excellent work, ,1/(7/ of Hic 
 World, hy Alott'-o dc Santa Crw^, 
 
 Stockholm, 1892, 8vo, has shown the 
 importance of book xxi f)f OviEDO lo 
 reconstruct t'Al'.OT's route in the 
 voyaj^e to La Plata. 
 
 '' KAMlRty.'s letter has been pub- 
 lished in tlie orit;inal .Spanish, by 
 Var.MI,m;k.\, in the AVr'/.v/a 7'iiiiuif 
 sal, Rio de Janeiro, vol. xv, p|). 
 14-41 ; but TkknaI'X had yiven a 
 tnmslation of that important document 
 nine years before. See our Syllaluis, 
 No. xlix. 
 
 ! 
 
 k 
 
T 
 
 " 1') 
 I 
 
 202 
 
 THE VOY.WE TO LA PTATA. 
 
 ■\'T 
 
 ■' i 
 
 0. 
 
 n 
 
 What impiiris consideniblc importance to Oviedo's 
 statements is that they were derived from members 
 of the expedition, one of whom was so competent 
 an authority as the celebrated Alonso de Santa 
 Cm/. With the latter's Islario} which historians 
 have also failed to consult, and Ribeiro's planisphere 
 <)'i 1529," constructed certainly with geograj^hical 
 data brought from La IMata by Calderon and Barlow 
 in October 1528, Cabot's route from San Lucar to 
 Paraguay can be accurately described. 
 
 We propose to base our description on these sources 
 of information, and shall even adopt their distances 
 and latitudes, although these are oftentimes inexact ; 
 but the reader must be placed on the same standpoint 
 as the original chroniclers, in ordc^r to ascertain 
 every relative position set forth in the writings to 
 be analysed. Let us add that Santa Cruz gives the 
 results of his own geographical observations, and 
 Oviedo follows the Padron Real of Chaves,^ after 
 subjecting it however to a critical revision. In the 
 absence of two documents which have disappeared,' 
 but may yet be discovered, these writers constitute 
 the most reliable authorities to be consulted at the 
 
 
 \\ 
 
 I I 1 ' 
 
 ' Sec Discovery of North Amcriia, 
 pp. 620-621, unci Sy/hi/ins, Nd. xlviii. 
 
 - KoiiL, Dk /'cidcii (il/t's/cit i^ciicra/- 
 Karlcii -I'on America. Weim:ir, iS6o. 
 large folio. 
 
 •' " V ichilarln lie laii punuialmentr 
 eomo la carta nioderna del cosnio- 
 t^rapho ,\lonso de Chaves lo pinla, y 
 conio lo (ly hoca a hoca al capilan y 
 imiy cnsenado caliallero y eierlo cosini')- 
 graplio Alonso de .Sancia Cruz, epic lo 
 ha navegado, c lo apiinlc) en el viajc 
 ipic hi(;o el cajiiian e pilolo mayor 
 Scliastian Gahoto. y como lo he 
 cntendido de otras personas ipie con el 
 <liclio Sancia Cruz se conforman . . . 
 de los (|uales yo colei,'i la cueiita, de 
 esle \iaje (pianlo a las lej^uas e j^'rados 
 'pie arpii exprcsare."' 0\ii;i)i>, sol. 
 ii, p. ii.j. 
 
 ■• The first ol those documents is the 
 < locket of the roj^aiory commission 
 ordered by CiiAK I. Ks\'. toclicit evidence 
 rei^ardinj; tiie discovery of La I'lala, 
 wiien, after Cai'.oi' had left in 1526, 
 the rorlULjuescclaiined sovereignty over 
 that country. (Hkrkkka, Dccud. iv, 
 lib. viii, cap. xi, p. 169.) The other 
 document i> J.a Rclcicion dc la cutrada 
 dc Sclhutian Gahoto al Rio dc /a Plata, 
 M.S. 4to, 59 leaves, which was pre- 
 served in the library of the Jesuits' 
 Collet;e de Clermont, whence it went 
 into liiat of Clerard MI'.I'.uman in 1764. 
 {Discovery of North America, ]), 604, 
 note. ) To these should be added the 
 report addressed to the Emperor in 
 1530, of which IIiiKKEKA has pre- 
 served a bliori. extract. 
 
m 
 
 s IS tho 
 mission 
 idcncc 
 riala, 
 1526, 
 nly<nei 
 (id. iv, 
 ; other 
 iiirac/a 
 a Plata, 
 ;is jiri.- 
 Jcsuiis' 
 il went 
 n 1764. 
 1' 
 
 77/A VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 203 
 
 preseiil day for the route followed by Gibot from 
 Spain to La Plata. As to Oviedo's narrative, we 
 should keej) in mind that he was Historiographer 
 Royal for the Indies, and wrote his work by the order 
 of Charles V., at a time when Sebastian Cabot was 
 living in Spain, and occupied the high position of 
 Pilot-Major. We may judge of Oviedo's high 
 character as an historian from the dignified preamble; 
 to his descrijjtion of that unfortunate voyage : 
 
 " I''oiir caravclb were ctiuippLci al ihc cohl ol' a luunlitr of 
 speculators, who had been eiUiced hy the rci)resentations of 
 .Sebastian Cabot, and placed reliance in his cosnioj^raphical 
 knowledge. Hut as [ am indebted for my information to persons 
 worthy of credit, and who are trusted, 1 sliall state briefly what I 
 have heard related touching that voyage, particularly by Alonso de 
 Santa Cruz, and Captain Rojas, both distinguished men, and other 
 persons who were eye witnesses. In the interest of the reader 
 and in my own, T ])ropose to give my understanding of the 
 historical facts and the route followed, regardless of individual 
 passions, although I have seen persons who blamed .Sebastian 
 Cabot's conduct and recklessness in that undertaking." ' 
 
 In the next chapter, we shall analyse and discuss 
 the principal events of this voyage. For the 
 present, we intend only to give a sort of synopsis of 
 the facts and dates. 
 
 From San Fucar de liarrameda, sailing out on 
 Tuesday, April 3rd, 1526,-' the squadron went to 
 the Canary islands, and cast anchor at Palma, where 
 it remained seventeen days, to take in supplies, and 
 where it landed four men and took on board eight. 
 
 From Palma, April 27th, the squadron went to 
 Cape Verd(.' islands, skirting, as it seems, the coast of 
 Africa. 
 
 When in those regions, Cabot gave orders, 
 
 ' OvuuiO, lo<\ cil. iibril, el tcri;L'ro ilia (lt)S|)Ufs dc [''lores 
 
 '■' " Salido del rio e puerlo de y niejor diciendo, de la KesiuTecijion.'" 
 
 Sanliicar anu de mill e qninienlos e 0\'ii.iio, ///sfor/a genera/, lib. x\iii, 
 
 veynle y seys afios a ires dias de cap. iv, vol. ii, p. 177. 
 
 i 
 
 'it 
 
204 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO I.A ni.AI'A. 
 
 '\\'s 
 
 'i| 
 
 r 
 
 .■ ^ I 
 
 I 
 
 W " 
 
 contrary lo the opinion ot" Rojas and tht: pilots, to 
 steer south bv west and south -south -west. 
 
 In consequence, he was driven to the widest pari 
 of the zone of cahns and baffling winds, from which 
 he emert^ed amouL^st contrary winds and storms. 
 'rh(;se, with the e(iuatorial current, carried him to the 
 coast of I)ra/,il. 
 
 Ramirez says ' that land was first si;en on the 3rd 
 of June 1526. If so. it can only have been the Isia 
 de Hernando de Noronha, in 3" S. lat., which Santa 
 Cruz describes in detail dv visN. 
 
 In reality, the landfall on the American continent 
 was not effectt:d till the end of June, contrary to 
 Cabot's intention (Maestre Juan), and owing to the 
 San/a Maria del Espinar being driven to leeward, 
 somewhat to the north of Pernambuco. in 8^ S. lat. 
 (Oviedo). 
 
 As they were suffering greatly from thirst 
 (Ramirez). Cabot, to fill the casks, detached a 
 ship, which ent(;red the Rio de las l^iedras, in 7 
 after passing the mouth of the Rio de las Virtudes 
 in 7 30' (Oviedo). 
 
 Hntering the Haya de PernambLico, they sighted 
 the Isleta cU; la Assension and saw large seals, 
 which the sailors mistook for mermen bathing in the 
 surf (Santa Cruz and Oviedo). There was in the 
 plac(; a factory and fort, under the command of 
 Manoel de Hraga. and a dozen Portuguese who 
 treated the Spaniards with great kindness. 
 
 Shortly after his arrival at Pernambuco, Cabot, 
 on the 2nd of July, instituted a secret inc[uiry into 
 alleged misdeeds of his officers at La Palma, 
 deprived Mendez and Rojas of their office and 
 had them arrested and confined on board the Santa 
 
 'All IJKsc rclL'iviues in Ramiri.z, paycs 169, 171, 172, 17J, 174, 176, 
 
 Santa Cuiv, ami CiAUcia arc taken 177, of liis Hisloi/u tlciurul dc las 
 
 from their i)rit;inal tcxl-^. Thnse lo ///(//((>, of llic Miulriil etlilion, 
 Ovir.ixi refer to vol. ii, liook \.\iii, 
 
 -i » 
 
"1 
 
 «.m<m 
 
 i 
 
 
fir ; .-T^-^'-Tva:: 
 
 t 
 
 rr 
 
 rO 
 
 11, 
 
 i ! 
 
'Si < 
 
 < ^ 
 
 C n 
 
 i: ',' ^1 
 
 S -^ »o 
 
 H O ^ 
 
 o >: M 
 
 3^ ■" (Ti 
 
 ,^ < 'A 
 
 O '^ U 
 
 =^ :^ ""• 
 
 l-H »— t 
 
 o 
 
 \ 
 
 ill 
 
 Ub 
 
\ r 
 
 
 r 
 
 \ \ 
 
 !■ 
 
 ^ 
 
 V 
 
 K. 
 
 t 
 1 
 
 • ».\\ 
 
 
THR VOYACr. TO I. A PLATA. 
 
 806 
 
 ■« ■ 
 
 
 Maria del Jis/yinar. A f('vv days afterwards Rojas 
 was reU:as(!d and [jiaccd as^ain in command of the 
 Triniii(xd \ hul Mcnde/, remained a prisoner. 
 
 Whilst al I^ernamhuco, Cal)ol was informed by 
 l>raga and other P{jrtiiL;Liese of the jjrctcMided mineral 
 wealth of the l.a IMata nrgion. On askini; for mor(r 
 j)recise information, he was told that there were 
 survivors of the expedition of Solis scattered amont^ 
 the settlements on the; coast, who could satisfy him 
 on that |)oinl. Cabot then and then; conceived the 
 idea of explorint; the Kio de Solis, instead of ooin^- 
 to thi; Moluccas ; first, however, intending to find the 
 .Spanish sailors who had knowl(;dgt: of that country. 
 
 Contrary winds detained the scjuadron in l*er- 
 nambuco more than thre(; months, aft(;r thnx- or 
 four vain attempts to continue; their route.' At 
 last, two or three days before Saint Michael's day, 
 the last week in .September, they succeeded in 
 sailing out. 
 
 On the morning of .Saturday. .Sc;[)t(;mber 29th 
 (Oviedo), the Spaniards doubled Ca})e St. Augustin, 
 in 8" 30', and at ntjon wen; in the immediate vicinity 
 of the Rio de Sant Al(.;xo, having thus traversed 
 during the forenoon a distance of about 25 leagues. 
 There they met a French ship on her way to a 
 F'r(;nch factory, likewise protected by a fort, a rival 
 establishment of the one which the Fortuguest; th(;n 
 possessed in Pernambuco, and which was afterwards 
 abandoned, in 1539, through fear of the Indians. 
 
 Continuing th(;ir route, the Spaniards c;ncountered 
 a series of storms, which lasted until October 1 3th 
 (Ramirez). 
 
 ' " Vio hiizcr :i la vtlii ires i) (luatio 
 ve/.L's a la diclia armada p^ra lK;var c! 
 dicho viajc de tarsys o urlir . . . vio 
 ansy niisiiio q\icl licmpo les hera 
 contrario t- ijuc pur csto surgiii eii la 
 costa dL'l brasyl (jii pornanljuco.'' 
 
 (Depiisiiion of Anton l''.\l.CO\.) 
 •AdDiidc cstovicroii con viento 
 ciinlrario trcs niL'St's y nieilio poco 
 mas menus." (Deposition of Roso 
 I'K .\rauus.) 
 
 "■MamrMMn 
 
 mm 
 
 ^ 
 
11/ 
 
 ) 
 
 '/'/ ' 
 
 . ) 
 
 K 
 
 if,^ 
 
 \l ' 
 
 
 206 
 
 rz/y? vovAdF. to r/i /v./z/w. 
 
 On llu- 191I1 of OcIoIkt, tlu:y si;;lU(;tl ;in ishiiul (?). 
 The sqiiailron aft«Twar<ls passed the inoiitlis of the 
 follovviiii; rivers : 
 
 Kio dr Sand Mathco, — 9 30'.' 
 
 Rio tU' Sand I'raiicisco, — 10 30'. 
 These two rivers were then also called respectivi'ly 
 kio I'riinero ami Kio Sejj^undo (Oviedo). 
 
 Kio (.\v Sanda Ana, — 1 1 \o', 
 
 Kio de Sand Ko{|ue, 
 
 Kiode l'iiert(» Real, 
 
 Kio de Sand I lieronimo. 
 They next rcMched the Maya de 'I'odos Sanctos. 
 — •3 30' ('3' Kibeiro ; 14, Sanda Cruz, or, 
 according to Cabot's pilots, at a distance of 90 
 lea|L;ues iVoni Pernambuco). I birrera states tiiat onv. 
 of Cabot's ships r.m foul of a I'rench vessel in this 
 bay.'' 
 
 Continuing; farther. th(;y sighted the following 
 places : 
 
 Golfo de la IMaya, 
 
 Kio de las Ostras, 
 
 Kio de Sancta Ana, 
 
 Kio dc los Cosmos,-- r 5' , 
 
 Kiode Sanct A^ostin, - 15 , 
 
 Kio de las Virgiiu^s, 
 
 Punta S(;nura. 
 
 Kio del iirasil, 
 
 Rio de Sanct Joroe, — 1 j", 
 
 Rio de la Maij^dalena, 
 
 Kio de Sancta Elena, 
 
 Kio dc; Sanct Grc;<forio, 
 
 Kio de Sand Johan, 
 
 Kio d(; Sanct Christoval,- iS 30'. 
 
 ' I'or i1k.' ni)niencl.ituic niid the laii- lie IVmml in llic < ;i"iigr.i|itiical Iiulcs 
 
 tudes, wc follow llio llistoria of u{ iaw lliicoTery oj Noiili Aiiicrua. 
 Ovii'.iio anil the manuscripl hlaiio -' I Ierrlka, who in his third Decade 
 
 of Sania Cki'z. Tlic geographical evidently follows (jomaka, Hist ik 
 
 history of nearly all tho^e names can Am /ihiiits. cap. Ixsxix, p. iS. 
 
 t \ '' ' 
 
 ^ HkiA . 
 
Tiir. \'()YAi:r. n) i.a ri ata. 
 
 80T 
 
 Rcluiiiiiio I,, 
 it soulluvaixl. 
 
 Shortly ., Twarils. in ahoul iq', they noticed a 
 rantr,. of rot-^s just above the surface of tlu; sea and 
 (ixten.lin^r ..vc,- tliirty l<a-,|,,s. call.'d Ahrejo ("Opfn 
 your eyes"), and, in the midst of it. an inhabited 
 island. ih<- Isia de Sancta IJarbara. 
 the- coast, they continued to skirl 
 sijihtin^r the loli(.vvinjr ; 
 
 Cabo df Abreojos, 
 
 Kio de Sancla Harbara. ~io |', 
 
 iJaya de Sancta I.ucia, 
 
 Cabo (|(! Sanci Pedro, — 20 30', 
 
 I'>a\os tie ios I'aroos, 
 
 Cabo tie Sanct Thome, 
 
 Kio (Haya?! *'<• •^'i"(:l ,Sal\ ailor,— 2 1' 30', 
 
 (iolfo I lernioso. 
 
 Rio I )elL;atlo. 
 
 I Java de jcnero. 
 
 IwnerinL; the bay they noted several islets inhabii.'il 
 l'\ intlians. 
 
 Rio de la India, j 3 1 5' (.Santa Cruz), 
 
 Cabo I'Vio, — 23 30'. 
 
 Here they lost in a sionn the small-boat ol" the 
 
 tiat,^ ship. This accitlent comptilled them shortly 
 
 afterwards to land, for the purpose of consiructine 
 
 another.' ^ 
 
 Haya de Ios Reyes. 
 
 Isla dt! Coles, 
 
 Isia d(i Ios Puercos. 
 A-.iin a terrific storm assailed them, -awA they 
 were obhoed to seek sh<-lt,-r in a small uninhabited 
 island but hlletl with birds calletl " tabiahoreados " 
 and which they named I.slela de lUieii Abrigo (Santa 
 Cruz) Here may have happened what Mdt.-n relates 
 as follows : 
 
 " Ryrliartle CIiaiincelcT lould m.' that he harclc Sebastian Cal)ol 
 it^ni.i ,\ I al)(j l-rio con uiKigran t.iniK'iUa. i i r i ■ 
 
 Mlhi 
 
 '.m. 
 
 ''r 
 
I 
 
 208 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 W 
 
 I 1 
 
 11 
 
 reportc that (as farre as I remember) cythcr about the coastes of 
 Urasile or Rio de la Plata, his shyppe or |)innes was suddenly 
 lyftcd frum the sea and cast upon the lande I wotte not howe 
 farre.'' ' 
 
 They arriv(;d at last in the I'ucrto de Sanct 
 Vicente, vvh(;re frt)ni twelve to fifteen of the pas- 
 sen<rers who were sick, tired out or dissatisfuxl. 
 hmded and remained. In that place there was a 
 small villat^e inhabited by Portuguese, with a stone 
 fort to protect thc;m against Indians. A stay of 
 more than one month (Santa Cruz) was made in 
 .Sanct Vicente. 
 
 Resumint» the voyajj^e, Cabot's pilots noted : 
 
 Rio Ubay, 
 
 liaya de la Cananea, — 25' 30' (Oviedo). 
 A good anchorage was found in the bay, which 
 Santa Cruz marks in 26 . 
 
 Rio Sin Fondo. 
 
 Puerto de la Barca," 
 
 Isleta de Rodrigo de Acuna, 
 
 Rio de Sanct Francisco. 
 On the 19th (?) of October 1526, the squadron 
 came in sight of the northernmost cape of the 
 island which Cabot named Tierra de los Patos, on 
 account of the vast number of penguins ' seen there. 
 The reason why Cabot determined to tarry a while 
 in that vicinity was the necessity of building a small 
 boat to replace the one lost at Cape PVio. 
 
 As Santa Cruz mentions a port called Puerto de 
 Sanct Sebastian '* in the north part of the island, in 
 order to reconcile the date of October 19th given 
 
 ' Kdkn, The Ditadcs of the New 
 Worlde ; Ari'.kr's edition, p. 386. 
 
 - It was so named "the Port of the 
 hoat," l)y Rodrigo nr. Aci.'na, who 
 lost a boat there in Deceml)er 1525. 
 
 ■' Those birils were really penguins, 
 and not either wild ducks or geese. 
 (jOM^ra describes them in these 
 
 unmist.akable terms : " Nombranronlo 
 Patos por haver infinitos Patos negros, 
 sin plunia i con el pico de cuervo, i 
 gordisimos, de comer peces." Ilhtoriti 
 dc las Indias, cap. xc, p. 82. 
 
 ^ ThenameofSt. Seb.istian was given 
 not on the outward voyage, but when 
 returning to Spain, January 19th, 1530. 
 
 ^' if. 
 
 \\ m 
 
istes of 
 iddenly 
 il howt- 
 
 Sanct 
 (.'. pas- 
 tisfu'd. 
 
 was a 
 , stone 
 itay of 
 adc. in 
 
 whicli 
 
 uadron 
 
 of the 
 
 atos, on 
 
 n there. 
 
 a while 
 
 - a sniall 
 
 jerto de 
 sland. in 
 th oiven 
 
 omliranronlo 
 'atos negios, 
 <le cuervo, i 
 Tlistorin 
 
 82. 
 
 ian was given 
 ge, but when 
 y 19th, 1530- 
 
 <S 
 
 THE IVVAC.E TO l.A PLATA. 
 
 209 
 
 by Oviedo for the first sight of the island, with the 
 date of October 28th for the <4Teal shipwreck, we 
 presimK! that the squadron remained in said port 
 about one W(;ek. 
 
 When leaving this place on Sunday, 28th October, 
 day of St. .Simon and .St. Jude, the catastrophe 
 happened which decided the fate of the expetlition, 
 and whicli is thus relat(;d by Santa Cruz, who 
 witnessed the. scene- from the deck of the Santa 
 Maria del /i!spinar : 
 
 "The island (jf Santa ("atalina, t'xtcnds from north to south 
 ai)Oiit twelve mill's, is from three to four leagues wide, and 
 inhabited by Indians. It is well wooded and contains many springs 
 of drinkable water, [between tlie island and tlie mainland, there 
 are extensive and excellent fisheries, 'i'he harbours on the east 
 coast are not as safe as those on the west, where the squadron 
 touched. \\'hile sailing in, we lost our largest and best ship on a 
 reef at the entrance of the channel, which is filled with shoals. 
 Almost evciything on board was swamped, and we were conse- 
 ()ucntly obliged to ri-main there longer than was expected." ' 
 
 They .stayed in that locality, which we assume to 
 have been on the north-west shore of the island of 
 Santa Catalina, wh(;rc there was much good timber, 
 three and a half months (Ramirez), building a galliot 
 to replace the (lag ship. 
 
 Four Spaniards were lost in that locality (Ramirez), 
 but we do not know under what circumstances. 
 Perhaj)s they are the Christians whom the surgc^on 
 Juan says w(Te killed and eaten by the Indians of thi- 
 place. 
 
 A short time afterwards, on the; plea that Rojas 
 had used treasonable language to the caterer of his 
 ship, Cabot had him again arrested and confined 
 on board the Santa Maria, with Mendi:z and otiier 
 prisoners. 
 
 In Santa Catalina, Cabot foinid fifteen men 
 
 ' Santa Cuuz, /slan'o, in imr Sy//n/'iis. No, xlviii. 
 
 I 
 
 
r 
 
 
 
 ft 
 1 
 
 
 ill 
 
 HI 
 
 '■V«. 
 
 
 IB 
 
 % 
 
 ' 
 
 11 
 
 a*. 
 
 210 
 
 7//^ VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 (Ramirez) belonging to the fleet of Loaysa, who had 
 deserted from the Smt Gabriel,^ commanded by 
 Rodrigo de Acuna, the )^ear before, and two survivors 
 from the expedition of Juan Dias de Soiis, called 
 Ramirez, of Lepe, and Henrique IMontes.- Their 
 representations concerning the gold and silver which 
 th(;y alleged to be found in abundance; beyond the Rio 
 de Solis, in the Parana country, made him still more 
 (uiger to visit that region and he at once engaged 
 their services. Nearly all the dc;serters from I.oaysa's 
 ship, who wc;re in the place, also joined the e\p(,'dition 
 (Casimir Nuremberger). 
 
 When on the; point of weighing anchor, Cabot, 
 resorting to the subterfuge that he wish(;d to speak 
 to them, s(;nt the chief alguazil to fetch Rojas. 
 Mendez and their companions on board his flag ship. 
 They obeyed, but instead of being taken to the 
 vessel. Caspar de Ribas put them on shore, despite 
 their tears and entreaties. 
 
 On the 17th of February 1527, the squadron set 
 sail for La Plata, abandoning these men among 
 Indians, who were friendly, but cannibals. 
 
 When three miles beyond the southern extremit)- 
 of the island of Santa Catalina, it was found necessary 
 to stop for repairs in a "small island that ly(;th a 
 league into the sea,"' which, in consequence, was 
 named Isla del Reparo, in 27 30'. 
 
 They resumed their course, we do not know how 
 long afterwards, and sighted a large rock. El l*"arayol, 
 Puerto de don Rodrigo de Acufia, 
 Puerto and Rio df;l P'arallon ; 29" 40'. 
 
 ' They were iloscricrs from the .S'<j;7 
 Gabriel commanded by Rculrigo Di', 
 Acuna. Navarrf.tk. vol. v, pp. 254 
 
 239, 3 1 3-323- 
 
 - Santa Cruz only names those two 
 sailors among the survivors of the ex- 
 pedition (if [uiin Dias df. Soi.is to Lu 
 Plata. 
 
 ' Rutlie>\ in HAKt.UYT, vol. iii, p. 
 728. The name Reparo, in the Turin 
 map, is in 27" 30'. The island, so 
 named, fii^ures in the mappamundi 
 of Santa Cruz in Stockholm. Cf. 
 
 DAHI.GRF.N, llhi supra. 
 
 
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 211 
 
 1 
 
 how 
 rayol, 
 
 The latter is a large river, and thc^rt; they saw 
 numerous Indians; hence the name which they gave 
 to it, viz. : Rio Poblado; — 30" 20'. It seems to be 
 the same as that called by Oviedo, Rio Cerrado or 
 Serrado. 
 
 They then noticed two streams, viz.: Rio Tibiquari ; 
 — 32°, and a tributary of the latter, the Rio Etiquari. 
 The Indians they met on that part of the coast called 
 themselves " Janase vej^uaes," and were of larue size : 
 "as tall and even taller than Germans." 
 
 l-'orty-eight leagues farther, in 35 . according to the 
 calculations of Santa Cru/. they arrived at the Cabo de 
 Santa Maria and beheld the vast estuary of the Rio 
 de Solis (now called Rio de la Plata).' We take our 
 figures from the documents, but must state that they 
 make Cabot cross the great distance from Santa 
 Catalina. including the stay at the Isla d(; Reparo, to 
 the Cape of Santa Maria in six days only.' 
 
 They seem to have entered the estuary of the great 
 stream ; — 35" i']' (Santa Cruz) the next day and to 
 have se(Mi first an island covered with palm trees, 
 which, on that account, was called Isla de las Palmas, 
 and. also, from the gr(;at number of seals sporting on 
 its shores, Isla de Lobos. 
 
 Twenty leagues beyond, sailing up the river, they 
 sighted the island already called Isla de Christoval 
 Jaques. and a small cluster of islets, to which they 
 gave the name of Islas de Rodrigo Alvarex. in honor 
 of their pilot who first noticed them (Santa Cruz). 
 
 Crossing the bar. the entire squadron, composed 
 
 ' For the origin of the name Ln 
 Plata, see our Syllahus, No. Ixi, ij ii. 
 
 '-' According to R.\m i rk/., llu' passing 
 from the Island of Si. Catharine lo Cape 
 S'". Maria, was acc<iniplished in only 
 ■•ix d.ays. This we can scarcely believe, 
 ina.smuch as ihey were obliged tu stoj) 
 at the Isla de Reparo for repairs. As 
 CAUor left Santa Catalina Febr. 15th. 
 supposing he retjiiired only -,i\ <lays tu 
 
 cross the distance, he would then have 
 reached Cape S'''. Maria on the 2ist. 
 On the other hand, OviKDO says thai 
 between his entering the estuary nf the 
 La riaia and his return to Spain, July 
 -.i'')) 'SjO' t"'o years and ten months 
 elapsed. In such a case, Cabot would 
 have doubled the Cape S'". Maria, not 
 in February, but in September 1527. 
 OviKDO is surely mistaken. 
 
 \ 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^ 
 

 1 
 
 ; 
 
 
 1; 
 
 
 i) 
 
 ! 
 
 rt 
 
 « ( 
 
 n 
 
 AU > 
 
 I 
 
 ! )■ 
 
 I' ! 
 
 !■ 1 I 
 
 212 
 
 TNE VOYAGIi TO LA PLATA. 
 
 of the three ships and the craft constructed at Santa 
 CataHna, which was a row-galley with twenty oars, 
 continued to ascend the Rio de Solis. or, rather, the 
 estuary, when at a distance of about thirty leagues, 
 they came in sight of a group of islands, one of which 
 was named Isla dc Sanct Gabriel. We assume that 
 this took place on the 26th of March, being the day 
 of Gabrit;] the Archangel. 
 
 Farther on, near a river which enters the Rio 
 de Solis, and called Rio de Sancta Barbara, they 
 lightened the ships, owing to the little depth of 
 water, and continuing to ascend, they reached, on 
 Sunday,' April 7th, 1527, a place and a stream, to 
 both of which the name of Sanct Lazaro was given. 
 
 Opposite the mouth of the river so called lies the 
 Isla de Martin Garcia, named by Juan Dias de Solis 
 after his steward (Oviedo), who died and was buried 
 tliere. 
 
 l.anding, as we believe, not on the Isla de Sanct 
 Gabriel,'- but on the west bank of the Sanct Lazaro 
 river, they constructed a store house for the pro- 
 \isions and baggage, which was left in charge of 
 twelve men. 
 
 After remaining there a whole month (Ramirez), 
 the squadron was divided.^ A large number of 
 mem were embarked in the brigantine and galley, 
 and thirty in each of the other two ships. They 
 sailed out together on the 8th of May and followed 
 the left l)ank of the Rio de Solis, as far as one of 
 its tributaries called Rio de San Salvador. Hav- 
 ing found there a good port and safe anchorage. 
 
 ' Ik-rc IxAMiRKZ commits a .slij;ht 
 mistake. Tliai Sunday orcurreil on 
 the 7tli. not on the Sth. 
 
 - " La islii (le San (iabriel es muy 
 pequefla y de mucha arholeda, y esta 
 de lierra firine poco mas de 2 leguas, 
 donde ay un ])uerto razcmahle, pero no 
 lieue el ai)ri|;o neccsaiio para ios 
 
 naviosqiieailiaportan." IJK Angklis, 
 P/'. tit., p. 7. 
 
 ■' For that narrative, we follow 
 (JviKDO. Dias DK Guzman says thai 
 the expedition which left San Gabriel 
 was under the cominaml of one Juftn 
 Alvarez Kam<>\ (?V 
 
 
THE VOVAi.E ro f.A /'f.A/A. 
 
 213 
 
 w 
 
 -.Anoki-is, 
 
 wc follow 
 .N says thai 
 San Gabriel 
 ,f one Junn 
 
 they' dccidetl to tarry a while. The Indians 
 attacked them and killed two of the men. but 
 were finally routed, and a fort was at once built. 
 Cabot named it Sancl Salvador.' This happened 
 on the 14th of August. • 
 
 The fj^alley was then sent to Sanct Lazaro to fetch 
 the sick left in that jilace. Thrc^e days afterwards, 
 on the 28th of .'\u<>List. she was back in San 
 Salvador. 
 
 Antonio de. Grajeda^ was placed in command of 
 the fort and of the two ships, v'v/.. : the Santa Maria 
 del Espinar, and the Trinidad, which drew too 
 much water for explorinL,^ Then Cabot with the 
 galley and brijj^antine, which we assume to have 
 been Rifos' own ship, started on his ex[)edition. 
 
 At this point commenced the actual explora- 
 tion of the Rio de vSolis. Crossing over, after 
 passing; the Rio Uruay and the Rio Negro,'' Cabot 
 skirted the right bank as far as a delta fornied by 
 nine or ten mouths of a large river flowing from the: 
 nordi-west and called by th(! Indians, Paranaguazu, 
 a name formed of two words, Parana'^ - sea, and 
 CP;/rt!.:?^ = grand. This delta formed islands, one of 
 which was called I.sla de Francisco del Puerto, after a 
 Spfuiiard from the Puerto de Santa Maria, who had 
 been left there by Juan Dias de Solis, and whom 
 Cabot took with him, as he had learned the language 
 of the country. His services proved invaluable.^ 
 
 The two craft entered the Rio de Paranaguazu 
 
 ' (lOMAKA, Op. <i/., p. Si. 
 
 - ll was apparcnlly in this phicc tiial 
 in Scplcniher 1527, after Ca hop's 
 ilcpariure up the river, the Sjianianis 
 planted those 52 strains of wheat 
 which yielded so a)n.--iderahly. See 
 the legend vii, in the 1544 I'lanisphcre. 
 
 ■' " Vispera de N^ S". de Agosto" 
 (Ramtrkz). 
 
 * Diego Garcia met hiin there in 
 command in 152S. 
 
 •'' We continue tc lullow OviKUo. 
 '' Santa Crl'7, writes " Paraana." 
 ^ Dias nic CiH/man says that 6a 
 men, commanded by Diego DK 
 Bra<amom'k (?) weie left in the ff)rt 
 of .Sancli Spirilus. According to the 
 same doubtful authority, the number 
 was afterwards raised to no men, 
 under the command of Nuflo df, Lara. 
 (?). As we have slated, these names 
 are very doubtful. 
 
 ) 
 
 n 
 
 ill 
 
a ii 
 
 214 
 
 /'//A I'Vy^lu/i TO LA I'LAIA. 
 
 by the largest mouth, and, at a distance of thirty 
 leaoiies from Sanct Lazaro, arrived at a river, the 
 Rio de los Guyrandos, so named from the tribe of 
 Indians who dvveh on its banks. These were great 
 hunters, and so fleet that they caught the deer on 
 foot. 
 
 Thirty leaguc:s farther, they entered the river 
 called Rio Carcaraiia,' landcxl and began to C(jn- 
 struct a numl)er of wooden houses, and a fort 
 made of clay and straw, in which the provisions and 
 goods for barter were stored. This was the fort 
 Sancti Spiritus.- 
 
 On Tuesday, Christmas eve, December 24th,'' 
 after leaving the fort in charge of Gregorio Caro* 
 (Ramirez). Cabot resumed his exploration. He 
 went down the Rio Carcaraiia, re-entered the Parana- 
 guazu, which he ascended with the two craft, and 
 on the 1st of January 1528 arrived at an island 
 which on that account was named Isla de Afio nuebo 
 (Ramirez). 
 
 If we understand Ramirez correctly, it was from 
 the Isla de Aiio nuebo thai Cabot sent a {)arty 
 of thirty-five Spaniards under the command of 
 Miguel Rifos to chastise a tribe of Indians who 
 
 [ 
 
 
 I \ 
 
 ' i < 
 
 ' 1 
 
 ' " Kl Rio Tt.Tceii) dc CordolKi 
 Ionia el ncimhre fU- C!iircararu\l despiics 
 df jiint.irse con el Salndillo." 1)k 
 Anuki.is, Ioi. tit. AzAKA calls llie 
 p.irt of ilie rivef whicli corresponds 
 will) the C.Trcaranii " Rio Tome." 
 The English ina|)s call it " Rio 
 Quarto. ■' As to the ttanie of ( 'arcar- 
 ana, accf)r<ling to Dias i>k (Jf/MAN, 
 {op. III., p. 22), it was that of ihe 
 caciipieof those regions. Dk Anc.kms, 
 on the contrary, says that ''Carcara"' 
 is the name of a bird of prey, and tiial 
 "(.'arcara-na"' means the River of 
 Carcaras. 
 
 - There is a small sketch of that fori 
 in RiBTCiRo's mappnniundi. with the 
 following inscription ; 
 
 ■' IO^la tierra iluscubrio Juli.in du Solis tri 
 cl .iflo de . 1515 : o. i6. donrie .lor.T esl;i 
 Sfb.istian (J.-iholn en una cisa fuerte que 
 .lUr hi/o. csia nuiy despuesta para dar pan 
 y vino tii mucha ainindanvia el Rio es muy 
 .uraiidi^inKi >" de inucha pescaria. cren que 
 ay oro y plata en la tierra a dentro :— 
 This cminlry «:ih discovered by Juan de 
 Solis in ihe year 1515, or 1516. Tlii're 
 Setiaslian (lalioto now is, in a fort which he 
 constructed. It is quite capa1)le of yielding 
 lirt.td .ind wine in great abundance. The 
 River is extremely laryc, and contains 
 • juaruity of (ish. It is believed th.it gold and 
 silver can be found within the land." 
 
 The mistakes in the (ixcsimile are 
 corrected. 
 
 "' " Vispcra de Navidad, vcintc y 
 tres de diciembre." (RAMIREZ.) 
 
 ^ L'Aiitj was in command of the fort 
 uhtn Uakcia arrived there in 152^. 
 
 'i, ' 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 C^ 
 
THE VOYACE TO I. A TLA lA. 
 
 215 
 
 were threatening. AfK^r routing tiu;ni,' kilos is 
 said to have returned with consiilerabk: booty. 
 This can only mean that he brought a large stock of 
 provisions, consisting probably of grain or nuts and 
 drieJ fish, for these Indians possessed scarcely any- 
 thing els(;. 
 
 Having reinibarked, the Spaniards continued to 
 .iscend the Paranaguazu, passing the mouths of the 
 followincr rivers : 
 
 Rio <\v. los Carcaraes, 
 
 Rio Timbu/, 
 
 Rio Janaez. 
 
 Rio Colchinar. 
 
 Rio de los Emecoretaes,'- 
 
 Rio Poblado. 
 The latter river watered the region inhabited by 
 the Indians called "■ Nyngatues" (Ramirez). Then 
 came die Rio Hepetin, which is doubtless the " rio 
 barriento," or "blocked up river" of Ramirez, as 
 well as the " Rio de Ic piti " of Ribeiro. Soon 
 afterwards, the Spaniards came in sight of a large 
 riv(;r flowing appan-ntl)' from the north-west, and, 
 as it seemed to them, from Peru, which was the 
 country they were in search of, believing it to be 
 wonderfully rich in mines of precious metals. 
 Leaving therefore, on their right, the Paranaguazu,'* 
 
 ' Kamikf.z relates that the Imliaa- 
 who were vamiuishod on that nccasiim, 
 vMTf aucustonicd lo cut oil' a llnjjer 
 uhtnevcr they lost a son. Azaka 
 says of the Miiniancs, thai their 
 wives amimtated tliemselves a finder 
 joint on the death of liieir husbands. 
 
 "' We are not sure wliether the order 
 in which those rivers are mentioned 
 is exact, ami if one or two were not 
 seen and noted l)efore reaching the 
 '■ Isla de -Xno nuei)0.'' 
 
 ■'' When the Spaniards arrived at llie 
 confluence of the two rivers, they diii 
 not continue to navigate in the i'arana- 
 guazu, from which they would have 
 certainly returned, on seeing that the 
 
 ri\er ran in the <lirection of Urazil. 
 Wiien in 28^ 30', ('Atior could not hut 
 see tiie elhow formed tliere, and 
 was under no obligation to follow the 
 stream on his right. IIkrri-.ka 
 merely says; "A cabo de docienlas 
 legiias llegi'> a oiro rio, al (|ual ll.inian 
 los Indios Paraguay, dexi) el riogramle 
 a niano derecha, pareciendole (jue se 
 iva declinandu bazia la costa del 
 I'lr.i/il.'' It seems that. acct)rding lo 
 .\z\RA, the Indians of that region 
 called the river " I'ayaguay," or " the 
 river of Payaguas," meaning that they 
 were the only Indians who navigated 
 the river through its whole extent. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 \- 
 
I r ^" 
 
 o* — 
 
 J ) ! 
 
 1 / 
 
 . r\ 
 
 u n 
 
 I 
 
 k( i 
 
 216 
 
 /'///'; yoi /!<,/■ /■() /..I I 'I. AT A. 
 
 which in that lalitiick: forms an clhow and commences 
 niiniin}^- eastward in the direction of lirazil, the two 
 rraft entered the Paraguay, on th(; ^ist of March 
 1528.' Accordingly to Cabot's calculation, they had 
 tiavisfcited from tiie Rio Carcarana, one hundred and 
 fifty lea_<;ues. 
 
 Martin V^izcaino and the carpenter Orosco then 
 desert, in search of food, enter the house of an 
 Indian, rob him of his canoe, and compel two natives 
 to row them to th(! tribes of the Carcaraes and 
 rimbus. 
 
 Cabot sends a party of friendly natives after these 
 two sailors. They are caui^dit, tried, and Martin 
 Vizcaino is sent to the j^allows. His h(;ad having 
 slipped from the noose, he is hant^ed a second time. 
 
 Hit^hcr up the river, Francisco de Lepe, ur^ed 
 by tht; pangs of hunger, conspires with others to 
 seize one of the ships and escape. He is betrayed, 
 tried, and als(i executed. 
 
 Ten leagues farther, in Paraguay, the Spaniards 
 note a very rapid stream, called by the Indians 
 " I|)iti," not, as one might think, the above 
 mentif)ned " Hepetin," or '* de le piti," but the Rio 
 Hipihi of Oviedo. Ten leagues still farther, the two 
 craft cast anchor in a creek or laguna, which Cabot 
 named Baya de Santa Ana. Oviedo says that at 
 the entrance there is an island, in which the 
 Spaniards remained a few days, being hospitably 
 received by an Indian chief, called jaquaron, who 
 showed them ornaments of gold and silver obtained 
 
 ' RAMiRiiz says that C.\Hor reached 
 thr mouth of ihc Paraguay, March 
 3ISI, 1528. Twclily 01 Ihirly lL':iy;uc:. 
 farlhtr, he makes liiiii stop at the 
 I'licrlo (le Santa Ana, and leave tlic 
 place March 2Slh. That date is 
 
 named, occur lehruaiy nth and 23rd. 
 and A])ril I2th. Nor can the name of 
 Santa Ana ^uide us, as llie days named 
 after these saints are in July, Auj^ust, 
 September, and < )cloher. 
 
 l)ias DF, (iuzMAX calls it "la 
 
 evidently erroneous, as Cauot was laguna de Santa Ana o de Ibera." 
 
 still at the entrance of the I'arafjjuay Cabot's map, inscribes behind a 
 
 March 31st, Besides, the days of .St. recess: ".Santana.' 
 I,a7<nius, after whom the place was 
 
 M 
 
'T 
 
 /■//A I'DV/U./i 7V I A r/Af'.l. 
 
 211 
 
 iards 
 lians 
 oove 
 
 Rif) 
 
 two 
 abol 
 It at 
 
 the 
 ably 
 
 who 
 lined 
 
 by way ol cxchaiiLj*' with anoth(;r tribe ol the name 
 of "Chandules" (Ramirez). This, oi course, could 
 not but confirm Cabot in the idea that he was on 
 the road to l\;ru. 
 
 Mernando Calderon iiavinn caught l.oi'en/.o d(; la 
 I'alma stealiii!:; some provisions, orders ^im to be 
 whipped, and to have his (;ars cut off. 
 
 Cabot sends ashore from the j^alliot a number ol 
 r-.en in (juest of food. One of them, a calker, 
 called Avoca, does not return. I'Carinu that he 
 may l)e lost in the thickets, <^reat efforts are made 
 to Hnd him, but in vain. 
 
 Continuing to .iscend the l^araguay, they arrived 
 at the Rio Kthica,' sixteen leagues beyond the Bay 
 of vSanta Anna. 'I'he brigantine, under the command 
 of Gonzalo Nunez de i^alboa, was ahead, in quest of 
 food. Twenty leagues onward. Rifos and the thirty 
 Spaniards on board that ship, allured by friendly 
 signs from the Indians- on the banks of the river, 
 went on shore, and followed them to their huts. 
 They wert; treacherously attackc;d, losing eighteen 
 men killed outright, besides eight or ten wounded, 
 among whom was Montoya. Without taking time 
 to bury their dead, the survivors hastily retreated 
 on board, and went down the stream to apprise 
 Cabot, who was on the galley, of the sad event. 
 They returned together to Carcarana. 
 
 ' OviF.no pLiccs at 
 heyond Santn Ana, n 
 
 20 Ieaj;ut> 
 
 -^ _ _ , .. Rio (Ic la 
 
 Trayciori." Weare iinahlc toasccnlain 
 wliLtlur ihal name was j^iven lo recall 
 the attack of the Indians, which he 
 says look place "20 Kaf^ue-. from Rio 
 Ivthica,'' that is, ,?6 leajj;iies from 
 Santa \n:\. acconlinj; to iiis own 
 calculations, or as an iillusion to the 
 affair of Francesco Di-; LeI'K. 
 
 -Ramirez calls those Indians 
 " Agualcs," They are the " Ayaces" 
 of OviEOO. Accordinj^ to A/,aka, the 
 natives of that region were divided into 
 Iwnhnnrhes : one. calleil '' ('adij^iie," 
 
 the other, living farther north, was 
 named " Av;aces "' hy the .'■'i>aniards, 
 from the name of their cacif|ue, 
 " M.lgache," which tliey n\isspeiled. 
 They are said lo he the present 
 "Siaciias," or " Turiimlms,"' located 
 lietween 21-25, ^'i'' apparently the 
 tiihe that IIl-.KRERA (iii, 260) .siiys 
 tilled the ground. Ovieimi de- 
 scribes them, however, as living by 
 hunting and fishing, and as jiossessing 
 many l)oats. The description which 
 IIerreka gives of the hghi is some- 
 what different. 
 
 \ 
 
 \{ 
 
 ' ■'■"''*" . 
 
-wv* 
 
 X'{{; 
 
 218 
 
 /7//t yoy.iijfc TO /../ r/.ATA. 
 
 
 Uiul.uiiUicl, \.\\vy prepared an cxpcditioii Lo '^n in 
 greater numbers to chastise these Indians, who were 
 the " Agaces." The brijrantine and the |L;<illey started 
 together from the fort and again went to the Ikiy of 
 Santa Ana. 
 
 As heforc this time the documents do not nK^ntion 
 cither that irihe of Inchans. or previous murders com- 
 mitted b\ tiiem, wt; are inchned to bcthevc that the 
 following account from Ramirez refers not to the 
 above event, but to another, which we assume to 
 have taken place upon (idiot's niturn to that 
 region. 
 
 " TIki .Spaniards," say.s lie, " ciidcavouiccl lo make puaci; willi llu' 
 A^alcs (.v/(), and were at first well received ; l)Ut as these Indians 
 I'eared punislinient for tlu' murders wiiicli they iiad conmiitled, 
 ihey ireaeherou.sly slew the lieutenant of the hrigantine, Miguel 
 Rifos, with several of his comitanions. 'i'he others returned sadly 
 lo join the galley, which followed at a certain distance, and with 
 difhculty, owing to the state of the river." ' 
 
 When l)i(;go Garcia, wlio commanded the e.\p(;di- 
 lion fitted out by Hernando d(; Andrada's company - 
 for th(; special purpose of e.xploring the Rio de la 
 Plata, arrived at Sancti Sj)iritus, in March or April 
 152S. Ik; had the following conversation with 
 Gregorio Caro. who was in command of th(; fort : 
 
 " I'lom the Indians," (larcia says, "'Caro had learned that his cap- 
 lain, .Seliastian (lavoto, had been defeated higher u]) the river and 
 lost many men. 1 Ic begged of me if in the course of the dis- 
 coveries which I was about to undertake, I happened to find any 
 of his mm, to ransom them [from the Indians], and he would pay 
 me back, lie also appealed to my pity thai if his captain had 
 been killed, not to leave his body on the banks of the river, but 
 bring it back with me, and that by complying with his re(]ucst, 1 
 should be doing a thing agreeable to God and lo ^'our Majesty."" 
 
 ' /\(iihta 7'n'iiii'iisa/, /or. <it. '' Ki'porl iiddrcsscd by DicguCiARCIA 
 
 - Hkkrkka, Avrt^/. iii, lil>. x, rap. lo CUAKl.ES V. 
 i, |.. -78. 
 
 Ii!*w *' 
 
TflK VOYAGE TO I. A ri.ATA. 
 
 219 
 
 (iarcia Icfi S.uicli Spiritus on the: I'Vc ol (iood 
 Friday, April 9th. 1528. and coinmeiiccd to ascend 
 thi; Paraiiiii'iiazii. Cahoi haviii'j' been informed of 
 his arrival in these re^dons. not far. it sc;(Mns, from 
 the mouth of tlie Paralalia)', apparently in the hecjin- 
 ninj^ of May, came to meet him. The next morning, 
 Garcia started without takini^ leave, and continued 
 alone: the exploration heyond Santa Ana, Cahol 
 inmiediately returned the- whole distance to San 
 Salvador, to pre|)are the ship which he intended to 
 .send to Spain. 
 
 We fmd C.ihot still at .San .Salvador on the 23rd of 
 June, when he instiluteel a judicial inejuiry in con- 
 tinuation of the criminal proceH'dinL,^s which he had 
 initiated, as far back as 1526. aL;ainst kojas. Menele/. 
 anei Rodas." It was inteneled for the Council of the 
 indies, .inel to be: forwardijel in the ship which he was 
 preparing to send home. This was the Triuiiiaii. 
 and she sailed on the 8th of July,- with Hernando 
 Calderon. to whom Cabot entrusted a mission to 
 Charles Y., anel Rogeir Harlow, who was sent to the 
 Seville as.sociates for the purjjose of obtaininj^ 
 succour in men and provisions. There embarked 
 besieles more than fifty of Cabot's companions 
 (Oviedo), taken chiefl)-, as we sup[)Ose, from amoni; 
 the sick, disabled and independent members of the 
 e.Npedition. 
 
 They arrived at Lisbon in the mieldle of C)ctolK:r. 
 Lope Hurtado de ]\Ienek)qa, who had been dispatched 
 to Portugal for the purpose of selling, or pawning 
 the Spice Islands to Joao II., as security for a hea\'\' 
 loan on the part of Charles V., reports the arrival ol 
 Hernando ele Calderon in a letter addre.ssed to the 
 Emperor, as follows : 
 
 ' Informacioii /itf/ia cit tl puoto dc esle puerto ile Sun .Salvador ijucs en cl 
 San Salvadoy, f,\ha 23 Jiiii/o ilc 152S. rio ric Solis .i dicz del nics di- juli" fic 
 MS. ij^S.ifios." 
 
 ' KaMIKK/'S Icltci i> ditlcd "ill 
 
 V 
 
 -^ 
 
220 
 
 •/■///• nn:u;/- 7'f> ia r/.At.i, 
 
 ^ 
 
 U. 
 
 
 . tl 
 
 fi> 
 
 "l.ishoii, tilt ii)ll» ol Oiiolar 1528. 
 
 Our of the airavt'ls thai wtiU iiiulcr Si.liastian (iavocto, I'ilol 
 Major of his Majisty, has arrived at this port. On hoard of hir 
 Ih an atrountant .md inasiinr of thr said Hiil, whom Sihastian 
 now sends with lU'ws of ihi womierfid discovrrits niadi' l»y him 
 and his |R(»|>I(. Indcid. if wiiat thf missinj;er states he true, His 
 Imperial M.ijesly will no lon};er want either cinnamon <tr pepper, 
 for he will havi' more ^old and silver than he rc(|iiires. " ' 
 
 \V«' presume iIku the .iccouni which Roger 
 l^arlow o^avc to his employer Roherl Ihoriie was 
 vt:n' (liffenmi, as tlie Seville associates decliiictl to 
 VL'iitiire any more funds in tlu; entt:rprise. 
 Calderon. however, was more successful at the Court, 
 so far as promises were concerned, for CharK^s V., at 
 'loledo, in the last week of October, ordered that 
 relief should he sent to Cahol at the expence of the 
 Ko\al Treasury;-' but neither men nor provisions 
 were forwartled to La Plata, and he was left to his 
 p"'n resources. 
 
 Jabot seems to have spent the entire winter of 
 (528-1529 at the fort of San Salvador, waiting in 
 vain for reinforcements. In the spring, he went to 
 Sancli .Spiritus, where in the course of the summer 
 happened the sad events now to be related. 
 
 The Indians of the Carcarai'ia region,'' encouraged 
 by the success of their brethren of the Rio lahica, 
 d(!termined to e.xlerminate tin: Spaniards. To avert 
 suspicion, ihey canK- to the fort of Sancli Spiritus 
 and condemned the conduct of the Agaces. They 
 seem to have convinced Cabot of th(nr good faith, 
 for he placed Alonso de Santa Cruz in command of 
 the fort, and went down the river to order the 
 caravels to be in readiness to set sail, appaixMitly to 
 return to Spain, having waited in vain for succour 
 from liome. 
 
 ' Gavanc.OS, Ca/i»da>- of Spanish " HkrrKRA, Dccad. iv, lib. viii, 
 Slate Paf'ris, vol. iii. purl ii, p. 823, cap. xi, p. ifiS. 
 N<>. f,12. '•' We rimiimii- Id fdlldw OviKPO. 
 
THE VOYACE TO I. A PLATA. 
 
 221 
 
 Ho had scarcely Icll, wlun a vasi number of 
 Iiulians. ivvciuy ihoiisaiul, llic accounts say, besie^^ed 
 th(; fort, and bt^fore nitjjht succi:eded in setiinyj fire to 
 the buildin^^' 'I'hc Spaniards, in (Mideavourinj; to 
 escape, had tliirty thr(te or thirty four men killed, and 
 many woumled. The few survixors look refuj^c on 
 board an im|)aired brij^.mtine which was anchored 
 close by, — necessarily Rifos' craft, and as best th«'y 
 could n^turned to San Salvador. 
 
 This traj^nc event cannot have taken place 
 befon; S(;ptember 1529." As soon as they arrived 
 at San Salvador, Cabot collected his men and led 
 them in person to Saiicti Spiritus, where ih(; bodies 
 of their comrades were found terribly manult,'d, 
 not that th(; Indians had mutilated thirm wantonly, 
 but nuTely to ascertain whether their liesh was as 
 salt, and had the samt; unpalatable savour noticed 
 in the (jther Spaniards they had previously tasted. 
 
 After embarkinjj^ the heavy *.;uns which the Indians 
 had been unable to carry away, Cabot and his com- 
 panions returned to San Salvador, wht;re they 
 suffered greatly from famine, 'i'heir enemies b(;sit:L;('d 
 iht: fort closely, attackinj^ the unfortunate Spaniards 
 whenever they c-ndeavoured to come out to fish in the 
 river or to di^out roots for fotxl. More; than twenty 
 of them, includini* Anton de (irajeda, were kill(;d 
 
 (.r 
 
 ' It is lo 1)0 noticed ihiit Uei. I'.ARCO 
 ('i-NTiiNiiKA, after 157.5, speaks. .sc'\L'iiiI 
 limes of the fort Sancti Sjiiritus as if 
 still existinj; : "A i\li esia de Oulioto 
 la gran Torre, por do el Carcarafiii se 
 estiende, i corre." i^A)\i;enlina, in 
 IUrcia, pp. 6 and 45.) Later still, in 
 1612, Dias DK OiJZMAN likewise men- 
 tions the " Kiierte Ciabnto, o de Saneti 
 .Spiritus." All modern maps con- 
 structed in that country, inscribe at the 
 confluent of the Parana and Kio Tome : 
 " F' de SI' Kspirilu hecho p. (ialxito." 
 It is in fact the very place where Juan 
 Dtt ("lAKAV int'nded to found a city. 
 
 -On (Jctol)ei 12th, 1520, ^^tlilsl 
 Caii()1' was at San Salvador, he |)re- 
 scrilnid an in()uiry relative into ihi 
 causes of the disaster, but before that, he 
 had returned to Sancli .Spiritus to re- 
 cover his artillery. There was therefore 
 at a time precedinj,' Oct. 12, a trip from 
 Sancti Spiritus to San Salvador lo 
 brinji; the news, a second, from San 
 Salvador lo Sancti Spiritus, and a 
 third, from the latter jilace to the 
 former, where the council of war was 
 held. All thinjjs considered, these 
 three trips must have taken at least 
 one month 
 
 '-/. 
 
'i. 
 
 222 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 I) 
 
 II, 
 
 ,4 
 
 \( 
 
 w 
 
 
 V V' 
 
 under such circumstances. The position was unten- 
 able, no help came from Spain, the munitions were 
 entirely exhausted, and Cabot called a council on the 
 6th of October 1529. to decide whether or not they 
 should leave the country and return to Spain. The 
 question was decided in the affirmative.' Prepara- 
 tions were at once made for the departure ; but 
 before leavino^. Cabot ordered, on the 12th of 
 October, an inquiry into the cause of the disaster 
 suffered at the fort of Sancti Spiritus." 
 
 The first recjuisite for the homeward voyage was 
 a supply of provisions, which in that part of the 
 country, and hemmed in as Cabot's men were, could 
 only consist of seals' (1esh. To secure this, he sent 
 thirty-four men under the command of Antonio de 
 Montoya to the Isla de Lobos, seventy leaijues .south 
 of .San Salvador, in the oreat estuary. Cabot was 
 to wait for him at the fort, and they were then to start 
 toL^ether for Spain. After waiting in vain, he went 
 on b(jard the Sancta Maria del lispinar, with all th(^ 
 survivors, and set sail, homeward bound, early in 
 November 1529. 
 
 His progress was extremely slow. The first 
 time mention is made of him after rounding the Cape 
 of Santa Maria, is not till the; 19th of January 1530, 
 when he arrived at the mouth of a river, which 
 (jarcia calls Rio de los Patos, and Cabot, Puerto 
 de .Sanct S(;bastian, because he arrived there on the 
 eve of that saint's day, which always falls on the 
 20th of January. 
 
 At that place, Cabot met Diego Garcia, who was 
 
 also homeward bound and who describes Cabot's 
 
 arrival in these terms : 
 
 "We arrivt'd,"' says h(;, '"at a river called Rio de los Patos, which 
 lies about 27 ', and where is a good race of Indians who render great 
 
 ' Parecens que dkron varies pilotoi - Informacimi hecha eu el puerto de 
 y capitanci eu el puerto dc Snii Sa/- San Salvador, en 12 de Oct. 1529. See 
 vador. en 6 i/c Jd. 1529 : MS. our Syllahuy. N'o. Lll. 
 
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 283 
 
 m 
 
 services to the ('hristians, and arc called Carrioces . . . At tlu' 
 time I was there,' Sebastian Gavoto arrived in a stale of starva- 
 tion, and the Indians gave him to eat, and all that he and his 
 men required for their voyage. But when about to depart he 
 took four sons of the principal inhaiiitants and carried them to 
 Spain. Three of these are now in the custody of the city authori- 
 ties at Seville.- This [act of C^abot] has done great harm to that 
 port, which is the safest, and inhabited by the best people in 
 those parts." •' 
 
 Garcia's statement i.s .so worded as to make us 
 believe that the meetin<r took place when he was on 
 his way to La Plata, but it certainly refers to the 
 voyage back to Spain. It is true that Garcia, who 
 left San Vincente (24 ) on the 15th of January 1527, 
 may have reached his Rio de los Patos (27 ) four 
 days afterwards. Put Cabot on the 1 9th of January 
 1527 had already suffered his _<rreat .shipwreck and 
 was then on the north-west shore of the island of 
 .Santa Catalina, where he remained thrc^e months and 
 a half that is, from the 28th of October 1526, until 
 the middle of P"ebruary 1527. engatj^ed in building 
 a vessel to replace his lost flag ship. 
 
 At San Sebastian, a Spanish priest and a I^ortu- 
 guese sailor, alleged to have stood in fear of bodily 
 harm from Cabot, asked to leave the ship. The 
 request was granted, after they had made it In 
 writing. .Some witnesses grafted on this circum- 
 stance a charge which is scarcely admissible. They 
 said that Knrique Montes. the sailor who had ren- 
 dered him such sfn'vicc at .Santa Catalina, and never 
 left him afterwards, on scteing the anger with which 
 Cabot viewed the action of those two men. suggested, 
 as a means of revenge, the abduction of the sons of 
 the Indian chief He hoped thereby, certain wit- 
 nesses allege, to prompt the infuriated father to kill 
 
 ' CiAKCiA unquestionably meant lo 
 write here: "que yu cstava alii 
 
 - " Kl Assistente de Sevilla," ;in 
 fticial like the "Coiregidor." 
 itespues : — when I was there after- ■' Report ailclressedhy Oiciji) (iARCiA 
 wardi." ti) the luiiperor. 
 
 / 
 
 .,1 
 
224 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 i .' 
 
 h 
 
 i ;« 
 
 the priest and his companion after Cabot hat. left. 
 Being interrocrated on this point by the Fiscal, Jabot 
 denied the charge, but gave a singular exj)ianation 
 as regards the four Indians, mentioned in the narra- 
 tive of Garcia quoted above. He said that a number 
 of natives came voluntarily on board the Sa^ita Maria 
 del Espinar, and finding himself short of sailors to 
 man the ship on the homeward voyage, he promised 
 to give them presents if they could bring to him a 
 mariner who was on shore. Several left in search of 
 him, leaving four of their companions in Cabot's 
 hands as hostages. The priest, with whom th(! 
 sailor was, having sent word that being a subject of 
 the King of Portugal he had the right to disobey the 
 order, and the weather happening to become pro- 
 pitious, Cabot sailed out, taking the four Indians 
 with him to Spain.' 
 
 We next hear of him a month afterwards, at the 
 Puerto de San Vincente, where he seems to have 
 come in company with Diego Garcia, who was still 
 in command of his own ship. They were then on 
 very good terms, judging from the fact that having 
 heard that Francisco de Rojas had escaped from 
 Santa Catalina and was now residing at Puerto de 
 San Vincente, Cabot entrusted Garcia with the deli- 
 cate mission of summoning Rojas to come on board 
 the Santa Maria del Espinar, within six days from 
 March 22nd, to be taken to Spain and handed over 
 to the authorities to answer charges of a criminal 
 character brought against him by Cabot himself.'-' 
 
 On the 24th of March, Alonso Gomez Varela, 
 (larcia's notary, repaired to the house of a Portu- 
 guese named Gonzalo da Costa, with whom Rojas 
 was staying, and served on him Cabot's summons. 
 
 ' Cadot's own deposition, Sy/Iafms, No. l. 
 
 - Rcqticrimento que Into Sclntsliaii Cahoto a Fiaiiiixto de A'ojas y >r.t/>iiei/tis 
 ikfsh. Sylhihiis, No. \Ii\. 
 
THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 225 
 
 Rqjas replied that he would answer within the time 
 allowed by law. Accordingly, on the 26th of March, 
 he declared to Varela his positive intention not to 
 obey Cabot's order. He gave as a reason that Cabot 
 had forfeited all authority over him in aband(jning 
 him among cannibals, but announced his readiness 
 to appear before the Emperor, and answer all charges 
 which Cabot mi^rht brinsjf a^rainst him. Meanwhile, 
 as with the aid of Gonzalo da Costa he had built a 
 vessel which yet required decking and calking, he 
 demanded that Cabot should g^ive him what was 
 necessary to complete it, as well as two carpenters, 
 a calker, five or six sailors, and the English pilot 
 Henry Latimer, for the purpose of going himself in 
 search of from seventy to eighty Spaniards, whom 
 Cabot was said to have abandoned at Cape Santa 
 Maria, and taking them back to Spain. Rojas added 
 another demand which seems just. It was that the 
 four Indians taken wantonly by Cabot, at Patos Bay 
 {i.e. Puerto de Sanct Sebastian), an act which had 
 thrown the entire region into a state of alarm, should 
 be given up to him, that he might restore them to 
 their country, and re-establish confidence and good 
 feeling.^ No notice was taken of these requests, and 
 some time afterwards Rojas sailed for Seville with 
 Garcia. 
 
 While at San Vincente, Cabot turned his attention 
 to another matter, absolutely dishonourable and ille- 
 gal,'' even for those days. He did not hesitate to pur- 
 chase, or allow to be purchased, on behalf of the Seville 
 associates, who were at the same time his partners, 
 a large number of Indians of both sexes, to be sold 
 as slaves in Spain, He himself says that they num- 
 bered from fifty to sixty, bought on credit, to be paid 
 
 /" 
 
 \\ 
 
 resf>ueiliri 
 
 ' Ibidem. 
 
 * Peter Martyr characterizes a like 
 act committed by Estevain Gomez in 
 
 1526, as "contra leges i nobis die 
 tatas," Decad. viii, cap. 
 Paris, 1587, p. 602. 
 
 X, edition of 
 
r 
 
 298 
 
 THE VOYAGE TO LA PLATA. 
 
 
 'I 
 
 ^1T 
 
 for on delivery at Seville, besides three or four for his 
 own use or profit, obtained in exchange for some 
 trifling merchandise which he had in a box, and 
 worthless pieces of iron belonging to the ship.^ Santa 
 Cruz declared before the Fiscal that one half was paid 
 for by Cabot with iron taken from the vessel. The 
 insistence of the Fiscal and of the witnesses on this 
 point, leads us to believe that Cabot considered the 
 Indians so purchased as his own property. The 
 others cost from three to four ducats a piece, and 
 were sold by the Portuguese Gonqalo da Costa, 
 Rojas' friend, who accompanied him to Spain. 
 
 Finally, Sebastian Cabot and his companions on 
 board the Santa Maria del Espinar sailed out of San 
 Vincente, but did not reach home till four months 
 later, which indicates that they continued to range 
 the coast of Brazil northwards, probably as far as the 
 Bay de Todos Sanctos, 
 
 ' Informacion hecka en Sevilla en 28 de Julio, 1530. Sy Habits, No. L. 
 
 i 
 
^ 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAHOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 WE have endeavoured to describe, as far as 
 authentic documents permit, the geographical 
 part of that unfortunate expedition. It remains now 
 to relate and explain circumstances, a detailed state- 
 ment of which would have impeded the mere chrono- 
 logical narrative of events, but which require at this 
 juncture to be critically surveyed. This also involves 
 an examination of Sebastian Cabot's character as a 
 commander and as a seaman. 
 
 At the outset it must be stated that the impression 
 left on our mind after all the available evidence has 
 been duly examined, is that in the opinion of those 
 who in Spain, for more than thirty years, watched 
 his progress or saw him in the exercise of his official 
 duties, Sebastian Cabot was not a professional 
 mariner. A number of his contemporaries, who 
 were in a position to be correctly informed on the 
 subject, even stated openly that not only had he 
 never made any maritime discoveries, but that he had 
 never even navigated. The fact is that beyond his 
 own assertions, which stand uncorroborated thus far, 
 and were all uttered many years after his alleged 
 transatlantic voyages, there is not a shadow of proof, 
 strange as it may seem, that he led or took part in 
 any other seafaring enterprise than the expedition 
 to La Plata. 
 
 Peter Martyr d' Anghiera, his countryman, who 
 held frequent intercourse with him and whose 
 
 
 "^ 
 
 ■TTtr..,.,.,, -..m.tx,Ji..i-U^- 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 Si 
 
228 SEn\W CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 \ V 
 
 writin<rs always betray a kind and indulgent dis- 
 position, could not avoid making the remark, as we 
 nave already said,' so far back as 15 16, and with- 
 out subsecjuently contradicting it, that there were 
 Spaniards who denied that Sebastian Cabot had ever 
 discovered the Baccalaos (Newfoundland), or even 
 visited those regions. The great Alonso de Santa 
 Cruz was doubtless one of those disbelievers.^ 
 
 We have also seen that in 1521 the Twelve Livery 
 Companies of London had lodged in the hands of 
 Cardinal Wolsey an energetic protest against the 
 intention of Henry VIII. to entrust to Sebastian 
 the command of an expedition to the New World, 
 alleiriu'': that he had never been there and that all 
 he said on the subject was mere hearsay on his part.^ 
 
 Oviedo, the Royal Chronicler for the Indies, who 
 knew him personally at the Court, also says : 
 
 " Sebastian Cabot is competent in his costnographical art, but 
 entirely ignorant of the science of Vegetius, who believes that it 
 is absolutely necessary for a commander to have in writing, and 
 to know thoroughly all the ways and routes of the countries where 
 he is to wage war." ■* 
 
 For the observer who reads between the lines, it 
 is evident that Oviedo considered Cabot as not 
 possessing an adequate knowledge of the regions to 
 which he undertook to lead ships and men, and, in 
 going to the Moluccas, to have assumed a task for 
 which he was not fitted. He says again : 
 
 " Cabot is competent and skilful in his occupation of cosmog- 
 
 1 Supra, p. 118. ante de aquella S9ien9ia de Vegecio, 
 
 ' Santa Cruz in his Islario, ex- el qua! di^e assi : Al capitan conviene 
 
 plicitly says that the Haccalaos were cumplidamente aver de escripto ^ niuy 
 
 discovered by the father of Sebastian bien sabido qiiantos passes 6 vias hay 
 
 Cahot, without menticjnint; the latter en toda aquella region donde la guerra 
 
 as having any connection with the dis- entiende exer9itar. Owedo, Historia 
 
 covery. Syllabus, No. Ixxxiii B. GL, vol. ii, p. 170. The quotation 
 
 * Supra, p. 170. from Vkgetius is in his Institutorttm 
 
 * " Sebastian (iaboto : el qual es rei militari, lib. iii, cap. vi, of the 
 buena persona e habil en su arte de Nuremberg edition of 1767. 
 Cosmographia ; pero del todo ignor- 
 
SEITN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 229 
 
 raphy, and for constructing plane as well as spherical maps of the 
 entire world. But there is a great difference between leading and 
 governing men, and handling an astrolabe or a quadrant ! " ' 
 
 Diego Garcia, in an official account addressed to 
 Charles V. criticizing Cabot's sailing directi(jns on 
 the voyage to Brazil, makes a statement to the 
 same purport : 
 
 " That route has to be sailed over with great care and nautical 
 knowledge, l^ecause there are powerful currents which, issuing from 
 the rivers in Guinea, assail ships in the north-western region .... 
 Sebastian tlavoto did not know how to stem those currents, be- 
 cause he was no mariner, and possessed no nautical science .... 
 That navigation Seb. Gavoto could not make, with all his 
 astrology ! " ^ 
 
 When examining Cabot's scientific claims we shall 
 show that Garcia's strictures were perfectly just. 
 Meanwhile, these opinions show that in the eyes of 
 his contemporaries, Cabot was not a navigator in 
 the usual sense of the term. They saw in him only 
 a theorist, but versed in cosmography and cartog- 
 raphy. Withal, we should recollect how mysterious, 
 chimerical and vague was the cosmographical science 
 of that time ; how vast the sphere in which its adepts 
 ventured their imagination, and the credulity of those 
 who listened to them. Further, it is certain that the 
 Seville associates, who at first had been anxious to 
 place Cabot at the head of the expedition, were soon 
 seized with great misgivings, arising evidently from 
 a want of confidence in his professional abilities. 
 They wanted Rojas to be put in command, or that 
 at least Martin Mendez, who enjoyed their confidence 
 for having accompanied Magellan in his memorable 
 voyage, should be appointed lieutenant general. 
 
 ^ " Gaboto es buena persona ^ diestro pero otra cosa es mandar y gobernar 
 
 en su offi9io de la cosmographia y de gente que apuntar un quadrantc o eslro- 
 
 hayer una carta universal de todo el labio." Ibid., p. 169. 
 orbe en piano 6 e- cuerpo espherico ; * Syllabus, No. xlix. 
 
230 SEITjV CAnOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 
 »* 
 
 ' t. '.' 
 
 i I 
 
 Charles V. acceded to the latter wish of the Sevlllian 
 company, for reasons which require to be stated : 
 
 "The King, says Hcrrcra, determined to give satisfaction to the 
 representatives [of the Seville associates], who had delivered to His 
 Majesty a memoir showing so many defects in the person of Cabot, 
 that but for the ecjuipmeiU of the fleet, which was almost ready, 
 and his strong desire that it should sail promptly, he would have 
 given orders to desist." ' 
 
 The expression " defecto en la persona de Gaboto," 
 proves that the motive was not a difference of opinion 
 concerning the object of the intended voyage, but 
 personal deficiencies, or professional incapacity, dis- 
 closed when it was too late either to appoint another 
 commander or to abandon the project. This inter- 
 pretation is fully borne out by the answers which 
 were made to a certain question addressed by the 
 Fiscal at the time of the judicial inquiry, as follows : 
 
 " Whether the witness knows that when Sebastian Gaboto was 
 appointed Captain-General of the expedition, the undertakers and 
 their representatives seeing his incapacity, and little personal worth, 
 endeavoured to influence His Majesty to remove him and put in 
 his place the said Captain Francisco de Rojas?"^ 
 
 Antonio de Montoya replied in these terms : 
 
 " I know that the representatives and merchants who fitted out 
 the expedition, made strenuous eflbrts to influence His Majesty 
 to remove Sebastian Gaboto from the post of Captain-General, 
 because they must have known that he was not the person suited 
 for the voyage." ^ 
 
 The answer of Juan de Junco is quite as positive : 
 
 " I know that the said undertakers being aware of the personal 
 defects of Seb. Gaboto (la falta que avia en la persona), wanted 
 him removed, and begged His Majesty to replace him by another 
 Captain-General. And this I know because I heard the under- 
 takers say so before the expedition sailed out." * 
 
 Captain Gregorio Caro answered that he had heard 
 it said by many persons, as well as by the repre- 
 sentatives of the Company.' 
 
 ' Herrera, DecaJ. iii, p. 257. 
 
 ', ', *, " These quotations are taken from the Probanza of Nov. 2nd, 1530. 
 
 i 
 
 I ./> 11 
 
 R'l 
 
 I ' 
 

 SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 231 
 
 As to his professional abilities, the following deposi- 
 tions of witnesses, all men moreover of character 
 and position, demonstrate that he was considered to 
 be incapable : 
 
 " Alonso de Montoya considers that Sebastian (lahoto is wanting 
 in the necessary abilities for any charge ('cargo'); and his 
 incapacity was clearly seen in his conduct of the enterprise entrusted 
 to him, and in other respects," * 
 
 " Hernando de Calderon says that as regards the [duties of] 
 Captain-Cieneral, and conduct of the enterprise entrusted to tlie said 
 Ciaboto, his management was bad, and he is not competent for [the 
 post of] Captain-Cleneral."- 
 
 " Juan de Junco avers that Sebastian Gaboto is a man unsuited 
 to command people, or to liave charge of them."-' 
 
 "Diego de CeHs says that concerning Cabot's incapacity, it 
 seemed to him that it was owing to his deficient knowledge ('poco 
 saber') that the people who were with him lost their life."'* 
 
 Another witness, Francisco Hoga9on, made a simi- 
 lar deposition. Anticipating in our narrative, we must 
 likewise mention Herrera's assertion that at Santa 
 Catalina, Cabot's crews were averse to going to the 
 IVIoluccas, from fear of not being safely conducted 
 through the Strait of Magellan,'^ which was still a 
 subject of apprehension with sailors. The Spanish 
 historian also says that in the voyage across the 
 Atlantic, Cabot showed that he was " neither an 
 experienced seaman nor a good leader."* 
 
 We can now understand why men of experience 
 and social position, some of whom had been 
 companions of Magellan whilst all enjoyed the 
 personal esteem of Charles V., placed no confidence 
 in Sebastian Cabot, whose science they doubted, or 
 cared little for, and who, in their eyes, was evidently 
 
 *, *, ^, ■• These quotations are taken 
 from the answers made to the second 
 question in the same Prohama. See for 
 all the answers our Syllabus, No. i.i, i. 
 
 ' " In efecto no paso 4 la Especeria, 
 porque ni Uevaba vitualla, ni la gente 
 le quiso seguir, temiendo de ser mal 
 
 governadaenel Estrecho." Herrera, 
 op. cit., p. 260. 
 
 * " Begun la opinion de los mas 
 platicos hombres de mar, no se governo 
 en esta navegacion como marinero de 
 experiencia, ni aun como buen capitan." 
 Ibidem. 
 
 KKMM w III mm 
 
 ■*, 
 
 ± 
 
^ . •» 
 
 \ i 
 
 I I '/ 
 
 h^ 
 
 
 232 .'^^yr.V C A POT AS COM^TA!VDF.R AND SEA^fAN. 
 
 nothinjjf but iiforcii^n adventurer, clcv;itccl above them 
 merely throuj^'h intrioiies, vain boasts, and fallacious 
 promises. On the other hand, here was a man, 
 bold and c(;rtainly unscrupulous, who, r(!lyin^ upon 
 the authority with which the Kmperor had clothed 
 him, could brook neither advice nor contradiction, 
 particularly in technical matters, which is almost 
 always the case with men who possess only theoretical 
 knowled<:e. Characters so different were destined 
 to clash, and, almost immediately, serious difficulties 
 arose between Cabot and his officers. 
 
 The Seville associates, distrusting,^ Cabot, had 
 selected Meiulez for the post of lieutenant-general of 
 the expedition. Cabot strenuously opposed the 
 choice, wishincr to have his personal friend Miguel 
 Rifos appointed to the post. Charles V., however, 
 ratified the action of the Company, and Mendez at 
 once assumed the duties of second in command. 
 Cabot and his acolyte submitted grudgingly, and 
 whilst yet in port behaved towards Mendez in such 
 a manner, that he sent in his resignation and brought 
 a complaint before the Council of the Indies. Cabot 
 and Rifos were summoned to appear, and received a 
 severe admonition from the court, with threats of 
 severe punishment should either of them repeat the 
 offence.^ Yielding to the entreaties of Garcia de 
 Loaysa, the president of the Council, Mendez 
 resumed his office on the flag ship.^ But the 
 
 ' " Al tiempo que la armada queria 
 partir, Sel). Caboto y su muger y un 
 Miguel Rifos tratahan muy mal Martin 
 Mendez e no le dexaban usar el dicho 
 
 ^ The President of the Council of 
 the Indies in 1526, was the celebrated 
 Garcia DE Loaysa. Petkr Martyr, 
 who died in 1526, had been " Consejo 
 
 su oficio, nos mandamos llamar a los del Consejo," since 1524, after having 
 dichos capitan general (Cabot) y been so early as 1520, "Consejo de la 
 Miguel Rifos y les mandamos que Junta." Unfortunately his correspond- 
 ence does not extend beyond May 
 1525. The last Decade of that 
 
 tratasen muy bien al dicho su hijo 
 (Mendez) y que le dejasen usar libre- 
 mente el dicho su oficio, apercibiendoles historian ends in 1526, but he does 
 
 que si otra cosa hiciesen, serian muy 
 castigados." Docs, of the Duchess of 
 Alba, p. no. 
 
 not speak of Cabot after October 
 1525. 
 
 ^ 
 
 if 
 

 SEffN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 233 
 
 squadron had scarcely sailed out, before Cabot 
 deprived Mendez of all authority and substituted 
 Kifos in his place.' 
 
 The instructions from the government required 
 Cabot, when the squadron reached the Canaries, to 
 inform his captains of the course which he had laid 
 out for the voyaj^^e across the Atlantic. Francisco 
 de Rojas, acc()nij)anied by his fellow officers, 
 app(;ared before him at Palma, and demanded the 
 required statement, which Cabot refused to give, 
 alleging that he had a private understanding with 
 the Emperor on the subject. It was then that 
 Mendez, Rojas and other captains, drew up a petition 
 addressed to Charles V., which, by the order of 
 Cabot, Rifos seized and confiscated. 
 
 Cabot who had persisted in keeping to himself, 
 contrary to royal orders, the route which he intended 
 to take, gave orders, when off the Cape Verde islands, 
 to sail westward, and, to the extreme surprise of his 
 officers and pilots, continued to steer in that direc- 
 tion. They represented that experienced navigators 
 took pains to avoid the winds and current which 
 Cabot, on the contrary, seemed to court, in shaping 
 out that westward course, and predicted that the 
 fleet would encounter the greatest difficulties in 
 endeavouring to round Cape St. Augustin. Their 
 prediction was realised. When we examine the 
 scientific claims of Sebastian Cabot, we propose to 
 show that the route which he laid down betrayed an 
 incontestable lack of seamanship. On the other 
 hand, it must be stated that whether or not the 
 sailing towards the coast of Brazil was intentional 
 on his part, the landing in that region seems to have 
 
 ' "Sin embargo . . . luego como no fuese obedescido ni tenido por tal y 
 
 partio r armada, Seb. Galwto no dando el dicho cargo e poder de su 
 
 consentio que Martin Mendez fuese ni teniente al dicho Miguel Rifos." 
 
 se llamase su teniente, mandando que Docs, of the Duchess of Alba, p. i lo. 
 
 
234 SED'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 \ 
 
 n 
 
 r 
 
 M 
 
 
 ; 
 
 K' ^ I 
 
 I 
 
 follows : 
 
 necessity. The surgeon Juan testifies as 
 
 " I know and saw that the fleet arrived in sight of land, and 
 they saitl it was the coast of Hra/il. Also that Cajjtain (lahoto 
 ordered the shijjs to continue their route, hut the Portuguese 
 vessel (viz., the Santa Maria del Espinar) was driven to leeward. 
 Conse(iuently, the ('ai)tain (leneral and his ships were compelled 
 to land on the coast of Brazil." ' 
 
 We now come to the loss of the flag ship at the 
 northern entrance of the channel which separates the 
 island of Santa Catalina from the mainland, on the 
 2.Sth of October 1526, which decided the fate of the 
 expedition. 
 
 When Cabot entered that strait, he became appre- 
 hensive of danger, and gave orders to stop. Rodas, 
 acting pilot-major, and Grajeda, the master, insisted 
 on going ahead. Cabot demurred, and commanded 
 that soundings should be taken. The order was 
 obeyed, but unskilfully. Meanwhile, the ship con- 
 tinued to advance, and it was while Rodas and 
 Grajeda were still engaged in sounding, that the ship 
 suddenly struck on a bank or rock. The surgeon 
 Juan describes the event in the following terms : 
 
 " He saw that Anton de Grajeda, the master of the flag ship, was 
 at the helm, and the pilot Miguel de Rodas, holding the sounding 
 line in his hand. He was about to let it down, when the said 
 ship struck. And it seems to the witness that as those who were 
 in command of the ship and used the sounding line, did not 
 sound properly, they are responsible for the loss of the ship.""'' 
 
 It should be noted, however, that Cabot was 
 on board, held supreme command, had ordered the 
 soundings to be taken, and knew the imminent 
 danger. It is a question therefore whether some of 
 
 ' Probanda undated (Aug. 27, 
 1530?). Surgeon Juan's answer to 
 question xiii, {Syllabus, No. LI, g). 
 
 * Ibidetn, Answer to question viii. 
 
 I 
 
as 
 
 • 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 SSffN CAnOT AS CO.UyfAiWDF.R AND SEA.IfAJV. 235 
 
 the blamei may not attach to him for faiHnjr to watch 
 the operation with proper care. Be that as it may, 
 six competent witnesses hold him pc^rsonally re- 
 sponsible, if not for the shipwreck itself, at least for 
 the total loss of th(r vessel and nearly the entire 
 carj^o. Their o[)inion is based upon two facts ; one, 
 his neglecting to cast anchor, thus betraying a lack 
 of seamanship, the other, his escaping, the first of 
 all on board, from the ship immediately she struck, 
 leaving no one in command. 
 
 On the first point, we have the depositions of the 
 treasurer de J unco, and of Captain Caro : 
 
 "The ship was lost, says Junco, owing to carelessness on the 
 part of Sel)astian (lahato, as when the ship struck, he should have 
 cast anchor from the stern, to draw her off the rock, which he 
 failed to do." » 
 
 Caro's deposition is also positive : 
 
 " He (Cabot) set sail between the islands where the ship was, 
 without paying out more cable to the anchor. Continuing thus to 
 sail, the ship struck, and was lost.'"^ 
 
 As regards the charge of having escaped from 
 his ship as soon as she struck, which conduct 
 disheartened every one on board so that they all 
 thought only of saving themselves, the testimonies 
 are overwhelming. 
 
 We have first the deposition of Antonio de 
 Montoya. It is only hearsay evidence ; but as the 
 details were gathered on the spot, at the time, and 
 are corroborated by the testimonies of a number of 
 eye-witnesses, it may be cited here : 
 
 "The ship struck on a reef, where she was lost. And I heard 
 the people who were on board say, — for deponent was in another 
 vessel, — that the very moment ('luego yncontinente ') the ship 
 struck, Seb. Gaboto went out of her, and fled; which was the 
 
 ', ' Proianza of How. 30, 1530. Answers to question xv. 
 
f 
 
 •^ n , ,► -^ir ^"^ 
 
 i 
 
 
 I I I 
 
 
 4 
 
 236 5ii7?'.V CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 cause that the other people on board also left the ship and fled. 
 The consequence is that the cowardice ('la flaqueza de animo') 
 exhibited by Sebastian Gaboto, caused the total loss of the stores 
 and provisions, or most of them, in the ship. This would have 
 been avoided if he had not abandoned her and fled. The fact 
 is notorious among all the people of the fleet." ^ 
 
 There is again the deposition of Hernando de 
 Calderon, who was on board the shipwrecked vessel : 
 
 " I know," says he, " that the ship struck, and was lost there, and 
 that the first person who left the ship was Captain Gaboto, with 
 two or three, whom he took with him in a boat. That I know, 
 because I saw it." ^ 
 
 He adds however, that even if Cabot had 
 remained on board, the cargo could not have been 
 saved. 
 
 The deposition of Captain Gregorio Caro is very 
 explicit : 
 
 " Immediately upon the ship striking, Sebastian Gabota left 
 and abandoned her. The ship was lost because, on seeing that 
 Captain Gabota had left, all the people who were on board tried 
 to escape, whilst some went in search of something to steal from 
 the vessel. And if the captain had not run away from the ship, 
 nothing on board would have been swamped, although the ship 
 could not be saved. His want of courage is the cause that all 
 was lost." 3 
 
 Juan de Junco adds : 
 
 " Gaboto immediately it into a small skiff with certain men, 
 and fled to an island. 1 .-s was the ship lost, as there was no 
 one to give the necessary orders." * 
 
 Garcia de Celis, Francisco Hoga9on, and the 
 surgeon Juan all likewise declare that they saw Cabot 
 escape in a similar manner from the flag ship. 
 
 '^^'^ Ibidem. Answers to question xvi. the interest of Portugal, to divert 
 
 ^ The representations of the Poitu- Cabot from sailing to the Moluccas. 
 
 guese at Pernambuco were said at the * Probanza of Nov. 30th, 1 530. 
 
 time of the trial to have been made in Answers to question vii. 
 
 Xv ' 
 
 Lit- 
 
SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 237 
 
 Cabot never even endeavoured to refute that grave 
 charge. The witnesses on his side simply dev,) ired 
 that after the shipwreck he made strenuous efforts 
 to save what could be rescued from the sinking; vessel. 
 This we readily believe, although seven witnesses, 
 including one of Cabot's own, the surgeon Juan, attri- 
 bute a great share of the merit to Rojas, who worked 
 even at the peril of his life: "poniendo a mucho 
 riesgo su persona," to use Captain Caro's expression. 
 
 Ever since the expedition of Juan Dias de Solis, 
 in 1 5 1 5, there had been a belief current among the 
 Europeans settled along the southern portion of the 
 east coast of America, that the river which then bore 
 his name but is now known as La Plata, watered a 
 region abounding in precious metals. It was doubt- 
 less propagated by those of his companions who 
 remained behind, although neither gold nor silver 
 are to be found in that stream, notwithstanding the 
 designation of " Rio de la Plata : — the River of Silver." 
 
 When Cabot arrived at Pernambuco, he listened 
 eagerly to these reports,^ and it cannot be doubted 
 that they prompted him then and there ^ to at least 
 ascend the La Plata, before continuing his route to the 
 Moluccas. The proofs on this important point are 
 positive and absolute, as the reader will see from the 
 following testimonies : 
 
 "Antonio de Montoya knows that the Portuguese (in the 
 Province of Pernambuco, where there was a factory of the King 
 of Portugal), told and informed Gaboto that the Rio de Solis was 
 very rich in gold and silver. By many signs witness was also aware, 
 from the time of leaving Pernambuco, that Gaboto had made up 
 his mind to go to the said river. Particularly because after leaving 
 Pernambuco, he ranged the coast to find certain Christians who 
 were on the said coast, according to what the said Portuguese had 
 told him." 2 
 
 " Hernando Calderon knows that in the said Pernambuco he saw 
 Gaboto, Rifos and the factor of the place, hold frequent and 
 
 ^, * Probanza of Nov. 30lh, 1530. Answers to question vii. 
 
II '"7 
 
 
 ';i 
 
 ■! ^)V 
 
 
 ■ I 
 
 ( 
 
 \ 
 
 1^ 
 
 238 SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 private conversations. And afterwards he learned from the factor 
 himself, that the object of those conversations was to obtain from 
 the factor information concerning the riches of the Rio de Solis. 
 And from Pernambuco, witness saw how they took the route for 
 the Puerto de Patos, where the factor had said were people well 
 informed concerning the wealth of the said river .... He 
 knows that several times Gaboto said that the factor and a pilot 
 who was with him had given him great news about the riches in 
 that river." 1 
 
 " Diego Garcia de Cells saw when they arrived in Pernambuco 
 that the Portuguese in the place gave them news of the quantity 
 of gold and silver in the Rio de Solis, which the Portuguese called 
 Rio de la Plata. And it was said then in the fleet that there was 
 no intention of going through the Strait '^ [of Magellan]." 
 
 " Gregorio Caro, while at Pernambuco, saw the factor, the pilot, 
 and other Portuguese go on board the flag ship many times and 
 that they conveyed information concerning tlie great wealth of the 
 said river. And witness having gone to the flag ship when she 
 was near the shore, Gaboto told him : ' Captain, we are in pos- 
 session of important news relative to the great riches in gold and 
 silver which exist much nearer to us than we expected.' Witness 
 asked him where j and Gaboto replied ' not so far even as the 
 Strait of Magellan.' Thereupon witness answered: 'Sir, continue 
 your voyage, and accomplish what His Majesty has ordered you 
 to do ; and that as promptly as you can. Then, if, upon your 
 return [to Spain], after having informed the King of the riches 
 said to be found in that river. His Majesty orders an expedition 
 to be fitted out to explore it, I promise to join you . . .' A 
 few moments afterwards, Gaboto called witness, and told him : 
 ' Captain, I hope to God to take you to a little spot such as no 
 place visited at any time by men coming from Spain ever afforded 
 so much wealth. We won't lose our voyage, so let us pursue it.' 
 Witness on seeing this, did not care to speak with him any more 
 on the subject."^ 
 
 When, after the shipwreck, Cabot found himself 
 at Santa Catalina, he made inquiries for some of the 
 Christians who, according to what the Portuguese 
 had told him at Pernambuco, could give informa- 
 tion concerning those supposed treasures. It was 
 thus that he came across two survivors of the expedi- 
 tion of Solis, a Spaniard from Lepe, called Melchior 
 
 * Ibidem. * Probanza of Nov. 30th, 1530. 
 
 * Letter of Luis Ramirez. Answer to question vii. 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 ^ 
 
' 
 
 I530- 
 
 SEITN CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 239 
 
 Ramirez, and Henrique Monies, who was a Portu- 
 guese. They informed him that in the course of a 
 sojourn of fourteen years in the region of La Plata, 
 they had ascertained that it was a country extremely 
 rich in precious metals, and that in ascending a river 
 called Parand, there would be found gold and silver 
 enouirh to fill his vessels. The interview and con- 
 versation are reported by several witnesses, one of 
 whom, Luis Ramirez, uses these words : 
 
 "They came to speak of the great riches which was in that 
 river . . . and that if he consented to explore it, we could freight 
 our ships with gold and silver ; because it was certain that after 
 sailing up the Rio de Solis, we would reach a river called 
 Parana . . . Further, that the said Rio Parana, and others 
 which flow into it, border upon a mountain much frecjuented by 
 Indians ; and that in the said mountain, there are many kinds of 
 , metals, as well as a great deal of gold and silver." ^ 
 
 I The fabulous description which those two men 
 
 gave of Indians bringing such great treasures from 
 mountains situate beyond the sources of the Parand 
 and its tributaries, led Cabot to believe that the 
 country referred to was Peru, the mineral wealth of 
 which, it seems, was already known by the Spaniards 
 in Brazil, although in 1526 Pizarro had as yet hardly 
 penetrated into the Peruvian region. 
 
 Montes and Ramirez offered to show Cabot the 
 way to that El Dorado ; and it was a belief in their 
 assertions, and what he had been told at Pernam- 
 buco by Manoel de Braga, the Portuguese factor, 
 much more than the loss of the flag ship and ihe 
 greatest part of the stores and ammunition, which 
 induced him to forego the voyage to the Moluccas. 
 The evidence which we have already quoted, as well 
 as the following declaration from Cabot's most reli- 
 able witness, prove the fact beyond a doubt : 
 
 "Master Juan, surgeon, knows that after the said Portu- 
 
 ^ Ibidem. Answer to question xix. 
 
 n 
 
 ^ 
 
. 1 
 
 \I I' 
 
 ,1 1 
 
 '■/, 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 ,1) 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 240 SEB'JV CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 guese gave Seb. Gaboto the information concerning the Rio de 
 Solis, called by them de la Plata, and how in the 15ay de los 
 Patos there were two Christians, the one called Enrique Montes, 
 the other, Melchior Ramirez, who would give him more ample 
 details, (uihoto went in search of those two Christians, and after 
 consulting with them, ordered the voyage to the said river." ^ 
 
 Cabot's principal officers, Rojas and Caro, were 
 energetically opposed to such a course, but he was 
 bent on carrying out his project notwithstanding, 
 and resorted to nefarious acts, which we have now to 
 relate. 
 
 Rojas was attentive to the wants of his men, 
 especially at a time when so many of them were suffer- 
 ing from the climate and privations. Cabot interpreted 
 these attentions as efforts to gain popularity among 
 the crews and supplant him in the command of the 
 expedition. He had also never ceased to brood 
 over the treacherous designs alleged to have been 
 formed against him by Rojas, Mendez and their 
 friends at Palma. He thought the moment propi- 
 tious to get rid of Rojas, and, under the most flimsy 
 pretext, had him again arrested, and confined on 
 board the Santa MaHa. The deposition of Captain 
 Caro, who was in command of the ship at the time is 
 conclusive on this point : 
 
 "I have heard that Captain Rojas had ordered the steward 
 of the Trinidad, called Juan Miguel, who was formerly steward of 
 the flag ship, to give out a little wine for a man who was sick in 
 bed, and afterward, iied. The steward refusing, Rojas repeated 
 his order, adding that it was given by virtue of the authority as 
 Captain of the ship, which His Majesty had conferred on him. 
 The steward replied that the Captain General (Gaboto) had directed 
 him not to give anything whatever ordered by Rojas, unless first 
 ordered by the said Gaboto. Thereupon, Rojas was said to have 
 retorted ' Acknowledge me to be captain of the ship for His 
 Majesty!' To which the steward replied that he knew no other 
 captain of the ship except Seb. Gaboto. Rojas then commanded 
 him, in the name of His Majesty, to give that wine. The steward 
 
 * Navarrete, document cited in his Biblioieca Marili/na, vol. i, p. 30. 
 
 \ 
 
SEB'N CABOT AS CO.\f.\TANDER AND SEAAfAN. 241 
 
 ity as 
 
 him. 
 
 •ected 
 
 first 
 
 have 
 
 His 
 
 other 
 
 inded 
 
 eward 
 
 30- 
 
 a.qain refused, and Rojas threatened to have him punished in Spain 
 for disref^ardiiig orders given in accordance with the commands of 
 His Majesty. The steward having denounced Rojas to (lal)oto, 
 and brought witnesses to substantiate his complaint, Rojas was 
 arrested. Witness is not aware, nor did he ever hear, that Rojas 
 had done anything to be arrested, e.xcept ordering the wine to be 
 given as aforesaid." ^ 
 
 This de[)osition is corroborated by the testimonies 
 of Hernando Calderon, Montoya and Santa Cruz. 
 The latter, while still on board Cabot's ship at Puerto 
 de San Vincente, even had the couraire, besides, 
 to make an affidavit to the effect that Cabot had ill- 
 treated Rojas for no other reason than his having' 
 disajjproved the e.xpedition to La Plata, and urged, 
 instead, that it should iro to the Moluccas and rescue 
 Loaysa, according to the instructions given by the 
 Emperor." 
 
 There is, however, a circumstance which must be 
 stated at this point, for it was interpreted by Cabot 
 as an attempt at mutiny on board the Trinidad. 
 But there is no proof whatever that Rojas and Men- 
 dez were privy to the alleged rebellion. The only 
 evidence is the following : 
 
 " Master Juan only knows that as in the caravella they were 
 weighing anchor and setting sails, the people being ashore, he asked 
 the reason, and was told that an attempt had been made to rebel 
 in that ship. Rut he neither saw, nor heard say who were the 
 parties who wanted to rebel. Afterwards, he was informed that 
 Captain Gaboto had lilamed Bautista de Negro [n], the master of 
 the Trinidad, on account of the said anchor and sails."^ 
 
 None of the other witnesses summoned by Cabot, 
 viz. : Juan Griego, Andres de Venecia, Marcos de 
 Venecia, Pedro de Niza, Francisco Cesar, and 
 Alonso de Valdiviese, confirmed the allegation. In 
 fact, they seem to have ignored the pretended mutiny 
 altogether. 
 
 f 
 
 ' Prohaitza, 
 question viii. 
 
 undated. Answer to "^ Proliama, of Nov. 30lh, 1530. 
 Answers to question .\x. 
 
 -Hl^.^ 
 
f[ 
 
 T 
 
 / 
 
 242 SE/rjV CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 When on the point of leaving Santa Catalina to 
 take the route towards the Rio de la Plata, notwith- 
 standing.^ the remonstrance of his principal officers, 
 who, in obc;di('nce to the Kiniif's orders, wanted that 
 the route to the Moluccas should be resumed, there 
 happened a (^^rave event, which we now proceed to 
 r(,'late in the words of trustworthy and reliable 
 witnesses : 
 
 (f 
 
 jii, 
 
 l| 
 
 'L 
 
 'J i 
 
 \\ 
 
 • v| 
 
 I'' I' ■ i 
 
 "Juan de Junco says that it is true that Gaboto ordered 
 Francisco de Rojas and Mcndez to be taken out [of the shi])] 
 under false pretences, llis chief alj^uazil came with certain people 
 in a bopt, and coir.pelled them to leave their bed although they 
 were so ill as not to be able to stand on their feet. The chief 
 alj^'uazil told them that they had to follow him into the boat, to go 
 and speak with the Cajjtain-Cieneral. In reply, they begged him 
 for (u)d"s sake to wait until the fever they suffered from had abated. 
 He replied tiiat they must obey at once ; and with the aid of some 
 men, they entered the boat. As it was leaving the ship and steering 
 towards the island inhat)ited by Indians, Rojas and Mendez com- 
 menced to sob, saying that they were taken to Indians who would 
 eat them ; and begged to be brought into the presence of the 
 Captain. lUit they were landed in the island . . . Witness was 
 on board and saw them arrested, which was by the order of Captain 
 Gaboto." 
 
 " Diego Garcia de Cells, speaking of his own knowledge says that 
 the Chief Algua/il removed Rojas and Mendez from the ship of 
 Captain Caro, although suffering from a fever. That they went, 
 crying, demanding justice, and protesting against the bad treatment 
 and harm Gaboto inflicted on them." ' 
 
 The subterfuge to entice Rojas and Mendez from 
 the ship without resistance as well as the details of 
 the deportation are confirmed even by one of Cabot's 
 own witnesses : 
 
 " Luis de Leon says he saw how they came on board the Santa 
 Maria, where Captain Caro, Mendez and Rojas were. The Chief 
 Alguazil [Caspar de Ribas] told them that the Captain-General 
 [Cabot] wanted to speak to them. Tliey then went in a boat with 
 the Chief Alguazil, who took them to the land, Mendez and Rojas 
 
 1 Probanza, of Nov. 30th, 1530. Answers to question xx. 
 
 I 
 
 
 ll^i«<. 
 
Santa 
 
 Chief 
 
 icncral 
 
 It with 
 
 Rojas 
 
 SEH'N CABOT AS CO.UJ/.l .VDER AAV) SEA.VAN. 243 
 
 imploring Ciocl for justice. And this took ])larL! in the port of 
 Santa ('ataHna, which is itihahited l>y Indians, not by Cliristians."^ 
 
 At the time of the occurrence, Cabot explained his 
 conduct to certain witnesses only on the plea that 
 Rojas had used unwarranted lanL,aiage to the steward, 
 and that Mijniel de Rodas (who was banished at the 
 same time) had been the cause of the shipwreck. To 
 Captain Caro he ^ave another reason, which is stated 
 in the following extract : 
 
 "When Rojas had been arrested, witness (Caro) went to the 
 Cnptain-Ceneral, and told him : 'Why, Sir, l)ecause a captain has 
 had a (piarrel with a steward, relative to a little wine which he 
 wished to be given to a very sick man, you have him arrested ! ' 
 Cabot replied that such was not the cause of his arrest ; and gave 
 as a reason that it was in consecjuencc of evidence furnished against 
 him by four witnesses to the effect that he deserved to be torn 
 to pieces. Witness went si;veral times to Oaboto on behalf of 
 Rojas and Mendez asking that they might be heard, but in vain."^ 
 
 To the Fiscal, Cabot said that Mendez and Rodas 
 conspired aj^ainst his life : " conspiraban su muerte" ; 
 but he only referred for evidence to the ex parte stiite.- 
 ments sent to Spain in 1528. The pretext alleged 
 by Cabot to palliate his conduct makes it incumbent 
 on us to mention the reason for these high handed 
 measures. 
 
 According to him, it seems that while in Palma, 
 the Prior of the Convent of San Francisco informed 
 him that Rojas had disclosed, in an auricular confession, 
 a secret meeting held at Seville in the monastery of 
 San Pablo by Rojas and other officers of the squadron, 
 where a solemn oath had been taken to unite and 
 stand by each other under every circumstance. This 
 Cabot viewed as a conspiracy to deprive him on the 
 high seas of his command and even to murder him after 
 placing Rojas at the head of the expedition. Santa 
 
 , 
 
 m 
 
 Ibidem, Answer to question xix. 
 
 Ibidem. Answer to question xi. 
 
 irii^-iv— . 
 
If 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^1, 
 
 244 SEn'/V CA/iOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 Cruz says, that instead of fasttMiing the char<^o, — 
 whatever its real character may have been, — on the 
 actual parties, Cabot brought the accusation against 
 th(; men in the lli-et whom he hated most; viz.: 
 Martin Mendez and his brother Fern.intlo, Alonso de 
 Santa Cru/, Miguel de Rodas, Otavian de Brene, 
 and Camacho, son of Dr. Morales, together with 
 Francisco de Rojas. Learning afterwards that the 
 same individuals frequently met at the house of Santa 
 Cruz, who was ill at Palma, Cabot became still more 
 convinced of the reality of the plot, but dissembled, 
 and without uttering any complaint, gave orders to 
 weigh anchor. 
 
 When the squadron arrived at Pernambuco, Cabot 
 instituted a secret inquiry into the proceedings 
 at Palma, and immediately, without alleging proofs 
 or reasons, without even giving them a chance 
 to be heard on their own behalf, ordered Rojas, 
 Mendez and others to be confined in the Santa Maria 
 del Espiiiar as prisoners. A few days afterwards, 
 however, Cabot sent for Rojas, and a scene took 
 place which must be described in the words of the 
 chief witness : 
 
 " A few days after Gaboto had caused Rojas to be imprisoned in 
 the ship, he sent for him and for the witness (Caro), and in his 
 presence and that of tiie notary Martin Ybanez, after putting a 
 question to Rojas and having elicited an answer, set him free and 
 dismissed the charge on which he had been arrested. Cabot then 
 told Rojas to continue to serve His Majesty as he had done here- 
 tofore, and better still if possible, and sent him back to his ship. 
 The same day he invited Rojas to dine with him." ' 
 
 Cabot nevertheless did not cease to brood over 
 the imaginary wrong. As J unco remarked, he was of 
 a revengeful disposition. This is shown by what we 
 have just related, where he is seen to have 
 deported Rojas at Santa Catalina on the plea of the 
 
 ' Ibidem, Answer to question ix. 
 
 ■vi 
 
 i>^ 
 
SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 245 
 
 in 
 
 his 
 
 rc- 
 
 rer 
 
 of 
 
 iwe 
 
 ive 
 
 pretended attcini)t at murder, which l.e had apparently 
 forgiven and absolved a short time previous at Per- 
 nambuco. Cabot then revived the accusation ; but 
 Santa Cruz affirms, and his character is above sus- 
 picion, that none of the \vitnesst:s upon whom Cabot 
 claimed to rely, ever testified to anything- of a repre- 
 hensible nature. And the truth is that the depositions 
 on his behalf do not mention any fact or circum- 
 stance calculated to sustain the odious charj^c. Anton 
 r'alcon, I'Vancisco Cesar, and Alonso de V^ddiviese, 
 who were the witnc'sses produced by Cabot on that 
 point, only spoke fnjm hearsay, or public rumor. 
 
 Impartiality prompts us likewise to examine in the 
 same li^ht the counter-changes brouj^ht by Rojas 
 against Cabot ; for instance, that he had posted 
 two men to stab him. This also rests altogether 
 upon hearsay, and that even at third hand. Thus 
 Caro declares that he heard Santa Cruz slate that 
 Alonso Bueno said in his presence that Cabot urged 
 him and Francisco Cesar to commit the deed. 
 Montoya quotes Bueno, Celis cites Caro, while 
 Junco gives Santa Cruz as his authority, both 
 Caro and Junco, however, basing their statement 
 also on Bueno, who was not, in our opinion, an 
 honest man. Withal, it is worthy of notice, that we 
 find his allegation corroborated by the testimony of 
 the surgeon Juan, albeit this is likewise hearsay. 
 
 "Juan declares to have heard Francisco (larcia, the priest of 
 the fleet, say that Alonso Bueno and Perac^a, being on hoard the 
 flag ship, once bound themselves by the order of Cabot to stab 
 Francisco de Rojas." ^ 
 
 Afterwards, the mother of Mendez accused Cabot, 
 and even Cabot's wife, of having attempted to 
 
 ' The answer is ambiguous. We do by the command of Caiioi, or whi'iher 
 not know whether witness means to say it was by his order that they were to 
 that Bueno and Pera^a were on board stab RojAS. 
 
246 SEIi'N CA/iUT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 assasslnati* one of her sons and poison the oiIkt. 
 Hut ihi- Council of the Iiulics took no furtlur notice 
 of those reci[)rocal accusations, eviilently uttered in 
 the; heat of jjassion, and, as we beheve, groundless, 
 bt)th on the one side and the other. 
 
 In tlu; present iiuiuiry, a very important fact to 
 consitler is that the evidence proiluceil against 
 Cahot, and analysed in the foreL;()inLj l)a;^a's, rests 
 upon tht; testimonies of the leading ofncc;rs of the 
 scpiadron, and of gc;ntU;nu:n on board, none of whom, 
 so far as we can see, had any personal motives for 
 charging him with crime, or misdemeanor. Moreov(T, 
 the de[)ositions of all those [)arties form a well 
 connecKxl chain, (;ven with some of the evidence 
 presented by Cabot on his own bihalf. The dis- 
 passionate tone of the statements, although relating 
 to such facts as the commander being the first to 
 abandon his ship in tin; hour of danger, or dragging 
 from a sick bed men like Rojas and Mendez to 
 deport them among cannibals, without trial and with- 
 out due cause, would alone evince the truth, if the 
 information which we possess relative; to the i)rivate 
 character of these witnesses had not been sufficient. 
 
 To the biographical details already given, when 
 describing the members of the e.xpedition, we must 
 add the following personal facts. 
 
 Hernando Calderon, the representative of the 
 Royal Treasury in the fleet, enjoyed the confidence 
 of Cabot to such a degree that he entrusted him in 
 1528 with a mission to Charles V., for the purpose 
 of explaining the state of affairs and obtaining 
 succour from the government. Captain Gregorio 
 Caro never ceased to possess the esteem of his 
 chief, who placed him in command of Fort Sancti 
 Spiritus ; and the efforts which he made to send 
 Garcia to the rescue of Cabot in Paraguay, show 
 that he deserved the trust placed in his character 
 
 
T 
 
 SE/i'N CAliOT AS COM^rANDER AND SEAAfAN. 247 
 
 and abilities. It was also Cam, the ablest captain in 
 the fleet, who coininaiuled the ship wiiich brou^fht 
 back to Spain Cabot and the survivors of the expt:di- 
 tion. 
 
 The surgeon Juan, and Luis de Leon were 
 witnesses produced by Cabot himself. 
 
 These, at the outset, are four witnesses whom he 
 is di:barred from challenging. The rest were 
 summoned by the I'^iscal, but arc certainly worthy of 
 confidence. 
 
 Diego Carcia de Celis was one of the noblemen 
 recommended by Charles V., who, on his return 
 from La I'lata, appointed him " Official Real " of 
 Ciuatemala, a very high judicial oHice, which he 
 still held in 1537. 
 
 Antonio de Montoya was a relative of Caspar de 
 Montoya, a membi^r of the Council of the Lulies 
 (1528- 1 538), and controller of the Trinidad, which 
 is a post im[)lying a character for honesty. 
 
 Alonso tie Santa Cruz, at that time twenty-four 
 years old, but who was soon to be a[)pointed Royal 
 Cosmographer, then Cosmographer- Major, and enjoy 
 the reputation of being the greatest Spanish savant 
 in the art of navigation : "mathematicarum omnium 
 artium peritissimus," ' was a man of good birth, 
 stern, but of a lofty dispositi(jn.- Juan de J unco 
 was an Asturian nobleman, the son-in-law of Vazquez 
 de Ayllon, e.xtremely honest, and of whom Oviedo, 
 who knew him personally, speaks in the highest 
 terms. 
 
 Diego Garcia, on whom Biddle and other 
 apologists of Sebastian Cabot bestow much abuse, 
 for no other reason than that of having criticized 
 Cabot's sailing directions quaindy, but very justly, 
 as we intend to show, was a Portuguese, settled in 
 
 ' Answer to queslion ix. vol. i, p. 47. Discovery of North 
 
 "^ Atiiomo, Bibliokca Hisp, Nova : Aiimriia, p. 736. 
 
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 248 ^ir/?^ CAnOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 Moguer, who commanded in chief the squadron 
 equipped at the cost of Fernando de Andrada, 
 Christoval de Haro, Ruy Basante and Alonso de 
 Salamanca, to explore the Rio de la Plata, which 
 he is even said to have ascended so early as 151 2. 
 The fact that the authorization was n-ranted under 
 the condition that Garcia should take with him a 
 party of pilots, to teach them how to navigate those 
 seas, proves that reliance was placed by the govern- 
 ment on his professional ability. Barcia calls him 
 "marinero insigne," ^ He seems also to be the Diego 
 Garcia who in 1538 commanded one of the ships of 
 the expedition of Hernandez de Soto, and to be the 
 discoverer of the Isla de Diecjo Garcia in the 
 Indian seas." Nor should we forsjfet that he hastened 
 to the help of Cabot in the Paraguay, when informed 
 by Caro that he had suffered a bloody defeat, and 
 was in great danger from the Indians; and that 
 afterwards Cabot entrusted him at the Puerto de 
 San Vincente, with the task of notifying Rojas to 
 come on board the Santa Maria del Espinar, to be 
 carried to Spain as a culprit.^ 
 
 As to Luis Ramirez, perhaps it will be objected 
 that his valuable letter contains no censure of Cabot's 
 conduct. But, neither do we find in his narrative 
 a single word of praise or approbation, although 
 they passed together through terrible trials. On 
 the other hand, we know positively that Calderon 
 and Barlow had been enjoined by Cabot to break 
 the seals, and read all the letters which they carried 
 to Spain, — one of which was that of Ramirez, — and 
 
 
 » \ 
 
 ^ " Es hom])re de credito y ha miiy 
 bien servido d su rey en eslas Indias, y 
 trahaxado todo lo posil)le con su 
 persona, sirviendo a su prinyipe y 
 pade(,'iendo y comportando como varon 
 de buen animo." Ovikdo, lib. xxiii, 
 cap. V, vol. ii, p. 185. 
 
 ^ Cardknas z Cano (viz. Barcia), 
 
 Eusayo Chrouologico par la historia de 
 la Florida, loih leaf. 
 
 ^ Cespedes, I^es^imiento, fo. 133, 
 speaks favourably of " Diego Garcia, 
 Pilolo da Burgalessa," who accom- 
 panied Jorge DE Mei.o in his second 
 voy.age to the East Indies, in 1545, 
 and who may be the same. 
 
 I ! 
 
 Js 
 
 i 
 
SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 249 
 
 that from fear of being treated like Mendez, no one 
 dared inform His Majesty of what had taken place 
 during the voyage.^ 
 
 Against these overwhelming testimonies, Cabot 
 only puts forward his own assertions (which we 
 reject, just as we do those of Rojas himself because 
 both are interested parties) and several witnesses 
 who certainly cannot be set up against such men as 
 Calderon, J unco, Santa Cruz, Caro, and others, 
 already named. The deponents in favor of Cabot 
 are nearly all ship boys, or sailors before the mast, 
 two thirds of them, Italian, Greek or Hungarian," 
 whose depositions are vague, or merely based upon 
 hearsay, and in no instance of such a character as 
 to outweigh the testimonies produced on behalf of 
 Mendez and Rojas. Nor do their declarations apply 
 at all to the principal charges brought against Cabot, 
 which were deemed true and proven by the Council 
 of the Indies in four judgments, two of them rendered 
 on appeal. 
 
 The persons put on shore with Francisco de Rojas 
 and Martin Mendez, were the hitter's brother Fer- 
 nando, Miguel de Rodas, Christoval de Guevara, 
 Otavian de Brane {^.), the cooper Juan de Arzola, 
 Gomez Malaver, the Genoese Michael, and, it seems, 
 other members of the expedition. The place of exile 
 was not an " Isla de Patos," which does not exist, 
 unless it be a name also given to the island of Santa 
 Catalina, but the part of the latter where the 
 squadron had remained after the shipwreck. These 
 unfortunates were enjoined not to go beyond twenty 
 leagues of the place ; ^ but they cannot be said to 
 have been left entirely destitute. Their wearing 
 apparel, with some fire arms, gunpowder and two 
 
 > 6j'//a/)«j-, No. LI d. Venecia, Pedro de Niza, Juan 
 
 ^Deposition of Gregorio Caro, Grego, &c., Anton Falcon, "gru- 
 
 Sy Habits, No. LI i. mete." 
 ^Andres DE Venecia, Marcos de 
 
 \ 
 
*' rr---*^ 
 
 » 
 
 250 SEB'IV CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 small casks of wine were delivered to them. Cabot 
 also commended the exiles to the cacique of the 
 place, who was called Totavera. 
 
 As to the Indians who lived there, they were 
 certainly cannibals. Cabot says that they only ate 
 their prisoners. But the surgeon Juan and a number 
 of witnesses assert that these Indians were not so 
 discriminating in their taste for human flesh : 
 
 " Master Juan says that he knows that the Indians of the 
 country, where the parties mentioned in the question were aban- 
 doned, eat human flesh, that they killed several Christians, and 
 ate them.'" 
 
 Withal there is no evidence that these natives 
 maltreated the Spaniards whom Cabot left with them 
 in the island of Santa Catalina. Rojas succeeded 
 in escaping to San Vincente, Fernando Mendez died 
 of sickness, whilst his brother Martin and Rodas 
 were swamped at sea whilst trying to reach Rio de 
 Janeiro in a boat. Guevara, Arsola and Malaver 
 were still living among them in 1538. 
 
 Cabot, now free to act according to his own wishes, 
 took on board the two sailors from the fleet of Solis 
 and put to sea, in search, under their guidance, of 
 the wealth which lie expected to find on the banks of 
 the Parana. 
 
 The three ships, viz. : the Santa Maria del 
 Espina7% the Trinidad, and Rifos' brigantine, to- 
 gether with the galliot constructed at Santa Cata- 
 lina, recommenced their coasting southward, and 
 continued until they reached the great estuary of La 
 Plata. There is no proof that from this time 
 Cabot failed to conduct himself as a competent and 
 energetic commander. On the contrary, so far as 
 we know, for the question was not raised when he 
 
 ' Card's answer to question xxi. The Cacique was probably commissioned 
 to watcli over the exiles ; Cabot fearing their return to Spain. 
 
SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 251 
 
 was tried before the Council of the Indies, Cabot 
 behaved jj^allantly, and maintained to the last the 
 strictest discipline. 
 
 In that expedition the all-absorbin(j thought was 
 to avoid starving to death, as the country afforded 
 few resources, and, since the shipwreck, their provi- 
 sions were scanty. Cabot had given strict orders 
 that his men should not absent themselves under 
 any pretence whatever ; jusdy apprehending that 
 they might be lost, or killed by hostile natives. A 
 number of sailors from the galley determined never- 
 theless to go in search of food, secretly, with some 
 Indians who had joined the expedition and were also 
 suffering the pangs of hunger. Luis de Leon, one of 
 the party, betrayed his companions, Cabot ordered 
 all of them to be tried for desertion and sent to the 
 gallows the promoter of the deed, one Francisco de 
 Lepe, who was even hanged twice. Further up the 
 river, another, called Martin of Biscay, was also 
 executed. These two men were deserters from 
 Acuna's ship, who had been embarked by Cabot at 
 Santa Catalina. The sailors who came with the 
 latter from Spain, fared, as a rule, somewhat better. 
 A number of them, including Sebastian Cor^o, and 
 Aguirre, the Basque, had only their hands nailed to 
 a board, or their ears cut off ^ Cabot's returning, not- 
 withstanding swarms of fierce Indians, to the fort of 
 Sancti Spiritus to recover his heavy artillery, immedi- 
 ately after suffering such a bloody defeat, exhibits an 
 unwavering firmness, which contrasts favourably 
 with his behaviour at the time of the shipwreck. 
 
 He indeed warred against the Indians, but in 
 self-defence ; and if his men committed the grave 
 imprudences he is reproached with, Oviedo frankly 
 admits that the same blame attaches to all the 
 
 * Prohanza of Nov. 30th, 1530. Answer to question xxii. Deposition of 
 JUNCO and Casimir Nuremberger, Syllabus, No. Lii. 
 
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 it' 
 
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 r 
 
7F 
 
 I 
 
 'V ' i 
 
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 252 SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 Spanish conquerors in the New World/ The fact 
 is that the enterprise was doomed from the start. 
 A similar fate awaited the adventurers who followed 
 in Cabot's footstejjs. Here is an instance : 
 
 Leaving' San Lucar de Barrameda with twelve 
 ships perfectly equipped, on the 24th of August 
 1534 (or on the ist of September 1535''), Pedro de 
 Mendoza landed in the Rio de la Plata, at the island 
 of Sant Gabriel, four months afterwards, with ten 
 vessels and fifteen hundred men. ^ Crossin*; the 
 estuary, he went to the place which is now the city 
 of P)uenos Ayres, of which he laid the first founda- 
 tions, I lis object was both to explore the region to 
 the south-west of the Rio de Solis and to reach, by 
 ascending' one of the upper tributaries, the South 
 Sea (or Pacific), which was still believed to be attain- 
 able by that route. 
 
 The provisions soon gave out, and the famine was 
 so great that the Spaniards were compelled to eat their 
 dead.'* An epidemic broke out amongst them, and the 
 Indians, emboldened by the sight of their weakness, 
 
 ' " Estas rotas hechas con engafio e 
 sobre st\L;uro, como a estos espanoles 
 acaes(;i(j con eslos indios, fuc culpa del 
 capilan ijue llevaban, pues bastaba 
 saber lo (jue avia acontes(,ido a Solis." 
 OviKDO, vol. ii, p. 174. 
 
 - OviF.nn relates (vol. ii, p. i8i)that 
 the fleet left San Lucar, in August 
 1535. IIkrrkra gives no dale; 
 placing only the beginning of his 
 narrative under that year. But Ulrich 
 ScHMiDKL, who was on board, says 
 positively that it was on the 24th of 
 August 1534. "In festo S. Barto- 
 lomxi, anno 1534," and that he arrived 
 at La Plata in 1535: " Insuper Dei 
 gratiam attjue benedictionem A.C. 
 1535 felicitcr ad Rio de Plata." Vera 
 historia; Norimb. , Hulsius, 1599, 4to, 
 pp. 6 and 10. We have been unable 
 to compare that text with the German 
 edition, Fnankfort, 1567, folio. 
 
 3 According to Ulrich Schmidel, 
 the fleet was composed of fourteen 
 
 large ships, carrying 2500 Spaniards, 
 150 Germans, Dutchmen and a few 
 Saxons. Ovii'.DO, on the testimony 
 of Melehor Pai.mkko, says that the 
 fleet left Sjiain with twelve shij)s, and 
 2000 men {Hist. G/., vol. ii, p. 1S6). 
 Those figures are confirmed by the 
 declarations of a priest called Diego 
 DK Lb'iNTiANii.i.A, who accompanied 
 Mendoza. He adds, however, that 
 only 1500 men reached the Rio de la 
 Pl.ata, whilst two of the ships remained 
 on the way, leaving only ten which 
 went to that river. 
 
 •* We read in Schmidel (chap, ix), 
 that three Spaniards having stolen a 
 horse, killed and ate it in secret. The 
 theft was discovered. They were 
 tortured, and, having acknowledged 
 the deed, sent to the gallows. The 
 next day, three Spaniards cut off their 
 thighs, and devoured them. Another 
 ate the body of his own brother, who 
 had just died at Buenos Ayrcs. 
 
 b ' 
 
 
^m 
 
 SEB'JV CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 253 
 
 attacked them with fury. After numerous flights, 
 and several years ^ of awful sufferinjj;-, Mendoza re- 
 embarked for Spain, but died at sea from sickness 
 and despair.'^ One hundred and fifty Spaniards finally 
 returned to their native country, but the thirteen 
 hundred and fifty others died literally from starva- 
 tion, or were exterminated by the Indians.^ The 
 fate of several expeditions which Spain sent after- 
 wards to the Rio de la Plata, was almost as lament- 
 able.'' 
 
 When Cabot determined to abandon the enterprise 
 altogether, and sailed out of the Rio de la Plata, he 
 is charged with having passed the Isla de Lobos, 
 without making an effort to reclaim the thirty- 
 four men whom he had sent thither in quest of food. 
 The fact is that Montoya and his companions had 
 gone from the Lobos to another island, and thence 
 across to the continent, near the Cape Santa Maria, 
 As Cabot saw no signs of human beings on 
 shore, he passed by without stopping. But Juan de 
 J unco and Santa Cruz affirm that farther down the 
 river, noticing columns of smoke on the mainland, 
 they begged Cabot to tarry a while, and endeavour 
 
 4j 
 
 ti 
 
 \ 
 
 •'ti' 
 
 J 
 
 m 
 /if 
 
 ix), 
 
 )len a 
 The 
 were 
 
 ud^ed 
 The 
 their 
 
 lolher 
 who 
 
 ' ScHMiDEL relates (chap, xiv), that 
 Mknuoza set sail to return to Spain 
 four years after his arrival at La I'lata. 
 If so, it was in 1539. OviKUO gives 
 no date, but Hkrrera {Deccui, vi, 
 p. 78) places the death of Mendoza 
 under the year 1537. On the other 
 hand, Cahf,(;a de V^vca (ciiap. i), 
 states that Chari.es V. was informed 
 of the sad fate of Mendoza's expedi- 
 tion only in 1 540. 
 
 ^ If we are to believe a legend, of 
 which, however, we find no traces 
 cither in QviEDO, Gomara, Schmi- 
 DEL, or Herrera, Pedro de Men- 
 UOZA on the voyage homeward suftcred 
 so much from hunger, that he was com- 
 pelled to eat his bitch which was with 
 pup ; and died two days afterwards 
 with a sort of hydrophobia. The first 
 
 historian who mentions that circum- 
 stance is Ruy Diaz dk Guzman, in his 
 Argentina, publishetl by De Angelis, 
 op. lit., p. 43. 
 
 ' " En la nao en que don Pedro se 
 volvio, yban hasta 9iento, y en la que 
 aca aporto (jintpienta : de forma (pie 
 mill e tres9ientos y ^inciuenta murieron 
 en aquella tierra e provin^ia del rio de 
 la Plata." Oviedo, op. cit., vol. ii, 
 p. 183. 
 
 * The expeditions of Juan de 
 Ayoi.as and of Domingo de Irai.a, in 
 the upper river, were as disastrous as 
 those of Cabot and Mendoza. 
 There happened, indeed, to Antonio 
 DE Mendoza at Corpus Christi in 
 1539, exactly the same defeat which 
 the Indians inllicted on Caisot at 
 Sancti Spiritus just ten years before. 
 

 i 
 
 •:\ 
 
 l\ 
 
 i 
 
 f.*! 
 
 254 SEB'JV CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 
 
 to save those men, who were Christians and friends 
 and had risked their lives for the good of all. 
 Cabot, they say, refused to listen to their en- 
 treaties, alk'^nng that he apprehended a storm which 
 might dash the ship against the coast. But the 
 weather was, on the contrary, very fine, and the men 
 on board were anxious to land for such a humane 
 purpose.^ Cabot, however, declares that not only 
 did he stop at the Lobos, but even sent J unco, 
 Cesar and others on shore. As to the mainland, he 
 gives as a reason that Indians whom he met in 
 canoes had assured him that they had seen neither 
 ships nor Spaniards in th \ vicinity, and that the 
 smoke must have come from fires lighted by Indians, 
 Be that as it may, Montoya and his companions 
 were left behind, but not therefore lost. They had 
 with them two " bergantines," by which term must 
 be understood Rifos' caravel, and the galley. It is 
 certain that a number of them succeeded in reaching 
 some Portufjuese settlement on the Brazilian coast 
 a few months afterwards, as we see their leader, 
 Antonio de Montoya, at Seville on the 2ncl of 
 November 1530, when he gave his testimony before 
 the Fiscal. 
 
 After examining the evidence broutjht forward on 
 both sides, the impartial historian cannot but ascribe 
 to Cabot, and to Cabot alone, the failure of the ex- 
 pedition to the Moluccas. By changing his route 
 and going to Brazil, he was first diverted from his 
 object. When there, the idea crept into his mind 
 to go in quest of imaginary treasures in the Rio de 
 la Plata, and it was when searching for men to give 
 him further information on the subject, that he lost 
 his flag ship and stores. 
 
 It is evident, further, that neither the Parana n 
 Paraguay could lead him to Peru, and still less to 
 
 1 Syllabus, No. Lil. 
 
 
Lio de 
 lost 
 
 SEB'N CABOT AS COMMANDER AND SEAMAN. 255 
 
 the South Sea. There were besides obstacles abso- 
 lutely insurmountable, arisinj,^ from the warlike 
 instincts of the Indian tril)es in the ui)i)er rivers. 
 And even if the Spaniards with their feeble re- 
 sources had been able to wage war successfully 
 against them, we do not see what profit could have 
 been derived from their victories, as it was im- 
 possible then to plant a colony. We are rather of 
 opinion that Cabot stood a better chance, notwith- 
 standing the loss of the Hag ship and provisions, in 
 continuing his route to the Strait of Magellan. 
 When in the Pacific Ocean, he could have ranged 
 the American coast northwards, as far as some port 
 of the Golden Castile, to which, according to instruc- 
 tions received from the King in 1527, Cortes had 
 sent him succour.^ 
 
 1 Navarrete, vul. V, docs, xxxi-ii, pp. 456-59. 
 
 \ 
 
 \\ 
 
 (I 
 
■"I 
 
 t'l' 
 
 I I 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 'I >!• 
 
 ID A 
 
 I: 
 
 \ ' 
 
 i| 
 
 
 ) 
 
 iy 
 
 \^ : 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAHOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 
 
 EIGHT months after he had left La Plata, 
 Sebastian Cabot entered the Guadalquivir, on 
 the day of St. Mary MaL,alalen, July 22nd, 1530, 
 with only one ship left, and a handful of men, all 
 worn out by sickness or privations,^ " without glory 
 and without profit : — sin honra e sin provecho." 
 
 If we are to believe Dr. Simao Affonso, who was 
 an eye-witness of Cabot's return to Seville, he landed 
 "with only twenty men out of two hundred whom 
 he had taken from Spain ; the rest having died from 
 hardship and hunger, or been killed in war."^ There 
 may not have been many more than twenty of Cabot's 
 companions on board the ship which brought him back 
 to Seville ; but the statement relative to the death 
 of one hundred and eighty others, is an exaggeration. 
 In the first place, more than fifty returned with 
 Calderon in the Trinidad in 1528.^ Nor is it likely 
 that the twelve or fifteen Spaniards who disembarked 
 in 1526 at the Puerto de San Vincente where they 
 had a chance of taking passage home in some 
 
 ^ " Essos que eran vivos estaban 
 muy trabaxados c sin salud . . . 
 Llegados a Espana, entraron por el 
 rio Guadalquevir dia de la Magdalena, 
 veynte y dos dias de jullio de mill e 
 quinienlos e treynta . . . hasta volver 
 a Espafia, ocho meses." Oviedo, 
 Historia general de las Indias, lib. 
 xxiii, cap. iv, vol. ii, p. 177. 
 
 "^ Doctor Simao Akkonso. Letter 
 of August 2nd, 1530 ; published by 
 
 Adolfo DK Varnhaoen ; Historia 
 Geral do Brazil ; Madrid, 1854, vol. i, 
 p. 439, note 26. 
 
 ^ " For nianera, que ya avian muerto 
 los indios septenta y (;inco liombres, 
 sin los que de su enfcrmedades y de 
 hambre se murieron, e sin los tjue en 
 una naodestas avian enviado a Espana, 
 en la qual fueron mas de yimiUenta 
 personas ; e los (|ue (juedaban vivos en 
 la tierra," OviKDO, loc. (it. 
 
M 
 
 SEHAST/AiV CAnOT RETUIiNS TO SPAIN. 
 
 257 
 
 liuerto 
 
 ]iibrcs, 
 
 y de 
 
 liue en 
 
 Liienla 
 vos ell 
 
 Spanish or l'or;ii}4Ucsc vessel, all died in Brazil.' 
 A,L,^ain, it is certain that Rojas and several of his 
 companions returned shortly afterwards from the 
 Puerto de San Vincente with Diej^o Garcia. As 
 to those who were left at Cape Santa Maria, our 
 opinion is that a number mana;4ed with tin; l)c;rL;an- 
 tine, althoip^h leaky, and the <4alley, to reach some 
 Portuguese settlement on the Brazilian coast, and 
 eventually returned to Spain. At all events, such 
 was the case with their leader Antonio de Montoya. 
 Others who remained at the ca[)e were rescued by 
 Gon^alo de Mendoza in 1537." Gomara also says* 
 that when the ships of Alonso Cabrera entered the 
 Puerto de Patos, in 1538, they brought three of the 
 Spaniards abandoned by Cabot, and who had learned 
 the language of the Indians. There: were besides 
 in that port three of Cabot's original companions, 
 Guevara, Arsola, and Malaver. The disaster was, 
 nevertheless, grave enouLrh. 
 
 When Cabot landed at Seville he had with him 
 the following survivors of the expedition : 
 
 Juan de Jiinco, Treasurer, 
 
 Henry Latimer, the English pilot, 
 
 Alonso Bueno, Pilot, 
 
 Diego Garcia de Celis, Gentleman, 
 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz, Supercargo, 
 
 Antonio Ponce, Clerk, 
 
 Maestre Juan, Surgeon, 
 
 Francisco Cesar, promoted to a command, 
 
 Andres Daycaga, Page, 
 
 Casimir Nuremberger, Passenger, 
 
 Francisco Hoga9on, ,, 
 
 ' Pcro Lopez DE SousA relates 
 that he met in the Puerto de San 
 Vincente, on the 5th of Feb .uiry 1532, 
 fifteen Spaniards, brought from the 
 Puerto de Patos, who said that they 
 had Ijoen abandoned there a long time xc, p. 82. 
 before. These were doubtless the de 
 
 sorters from Acuna's ship, Lopez he 
 Soi'SA, Diario da Nave^Ofao, Lisboa, 
 1839, 8vo, p. 58. 
 
 '^ Dias DE Glv.MAX, op, cit., p. 42. 
 
 '^ Gomara, Hist, de las Iiuiias, lib. 
 
 R 
 
 I 
 
'I 
 
 III 
 
 i 
 
 258 
 
 SEHASriAN CAIWr KKTURIVS TO SPAIN. 
 
 Luis (Ic L(.'()ii, Sailor, 
 Marco Veneciano, ,, 
 Juan Grc^^o, ,, 
 
 Andres, of Venice, ,, 
 Marcos, also of Venice, Sailor, 
 I'ictro, f)f Nice, ,, 
 
 Cicroniino, of Chavarri, 
 Mi^aiel Martinez de Ascoitia, Sailor, 
 Alonso de Valdivieso, Sailor, 
 r'ahian de Irausi, ,, 
 
 Sebastian Corco, ,, 
 
 A_t,aiirre, a Has(jue ,, 
 
 Anton F'alcon, Shipboy. 
 A short time afterwards, there came to Seville 
 other survivors of the expedition, viz. : 
 Francisco dc; Rojas, 
 Alonso de Montoya, 
 Fernando Rodri^j^uez. 
 There were besides on board with Cabot a com- 
 paratively lar<j^e number of Indians, viz. : 
 
 The cacique of the Paraguay tribe calk;d Chan- 
 dules, and his three sons, whom Cabot had induced 
 to come to Europe for the purpose of visiting- Spain 
 and learning the language ; but they do not seem to 
 have returned to America, as there is no mention of 
 them in the expedition of Pedro de Mendo9a, 
 
 The four Indians abducted by Cabot at the Rio 
 de San Sebastian, and 
 
 Fifty or sixty other Indians purchased at the 
 Puerto de San Vincente for the Seville associates, 
 with the four for himself. 
 
 There were also three Indian women, wives of the 
 Spaniards abandoned by Cabot at the Cape Santa 
 Maria. 
 
 The probability is that these sixty-five or seventy 
 Indians were all soon sold as slaves at Seville. 
 
 As to the articles of value, they consisted of one 
 
 i • W 
 
 1 
 
I 
 
 SEBASTIAN CAUOT RETURNS TO SPAIN, 
 
 259 
 
 of 
 Rio 
 
 
 ounce of silver, a few earrings, apparently of the 
 same mcLal, and a small (jiiantity of furs and hides 
 beloiiginu; to sailors. 
 
 \Vi: cannot dismiss the subjcict without in([uirin}^ 
 wlK;tlu'r the expedition of Cabot to La Plata was 
 attended with any useful results whatever. So far 
 as [jroLjress in tiie nautical and jj^eoij^raphical sciences 
 is concerned, tlu^y are scarc(ily worth mentioniiiLj. 
 The entire coast of the continent of South America 
 visited on this occasion, that is. according to our 
 modern admiralty charts, from 8° to 35' south lati- 
 tude, had been known in detail, and very accurately 
 for the time, for at least twenty years, when Cabot 
 set out from Spain. ^ The important points of the 
 coast were even frequent stopping j)laces'- for the 
 Portuguese ships on their way to the Indian Ocean 
 by the Ca[)e of Good I lope ; whilst merchant men of 
 several European nations carried on a certain amount 
 of trade with the Brazilian ports. This is easily shown 
 by the extensive nomenclature in the maps drawn 
 before 1526 which have come clown to us. 
 
 As to the great estuary of La Plata and the tract 
 of country traversed by its tributaries, as well as the 
 course of the latter, they were known in a general way, 
 even before the expedition of Dias cle Solis, since 
 Portugal claimed a right over the entire region on the 
 plea that it had been discovered by Nuno IVLanuel ^ 
 
 ' What were the remains of the garri- 
 son of the fort aliandoned liy Carot, 
 which one K(hiarilo I'lRKS is said to 
 have iirought back from the coast, and 
 entrusted to Kuy.Mi)S(jUKRA?CilAKi,F.- 
 VOIX, Hist, (/ii Piirai^uay, l2ino, vol, 
 i, ]i. 51, and Gaspard dk Madkk dk. 
 Dios, Mcmorias pani a historia da 
 Capilana de San Vinccutc, Lisboa, 
 1797, 4to, p. 90, f|Uoted by iMr. 
 
 D' AVEZ\C. 
 
 - See the nomenclature in the 
 Carto^vaphia Americana Velustissima 
 of our Discovery of N, America. 
 
 ^ De VARNiiAr.KN, As primeiras 
 nci^vc/a^ves, p. i^^, (juoted by Mr, 
 I)' AvKZAC. VVhen relatinjj a conversa- 
 tion between the wifeof Ciiaki.es V. and 
 Alvaro MENur/, de VAscostEi.ins, in 
 the autumn of 15 51 hecites the sentence: 
 " <|ue cada huma das ])artes averiijuasse 
 quando tinham prinieiro os de cada 
 na(;ao descuberto o Kio da Prata ; pois 
 fjue ]ior parte de l'ortui,'al fora elle 
 descuberto por hnina armada (juc la 
 fora no tempo de el Rey ^^aIloel, e da 
 qual fora por chefe hum tal D. Nuno 
 Manuel." 
 
 ,i.»i 
 
 M 
 
 ' m. 
 
 I a 
 
 I 
 
'.!l 
 
 ! 1 1 ',: 
 
 1^ 
 
 ' ' it: 
 
 ^ 
 
 nil 
 
 260 
 
 SEFyASriAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 
 
 and that Joao de Lisboa, in company with Vasco 
 Giiiiei^^o Carvalho, had led an expedition to the 
 Riu de la Plata in 1506.^ Besides, the Rio 
 de la Plata is identical with the large river de- 
 picted in 35° lat., and named "Rio Jordan" in 
 maps at least as early as Schoner's globe of 
 1520." The estuary is amply traced in the Turin^ 
 chart, although only one of the large streams is 
 marked, which, however, is carried north-westward 
 to about 31°, The Weimar planisphere of 1527* 
 depicts, as a continuation of the Rio Jordan, two very 
 important rivers which join the main artery, as is 
 actually the case, in 58°-6o° W. longitude, and carried 
 to mountains from which they are made to issue near 
 the Tropic of Capricorn. These delineations, differ- 
 ing, however, in certain respects from the tracings in 
 Ribeiro's planisphere, are also found in the map 
 which we have ascribed to Nuno Garcia de Toreno,^ 
 and in the Paris Gilt Globe;" both of which, in our 
 opinion, were constructed on geographical data an- 
 terior to Cabot's voyage. A delineation yet more 
 convincing is that of Maggiolo's portolano of 1527,^ 
 where the great estuary of La Plata appears with 
 its curious display of islets and shoals, as far as a 
 Rio dc Sun Christoval, which extends beyond the 
 tropic. 
 
 In considering the portions of that region of which 
 Cabot may be said to have been the earliest 
 Eluropean explorer in 1 526-1530, we first notice that 
 he met in one of the islands formed by the delta of 
 the Parana, a sailor, called Francisco del Puerto, 
 
 * Alexandre DE Gusmao, in the 
 Diario da NavcgacCxo de J'cro Lopes de 
 Soma, published by Varniiagkn, pp. 
 87 and 94. 
 
 2 Ghillany, Geschichte dcs See- 
 fahrers Kilter Mar'in Behaiin ; 
 Niirnberg, 1853, 4to, for facsimile of 
 Sciionlr's globe. 
 
 ^ See plate xix in our Discovery of 
 N. America, 
 
 ■* Yj:)\vl, Die beidcn ixltestcn General- 
 Kartenvon Ameriha. Weimar, 1S60, fol. 
 
 ° Discovery of North America, No. 
 211, p. 596. 
 
 •^ Idem, plate xxi. 
 
 ^ Idem, plate x. 
 
 V 
 
/Tii 
 
 y of 
 
 ral- 
 ,fol. 
 
 No. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SBAIN. 
 
 261 
 
 whom Solis had left there in 15 15. The latter there- 
 fore ascended to at least 34° south latitude. That 
 forsaken Spaniard, who had been adopted by Indians 
 living on the banks of the Parana, must certainly 
 have followed its shores northwards duriuL^ the 
 twelve years which preceded the arrival of Cabot, 
 and, being a seaman, supplied him with practical 
 information. 
 
 Christoval Jaques, who had come expressly to La 
 Plata in quest of precious metals/ is not likely to 
 have remained among" the islets in the estuary which 
 bear his name, but doubtless carried his survey 
 farther up the river although it is impossible to 
 state how far he went in that direction. 
 
 Lastly, from the numerous Portuguese and Spanish 
 ships which visited Brazil and the adjoining regions, 
 there must have remained sailors who deserted, were 
 shipwrecked or abandoned on shore, and joined some 
 Indian tribes, passing from one to another, pushing 
 their way westward and southward. In this way we 
 can explain the unvarying tradition of Europeans 
 having descended the great rivers of that part of the 
 country in early times.'^ 
 
 Be that as it may, the maps of 1527 which we 
 have cited confirm our remarks concerning an ex- 
 
 ^ "Ay otros islas dichos de Christoval 
 Jaques que era un portugues Uamado 
 asi, que les descubrio veniendo a este 
 rio do la plala por capitan de una 
 carabcla desde la costa de Brazil a 
 fama del oro (jue se hazia aver.'' 
 Santa Criz, Islario, MS. , fo. 119, 
 verso. Besides, we see Jaques, soon 
 after 1526, ascend the Paranaf^uazu, 
 and capture in the river three French 
 ships. Varnhagen, As priineiras 
 uegoriacoes, p. 130, quoted by Mr. 
 ii'AvKZAC, Cotisidt'rations gJogr. snr 
 P histoire dit Bn'sii, in Bullet, dc la 
 Soc. dc d'ographie, August and Sept. 
 1857, p. 113. 
 
 - Diaz DK Guzman, in his Argen- 
 tina, mentions Alejo GAitciA, father 
 
 concerninsj' 
 
 o 
 
 of another Alejo Garcia (whom 
 Gi'ZMAN has known personally), as 
 the first Spaniard who went down the 
 Paraguay river, after entering it by the 
 side of Brazil. The facts (juoted 
 belong to the year 1526. V. DK 
 ANc.iiLis, Coleecion, vol. i. Father 
 Jose Guevara, Hist, del Para-nay, 
 also published by de Angei.is, p. 83, 
 speaks likewise of that Alejo Garcia. 
 According lo Vahmiagkn and Avres 
 DO Cazai., quoted by Denis, Alexio 
 Garcia senior, came probably in 1515 
 with .Sous, and, remaining in the 
 country, explored the great streams 
 and their alHuents, penetrated beyond 
 Par.aguay, and discovered the vast 
 region called " Matto G rosso.'' 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 'I 
 
 I! 
 
 '\ 
 
If ■, 
 
 t1' 
 
 }' 
 
 1 
 
 ■if 
 
 "I 
 
 L 
 
 
 m i 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 
 
 plonition of those min^hty streams before Sebastian 
 Cabot. As to his cartographical assertions, whether 
 inscribed in the planispliere of 1 544, or in Ribeiro's 
 chart, they are, in that region, remarkably in- 
 accurate. If we accept them as having originated 
 with Cabot, then he did not know the real course 
 of the Parana River, They lead us to believe that 
 both in ascending and descending that mighty 
 stream, he constantly hugged its western shore, 
 and passed, without seeing it, the elbow which 
 it forms on the opposite bank, about 27° 30'. He 
 saw, however, at that point that he was entering 
 another river, which is really the Paraguay, as shown 
 by the names " Santana," " Rio de la Trai9on," and 
 " Chandules," inscribed at that place in his plani- 
 sphere of 1544. 
 
 Withal, we hesitate to recognise in the latter map, 
 so far as the course of the great streams is concerned, 
 any of the cartographical data which he brought 
 from La Plata in 1530; much as it resembles the 
 course set forth by Ribeiro, from information sent 
 to him in 1528, In our opinion, that part of Cabot's 
 planisphere was borrowed, not from his own surveys, 
 but from the Portuguese prototype of Wolfenbiittel 
 B,^ not, however, without introducing modifications 
 of a later date, not less erroneous. Thus Cabot 
 traces only one river, where Wolfenbiittel B marks 
 two, as there should be, viz, : the " Gram Rio de 
 Parana," and the " Paragua,"^ With that exception, 
 the general contexture and details of the region in 
 both maps are very similar. It follows that Cabot 
 explored no portion whatever of the Parandguazu 
 beyond 27° 30', and probably never suspected its 
 
 1 Discovery of North America, p. 580. the river, and calculated to produce 
 
 '•' The confusion is so much the the impression that it belongs to the 
 
 greater as the inscription " Rio del river flowing from east to west, which 
 
 Paraguay " is placed in Cabot's is only the "Rio Ypetin," correctly 
 
 planisphere of 1544, transversally to indicated in Wolfenbiittel B. 
 
 I f 
 
reduce 
 to the 
 which 
 rrectly 
 
 CABOTS BASIN ofthe LA PLATA. 
 
 hi. 
 
 THE REAL BASIN ofthe LA PLATA. 
 
 k 
 
I)' 
 
 / 
 
 
 n 
 
 \ « 
 
 I' i 
 
 m 
 
 *f 
 
 
 ,.,\., 
 
 \ ,:■.'" 
 
 
 t ^ 
 
 \ 
 
 \ i' 
 
 
 
 ) ± 
 
 
 
 ■*-^ 
 
 r 
 
 '!• 
 
 M 
 
 
 ..:^t. .t 
 
 A-. 
 
 ,^? 
 
 
 ..i"^" 
 
 
 
 v-.T ■:« 
 
 Ac; 
 
 
 . 4 f -y 
 
 . ,.A. 
 
 \^-^. 
 
 -->/■ J 
 
 M3 
 
 ,'l 
 
 itii 
 
 [1: 
 
 "A 'h. .* •; 
 
 'l*'Wi*-H» •■-'■^ix 
 
 .,j: 
 
 
 
 >■ ^ .• 
 
 #• \ ' *«; 
 
 -• -^ 7 
 
 
 -tl ■^ •':<,■ ' 
 
 -vv.. 
 
 '"?»■ 
 
 ^* -- ■H>>---..<*Kdt«lit' 
 
 •ft 
 
 „'.«*'' 
 
 A'l / i i /^I i-^rn in >'. Ic- AH JA-{:'t liil'l" 
 
 i( 
 
 'j^^Ktii 
 
SEBASTIAN CABOT RETURNS TO SPAIN. 
 
 263 
 
 ;.vS 
 
 course eastward ; else such a striking configura- 
 tion would certainly figure on a map made by him. 
 Thus, if we accept the figures given by Santa 
 Cruz in his Islario, and they must be exact as he 
 was one of the party, the original exploration which 
 can be ascribed to Sebastian Cabot amounts only to 
 fifty-six leagues, all in the Paraguay river, viz. : 
 From the m^ath of the Paraguay to 
 
 the Ipiti, 10 
 
 From the Ipiti to Santa Ana lo 
 
 From Santa Ana to the Ethica i6 
 
 Beyond the Ethica 20 
 
 leacrues 
 
i'i 
 
 Y 
 
 U-' 
 
 I 
 
 y I 
 
 ,^ 
 
 - 1 1 
 
 \ 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 III 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 
 
 T IMMEDIATELY upon landino- at Seville, four of 
 J- Cabot's principal companions, Juan de J unco, 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz, Alonso Bueno, and Casimir 
 Nuremberger, repaired to the Casa de Contratacion 
 and lodged information against their commander. 
 Officials were sent at once to the Santa A/aria del 
 Espinar, where they instituted a judicial inquiry, 
 interrogated witnesses on the 28th of July, 1530,' 
 examined Cabot the next day, and deeming the 
 evidence sufficient, arrested him on the spot.' 
 
 Thereupon an action was instituted in the name of 
 the Crown, charging Cabot with having disobeyed 
 the instructions given to him when he set out from 
 Spain to go to the Molucca islands.^ 
 
 Catalina Vazquez, the mother of Martin and 
 Fernando Mendez, then brought suit in the name 
 of her daughters. So did the widow of Miguel de 
 Rodas, on her own behalf^ 
 
 On the 2nd of August 1530, Catalina Vazquez pro- 
 duced witnesses to prove that Cabot, Catalina Medrano 
 his wife, and Miguel Rifos, had conspired against the 
 life of her two sons, and were personally responsible 
 for their violent death. Besides corporal punish- 
 
 ' Information hccha en Sri'illa en 28 
 de Julio dentro de la nao Sta. Maria. 
 We publish the entire document in our 
 Syllahtis, No. lii. 
 
 2 SimaOAKKONSO, August 2ncl, 1530, 
 writes : " esta semana chegou aijui 
 
 Gabote . , . o piloto esta presso." 
 Varnhagen, Hi'itoria Geraldo Brasil, 
 Madrid, 1854, vol. I, p. 439, 
 
 '^ Navarretk, vol. V, p. 333. 
 
 * For a recapitulation of all those 
 legal proceedings, see Syllabus, No. i.i. 
 
 P'i 
 
 \ 
 
'nm 
 
 Ise 
 
 SEnW CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 265 
 
 mcnt for the offenders, she asked, on the plea that 
 she was a poor widow : " muger viuda y pobre," whilst 
 Cabot was rich and favoured : " hombre rico y favor- 
 escido," pecuniary damages, to accrue however to her 
 daughters. 
 
 Cabot replied by filing a petition to the Council of 
 the Indies, asking that evidence might be collected 
 relative to a charge of rebellion which he had brought 
 against Martin Alendez and Miguel de Rodas. It 
 was granted, and, on the 27th of August, his witnesses 
 were heard. 
 
 Francisco de Rojas, in his turn, lodged a complaint 
 against Cabot, and, on the 2ncl of November 1530, 
 asked leave to produce witnesses. 
 
 Cabot obtained permission to leave the jail upon 
 giving security, on condition, however, of remaining 
 within the precincts of the Court : " dada la corte 
 por carcel con fianzas," that is, they gave him the 
 Court as a prison. In other words, he was forbidden 
 to absent himself from Ocaiia, a town of Castile, where 
 the Council of the Indies then held its sittings. 
 
 On the 6th of October 1530, the Fiscal, Juan de 
 Villalobos, arraigned Cabot on the charges of having 
 committed misdemeanours, abused his authority, and 
 caused the loss of the squadron which had been 
 entrusted to him for the special purpose of going to 
 the Spice Islands. 
 
 Three months afterwards, Isabel de Rodas presented 
 to the tribunal the testimonies which she had collected 
 to prove that Cabot was guilty of the charge she had 
 broucrht against him of having been the cause of her 
 husband's death. 
 
 The Council of the Indies, which had to try all 
 these criminal actions, was then composed of Diego 
 Beltran, Lorenzo Galindez de Carvajal, Juan Suarez 
 de Carvajal, Caspar de Montoya, Rodrigo de la 
 Corte, Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, Juan Bernal, 
 
 ■ * 
 

 »l 
 
 ; 
 
 I., 
 
 I ' 
 
 V I 
 
 I 
 
 i' 
 
 
 
 266 SEn'N CAHOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 
 
 Diaz dc l.uco, .ind Pedro Mercado de Pciialosa, with 
 Garcia Fernandez Manrique, Count Osorno, as pre- 
 sident of ilie Court ; all of whom, it is needless to 
 say, were personages of his^h character. Count 
 Osorno presided at the Council of tht; Indies for 
 seventeen years (i 529-1 546) ; Carvajal was the well- 
 known annalist, and a statesman who enjoyed the con- 
 fidence of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of Charles V.; 
 Suarez de Carvajal was the Bishop of Luj^o, who 
 became general supervisor of the Casa de Contra- 
 tacionand president (jf the junta entrusted, aft(;rwards, 
 in 1536, with revising the official map of the New 
 World &c., &c.* Position and respectability were 
 therefore coupled with the specific knowledge required 
 in a trial of the kind. 
 
 The first suit tried was the one brought by Francisco 
 de Rojas, and Cabot was sentenced to one year's 
 exile. That is, he was to be deported to some 
 Spanish possession in Africa. 
 
 In the course of the winter, he addressed a petition 
 to Isabella of Portugal, the Queen-Regent of Spain, 
 to the effect that owing to his incarceration and 
 state of health, he was in want, and unable to 
 meet the requirements of the suits brought against 
 him.' In consequence, on March iith, 1531, Her 
 Majesty ordered that he should receive, on account, 
 30 gold ducats, or 1250 maravedis. Two months 
 afterwards, May nth, she authorized the Casa de 
 Contratacion to advance him, in addition, 7500 
 maravedis on his salary of Pilot-Major.'' 
 
 Charles V. was then in Germany. Having been 
 informed through the regular reports which his 
 ministers sent him from Spain, that Cabot had been 
 arrested, he directed, April loth, 1531, the Council 
 of the Indies to send him details on the subject. 
 
 ' Discovery of North America, pp. 
 268, 632, 709, 736. 
 
 \ ^ Documcntos ineditos de Tndias, 
 vol. xxxii, pp. 429 and 451, 
 
 'S 
 
 I ■; ' 
 
m 
 
 Indias, 
 
 
 SEiriY CABOr ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 267 
 
 On the 1 6th of May following, the Council of the 
 Indies replied to I lis Majesty in these words: 
 
 "Cahoto fiie prcsn ;1 pcrlirnento de algunos paricntcs do alj^unas 
 personas, ciiie diccn ([110 cs ciilpadi) fii sus mucrtus, y por otros (|iiii 
 dcstcrni, y tainl)iL'ii a pcdimciito d ;1 fiscal, por no lial)cr guardado 
 las iiislruccioiics {\\\c llcv6 : — Caboto has been imprisoned on llie 
 complaint of some relatives of certain persons whose death was 
 attril)uted to him, and of otliers whom he banished, also at the re- 
 ([uest of the I'iscal, for having disregarded the instructions which he 
 took with hiin." 1 
 
 A short time afterwards, Cabot was tried on Rojas' 
 accusation, and sentenced to one year's banishment, 
 and the payment of 20,000 maravedis damages. 
 
 July 4th, 1531, in the suit brought by the mother 
 of Mendez, the Court, sitting at Avila, pronounced 
 the following sentence : 
 
 " We find that in consequence of the guilt of Sebastian Cabot, 
 as evinced on the trial, we must and do condemn him to be exiled 
 from the kingdoms and realms of Their Majesties for one 
 consecutive year. And we order that he shall suffer that exile 
 in the town that His Majesty, or ourselves shall designate, to 
 commence within sixty days next following the one year of exile to 
 which he has been sentenced on the complaint of Captain Francisco 
 de Rojas. And let him not fail to obey, under penalty of double 
 the exile for the first disregard, and of peipetual exile for the 
 second ! " -^ 
 
 In addition, he was condemned to pay to the sisters 
 of Mendez 40,000 maravedis and the heavy costs of 
 the suit. 
 
 Cabot appealed from those two sentences, but the 
 Council of the Indies, sitting at Medina del Campo, 
 not only dismissed the appeals, but aggravated the 
 penalties, raising them from one to two years banish- 
 ment in each case. 
 
 The two sentences on appeal were pronounced 
 
 ' Navarrete, vol. V, p. 333. Rh'ndez y Francisca Vhzquez, in our 
 
 * Ejccutoria (I pedimento de Isabel Sy Habits , No. Li, 1. 
 
 IT 
 
 I \;W 
 
i 
 
 ' > 
 
 )}■ 1 
 
 M 
 
 '1! 
 'ill 
 
 , 
 
 ''! 
 
 ii 
 
 \ 
 
 268 SEli'N CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 
 
 separately on the same day, in Medina del Campo, 
 February ist, 1532. They both contain the follow- 
 in <r passage : 
 
 *'Wc find tliat the sentence [in the Court l)elow] has been justly 
 and legally pronounced, and that notwitiistanding the reasons alleged 
 against the same, we must, and do confirm it, with this addition and 
 declaration, however, that we must and do order that the sentence 
 of one year's exile pronounced against the said Sebastian (laboto, 
 and which he must suffer in a place of our choici", is increased to two 
 years exile, wiiich he shall uiulergo in Oran, and where he will serve 
 His Majesty at his own cost."^ 
 
 Cabot was therefore sentenced to four years banish- 
 ment in a penal colony in Africa. Two of these were 
 as a punishment for his conduct towards Rojas, 
 and two for the cruel treatment he had inllicted 
 on Mendez. Heavy fines, damages and costs were 
 added in each case. The place of exile was in 
 Morocco, where, by the wording of the last paragraph 
 in the sentences, he was subjected besides to military 
 duty against the Moors, his horse and arms to be 
 purchased and maintained in proper trim at his own 
 expense.'^ 
 
 His salaries as Pilot-Major and captain, together 
 with his arrears of pay were definitively attached. 
 Cabot opposed this proceeding, but the Oueon- 
 Regent, on the 2nd of March 1532, ordered that the 
 damages in favor of Rojas, and of the sisters of 
 Mendez, as well as the costs of all those suits, 
 should be immediately paid out of the amounts due 
 to him by the government, and if there was any thing 
 left, then he might receive 50,000 maravedis." 
 
 ' Idem, and Sentencia definitiva ; 
 Syllabus, No. i.i, o. 
 
 "^ This aggravation of the sentence, 
 let it be said, Wiis a customary one in 
 those days. Thus Luis CoLUMiiUs, 
 the last descendant of Christopher 
 CoiilTMBUS in the direct male line, 
 who had been sentenced in 1565 to 
 
 ten years exile in Oran, had to 
 maintain there ten mounted lancers. 
 Such was also the case in 1506 with 
 Luis CoRTEZ, the illegitimate son of 
 the contjueror of Mexico, who had been 
 first sentenced to death, 
 
 * Documcntos incditos de Indias, vol. 
 xxxii, p. 455. 
 
 \ I 
 
 it,' M 
 
•^w^ 
 
 SEDN CABOT ARRESTED AND PROSECUTED. 269 
 
 Other suits, but exclusively of a civil character • 
 were also br,,u.ht against Cabot, particularly by the 
 Sey.lle assoaau-s and several of his companions or 
 
 ^■^<^^7t::£:;t'%,^:'t::^ 7^r.f:rT r^-^'v^rvia, sept. 
 
 (.he father of Alonso u. San t'^CKV.';; S.s:],^^.S-ur "' ''''"' ''"^"■ 
 
 h', 
 
 I 
 
 V 
 
 (' 
 
 V! 
 
I ' 
 
 lf'( 
 
 ]\ 
 
 ff 
 
 !| 
 
 ixt 
 
 n 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 
 < I 
 
 I'il 
 
 It 
 
 SEUASTIAN CAHOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 IN the meantime, Charles V, returned to Spain. 
 Cabot at once rejiaired to the Court, and laid 
 before him a description of the La IMala country. 
 That document which, unfortunattily, has thus far 
 eluded our researches, but which may yc:t be found 
 either at Simancas or in the Archives of the Imlies, 
 has been analysed by Herrera. He even [)ublishes 
 an extract (apparently Cabot's own words) referring 
 to the Indians of that region. 
 
 The report gave a glowing description of the 
 fertility of the land, which, in certain parts, cannot be 
 over estimated, and of its richness in precious stones ' 
 which existed but in Cabot's imagination. In fact, 
 except on the right bank of the Paraguay, he 
 only saw denuded plains, the Yebra swamps, and 
 awful Chaco desert, with no valuable metals, beyond 
 a small quantity of silver obtained by Indians in 
 the upper country, who got it from Peru. Cabot's 
 highly coloured account nevertheless prompted the 
 Adelantado of the Canaries to petition the C(^uncil of 
 the Indies for leave to explore the land," and induced 
 Pedro de Mendoza to fit out the expedition which 
 
 1 >k 
 
 -I: 
 
 ^ llr.KKKHA, ti/>i sit/>ra. con su criado con cartas para los 
 
 * " lloi he tenido carta del Adcl^, Seilores del Consejo." Letter from 
 
 de Canaria que aun tiene gana de Cahot to the Secretary Juan 1>K 
 
 tomar la empresa del rio Parana qual Samano, June 24th, 1533. Syllalnts, 
 
 tan caro me cuesta, i para ello enbie No. lix. 
 
 t 
 
SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 271 
 
 tended in one of the j^'reatest disasters known in the 
 annals of the New World.' 
 
 When Cabot left S[)ain for the Moluccas in 1526, 
 the I'^inpcror, acrorditi!^ to I lerrcTa,^ coniinuctl him 
 in the office of I'iUjl-Major, which, in his absence, 
 was to be filled by Klijjjuel Garcia and Juan 
 Vespiicciiis, at least so far as examining pilots, which 
 was the most im|)ortant duty of the post, in 1527 
 it was entrusted to Dici^^) Ribeiro and Alonso de 
 Chaves.'' Hut on tht; 4th of April 1528, the latter 
 was appoint(;tl i'ilol-Major/ thus supers(;din;^ Cabot 
 temporarily, for althoujj^h Chaves lived until 15S6, we 
 find Cabot again in possession of the office a couple 
 of ycNirs after his rctturn froi^t La Plata. 
 
 it is certain that notwithstanding; the condemna- 
 tions [)ronounced on Cabot by the Council of the 
 Indies, Charles V. aijain confided to him the post of 
 Pilot- Major. There are no traces, however, in the 
 documents, of a j)ardon havin_<j been expressly 
 granted. The probability is that the action of the 
 Crown was tacitly stayed in the final process, for 
 Cabot's services were eviilently still deemed necessary 
 for the discovery of the imaginary western passage. 
 
 Pe that as it may, he remained at Seville, 
 attending to cosmographical matters for the govern- 
 ment. We see him in the spring of 1533 engaged 
 in constructing a planisphere for the Council of the 
 Indies." On the 24th of June following, he wrote to 
 Juan de Samano, its secretary, a letter which has 
 come down to us," In it he complains of his own 
 
 ' " I't'ilro (lu- Mcndoza dio crcdito a 
 algunos que ciilpahan a los (|uc pri- 
 mero avian tornado a(iuella oni|irL'ssa, 
 t' perdlilosL' en ella, e promelianle a el 
 con siis avissos lo (]ue no le dieron." 
 OviKDo, lil). xxiii, cap. vi, vol. ii, p. 
 181. 
 
 ^ Herrrra, Decad. iii, p. 260. 
 
 ' IIkrri-.ra, Decad. iv, Ji. 30. 
 
 ■• ' ' Alonso de Chaves fuc ni, brado 
 
 cosmografo, piloto mayor y maestro 
 de hacer cartas, astrolahios . . . por 
 Real cedilla con fccha en Madrid ,a 
 4deal)ril 1528." Navarkktk, />VWw- 
 teca Maritima, Madrid, 1851, 8vo, 
 vol. i, p. 16. 
 
 ^ Letter from Cadot to Samana, 
 loc. (it. 
 
 ' We republish that letter in fac 
 simile. Sec Syl/abus, No. lix. 
 
 .( 
 
 vil 
 
 % 
 
'I ' 
 
 i 
 J' 
 
 ' > 
 
 W.l 
 
 
 \ ? 
 
 i ..'■ 
 
 
 'U 
 
 
 > it ' 
 
 i 
 
 
 i« 
 
 272 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 health and that of his wife. He also laments the 
 recent death of his daughter, and asks that one third 
 of his salary should be paid him in advance, as he 
 wished to repair to Ocana to present to the Coun- 
 cillors a man whom he had brought from Brazil, and 
 who could give them information about the doings of 
 the Portuguese in that country. This doubtless refers 
 to the recent Portuguese threat of taking possession 
 of the Rio de la Plata.^ 
 
 There is no doubt that in the exercise of his office 
 of Pilot-Major, he was charged with having been 
 guilty of acts of a reprehensible character. By a 
 royal cedula of March 13th, 1534, the Casa de Con- 
 tratacion was instructed to inquire into the right 
 by which Cabot submitted pilots to examinations, 
 the manner in which these were carried out, and the 
 offences committed by him with regard to the same.^ 
 
 We must assume that the charge was dismissed, 
 since, nine months afterwards, Charles V., having 
 enacted that pilots for the Indies should be thereafter 
 examined concerning their professional abilities, 
 Cabot, on the i ith of December 1534, was instructed 
 to superintend this examination.^ He thus a short 
 time afterwards admitted as pilot the famous Juan 
 Fernandez Ladrillero.* 
 
 In the year following, we see Cabot figuring at 
 Seville as a witness or expert in the action brought 
 
 ' Charles V. then directed VlLLA- 
 LOBOS, the Fiscal of the Supreme 
 Council of the Indies, to interrogate 
 witnesses for the purpose of showing, 
 in opposition to a threatened attempt 
 on the part of Portugal to take 
 possession of the country just 
 abandoned by Cauot, that Spain had 
 exercised sovereignty over it since 15 12 
 and 1515. Herrera, Dccad. iv, lib. 
 viii, cap. xi, p, 169. 
 
 ^ Yo vos mando, said Charles V., 
 que fagais ynformacion, e sepais que 
 derechos son los quel dicho Sebastian 
 
 Cabot a Uevado e lleva por el examcn 
 de los dichos Pilotos, e como e de 
 que manera los a examinado e examina, 
 e qii^ delyxcncias son las que face en 
 los tales examenes ..." Cedula of 
 March 13th, 1534. Coldcion de 
 documen/os iueditos de Iitdias, vol. 
 xxxii, 479. 
 
 ^ Real Cedula a los Ofyciaks de la 
 Contratacion, 11 decembre 1543 ; in the 
 Coleccion above quoted, vol. xlii, p. 481. 
 
 * Discovery of North America, p. 
 721. Navarrete, Viage del Sutil y 
 Mexicana, Madrid, 1802, p. xliii. 
 
 — 1 
 
\i(il y 
 
 i 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 273 
 
 against the Crown by Luis Columbus, to revindicate 
 the rights and privileges granted to his grandfather 
 for the discovery of the New World.* At that date, 
 Cabot declared himself to be "fifty years old and 
 upwards." The fact is that he was at least sixty 
 years of age. We notice in his examination two 
 very curious replies. The first is in answer to the 
 following question from the Fiscal : 
 
 " Do you know whetlier it is true that, before any other, 
 Christopher CoUimbus discovered tlie [West] Indies, as well as 
 the islands and continent of the [Atlantic] Ocean, and that no 
 one before him possessed any knowledge of the same?" 
 
 Cabot replied : 
 
 " Solinus, an historical cosmograplier, states tliat among {sic pro 
 beyond) the Fortunate Islands, called Canaries, after navigating 
 thirty days,- there are isles, named Hesjierides, which he presumes 
 to be identical with those that were found in the times of the 
 Catholic Kings, and he has heard many ])eople in this city of 
 Seville say that it was Christopher Columbus, who discovered 
 them." •' 
 
 Cabot's cautious language is worthy of note, parti- 
 cularly when looked at in connection with another 
 answer, is still more surprising. This was given 
 in reply to a question addressed in 1535, that is, ten 
 years after the explorations of Estevam Gomez and 
 
 Tolyhisloi-, cap. 
 
 ' Mcmorias dc la Real Acadeniia dc la 
 Ilisloria, vol. x, p. 201. Sec also ihe 
 same, pp. 265 and 266-67. That 
 J'rohaii'M is evidently identical with 
 the one which the Mcmorias mention 
 at p. 201, as havini; been executed 
 Dec. 31st, 1535, There are the same 
 witnesses, and the text indicates the 
 same rubric, viz. : Lci^. 2. Pieza 7. 
 It is imiwssilile to imagine a more 
 
 confus 
 
 smus recesserunt. 
 xvii. 
 
 •' " Selmstian Calioto dijotpieSolino, 
 un cosnii'iL^rafo historiador dice ([ue en 
 las islas I'ortunatas, (pie se dicen las 
 islas de Canaria, navei^ando al occidente 
 por el mar Oceano per espacio de 
 treinta dias, e estalian unas islas cjue 
 las nomlmin I'speridas, e (pie acpiestas 
 islas I'.siieridas presume este testi 
 
 jumble than this publica- cpie son las is 
 
 rpie se (tescui>neron 
 
 tit;o 
 
 lion of the Spanish Academy of His- en tiempo de los Reyes Catolicos de 
 
 tor\ 
 
 Ul 
 
 oriosa memoria, e (uie 
 
 do decir 
 
 Forty days," says Soi.iNfS : a muchas personas en esla ciudad de 
 
 ' Ultra Gor^adas He 
 
 esiieridum ins 
 
 ul;> 
 
 Sevilla, (lue las descubri(') el dicho D. 
 
 sicut .Sebosus atiirmal, dien 
 
 lira- Cristobal Coh' 
 
 Mcmorias dc la A 
 
 '4 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 \wl 
 
 I 
 
 \i 
 
 i^mta iiavigatione in inlimos mar 
 
 is Acad, dc Historia ; loc. cit. 
 
\f 
 
 H . 
 
 . f 
 
 idf 
 
 i > 
 
 I'M 
 
 \ 
 
 
 11] 
 
 274 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 Giovanni V^errazano/ and when all the maps of the 
 Scvillian Hydroc^^raphy, constructed under the personal 
 supervision of Cabot, set forth an unbroken coast 
 line from Labrador to the Strait of Magellan : 
 
 " Do you know, asked the Fiscal, wlicther the provinces of Paria, 
 Cumana, Manacapana, Venezuela, Santa Maria, Carthagena, Darien, 
 called the Oolden Castille, . . . Yucatan, I''lorida and the land 
 called the Cod Fish country, constitute only one land, usually 
 styled continental, without any break or sea interveniuL,', and 
 whether it is the only mainland ever discovered in the [Atlantic] 
 Ocean ? " - 
 
 This is Cabot's reply : 
 
 "All the countries mentioned in the question constitute in his 
 opinion, as far as the Rio de Santi Sjiiritus,'' a mainland, because 
 he has seen it, and knows it from the reports of the pilots who 
 have navigated in those regions, and by the marine charts which 
 they brought from there. 15ut as regards the countries beyond 
 the Sancti Spiritus [that is to say], Florida and the Eaccalaos 
 [Newfoundland], he can not assert whether it is a continent 
 or not." ' 
 
 That unexpected statement tended, in the interest 
 of the Crown, to deprive the heirs of Columbus of 
 the rights which they claimed over all countries 
 situate beyond the Gulf of Me.xico, in consequence 
 of the discoveries achieved by their ancestor, and of 
 the capitulations of 1492.*^ 
 
 Alonso tie Santa Cruz, Diego Gutierrez and other 
 witnesses did not hesitate to declare, as a certainty, 
 
 ' Mcviorjas dc la R, Academia dc la 
 Hislon'a, vol. x. ]ip. 265-272. 
 
 - Ibidem, p. 266. 
 
 " The Uii) Sanli Spiritus was in 
 21° I5',ar!(l was the northern terminus in 
 the map of Chavks. Oviedo, vol. iv, 
 J). lO, Even fixim his own declarations, 
 the only parts of the New World 
 which (jAiiOT then claimed to have 
 visited, extended only from Labrador 
 to Florida, and from Cape St. Augus- 
 tine to ihe Rio de la Plata. 
 
 •• ' ' Que todas las provincias con- 
 
 tenidas en la pregunta, hasta el rio de 
 Santi .Spiritus las tiene por ticrra firme, 
 ]ior(|ue asi lo ha visto e .sabido ])or 
 relaciiin de los pilotos que lo han 
 navegado, c por las cartas de marear 
 que traen, e que desde el rio de Saiili 
 Spiritus en adelante, la Florida e los 
 Bacallaos, este tesligo no se determina 
 si es todo una tierra firme o no." Mc- 
 inorias de la Acad., ttbi supra, 
 
 '' .See our introduction lo B, F. Stk- 
 viCNs's edition of Coi.umiius's own 
 Book of I'rivileges, p. Ixi. 
 
 ♦ i 
 

 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 275 
 
 nice 
 of 
 
 vu) lit; 
 
 fumi-', 
 
 () pot 
 
 lo han 
 
 marcar 
 
 e SaiUi 
 
 c U» 
 
 tcvmiiia 
 
 Mc- 
 
 STK- 
 iS own 
 
 a 
 
 that the entire extent of coast mentioned in the 
 question, that is from northern Brazil to Labrador, 
 formed but one continental land, and, furtlier, that 
 the model-map which was in course of construction 
 by order of the Government, demonstrated the fact.' 
 In that Judicial Inquiry, the T'iscal renewed the 
 question, from a cartoi^raphical point of view. 
 
 "Do you know," says he, "whether all tlie lands mentioned and 
 a number of others in those regions, are set forth in marine charts 
 used by pilots so as to represent a continuous coast line and land ? " 
 
 Cabot re])lied as follows : 
 
 " All those lands, or most of them, are set forth and delineated 
 in marine cliarts, many of which differ from each other, and the 
 licentiate Suarez de Carvajal, a member of the Council of the 
 Indies, has ordered that all marine cliarts should be collectedj and 
 a Cleneral Model-Map made to sail by."- 
 
 Cabot, we do not know for what reason, eluded 
 the real question, but Santa Cruz and Gutierrez 
 replied positively ^ that those lands were duly deline- 
 ated in the model-chart which was being constructed. 
 That is, the map set forth an unbroken coast line 
 from north to south throughout the New W^jrld, — 
 such in fact as the Crown cartographers had always 
 depicted, at least since the Seville charts con- 
 structed in 1527; as can be easily seen from those 
 which are still preserved in the Grand Ducal Library 
 
 ' " Alonso de Santa Cruz y Diego 
 Gutierrez lo ticnen por cierlo, por(|ue 
 asi csta sentado en las cartas y en el 
 padron que ahora se hace. Lo mismo 
 opinan olros testigos por lo (|ue han 
 visto u oido." Meiiiorias, idn supra. 
 For the Piuiron in question, see our 
 Disco-oery of North America, pp. 
 13-17 and 255-267. 
 
 - "Todas cstas tierras 6 las mas de 
 ellas estan puestas e figuradas en las 
 cartas de marear e que nuichas destas 
 cartas hay diferentes unas de olras, e 
 
 que agora el licenci.ido Suarez de 
 Carvajal, oidor del Consejo de las 
 Indias, ha mandado recoger todas las 
 cartas de marear, e que se haga un 
 jxidnm general para la navegacion." 
 rrohaiiza of 31st December, 1535. 
 
 " "Alonso de Santa Cruz lo sabe 
 porrpie lo entiende e agora en el 
 padri'in perfelo ([ue se hace de la dicha 
 navegaci(')n, con acuerdo del .Senor 
 Licenciado Carvajal so ponen e as- 
 ientan todas estas provincias e tierras." 
 Ibidem. 
 
 M 
 
 ^1 
 
 ttV. 
 
 '.% 
 
.11 
 
 276 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 / 
 
 i 
 
 W 
 
 
 < t 
 
 , 
 
 I'i 
 
 f'l 
 
 at Weimar. There was therefore a conflict of opinion 
 between Cabot, on the one side, and, on the other, the 
 Bishop of Lul;o, who presided over the Geograjjiiical 
 Commission for constructinjr the Padrou General, 
 assisted by cosmo;_;rai)hers of j^reat repute. All the 
 charts and globes made after 1536, which have 
 come down to us, show that no account was taken of 
 Cabot's strange reservations and doubts. 
 
 After that time, Cabot doubtless confined himself 
 to his duties as Pilot-Major, living in Seville, but 
 visiting the Court occasionally. The numerous 
 voyages which he boasted of having made after his 
 return from La Plata : " moke altre navigationi," * 
 are all imaginary. If, after 1532, hci had ever 
 been engaged in any maritime expedition, Munoz, 
 Navarrete and Vargas Ponce would have found traces 
 of it in the books of the Casa de Contratacion, which 
 these ;cealous savants have thoroughly examined. 
 Personally, we have never detected in any docu- 
 ment the least evidence of voyages accomplishc^d 
 or undertaken by Cabot after his return to Spain in 
 1530, except one in 1547 to England, where he 
 remained until his death. 
 
 Herrera states" that in 15 15 Sebastian Cabot was 
 appointed captain and cosmographer, but that is a 
 mistake. Pie never held the latter office, although, 
 at a much later period, he taught cosmography in the 
 Casa de Contratacion.^ The documents which we have 
 been able to consult, mention him ( 1 5 1 2) as " Capitan 
 
 ^ Ramusio, RaccoHa, cd of 1563, 
 vol, iii, fo. 374. A (locunicnl pul)- 
 lislied in the Docuinctitos iiicditos dc 
 Indias, vol. xiii, p. 409, led us at first 
 sij.;lu to infer thai Nuno DP: Guzman 
 hnd reported the presence of Sebastian 
 Caisot, with a lleet of five ships, off 
 the Pacific coast of New S|iain in 
 1531. He only refers to C'Aiuvr's 
 arrival in IJrasil : "avra ([uatro auos 
 y medio o cinco," that is, in 1526, 
 
 1, cap. 
 
 - Hi:krera, Dccad. ii, lih. 
 12, p. 18. 
 
 •' NA\'AKRi'yi'r., Bih!iotIi,\-a Maritiina, 
 vol. i, p. lO, speaLintj of the apiKiini- 
 ment of Alon.so in; Chavics, July iiih, 
 1552, to the Chair of Cosmo^rajihy in 
 the Casa de Contratacion, says " se le 
 niandc) reijentar la catedra de cosnio- 
 j^rafia, (|iie .Sebastian CAliorn, aiisenta 
 en Iiii;laterra, lialiia ensenado en la 
 casa de la contratacion de Sevilla." 
 
 '■U fc 
 
 '] 
 
cap. 
 
 i/iiiia, 
 jKjinl- 
 
 inli, 
 [ihy in 
 
 ' so Ic 
 rosmo- 
 usciUa 
 
 en la 
 ivilla." 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 277 
 
 de mar," or naval captain, and (1515) as " capitan 
 de armada," or fleet captain, which terms in those 
 days were apparently synonymous. He continued to 
 enjoy that title and the salary attached to the office, 
 until he removed to England. In 15 15, he was also 
 appointed " Piloto de Su Magestad." This appoint- 
 ment, it seems, had to be renewed every year ; for the 
 lists drawn up annu;dly, where mention is made of 
 the salary paid to him every four months, begin thus: 
 " Nombranse este ano Pilotos de S. A. con sueldo : — 
 There were named this year, Pilots to His High- 
 ness, with pay." In 15 18, he received, as we have 
 said, the appointment of " Pilot-Major and Examiner 
 of Pilots." The latter was not a separate office ; it 
 beloncred to the first and constituted its chief dutv. 
 
 It is only in the cedula appointing Americus 
 Vespuccius Pilot-Major, which office was created 
 for him in 1508, that we find some specific details 
 concerning the duties which that official had to 
 perform.^ 
 
 We notice first that the Pilot-Major was also 
 a teacher, who received fees from the students. 
 Beyond the use of the quadrant and astrolabe, there 
 is no mention of other studies, but we infer that the 
 course consisted of what the cosmographers were 
 afterwards directed to teach. This comprised the 
 first two books of the Sphere, the use of a " relox 
 general," which implies the existence of clocks at this 
 early date, and, what is worth noticing, the mani- 
 pulation and construction of compasses, astrolabes, 
 quadrants and " vallestillas "(?). 
 
 The Pilot-Major himself examined candidates for 
 the profession of pilot, and the licence was granted 
 exclusively upon his own report, without requiring the 
 
 Yet the manner in which the Royal self was created only at the latter 
 
 Cedula enacted at Monzon, July nth, date. 
 
 1552, is rubricated in the Rccopilacion ' Navarrete, vol iii. doc. ix, \<\k 
 
 dc Lcyes, indicates that the chair it- 299-301. 
 
 
 % 
 
 i<« 
 
 ^'1 
 
 ' 1 
 
 1 
 
 if 
 \ 
 
 \ n 
 
 'if\ 
 
 Vii.fitiU 
 
/ 
 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 \ f < 
 
 >^h 
 
 W\ 
 
 \ 
 
 i, 
 
 i 
 
 '^f 
 
 '^'- \ 
 
 ! 
 
 278 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUMES OFEICE. 
 
 approval of the functionaries wlio were above him 
 in the Casa de Contratacion,' These extensive 
 powers became doubtless a source of abuse, which, 
 we presume, [jrompted the restrictions set forth in 
 the Recopilacion dc Leycs. Ordinances enacted by 
 Charles V., but apparently after Cabot had ceased 
 to be Pilot-Major, prohibited this officer from 
 teachinir the art of navi<j:ation and the use of nautical 
 instruments. This was necessarily transferred to 
 the cosmot4Taphers of the Casa de Contratacion, 
 although no regular Chair of Cosmography seems 
 to have been created before July iith, 1552. 
 
 A just, but curious enactment, which is very 
 suggestive, is that prohibiting the Pilot- Major from 
 selling maps or nautical instruments, to applicants 
 for the post of pilot, and from receiving at their hands 
 victuals or gifts of any kind. We are not prepared 
 to say whether those prohibitions are connected 
 with the curious ordinance of March 13th, 1534, 
 above quoted.-^ 
 
 The Pilot-Major was required, twice a month, in 
 company with PI is Majesty's cosmographers, to 
 examine the charts and instruments, improve the 
 same, and preside when modifications were to be 
 introduced in the Model-Map, or Padroii general. 
 He had also to enter in a book, — which unfortunately 
 is lost, — a list and description of the islands, bays, 
 shoals and ports, based evidently upon the hydro- 
 graphical data which every pilot was obliged to remit 
 to the Pilot-Major immediately upon arriving at 
 Cadiz from a transatlantic voyage. It was also his 
 
 ' " Le sea dada por vos carta ilc ex- 1604, that one of the judges of the Casa 
 
 amination e a]5rohacion dc como saben do Contratacion, together with at least 
 
 cada uno dcllos lo susodicho ; con la six |)ilots, were required to be ]5resent 
 
 cual dicha carta mandamus <jue scan at the examination. Z<y xx, and Veitia 
 
 tenidos e recebidos por pilotos." LlNAGtc, Norte, lib. ii, p. 143. 
 
 Navakrkte, op. cit., p. 300. It was ^ Supra, p. 272, note 2. 
 only by the ordinance of Sept. iSth, 
 
 ,(• --"J, 
 
%v 
 
 u 
 
 SEBASr/AiV CABOT RESUMES OFFICE. 
 
 279 
 
 duty to stamp the maps, astrolabes and quadrants, 
 which were kept under lock and keys.^ 
 
 Tlie Pilot-Major was not prohibited fnjm construct- 
 ino- maps, but, at first, he was not pennitled to .sell 
 them. Afterwards, this restriction was removed, 
 and he was allowed even to sell copies of the Padron, 
 but at a price previously fixed by the Casa de Con- 
 tratacion/ 
 
 Sebastian Cabot constructed a number of plani- 
 spheres and globes, of greater importance tlian those 
 copies, and which must have been a source of profit 
 and reputation, if we are to judge from Oviedo's re- 
 marks already quoted. Yet this historian never cites 
 any of them, although he frequently refers to charts 
 of Santa Cruz, Ribeiro, Chaves and others. In the 
 next chapter, when discussing the scientific claims of 
 Sebastian Cabot, we shall examine the data obtain- 
 able concerning his cartographical works. 
 
 As to his agency in preparing other transatlantic 
 expeditions, it is well to mention that although the 
 trade between Spain and America had then acquired 
 considerable importance, scarcely any voyages of 
 discovery were attempted by the Spanisli government, 
 except in the Pacific, and these belonged to the ad- 
 ministration of Hernando Cortes, or of tlie governors 
 of Darien. Yet we assume that Sebastian Cabot 
 was consulted relative to the expeditions which, in 
 consequence of Jacques Cartier's voy;iges were sent 
 to the Baccalaos by Charles V, under the (orders of 
 Ares de Sea, and Diego INIaldonado, in 1540- 154 1 ; 
 as it was particularly on account of his supposed 
 knowledge of the Cod-fish regions that Ferdinand of 
 Aragon had originally engaged his services. 
 
 On the 5th of November 1544, Cabot, by virtue of 
 his office, prohibited Diego Gutierrez senior, one of 
 
 .1 
 
 
 \ i\ 
 
 ' Rccopilacion de kyes de Indias, Madrid, 1750, fol. 54) I-(ycs i, ii, iii, 
 vol. Ill, fus. 2S5 se<jnilitr, and Discovery of North Amerka, pp. 256-59. 
 
• f, 
 
 
 t y 
 
 280 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT RESUJfES OFFICE. 
 
 the Royjil CosmoL^^raphers, from constructing maps 
 and nautical instruments, on the plea that they were 
 ** perjudiciales a la navegacion y a los derechos 
 reales." This i)rohibiti<)n was confirmed by the 
 Council of the Indies on the 22nd of l*"ebruary 1545.^ 
 
 At the beginning of October 1545, Cabot approved 
 the publication of the Arte de Navigar of Pedro de 
 ]\Iedina, printed at Valladolid in that year. We 
 notice that Cabot is called therein " Piloto mayor y 
 Cosmographo de su Magestad.'"^ But the latter title 
 is doubtless a mistake, and the phrase should read : 
 " y los cosmografos," referring to Alexia, Chaves and 
 the above mentioned Gutierrez. The sale of the book 
 was nevertheless prohibited for a time.^ 
 
 In the spring of 1547, Cabot took upon himself to 
 entrust the post of Pilot-Major during his absence in 
 England, to Diego Gutierrez, whom, two years before, 
 he had declared to be an incompetent cosmographer 
 in important resp(;cts. But the Council of the Indies, 
 September 22nd, 1549 gave orders to investigate the 
 matter, as " este Diego Gutierrez no tenia partes para 
 ello : — as this Diego Gutierrez is not competent to 
 fill the office."^ 
 
 That was the last act of Sebastian Cabot in Spain. 
 
 1 fiAV\RKKTK,Bi7>//o/eca Mariiima, 1545. MS. cited in the Lista de los 
 
 vol. i, ji. 343, ii, \i. 583. ohjclos qitc lOtiipiriide la Exposition 
 
 - J-iihUolhcia Aiihiicana Vdnstis- Ainoritaiiisla, Madrid, 1S81, I! 52. 
 
 sii/ia. No. 266, p. 413. •* MS. (iiiotod by Capt. DuRo, Ana 
 
 ^ Ccdulas of jN'uvcuihcr 23rd and 29th dc AW, p. 521. 
 
 f 1 h 
 
 In ^- 
 f If \ 
 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 (a) his CARTOGUAPIIICAL WORKS. 
 
 SEBASTIAN Cabot certainly enjoyed a hii^h 
 reputation, at least in Italy and England. The 
 MantLian Gentleman said that he had not his equal 
 in Spain as a man versed in navigation : " Intendeva 
 r arte del navis^are piu ch' alcun' altro." ^ Guido 
 Gianeti da Eano told Livio Sanuto that Cabot was 
 held in the highest esteem in England: " all' hora 
 honoratissimo si ritrovata,'"- Ramusio describes him 
 as " a man of large experience, and uncommonly so 
 in the art of navigation and science of cosmography." ^ 
 He possessed the confidence of Charles V. for a long 
 period and to such an extent that notwithstanding 
 his disguised (light to England, Cabot was retained 
 for several years in the office of Pilot-Major, and 
 even had his pension increased.* 
 
 This fame which, strange to say, has increased 
 with time, prompts us now to examine his scientific 
 labors and his claims to such celebrity. 
 
 The cartographical works of Sebastian Cabot must 
 first engross our attention. Although we have been 
 able to gather but meagre details on the subject, 
 these are sufficient to enable us to form a correct 
 
 ' Ramusio, Pn'iiio Volume, f. 374. scienza di cosniografia." Ramusio, 
 
 "^ M. Livio Sanito, Geoi^rnjia dis- 'J'cizo Volume, Vunetia, 1565, folio ; 
 
 tinia ill xi'i. lihri, \'inc"gia, U. Zenaro, Preface, verso of Aiiij. 
 
 1588, folio, recto of f. 2. ^Dispatch of Sir Philip IIOHY ; 
 
 ^ " Iluomo di grande esperienza, et Notes and Queries, London, 3rd series, 
 
 raro nell' arte del nauigare, et nella vol. i, p. 125. 
 
 I i \ ' 
 
 \l 
 
 < ' 
 
 ^^ 
 
 '•I 
 
 V 
 

 
 t 
 
 282 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS UF SEIl'N CAHOT 
 
 / 
 
 ' > 
 
 '< , I' 
 
 opinion of his style and nidhod, and to believe that 
 all the maps of the world constructed by him in the 
 second ([iiarter of the xvi"' century resembled, more 
 or less, his planisphere of 1544, which, fortunately, 
 has come down to us. 
 
 The maps made by him, mentioned in various 
 documcMits, are the following; : 
 
 (A) A mappamundi ordered by Juan de Samano 
 for the Council of the Indies in i 5j;2 or 1533. It is 
 described in a letter from Cabot as R^llows : 
 
 " My iniontion was to l)rin<f [from Seville] that map mysdf, with 
 two others wliich I have maile for His Majesty. I h()[)e they will 
 give satisfaction to H. M. and the Council, as they can sec therein 
 how it is possible to navigate all around [vi/.: in all directions], 
 by means of the indications [of the com[)ass, or rhumbs?], just as 
 we do with a chart. Also, why the needle points to the North- 
 East and North-West, and why it cannot be otherwise ; to what 
 extent it points to the North-East and North-West before pointing 
 again [due] north, and through which meridians. Tliereby, li. M. 
 will iiave a certain rule for ascertaining the longitude." ' 
 
 This map is lost, but it certainly revives, so far at 
 least as Cabot's interpretations and allei^ed ajiplica- 
 tions of the properties of the magnet are concerned, 
 in the planisphere of 1544. 
 
 (B) A larf^e map of the world, which Cabot 
 .showed at Seville, before 1547, to the Mantuan 
 Gentleman, who says that it was " a mappamundi of 
 large size, exhibiting particularly the navigations of 
 the Portuguese and Spaniards."- This is also lost. 
 
 (C) The map which was in the library of Juan dc 
 Ovando, the President of the Council of the Indies, 
 
 ' " Vcran como se piiedc n.ivcg.ir Su ATngcstad la rci;la cicrta ])ara tumar 
 
 por rcilondo por sus dcrotas conio se la loiij;ilud.'' Sy/Ziihiis, No. lix. 
 
 ace por una carta y la causa porque - " Mostromnii niolte cose e fra 
 
 iiordcstea y ncjruL'stea la giija y como I'altre un Mappaniondo <:;ran(le colic 
 
 es forijoso c|ue lo haj^a y (jue lantas navigationi particolari si di 1'orloghi.si 
 
 {[uartas a de nordcstear y norueslear come di Castigliani," Ramusio, loc. 
 
 antes (|ue torna alwlverce azia el norte (it. 
 y en que meridiano y con esto lendra 
 
 f i 
 
 f 
 
 lii 
 
I 
 
 uctl, 
 
 JUS CARTOGRAPHICAL WORKS. 
 
 283 
 
 but which is not likely to have been m;iclc for him, 
 as h(! ciUerc:tl the Council only in 1572. This was 
 sold at his death, in x^"]^. It is likewise lost. The 
 only details which we possess concerninj^ it, arc that 
 it was on parchment and illuminated.' 
 
 (D) The map[)amundi which Cabot sent from 
 London to Charles V., on the 15th of November 
 1554 {sic pro 1553, n.s.), by I'Vancisco de Urista, and 
 which may be the same as C, just described. This 
 supposition is based upon the fact that on the 20lh 
 of September 1575, an Italian cosm()L,^rapht:r in the 
 service of Philip II., called Giovanni Ikiitista Gesio 
 or Gessio, claiuK'd a niappamundi found among the 
 proj^ert)' of Ovando, on the plea that it belon^ed to 
 His Majesty. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot describes this map as follows : 
 
 "Twodrawini^fs whicli form a nia[)i)aniuiidi divided at the cijiiator, 
 whcTL'hy Your Majesty will rind the causes of the tleviation of the 
 needle from the pole, and the reason why it again returns to a line 
 pointing directly to the arctic and antarctic pcjles. 'I'he other 
 figure is for tal<ing the longitude in any place the observer may be." ' 
 
 We interpret the word " figtira," as meaning that 
 there was only one map, but in two sheets, one for 
 the northern, the other, for the southern hemis[)heres. 
 The latter doubtless set forth a magnc^tic point, or 
 line with no variation, upon which he based his 
 imaginary pretension for finding the longitude at sea. 
 
 ' "Ti'ivcilo en su ])()(Iur liasta su 
 muerlc cl visiuidor y iircsidcnlc del 
 Conscjo (If Indias Jiuin dc Ovaiido. 
 Asi consUi jHir incniDrial del cosnu)- 
 j^rafo Juan Hautista (Icsio al Key, 
 I'echa de Madrid y 20 de Setiendire de 
 1575, eudoiidediee.qiie en la ainmiicda 
 de liliros de Ovando estalia lui niapa 
 anlit;uo de pert^aniini) ihnninado heclio 
 por Sebastian CJalxito, y ])iiie sereodbre, 
 porque le ase^^uran perlenece a S. M." 
 M. Jimenez UK i.A Espada, ReUuioncs 
 gcoi^rajicas dc Indias, rent, Madrid, 
 1881, 4I0, p. XXX, note. That Gesio 
 
 <ir Okssio was an Italian cosniot^rapher 
 in the employ of I'llll ll' II. lie died 
 Sept. 14th, isSo. I.iitadc hi Expusi- 
 (ion Aiiiciitiinisia, 11, Nos. 59, 60. 
 
 - "Dos tijruras ((tie son un niap;i 
 mundi cortado por el e(|uinocio, por 
 donde V. M''. vera las causas de la 
 vaiiacion (|ue lia/e la agiija de marear 
 Con el polo, y las causas ])or(|ue olra 
 vez torna a volver derecliamente al polo 
 arlico u antartico ; y la tjtia fiijura es 
 l)ara tomar lonyitud en (luahjuier ])ara- 
 celo que el hombre cstuviere," Sylla- 
 bus, No. lix. 
 
 "I 
 
 if. 
 
 I 
 
 ll 
 
 id 
 
■r ' 
 
 •li « 
 
 V I 
 
 \\l\ 
 
 i t 
 
 284 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEH'N CAHOT. 
 
 There was a more ample cU^scription of it, which 
 Cahot rtMiiitled to Jean Sclicyfvc, tlie amijassador of 
 Charles V. in Mni^land, and which was in 1554 in the 
 liaiids of I'Vaiu'isco de I-'rasso, the secretary of the 
 Council of Charles V. We ha\e vainly endi:avoiired 
 to discover that document. 
 
 (I'^) Thi- map which Ckiido Gia.neti de Fano saw 
 in the possession of Cahot, in London, in the reiLjn 
 of l'",d\vard VI. This was d(,'scrib(;d to Livio Saniito 
 as markiniL^ a meridian, basted upon a point of no 
 mat^netic variation, [)Iaced one hundred and twenty 
 miU^s to the west of the island of I'Mores, one of the 
 Azores. The point may have been exact, but lu:re 
 a<j^ain it certainly could not serve the purpose which 
 Cabot imagined.' 
 
 (!"') A map which he i^^ave to the Kinn" of Castile 
 (Charles Y., or I'hilip 11.), and still in existence 
 in 1598, when Andres de Cespeiles, CosmoLjrapher- 
 Major, wrot(; his Ju-giuiiitihy. Thi; only detail which 
 we possess concerninij[ this map, is tiiat " like Jodocus 
 Hoiidius, Cabot therein placed the 43° longitude 
 between Goa and Mozambi(|ue."'" 
 
 (G) Cabot, of course, possessed charts made by 
 himself, which, Hakluyt says, were preserv(.;d in 
 EnL;land as late as 1582. 
 
 " This much concerning Sebastian Cabot's own discoucric may 
 suffice for a present taste, l)Ut sliortly (lod willin;.;, sliall out in print 
 all bis own niappes and discourses drawne and written l)y hiiuseife, 
 which arc in the custodie of the worshipful master William Wortb- 
 ington . . . who (because so worthie niniumients should not be 
 buried in perpetual oblivion) is very willing to suffer them to be 
 
 ^ " Et a quello ancora, che io flapni verso Occidenle dalla Isola dcUa Fiori 
 
 villi con g\\ ocelli niici in una carta da di (|iielle pur delli Azori." M. Livio 
 
 navit;are (liliy;enlissinia fatta a niano, SANirro, fl/>. c/A, fo. 2, recto. 
 e tutta ritraUa a i)iinto da una propria - Ci;sri;iiKS, A'<\i;iiiiici!/o dc A'avcga- 
 
 del delto Calioto ; nella (juale si re- cioii ; Madritl, 1606, fulio, part ii, 
 
 conosce il luoj^o <k'l deUo Meridiano fo. 137. 
 esser per niiglia cento o dieci lonlaao 
 
JUS cAia'OiiRArincAi. works. 
 
 285 
 
 lay 
 int 
 
 rlh- 
 
 1)0 
 
 Ijc 
 
 •inn 
 .iviii 
 
 vega- 
 K ii, 
 
 owrscvn and piiMislu'd in as j^ood order as may be to the uncour- 
 aycmciit and luiiLrni.' of our coimtrynuii."' 
 
 Tlu'si: charts wen; n(;vcr published, and they too 
 an; lost. The only iU;tail about thcin is the remark 
 of llakluvl, that onir showcul that "from the mouth 
 of the ryuer [La PlataJ, Cabot sa)K'(l vp the same 
 into the landc for the s[)ace of three hundred and 
 fiftie leaciues."'^ 
 
 (H) The eni;r-'iv<^d jjlanisphere ilatt.'d 1544, pre- 
 S(TV('d in the (iro^raphical I )cparlm('nt of the Paris 
 Nati<jnal Library, ami which is the only cartographical 
 work of Cabot now in e.\ist(!ncc. 
 
 For a description of the planisphere itself, its 
 origin and scN'cral editions, \vc; refer llu; reader to our 
 Sy//(r/>//s''' ; limilin;^' ourselves at [present to a critical 
 examination of certain parts. 
 
 Considered as ai^raphic exj)osition of geograjjliical 
 positions and forms, this planisphere must rank as 
 the most imperfect of all the Spanish maps of l\\v. 
 xvi"' century which ha\(! reached us. 
 
 Lcavino^ aside the incomplete and faulty nomen- 
 clature,' which may be ascribed to the fact that the 
 map was not enn'raved in Spain, thus precludimj^ 
 Cabot from correcting- the proof sheets, it contains 
 thi; L;rossi;st cartographical and jj^eo^rajjliical errors. 
 
 To commence with, Kohl noted, loni,'' bc:fore us, 
 that the old world in Cabot's planisphere is very 
 inferior to the same in the Italian and LVench maps 
 of the time. That high authority makes also the 
 following statement : 
 
 " Even the coasts of tlie best and earliest known of all the seas, 
 
 ' IIakluyt, Z>/>'t.v.f 7wrrt,;'i'f, Lo'i'l-) Kstcvancz, Juanino, Biiiinii, Nic- 
 
 15X2, 4to, in llic dcilicaliiin to Sir axni^nc," iSrc. iVc. Also the strantje 
 
 I'hiiil) SiDNKV. ilivi>ion of scnlcnccs, such as " pur.'i 
 
 - luiEN, DcatJis, Akhkr's cdilion, (luinoiiudc pasar," "ariiiidu san liarco 
 
 p. 243. jianllo do iiarnaoz,'' noit'd l)y Koiii,. 
 
 ■' Sy/Ai/'its, No. l\iv. Dondiunlaiy History of the State of 
 
 ■• Slo llispaia, S. Migc'.. S. Juan Maine, I'oriland, 1869, Svo, p. 363. 
 
 m 
 
m 
 
 fT^r 
 
 Ta»T '* »-' ' ' '^ r— 
 
 286 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'N CABOT. 
 
 % 
 
 ' 
 
 n 
 \ 
 
 
 ,ii t 
 
 •n\ 
 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 ' 
 
 the Mcditcrmncan, are much misshapen and mi'-placcd. Spain 
 itself, and also (Ireat Britain, the countries in which Sebastian 
 Cabot passed the .greater part of his life, are very carelessly repre- 
 sented ; as for instance, Ireland is made as large as ]*)ngland and 
 Scotland together. Iceland has the longitude of tlie Shetland 
 Islands ! and it is placed directly north, instead of North AVest of 
 Scotland." ' 
 
 As reiT^-ards the New World, we are surprised to 
 find how inferior its positions and outHnes are. when 
 compared with those of the Weimar maps, for in- 
 stance, althoLioh these were constructed fifteen years 
 previous. Labrador and Northern Canatla which, 
 naturally, should be much more exact than in the 
 other charts of the time, are particularly defective. 
 The entire coast of Nova Scotia is 2' too far south, 
 whilst Riberio depicts it, in 1529, a great deal nearer 
 its real latitude. So with the West Indian islands, 
 where Cuba is placed by the Sevillian cartographer 
 between ig" and 23" lat. north, its true place, whilst 
 Cabot inscribes it between 20^ and 24°. The east 
 coast for the part corresponding with our Rhode 
 Island, and following the same as far as New 
 York, which is comparatively exact in the Weimar 
 charts (1527, 1529) in Verrazzano's (1529), in the 
 planisphere of the Laurentiana (before 1530), in 
 Wolfenbuttel B (about 1530). &c. &c., is extremely 
 incorrect in Cabot's map, although he must have 
 had in his hands the geographical data brought by 
 Estevam Gomez in 1526. 
 
 If now we examine the regions which he claimed 
 to have discovered (Newfoundland), and those 
 which he has certainly visited (La Plata), we notice 
 with surprise how the shapes and positions are 
 inaccurately and incompletely rendered." 
 
 Breaking up Newfoundland into such a multitude 
 
 ' Kom,, p/i. cit., J). 362. of Newfound land in Cahot's plani- 
 
 '■^ Sec the adjuininy rei^resentations sphere and in our Admiralty charts. 
 
in 
 
 by 
 
 ude 
 
 ilani- 
 
 ^ o6aya deofoJi^Cdccf 
 ''^y-iiepinof. 
 
 • s^^ V' ^ aractfcj. 
 
 o J^mena ueniura. 
 •O mo/ite xpo. 
 
 ^o"^ o°Siy <^f frnfiuf 
 
 \6w\-a decoiebi 
 •nana rion. 
 -4^ y-^ baxailof 
 
 ^o ^^>P bayatef. m .- 
 
 O cdefprrli. 
 
 Xl'.WFOrN'lM.AN'l) ACCnvmiXC; TO SI HAST!. \X CAliO'l'. 
 
 m 
 
 '(\ 
 
 u 
 
 ■ n 
 
 1 f^ '■ 
 
 / V' 
 
 ■ 'A i»" . 
 
 ti 
 
 
 \ni' I' ^ 
 
 
 M-;\V1-(MM)I,.\N]) IX Muni'.KX MAI'S 
 
 Ml 
 
 
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 Mi nii-'vi.-J^'m-^^^ 
 
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 1 
 
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 11 ^ 
 
 M ■ >l 
 
 
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HIS CARTOGRAPHICAL WORKS. 
 
 287 
 
 ^' > 
 
 of fm^^ments is certainly more erroneous than repre- 
 senting that vast island as still forming part of the 
 continent, such as we see it depicted in the early 
 charts. Because, in reality, Newfoundland is 
 separated from the mainland by a channel only a 
 few miles wide. We have shown, too, that all 
 this portion of Cabot's planisphere was borrowed 
 from a French map made at Dieppe in 1541, and 
 not from original tracings of either John or Sebastian 
 Cabot, as everybody supposed. His responsibility 
 is not lessened thereby. He was bound to correct 
 those erroneous delineations, if reliance is to be 
 placed in his statements so often repeated. 
 
 As to his representation of the La Plata region,' 
 it is almost as inexact as the preceding. The 
 course of the Parana, particularly, is most defective, 
 considering that the all-important elbow formed 
 near Corrientes, and carrying the stream east- 
 wards, is entirely omitted. Cabot even continues 
 the river due north, confusing it with the Paraguay. 
 
 We could multiply examples of such imperfections. 
 Let us note, however, that Cabot does not therein 
 persist in the strange declaration made by him on 
 oath, in 1535, that he did not know whether north 
 of the Gulf of Mexico America was a continental 
 land or not. In this planisphere, the east and west 
 coasts of the New World are duly traced without 
 any break from the Arctic regions to the Strait of 
 Magellan. 
 
 On examining the longitudinal inscriptions of the 
 planisphere of 1544, in the belief that they were at 
 least based upon data furnished by Cabot himself, 
 the astonishment is still greater. As Kohl has justly 
 noticed, they are full of legends about sea monsters, 
 people with one foot, or one eye, in short, all the 
 old fables related by Adam of Bremen and other 
 
 * Wc ri;fcr the reader lo ihe maps in chapter viii. for a comparison. 
 
r^~ 
 
 288 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'N CABOT. 
 
 ) I 
 
 \U^ 
 
 1' 
 
 authors of the Middle Aoes. In the inscription " No, 
 VII," where the La Plata River and Cabot's expedi- 
 tion are described, mention is made of a rej)ort to the 
 effect that in the mountains th(;re are men with faces 
 like dogs, and the lower limbs like those of an ostrich.' 
 In No. IX, where the waters of Iceland are de- 
 scribed, it is related that there had been seen a fish 
 of the species called " Monena,"-' a veritable sea 
 serpent, and so colossal that it would attack a vessel 
 and devour the sailors. Spectres or <rhosts speaking 
 in the air,'' are also mentioned in the inscription 
 on Ireland. The inscription " No. XII " treats of a 
 nation of monsters with ears so large that they cover 
 the whole body,* &c. &c. 
 
 ' "Algunos dellos dizcn ()ue en 
 cllas (lichas sierras ay lionihrcs niic 
 ticnen el rostro como tie perro, y otros 
 tie la rodillaabaxoscomo de ahestrux." 
 
 2 " Ay {^randissima multitud de 
 pescado, y muchos dellos de monslruosa 
 forma, an uisto los c|ue en csle mar 
 nauei^an morenas ^randissinias que 
 parescen grandes sierpes, y acunieter a 
 los nauios para comerse los naue- 
 ganles." 
 
 '' " Y dizen que muchas uezes oyen 
 hahlar spiritus y llaniarse ])or sus 
 nomhres, y ]iarescer a ]>ersonas uiuas." 
 
 ■* " A(|ui ay monslruous scnieianies 
 a liombres (|Ue tenicMi las orcias tan 
 fjrandes (jue les ciihre lodo el cuerpo." 
 This delail seems to have been 
 borrowed from the illustrations in the 
 inap]iamundi of the I'lolciiiy of 1522. 
 See the description in our Notes on 
 Cohtmlius, p. 177, 
 
 , 
 
r'l 
 
 i'f 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SKliASTIAX CAHOT. 
 (r.) HIS ALLEGED DISCOVERIES IN MAGNETICS. 
 
 IN our opinion, Sebastian Cabot owed his ^reat 
 reputation, as a scientist, not so much to the 
 maps which he constructed, as to a supposed pro- 
 found knowledge of the mariner's compass and its 
 mysteries. Many writers even ascribe to him the 
 discovery both of the declination and variation of 
 the magnetic needle. In fact, Cabot discovered 
 neither, nor indeed anything useful or practical rela- 
 tive to the same, his own boasts to that effect not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 We beg to draw a distinction between two terms 
 used in English interchangeably, viz. : declination 
 and variation. The declination is the deviation, 
 westward or eastward, of the magnetic needle from 
 the true north point, whilst the variation is the 
 change in the declination in different parts of the 
 world, or at different times in the same place. This 
 implies the existence of two distinct orders of pheno- 
 mena, and two different discoveries. The legend, 
 to which people still cling, attributing either or both 
 to Sebastian Cabot, can also be traced to himself. 
 Here is what Livio Sanuto wrote before 1553, in 
 the life time of Cabot, although the account was 
 printed only in 15 88. 
 
 " I was for many years the friend of a gentleman called Ciuido 
 Giannetti di Fano, a man worthy of esteem for his learning and 
 
 I- \\ 
 
 ' f V 
 
fyf 
 
 L-M '- 
 
 290 T//E SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'N CABOT. 
 
 '**>., 
 
 M 
 
 r^ 
 I ' 
 
 I 
 
 ■ 
 
 / 
 
 V- 
 
 (I 
 
 H* 
 
 »; 
 
 virtuous hahits. From him I first learnt, not without wondering, 
 that the needle of the mariner's compass, when rubbed with a 
 loadstone, does not always point to the meridian of the observer, 
 but to a place some degrees distant from tiiat nKjridian, which 
 place, whatever its distance may be, is nevertheless indicated by 
 that needle, sometimes at that meridian itself, at other times some- 
 what near it, and again at a great distance. It was Sebastian 
 Calioto, a Venetian, and most excellent pilot, who, from ex- 
 perience and experiments carried out while sailing to the Indies, 
 discovered that secret, which he afterwards disclosed to the most 
 serene King of England Cliannetti had the great honour of being 
 present (as I have heard from others). Cabot demonstrated at 
 the same time what that distance was, and that it did not appear 
 the same in every place."' 
 
 Sanuto's statement shows that the declination and 
 variation were both explained to Edward VI. by 
 Sebastian Cabot as phenomena hitherto unnoticed, 
 and of which he claimed to be, according to an 
 eye witness, the discoverer. This is the sole 
 origin of the story that he achieved these two great 
 discoveries. William Gilbert" (1600), Father 
 Athanasius Kircher'' (1641), Father George Four- 
 nier' (1643), Fontenelle'' (1712), Foscarini" (1752), 
 
 ' Livio Saxuto, o/>. cil. 
 
 - " Subastianus Cabottus primus 
 inuenil ([uod maL;iiL'Ucuiii fcrruin 
 variarel." (). C'lll.iU'.UTUS, De Ma::;iicte 
 viai^iit/isi/tic corporihiis, et dc iiiai^no 
 »!ai;iic/c Uiliirc ; Londini, 1600, sm. 
 folio, p. 4. ]It;(|uotes Livio SANUro, 
 lib. iv, ca|). 9. 
 
 ^ Father AtiianasiusKnu-iiKR, Ma;:^- 
 ncs sri<e dc tna;^tictica arte \ Romn.-, 
 1641, 410, p. 3J. 
 
 ■• " Et Ton (lit i|uo ce fiit Ovicdo qui 
 oliserva lo prcniior que I'aiguille re- 
 gardait droit au nonl, proclie lies ilcs 
 du Corbeau et des Fleurs, et que 
 Caliot reniarqua fort cxactenient les 
 declinaisons que I'ayniant faisoit en 
 divers endroits des costes de I'Ame- 
 rique qu'il decouvrit." Fot'RNn-.K, 
 Hydrographic, Paris, 1643, pp. 541, 
 545. Gii.nERT also says \op. <it.) 
 " Gonzalus Ouiedus primus scribit in 
 sua hisloria in nieridianu Azorum 
 
 ferrum non variare," which is correct. 
 IJut althouj;h OvncDt) described the 
 niaj;nelic phenomenon in 1525, and 
 '535 {Siiiiiaria, IiARCIa's edit., p. 48, 
 awAIIistoria Gl. de/as Iitdias, vol. i. jip. 
 23 and 44), he never laid claim to any 
 discovery of the kind. On the contrary, 
 he speaks of the line with no variation 
 in terms implying that it was generally 
 known. 
 
 '' " La declinaison vicnt 300 ans 
 apres. Le premier qui I'ait ])ubliLe a 
 ete Cabot, Venitien, en 1549." FON- 
 ■I'ENICI.LI-;, Ilis/oirc dc PAcadilmic des 
 Siicmcs, for 1712, printed 1714, ]i. iS. 
 The date shows that his source of in- 
 formation is Caiiot's longitudinal in- 
 scri|)tion, No. i, borrowed from 
 KncHAKF, (ChvtK/EUs), Varioitint 
 Itincrantm DclicLc, Herborn, 1594, 
 sm. 4to, p. 773. 
 
 " FoscARiM, Delia lefterafiim vciu- 
 siuiia, 1752, fol., vol. i, p. 439. 
 
 ncJ 
 
 Ktf 
 Sr{ 
 
 k) 
 
 i 
 
'im 
 
 3CXD ans 
 Ipublice a 
 
 " FoN- 
 l/Jmie </t'i' 
 ]i4, p. iS. 
 Irce of m- 
 ludinal in- 
 V-d fioi" 
 
 tin, 1594, 
 
 ifura vctic- 
 (39- 
 
 HIS ALLEGED DISCOVERIES IN MAGNETICS. 291 
 
 were all of that opinion. Unfortunately, they also 
 (with the exception of Fontenelle, who derived his 
 belief on the subject indirectly from the legend in 
 the Cahotian planisphere), based their credence 
 exclusively upon Sanuto's Gcographia distinta. In 
 fact, no author before these ever mentions Cabot's 
 name in connection with the phenomena of the 
 magnetic needle. If he had made any discovery of 
 the kind, Oviedo (1535), Petro de Medina (1545), 
 Martin Cortes (1545-1551)- Pt,'dro Nunez (1546), 
 Jacobo de Saa (1549), and Ramusio, who all took 
 S^reat interest in magnetics, and were in a position to 
 be among the first to learn whatever transpired on 
 the subject, particularly in Spain, could not have 
 failed to mention it, when treating of the "pro- 
 prieades del iman, y variaciones de la aguya." 
 
 Almost all modern encyclopedias not only follow 
 the above mentioned writers, but go so far as to fix 
 a date for these pretended discoveries of Cabot, viz. : 
 1497. Their starting point we presume to be the 
 inscription north of Greenland, in Ruysch's mappa- 
 mundi (1508), stating that "here the mariner's com- 
 pass ceases to work, and the ships which have iron 
 on board cannot return." As the commentator of 
 that map, Marcus Beneventanus, speaks of having 
 been informed of the discoveries accomplished by 
 the English : " atque Britannorum quos Anglos nunc 
 dicimus," scholars versed in cosmography may have 
 inferred that there was a connexion between the 
 legend, which certainly indicates an observation of 
 the magnetic declination, and Cabot's voyages in 
 that country under the English flag.^ We believe 
 that here arain it is an inference from Sanuto's 
 
 o 
 
 ^ "Ilic compassus naviiim non tenet 35o"-36o° longitude W\ See BinDLK, 
 
 nee naves ([ue ferrum tenent reverteie A/tiiioir of Ca/iot,\\. I"]-] \ IIumiioldt, 
 
 valent." That inscriptinn is placed in K.xamen. Critiijue, vol. iii, p. 32, note, 
 
 Ruvscn's map, according to its own and Ghili.any, Gcsdiichtc dcs Martin 
 
 graduation, inSs'-go" latitude N., and Bchaiin, p. 4. 
 
 •\ 
 
 '.»' 
 
 I If ' 
 
 fj 
 
fllf 
 
 /: . n 
 
 I, 
 
 il 
 
 
 H 
 
 ■•■' 
 
 292 T//E SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEIl'N CABOT. 
 
 Statement, where the alleged magnetic discoveries 
 of Cabot are said to have resulted " dalle osservazioni 
 per lui fatte, mentre egli navigava alle Indie." ^ 
 
 That Sebastian Cabot had no share whatever 
 in the discovery of these phenomena will ap- 
 pear perfectly clear from the following facts and 
 reasons. 
 
 First, as to the magnetic declination. This must 
 have been observed ever since a real compass came 
 into use.^ When we think of the great and con- 
 tinuous attention with which mariners at sea 
 necessarily watched the magnetic needle, it is 
 difficult to conceive that in the course of the xiii"' 
 or xiv"' century the declination failed to be noticed, 
 not, of course, in the Atlantic Ocean beyond the 
 Azores Ijefore Columbus, since he was the first 
 naviuator who reached the Oceanic res^ions where 
 the phenomenon appeared to him, but elsewhere. 
 At all events, on the night of the 13th of 
 September 1492," that is, five years at least before 
 any of the Cabots, Columbus noticed that the 
 needle deviated from the polar star, which was 
 then believed to be the true north point. He 
 therefore observed what we call the maofnetic 
 declination. 
 
 Second, as to the magnetic variation. Here again, 
 if Columbus ever made a discovery in that order of 
 phenomena, it was the variation proper, on the 13th 
 of September 1492, 21st of May 1496, and August 
 1 6th, 1498.* The latest date is thus two years 
 before Sebastian Cabot could have observed that 
 peculiarity of the needle. 
 
 • Sancto, uhi supra. 
 
 - LlliRi, Histoirc di:s Siicnca viathi!- 
 matiqucs en Italic, Ilalle, 1865, vol. 
 ii, p. 72. D'AvEZAC, Apc)-i;us histo- 
 riqiies sitr la Boussole, in Bulletin dc la 
 Sociiti dc G\\i;raJ>liic, March 185S ; 
 
 HuMiiOLDT, Cosmos, Loiulon, 1S49, 
 vol. ii, p. 656. 
 
 ^ Navarrete, vol. i, p. 8. 
 
 * Ibidem, pp. 8, 9, 254, Venetia, 
 1571, and Fernando COLU.MDUS, His- 
 toric, fo. 149, recto. 
 
 ? 
 
 ^ 
 
 nl-i 
 
 h '.f 
 
 i 
 
 
IS 
 
 ;th 
 
 the 
 
 was 
 
 He 
 
 •■netic 
 
 er of 
 13th 
 
 LUgUSt 
 
 years 
 that 
 
 
 Venetia, 
 iiius, His- 
 
 HIS ALLEGED DISCOVERIES IN MAGNETICS. 293 
 
 Another phenomenon of the kind, the discovery 
 of which is also erroneously attributed to Sebastian 
 Cabot, is that of the line with no variation. This 
 belief is likewise derived from a phrase of Sanuto, 
 to the effect that Cabot showed Edward VI. the 
 " meridian " where the needle pointed to the true 
 north point, which " meridian," Sanuto adds, Cabot 
 inscribed on a map 1 lo miles west of Flores, one of 
 the Azores.' 
 
 It is certain that Cabot marked in his maps a line 
 which he considered as indicating constantly and 
 exactly, from one pole to another, the true north 
 point. This we find mentioned in his letter to 
 Samano,- and in the description of the mappamundi 
 which he sent to Charles V.,'' in 1553. Also, in 
 his planisphere of 1544 can be seen, about 45° 
 west longitude, a line bearing this inscription : 
 " Meridiano adonde el aguia de marear muestra 
 directamente el norte." But it does not follow that 
 Cabot was the first to find a line with no variation. 
 Long before him Columbus too advanced the opinion, 
 (May 23rd, 1496), that the compass in a certain part 
 of the Atlantic Ocean approached nearer the Polar 
 star than it did in the Mediterranean Sea, and that 
 the needle finally attained the said star, in 30° 
 longitude and 28' latitude, several days after losing 
 sight of Flores. As the Polar star, according to the 
 notions of the time, was considered to be at the true 
 north point, Columbus certainly noted that in 
 some place west of the Canaries,* there was no 
 magnetic variation. He doubtless also imagined, 
 
 ^ " Et a quclln ancora, chc io dapiii dctla Fiori di quelle pur delli Azori." 
 
 vidi con yli ochi mici in una carta da SaM'To, /oc, fit. 
 
 navigarc diliycnlissinia fatta a niano, e - .Supra, p. 2S2. 
 
 tiuta ritratla a punlo da una propria '•^ .Supra, p. 2S3. 
 
 del deUe del detto Cahoto ; nella ([uale ■* Wilfried de Fonviem.E, Compfes 
 
 si riconosce il luogo del dello nieri- ri:ndus dc F Acadiinie dcs .Sticihcs, vol. 
 
 diani) esser per miglia cento e dieci cxv, No. 12, p. 450; lIUMliOi.UT 
 
 lontano verso Occidentc dalla Isola Examcn Critique, vol. iii, p. 38. 
 
 I l\ 
 
i1/' I 
 
 4. 
 
 M 
 
 I,' 
 
 *1 \''' 
 
 I < 1 
 
 
 ■i 
 
 I 
 
 294 77/7i SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEIVN CAIiOT. 
 
 like Sebastian Cabot and others after him, that thfi 
 said place was a point of a j^reat circle passing through 
 the poles of the earth. Let us add that certain 
 remarks of Ovi(.'do, so early as 1525,' imjjly a current 
 belief in that phenomenon, and although well 
 accjuainted with the scientific efforts of Sebastian 
 Cabot, he never cites his name when describing 
 that or any other magnetic fact. 
 
 The manner in which liartolommeo Compagni, 
 thci informer in England of Livio Sanuto, mt;ntions- 
 the line with no variation used in Cabot's map as a 
 meridian, leads us to believe that in his opinion, 
 Sebastian Cabot was likewise the inventor of maps 
 exhibiting the magnetic variations. It is true that 
 the Cabotian planisphere of 1544, sets forth not only 
 one such alleged line, but two. The first extends 
 from one pole to the other (which is scarcely ad- 
 missible, when we examine the curves described by 
 all magnetic lines known),^ in Cabot's 335" longi- 
 tude, which corresponds to about our 25" longitude 
 west. The other is a point, much more than a line, 
 although its linear character is implied. This is 
 between I40°-I55° longitude and 5°-io° latitude of 
 the said planisphere. But Alonso de Santa Cruz 
 has always passed in Spain as the inventor of that 
 class of maps, one of which he exhibited to the great 
 Junta of pilots presided over by the Bishop of Lugo 
 at Seville in 1536, and which attracted much attention. 
 It is described in the documents of the time as follows : 
 
 " Una carta marina de variaciones magneticas, para que viese 
 cuales eran en todas las partes del mundo, y pudiesen los pilotos 
 guiarse con este conocimiento en siis derotas : ' — A marine chart 
 of magnetical variations, that it may be seen what they are in all 
 
 lOviEDO, ubi supra, 
 
 ^ Sanuto, he. cit. 
 
 •' Atlas dcs Eidmagnetismus (Ber- 
 r.HAUs'.s) bearheilet von Dr. George 
 Ncuinaycr; Gotha, ibgi. See " An- 
 
 derung der niagnetischen Deklination 
 ini Zcitraum von 1600-1858." 
 
 ■* Navarrete, Colcccion de opus- 
 fiilos, Madrid, 1848, Svo, vol. ii, i^- 
 C8. 
 
 f 
 
 :4 
 
HIS ALLEGED DL'^COl'ERIES /X MACXET/CS. 295 
 
 parts of the world, and tlmt pilols may miidc ihcmsclvcs with 
 tluit kiiowlcd^i; in tluir routes." 
 
 In 1536, Schasti.in Cahot was at the Ikml^Iu of 
 his professional inthirnco in Spain, ouini^^ cliiefly to 
 his position of I'ilot-Major. Ily \irtu(! of that 
 important office, he was a member of the Junta, 
 and c(;rtainly attended its sittings. Yet not a 
 sinL,dc historian of the period ascril)es to him tlie 
 merit of tiiat invention, or of any other application 
 of ma_s^n(^tic phenomena for sucii a purpose. l*"ehpe 
 Guillen, Alonsode Santa Cruz,' Rodrii^oile Corcu(;ra, 
 these are the names which we always fnul mentioned 
 at Seville" and elsewhere in Spain in connection with 
 the properties of the needle or their cartographical 
 representation. 
 
 ' ViCN'Kc.AS, Dif.niiiias Jc lihros '-' \AVAki;|-iF,, r/. cit,, \y\t. 63, 64, 
 i]ne hay (11 el iiiiivcrso, Toledcj, 1346, 67, and his Uistoria (k la A'aiilica, p, 
 410, cap. xvi, 190, Jii/i 
 
 1)1 
 
 great 
 Lugo 
 
 u'klination 
 
 t\ 
 
i\ I 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 TIIK SCIKNTIMC CLAIMS OF SKIIASTIAN CAl'.OT. 
 
 (( ) HIS KIKST MKTIIOI) FOR FINDING TlIF 
 L()N(;iTUl)F AT SKA. 
 
 Aniclhod for rmcliny^ th(; ioni^iuicU; ;it sea was, 
 iiiiUirally, one of the llrst problems whicli navi- 
 gators allL'ini)l(;cl to solve. When the deviation of the 
 inaL^nctic needle from the. true north point, and the 
 variation of that ileviation hatl been methodically 
 noted, these two phenomena were supposed to afford 
 means for determininij^ the loni^itucU.'. Not only 
 marint:rs, but astronomers and math(;maticians, 
 especially in the first quarter of the xvi"' 
 centur),' stuched the (jueslion assiduously, and 
 many actually thouj^ht they had solved it practically. 
 Even an apothecary of Sevilh;, l<\dipc (kiillen, who, 
 let it be said, was endowed with a real scientific 
 spirit, invt:nted an instrument for that purpose, 
 based ui)on the variation o( the compass, and which 
 was extensively used on land and at sea, we do not 
 know with what success. Guillen's r(;putation on 
 that account was such, that Joao III. summoned him 
 to l'ortUL;aI, and rewarded his efforts in 1525.- 
 
 ' Ai'IANt'S, Wi.UNKU, S:c. iS:c. The Ilistoirc <h: rAcadi'mic tics Sa'citccs, 
 
 /'■;•/('(/<.• Ct>siiioi;ia^^/u\\ and the Traits I'aris, 410, 1712, y. 18. 
 
 siir ks7'aria/ioitsdc riii'.;iu7h' at'/iidii/i'i-, - Cimccniiiij; lliis truly inlercstin^ 
 
 wriUfH l>y I'icrrc Ckicnon, tlic I)i(j[)pc clinraclcr, sec llicsalirc TiViias a Filipe 
 
 jiilut, ill 1534) !"■'-' •il^'> ■'*;i''' l" liavc (///////tv//, liy the " I'ortiiyiUL'si.' I'laiilus," 
 
 cimlaincil "1111 syslt'nn; ilc raimani jiar (lil \'ic'K.\ IK, and l)ioi^!a|ihical notes, 
 
 l(.i|ucl rautcur cri>it avoir Irouvc ic written in the time of OtHl.i.EN, in 
 
 secret ties lurij^itudes. " Diii.isi.i;, Obnn de Gil Vkciili: (ornctai e cnun- 
 
 
 Lm 
 
/•VAVV.W; THE LONCITVPE AT SEA. 
 
 297 
 
 •til 
 
 )ose, 
 ich 
 not 
 on 
 him 
 
 .•resting 
 
 lUltUS," 
 
 notes, 
 
 •KN, in 
 
 cmcn- 
 
 As \vc may well iinaj^im;, Sebastian Cabot also 
 occupied himself wiih that important problem, aiul 
 bolilfy asserteil that he had ilisrovered its solution. 
 'I'he earliest relerencit to that |)relendi'd discovery 
 is to be found in the conversation which he had at 
 Valladoliil, on the 31st of December 1522, with 
 Gasparo Conlarini. The Vent:tian embassailor 
 rei)orts it in these words : 
 
 " Wc spoke of many thinj,'s pertaining to geography, among 
 which Cahot nuiitioned a very clever method observed i)y iiin\- 
 self, \vhi( li h;id never heen jjrevioiisly discovered liy any one, tor 
 ascertaining l>y the compass the distance between two places, from 
 cast to west, as V'our Serenity will liear from his (jwn li[)s when he 
 comes to Venice." ' 
 
 Any one at all convi;rsant with the subject knows 
 full well that such a discox'ery is impossible; because 
 those quantities, so called, cannot be measured at 
 sea with sufficient precision. Kven if the required 
 accuracy could be obtained, the determination for 
 the time beincr would scarci;ly ser\'e in the; future, 
 since those magnetic lines shift their positions and 
 we do not Unow the law which regulates such dis- 
 placements. Besides, the lines u[)on which that 
 allei^ed theory is based, are very far, indeetl, from 
 beinLj meridians, as can be ttasily seen in maps 
 exhibiting that class of magnetic phenomena. It is 
 quite certain, therefore, that if Cabot ever put forward 
 a theory for ascertaining the longitude at sea by means 
 of the compass, it was absolutely worthless. It is 
 true that a number of savants in the time of Cabot, 
 
 (Aii/ds, ir;inilnirt;h, 1834, Svo, vol. iii, mc ilissc iino iiiodo chc 1' hauua 
 
 !'• 377 ; Navakukti;, 0/>iis,ii/os, V(j1. oliservato per la via iIlI hossolo di 
 
 li, i>. 67, and ihc documents lately co^Miosscr la distanlia fra due loclii da 
 
 publislu'd Ijy Mr SoisA \'rn:ui;c), Icvantc al iionciuc, nioho hello nc niai 
 
 'Jrahal/ios naiitkos (los roiliii;tii:zcs iios piii oliservato da allri, come da lui 
 
 sau/os Avi c xTi'i, Si'i^iiiit/ii scrk, veneiidu \'(istra Screnita, potra in- 
 
 Coiiuhra, 1894, Svo, pp. iy-27. lender." Dispatch of Cn.NrAKlM, 
 
 '"Lui raj;ionand(j cum me de Ji:aii ct Siibasticn Cabot, dcjc. xxviii, 
 
 moltu cose di geoyraphia fra Ic allre p. 350. 
 
fV' 
 
 1) 
 
 ,7r 
 
 * ; 
 
 
 1 1.« 
 
 / 
 
 238 r//i? SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEHN CABOT. 
 
 and even until the close of the xvi'" century, 
 Giambattista della Porta^ and Livio Sanuto,'^ for in- 
 stance, shared the illusion, whilst others, like the 
 Portuguese pilot Bartholomeu Velho," continued to 
 invent instruments for that purpose, but the idea 
 was nevertheless chimerical, as William Gilbert 
 finally showed, to the satisfaction of every thinker/ 
 
 Even the idea of interrogating magnetic pheno- 
 mena with the object of finding such a method did 
 not originate with Sebastian Cabot. Twenty-six 
 years before Cabot's declarations to Contarini, 
 Christopher Columbus, on the 23rcl of May 1496, 
 endeavou*" 1 to find the longitude at sea, by means 
 of the needle, and actually believed that he had 
 succeeded. 
 
 In the Journal of the second voyage of Columbus, 
 under the above date, there is the following statement, 
 which we translate from the Italian version, as the 
 original Spanish is lost. 
 
 " This morning, the variation of the Flemish needles was, as 
 usual, \ towards the N.W., whilst the variation of the (/enoese 
 needles, which, generally, was the same as the variation of the 
 Flemish ones, stood null, or very feeble, towards the N.W. 
 Afterwards, when we get more to the East, that variation of the 
 Genoese needles will become N.W. \sic pro N.E.].^ This fact 
 proves that we were more than one hundred leagues west of the 
 Azores, for, when we found ourselves just one hundred leagues from 
 
 ' Dai.i.a Vowi \, MagiiC naturalis sive 
 dc mi rai lilts irntin uatnialium ; Nca- 
 poli, 1589, folio, lib. vii, cap. xxxviii, 
 
 p. 143- 
 
 - Livio Sanuto, op. cit. 
 
 ^ In the remarkable inventory of 
 Vei.ho's nautical instruments, fjlobes, 
 charts, iv:c., inihlished by Mr SousA 
 ViTEKHO [fip. cit., p. 32), we notice 
 the following : " Que se puisse s^auoir 
 la longitud et distance du lest vest 
 par r instrument oiizontal, qu'est de 
 I'iiguyllc de nauiguer : la quelle vertu 
 procede de la pierre d aimant et 
 partant de quel se veuUe portt dc mer, 
 soict orient ou Occident, se puisse 
 
 facillement sgauoir, la longitud tous 
 les jours universellement ; et aussi par 
 ledit instrument Ion puisse s(,-auoir la 
 longitud a tout heurc par vn' aultre 
 nianiere." 
 
 ■* \Vm. Gii.iiERT, see the chapter 
 " An longitudo terrestris inveniri pos- 
 sit per variationem (juomodo mundi 
 longitudino magnet is ope possit 
 vestigari," in Tnulatiis si7<e Pltysioloi^ia 
 iioz'a de iMagmte, Sedini, 1633, 4to, 
 lib. iv, cap. ix, p. 164. 
 
 ^' " Per I'auuenire hanno a nnruestare 
 andando il Leste." Fernando CoU'M- 
 lius, His/oi-ie, Venet., 1571, cap. Ixiii, 
 fo. 149 recto. 
 
nL W 
 
 fact 
 ■ the 
 from 
 
 FINDING THE LONGITUDE A T SEA. 
 
 those islands, which was ascertained from the sparse as.i^lomerations 
 of sarf,'ass weeds on tlie sea, the variation of the Flemish needles 
 was \ towards the N.VV., whilst the Genoese ones pointed exactly 
 towards the North Star, and remained in that direction gradually 
 as we advanced to the E.N.R. This we were able to verify the 
 following Sunday, May 22nd \sic pro 26th]. From that indication, 
 and the exactness of his [Columbus's] point, he then [says his son] 
 learned that he was one hundred leagues from the Azores." ' 
 
 Without endeavouring to account for the extra- 
 ordinary statement of Columbus, viz. : that when he 
 was one hundred leagues west of the Azores, his 
 Genoese needles, which until then had pointed to the 
 same direction as his Flemish ones, suddenly taking 
 a new course, formed an angle of \ towards the east, 
 which went on increasing as he steered further east- 
 ward, whilst his Flemish needles continued to point 
 as they did at first, and to form an angle of \ towards 
 the west, although when two freely moving magnetic 
 needles are disposed precisely in the same manner, 
 they will preserve their parallelism at all times and 
 everywhere, we wish to draw, for the present, only 
 one conclusion from the above extract. It is that 
 Columbus believed, long before Sebastian Cabot, 
 that a relation existed between what is called longi- 
 tude and the declination of the magnetic needle and, 
 further, that the variation might serve to ascertain 
 the ship's position with respect to a given meridian, 
 eastward or westward. Nor was it, in Columbus's 
 mind, a mere theory, as he claimed to have actually 
 determined his position by means of the variation 
 of the Genoese needles : " dal quale indicio, — et dalla 
 certezza del suo punto conobbe allhora, che si ritrouaua 
 cento leghe lontano dalle isole de gli Astori." 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to add that although 
 Columbus, for aught we know, may have really been 
 on the 26th of May 1496, just one hundred leagues 
 
 ^ Ibidem, 
 
 'I 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 lit 
 

 ^* ' y 
 
 '1,1 
 
 300 r//^ SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEEN CABOT. 
 
 west of the Azores, it is certain that he cannot have 
 derived such a certitude from the variation of his 
 compass ; for the simple reason that those magnetic 
 lines are irregularly curved, and do not coincide 
 with the direction of the meridian. At all events, 
 the notions of the great Genoese on the subject show 
 that Sebastian Cabot cannot even lay claim to origi- 
 nality in these erroneous ideas. 
 
 I 
 
 % 
 
 
 I iiMillfailliiilliii "trriiMMnmi---'^^--'" ■-■"»^'^ 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 (d) HIS SECOND METHOD FOR TAKING THE LONGITUDE. 
 
 SEBASTIAN Cabot devised another method for 
 taking the longitude at sea. This time, it was 
 not by means of the variation of the magnetic needle, 
 but by the declination of the sun. 
 
 That method is set forth in a work written by the 
 celebrated cosmographer, Alonso de Santa Cruz, 
 Cabot's companion in the expedition to La Plata, 
 and entitled as follows : 
 
 " Libro de las Longitudes y manera que hasta agora se ha tenido 
 en el arte de navegar, con sus demonstraciones y ejcmi)los : — The 
 Book of Longitudes, and the method known to the present time in 
 the Art of Navigation, with its demonstrations and examples," 
 
 It is dedicated to Philip II., and has never been 
 printed. Nor is it dated. The fact that Cabot is 
 mentioned as occupying the post of Pilot-Major in 
 England, shows that it was written by Santa Cruz 
 after 1547. Reference is also made therein to 
 the Junta of cosmographers and astrologers {i.e. 
 astronomers), presided over by the Marquis de Mon- 
 dejar, to examine the memoirs written, and instru- 
 ments constructed by Apianus to find the longitude. 
 We have been unable, notwithstanding arduous re- 
 searches, to ascertain when that Junta met. Santa 
 Cruz, addressing himself to Philip II., says only that 
 it was "called by order of His Majesty." At first 
 sight, this implies a date subsequent to 1556, which 
 
 
r; ' 
 
 Jri 
 
 
 
 f) 'I ^ f I 
 
 302 T//E SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'N CABOT. 
 
 is the year when that prince ascended the throne. 
 On the other hand, Apianus, who had for many years 
 intercourse with Charles V., died in 1552, and Philip 
 II., by virtue of his prerogatives as Regent of Spain 
 (" Principe Gobernador "), may have convoked such 
 a Junta as far back as 1543. Withal, there is nothing 
 to prevent Cabot from having written the description 
 of his method long before it was communicated to 
 Santa Cruz. So that, upon the whole, we possess 
 no data enabling us to fix the time when he made this 
 alleged discovery. 
 
 After discussing the methods proposed by Guillen, 
 Apianus, Werner and others to find the longitude 
 at sea, Santa Cruz describes Sebastian Cabot's, 
 which is the fifth in the Libro de Longitudes. The 
 description is based upon a written treatise of Cabot, 
 the oricrinal of which we have failed to find. But the 
 reader may rest assured that it is faithfully reproduced, 
 at least as to its substance, in the analysis of Santa 
 Cruz. For this reason we venture to give here 
 this curious document, which forms an interestin^r 
 chapter in the history of nautical science, and initiates 
 us into Sebastian Cabot's mode of scientific thought 
 and deductions. We must, however, warn our 
 readers that his method for determining the longi- 
 tude at sea by the declination of the sun, is just as 
 useless a?-d erroneous as the one which he claimed 
 to have discovered for obtaining the same results by 
 the variation of the magnetic needle. 
 
 " The method of Sebastian Caboto, Pilot-Major to His Majesty 
 in England, for obtaining the longitude [at sua], has been com- 
 municated by a certain person to Your Majesty [Philip II.]. I 
 briefly explained this method to Your Majesty as soon as it came 
 to my knowledge, in order that Your Majesty might add it to the 
 other known methods of finding the longitude. I now proceed 
 to develop it as fully as I have the other methods : ' — 
 
 ' We have modifioil the phraseology absolutely necessary lo render his 
 of Santa Cruz only so far as il was te.xt intelligible to modern readeis. 
 

 w 
 
 TAKING THE LONGITUDE A T SEA. 
 
 303 
 
 by 
 
 the 
 :eed 
 
 his 
 deis. 
 
 First, in order to find the difference of longitude of any points, 
 however distant they may be from one another, East to West, or 
 ^Vest to East, we must know th-^.t, in a Httle less than a year, the 
 sun in its course passes through all the signs of the Zodiac, taking 
 something more or something less than a month to move through 
 each of these divisions ; thus it passes through almost one degree 
 per day. 
 
 Moreover, we must not forget that the Zodiac [Ecliptic] retreats 
 from the E(iual.or, after cutting it at two points which are the zero- 
 points of the signs Afi'cs and £iY>ra graduated into degrees and 
 minutes. 
 
 Now, the declination of any part of the heavens, whether 
 divisions of the Zodiac \sic pro Ecliptic] or stars, etc., being merely 
 the distance of that part from the Equator, the two points of inter- 
 section of the Zodiac \sic pro Ecliptic] and the Equator have a de- 
 clination zero ; likewise, the declinations of the divisions of the 
 Zodiac \sic pro Ecliptic] increase with their distances from 
 the Equator up to the signs of Cancer and Capricor/ius which 
 are at a distance of about 23F : when in one of these two signs, 
 the sun's declination equals 23^,°, — its greatest possible value; in 
 every other sign, its declination is more or less great, according to 
 the position of the sign in the Zodiac, but it is always less than 2^}/. 
 Further, we must bear in mind that, as each degree of the Zodiac 
 [sic pro Ecliptic] has a declination of a definite value, so also the 
 sixty minutes of any degree have certain declinations proportional 
 to the distance of these minutes from minute zero. 
 
 Thus, the zero-point of the first minute of the first degree of 
 Aries having a declination zero, and the zero-point of the first 
 minute of the second degree of the same sign having a declina- 
 tion of 24', it is evident that these 24' must be distributed pro- 
 portionally among each of the 60' through which the sun moves 
 in the Ecliptic in the space of one day, — approximate time 
 necessary for the sun to pass through one degree of the Ecliptic. 
 By calculating, we see that a motion of 2^' in the Ecliptic causes a 
 variation of one minute in the sun's declination. 
 
 Now let us suppose that, on the tenth of March, the sun is at the 
 zero-point of the first minute of degree one of sign Aries, its de- 
 clination being zero, and that at the same moment it crosses the 
 meridian of Seville : when, in consecjuence of the diurnal rotation 
 of the celestial sphere, the sun has come to the 90th degree west of 
 the meridian of Seville, its proper motion in the Ecliptic will have 
 brought it to the 15th minute of degree one of Aries, at this 
 moment its declination will be 6'. 
 
 The Spanish original, however, is in- 
 serted in our Sy/lafuis, No. I.xxxv, 
 fiiilhfuUy copied entire from the 
 
 authentic manuscript now preserved 
 in the Madrid National Library. 
 
 i 
 

 304 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBW CABOT. 
 
 '«f '■ ' ' 
 
 \\ 
 
 P ir ' 
 
 
 When, continuing its course towards tiie West, still in virtue of 
 the diurnal rotation, it comes to the degree of longitude iSo west 
 of Seville, it will have moved, hy its proper motion, through 30' 
 of the first degree of An'cs and will then have a declination of 
 12'. On reaching the 270th degree of longitude west of Seville, 
 it will he at the 45th minute of the first degree oi An'cs \\\\\\ a 
 declination of 18'. 
 
 On its return to the meridian of Seville, it will have passed 
 through 360° by its apparent diurnal motion, p/i/s, thrfiugh the 
 Co' of tile first degree o\ Aries, its declination will then he ecjual 
 to the 24' mentioned above. 
 
 The sun now enters the first minute of the second degree of 
 Aries, moving through the minutes of this degree, according to its 
 proper motion, as has been explained for degree one. 
 
 ^\■e see from the above that the transit of the sun over the meri- 
 dians mentioned above enables us to deduce that the sun's 
 declination for the moment of transit, although the difference of 
 the sun's declination from one meridian to another diminishes as 
 the sun approaches the tropics. The difference of declination 
 between two positions of the sun in the Zodiac [sic fro Ecliptic] 
 distant by one minute cannot exceed 24'; near the trojjics it is 
 very slight ; it even equals zero when the sun is actually at one of 
 them. 
 
 On this principle, a book ought to be constructed containing 
 tables [i.e. Ephemerides], in which should be inscribed, for every 
 day of the year, the sun's declination computed for the meridian of 
 Seville, — that being the starting point for navigators towards the 
 West and North, and near the meridian of Lisbon, the starting 
 point for the South and East. 
 
 In order to obtain tables of greater precision, the sun's declina- 
 tion should be inscribed for each minute of degree in the Ecliptic, 
 because the differences of declination from one minute to another 
 are not equal. This Ptolemy clearly demonstrates in his Al)na}::;est 
 where the differences of declination are obtained by arcs and chords 
 from which angles of position result. 
 
 The differences of declination for an interval of one degree in the 
 Ecliptic being known, we obtain, by the Rule of 'i'hrec, the difference 
 of declination for an interval of one minute belonging to the same 
 degree, saying : If an arc in the Ecliptic of a certain number of 
 minutes corresponds to a certain chord or difference of declination, 
 then another arc of the Ecliptic will correspond, in the same pro- 
 portion, to another chord or difference of declination. 
 
 Thus Ptolemy obtained in his time the declinations of the sun 
 for all the degrees of the Zodiac \sic pro Ecliptic], on the 
 hypothesis that the sun's greatest declination was 23° and 53'. 
 The navigators of our days use the number 23° 33' for the sun's 
 
 Olll 
 
 poi 
 
TAKIXG THE LONGITUDE AT SEA. 
 
 305 
 
 ;dina- 
 iptic, 
 other 
 
 hords 
 
 in the 
 crcnce 
 same 
 ibcr of 
 nation, 
 ic pro- 
 he sun 
 on the 
 
 nd 53'- 
 Ic sun's 
 
 greatest declination ; Orontius [I'ine] in his hook makes it equal 
 23° 30' ; I do ncjt hold this value to be exact, neither does Vcrnezio 
 [Johannes Werner] accordinj,' to whose observations it is 23° 2S'. 
 My own [Santa Cru/'s?] observations made at Seville with ,u;raduated 
 instruments of great precision have given me tiie value of 23" 26' 
 for the sun's greatest declination. 
 
 A\'ith this value as a basis, I [Cabot, or Santa C\u/. ?] have com- 
 puted the sun's declinations for the meridian of Seville so that by 
 au^;menting or diminishing the computed declinations according 
 to their places of observations pilots can obtain the sun's declina- 
 tion for the meridians of said places. 
 
 The lack of accuracy with regard to the sun's declinations, as 
 inscribed in the books now used by pilots, is a cause of serious 
 errors in the results deduced by them from observations of alti- 
 tudes. An error of y or more in the declination emplcjyed, and 
 an error ecjually great committed in the observation of the sun's 
 altitude may produce an error of almost one degree in the 
 latitude, which is a serious inconvenience when seeking cape or 
 port. 
 
 Setting aside this cause of error, let us suppose that the above 
 mentioned tables are compiled with all desirable precision, there 
 should then be constructed an instrument graduated into 90° 
 each of which shall be subdivided into 60'. 
 
 This instrument may be a quadrant with an alidade or ruler 
 fixed at the centre, such as in the astrolabe, and provided willi 
 two pinules serving for observations of altitudes. 
 
 Then it will be necessary to know, for the place of observation, 
 the sun's maximum meridian altitude when in the tropic of Cancer ; 
 its minimum meridian altitude when in the tropic of Capricornus ; 
 and its mean meridian altitude when in the Ecjualor. These alti- 
 tudes being noted on the instrument, all the intermediate altitudes 
 will give us the sun's declinations when on either side of the 
 Equator. 
 
 One of the sides of this quadrant must be fixed to the ground in 
 such a manner that the instrument inclines neither to one side nor 
 the other, as Ptolemy advises in his Alma^:;est. The sun's declina- 
 tion for the meridian of Seville being known for all the days of the 
 year, and the sun's declination for any given meridian being ob- 
 tained by observation, we can deduce the difference of the sun's 
 declination on the meridian of Seville and the meridian in (juestion, 
 and thence the difference in longitude according to explanations 
 given above." ' 
 
 * We express our sincere thanks to 
 our gifted countrywom.in, Miss Doro- 
 thea Klumpke, in charge of an im- 
 portant department in the Paris 
 
 National Observatory, for her ahle 
 translation into English of a French 
 version of the above extremely diffi- 
 cult text. We are also under the 
 
 U 
 
 p;v4[ 
 
Ifr V 
 
 I 
 
 , I 
 
 I {' > 
 
 I / 
 
 306 r/Zii SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEIfN CABOT. 
 
 Santa Cruz tlicn proceeds to state his objections 
 to Cabot's method. These we must j^ive, as showing 
 the principal reasons which the greatest Spanish 
 savant then living could urge against the theory. 
 
 " I tliink these c.\])laMalions arc sufficient," says Santa Cruz, "for 
 setting forth this method. It seems, nevertheless, to be attended 
 with certain drawbacks which would prevent us from achieving the 
 end pro[)osed by its use. 
 
 ]'"irst, pilots will not be able to make use of the quadrant on ship 
 board owing to the great dimensions of the instrument which are 
 reijuisite for its graduation into degrees and minutes of degrees. 
 ]'"urther, the motion of the ship will render impracticable the con- 
 dition of stability reiiuired by the ])receding considerations. 
 
 Secondly, it is impossible to obtain, with sufficient accuracy, 
 the sun's declination for all the days of the year. When the sun 
 passes tliiougli tiie signs Gi'iiiiiti^ Caiiar, Sdj^^/Z/iirius, Capriconius, 
 its declination canncjt l)e obtained within one minute owing to the 
 slight difference of declination from one day to another." 
 
 Other reasons are given, and in short, the theory 
 set forth in the above document amounts to this : 
 The latitude being known, the question is to deter- 
 mine the sun's declination by observation of its 
 meridian altitude. The sun's declination, at the 
 moment of transit over the first meridian, is also 
 known for the date of observation by means of 
 tables established for every day of the year. From 
 the difference of these two declinations is computed 
 the time elapsed between the two transits of the sun 
 over the first meridian and the meridian of observa- 
 tion, viz. : the longitude, on the hypothesis that, for 
 this interval of time, the motion of declination is 
 proportional to the time elapsed. 
 
 In whatever manner we may consider the problem 
 of longitudes, we shall finally be compelled to com- 
 pare the time of the first meridian with the simul- 
 taneous time of observation. The chronometer, still 
 
 greatest obliLjations to the late without whose ohlit^'in;^ and scientific 
 Admiral Flelkiais, and to Lieut, aid we could not have written the 
 Bauviec.x of the I'rench Navy, present chapter and the ne.xt. 
 
 / ■ ^/ I' 
 
 
scientific 
 IriUen the 
 
 TAKING THE LONGITUDE A T SEA. 
 
 307 
 
 better the telcj^raph, now give us this result in a 
 simple manner. 
 
 F^ormerly the time of observation was obtained by 
 observing the heavens. The moon, because of its 
 proper motion comjiaratively great, is the only body 
 which enables us to obtain that time with a certain 
 precision. However, for the moon whose motion is 
 about 360° in 27 days =2332800 seconds of time, 
 an error of one second of arc in the determination of 
 the lunar distance from the neitrhbourintj: stars, corre- 
 sponds to filiiniioo =''^'^*'i't ^^^'" st^conds of time ; and 
 an error of 10 seconds in observation corres[)onds to 
 20 seconds of time = 300 seconds of arc = 5 minutes 
 of arc, that is, 30 times the error of observation. 
 
 Now if the moon's daily motion among the stars, 
 which is, on an average, from 12° to 13" per day, is 
 justly considered as being very slight, what shall 
 we say of the sun's motion, which does not equal one 
 degree in 24 hours (360° in one year) ? 
 
 Setting aside, in this explanation of Sebastian 
 Cabot's theory, the absolute errors regarding the 
 motion in declination, which does not vary pro- 
 portionately to time, we sum up our objections as 
 follows : 
 
 The sun's declination oscillates in one year from 
 23?,° North to 23^-' South, that is, 47° in 365 days, 
 or 169200 seconds of arc in about 31536000 seconds 
 of time. 
 
 Thus an error of one second of arc in the deter- 
 mination of the sun's declination, according to 
 Cabot's method, would lead to an error in loniritude 
 of 25 1 seconds of time. 
 
 With observations of the present day made within 
 10 seconds of arc, the above would lead to an error 
 in longitude of 25 11 seconds of time = 42 minutes 
 of time = 630 minutes of arc = io^°. 
 
 Now, taking into consideration that in the middle 
 
 i?' 
 
 J' 
 
 Ai 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 \\ 
 
 1! H 
 
>*^ 
 
 [^ 
 
 •' .3 
 
 S. 
 
 
 1 ■ i-* 
 
 308 7 //is SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SED'N CAHOT. 
 
 of the xvi'" century observations of altituclr. within 
 one minute were takcMi on land with great difficulty, 
 because telescopes (invented only in 1609), verniers 
 and levels of precision, were; then unknown, the error 
 in loncMtude, when following- Cabot's method, would 
 have actually reached sixty degrees, that is, one-sixth 
 of the circumference of the globe 1 
 
 l>i' 
 
 i,^N..">.£»^ 
 
 i> ,:--r""' 
 
m 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEBASTIAN CAHOT. 
 (f.) HIS NAUTICAL Til FORI FS, AND SAILING UIKFCTIONS. 
 
 IN Cabot's planisphere of 1544, there is a lej^rcnd 
 describinj^ his theory for directinj^ aiul measur- 
 in<r the course of ships by scientific principles and 
 observations, coupled with two applications of the 
 same, which amount to real sailing directions. Hut 
 the lan<(ua^e is far from bein|^ clear, either in the 
 Spanish or Latin, and the theories are based upon 
 postulates still less intelli<;ible. We will nevertheless 
 give here a verbatim translation of the oriirinal 
 Spanish text, and add our understanding of the 
 difficult passages. 
 
 " Explanation by the Author, with certain reasons for the 
 deviation of the compass from the Nortli Star. 
 
 Sebastian Caboto, Captain and Tilot-Major of His S[acred] 
 C[athoHc] C[a;sarean] Majesty the iMiiperor Charles, fifth of the 
 name, and the King our lord, has constructed this [geographical] 
 figure projected on a plane, in the year of the birth of our Saviour 
 Jesus Christ 1 544, drawn with the degrees of longitude and latitude, 
 and directions of the winds,' as in a marine chart, imitated partly 
 from I'tolemy, partly from modern discoverers, Spanish as well as 
 Portuguese, and partly from the discoveries of his fiither and him- 
 self, whereby you will be able to navigate just as you would with a 
 chart, taking into account the variation of the [magnetic] needle 
 from the North Star. 
 
 For instance. When desiring to sail from Cape St. Vincent to Cape 
 Finisterre, you give orders to steer northwards by your compass, and 
 win reach that cape ; but the course really followed by your ship will 
 have been North by East, because at Cape St. Vincent your needle 
 
 * The Latin version gives here : " ventorumque situm." 
 
 i:\ 
 
f ' ^f 
 
 310 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEirjV CAliOT. 
 
 ' # 
 
 If 
 
 w 
 
 I 
 
 I . 
 
 ^.' 
 
 \: 
 
 [f 'n \ \ 
 , I If 
 
 (U'viatt's, from tin- north, one point towards the north-cast. It 
 follows that wlu-n you order your ship to steer northwards hy your 
 compass, your [real] course will he north hy east. In the same 
 manner, when leaving Salmedina (whicli is a reef outside San 
 I, near de llarranuila), to |^o to [Ajnai^a i'oint in thi- island of 
 'I'eneriff, you will order to steer south-west i»y your compass, and 
 will reach the said [A|nat;a Point where it is marked on the chart. 
 Hut your course will not he south-west, because your comt)ass 
 ili;viates at Salmedina from thi' north a full point to tlu' eastward 
 of north. 'I'lie real route shall he a full point to south of south- 
 west. Vou will he able therefore to say that when sailing from 
 (!ape St. Vincent northwards, your [real] course shall he south- 
 west hy south.' 
 
 Vou will const'iiueiilly steer in tlu; same manner in all other 
 parts of this Universe, taking into account the variation of your 
 compass from the North Star ; for the said compass neither points 
 to nor remains in the direction of the north in all places, as 
 common people believe ; because the loadstone does not possess, 
 as it seems, the property of causing the needle to point to tin.' north 
 in all [)laces. On the contrary, experience shows that in one place 
 only it possesses the property of maintaining the needle lixed and 
 stable. This shows that it is directed in a straight line, what- 
 ever may be the wind ["viento"], and not in a circular line [s/'r], 
 and that is the cause of the saitl variation. For, if the needle 
 pointed to the north, always and everywhere, it would not variate 
 at all, being then ilirected in a circular line [sic], and you would 
 always be in a parallel ; which is impossible when [.steering] in a 
 straight line over a round body.''' 
 
 Vou should also notit > that the more you increase your distance, 
 eastward or westward, from the meridian where the needle points 
 due north, the more the direction of your needle, that is, the flower- 
 de-luce which marks tlu; north, will deviate from the latter. This 
 shows clearly that the needle is directed in a straight line, and not 
 in a circular one. 
 
 You ought to know likewise that the meridian where the needle 
 points due north, is the one which passes thirty-five leagues from 
 the island of Mores, the last of the Azores westward. This is the 
 opinion of persons who have ac(iuired great experience on the 
 subject after daily navigations westward to the Indies of the 
 Oceanic Sea. Thus Sebastian Cabot, when steering towards the 
 west, found himself in regions where north-east one (juarter north 
 of his compass pointed exactly to the north. It follows clearly 
 
 one 
 
 ' CAlior coniniitshiTc a gross error. f>iit\ and not to South-West 
 
 The South-West (course) maf^itiiic, i\\\a.rWt South true. 
 with one |)iiint of easterly variiition, - Concerning that passage, see .S///(j- 
 
 corresponds to South- West by West hits, Ixvi, c. 
 
^T" 
 
 HIS NAUTICM. riiF.oRir.s. 
 
 ni 
 
 lice, 
 
 lints 
 
 )\vor- 
 
 Ihis 
 
 ul not 
 
 iccdle 
 
 from 
 
 IS the 
 
 the 
 
 the 
 
 IS the 
 
 nortli 
 
 dearly 
 
 from those ol)sirvations that the magnetic needle really swerves 
 frtim the North Star " 
 
 Ht;rt: ai^ain, \v(' find the mlstak«'n notion tliat the 
 curves of t'(|iial inaL^nctic (k'clinalion an; incridians. 
 And Cabot not only bases his saihnor tliroctions on 
 that most erroneous beh'ef, but makes it servo, with 
 just as litlli" propriety, towanls explainin!^' the cause 
 of the mai^nelic; declination ! Another of his fallacies 
 in connection vvitli the abov(^ we find S(^t forth in 
 the curious j)hrase ; " forqado por circular." I low 
 can the direction of a force be otherwise than in a 
 straio^ht line ? 
 
 We shall now examine the sailiuL,^ directions which 
 he laid out wIumi crossini^f the Atlantic on his way to 
 the Molticcas, by way of the Strait of ISIai^cllan, 
 
 The sevc;nth (juestion of the I*'iscal in the judicial 
 inquiry of the 2nd of November 1 530, was as follows : 
 
 " Do you know whether it was through had sailing and command 
 (M^ the part of Sebastian Cahot, when in the region ('pnraje') of 
 the Oape V'erd islands, that lu! altired his course a ([uarter [one 
 point], which took him to St. Augustine?" 
 
 To com[)lete the qtiestion, it is necessary to add 
 that, accordinj^ to one of Cabot's own witnesses, it 
 was when off the island of Palma that the chanj^c 
 was oriU;red and carried out' 
 
 The object of the question addrt;ssed by the Fiscal 
 was to ascertain wh('ihcr Cabot, in sha[)ing out that 
 course, had wilfully i^one to Brazil instead of the 
 Molucca and thereby caused the failure of the 
 expedition, or if he had betrayed, in L^ivinj^ stich 
 sailiiiLj directions, a ^reat lack of seamanship. 
 
 Montoya, Calderon, Master Juan, Celis, Hoi^^a^on, 
 and J unco testified that Cabot ordered the chanj^^e, 
 which, in the positive opinion of four of them, was 
 
 ' " Miicstre Jiwn dixo que sabe quel dicho Schasliun Gabolu fuo nuuUir una 
 quarla cli.>iiu(js tie luirlidos dc la ysla dc la jialnia. '' 
 
' /.r 
 
 312 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEITN CABOT. 
 
 "I 
 r * 
 
 th(! primary cause of tlie misfortune that happened 
 afterwards. But it is principally in Captain Caro's 
 cle[)osition that we find specific reasons enabling us 
 to ascertain whether Cabot was to blame or not, and 
 to what extent. 
 
 That deposition of Captain Caro, who commanded 
 the Santa Maria del Espinar at the time of the 
 occurrence, is as follows : 
 
 " On the very day that Cabot prescribed the route which the 
 pilots were to take in the region {para^^e) of Cape Verde, he 
 ga\e orders to alter the course which they were following to the 
 southward, and to steer a point more to the westward. Deponent 
 was then informed that one of the pilots objected to such a 
 change of course, on the ground that this change would carry 
 them to the coast of Brazil, and that in the winter, which com- 
 mences in May, ships encounter [in that region] south-easterly, 
 and other contrary winds which hinder navigation. Having never- 
 theless steered that point, and [encountered] the average prevailing 
 wind — south-south-west, particularly as the winds were light, they 
 came to the Brazilian coast, and could not weather Cape St. 
 Augustine . . . Deponent believes that if Sebastian Cabot had 
 not given orders to change the said course, or if he had steered 
 one point south-east, or done what the said pilot told him, he 
 could have sailed without falling in with the coast of Brazil. 
 Deponent therefore believes that the failure of the voyage was 
 caused by the bad seamanship of Cabot."* 
 
 Captain Diego Garcia, in the account which he 
 gives of his own voyage from the Cape Verd islands 
 to the Rio de la Plata, nearly at the same time as 
 Cabot, and who obtained the information upon which 
 he bases his opinion from the latter's officers and 
 pilots when they met in Paraguay, makes the 
 following statement : 
 
 " To navigate over that route requires great caution and 
 [nautical] science, because there are encountered great currents, 
 which come from the rivers of Guinea, and carry ships to the 
 north-west region. Cabot did not know how to deal with those 
 currents." ' 
 
 1 Probanta of November 2nd, 1530. " Garcia's Report to His Majesty. 
 Syl/ubits, No. Lii, i. Syl/abtts, No. XLIX. 
 
M' 
 
 H/S NA UTICAL THEORIES. 
 
 313 
 
 lajesty. 
 
 The gist of these criticisms is that after leaving 
 Palma (one of the westernmost Canary islands) on 
 his way to the Strait of Magellan, Cabot ordered his 
 pilots to discontinue sailing southward, and com- 
 manded to steer south by west, and south-south- 
 west. Those experienced seamen found fault with 
 that direction, being of opinion that the proper 
 course was south, and south by east. Their reasons 
 were that the route laid out by Cabot would bring 
 them too near Capes St. Roque and St. Augustine, 
 where, in April-May, there blew contrary winds, and, 
 besides, that it was necessary to avoid the strong 
 currents which How from the rivers (as they believed) 
 of Guinea and carry ships to the north-west. 
 
 We will endeavour to ascertain whether Cabot 
 had scientific reasons for altering the usual course, 
 or whether, on the other hand, the criticisms of his 
 pilots were justified. Lieutenant Bauvieux, of the 
 French Hydrographic Bureau, to whom we sub- 
 mitted the question, which is altogether of a tech- 
 nical character, was kind enough to supply us with 
 the first elements in a discussion of this kind, viz. : 
 the route followed at the present time by sailing 
 vessels, and the practical principles upon which it 
 has been established. 
 
 According to this distinguished naval officer, sail- 
 ing vessels going from Europe to the South Atlantic 
 regions are instructed to pass in the proximity of the 
 Cape Verd islands, and to cross the equatorial line 
 between 23° 40', 24° 40', and 27° 40' longitude West 
 (Greenwich). (They draw near one or the other of 
 those limits according to the season of the year.) 
 This rule applies to ships going to the Cape of Good 
 Hope, as well as to those which are bound to any of 
 the ports of the east coast of South America, or to 
 the Strait of Magellan, The object of this recom- 
 mendation is to enable them to cross, at its narrowest 
 
 Ml t 
 
 m \ 
 
314 THE SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'N CABOT. 
 
 :^* 
 
 ■.iilll 
 
 ' ''. PH 
 
 * I 
 
 i\ 
 
 width, the zone of calms and bn^'.no; winds which 
 separate the N.E. and S.E. trade winds. 
 
 The western limit of the r rossini,^ point of the 
 equatorial line is fixed in the meridian of 27° 40' 
 longitude West. This enables ships to round easily 
 Capes St. Roque and St. Augustine, avoiding the 
 influence of the equatorial current and South-East 
 trade winds, which they first meet with when about 
 to cross the line. For the same reason, the eastern 
 limit is located as far as 23° 40', or 24° 40' longitude 
 West, from April to October, in order to keep still 
 farther away from the coast of Brazil, where, in that 
 season of the year, contrary winds and currents pre- 
 vail. Experience shows that the line may be crossed 
 between these limits, without fear of being carried too 
 much towards the great elbow which projects east- 
 wards from Cape St. Roque to Cape St. Augustine. 
 If, on the other hand, hoping to weather those capes 
 with greater ease, the line is crossed more to the 
 eastwards, then the zone of calms and baffling winds 
 is encountered at its greatest width. That zone 
 blends with another of the same character which ex- 
 tends from about one hundred leatjues west of the 
 African coast to 22° 40' longitude West. Finally, 
 still more to the East, about 20° 40', or 21° 40' 
 longitude West, ships meet the current of the Gulf of 
 Guinea, which carries them with great force towards 
 the east of that gulf 
 
 After crossing the line, and doubling Capes St. 
 Roque and St. Augustine at a distance of from eighty 
 to one hundred leagues, ships when traversing the 
 region of the S.E. trade winds, are carried westward, 
 beyond Trinity island. The advantage of this 
 course is to get as far to windward as possible 
 into the region of the brave west winds, about the 
 fortieth dei>ree of South latitude. This steering 
 westward is limited only by the necessity of avoiding 
 
 i i 
 
'~M 
 
 Uy, 
 
 St. 
 
 this 
 5sible 
 the 
 ering 
 liding 
 
 ///S NAUTICAL THEORIES. 
 
 315 
 
 the zone of the local winds and currents of the South 
 American coast, which approach it within a distance 
 varying- from 60 to 100 leaj^ues. 
 
 In short, it has been ascertained that the most 
 advantageous route from Europe to the Strait of 
 Magellan, between April and October (which is the 
 time of the year in which Cabot made his attempt), 
 is to pass at a short distance from Cape Verd islands ; 
 cross the line at 23° 40' or 24° 40' longitude West, 
 sail by about one hundred leagues from Cape Frio, 
 and thence steer in the direction of the Strait of 
 Magellan. 
 
 It follows from the above, that when, off Palma, 
 Cabot's pilots steered south and east of south, they 
 were absolutely in the right, and, consequently, in 
 ordering a change of course to south by west, and 
 south-south-west, which amounts to a deviation of 
 22° 30' from the right course, he acted like an inex- 
 perienced mariner. Whether, for reasons best 
 known to himself, Cabot intended to go to Cape St. 
 Augustine first, and range the entire American 
 coast southward, or believed that south by west and 
 south-south-west, after leaving Palma, was the real 
 route to the Strait of Magellan, it is unquestionable 
 that in either case the course which he laid out was 
 wrong, even according to nautical notions in tho:- 1 
 remote times. 
 
 Impartiality prompts the critic to examine the 
 question also from another point of view. 
 
 Notwithstanding Maestre Juan's declaration that 
 the order to steer westward was given when off 
 Palma, it may have been uttered when the squadron 
 stood further south, and more to the westward. 
 Ramirez mentions great rains experienced " on the 
 coast of Guinea."^ This implies a ranging of the 
 
 *• "Con niuchas aguazeros que sobrc la costa Guinea ovinios." Syllabus, 
 No. XLVl. 
 
 V'A 
 
 \ f V 
 
If . 
 
 V ^t 
 
 
 318 7"//£" SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS OF SEB'JV CABOT. 
 
 African coast to about the latitude of Cape Verd, 
 If so, that was the parallel where Cabot commanded 
 to steer south by west and south-south-west. But 
 the exact longitude in which the order was given 
 remains yet to be ascertained. If Cabot stood at 
 2 1°, or thereabout, he did well to sail westwards, 
 but to no considerable distance, and it is not likely 
 that his pilots would have objected to such a course 
 then. Navigators knew full well, even in those 
 days, how important it was to get away as soon as 
 possible from the local winds and currents of the 
 African coast, particularly in April-May. We have 
 only to recollect the expressions used on that occasion 
 by Cabot's pilots : 
 
 " Porque se llegara a la costa del Brazil y en cl ynvernio que es 
 desde ]\Iayo en adelante siguian en aciuella costa los vientes 
 Sucstes e otros vientos contraries e no podrian navegar : — Because 
 they would fall in with the coast of Brazil, and in winter, which is 
 from May onwards, there blow on that coast the south-easterly 
 and other contrary winds, and it will be impossible to steer." 
 
 Nay, they were also familiar with the equatorial 
 current, although erroneously attributing it to the 
 rivers of the coast of Guinea: 
 
 " Hay grandes corrientes que salen de los rios de Guynea que 
 abaten los navios a la vanda del Norueste : — There are great 
 currents which originate in the rivers of Guinea, and impede ships 
 in the North-West region." 
 
 It is curious, too, to notice that when Diego Garcia 
 says : " Este Cabo [St. Augustine] se corre al susu- 
 deste, mas para doblar el Cabo navegamos por el sur, 
 e d los veces tomamos la quarta del sueste," he 
 anticipates the sailing directions which Admiralties 
 prescribe at the present day.^ 
 
 1 Philippe DE Kerhali.et, Con- 
 sidc'rations gin^ralcs sur POa'an At- 
 lantique, Paris, 8vo ; 4th edit., i860. 
 Labkosse, Indicateur dcs routes t?tari- 
 
 times de FOa'an Atlantique Sud, Paris, 
 1872, 8vo, and the Knghsh Admiralty 
 Chart of the world showing tracks 
 followed by vessels with sail, No. 1078. 
 
 i«! 
 
 •-^•1 
 
HIS NAUTICAL THEORIES. 
 
 317 
 
 The equatorial current combined with the western 
 course ordered by Cabot could not but carry him too 
 near the Brazilian coast, where he encountered the 
 winds and current which, as his pilots and officers 
 had justly predicted, prevented his ships weathering 
 Cape St. Aui^ustine. In fact, it took him twv 
 months to cross from the Cape Verd islands to the 
 Brazilian coast. And when he had been driven into 
 Pernambuco, it was only after three months more 
 that, notwithstanding strenuous and repeated efforts, 
 he finally succeeded in weathering the Cape.* The 
 description given by Luis Ramirez and by Cabot's 
 own witnesses also show that he went direct to the 
 very Oceanic region which experienced navigators 
 strove to avoid. 
 
 ' The 14th question on behalf of 
 Cahot is as follows: "Si sabcn quo 
 por espacio de tres meses syempre hizo 
 el tieinpo contrario por lo qual S. 
 Caboto no pudo seguir su viaje ? " 
 Nine witnesses testified in the affirma- 
 tive, after having declared "quel 
 
 tiempo les hcra contrario c que por 
 esto surgio en la costa del brasyl." 
 Ramirez's description of the weather 
 and winds when endeavoring to cross 
 the line also answers perfectly the 
 Atlantic region which sailors familiarly 
 call the " Black Pot." 
 
 >»;i 
 
 ij m\i 
 
 the 
 
 que 
 great 
 ships 
 

 H 
 
 i) ff 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 J, 
 
 ft l) 
 
 
 M) 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 
 
 WHILE Still enjoying the confidence of Charles 
 v., Sebastian Cabot recommenced his in- 
 trigues, this time with the English government. 
 We see him, in 1538, endeavouring to obtain a posi- 
 tion in England, and succeeding in netting Sir 
 Thomas Wyatt to recommend him to Henry VHI. 
 There is a memorandum from that ambassador to 
 Sir Philip Hoby on his leaving Spain for England, 
 on the 28th of November 1538, which is quite con- 
 clusive on that point. It is as follows : 
 
 " To remember Sebastian Cabote. He hath here but 300 
 ducats a year, and he is desirous, if he might not serve tlie King, 
 at least to see him, as his old master. And I think therein. And 
 that I may have an answer in this.'" 
 
 Cabot, however, accomplished his object only two 
 and a half years afterwards. 
 
 We possess a dispatch sent from London by the 
 Imperial Ambassador in England to the Queen of 
 Hungary at Brussels, on the 26th of May 1541, 
 which contains this interesting passage : 
 
 " About two months ago, there was a deliberation in ihc Privy 
 Council as to the expediency of sending two ahipa to the Northern 
 seas for the purpose of discovering a passage between Islandt and 
 Engronland for the Northern regions where it was thought that, 
 owing to the extreme cold, English woollen cloths would be very 
 acceptable and sell for a good price. To this end the King has 
 
 * J.ames Gairdner, Letters and papers, forcii^n and domestic, of the rei^n of 
 Henry VIII., vol. xiii, pari I, vol. ii, No. 974, p. 415. 
 
■r >-T74 
 
 •T(; 
 
 two 
 
 the 
 of 
 
 54i> 
 
 Privy 
 
 them 
 
 t and 
 
 that, 
 
 very 
 
 ; has 
 
 ■ciiTii of 
 
 SEH'N CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 319 
 
 retained here for some time a pilot from Seville well versed in the 
 affairs of the sea, though in the end the undertaking has been 
 abandoned, all owing to the King not choosing to agree to the 
 pilot's terms." ' 
 
 In 1541 Cabot lived in Seville, and since the death 
 of Estevam Gomez, all trace of whom disappears in 
 1537,''' he was the only mariner in Spain wh(-) had, or 
 pretended to have, a knowledy^e of the seas "be- 
 tween Iceland and Greenlantl." We have therefore 
 every reason t^ b'jlieve that the pilot meant was 
 Sebastian Cabot, inasmuch as only a couple of years 
 before, as we have just seen, he had made efforts to 
 be employed by the Kin^- of b^n^land. If his namu 
 is not oiven, it is because neither the writer nor the 
 receiver of the dispatch knew, or attached importance 
 to such a detail. The di[)lomatist who conveyed the 
 information is Eustace Chapuys, a native of Savoy, 
 who was sent by Charles V. in 1529 as ambassadcjr 
 to England, where he remained many years, and 
 never visited Spain. His corres[)ondent was Mary of 
 Austria, the sister of Charles V., born and brought 
 up in Brussels, who married in 1523 Lewis, King of 
 Hungary, with whom she lived until he was killed, 
 at the battle of Mohacz in 1526, Mary then re- 
 turned to the Low Countries, of which she was 
 regent from 1531 until 1555, going then to Spain, 
 apparently for the first time, to lead a secluded life, 
 like her illustrious brother. Under the circumstances, 
 it is natural that no attention should have been paid 
 to the pilot's name, supposing even that it ever was 
 uttered in the presence of Chapuys. 
 
 Edward VI. had been on the throne seven or 
 eight months when the Privy Council, which 
 governed the kingdom during his minority, accepted, 
 
 ' Gavancos, Cii/oidar, vol. vi, tit: liniiiis, vol. xlii, p. 46S, and 1537, 
 
 part I, No. 163, p. 327. when we see him with Juan UK Avoi-As 
 
 - Tlie last mentions of Estevam at La Plata. Owv.w, His/i^riii tk ias 
 
 GoMEZareof the years 1533, /?<?!•. hteJ. Iiuiias, vol. ii, p. 200. 
 
 1' 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 
 V, 
 
 W Ii 
 
 I f I I'M I 
 
 ^•' 
 
 m 
 
Ill 
 
 [V 
 
 ;/: 
 
 h J 
 
 320 SEB'N CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 
 
 on the 29th of September 1547, Cabot's offer to 
 enter the service of EnLjhmd.' On the 9th of 
 October following, it issued a warrant or order on 
 Sir Edmund Peckham, Hi^i^h Treasurer of the Mints, 
 to the amount of ^100, " for the transporting of one 
 Shabot [sic] as Pilot to come out of His[jain to serve 
 and inhabit in England."^ The individual meant is 
 evidently Sebastian Cabot, and as we notice in the 
 first rank among the members of the Privy Council 
 at that date, the Earl of Arundel, who became after- 
 wards one of the principal founders of the famous 
 Moscovy Company, of which Cabot was made 
 Governor several years later, we are inclined to 
 think that the object may have been already some 
 intended voyage to Cathay by the North- East.** 
 
 Cabot was then at least seventy-three years old, 
 and, notwithstanding his advanced age, and the 
 services rendered by such distinguished cosmo- 
 graphers as Alonso de Chaves, Pedro de Medina, 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz and Diego Gutierrez junior, 
 all Spaniards by birth, (which must be noted, as 
 laws enacted in 1527 and 1534 prohibited foreigners 
 from being pilots*), was still maintained by Charles 
 v., in the high position of Pilot-Major. An annuity 
 had even lately been added to his salary. Yet, as 
 we have just seen, Cabot was engaged for more 
 than ten years in underhand dealings with the 
 
 ' The pension granted to Cabot by 
 EnWARO VI., January 6th, 1548, is 
 made to date from the preceding 
 Michaelmas Day : " a festo sancti 
 Michaelis Archangeli ultimo prrcterito 
 hue us()ue se extendit, et attingit," 
 which corresponds with September 
 29lh, 1547. 
 
 ^ John Roche Dasknt, Acts of the 
 Privy Coiimil of England, London, 
 1890, vol. ii, p. 137. 
 
 * Clement Adams, Neive Naviga- 
 tion by the North-east in the yeere 1553, 
 in Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 243. 
 
 * " El que se huviero de examinar 
 de I'ilotos o ha de ser natural ile 
 estos Reynos de Castilla, Aragon, y 
 N.avarra : y ningun estrangero sea 
 admitido, ni se le despache titulo de 
 Piloto, ni de Maestre para las Indias 
 ni se le ha de permitir que navegue a 
 ellas, ni tener carta de marear ni pin- 
 tura, ni descripcion de las Indias." 
 Laws of August and, 1527, and De- 
 cember nth, 1534, in Recopilacion de 
 leyes de Indias ; laws xiv-xv, vol. iii, 
 p. 286. 
 
SEB'N CABOTAGA IN SE TTLES IN ENGLAND. 321 
 
 (' 
 
 as 
 
 )ore 
 
 the 
 
 .miliar 
 al lie 
 ,on, y 
 o sea 
 iilo tic 
 ndlas 
 ;gue a 
 li pin- 
 ihas. 
 
 Ue- 
 iott de 
 'ol. iii. 
 
 English ambassaclor at the Court of Spain, proffering 
 his services to I'!ngiand. 
 
 About two months, as we suppose;, after th(; war- 
 rant had been issued by the Privy Council, Cabot left 
 Spain,' on a k;av(' of abs(;nce, and without relinquish- 
 ing either his office of Pilot-Major, or his pension. 
 He even himself selected, to fill the office during 
 his absence, Diego Gutierrez senior, an incompetent 
 cosmogra[)her, but a i)ersonal fri(;nd on whom he 
 could rely. The Casa dc; Contratacion, howe\'er, 
 objected to tht; choice, and demanded that Gutic;rre/. 
 should be examined regarding his professi(inal 
 abilities.-' 
 
 Edward VI. speedily rewarded Cabot, granting 
 him, January 6th, 1548-49,^ an annuity of ^166, 
 13^. ^d., and certain functions in maritime affairs, 
 but not the title or office of Pilot-Major of England 
 as is generally believed.'' 
 
 The Emperor growing impatient at the protrac- 
 ted absence of his Pilot-Major, instructed Antoine 
 Perrenot, then bishop of Arras and his envoy in 
 Flanders, to claim from Thomas Cheney the British 
 Minister at Brussels, the return of Cabot to Spain. 
 Cheney and Sir Philip Hoby, in consequence. 
 
 ' " Tliexchequier had warrant fcir 
 6" to Henry Oyslryge hy hyni taken 
 u]) liy exchaiinj;e for conductinj^ of 
 Sebastian Sabotl." Sept. iilli, 1549 ; 
 Dasknt, op. ci(., vol. ii, p. 320. 
 
 '^ " Kn 22 (le Setieml)rc de 1549 (?) 
 infornialia la dicha Casa de Contra- 
 tacion del concepto que nicrecian los 
 pilotos y cosiTH)^rafos, y decia (jue 
 Diego Ciutierrez servia de piloto mayor 
 con poder (jue Ic dejo Sebastiano 
 Gabolo, y era conveniente proveer el 
 oficio, por que estc Diego Gutierrez no 
 tenia jiarles para ello." (Quoted 
 by Capt. Fernandez Dl'RO (from 
 vol. 90 of the Mufloz Collection of 
 MSS.?). Ever since 1544, the maps 
 made by Gutierrez were reported to 
 
 be " crradas y perjudiciales h la nave- 
 gacion y derechos del Key." Also 
 cited by Capt. DuRo, Area dc Noc, p. 
 
 521. 
 
 •' "6 dii Januarij anno 2 Reg. Ed. 
 VI." IlAKi.i'vr, vol. iii, p. 10. The 
 pension w.as for £166, \'^s. ^. " in 
 consideratione boni et acce|itabilis 
 servitii nobis ])er dilectuni servieiiteni 
 nostrum Sebastianum Cabotam impensi 
 atcpie inqiendcndi : — in consideration 
 of the good and .acceptable services . 
 done, and to be done unto us by our 
 Ijeloved servant Sebastian Cabota." 
 Haki.uvt and Rymer. 
 
 •■ As to the title of Pilot-Major of 
 England, see infra, chapter xvii. 
 
 1' 
 
 'I 
 
 
 
 it 
 
 i 
 
 if 
 
 il !' 
 
' 'J 
 
 /: 
 
 '* 
 
 I, f 
 
 'ii 
 
 322 SF.nW CAUOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 
 
 acltlrtissccl the follovvinji; despatch to the Privy 
 Council, on the 25th of November 1549: 
 
 •'Whereas one Sebastian dahote j,'enerall pilot of the cmperours 
 Indies is presently in lCn^;lan(l fora^niiich as he cannot stand the 
 Kinj^ your Mr. in any ^reate [stead | seing he hath sniale practise 
 in these sees and is a verie necessary man for tin- enii)erour wiiosc 
 scrvaunt he is [and] hath a pencion of hyni, his ina"" desyreth 
 siinie ordre [to] lie taken for his sending over in siiche sorte as his 
 [ma"'"] Aml)assadour shall at better length declare vnto the King 
 your Mr's coimsell." ' 
 
 The re(|iiest of Charles V. was at once transmitted 
 to the Privy Council, which, on the 2C)th of January, 
 re[)hed to the Spanisli Ambassador lliat " the Lords 
 woukl dc^liberate and make him answer witii con- 
 venjant si)ede."''' 
 
 Accordingly, on the 21st of April 1550, an answer 
 was given by the channel of Sir Piiih'p Iloby, that 
 " Cabot was not detained in England l)y them, 
 but that he of himself refused to go either into 
 Spayne or to the emperor, and that he being of that 
 mind and the Kinges subiecte, no reason, nor equite 
 wolde that he shulde be forced or compelled to go 
 against his will." '' 
 
 A fact worthy of notice is that in 1550 Cabot 
 should be called a British subject. We have shown 
 that he was not born within the realm of England. 
 To possess such a title required him therefore to 
 have oht:{\\\vA ex douatione )'cgis letters patent from 
 one of the first Tiidors, or an act of Parliament. 
 In either case, it was a favour which would have 
 precluded Cab(jt from serving, as he did, for forty- 
 eight years, a foreign prince, without forfeiting the 
 privileges conferred by naturalisation. 
 
 It is certain that when Cabot was in company with 
 
 ' Stryi'E, Mfinorial^ of the Refor- 
 mation, vol. ii, p. 190 ; Notes and 
 
 Queries, y(\ scries, vol. i, p. 125, anil of Kint^ Edward I'l., Lundon, 1857, 
 Syllabus, No. l.\ix. 410, vol, i, p. c.\xxi.\. 
 
 - Dasent, oJ>. (it., vol. ii, J). 374. 
 ^ J. (). Nichols, Literary remaiin 
 
Tit 
 
 with 
 
 I'- 374.. 
 1)11, iSSTi 
 
 SE/i'N CAnOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAXP. 323 
 
 Hni^lishiiion, he made himself pass as a countryman 
 of theirs; wiiich may have jjroved easy, for we imai^nne 
 that havini; come when yoiinij to I'ji^dand. and h'ved 
 there at least si\te(!n years in succession ( 1406 i 5 1 2), 
 lie s()olse l'jiL,dish perfectly. Then there wert; no 
 records of births, nor even of baptism, as these date 
 only from the Council of Trent ; ami as Ik; was not less 
 than sc;V(.'nty-rive years old at iIk; time of Charles V.'s 
 demand, no one probably could ^ainsa)' his as;)er- 
 tions on the point. lie therefore assumed his 
 title of Hrilish subject not from letters patent, but 
 from his allei^^ed birth in blni^Iand. This, if true, 
 althouL;h he was the son of an alien, would have 
 caused him to be born within the allegiance, and 
 under the protection of lulward IV. At all events, 
 the above-tjuoted document is the only one which 
 has come to our knowledge wherein he is mentioned 
 as a " Kinjj^es subiecte." Must it be inferred that 
 he was made so inunediately u[)on his comiii,;- to 
 r'nL;land in i 54S ? ^\11 we can say is that hillierlo 
 no traces have been found of such an act. eitlu;r on 
 the part of the King, or Parliament, at any time. 
 On the contrary, we shall soon see that shortly after- 
 wards he called himself a subject of the Republic of 
 Venice. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot, it seems, again established his 
 home in Bristol.^ 
 
 It has been stated that he obtained in 1550, from 
 Edward VI. a " renewal of the patent of 1495-6." ' 
 and that the original document was on filcj in Her 
 Majesty's Public Record ofhce in London. The 
 statement is both erroneous and improbable. The 
 facts are simply these; On the 4th of June 1550, 
 Cabot declared on oath that he had lost the copy 
 which he possessed of the letters patent granted 
 
 ^ 'ixv.W'V., !t!>i supra. as/tan Cti!>ol : a study. Cnnibriilgc, 
 
 -Charles Dea.ne, John and Scb- Mass., ibSO, Svo, p. 56, notes. 
 
 w 
 
 vi ' II 
 
 
 \\ 
 
 "Ah 
 
 I \ 
 
 \\ 
 
• . ♦'' 
 
 / 
 
 li 
 
 . \ 
 
 't 
 
 '^\i 
 
 11 I 
 
 It 1 
 
 I' I 
 
 ')V 
 
 1, 
 
 . /' 
 
 % 
 
 111 
 
 V/Vx 
 
 324 SF/r.V CAnOT ACAIX SF.TTLF.S IX F.XC/.AXP. 
 
 to his father, himself and brothers on tlie 5th of 
 Miirili, 1496. At the same tinu;, he ijetilioiuul to 
 ohtain aiiollicr ropy of tlu; document. 'I'he Kiniij 
 j^ranied the petition, hut on condition that if the 
 transcript which had hecn i^iven to him at liie time 
 was ever found ajjjain, it should be handed back to 
 the Chancery. Nothiuj^ (;lse.' 
 
 On the 26th of June 1550, the Kin^;' further 
 bestowed on him a ,i,'ratuity of £200^' and, if we 
 ani to l)elieve Stry[)e.' anolIuT of like amoimt in 
 March 1551. It is interesting to sec how Cabot 
 showed his |n;ratitud(.'. 
 
 In th(! month of Auj^iist followini;-, he sou<;ht an 
 inter\iew with (liacomo Soren/o, tlu; Venetian 
 ambassador in Londtjn. Althou^di scarcely more 
 than a year before (April 1550), he had <j;iven 
 assurances to UKMiibers of th(i i'rivy Council that he 
 owed alk'Ljiance to Kdward W. (else they would not 
 have described him in a State paper as " King's 
 subiecte "), he represented himself to the en\'oy of 
 Venice as a Venetian. This is shown by sentences 
 in two (l(;spatches of September 1551, viz.: "el 
 fedelissimo nostro Sebastiano Gabato," and "the 
 Seij^niory w(;re well pleased that one of their subjects 
 (referrinj^ to Cabot), should deserve the Council's 
 good will." He then offered his professional 
 services to the Republic, and remitted to Sorenzo 
 ci detaik:d statement of his plans, with request to 
 forward it to Venice. But Sorenzo, like Contarini, 
 thirty years before, under similar circumstances, 
 thought it was necessary for Cabot to go in person 
 to Venice. And here again, we see two wily 
 Italians concoct anew the plan of 1522, based upon 
 
 ' Sec the orijjinal text, Sy//ahiis, Cahotto cc", l)y waie of the Kingcs 
 
 No. Ixxxiii, from tlic I'atent Rolls in Majesties rcwarde." DASliNT, <?/. a'/., 
 
 the I'uMic Records. vol. iii, )). 55. 
 
 " " 'SSOi Juni-' 26. A w.irrant to ■' SiRYrii, op. cit., vol. ii, part ii, 
 
 the Excheijuicr to paie unto Sebastian p. 76. 
 
 I 
 
|e Kinges 
 [r, op. dl-> 
 
 pari iii 
 
 SEIfN CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND 323 
 
 an iinaj^iiiary claim arising' from some alltj^rcd ostatL' 
 of Cabot's iiioihcr and aunt, dating so far hack 
 as the lK',L;inninj; of the xvi"' century. What is 
 mor(!, they v.wv.w succredi'cl in obtaining from Lord 
 W'riotlu'sley th(; promise to recommend llie m.illcr 
 to l*ett;r V'annes, the Mn^hsh aml^assailor at Venice, 
 with re(|uest to interfere personally so as to secure 
 the iTooil will of the Venetian ^ovf^rnment ! 
 
 Peter \'annes, accordinL,dy, laid the mailer before 
 the Council of Ten, and remitted to Cio. llallisla 
 Ramusio, its secretary, at Cabot's su,i;^estion, the 
 memoir in which the latter set forth his plans and 
 project. On the same clay, September i 2th, 1551, the 
 V\;n(!tian i^ovtirnment sent a ck^spatch on the subject 
 to its rej)resenlali\'(! in I'ln^land, and ihe Urilish 
 ambassador conveyi'd to the I'rivy Council the; results 
 of his endeavours on behalf of Cabot. Peter Vannes, 
 certainly, did not imagine that he was (■ndeavourinjj;' 
 to promote a dc;si_L,Mi levelled against the interest of 
 his C(juntry. 
 
 Those two documents, which hai)i)ily have come 
 down to us, are too interesting not to be summarised 
 here : 
 
 I. 
 
 "The CiUEis oi" Tiui Tkn to (Iiaco.mo Lorenzo, Venetian 
 Amiiassadok in Enceand: 
 Ily his letters adtlrcsscd to tlicm on the 1 7th iilt. have heard 
 what he had to tell them ahout their most raiihfiil Sehaslian 
 {!al)ot which pleased them mueli. Commend him greatly for his 
 (liiij^ence in giving,' them a detailed account of his (lualities and 
 l)arts. Desire him in reply to let Cabot know that tliey are 
 extremely gratified by his offer. As to the retiuest made to the 
 ambassador by the Lords of the Council about the credits and 
 recovery of pro[)erty claimed by him to say tliat the Signory wishes 
 to do whatever may be agreeable to the King and their Lordsiiips ; 
 hut as no one in Venice knows Cabot, it would be necessary for 
 iiim to com • in person to identify himself and prove his rights, the 
 matters in cjuestion being of very ancient date. Gave this same 
 answer to his ^Lajesty's ambassador, who made the demand of 
 them in accordance with his (Lorenzo's) letter. 
 
 
 V- 
 
 ' I'l 
 
 w > 
 
326 SEIi'N CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 
 
 I *, 
 
 1 ^' 
 ■' \ i 
 
 »r! 
 
 ;{!' 
 
 To communicate the whole to Cal)ot that he may ask and obtain 
 leave to come to Venice to favour the suit that Cahot may return 
 to thum as soon as possible, and in the meanwhile to endeavour to 
 obtain from Cabot as many particulars as he can about his design 
 respecting this navigation, giving the Chiefs especial notice of the 
 whole.' " 
 
 " Petkk Vannks, Eniilish Amisassauor at Vln'ice, 
 TO THE Council: 
 
 Touching Sebastian Cabot's matter, concerning which the 
 Venetian Ambassador had also written, he has recommended the 
 same to the Seigniory, and in their presence delivered to one of 
 their secretaries Haptista Ramusio, whom Cabot put in trust, such 
 evidences as came into his hands. The Seigniory were well pleased 
 tliat one of their subjects by service and virtue should deserve the 
 Council's good will and favour ; and although this matter is about 
 50 years old, and by the death of men, decaying of houses and 
 perishing of writings, as well as his own absence it were hard to 
 come to any assured knowledge thereof, they have commanded 
 Ramusio to ensearch with diligence any way and knowledge 
 possible that may stand to the said Sebastian's profit and obtaining 
 of right." ■' 
 
 The precise purport of Cabot's offer to Venice 
 can only be inferred from the above despatch of the 
 Venetian government to Sorenzo, as the memoir 
 remitted by Vannes to Ramusio has not yet been 
 found in the archives. The expression "particolare 
 informatione delle qualita e condition! soe : — a de- 
 taile ' account of his [Cabot's] qualities and parts," is 
 mad cover the object of those negotiations. But 
 the instruction given to Sorenzo, " to obtain from 
 Cabot as many particulars as he could about his 
 design respecting this navigation : — di sforzarvi di 
 '"ntendere da lui piu avanti quei maggior particolarl 
 che potrete dir, e il disegno suo di questa naviga- 
 tione," shows that once more the project was to lead 
 
 ' Rawdon Brown, Calendar, vol. 
 V, No. 711. 
 '^ Will. B. Trumbull, Calendar, 
 
 Foreign Series ; Edward VI., p. 17 1, 
 No. 444 ; Syllabus, No. Ixxviii. 
 
wimpm 
 
 SEirN CABOT AGAIN SETTLES IN ENGLAND. 327 
 
 a Venetian fleet to Cathay, thro-^rh the imacrinary 
 passacre which Cabot pretended lo have discovered 
 and visited. 
 
 We have been unable to ascertain what became of 
 those intrigues, or when they ceased. 
 
 \i\ 
 
 1;) 
 
 .<5 
 
 ,1* 
 
 i 
 
 
 mm 
 
 ■)( 
 
 it 
 
 n 
 
 'I I 
 
 m 
 
mil '■■' 
 
 I li 
 
 *» 
 
 /. ' I 
 
 ( ■ 
 
 Ui'iii 
 
 I' 
 
 1 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 SERASTIAN CABOT's EMPLOYMENT IN ENGLAND, 
 
 NO office was created for Sebastian Cabot, or 
 specially given to him, when, in 1548, he "came 
 out of Hispain to serve out and inhabit in England." 
 Alonso de Santa Cruz, writing in the life-time of 
 Cabot, calls him " piloto mayor de su Magestad en 
 Ynglaterra "; ^ which must be understood in the sense 
 of " Pilot-Major to His [Spanish] Majtisty, and [now] 
 in England." But Hakluyt, writing fifty years after 
 the alleged appointment, says : " King Edward VI. 
 advanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota 
 to be Grand Pilot of England." And as he adds 
 that this was " before he entered into the Northern 
 Discovery,"" the date of the preferment would have 
 been between 1549 and 1553. Biddle, however, has 
 given excellent reasons to prove that Sebastian Cabot 
 never held th':; office, although the probability is that 
 he performed in England duties pertaining in some 
 respects to such a post : 
 
 " There is preserved," Eiddle says, " in the Landsdowne MSS. 
 (No, 116, art. 3) a Memorial presented by Stephen IJurrough, an 
 Enj^Hsh seaman of considerable note, the object of which is to 
 enforce the necessity of appointing such an otiticer. It appears l)y 
 an accompanying document that IJurrough himself was forthwith 
 appointed ' Cheyffe Pylot ' for life, and also ' one of the foure 
 masters that shall have the keeping and oversight of our shipps, 
 &:c.' It is declared the duty of the Chief Pilot to ' have the 
 examination and appointing of all such mariners as shall from this 
 
 ' Santa Cruz, /.tViro de las Lougi- - U .XKhvyj , Pr.'nn'pal/ Navigations, 
 tudes, in our Syllabus, No. Ixxxvi, vol. iii, in the Dedication. 
 
: i» 
 
 'il/| 
 
 ; 'i 
 
 kiss. 
 
 an 
 
 lis to 
 
 fs l)y 
 
 iwith 
 
 fourc 
 
 (ipps, 
 
 the 
 
 this 
 
 Itions, 
 
 SEB'N CABO rs EM PL YMENT IN ENGLAND. 329 
 
 time forward take the charge of a Pilot or Master upon him in any 
 ship within this our reahii.' Tiiis is the duty supposed to have 
 been assi[,'ned to Cabot, but it seems difficult to reconcile the 
 language of 15urrough with the previous existence of any such 
 office. His memorial recites 'Three especial causes and considera- 
 tions amongst others, wherefore tlie office of Pilot-Major is allowed 
 and esteemed in Spain, Portugal and other places where navigation 
 flourisheth.' Had any such duties ever been exercised in England, 
 he would of course have referred to the fact, and insisted on the 
 advantages which had resulted, more particularly as he was 
 educated in the scliool of Cabot, and exjiressly names ' the goode 
 olde a/id faiiiiisc man Master Sel'astian Ca/'ota.'"^ 
 
 Stephen Burroi gh's Memorial does not bear any 
 date, but it is in a handwriting of the time of the 
 commission from Queen Eh'zabeth appointing him 
 " Cheyffe Pylot for Hfe."-' This is of January 3rd, 
 1563, which we must assume to be the date when the 
 office was created. If so, Cabot had then been dead 
 four or five years. Besides, in no official document, 
 particularly those like the grant of pensions or 
 gratuities for services rendered, where such a title 
 would naturally be affixed to his name, is Sebastian 
 Cabot ever called " Pilot-Major of England." 
 
 On the other hand, there is no means of ascertaining 
 what were the special duties assigned to him. We 
 are inclined to share Biddle's opinion that Cabot 
 " would seem to have exercised a general supervision 
 over the maritime concerns of the country, under the 
 eye of the King and the Council, and to have been 
 called upon whenever there was occasion for nautical 
 skill and experience.""' In support of this belief, 
 he cites the case of one John Alday offermg as an 
 
 ' BiDDT.E, Memoir of Sebastian 
 Cabot ; rhilacklphia, 1831, Apijcmlix 
 C, p. 305. 
 
 - Mr George F. liARWiCK, of the 
 British Museum, wlio, at our reijuest, 
 has examined the Landsdowne MSS. 
 referred to by Biddle, kindly reports 
 that No. 116 is a volume of Mr. 
 Stkyi'e's collection containing many 
 
 orij^inal Burghley papers, and some 
 duplicates so that these are undoubted 
 MSS. of the xvi"' century. No. 3 is 
 described as "A copy of the appoint- 
 ment of Stephen BoKowcilE to the 
 office of Chief I'ilot of England, with 
 his own reasons for the necessity of 
 such an office, 1563." 
 ^ BlDDLE, op. eie., p. 174. 
 
 i 
 
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 r \, 
 
 A t 
 
 m 
 
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 i< 
 
 I y, 
 
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 330 SEITAr CABOrS EMPLO YMENT IN ENGLAND. 
 
 explanation of his not havinir gone as master on a 
 
 f)roposcd voyage to the Levant, that " he was letted 
 stayed] by the Prince's letters which my Master 
 Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to 
 my great griefe." ^ Biddle also refers to Cabot having 
 been called upon to be present at the examination of 
 a French pilot who had long frequented the coast of 
 Brazil,^ and even presumes that the minute instruc- 
 tions for the navigation of La Plata, published by 
 Hakluyt, may be from his pen. If so, Cabot must 
 have greatly modified his views in that respect from 
 what they were in 1526. The course directed in 
 Hakluyt's Ruttier, for sailing from Cape Verd to 
 Brazil is " South-South-East, and when within 5 or 
 6 degrees of the Equinoctial, South- East and by 
 South." This, it will be remembered, is the route 
 which Cabot's pilots in 1526 charged him with 
 having declined to follow, thereby causing the 
 failure of the expedition. 
 
 His biographers also give him credit for great and 
 successful exertions on behalf of the Merchant 
 Adventurers in their struggle with the Steel-yard,^ 
 or tradesmen of the Hanseatic towns established at 
 
 • Hakluyt, vol. li, part ii, p. 8. 
 
 * Idem, vol. iii, p. 179. 
 
 " " Steelyard, so named by reason of the steel which the Easlerlings in 
 great quantitie hrouglit thether to sell, and is a verig large and spacious house 
 'ying vpon the Thamis side, for that they were enioined to dwell all in one 
 nouse." Wheei.kr, A Treatise of Coinmercc, wherein are shoived the Com- 
 modities arisiiii^ by a ivel ordered and rtiled Trade, such as tliat of the Societic 
 of Merchantes Adventurers is pro7<ed to bee. Middleburgh, 1601, sm. 4to, p. S7. 
 The house of the Easlerlings (in Dowgate?) was still standing in 1565. 
 ChytR/KUS, who visited it at that time, copied the following distichi; " I.ondini 
 in domo mercalorum Germanorum, vocata Stilard." {Variorum in Europa 
 itinerum DcliciiC, 1599, s.l., 8vo, p. 594.) 
 
 Hicc domus est lata, semper bonitate repleta. 
 Hie pax, hie requics, htc gaudia semper lioncsta. 
 This is a joyful home — with kindness overflowing, 
 Here peace and rest al)ide, unsullied bliss bestowing ! 
 Aurum blanditiu: pater est, natusguc doioris. 
 Qui caret hoc, moeret ; qui tenet, hie fiietuit. 
 Gold is the sire of cajoling — itself is begotten of pain — 
 Who lacks it languishes sadly. Who holds, dwells in dread to retain. 
 
 ^ '\ 
 
SEn'N CABOT S EMPLO YMENT IN ENGLAND. 331 
 
 ^i 
 
 i ^ 
 
 that place in London. The English company was, 
 as our readers are doubtless aware, an association of 
 merchants known, as early as 1399,* under the name 
 of " Brotherhood of St. Thomas Hecket of Canter- 
 bury," and after 1505 and 15 13, as "the Company 
 of IVIerchant Adventurers of England," by virtue of 
 acts of Parliament passed in the latter year.'' The 
 interest and sympathies of the people and of the 
 Crown were naturally with this association ; and the 
 downfall of its rivals, " the Easterlinj^s," was hailed 
 with great satisfaction throughout the kingdom. 
 The first time, to our knowledge, when the name of 
 Sebastian Cabot is found connected with that great 
 event in the history of British Commerce, is not 
 earlier than the publication of Campbell's Lives of 
 the British Admirals^ where the statement is as 
 follows : 
 
 " At last tlie Company of Merchant Adventurers, at the head of 
 which was our Sebastian Cabot, on the twenty-ninth of December 
 1 55 1, exhibited to the Council an Information against the Mer- 
 chants of the Steelyard, to which they were directed to put in their 
 Answer. They did so, and after several Hearings and a Reference 
 to the King's Solicitor General, his Counsel learned in the Law, 
 and the Recorder of London a decree passed on the twenty-fourth 
 of February, whereby these merchants of the Steelyard were de- 
 clared to be no legal corporation." ^ 
 
 Campbell wrote only in 1742, and although 
 accustomed to quote authorities very freely, he does 
 not cite any as regards his statement that Cabot " in 
 1551 was at the head of the Company of Merchants 
 
 ctain. 
 
 ^Wheeler even says {op. cit., p. 
 7), that in 1399 the Brotherhood 
 received from Henry IV. a charter of 
 privileges, which was confirmed by 
 act of Parliament. Anderson, how- 
 ever, in his Deduction of the Origin of 
 Commerce, 1764, folio, vol. i, pp. 233, 
 260, 282, states that the charter was 
 granted only in 1406, and confirmed 
 by Henry VI. in 1430. 
 
 2 Anderson {op. cit., pp. 323, 335, 
 343), repeats that their name of 
 " ^Ierchant Adventurers of England," 
 dales from the 20th year of Henry 
 Vllth's reign. 
 
 '^ Cami'bei.i,, Lives of British 
 Admirals ; Dublin, 1748, 8vo, vol. 
 i, p. 232. 
 
 .ii 
 
 :/ i 
 
 i 
 
 w 
 
 y\ 
 
 ti 
 
' \ 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 
 332 SEIi'N CABOT'S EMPLO YMENT IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Adventurers." For that period, or concerniiiL;' the 
 Steelyard contest, he refers in <reneral to Edward 
 Vlth's writinf^s, and to Wheeler, neither of whom 
 mentions Cabot's name. 
 
 Biddle is still more positive than Campbell : 
 
 " The imi)C)rtant agency of Calxjt," says he, " in a result so 
 auspicious not merely to the interests of conmierce but to the 
 public revenue, may be judged of from a donation best(jwed on 
 him a few days alter the decision. ' 'i"o Sci)aslian Caboto, the 
 great seaman,' 200 pounds, by way of the Ring's majesty's reward, 
 dated .n March 1551.'"- 
 
 and he only cites, in support of his assertion, John 
 Strype's Jllonoria/s^^ 
 
 Strype does not give the reasons for that alleged 
 gratuity, nor is there any evidence that, if ever 
 granted at such a time, it was, to use Mr Nichols' 
 expressions (which are exclusively derived from 
 Biddle) " upon the decision of the Privy Council 
 adverse to the claims of the merchants of the 
 Steel yard, declaring that they had forfeited their 
 charter."' 
 
 Strype states no authority whatever for the 
 alleged grant upon which Biddle bases his assertion. 
 On the other hand, every sedulous student of 
 English history will bear witness to the unreliable 
 character, in many respects, of Strype's Ecclesiastical 
 Memorials^' If a reward of the kind had been 
 
 ' The worils "the preat seaman" 
 are an inteiiiolation of S rm I'K, whicli, 
 it must be said, is, in his text, printed 
 between biucliets. 
 
 - lilDDI.K, op. tit., p. 185. 
 
 ^ SrKVPK, Ecilesiastkal Memorials 
 relating; to A'liii^ioii and the Refoniia- 
 tioii ; Oxford, 1822, 8vo, vol. ii, part 
 ii, p. 76. 
 
 * J. G. Nichols, Literary Remains 
 of King Edward I'f.; London, 1857, 
 4to, vol. i, p. clxxxix, note. The as- 
 sertion of the Dictionary of National 
 Bioj^raphy, vol. viii, pp. 169-170, that 
 
 CAiinr "was called upon to settle the 
 disputes between the merchants of the 
 Steelyard and the mercliant adven- 
 turers," and that " for his good oflices 
 f)n this occasion, Cahot was awarded 
 by the Clown in March 1551 a further 
 j^ratuity of .^200 ((piolin}; SlUYI'K, II, 
 ii, 76)," is e(|ually erroneous in every 
 respect. Nowhere does SrKVI'K con- 
 nect Cahot's name with the Steelyard. 
 ■''' See the authorities cited by Al-Ll- 
 liO.NK, under the head of Strype. Mr 
 John Roche Dasicnt, the learned 
 editor of the Acts of the I'rivy 
 
Ti 
 
 of the 
 l-.ulven- 
 
 offices 
 kvardcd 
 1 furibcr 
 
 llK, 11, 
 
 every 
 
 I'K con- 
 iclyanl. 
 
 ALLl- 
 
 Mr 
 
 llcarncil 
 
 J'ri-y 
 
 SEP'N CABOT S EMPLO YMENT IN ENGLAND. 333 
 
 granted to Cabot in March 1551, we should see it 
 recorded amoiij^ the acts of the Privy Council, just 
 as we find in that valuable! collection the gratuity of 
 June 26th, 1550. Strype does not cite the latter 
 donation, but employs the same terms for the one 
 which he is the only writer to mention. Mis 
 J\Icmorials state: "200I. by way of the King's 
 Majesty's reward." In the Ordinances, we read : 
 *' cc" by waie of the Kinges Majesties rtnvarde." 
 Only the dates differ. .So fir from finiling in the 
 rei)etition of that formula an indication of authenticity, 
 we are rather inclined to consider it as j)ointing 
 towards a lapsus on the part of Stry|)(;, who not 
 uncommonly commits such errors, mistaking dates, 
 and attril)uting to one event, the details of another.' 
 This is the more likely, as he ignores the pension 
 granted to Cabot the year previous. 
 
 At all events, neither in Strype nor in any history 
 written within two centuries after the event, where 
 the contest with the Easterlings is described, is to be 
 found the least mention of Cabot in connection with 
 that important affair. We are loth to believe that 
 John Wheeler, who, as secretary of the Company of 
 the Merchant Adventurers, wrote in 1601 a sort of 
 documentary chronicle of that institution, would 
 have failed to cite Cabot, if he had found traces of 
 such an important part played by him. Thomas 
 Carte, "the historian for facts," as Warton calls 
 him,-' whose description of the removal of the Steel- 
 yard men is the most satisfactory, even gives it to 
 be understood that Cabot's influence in the English 
 
 Coutuil, whom we had requested to 
 ascertain wlicther there was in the 
 archives of his office, a confirmation 
 of Stryi'k's statement relative to that 
 gratuity, also says, " I have generally 
 found Strype unsafe." 
 
 ' For instance, he confounds the 
 expedition of Thomas Winuham in 
 
 '553 'o Guinea and Uenin, with 
 Wii.i.ouc.niiv's voyage to the Arctic 
 region in that year, by this statement 
 that for the latter " the King lent two 
 ships, the Primrou and the J/iw.'." 
 See IIaki.uyi', vol. ii, part ii, ]). 11, 
 and IJiDDLK, p. 1S9. 
 "^ Quoted by LowNDES. 
 
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 334 SEffN CABOrs EM PLC YMENT IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Compjiny was exercised only after the privileges of 
 the Hanse had been anniilUd.' 
 
 A^ain, the matter involved related neither to 
 cosmoj^raphy nor navii^ation, and we do not see of 
 what particular us(t Cabot's specific experience could 
 have been in such an emergency. '^ lie that as it 
 may, if lulward VI. actually i^^ranted a reward to 
 Cabot in March 1551, it is sufficiently explained by 
 the fact that he had been then in the employ of the 
 liritish Crown for three years past ; and the fact of 
 its date, or allej^ed date, beinL,^ close to that of the 
 revocation of the Steelyard privileges, should be 
 viewed as a mere coincidence. 
 
 So with the statement that "in December 1551, 
 Sebastian Cabot was constituted Governor of the 
 Company of Merchant Adventurers for life.""' This 
 seems to be derived from Campbell's above cited 
 assertion, blended with the apparently precise, but 
 still more erroneous one that " the Company of 
 Merchant Adventurers was formed and incorporated 
 on iSth December 1551."' Every writer at all 
 conversant with the subject, or who does not limit 
 his investigations to second hand authorities, knows 
 that the Company in question was " formed " at least 
 forty years before 1551, and "incorporated" only on 
 February 6th, 1555. 
 
 The title of the instructions, however, prepared 
 on the 9th of May 1553 for the expedition of 
 
 ' "This decree and the timely arrival 
 of Selip.slian (son of John) Cabot, a 
 Venetian, into this kingdom, t<cc." 
 Thomas Caki'K, Genera/ IIisto)-y of 
 E)i;^liiihi ; London, 1747-55, folio, 
 vol. iii, ]). 266. We make this quota- 
 tion simply to show the };eneral im- 
 pression left on the mind of historians, 
 for Caiiot had been in En);;land about 
 three years when the decree was 
 rendered, Feb. 24th, 1551. Dasknt, 
 op. cit., vol. iii, p. 487. King 
 Edward enters his mention of the 
 
 "decree made bi the bonle," under 
 the date of "23rd February." 
 Nichols, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 401- 
 402. 
 
 - The probability is that the princi- 
 ])al mover in that undertaUini; was 
 
 rather ;u''!i a 
 
 as W-lliam 
 
 Chkster, or Sir George Haunes. 
 
 •' Clements K. Makkiiam, Life 
 of Jo/in Davis ; Londt)n, iSSg, t\;c. 
 p. 16. 
 
 •* Dictionary of National Bio^rapliy, 
 London, ib86, vol, viii, p. 170. 
 
 m 
 
sEn'N CAiiors iiMri.o yment l\ engi.and. 335 
 
 WillouL^lihy, stales that they were " compiled, iiKule, 
 and dehvered by the ri^ht vvorsliipfull Sebastian 
 Cabota, I"'s(|iiic'r, Cjoucrnour of the inysttTie and 
 Compaiiie of the Marcliants aduenturers." The 
 document is also signed : " I, Sebastian Cabota, 
 Gouernour." The desiij^nation is confirmed in the 
 heading of the description of the first part of the 
 voyage, in the handwriting <jf Willoughby, found on 
 board the? Bona Spcraii.zci, and dated "Anno 1553." 
 Me is called therein " Master St;bastian Cabota, 
 Ksquire, and Gouernour of the mysterie and company 
 of the Marchants Adventurers of the cilie of London."' 
 There can be no d()ul)t therefore that in May 1553 
 he was already in possessic^n of the olfice. But, so 
 far as documents go, the ajjpointment does not date 
 from 1 55 1. Let us add that John Sturgeon held 
 that office in 1549," and Sir William Dansell so late 
 as ALarch 155 1-52. ■' This is another proof, at le;ist, 
 that Sebastian Cal)ot could not have been during the 
 Steel-yard contest, "at the head of the Company 
 of Merchant Adventurers," as Campbell says, and 
 others frequently repeat. 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
 1*1 
 
 ' IIaki.i'vi, Mil. iii, |). 29. 
 - Whkelkk, o/>. iii,, i>. 154. 
 
 3 Daskmt, Aiis of ihc Privy Conn- 
 lil, vul. iii, pp. 501, 531. 
 
 ^1 
 
 pnnci- 
 was 
 kV'Uiam 
 
 l.iji 
 
 I89, &c. 
 V^aphy, 
 
 
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 ii 
 
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 ii '. 
 
 CHAPTER Win. 
 
 ENGLISH MXrKDITIONS TO CATMAV. 
 
 I 
 
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 TIIE letters patent c^raiited hy Henry VII. to 
 llie Cahots so far hack as 1496, show tlial 
 Enu^land was the first nation which endeavoun.'d to 
 follow the example of Spain in th(; sphere of trans- 
 atlantic discoveries. The authorisations j^iven by 
 Portui^^al to Joao I''ernandez of Terceira, which are 
 the earliest on rcicord for that country, l)(;ar date 
 only October 2Sth, 1499.^ Yet th(; historian should 
 not nrive too much credit to the Tudors in that re- 
 spect. The exjieditions were conditioned to cost 
 nothin<r whatever to the Crown of I-lnoland. In 
 reality, the jj^rants can be consiclen^d mer(;ly as 
 licences ^iven to spc^culators to undertake voyai^es 
 beyond the Atlantic Ocean at their own cost. This 
 stipulation we find repeated in the letters patent 
 granted to John Cabot in 1498 ; in 1501 to Richard 
 Warde, Thomas Ashehurst and John Thomas of 
 Bristol, in partnership with Joao Fernandez, (evi- 
 dently the same individual who had obtained a like 
 privilege from King Joao H., two years previous), 
 Francisco his brother, and Joao Gonzales, of the 
 Azores;'^ and in 1502 to three of these grantees, 
 associated with Hugh Elliott.^ 
 
 The Crown continued to authorise enterprises of 
 
 • Lcs Corte Real, p. 44. Discovery ^ IIaki.uyt, Prvicipall Naviga- 
 
 of North Amtrtta, p. 676. /ions, vol. i, p. 219 ; Ry.mkr, Fa-dera 
 
 '^ HiDDLE, Memoir of Sc/iastian vol. v, jiiirs iv, p. i)iG ; Jean et S^l<. 
 
 Cahot, pp. 222, 312-320; Discovery Cabot, p. 267; Dis-overy of North 
 
 of North America, pp. 46, 47, 6S7. America, pp. 46 and 692. 
 
1 
 
 F.XC/.fSlf KM'I'.D/T/ONS TO CATIIAV. 
 
 337 
 
 lises 
 
 of 
 
 lin et >>^''- 
 of North 
 
 the kind. \V(* s,vx\ one which was to he carried out 
 soon after i 5o.|,' and anotlier, it secins, whicli nttiirned 
 in Septeniher i 505. '■' Then twcKi- years elapse hefore 
 dociiinenls, or historical accounts, he^in to mention 
 ai^ain voyai^es [irojcicted or attempted hy I-ln^lishmen 
 to the "New llandes." Amon^- these, we notice 
 particularly tin; (ixpedilion which tailed \ty the "faint 
 h(\irt " of Thomas I'ert or Spert, in 1516, and that of 
 I 52 I, which lli:m'y V'lII. pre|)aredat the cost of the 
 Twelve L;reat Liviiries of luv^land, both of which we 
 have already discussed.'' 
 
 There is no douht that this \\\\v^ was anxious to 
 carry the llriiish llai^- heyoiul the reL;ions then known. 
 In 1525, he promised I'aulo Centurioiie, a noti:d 
 Genoi:se navij^^ator and cosnioL;raph(;r, to (^cjuip 
 several vessels for a voya;j[e of discovery : '* \'A Paulo 
 j)oi passo in Inijliterra, et fu hen veduto dal R(;, il 
 (|uale li pro metteua aUjuanti naui per andare a 
 clisco[jrir paesi noui." The [)roject faili:d on account 
 of the untimely ileath of Centurione : " ma il bono et 
 laborioso l\aulo amfalo in I.omlra, et ando a cercare 
 i |)ac;si dt.'ll' altro mondo," acUls An^ostino Cjiustiniani,' 
 somewhat jocularly. Centurione seems to have en- 
 tertained the samt! notion which in 1553 [)rom[)ted 
 the expedition of WillouL,dil)y and Chancellor : " that 
 noble adventure of seekinijf for a passajj^e into the 
 eastern parts of the World, through the unknown 
 and danti^erous scuas of the North," ■' and to the 
 establishment of the Muscovy Company in 1555. 
 The project of Centurione is stated in these words : 
 " Condur le speciarie e le altre mercanzie di Colocut 
 e di Tauris in le parti nostre di Europa per via di 
 Moscovia," so that even in this instance the idea 
 
 ' Dhrm'eiy of North America, pp. si mi Aiinali ; CJonov.n, 1537, folio, 
 
 47 and 69S. lib. vi, fo. cclxxviii. 
 
 - Extcrpta historiia, \\ III. •''' Haki.uyt, Principall Navi-^a- 
 
 ^ Supra, pp. 168-170. tions, vol. i, p. 243 ; SxKYi'E, op, cit. 
 
 ^ AyosliiioGiusTiNiANi, Castigcitis- vol. ii, p. 402. 
 
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 338 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA Til A V. 
 
 cannot be said to have originated with Sebastian 
 Cabot/ 
 
 There is evidence that British ships continued to 
 cross the Atlantic, but these were chiefly fishing 
 expeditions to the Newfoundhind banks. Mean- 
 while the question of a passage to Cathay by the 
 North did not cease to engross the mind not only of 
 the King, as we have just seen by his promise to 
 Centurione, but of British merchants, in and out of 
 England. We still possess a letter from Robert 
 Thornc, in chari^fe of a branch in Seville of a rich 
 Bristol firm, inviting his Majesty to open a way 
 into the Northern seas to reach the east coast of 
 Cathay, Like Centurione's project, it was to be by 
 the North-East, as is shown by the following de- 
 scription : 
 
 " If theis will go towards the Orient, "wrote the enterprising mer- 
 chant to the King," they shall enjoy the regions of all the Tartarians 
 that extends towards the midday, and from thence they may go 
 and proceed to the land of Cathaio Oriental ... So that now 
 rest to be discovered the said North parts, the which it seemeth to 
 me, is only Your Majesty's charge and duty." ^ 
 
 The date of the letter we only know to be 1527, 
 It may have been in the beginning of the year. If 
 so, there is no impossibility of its having prompted 
 the following expedition of John Rut" of Ratcliff, 
 yeoman of the Crown. 
 
 Rut was rather illiterate,* From December 1 5 1 2 
 to July 15 13, he was master of the Gabricll Royal, 
 
 1 This Centurione is evidently 
 the same individual mentioned in Sir 
 \Vm. Monson's Naval Tracts (p. 480, 
 in Churchill, vol. iii) as follows: — 
 "The Genoese in the year 1520 pro- 
 posed a journey by land from the East 
 Indies to Muscovy and Russia, and 
 one Paul Centereano, a merchant of 
 Genoa, was employed in it, and went, 
 with authority from that state, to 
 
 Basil ius, then King of Russia, with 
 ofTcr to bring that trade thither. 
 Basilius rejected that offer." 
 
 '^ IlAKLCYr, vol. i, ]■). 213. 
 
 ^J. S. 15rewi:r, Calendar, Domestic 
 and Foreign, No. 3213. 
 
 ■• "John Rut writ this letter to 
 King Ilenriein bad English and worse 
 writing." I'urchas, Pilgrimage, vol. 
 iii, p. 309. 
 
'I' 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA THA Y. 
 
 339 
 
 l'( 
 
 and shortly afterwards, of the Maria de Lorcta} On 
 the 27th of May 1527, he received from Henry VIII. 
 a pension of ^10/ and, June loth following,' sailed 
 out from Portsmouth with two ships, the Samson, 
 and the Mary of Gnilfoi'd. We do not know 
 whether Lord Edmund Howard, who had begged 
 Wolsey'*to employ him in an expedition to New- 
 foundland, "and so find his wife and children meat 
 and drink," was on board. 
 
 In 53° lat. N. the two ships fell in with "many 
 great Hands of Ice." They therefore tacked about, 
 and, steering southwards, made their landfall on the 
 continent in 52°, that is, in Labrador, if the latitude 
 is exactly given. Thence the two vessels went to 
 Cape Race, and were sailing together, when in a 
 storm, at night, July 1st, the Samson disappeared, 
 and never was heard of afterwards. We do not know 
 therefore what can have been Frobisher's authority 
 for his statement to Hakluyt that she sank " in a 
 dangerous Gulph, about the great opening, betweene 
 the North parts of Newfoundland and the Country 
 lately called by Her Majestic, Meta Incoonita!' '' 
 
 On the 3rd of August, Rut cast anchor in St. John, 
 whence he expected to go to Cape Speer (the " Cavo 
 da Espera " of the early Portuguese maps), to meet 
 the Samson, which, according to instructions, was 
 
 
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 loyal, 
 
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 llhillict. 
 
 lomestic 
 
 citer to 
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 ia.isc, vol. 
 
 ' Brewer, op. «V.,~Nos. 3591, 3977, 
 3980, 4377. 
 
 - This dale, which we borrow fmm 
 the Calendars, makes us doul, llie 
 exactness of the one which Hai.i.e 
 gives for Rur's departure from liie 
 Thames : " Furth they set out of the 
 Thames the twentie day of May," 
 unless we reconcile them by the sup- 
 position that the King's grant was 
 forwarded to him while yet at Porls- 
 moulh. 
 
 ^ "Exivimus a Plemut qua; fuit x 
 Junii. " Letter of Albertiis de Prato, 
 <]uoted by Purchas. 
 
 * Brewer, op. cit., No. 3731. 
 
 ' According to tlie ma]i ^>{ Michael 
 LoK, that ^' Mtia iiiroi^iii/a" is in 68° 
 lat. N., and tiie "dangerous Gulph'' 
 can only be Haflin's liay. Now Rri"'s 
 expressions lead us to believe that the 
 storm, in consecjuence of wliich the 
 Majy of Gill/ford became separated 
 from the other shi|), burst when they 
 were sailing s<juihward after leaving 
 Cape Race ; that is, more than 20° 
 from the ]ilace where Froijisher 
 locates the shipwreck of the Samson, 
 
 
 Vi 
 
340 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CATHAY. 
 
 to take refui^e there in case they should become sep- 
 arated and wait six weeks for her comi)anion ship. 
 Hakluyt says he wiis told that John Rut with the 
 Mary of Gnilford returned to r.nt^land in the be- 
 p^innin^- of October 1527. Be that as it may, we find 
 Rut in England from September to December i52cS, 
 still in command of the Afary of Giiilford, and en- 
 trusted by the King with bringing wine from 
 Bordeaux.' 
 
 There is also the expedition of Master Grul'.e, 
 composed of two ships which, after leaving Ports- 
 mouth, June 10th, 1527, reached Cape Race July 21st 
 following." 
 
 A third similar voyage of discovery is also of 
 the year 1527. Its existence, however, is inferred 
 only from a statement of Gines Navarro," to the 
 effect that he met in the West Indies an English 
 captain who related that he was returning from a 
 voyage undertaken with another vessel to discover 
 the country of the Great Khan, by way of the 
 Northern Sea. This is tantamount to a search for 
 the North-West passage. 
 
 The last of these English expeditions in the first 
 half of the xvi"' cent.iry is that of Master Hore, from 
 April to October 1536, to Cape Breton Island and 
 Newfoundland, preparatory, it seems, to an explora- 
 tion still more to the westward. It was composed 
 of two ships, the Trinitie and the Minion, with one 
 hundred and twenty men on board, among whom 
 were " many gentlemen of the Inns of Court, and of the 
 
 ' Royal MSS. 14. B. xxix, Lrit. Canon of St. Paul in London, which 
 
 Mus., quoted by Kcv. E. Aruer in was a great mathematician, and a man 
 
 his excellent work The first three indued with wealth." Unfortunately, 
 
 Eii,^lish books on America, p. xxvi. only two sentences of that letter have 
 
 Our brief account, which comprises reached us. /ean et Sib. Cabot, p. 294. 
 
 nearly all that is known of Rut's - Purchas, vol. iii, p. 809, and 
 
 voyage, we take from a leite/ written Jean et SS. Cabot, p. 294. 
 
 by him to Henry VI! I., and dated St. '^ IIerrera, Decad, ii, lib. v, ca[). 
 
 John, Aug. 4, 1527. It is confirmed iii, p. 11^, a.nAJea)i et Siibastien Cabot, 
 
 by another of Albertus UE Pkato, "a pp. 295-6. 
 
Tn. 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CATHAY. 
 
 341 
 
 I. which 
 id a man 
 tunately, 
 tter have 
 p. 294. 
 >09, and 
 
 V, cap. 
 en Cabot, 
 
 Chancerie." They were at one time in such distress 
 that one of them killed and ate his companion.' 
 
 We have already noticed the intention expressed 
 by Henry VIII. in 1541, of sending an expedition 
 to find a passage between Iceland and Greenland, 
 and his efforts to enlist for the purpose the services 
 of a pilot brought from Seville, whom we have every 
 reason to believe was Sebastian Cabot himself. 
 What is more, " to prosecute the olde entermitted 
 discoveric for Catai," remained such a favorite pro- 
 ject with the English, that a special Cathay Company 
 was formed under the reign of b^lizabeth, in 1576. 
 
 We must not fail to note in this brief recapitulation 
 that all these expeditions projected, or attempted 
 under the British Hag, were prompted, from the first, 
 by a desire to discover a strait leading to the Spice 
 Islands, first by the North- West, and then by the 
 North-East. And at a time when Spain, discouraged 
 by the fruitless efforts of Estevam Gomez, linnted 
 her action in that respect to the discovery of 
 Magellan, England persevered in the fallacious hope 
 of reaching Cathay through some imaginary passage. 
 It is true that Venice, as we shall soon see, entertained 
 the same delusion, but the Tudors were the last, in 
 that age of maritime efforts and discoveries, who 
 endeavoured to realise the idea. This will serve to 
 explain the events which we have now to relate. 
 
 1 IIaki.uyt, vol. iii, pp. 129-131, T'mrccCotiDO'S, N/s/orj' o/G>-a7v.\c>/t/; 
 
 on the authority of his cousin and London, 1843, Svo, p. 213, andytrtw ^/ 
 
 homonym, I\ichard IIaki.uyt, of the Scbaslicn Cabot, p. 297. 
 Inner Temple. See also, Robert 
 
 % 
 
 jy fi 
 
 i v 
 
 \ 
 
 
 vi 1 
 
 \\ 
 
 
 i/i 
 
 M 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ENGLISH EXrEDITIONS TO CATHAY T.Y THE 
 NORTH-EAST. 
 
 
 it >' 
 
 ui' 
 
 THE striR; with the foreign traders of the Stcel- 
 Yard, or Eastcrh'ngs, had been carried on 
 chiefly by and in favor of the Company of Merchant 
 Adventurers. But when, in 155 1, the privileges so 
 long enjoyed by the Hanse in Ikitish ports and cities 
 had been annulled, neither English commerce nor 
 English shipping improved, contrary to the expecta- 
 tions of the parties who had made such strenuous 
 efforts to break that odious monopoly. 
 
 It was under these circumstances that the Merchant 
 Adventurers hoped to check the decay of trade in 
 England, by discovering a new outlet for their 
 manufactured goods, at that time almost exclusively 
 woollen. In the words of Clement Adams : ^ 
 
 " For seing that the wealth of the Spaniards and Portingals, by 
 the discouerie and search of newe trades and countreys was mar- 
 ueilously increased, supposing the same to be a course and meane 
 for them also to obteine the like, they thereupon resolued vpon a 
 newe and strange nauigation." '^ 
 
 Then, and then only, as we believe, was Sebastian 
 
 1 "The staple commodities of the 
 kingdome, whereof Wooll and cloth 
 were thcchiefe. " Gerard de Mai.ynes, 
 T/w Center of Commerce ; London, 
 1623, 4to, pp. 87-88. 
 
 - The newe Nanis^ation and dis- 
 couerie of the hingdome of Moscoiiia, 
 by the North-Eastern. Written in 
 
 Latin by Clement Adams ; Hakluyt, 
 vol. i, pp. 237-243. It is not known 
 who made this translation. The 
 original Latin is to be found only in 
 the folio edition of 1600, and in Rernm 
 moscoviticarumauctore; Erancof. 1600, 
 folio, p. 143. 
 
ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA THA Y. 
 
 343 
 
 
 KLUYT, 
 
 known 
 
 The 
 
 only in 
 
 Keniiii 
 
 )f. 1600, 
 
 Cabot brought in contact with the Merchant Adven- 
 turers. We also think tliat it was Cabot who 
 suggested to them the route by the North-East. 
 notwithstanding the " impediments " which, he 
 confessed, " by sundry authors and writers had 
 ministered matter of suspition in some heads, that this 
 voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the 
 North-jiole lacke of passage, and such like."^ Now, 
 after three hundred and forty years, it would not be 
 impossible to find "wavering minds, and doubtful 
 heads inclined not only to withdraw themselves from 
 the adventure of such a voyage, but also diswade 
 others from the same," and for identical reasons. 
 
 According to Clement Adams, the Merchant 
 Adventurers began first of all to deal and consult 
 with Cabot, ancl after much inquiry and conference, 
 it was at last concluded that three ships shoukl be 
 prepared for an expedition beyond the seas. The 
 capital was raised in the following manner : 
 
 *' By this companie it was thout^ht expedient, that a certaine 
 sumnie of money should jiiihUciuely bee collected to serue for the 
 furnishing of so many shippes. And lest any private man bee too 
 much oppressed and charged, a course was taken that euery man 
 willing to be of the societie, should disburse the portion of twenlie 
 and fiue pounds a piece : so that in short time by this meanes 
 the summe of sixe thousand pounds being gathered, the three shippes 
 were bought." ^ 
 
 It follows that if the enterprise was under the 
 auspices of the Company the funds were supplied by 
 the public. Nor did the English government parti- 
 cipate, except to the extent of granting to Willoughby 
 " a passport to go beyond the seas with four servants, 
 monies (^40), and his (gold) chain. 
 
 " 3 
 
 ^ Ordinances, iiistnidions, and 
 advertisements, IIakluyt, vol. i, pp. 
 226-230. 
 
 '^ Ibidem, 
 
 ' Stryi'e, op, cil., vol. ii, part ii, 
 pp. 76, 254. 
 
 I 
 
 w 
 
 / .nil I 
 
344 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA Til A Y 
 
 The. three ships were the followiiiLj : ' — 
 
 1. The Bona Espcranr:a, 120 tons, Hag ship, Sir 
 HuL^h Willoii^hby, Captain General of the fleet. 
 
 William CielTerson, master. 
 Rooer Wilson, mate. 
 
 Six merchants, and twenty-six petty officers and 
 men, in all thirty-five men on board. 
 
 2. The Edward Bonavmtnrc, 160 tons, Richard 
 Chancelor, Cai)tain and Pilot-Major. 
 
 Stephen ])urrou_L,^h, master. 
 
 John Buckland, mate. 
 
 Two merchants, a clcrgymar seven passengers, 
 and thirty-seven petty officers and men, in all fifty 
 men. 
 
 3. The Bona Confidential 90 tons, Cornelius 
 Durfoorth, master. 
 
 Richard Ingram, mate. 
 
 Three merchants, and twenty-three petty officers 
 and men, in all twenty-eight men. 
 
 The expedition numbered therefore one hundred 
 and thirteen members all told. Each of the three 
 ships had with her a "pinnesse" and a (rowing) 
 boat. 
 
 What seems to us worthy of notice is the appoint- 
 ment of a board of twelve counsellors for the obser- 
 vation of Cabot's ordinances, " and all others which 
 hereafter shall be made." It was composed of the 
 chief officers, two merchants, a gentleman, and John 
 Stafford, the clergyman. 
 
 On the 9th of May 1553, Cabot drew up very 
 minute instructions for " the intended voyage for 
 
 ^ We extract our list from the copy 
 in full found in one of Wn.LOUc;iiiiY's 
 ships, and puljlishud by IIaki.uyt, vol. 
 iii, pp. 29-32. The term " pinnace " 
 applies both to a small vessel navigated 
 with oars and sails, having gener- 
 ally two masts rigged like those of a 
 
 schooner, and to a boat usually rowed 
 with eight oars. (Wl.hs'I ek, and Jai., 
 Glossaire tiaiiliqiie, Paris, 1848, 4to, 
 p. 1175.) We do not know which of 
 those two is meant. If the former, 
 then the squadron numbered not less 
 than six vessels. 
 
iiig) 
 
 ny THE A'ORTH-EAST. 
 
 345 
 
 Cathay."* Some of these, in the opinion of a com- 
 petent judge " now indeed appear rather childish, 
 but others mii^ht still be used as rules for any well- 
 ordered exploratory expedition." ^ Among the; latter, 
 there is one on which several admirers of Sebastian 
 have laid a certain stress. It is where he says 
 that " every nation and region is to be considered 
 advisedly, and to use them with prudent circumspec- 
 tion, with gentleness and curtesy." This advice is 
 certainly humane and judicious, but by referring to 
 the Decades of Peter Martyr, it will be seen that it 
 is borrowed from the instructions which the Council 
 of the Indies prescribed in 1523 to Cabot himself 
 for the expedition to La Plata.^ 
 
 The next day, Wednesday, May loth, 1553, the 
 little squadron sailed from Ratcliffe.* 
 
 On the iith, it passed before Greenwich, in 
 presence of the Court '' and a great concourse of 
 people. 
 
 Not till July 14th did the ships sight the west 
 coast of Norway, in 65-66' N. kit. 
 
 July 27th they reached the Loffoden isles, and 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 A 
 
 I. 
 
 
 '\\ 
 
 lich 
 the 
 ohn 
 
 very 
 for 
 
 rowed 
 
 'ml JAL, 
 48, 4t". 
 hich of 
 former, 
 not less 
 
 ' IIaki.uyt, 1SS6, vol. iii, pp. i6- 
 24. Tlic (locumcnt ends as follows : 
 " In witnes whereof I .Sebaslian 
 Cubola, Goiiernouraforesaide, to these 
 present ordinances, haiie subscribed 
 my name, and put my scale, the day 
 and yeere aboue written." 
 
 '■^ NoKUKNSKioi.i), Voyage de la 
 Vega, Paris, 1883, Svo, vol. i, p. 
 206. 
 
 ^ Anghiera, /)ftaa?. vii, cap. vi, p. 
 495 > supra, chapter v, p. 1S7. 
 
 ^ The two leading authorities for 
 the voyage of WlLLOUGiiiiv are, 1st, 
 the Journal of the expedition, sup- 
 posed to have been written by himself, 
 and in which the dates are given in 
 the old style of compatation, here 
 ado]ited, as the voyage was made 
 before 1582 ; and, 2n(l, the account 
 written in Latin by Clement AUAMS, 
 
 " as he received it at the mouth of 'he 
 said Richard Ciiancki.i;u," but i)Ut in 
 writing after the adoption of the 
 Gregorian calendar, the method of 
 which he necessarily follows. To 
 obtain the dates according to our 
 present mode of reckoning, the reader 
 is aware that he has only to add 10 
 days to each of the dates old style. 
 
 ° Wii.l.our.HHY s.ays that the 
 s(|uadron jiassed Greenwich "saluting 
 the Kings Majesty then being there." 
 Clement Adams is more explicit : 
 " But (alas) the good King Edward 
 (in resjiect of whom principally all 
 this was prepared) hee onely by reason 
 of his sicknesse was absent from the 
 shewe, and not long after the departure 
 of these ships, the lamentable and 
 most sorrowful accident of his death 
 followed [July 6th, 1553]." 
 
 i 
 
 A 
 
 ■A 
 
 ^ 
 
 
KI. • 
 
 ti 
 
 346 
 
 ENGLISH EXrEDITIONS TO CA Til A V 
 
 : \ 
 
 cast anchor, apparently in 62" 20' N. lat. — 17" 10' 
 E. Ion. A coLincil was held, and they decidt:d that 
 in case the ships became s(.'[)arated by a storm, they 
 should end(;avoiir to reach the island of VarcUe' (70' 
 20' N. lat. — 31" 10' I*!. Ion.), and there wait a 
 reasonabt! time; for each other. 
 
 July 30th they weiL,died anchor, and continued to 
 steer northwards, rani^inc^ the coast of I^'umark, 
 
 In the niL,fht of Au_<,aist 3d-4th, in 69 35' N. lat., 
 near the Senien islands, a tempest scattered the 
 squadron. WillouLjhby's Hag ship and the smaller 
 vessel, after having been separated, succeeded in 
 finding each other, remained henceforth together, 
 but never saw Chancelor's ship again. 
 
 The Jja//a Spcranza and Bo)ia Confidcutia con- 
 tinued to sail in company north-t:astwards. rounded 
 the Cape, which Stephen Burrough at the same time 
 (but on board Chancelor's ship,) named Cape North, 
 and then entered the Arctic Ocean. 
 
 The two ships sailed north, reaching, on the 14th 
 of August, according to their calculation, as far as 
 72° latitude. We are unable to say how far east- 
 wards they went, perhaps to the Kolgujew islands 
 (Nordenskiold). 
 
 August 1 8th, "the winde comming at the N.E. and 
 the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and 
 stocked," Willoughby "thought it goode to seeke 
 harbour for her redresse," and sailed south-south-east, 
 then west-south-west, until, after sundry gyrations, 
 he sighted, September i8th, a " hauen which runneth 
 into the maine about two leacjues," It was the 
 entrance of the Varzina, a river of Eastern Lapland, 
 the mouth of which is in 68° 20' N. lat., and 38' 
 
 ' Vardce is the name of the island, term "the Wardhouse." We employ 
 
 and Vardoehus, that of its castle, here these expressions indisciiminatcly. 
 
 WiLLOUGHHY, Clement Adams and See the plates in Nordenskiold, op, 
 
 the English writers of the time use the cit. 
 
^ i 
 
 nV THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 347 
 
 S. and 
 :r and 
 
 seeke 
 
 Ih-east, 
 
 lations, 
 
 Linneth 
 
 as the 
 
 Lpland, 
 hd .^8^ 
 
 /e employ 
 Jiminatcly. 
 tioLD, op. 
 
 30' E. \owrf^} Th(!ro the commanders of the two 
 ships resolved to winter. 
 
 " Wherefore," says \\'illnugh!)y, " we sent out three men snulh- 
 soutli-WLst, to searrli if they could fuul |)e()i)Ie, who went tliree 
 dayes iourney, hut rould find none : alter that, we sent other thrue 
 westward foure daies iourney, which also returned without fuidin}; 
 any people. Then sent wc three men southeast three dayes 
 iourney, who, in like sorte returned without linding of people, or 
 any similitude of habitation. 
 
 There were very many scale fislies, and other great fishes, and 
 upon the maine, heares, great deere, foxes, with diuers stiange 
 beasts, as guloines (or ellons ?), and such other which were to 
 them vnknowen, and also wonderful!." 
 
 WilloLighby and his men kept alive in that desolate 
 region until at least the month of January 1554,"^ but 
 soon afterwards p(MMshed of cold.' to the last man. 
 Their remains were discovered on board the two 
 ships by some Rus.sian fishermen, the following 
 summer. 
 
 If we are to believe a legend which is still current, 
 the corpse of Willoughby was found seated at a 
 table in the cabin of the flag ship, with a pen in 
 his hand, the ship's journal before it, and all his 
 companions around him in various life-like attitudes ; 
 somewhat after the fashion of Madame Tussaud's 
 wax fiofures. 
 
 The earliest mention of that story is to be found 
 in a dispatch from Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian 
 
 ' "We passed l)y tlie ])lace where 
 Sir Ilujjh Willoui;lil)io, with all his 
 company perished, wliicli is called 
 Ar/.iiia reca, thai is to say, the ritier 
 Arzina." Aiilhimy Jknkinson, 1557, 
 in IIaki.cyt, vol. iii, j). 195. Nor- 
 iiKNSKiui.D says it is the river which 
 debouches into the Arctic Ocean " in 
 68' 20' N. lat., and 38" 30' E. lo-ir. and 
 is called in recent maps the Varzina. " 
 
 ■"In lanuarie after he was aliue 
 as appeares by a W'ill of Gabriel 
 Wn.i.oucuHY his kinsman, subscribed 
 by Sir Hugh W. which will I now 
 
 have and keepe as a relike of that 
 wortliie discouerer." I'URCHAS, /'//• 
 i^n'ii'cs, 1625, vol. iii, p. 463, in the 
 mar,t,'in. 
 
 ^ It is erroneous to say (Mn.TOV, 
 Thomas Riindai,!,, and others) tliat 
 Wii.i.oUGHiiY and his c<impanions 
 died of starvation. Henry Lank 
 writes that wiien the ships were founil 
 " much of the goods and victuah were 
 recouered," and he ascribes their death 
 to "want of experience to have made 
 caves and stoves." Hakluyt, 1886, 
 vol. iv, pp. 198 and 199. 
 
 f 
 
 fi 
 
 (^ 
 
 
 
 I' 
 
. 
 
 1. 
 
 v t. 
 
 Stt 
 
 F.iVCUSH KXPEPIT/ONS TO CATHAY 
 
 J 
 
 i! 
 
 1 'h 
 
 U: 
 
 1 
 
 ' / 
 
 ambassador at the ICnj^Hish Court, dated from London, 
 November 4th, 1555, and is as follows : 
 
 "Tliu vessels wliicli departed hence some niontlis ago bound for 
 Catluy, either from iniiliility or lack of daring, not having got 
 heyond Moscovia or Russia, whitlier tlu' otluTs went, in like 
 inamier last year, have returned sale, hrin^'inf^ witli llum tlu; two 
 Vessels of the first voyage, having found them on the Muscovite 
 coast, with the men on hoard all fro/en ; and the mariners now 
 returned from the second voyage narrate strange tilings ahout the 
 mode in which they were fro/en, having found some of them seated 
 in the act of writing, pen still in iiand, and the pajier before them ; 
 others at tables, platter in hand and spoon in mouth ; others 
 opening a locker, and others in various postures, like statues, as if 
 they had been adjusted and [ilacetl in those attitudes, 'i'heysay 
 that some dogs in the shijis displayed the same phenomena. 
 They found the effects and iiurcliandi/e all intact in the hands of 
 the natives, and brought them back hither with the vessels." ' 
 
 That interesting statement is erroneous in several 
 important particulars. 
 
 As we shall show hereafter, only one of the four 
 vessels of \Villouo;hby's expedition, viz. : the Edward 
 Bonavcntiire, returned then safe to iMigland. Nor 
 did any of the Kntj;lish discover the derelict vessels, 
 still less with the men on board all frozen to death. 
 The discovery was made by Russian fishermen in 
 the summer of 1554." And as in Lapland snows 
 melt from the branches so early as April, whilst in 
 May and June the thermometer rani^es from 30' to 
 68','' the discoverers cannot but have found the bodies 
 of Willoughby and his companions in a complete 
 state of decay. There is no more truth therefore in 
 the ghastly scene depicted by Giovanni Michiel, and 
 
 ^ For the Italian text, see Luigi 
 Tastni, / Navii^atori al Polo Artico, 
 Vcnezia, i8So, 8vo, pp. 6-7, note, and 
 for the aliove translation, Rawdon 
 Brown, Calendar, vol. vi, part i, p. 
 240, No. 269. 
 
 next summer Anno 1554, by Russe 
 fishermen." IIaki.I'YT, vol. iv, p. 
 198. Lane was one of the English- 
 men who accompanied Chanci:loR 
 and Kli.i.iNC.WORTil to Moscow in 
 1555, and his statement therefore is 
 
 ^ Henry Lane's letter contains the entitled to credit, 
 earliest statement that the dead bodies ■' Lakstadius, quoted in the articli; 
 " were found with the shippes the of the British Encyclopedia. 
 
 II f 
 
 \ 
 
 ''S; 
 
 \ 
 
li four 
 
 dward 
 
 Nor 
 
 sscls, 
 
 Icath. 
 hen in 
 
 snows 
 lilst in 
 
 50" to 
 
 )<)clies 
 inipUite 
 
 fore in 
 
 lei and 
 
 liy Russe 
 
 ol. iv, V- 
 
 . Knglisli- 
 
 IIANCIXOR 
 
 Mtjscow in 
 herefore is 
 
 Uie articli; 
 
 nv THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 349 
 
 frequently repeated sinc(% than in th(! lei^^end of tht; 
 Flyiui^ Dii/c/imaii, of which that ch'spatch is also tht: 
 source. 
 
 As for Chancelor, havinnf safelv weathered the 
 storm, he went, as had heeii agreed, to W^anloehus, 
 ]io[MnL,' to meet Willou|L;hI)y. Aft(!r vvaitiiiij^ th<.'re 
 in vain for S(;v(mi tiays, he sailed uorlh-eastuard 
 "so farn;, that hee came at last to tile jjlace where 
 h(! found no ni_n'ht at all, l)ut a continu.ill li.L,du and 
 briijhtnesse of the Sunne shinin.L![ clearly vpon the 
 huLi'e and mii^ditie sea," that is, in about 70 latitude. 
 He then steenid south, entered what we call the 
 White Sea. and drop[)ed anchor at the entrance of 
 the Dwina. Learnini^, to his Ljreat surprise, tlmt 
 h(; was in the Russian l^mpire, he ([uitled the ship 
 with a number of his companions to visit the Tzar 
 in Moscow.' They were hospitably received by 
 I wan Wasilejevitch.- On the 2nd of I'^ebruary 1554' 
 that potentate; remitted to them a letter for lulward 
 VI., who was l)eliev(.'d to be still livinu^. lUit 
 Chanc(!lor and his companions did not leave Moscow 
 uniil the s])ring, when they set out for the mouth 
 ol the Dwina, to join their ship. The Edzoani 
 Bonavcntttrc left the White Sea in the summer of 
 1554, arrivin;^ in England apparently the followinn^ 
 autumn. 
 
 This voyaii^e of Richard Chancelor was thout^ht to 
 hold forth promises of success, so far as findincr a new 
 outlet for English manufactured goods, although it 
 was far from being the market which Sebastian 
 Cabot had led the Company to expect. Furs it 
 cared little for,* and " waxe, tallowe, traine oile, hem 
 and tlaxe," however desirable in themselves, were 
 
 ^ Clement Adams, he. cit, plentie, because ihey he dead wares." 
 
 ^ Richard Chancklor, in Hak- Lelter of the Comi)any to Kli.i.iNd- 
 
 LUYT, he. cit. WORTH, April 28th, 1557 ; IIakluyt, 
 
 ^ Haki.uyt, Ibidem. i886, vol. iii, p. 167. 
 ■* " Of furtes we desire no great 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 |i 
 
 \\\ 
 
 I 
 
 
1 
 
 ^'^1 
 
 \ 
 
 
 W 
 
 : m 
 
 V j 
 
 m 
 
 " I. 
 
 3S0 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA THA V 
 
 certainly not as valuable as the " infynyt Treasures, 
 as oolde, sylver, precious stones, bawmes, spices, 
 dru(:^i^es and <^umes [to use Jenkinson's expressions]," 
 which the Merchant Adventurers doubtless hoped, 
 on Cabot's representations, to obtain from Cathay. 
 
 The Company possessed several charters or letters 
 patent, but it failed to be a body corporate within 
 the meaning of the law. Led on by the Marquis of 
 Westminster, these enterprising Englishmen applied 
 in consequence for a charter of incorporation, which 
 was granted to them by Philip and Mary in the first 
 and second year of their reign, February 26th, 1555, 
 under the following title : 
 
 " The Marchants Aduenturers for the discouerie of lands, terri- 
 tories, iles and seigniories vnlcnowen, and not by the seas, and 
 Navigations, before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea 
 or navigation commonly frecjuented." ^ 
 
 Cabot's appointment by this charter as Governor 
 of the Company, is in terms which must be stated : 
 
 " And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the 
 chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage, therefore we make, 
 ordeine, and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and 
 present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie, by 
 these presents. To have and enioy the said office of (iouernoiir, 
 to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life, without 
 amoving or dismissing from the same roome." 
 
 The new corporation, which we will now call by 
 the name under which it is generally known, viz. : 
 "The Muscovy Company,"^ lost no time in making 
 use of its recent privileges, and prepared an expedi- 
 tion to the White Sea. 
 
 As an initiatory step, Philip and Mary, on the ist 
 of April 1555, wrote a letter to the Tzar, to be 
 
 1 Ibidem, vol. i, pp. 267-272, and ^ The archives of the Company were 
 R. Lemox, Calendar of Domestic Slate unfortunately destroyed in the great 
 Papers, 1547-80, vol. i, p. 65. London fire of 1666. 
 
 it 
 
 
 t 
 
 \ 
 

 BY THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 351 
 
 \V 
 
 jres, 
 >ices, 
 ns]," 
 )pecl, 
 
 ay. 
 
 itters 
 v'ithin 
 iis of 
 3plied 
 which 
 e first 
 
 1555. 
 
 :1s, tern- 
 ;as, and 
 e by sea 
 
 )vernor 
 ated : 
 
 h bin the 
 ve make, 
 
 first and 
 laltie, by 
 
 uernour, 
 without 
 
 call by 
 fn, viz. : 
 1 making 
 
 expedi- 
 
 the I St 
 . to be 
 
 Impany were 
 the great 
 
 remitted in person at Moscow by Richard Chancelor 
 and George Killingworth, the newly appointed agent 
 of the Company in Russia.^ 
 
 On the I St of May following, detailed instructions 
 were prepared,-' but the expedition was not ready to 
 sail until the end of the month. This is shown by a 
 dispatch from Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian 
 Ambassador in London, dated May 21st, which 
 contains the following paragraph : 
 
 " The three ships prepared by tliese English Merchants for the 
 voyage to Muscovy and (,\atliay, being already loaded and supplied 
 with every requisite, will depart this week with greater hope of 
 prosperous navigation out and home than the last time." ^ 
 
 The allusion in the last few words is to Willoughby's 
 two vessels, concerning which the Company was yet 
 without any news. 
 
 Here again Giovanni Michiel was misinformed. 
 The Muscovy Company did not equip three ships. 
 Two only were fitted out and dispatched, viz. : 
 
 1. The Edioard Bonavcnture, Richard Chancelor 
 commander-in-chief, John Buckland master. She 
 had also on board John Brooke, " merchant, de- 
 puted for the Wardhouse," George Killingworth, 
 and other agents and passengers to the number of 
 eleven, 
 
 2. The Philip and Mary, John Howlet, master 
 and John Robins, pilot* 
 
 They sailed down the Thames about the first week 
 in June 1555. 
 
 For the better understanding of what followed, it 
 is necessary at this juncture to quote three clauses 
 of the instructions given to Richard Grey and George 
 Killincrworth on this occasion : 
 
 ' Hakluvt, Edinburgh, 1886, 8vo, 
 vol. iii, p. 78. 
 ^ Ibidem. 
 
 ^ PasinI, and Rawdon Brown, 
 ubi supra. 
 •» Hakluvt, vol. iii, p. 84. 
 
 f 
 
 /,^'l 
 
 t I 
 
 n 
 
 v\ 
 
 \ 
 
 .\ 
 

 
 ll. 
 
 )/ 
 
 f 
 
 M. 
 
 m- 
 
 ' Q, 
 
 t 
 
 f 
 I) 'I 
 
 'II 
 
 i 
 
 352 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDiriONS TO CA THA V 
 
 " It is to he had in minde, that you vse all wayus and meanes 
 possible to learnc howe men may passe from Russia either by land 
 or by sea to Cathiaaand what may be heard of other ships . . . ." 
 
 " It is committed to the said Agents, that if they shall be 
 certified credibly, that any of our said ships be arriued in any 
 I)lace whereunto passage is to l)e had by water or by land, that 
 then certaine of the company at the discretion of the Agents shall 
 bee appointed to be sent to them, to learne their estate and con- 
 dition, to visite, refresh, reh ue, and furnish tliem with all 
 necessaries and requisites, at the common charges of the companie, 
 and to imbrace, accept, and intreat them as our deare and wel- 
 beloued brethren of this our societie, to their reif)ycing and 
 comfort, aduertising Syr Hugh ^Villoughbie and others of our 
 carefulnes of them and their long absence, with our desire to heare 
 of them, with all other things done in their absence for their 
 commoditie, no lesse then if they had bene i)resent." 
 
 " \Vhen the ships shal arriue at this going foorth at the Ward- 
 
 louse ... to consider whether it shal l)e expedient for the Philip 
 
 and Mary] to abide at the ^\^ardhouse tlie returne of the Edward 
 
 Bonaventure] out of Russia, or getting that she may returne with 
 
 the first good wind to England without abiding for the Edward." 
 
 "It is decreed by the companie, that the Edward sliall returne 
 home this yeere with as much wares as may be conueniently, and 
 profitably prouided, bought and laden in Russia, and the rest to 
 be taken in at the Wardhouse. . . . Hut by all means it is to be 
 foreseene and noted, that the Edward returne home, and not to 
 winter in any forrein place. . . ." ^ 
 
 The two ships arrived in the second or third week 
 of July, as we presume, at the Wardhouse, where the 
 PJiilip and Mary remained. Our impression is that 
 Chancelor and KilHngworth were there informed 
 of the sad fate of Willoughby, the news of which 
 would not have reached the Danish officials of the 
 place before the previous tiutumn. 
 
 The Edward Bonavcnttire continued her course, 
 alone, eastwards, and may have ranged at that time the 
 north-east coast of Lapland, in search ofWilloughby's 
 ships, on the indications furnished at the Wardhouse. 
 Be that as it may, she reached the mouths of the 
 Dwina in August 1555, discharged her goods and 
 
 ^ Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 84, 85, Nos. 16, 17, 20, 
 
 \ 
 
m 
 
 BY THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 353 
 
 anes 
 land 
 
 il be 
 any 
 , thai 
 . shall 
 L con- 
 h all 
 panic, 
 d wel- 
 ir and 
 of our 
 1 heare 
 )r their 
 
 ; Ward- 
 
 e Philip 
 Edward 
 vne with 
 ward." 
 I returne 
 ntly, and 
 e rest to 
 t is to be 
 .d not to 
 
 week 
 ere the 
 is that 
 iformed 
 which 
 of the 
 
 course, 
 time the 
 )ughby's 
 dhouse. 
 „ of the 
 ods and 
 
 passengers, and, under the command of John Buck- 
 land, sailed for Vardce, coasted Liipland again, but 
 from east to west, and finally stopped in the haven 
 of the Varzina. That was the time when, as we 
 think, the remains of Willoughby and of his com- 
 panions, together with the papers and merch^mdize 
 remaining in the ships, or in the hands of the natives, 
 were collected and put on board the Edward Bon- 
 aventure, according to Killingworth's instructions. 
 That ship thereupon went to Vardoi, where she 
 joined the Philip and Mary, and, together, they 
 sailed for England, arriving in London at the be- 
 ginning of November 1555, with their melancholy 
 
 cargo. 
 
 These are the ships the arrival of which is men- 
 tioned in the above-cited dispatch from the Venetian 
 Ambassador dated November 4th, 1555. 
 
 We base the above description upon the statement 
 of Henry Lane, almost an eye-witness, as he accom- 
 panied Killingworth, viz.: 
 
 "This yeere [1555] the two shippes [the Bonaventure, and 
 Philip and Mary] with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh ^V'illoughby, 
 and his people, were sent vnto by Master Killingworth." 
 
 "Anno 1556. The Company sent two \sic pro \\\xq.q\ ships for 
 Russia, to bring home the two ships which were frozen in Lappia." ' 
 
 These two latter vessels perished on the home- 
 ward trip, but, as we have seen, the remains of 
 Willoughby and of his companions were not on 
 board. It is because Milton (who has no other 
 source of information than Halduyt) mixed those 
 two voyages homeward, that we find in his account 
 the following erroneous statement : 
 
 " Whereof the English agent at Mosco having notice sent and 
 recovered the ships with the dead bodies, and most of the goods, 
 and sent them to England ; but the ships being unstaunch, as is 
 
 1 Lane, in Hakluvt, edition of iS86, vol. iv, pp. 199-200. 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■i; 
 
 f 
 
 
 %\'\ 
 
 1 
 
 if'"' 
 
 yj; 
 
If, 
 
 1 
 
 '' \ 
 
 li 
 
 .'I 
 
 
 » n 
 
 I 
 
 < 
 
 l^r 
 
 < ♦' ; 
 
 I 
 
 r 
 
 'i 
 
 354 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA TIF A Y 
 
 supposed by their two years wintering in Lapland, sunk by the way 
 with their dead and these also that brought them." ' 
 
 The Edward Bonaventurc and the Philip and 
 Mary were again dispatched to the White Sea 
 the following spring, with 'extraordinary masters 
 and saylers to bring home the two ships which were 
 frozen in Lappia." ^ But to Buckland's vessels the 
 Company added a pinnace, the Searchthrift. The 
 squadron therefore numbered three vessels, and not 
 two only, as Henry Lane says. We reason in this 
 wise : 
 
 The Venetian Ambassador, speaking of the arrival 
 of the ships, November 4th, 1555, uses the plural. 
 More than one therefore arrived in London at that 
 date. Only the Edivard Bonavcnhtre and Philip 
 and Mary could have then come from the White 
 Sea, as there were no others. We see the Philip 
 and Mary form part of the squadron which was 
 partially wrecked on the coast of Norway, when 
 coming from the Arctic Ocean, on its way to 
 England, November loth, 1556. We must infer 
 from these facts that she accompanied the Ediuard 
 Bonaventure on her trip to Varda^ at least, in the 
 spring of 1556. This inference amounts to a 
 certainty when we take into consideration that the 
 Searchthrift, which was the third vessel, had on 
 board when she started, only ten men, all told, on 
 account of her diminutive size.^ To suppose then 
 that the Edzuard Bonaventure alone went with the 
 latter, would imply that the " extraordinary masters 
 and saylers sent to bring home Willoughby's two 
 ships," amounting to nearly sixty men, were all 
 
 1 Mil.TON, Brief History of Mns- •''"A pinnesse, named the Search- 
 
 covia, in his Prose Works, New York, thrift. There was in her Master and 
 
 1847, Svo, vol. ii, p. 367. Pilot, Stephen Burrougii, with his 
 
 '■' Henry Lank's letter to William brother William, and eight other." 
 
 Sanderson ; Hakluvt, vol. iv, p. 200. Ibidem, 
 
 i 
 
 iL- 
 
r 
 
 py THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 853 
 
 \nd 
 >ca 
 ;crs 
 ere 
 the 
 rhe 
 not 
 this 
 
 rival 
 
 lural. 
 
 that 
 
 ^hilip 
 A^hite 
 
 Philip 
 h was 
 when 
 ray to 
 t infer 
 'divard 
 in the 
 to a 
 at the 
 ad on 
 )ld, on 
 be then 
 ith the 
 asters 
 s two 
 ere all 
 
 Ihc Scarcb- 
 fMastor ami 
 
 It, wiA 1^?, 
 Irht olbet. 
 
 packed, with her own crew of forty hands on board 
 the Bonavcnturc ; which is scii.rcely [)robable. 
 
 As to the third vessel, she was, as we have said, 
 the Scarchtlu'ift. This is shown by .Stci)lien 
 Burroui^h's statement that, April 30th, 1556, when 
 off Gravesend, on his way to the north-eastern 
 regions, he " went aboord the Edward Bonancnturc 
 where the worshippfull company of marchants 
 appointed him to be vntill the sayd good ship arriued 
 at Wardhouse." ^ 
 
 The three vessels, apparently under the chief 
 command of Stephen Burrough (as far as Vard(e) 
 departed from Ratcliffe on " Satturday being S. 
 Markes day," consequently not on the "23rd of 
 April," as Burrough is made by Hakluyt to say, 
 but on the 25th.'' 
 
 On the 27th, they stopped at Gravesend, and 
 finally set out on their voyage, Wednes'^ay, April 
 29th. 
 
 On May 15th, the two ships sighted the coast of 
 Norway (in 58° 30' lat.), on the 20th reached tlie 
 Loffoden islands (67° 30' N. lat.), and a week after- 
 wards North Cape. 
 
 We infer that the three ships arrived at Vardcii 
 during the last few days in May 1556, and that it 
 was the Philip and Mary, which, from the Ward- 
 house, went in search of Willoughby's two ships, 
 to bring them home. According to our theory, she 
 found the Bona Spcranza and the Botia Confidcntia 
 still riding at anchor in the haven of the Verzina, 
 put on board the crews she had brought from 
 England, and, in the middle of June, went with the 
 two ships to join the Edward Bonaventurc in the 
 Dwina. 
 
 As to the Edzvard Bonavcntu7'e and the Seai'chthrift, 
 they sailed out together as far as the entrance of the 
 
 ' Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 117. ^ Ibidem, vol. iii, p. n6. 
 
 I 
 
 \ y. 
 
 
 i\ 
 
 t 
 
i 
 
 
 356 
 
 ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS TO CA T//A Y 
 
 
 ;; 
 
 i 
 
 ■Iv, 
 
 'I 
 
 n 
 
 White Sea. and, June 7th, in about 66° 40' lat. N., 
 and 42° lonj;'. E., parted company/ Stephen 
 Burroui^li steered in the direction of Cape Kanin, to 
 continue the exj^lorations eastwards initiated by 
 Willou^hby and Ciiancelor in 1553. The Edzoard 
 Bonavcnliirc, under the command of John Buckland, 
 went to the mouth of the Dwina to await orders. 
 
 We must now return to the agents of the Company 
 whom we left at the entrance of the Dwina in the 
 summer of 1555. 
 
 After embarking their goods on board a boat, they 
 ascended that river and its affluent, the Suchona, 
 as far as the city of Vologda (59" 13' N. lat.) where 
 they arrived on the nth of September 1555. The 
 merchandize intended for barter was stored in that 
 place under the care of seven of the party, and, on 
 the 28th of September, Chancelor, Henry Lane, 
 Edward Price, Robert Best, and Killingworth re- 
 paired by post to Moscow, where they arrived on 
 the 4th of October 1555. 
 
 On the loth following, the English envoys were 
 received by the Tzar, to whom they delivered Philip 
 and Mary's letter, asking that special privileges should 
 be granted to the Muscovy Company. These were 
 conceded in the form of letters patent on the 20th of 
 November 1555. Having obtained their object, the 
 English decided to return home as soon as informed 
 of the arrival of the ships in the White Sea, which 
 was not until the summer of 1556. They finally 
 set out from Moscow, in the end of June, or begin- 
 ning of July 1556, leaving in that city, to attend to 
 the business of the Company, Killingworth, Grey 
 and Lane." 
 
 f ' 
 
 ^ Ibidem, vol. iii, p. 119. 
 
 ^ These det;xils are horrowcd from 
 KiLLiNt;\voiriii's letter of Novemher 
 27th, 1555, Haki.uyt, vol. iii, p. 88. 
 We have been unable to find when 
 
 and how that letter was sent to tlie 
 Company. It cannot have been for- 
 warded by the Edward Bonaveittiot, 
 which was already in London at the 
 beginning of that month. We must 
 
 I.; 
 
 % 
 
 ik 
 
*11S 
 
 BY THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 357 
 
 Lent to th'^ 
 le been for- 
 
 Vdon at the 
 We must 
 
 When Chancelor arrived at the mouth of the 
 Dwina, he found at anchor, as we believe, not less 
 than four English ships, viz. : the Bona Confident ia, 
 the Bona Spcranza, both just brouLjht from the 
 Varzina by John Howlet, the Philip and Mary, 
 under the command of that officer, and the Ediuard 
 Bonavcntnre. Chancelor, July 20th, 1556, embarked 
 on board the latter, taking with him Ossip Gregor- 
 jevitsch Nepeja, the embassador sent by the Tzar to 
 the Court of England, with a suite of sixteen 
 Russians. 
 
 " Oiicr and abouc ten other Rnssies shipped within the said 
 Bay of St. Nicholas [old name of the White vSea], in one other 
 good ship to the same company also belonging called the IJona 
 Speranza . . . which good ships comming in good order into 
 the seas, and trauersing the same in their iourncy towards the 
 coast of England, were by the contrary winds and extreme 
 tempests of weather seuered the one from the other, that is to say, 
 the saide 13ona Speranza with two other English shi[)s also api)er- 
 taining to the saide company, the one sirnamed the Philip and 
 Mary, the other the Confidentia, were driven on the coast of 
 Norway, into iJrenton [Drontheim] water, where the saide Con- 
 fidentia was scene to perish on a rocke, and the other, videlicet, 
 the Bona Speranza with her whole company, being to the number 
 of foure and twentie persons seemed to winter there, whereof no 
 certaintie at this present day is knowen. The third, videlicet, the 
 Philip and Mary arrived in the Thames nigh London the eighteenth 
 day of April, in the yeere of our Lord one thousand five hundred 
 fiftie and seuen. The Edward Bonaventure trauersing the seas 
 four moneths, finally the tenth day of Nouember of the aforesaide 
 yeere of our Lorde one thousand five hundred fiftie and sixe, arrived 
 within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego [near Aber- 
 deen], where by outragious tempests, and extreme stormes, the 
 said ship being beaten from her ground tackles, was driuen vpon 
 the rockes on shoare, when she brake and split in pieces in such 
 sort, as the ground Pilot [Chancelor] vsing all carfulnesse for the 
 bodie of the sayde Ambassadour and his trayne, taking the boat 
 of the said ship, trusting to attaine the shore and so to save and 
 
 assume that it was not sent to the brought news of the great shipwreck 
 
 Company until July 1556, reaching on the coast of Scotland. IIakluyt, 
 
 London, at the soonest, December 6th vol. iii, p. 143. 
 following, by the messenger vho 
 
 
 ' ■ w 
 
 
 Wh 
 
 '■■.^ >i 
 
 •y Iwl .. fi I 
 
 i 
 
353 
 
 ENGUSH EXPEDITIONS TO CA Til A Y 
 
 ) 
 
 «; 
 
 w 
 
 vJ 
 
 prc'SLruc the Sodic, and scuoii of the rompanie or attL'iidants of 
 the saide Anibissadour, the same l)oat by rigorous wanes of the seas, 
 was by darke nii^ht oiierwiu'lmed and drowned, wlierein perislietl 
 not only tlie luxhe of tlie said granil I'ilot, with seuen Kusses, but 
 also diucrs of the Mariners of the sayd ship." ^ 
 
 The only surviving sliip of the expedition, viz., 
 the rJiilip and Mary, took refiio-e in the port of 
 Drontheim, where she wintered (1556-57).^ That 
 vessel, which was destined to do yet good service for 
 the; Company in the Arctic regions, sailed homt;ward 
 from Drontheim in March 1557, arriving at London, 
 as we have just seen, April iSth following. 
 
 As to Stephen Burrough, he continued to explore 
 alone the Arctic seas.'' This bold and skilful seaman 
 rounded Cape Kanin, ranged the north coast of the 
 continent eastward, as far as the river Petchora, 
 which he entered. Returning to the Ocean, he 
 sailed northward to the Novaia Zemlia, landed on 
 its south coast, Saturday, August ist, 1556, and 
 sighted both the Kara Strait and Waigaty island. 
 Five days later he was turnc:d back by ice, and re- 
 turned to the westward. Finally, the SearcJUhrift 
 reached the White Sea again, and went to the mouth 
 . of the Dwina, where she wintered, at Kholmogory, 
 from September nth, 1556 until May 23rd, 1557.* 
 
 We find in Rymer '' the grant of a pension for life 
 of ;^ 1 66, 13^. 4^. made by Queen Mary on the 27th 
 of November 1555 in favour of Sebastian Cabot. 
 This is called by all his modern biographers a " re- 
 
 ' Account of the reception of the 
 Russiiin Amlxissadur in London ; 
 IIaki.uyt, ibidem. 
 
 ^ Undent, ]i)i. 160, 166. 
 
 " It is well to recall that the pinnace 
 of Stephen BuRROi'CiH had on hoard, 
 besides himself and his brother Wil- 
 liam, only ei^'ht men, and that is with 
 such a small ship and crew that he ex- 
 plored the Aictic regions during two 
 years. 
 
 * The Naitii^ation and discoucric to- 
 ivard the ritier Oh, made f>y Master 
 Stetiei! Burro ugh, passed in the ycre 
 1556; IIakh'yt, vol. iii, pp. 124-129, 
 152. The Nauigatioiic di Sehastiaii 
 Calioto itelle parte Settentriomiie . in vol. 
 ii of Raml'sio, editions of 1583, and 
 1606, pp. 21 1-219, is only that Journal 
 of Stephen Burrough. 
 
 " Ry.mer, Fcedera, ed. 1741, vol. vi, 
 part iv, p. 40. 
 
 \: 
 
 ..t,' 
 
 m 
 
"fll 
 
 PY THE NORTH-EAST. 
 
 359 
 
 I ^ 
 
 'liv 
 
 newal," or a '* confirmation," of the annuity for the 
 same amount granted by Edward VI. on the 6th of 
 January 1548-9. 'I'his is an absohitely gratuitous 
 assumption. Neither in the text of the grant itself, 
 nor in any other document knc^wn, is there the least 
 indication that it was not a new pension altogether, 
 and irrespective of the one bestowed nine years 
 previous by Mary's brother. Hiddle seems to believe 
 that although granted for life, it was to expire on 
 the death of the reigning monarch and required 
 to be renewed by his successor.^ We cannot 
 imagine by virtue of what principle the grant of a 
 pension made by the King, should differ in its legal 
 consequences from such a grant made by a private 
 individual. Certainly that is not one of the royal 
 prerogatives. We do not read in the grant of 
 1548-9, as in the one of 1557, the formula " dedimus 
 et concessimus, ac Prajsentes, pro Nobis Heredibus 
 et successoribus nostris," but every lawyer knows 
 that in England the King's grant is good for himself 
 and successors, though his successors are not named.'-' 
 
 ^ niDDi.i:, Memoir of Cahot, p. 214. Reports de S'r Henry Yelvcrton, LoncL, 
 * Wood versus IIauksukad, in Les 1674, folio, p. 15. 
 
 It 
 
 I 
 
 ll- 
 
 nl 
 
 life 
 
 27 th 
 
 'abot. 
 
 re- 
 
 ucrie to- 
 .Master 
 
 the ytrc 
 124-129- 
 Seliaslian 
 
 'e. in vol. 
 583, and 
 
 t Journal 
 
 vol. vi, 
 
 T 
 
 i 
 
 11 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 

 
 I 
 
 hfl 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 i 
 
 :1 
 
 *^ 
 
 ' 1 
 
 n 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 SE13ASTIAN CABOT's ALLEGED INFLUENCE. 
 
 THE Arctic voyaj^GS which wc have just described, 
 are considered to have been a great "enter- 
 prise," which "stands by itself, and was destined to 
 exercise an important influence on the commerce and 
 naval greatness of England."' It is unquestionable 
 that these efforts of the Company of Merchant Adven- 
 turers proved beneficial both to Great Britain and 
 Russia. As MacPherson justly observes,- the 
 Russians before those times having no seaports nor 
 shipping on the Baltic shores, their rich furs, hemp, 
 &c., were carried to other parts of Europe from the 
 ports of Livonia, lately possessed by the Teutonic 
 Knights of St. Mary of Jerusalem. Thus the English 
 made a useful and profitable discovery of a trade by 
 sea with Russia. It was considered in this li dit 
 by foreign nations, from the first. So early as 
 April 3rd, 1557, we see the Venetian Ambassador 
 in England write to his government : " London 
 merchants greatly favor the Muscovite [envoy] 
 because they expect through his medium to enrich 
 themselves by commencing a trade in those parts." ^ 
 But we should not infer thereby that the prosperity 
 of the Muscovy Company dates from its efforts in 
 the White Sea. Giovanni Michiel bears witness to 
 the wealth of the Merchant Adventurers already at 
 
 1 BlDDLE, Of. «V., p. 182. 
 
 Diinjm, oj'. cir,, p. loz. " i^AWi; 
 
 ^ MacPherson, Anna/s of Com- vi, loc, cit. 
 vtcrce, London, 1805, vol. ii, p. 114. 
 
 ^ Rawdon Brown, Calendar, vol. 
 
 )i 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 li 
 
SEBASTIAN CABOT S ALLEGED INFLUENCE. 361 
 
 ^■n 
 
 bed, 
 iter- 
 d to 
 and 
 ^able 
 Iven- 
 
 and 
 
 the 
 3 nor 
 \emp, 
 n the 
 atonic 
 iglish 
 Ide by 
 
 Irvht 
 ly as 
 &sador 
 
 ndon 
 nvoy] 
 
 enrich 
 
 rts. 
 
 perity 
 
 rts in 
 
 ess to 
 
 ady at 
 
 \idar, vol. 
 
 that time. " Many," says he, " possess of from 50 to 
 60,000^," ' wliich was then a very large fortune. 
 
 The admirers of Sebastian Calx)t ascribe to liim, 
 almost exclusively, the merit of those; results. They 
 comliine the expeditions to the northern coasts of 
 Russia with the discovery of Newfoundland accom- 
 plished by his father, and speak of him as " being 
 the author of the maritime strength of I'^ngland, who 
 opened the way to those improvements which have 
 rendered the English so great, so eminent, so 
 flourishing a people." ^ 
 
 These hy[)erbolic praises are altogether unmerited. 
 Richard Chancelor alone is the man who, so far as 
 that north-east trade and its consequences are con- 
 cerned, deserves to be thus extolled and admired ! 
 
 Let us examine the facts : 
 
 The Merchant Adventurers desire to find a new 
 market for English manufactured goods. En- 
 couraged by the example of the Spaniards and 
 Portuguese, they turn their attention towards 
 Cathay. Sebastian Cabot boasts of knowing a new 
 route to those regions. It is, he says, by the north- 
 east. 
 
 This idea, to commence with, does not originate 
 with him, for, as we have seen,'' Paulo Centurione pro- 
 posed it a quarter of a century before to Henry VIII., 
 who even accepted the scheme, which was not at- 
 tempted only owing to the untimely death of the 
 bold Genoese adventurer. 
 
 Cathay, and nothing but Cathay, is Cabot's object. 
 His instructions to Willoughby are explicitly " for 
 the intended voyage for Cathay," and " Orient or 
 Occident Indias" through "the extremitie of the 
 North Pole."* 
 
 ' Ibidem, 
 
 "^ Cami'hei.i,, Lives of the British 
 Admirals^ vol. i, p. 232. 
 
 3 Supra, p. 337. 
 
 * Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 16, 23. 
 
 III 
 
 ! ( 
 
 ■ w 
 
 ^r\\ 
 
 M 
 
 A\ 
 
 f 
 
 i if 
 
!)1 
 
 362 SF.nASTrA!V CAHOTS ALLEGED IXFLUEhXE. 
 
 i, />. 
 
 : 
 
 .1 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 Willouj;lil)y aiul Chnncclor advjincc no further 
 than 5o"-55" K. loii|L;itiKU:. The ice drives them 
 hack, Will()Uj;hl)y j^oes to the south-east coast of 
 Lapland, and Chancelor to the White Sea. 
 
 Wlien Chancellor fnuls himself in tht; Gulf of 
 Arcliannci, lie is ama/ed to learn that his ship has 
 tal<(;n him to Russia, which h(; never sus[)ected to 
 extend so far North. He couraj^eously resolves to 
 visit the capital of the Tzar, ascends the Duina in a 
 boat, rowing- ei^ht hundred and sixty miles ; then 
 travels a Ioul; ilistance by land, and linally arrives at 
 Moscow. ThcTe he (Miters with I wan Wasilejevitch 
 into neL^otiations, which were the oriu^in of those 
 j^reat benefits to I'jinkuid and the Muscovy Com[)any. 
 
 We fail to see the direct or even prais(;vvorthy 
 at^ency of St.bastian Cabot in these oreat results. 
 Certainly, the idea of landinLj in North(;rn Russia 
 and o[)ening in that region a market for bjiglish 
 merchandise never entered his mind. Nay, we 
 make bolt! to say that if Cabot had ever been made 
 to imagine such an intention on the part (jf Chancelor, 
 he would have made strenuous efforts to prevent it. 
 We need only recollect what were his notions of that 
 country, so late at least as 1549. 
 
 In his famous planisphere, first engraved in 1544, 
 and re-edited in London by Clement y\dams in 1549, 
 that is, when Cabot was residing in that city, there is 
 a delineation of the European and Asiatic northern 
 shores, south of his ''}'^° latitude, near the Circuhis 
 Artiais. The tracing of the coast, however, comes 
 to an end at what corresponds with our 50" longi- 
 tude.* That maritime region is the one which 
 Willoughby was instructed by Cabjt to sail through, 
 whilst its shores are described by him in these 
 words : 
 
 ' Sec E. Rf.miuki.inski's lithographed facsimile of Sebastian Cabot's 
 planisphere, in Jomakd's Monuments dc la Gio^niphie, 
 
 
 'li 
 
 l4 
 
 ki 
 
•nt It. 
 that 
 
 544. 
 1549. 
 
 re is 
 rthcrn 
 r It his 
 
 S/-/}ylsrM^V CAIiOrs ALLFaIED 1NFI.UF.NCE. 383 
 
 " Aiiui ay iiioiistruos suiUL-iantes a homhrcs (iiic liciicn las ort.ias 
 tan urandi's i\\\v Ics cul)rc toilo cl cucrpo y mas ailclanli! ha/ia 
 oricMti' (li/i'ii (|iR' ay imos liomhrcs (iiu' no tifiicn ciiyontiira 
 niiv^iia (si(| lia/.ia las Ki)ililla>i \iic pro rodillas] ny i,ii los |)ics 
 cslaii (li'haxo del podLT di;l (Iran (!aii. V.w la |inniim,ia, dc Italor 
 lanua! ticiu' c^itvuK'nta dias du andadiira son liomhrt'S siliustris 
 haliitan en los nionlcs y llorustas : — Hen; an; iiionsliTs nsiiiililin^ 
 nun, whose cars arc so large as to cover the entire body, and, 
 further on, towanls the east, it is said that tiuri' are luimaii hein^^s 
 whose knees and feet are devoid of articulations. 'Ihe (Ireal 
 Khan niK's over tlu'ni. In the province of Halor, wliii h [covers a 
 space of] fifty days journey, are wild men who li\c in mountains 
 and forests.'" 
 
 This could hardly he a desirable market for 
 "sortiiiLT clothes and ll.mipshire k(;rsies." 
 
 And as rei^ards the j;ro\vth of iIk; I{ni;lish mariner, 
 the researches so ably carried on in the Navy 
 records'' will show that it really took shape; iindcir 
 Henry VII. and remained C(»m|)aratively stationary 
 between 1515 and 1565, with no particular incrcrase 
 in 1547-1548, when Sebastian Cabot removed to 
 iMioliuul, and still less to the end of his life. True 
 it is that Henry VIII. instiliiteil the Navy Board 
 (treasurer, surveyor, controller, &c.) in the form, 
 thouoh extended, in which it still exis s to-day. 
 Ikit this orj^anisation is of the year 1546, and at 
 that time Cabot was still living in Si)ain, and not 
 in correspondence with the Enjj^lish Government, 
 which accepted his services only in 1547. 
 
 'I 
 
 r 
 
 K 
 
 . I 
 
 >■){ 
 
 .':. 
 
 ' Ligcitil \\\, 
 
 By M. OiTENHEiM, Esqr. 
 
 ' f 
 
 ongi- 
 
 Cabot's 
 
 i 
 
 ^ k 
 
 I/). 
 
 % 
 
i 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 1 
 
 ) 
 
 I 
 
 
 k 
 
 LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT S LIFE. 
 
 CHARLES V. was still thinkin<,r of Sebastian 
 Cabot. He had waited until July nth, 1552, 
 before appointing Alonso de Chaves to replace him 
 in the Chair of Cosmography of the Casa de Con- 
 tratacion.^ Even the post of Pilot-Major had not 
 yet been entrusted to anyone else when on 
 September 9th, 1553, the Emperor wrote from 
 ]\Ions in Hainault, to Queen Alary, the following 
 letter in French : 
 
 " Most High, Most Excellent, and Most Powerful Princess, our 
 very dear and beloved kind sister and cousin. 
 
 As I desire to confer about certain matters relative to the 
 safety of the navigation of my kingdoms and dominions with 
 Captain Cabote, previously pilot of my Spanish realms, and who 
 with my assent and consent went to England several years ago, 
 I very affectionately ask of you to grant a leave to the said 
 Cabote and allow hnn to come near me, so that I may make to 
 him the aforesaid communication. And by so doing you will 
 give me great pleasure, as I have directed my ambassador to 
 your Court to state particularly to you. Meanwhile I pray the 
 Lord to have you in his holy keeping.'"^ 
 
 The expression " de nostre gr6 et consentement " 
 in that letter is only an euphemism ; for when in 
 November 1549, Charles V. demanded of Sir Thomas 
 Cheyney that Cabot should be sent back to Spain, 
 he did so in very haughty terms : " Cabote is my 
 
 "^ Discovery of North America, ^.T\o. text, and Turnhull, Calendar; 
 ^ CI. Hoi'rp:R, Notes and Queries, Foreii^n ; vol. i, No. 31, p. 10, for 
 vol. i, 1862, p. 125, for the original abstract in English. 
 
LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOTS LIFE. 365 
 
 — n| 
 
 servant, he has a pension of me," &c. Cabot again 
 demurred, this time alleging the state of his health. 
 We readily understand why he was not anxious to 
 return to Spain, after his disguised flight to England 
 in 1547. The following passages in the letter written 
 by Cabot to his former master on this occasion, 
 November 15th, 1554, are interesting : 
 
 " I was almost ready to set out for the purpose of kissing tlie hands 
 of Your Majesty, and give explanations relative to the affair coni- 
 munieated on my part through Francesco de Urista, when I was 
 seized with regular attacks of fever, and it depends on their severity, 
 whether I shall be able or not to undertake the journey, being 
 very weak, and feeling certain to die before reaching my destination. 
 That is the reason, and also because if my malady gets worse, on 
 account of my voyage, I apprehend I shall die." ^ 
 
 If we take into consideration that a trip to Brussels 
 was all that was asked of him, and that two years 
 afterwards he was seen to banquet and dance in 
 the hall of the inn at the sign of the Christopher, in 
 Gravesend, the terms of his letter will seem somewhat 
 exaggerated. 
 
 Then, to mitigate the effect of such a refusal, Cabot 
 makes the following characteristic statement : 
 
 " But before coming to such extremity, I want to disclose to 
 Your Majesty the secret which 1 possess." 
 
 That secret was that he had been frequently 
 interrogated by the Duke of Northumberland and 
 the Ambassador of France in England (Mont- 
 morency-Laval-Boisdauphin) about Peru, and that 
 the two nations had formed the project of sending a 
 fleet to the Spanish possessions on the Amazona, for 
 the purpose of driving the Spaniards out of the 
 country. 
 
 When Cabot wrote that letter, Northumberland 
 had been beheaded the year before, and Boisdauphin 
 
 * Colcccion de doctunentos itudilos para la Historia de Espaila, vol. iii, p. 512. 
 
 
 
 f ' 
 
 ' »l 
 
 1/ 
 
 'A 
 
 1 1 
 
 ( 
 
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 \l 
 
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 ' > ', 
 
 I 
 

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 f 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 366 Z./I5r YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT S LIFE. 
 
 recalled to France. But it was not a chapter of 
 retrospective history which the wily Venetian meant 
 to relate to Charles V. In his own mind, the danj^er 
 still existed for Spain, as can be seen from this 
 sentence : 
 
 " And as by the said river, in assailing easily the Spaniards 
 wholly un])repared, and scattered in the country, they may succeed 
 in their nefarious project, which would he a i^reat dis,;,n-ace to Your 
 Majesty, let Your jMajesty provide against it at once; for what I 
 am now writing is absolutely certain and true." * 
 
 Such a project can have been entertained only 
 w'hile Northumberland virtually governed England 
 
 (1550-1553)- 
 
 It was therefore a state secret, and one which 
 
 Cabot could not reveal to a foreign nation without 
 betraying the trust reposed in him by the English 
 government, in whose employ he then was, and 
 continued to be. Apologists may perhaps urge, in 
 extenuation of Cabot's conduct, that when he re- 
 vealed those facts to the Emperor, England and 
 Spain were not at war. Nay, the son of Charles V. 
 had lately married Mary Tudor, and France, under 
 the circumstances, may have intended to carry on 
 the enterprise alone. But when Northumberland 
 made the pact with Henry of Valois the two nations 
 were likewise at peace. To tell Charles V., there- 
 fore, that while he was relying upon the friendship 
 of England, she meditated driving him out of his 
 richest American provinces, was not such a dis- 
 closure as a man in the employ of the British 
 government had a right to make. 
 
 In the preceding chapter, we left Cabot at 
 Gravesend, supervising the departure of Stc^phen 
 Burrough's expedition in search of Willoughby's 
 vessels. It may not prove amiss to insert here the 
 description, often cited, of the festivities offered to 
 
 ' Ibidem, 
 
 '( ' 
 
 i) 
 

 on 
 and 
 tions 
 lere- 
 dship 
 his 
 dis- 
 tish 
 
 ; at 
 iphen 
 rhby's 
 re die 
 -ed to 
 
 LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOTS LIFE. 367 
 
 the Httlc squadron before saiHng to the North-East. 
 We give it in Burrough's own words : 
 
 "The 27 being Munday the right worshi )fiill Sebastian Caljota 
 came aboard our Pinnesse [the Search-thrift] at (Iraveseiid, accom- 
 panied by diners gentlemen, and Gentehvomeii wlio after they had 
 viewed our Pinnesse, and tasted of such cheere as we could make 
 them ab(jord, they went on shore, giuing to our mariners right 
 liberall rewards : and the goode olde gentleman Master Cabota 
 gaue to the poore most liberall almes, wisching them to pray for 
 the good fortune, and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift our 
 Pinnesse. And then at the sign of the Christopher, hee and his 
 friends banketted, and made me, and them that were in the 
 company great cheere ; and for very ioy that he had to see the 
 towardnes of our intended discouery, he entered into the dance 
 himselfe, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company : which 
 being ended, hee and his friends departed luost gently, com- 
 mending vs to the gouernance of almighty CJod." ' 
 
 We stippose that soon afterwards Cabot fell into 
 his dotage, and could therefore attend neither to the 
 management of the Muscovy Company, nor to the 
 duties which we presume were entrusted to him as 
 adviser in maritime affairs. On the 21st of February 
 1556-7, he no longer exercised the functions of 
 Governor. The office was then held, and we do not 
 know for how long previous, by Anthony Hussie," 
 who had been one of the grantees of the charter of 
 1555. This explains why Cabot did not figure in the 
 reception of the Russian ambassador at that date, 
 with " the merchants aduenturers for Russia to the 
 number of one hundred and fortie persons," " and, 
 April 29th following, when "the said merchants 
 
 ^ Hakluvt, vol. iii, p. 116. 
 
 -"A leUcr to Mr llussKY, Gou- 
 ernour of the Marchauntcs adven- 
 turers . . . for the payment of xxx"""' 
 in permission money." Dasent, op. 
 (it., vol. vi, sub anno, 1556-7, Feb. 
 2 1 St, p. 54. 
 
 ■' In preparation of the arrival of the 
 Duke [i.e.. Ambassador) of Moscovia, 
 the Privy Council sent " a leltere to th' 
 
 officers of the Wardrobe in the Tower, 
 to deliver to Mr HussEV, Goveriiour 
 of the Marchaunles adventurers, or to 
 three of that Company which he shall 
 send for that purpose, a beil of estate 
 with furniture and hanyiny;s for the 
 chamber of the Duke of Moscow." 
 Diary of Henry Machyn, edited by 
 J. G. Nichols, London, 1S48, pp. 
 127, and 355 note. 
 
 
 K 
 
 h 
 
 Ik 
 
 \i} 
 
 id 
 
368 LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT'S LIFE. 
 
 
 assemblinjr themsclues together in the house of the 
 Drapers hal of London, exhibited and gaue vnto y° 
 said Ambassador, a notable supper garnished with 
 musicke, enterludes and bankets."^ 
 
 Yet, the fact that Hussies name is not mentioned 
 first among the signers of the important letter of 
 instructions sent April 28th, 1557 by the Company 
 to Killingworth, Gray and Lane,"' may indicate that 
 he was only governor dc facto, owing to Cabot's 
 feebleness of mind or body. 
 
 If we are to believe modern biographers of Sebastian 
 Cabot, " Philip of Spain saw in him the man who had 
 left his father's service, had refused peremptorily to 
 return, and who was now imparting to others the 
 benefit of his vast experience and accumulated stores 
 of knowledge." ^ Also, that when Philip reached 
 London on the 20th of May 1557, one of his first 
 objects is said by those modern writers, to have 
 been, through spite or revenge, to induce Queen 
 Mary to bear upon Cabot, so as to compel him to 
 deprive himself of one-half of the annuity which she 
 had granted him on the 27th of November 1555. 
 We then find the following additional statement : 
 
 "May 27th {sic) 1557, Cabot resigned his pension. On the 
 29th a new grant is made, but in a form essentially different. It 
 is no longer to him exclusively, but jointly with William 
 Worthington ; 'eidem Sebastiano et dilecto servienti nostro 
 Willielmo Worthington.' On the face of this transaction Cabot is 
 cheated of one-half of the sum which had been granted to him for 
 life."' 
 
 There is not a particle of evidence that Philip had 
 any agency whatever in those proceedings ; nor was 
 Cabot " called upon " then, or at any time, to resign 
 his pension ; and, so far from being cheated in any 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 Hakluyt of 1886, vol. iii, p. 148. 
 
 2 Ibidem^ pp. 166- 1 76. 
 
 3 BiDDLE, op. cit., p. 214. 
 * Ibidem, p. 216. 
 
 w U 
 
 J' ! 
 1/ 
 
 
LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT'S LIFE. 369 
 
 ' <\ 
 
 had 
 was 
 |esign 
 any 
 
 manner, Cabot rather received a favour on that 
 occasion. 
 
 In the first place, one of the two documents cited 
 in support of that alleged machination, viz. : the act 
 of May 27th, 1557, does not exist at all.' The other, 
 which bears date May 29th, allows of no other 
 inference than this : Old age preventing Cabot from 
 discharging his duties efficiently, and not being dis- 
 posed to resign the position, an assistant was re- 
 quired. On the other hand, the pension had been 
 granted to him for the term of his natural life, 
 also on account of services done and to be done : 
 " impensi atque irnpendendi." The financial condi- 
 tion of England at the lime was not prosperous. 
 The Queen even, Hume says, " owed great arrears 
 to all her servants," '^ while the impending war with 
 France, which Philip had dragged her into, required 
 that retrenchments should be made in all branches 
 of the public service. Under the circumstances, 
 it is fair to believe that the Encrlish trovernment 
 demanded a sacrifice at the hands of Cabot, viz. : that 
 the salary of the assistant should come out of his 
 annuity. But as the sum offered to Worthington, the 
 appointed adjunct, probably was not deemed suffi- 
 cient,'^ the government held forth to him an additional 
 inducement. This consisted of a reversion of the 
 entire pension to Worthington upon Cabot's death, 
 and, in the meanwhile, of a joint-tenancy of the 
 annuity. This will appear perfectly clear by a simple 
 
 * That assumed act of " May 27th, 
 1557." cited by IJiDiii.E, Bancroft, 
 and the Dklioiiaiy of National Biog- 
 raphy, vol, viii, p. 170, is neither in 
 Rynfer, nor anywhere else. The only 
 act of the kind known, is the one of 
 "two days later," viz. : May 29th, 
 which the reader will find in our 
 Syllabus, No. Ixxxviii. 
 
 ^ IIUME, quoted by BiDDLE, p. 214, 
 note. 
 
 ^ It is only by inference that the 
 act of 1557 can be said to divide 
 eq-ially the pension of 1555 between 
 Cav.ot and Worthington. It does 
 not follow necessarily that because the 
 deed created a joint tenancy, Worth- 
 ington was to receive one-half, or 
 even any portion of the annuity during 
 Cabot's life. 
 
 2 A 
 
 w 
 
 
Ik 
 
 'ii 
 
 f< / 
 
 
 370 LAST YEARS OF SEBASTIAN CABOT'S LIFE. 
 
 reference to the deed, a translation into English of 
 which we insert in our Appendix.^ 
 
 An impartial study of that document shows that so 
 far from having suffered damage, Cabot, on the 
 contrary, received an advantage, as the reversion in 
 favor of Worthinjrton doubtless saved him the incon- 
 venience of paying the assistant's entire salary out of 
 his own pocket. It is a well-known principle of 
 English jurisprudence that a grant made by the King 
 shall be taken most beneficially for the King, and 
 against the grantee. The casuists of the Crown, — 
 and there were some under the Tudors, — might have 
 therefore maintained that the words " pro termino 
 vitae ejusdem Sebastiani," in the grant of the annuity 
 of 1555, were not, under the circumstances, tanta- 
 mount to the legal formula " for the term of his 
 natural life." They would have probably added that 
 the other expression in the same, " impensi et impos- 
 terum impendendi," caused the pension to cease on 
 Cabot's inability to perform the duties in considera- 
 tion of which it had been originally bestowed. He 
 made a concession, but so did the Crown, as it 
 assumed a prolongation of the charge of ^166 per 
 annum, which, as it proved, lasted twenty-five years 
 at least after the reversion ; for Worthington was 
 still living, and, so far as known, in the enjoyment 
 of the pension, as late as 1582. 
 
 Biddle, and the writers who have adopted his 
 theory about Philip's alleged enmity against Cabot, 
 reason as if the Spanish prince came over to England 
 only in 1557. But his first visit dates from 1554, 
 at a time when Cabot had been living in England 
 for seven years. Philip, after his marriage, re- 
 mained in London for thirteen months (July 1554- 
 August 1555). That was the time when he would 
 
 ^ Syllabus, No. xcv. For the Latin text, see Rymer, vol, vi, part iv, p. 55. 
 
 ,^i) 
 
^ ' iV 
 
 ted his 
 1 Cabot, 
 
 tnglan^l 
 
 1554. 
 England 
 
 '^% 
 V70ula 
 
 Irt iv, P- 55- 
 
 LAST YEARS OF SEPASTIAN CAROTS LIFE. 371 
 
 have vented his pretended spite, had he ever been 
 disposed to do so. On the contrary, what do we 
 see ? It was Philip himself, with Mary, who, in 
 February 1555, "made, ordeined, and constituted 
 Sebastian Cabot to be Governor of the March.int 
 Adventurers of England, to have and enjoy the said 
 office durincj his natural life, without amovinijf or 
 dismissing from the same."^ Nay, when Philip 
 returned to Spain, at the end of the summer of 1555, 
 he had so little availed himself of his inlkience over 
 Mary Tudor to exercise such a gratuitous malevolence, 
 that, less than three months after, she granted to 
 Cabot a new pension of 250 marks,''* and Philip's 
 name figures in the grant by the side of her own. 
 When the Spanish King came to England in 
 1557, it is certain that his mind was engrossed 
 with thoughts of a much more important character. 
 Besides, nothing fresh had transpired against Cabot 
 since 1555. Nor is it likely that if such a haughty 
 prince had been bent on revenge, for acts com- 
 mitted not against him, but against his father, he 
 would have remained satisfied with depriving the 
 deserter of half only of his pension. We may rest 
 assured that Philip had no more to do with that 
 transaction than with the act whereby the Muscovy 
 Companv. a few months before Mary's royal husband 
 arrived in England, superseded Cabot, although he 
 had been appointed Governor for life, by naming in 
 his place Anthony Hussie. 
 
 ' The charter of incorporation begins Annis Regnorum nostronim, primo et 
 
 with these words : " I'hilip and Marie, secundo." Hakluyt, edition of 1SS6, 
 
 by the Grace of God King and vol. iii, pp. loi, H2, 
 
 Queene," and ends as follows : ^ Ry.mkr, Fadeni, 1741, vol, vi, 
 
 " Apud Westmonasterium, 6 Die Feb. part iv, p. 55. 
 
 ;■ ft 
 
 '1 
 
 tl 
 

 
 .) ' 
 
 
 'i // 
 
 I \ 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE i;\D OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 THE act of May 29th, 1557, referred to in the 
 precedinj^ chapter, ends the list of documents 
 concerninc,'^ Sebastian Cabot known at present. We 
 possess no information therefore relative to his last 
 days, beyond the fact that he retired from public 
 life in the winter of 1 556-1 557, and the followin*,^ 
 personal reminiscence. It is furnished by Richard 
 Eden, in the dedication to Sir William Winter of a 
 translation into English of Jean Taisnier's JJe 7Jwiu 
 contiuuo. Speaking- of certain inventions of Jacques 
 Besson, Eden recalls this interesting circumstance : 
 
 " An Artifice not yet diuulgatc or set forth, whiche placed in the 
 ponipe of a Sliyp, whyther the water hath recourse, and mooued 
 by the motion of the Shyp, with wheeles and weyghtes, dooth 
 exactly shewe what space the Sliyp hath gone, <Is:c. ]3y whiche 
 description, some doo vnderstand that the longitude myght so he 
 founde, a tliyng doubtlesse greatly to be desyred, and hytherto not 
 certaynely kiiowen, althougli Sfbastiaii Cabot on his death bed told 
 me that he had the knowledge thereof by diuinc reuelation, yet so, 
 that he myght not teachc any man. But I thinke that the goode 
 olde man, in that extreme age, somewhat doted, and had not yet 
 eucn in the article of death, vtterly shaken of all worldlye vayne 
 glorie." 1 
 
 The above was not written till 1574, and we 
 possess no data calculated to fix the time when the 
 dying old cosmographer made this boastful statement. 
 London is doubtless the place where he died, as 
 
 ^ A voy ncccssaric Booke , ... by Joannes Taistiiertis .... translated 
 by Richard Eden. London, s. a. , 4to, in the Epistle dedicilory. 
 
■n 
 
 THE END OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 873 
 
 land we 
 Then the 
 iitement. 
 died, as 
 
 tranship 
 
 Eden lived in that city from 1544 in the employ of 
 the government ; * but the year of Cabot's death is 
 yet unknown. We are struck with the fact that 
 Ilunry Machyn, who in his Diary records so minutely 
 the deaths and funerals of merchant adventurers, 
 particularly the associates who occupied a [)rominent 
 position in the Company, from 1550 to 1563, should 
 have omitted to mention the obsequies of Cabot. 
 He describes -' in detail those of Sir John Gresham 
 (1556), Sir Andrew Judd(i558), "Sir Ge(jr^e Barnes 
 the cheyff marchand of Muskovea (i55i>)," and 
 " Husse [Anthony Hussie] a grett marchand 
 ventorer of Muskovea (1560)," all of whom figure as 
 grantees with Cabot in the charter of 1555. Under 
 these circumstances, the omission of his name by 
 Machyn indicates that notwithstanding a very 
 advanced age, Sebastian lingered after 1563, or died 
 in complete obscurity. With the hope of ascertaining 
 the date of that event, diligent researches have been 
 instituted in Worcester (where the early Bristol 
 registers are preserved), and, at our request, in 
 London, to discover his last will, but in vain, thus far. 
 As to the worldly goods which he left behind him, 
 all we know is comprised within the following short 
 notice, written so late as 1582, by Hakluyt.^ 
 
 " Shortly, God willing, shall come out in print all his [Sebastian 
 Cabot's] own mappes and discourses, drawne and written by him- 
 selfe, which are in the custodie of the worshipful Master William 
 Worthington, one of her Majesty's Pensioners [as survivor of 
 Cabot's annuity of 250 marks], who (because so worthie monu- 
 ments should not be buried in perpetual oblivion) is very willing 
 to suffer them to be oversene, and i)ublished in as good order as 
 may be, to the encouragement and benefite of our countrymen." 
 
 ' Kev'i. Edward Arber, The first Nichols; London, Camden Soc. 
 
 three English books on America, p. public, 1848, pp. I16, 173, 236. 
 
 xxxvii. •' IIakluvt, Divers voyages touch- 
 
 '•* Diary of Henry Machyn, citizen ing the Discourie of America ; Lon- 
 
 and merchant-taylor of London, from don, 1582 ; Edition of the Hakluyt 
 
 1550 to 1563; Edited by J. G, Society, p. 26. 
 
 
 'A' 
 
 ,. ^ 
 
S74 
 
 THE END OF C A HOTS CAREER. 
 
 i 
 
 The j)iil)lic;iti()n was never made, and no one 
 knows what became of those maps and writin^^s. 
 I)i(ldle has suL;;^^ested that Worthington handed over 
 the papers of Cabot to Philip II., when he was in 
 England in 1557. But, as Mr MarUham justly 
 observes, " this appears to be disproved by the fact 
 that they were still in Worihington's possession in 
 1582."' Let us add that although Philip lived until 
 1598, he never returned to England after July 1557 
 (Mary Tudor died in 1558); nor are there to be 
 foimd, either at Simancas or Seville, traces of papers 
 comlnir from such a source. 
 
 I 
 
 J, 
 
 HIS PORTRAIT. 
 
 In 1625, there could be seen in the King's Gallery 
 at Whitehall, a portrait of Sebastian Cabot, which 
 Purchas describes in these words : 
 
 " Sir Seb. Cabota ; his Picture in the Privie Gallerie at White- 
 Hall hath tlicse words, Effii^ks ScO. Cabot^ Aiigli, filii Joannis 
 Caboti Veneti militis aiirati^ cr'^.'"' 
 
 That portrait, however, must have been removed 
 from the palace before 1649, as Biddle says^ that it 
 does not figure in a " Catalogue of the paintings 
 belonging to Charles I. drawn up in his life time, and 
 apparently for his use, which exists among the 
 Harleian MSS. (No. 4718)." We must state that 
 neither is such a portrait mentioned in the original 
 manuscript of a similar catalogue which in 1757 was 
 preserved in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.* 
 
 1 Markham, The Journal of 
 Columbus ; Ilakluyt Society, 1893, p. 
 xli, note. 
 
 "^ Purchas, Pilgrimage, vol. iv, 
 p. 1812. 
 
 * Biddle, Memoir, p. 319, where 
 there is an elaborate discussion con- 
 cerning the Hari'ord picture, which 
 he had not yet purchased. 
 
 * A catalogue and description of 
 King Charles the First's capital collec- 
 tion . . . Now first piiblislied, Lon- 
 don, 1757. WoLTMANN gives the 
 list of the paintings by Holbkin in the 
 royal galeries in the time of CH/vRl.KS 
 II., taken from that catalogue, in 
 Holbein und seine zeit \ Leipzig, 1876, 
 8vo, vol. ii, pp. 51-52. 
 
 il 
 
 n 
 
;7 was 
 
 kV 
 
 viplion of 
 \ital coUcc- 
 •d. Lon- 
 Igives the 
 liiiNin the 
 
 llogue, in 
 
 1 
 
 THE END OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 375 
 
 In 1792, a Bristol j^^entlcman, Mr. Charles J. 
 Harford, whilst travcilin*; in Scotland, saw at the 
 scat of a ncjbleman a portrait of Cabot. The fact 
 that it bore an inscrii)tion commenciiii; like the one 
 reproduced by Purchas in a curtailed form, leads us 
 to believe that it was either the portrait itself which 
 hung at Whitehall in the times of James I. and 
 Charles I., or a cojjy. Mr. Harford purchasi;d the 
 picture, and allowed it to be engraved by Rawle, 
 apparently for Seyer's Motwirs of Bristol, published 
 in 182 1. It was brought to London in 1830, where, 
 Biddle says, '* Cabot's portrait was instantly recog- 
 nised by the most eminent artists as a Holbein."^ 
 
 The probability is that the rich robe and massive 
 gold chain which Cabot is represented as wearing in 
 that picture are the badges of his office as Governor 
 of the association of Merchant Adventurers, or, rather, 
 of the Muscovy Company, If so, the portrait was 
 painted at the soonest in 1553. Now Holbein made 
 his will on the 7th of October 1543, in London, and, 
 on the 29th of November following, one John of 
 Antwerp took out letters of administration.'^ So 
 that, even supposing that the Harford portrait was 
 painted when Cabot first came to London to settle, 
 in 1548, Holbein cannot have been the artist to 
 whom it is ascribed, as he had then been dead five 
 years.'' If it be answered that Holbein could have 
 executed it before 1548, we would state that Sebastian 
 Cabot and Holbein never were in England at the 
 same time. Holbein visited that country first in 
 1526, and remained until 1529. During those years, 
 Cabot was in America. Holbein returned to England 
 in 1532, and continued to live there until his death 
 
 ' BtDDLE, Op. cit,, p. 320, note. The great artist, therefore, died 
 
 * See in the Archirologia, vol. xxxix between Oct. 7th and Nov. 29th, 
 
 (1863), p. 27s, Hoi-HEiN's original 1543. 
 
 will, and the certificate of the Ordinary '^ WoLTMANN, op, cit., chapt. xiv, 
 
 relative tu the letters uf administration, p. 415, 
 
 (|V 
 
 t.,i 
 
 t' 
 
 
 I ll. 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 i 
 
 ^ 
 
1 1 .^*^'^ 
 
 h-\ ,1 
 
 ft 
 
 ) I 
 
 ,> * 
 
 
 'I . 
 
 'l 
 
 ^7 ^ 
 
 376 
 
 TNH: END OF C A POT'S CAREER. 
 
 in 1543.' Tliroughout thai period Cabot stayed in 
 Spain, as we. have shown. As to the other story, 
 that Ilolhcin painted the portrait l)y thi; ord(T of 
 luUvard VI., it is well to rec(;llect that wlu:n Holbein 
 died, Edward was only six years old. 
 
 iMnally, Biddle purchased the picture for ^1500, 
 and had it taken over to America, where it was 
 destroyed in the conflagration of his house and 
 contents, at Pittsburg, in 1S45.- 
 
 IlIS ALLKGKI) KNIOIITIIOOD. 
 
 In the Harford picture, according to Rawlc's 
 engraved coi)y, Cabot was represented as a very old 
 man, with a long, two-pointed white beard, and 
 presenting altogether an extremely commanding 
 api)earancc. 1 le was depictc;d measuring with com- 
 passes the northern regions in a large globe, next to 
 which were an hour glass and writing materials. 
 The picture also contained two inscriptions, viz. : the 
 first : si'ES. MEA. IN. DEO. EST : — " My hope is in 
 God." 
 
 The second, as follows : 
 
 EFFIGIES. SEnASTIANI CAIiOTI 
 
 ANCU.I FIMI lOHANIS CAUOTI VENE 
 
 TI MILITIS AVRATI I'RIMI INVET 
 
 ORIS TERR/E NOVA [stc] SVI! IIKRICO VII ANGL 
 
 I/E REGE. 
 
 "The portrait of Sebastian Cabot Englisliman the son of John 
 Cabot Venetian Golden Knight the first discoverer of Newfound- 
 land under Henry VII., King of England." 
 
 
 1 WOLTMANN, of>. cit., chapt. xiv, 
 
 p. 415- 
 
 - Copies of the IIarford portrait 
 were taken at the time when it was 
 brought to America. One is in the 
 gallery of the Mass. Historical Society ; 
 another in the New York Historical 
 Society. There was a portrait of 
 Sebastian Cabot in the possession of 
 
 the May<ir and Corporation of Bristol 
 in 1839 {NoUs and Queries, July I7lh, 
 1875). As to the one "painted in 
 '763, which now hangs in the ducal 
 palace at Venice," Mr Ciir.NF.Y dues 
 not say (A/i'sa//. of the riiilobil)lioii 
 Soc, vol. ii, 7th tr.act, j). 25) whether 
 or not it is a Harkoru copy, ur 
 what it looks like. 
 
 
 ;'» 
 
THE END OF C A POT'S CAREER, 
 
 877 
 
 In that inscription, two statements arc to be not(»cl. 
 The first is that Sebastian Cabot was an I'jijjjlish- 
 man. This, althoiiijjh evidently [)r()m|)te(l by himself, 
 and in l<ee|)inj^ with what lie told lulen, wi; liavc 
 shown to \)v untrutr.' 
 
 The second assertion is that either himself, or his 
 father, for the phraseoloij^y is vajyue, and the; epithet 
 may apply, in the sentence, to either, was a Knij^ht : 
 
 There can be no doubt that this expression was 
 intended to convey the belief that John, or his son 
 Sebastian, had be(;n knij^hted. Selden, the hij^hest 
 authority on such matters in I*!nL,dand, jiositively 
 says : " The name of Kuij^ht toL;t.'lher with Jl/iies 
 and Chivalcy beiiijj^ but the same with l\t]uvs!' '■' 'I'he 
 qualificative rt:;/;'rt///^, in the words : " niilitis aitra/i" 
 makes the term still stronger. Speiman, after 
 enumeratino' the different kinds of knii^dits, under the 
 head of Miles, adds : " lu videntur iidem ali([uando 
 quos auratos dicinuis : — And those very kniyhts we 
 are seen at times to call Golden Kiiijr/iis."'^ As to 
 the reason, Father Menestrier,' anoth(!r high 
 authority, says it was because of their j^ilt spurs, 
 chains, collars and other ornaments. lielow the 
 dij^nity of Knight, that, for instance, of Esquire, those 
 ornaments were of silver, or white metal. 
 
 Now Biddle states'' that "in the Cotton MSS. 
 {Chnidius, C. iii.) is a paper giving the names and 
 ai ms of such as have been advanced to the order of 
 Knighthood in the reigns of Henry VII., Henry 
 
 
 
 I r.ristol 
 
 |y I7'l'. 
 
 lilccl in 
 
 ducal 
 
 tY tlot'S 
 
 ll)i'i)Hon 
 vhclhcr 
 hpy, ot 
 
 ' Supm, lip. 27-35. 
 
 ^ Ski.dkn, Titles of IFoiwur ; Lon 
 (Ion, 1672, folio, part ii, chap, v, p, 
 636. 
 
 "• Spelman, Glossarium Archaiol- 
 osicuiii ; London, 1764, folio, p. 411. 
 
 * "La pluparl de ccs chevalL-ries i2mo, p. 62. 
 avoient dcs niar(|ues d'honneur, des ' BlUDLE, p. 180. 
 livrces, dcs devises, ct pa ticulicrcmcnt 
 
 dcsdorures . . , cequi Ics fit nommer 
 ChcTalicrs dorez, Ccs dorures cstoicnt 
 dcs ceinturcs, des chaincs d'or, des 
 colliers, des esjierons durez ..." 
 Mknespkikr, Dc la Chcvalerie 
 ivtrieiinc ct modenie; PARIS, 1683, 
 
 i I 
 
 m 
 
rm^rnF-T 
 
 
 »> ' 
 
 378 
 
 THE END OF CABOT'S CAREER. 
 
 » 
 
 f 
 
 ■ vJ 
 
 
 V 
 
 VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, in which 
 no notice is taken of him (Sebastian Cabot)." It is 
 well to add that neither is the name of John Cabot to 
 be found in that list, or in any other. 
 
 But England is not the only country in Europe 
 which created knights of the golden spurs, or 
 *' chevaliers dorez." Italy, France, and Germany, 
 conferred that title of honor ; and what Sebastian 
 Cabot meant was to make believe that either his 
 father, or himself, — most probably the latter, — had 
 been knighted, not by a Tudor, but by some foreign 
 prince. The term '' Miles^' often employed on the 
 continent, instead of " Eques," which was more 
 generally used in England,^ may be interpreted in 
 support of our hypothesis. If John Cabot was 
 intended, the dignity must have been conferred 
 before 1496, and in that case the title would be 
 mentioned in the letters patent granted by Henry 
 VII., as well as in the chronicles or dispatches of the 
 time which speak of John Cabot. If, on the other 
 hand, Sebastian is meant, let us recollect that the only 
 honorary distinction of the kind ever added to his 
 name in authentic documents, is, as late as 1555, and 
 1557,'^ that of "• Armiger^^ which means nothing but 
 " Esquire," ^ and, in Cabot's case, as we believe, 
 given not otherwise than by courtesy. 
 
 HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN. 
 
 When, on the 20th of October 15 12, King Ferdi- 
 nand of Aragon wrote to Luis Carroz de Villagarut,* 
 
 ^ Binni-E remarks, for instance, 
 that " E<jui'sauratus" is used by Hak- 
 I.UYT to ilcsiijnale Sir Humphrey Gil,- 
 IJERT, Sir Ilugh WiLLOUGHUY, Sir 
 Martin FkOBi.snER, Sir Francis 
 Drake, and Sir \Valter Raleigh. 
 I)Ut Tytler, in his excellent vindica- 
 tion of Haki.uyt, refersto Hoi,lani>'s 
 Heroologia Aiigliu:, where, under the 
 
 portraits of those worthies, we read : 
 " Humfridus Gii.r.ERTUS J/Z/t-j- atna- 
 tits -f^' " Richardus Grenvii.us, Mif. 
 Aur.;" " Franciscus Drake, A/i/ds 
 aura/ lis." 
 
 ^ Rymer, Fadera, vol. vi, put iv, 
 pp. 40, 55. 
 
 3 Si'Elman, voc. Armigcr, p. 42. 
 
 * Suj>ra, p. 153. 
 
 11 f 
 
 A i\ i 
 
i 
 
 THE END OF CABOT'S CAREER. 
 
 379 
 
 the 
 
 only 
 
 his 
 
 and 
 
 but 
 
 lieve, 
 
 l^art iv, 
 p. 42' 
 
 the Spanish ambassador in London, recommending 
 Cabot, who was going to England for the purpose of 
 removing his household to Seville, the latter was al- 
 ready married. But as the name of his wife is not 
 given in the letter of commendation, we do not know 
 whether or not it was Catalina Medrano, who, as his 
 wife, is found mentioned for the first time by name 
 thirteen years afterwards. 
 
 On the 25th of October 1525, when Cabot was at 
 Seville supervising the preparations of the expedition 
 to " las islas de Tarsis e Ofir e al Catayo oriental," 
 which, however, went instead to La Plata, as we 
 have related, he transferred to the said Catalina 
 the 25,000 maravedis constituting his yearly addi- 
 tional gratification (" ayuda de costa "). Being en- 
 titled to that bounty during life, he asked, and 
 obtained from Charles V. that it should revert to her, 
 likewise as a life annuity, upon his death. ^ 
 
 The name of Medrano is Spanish, and there is 
 nothing to prevent Cabot having married first in 
 England an English, or Italian woman, become a 
 widower after 151 2, and take a new wife in Spain ; 
 inasmuch as in 1525 he was but fifty-two years old. 
 
 We see Catalina Medrano frequently referred to in 
 one of the suits brous:ht arainst him when he re- 
 turned from La Plata, in 1530. Catalina Vazquez 
 then declared that he was ruled by his wife's notions, 
 and only acted as she wished.^ Witnesses were pro- 
 duced on the trial to prove that she constantly busied 
 herself with the affairs of her husband, who passively 
 submitted. Catalina Vazquez went even so far as to 
 
 ' Jean et St'hastkn Cahot, dec. xxxii, 
 B, p. 355- It iH by mistake that Nav- 
 ARRETE, Bibliot. Maiitima, vol. ii, p. 
 69S, .says " se senalaion a su muger 
 lo.s 50,000 mr.s. que el tenia por 
 gralificacion." 
 
 - " Este testigo vio algunas veces en 
 San Lucar de Barrameda que la dicha 
 
 Catalina de Medrano no hazia e dezia 
 ante dicho Sebastian Cauoto todo lo 
 que queria e por bien tenia sin (juel 
 dicho .Sebastian Cadoto le fuese a la 
 niano y ella mandava y hazia lo que 
 queria libremente." Deposition of the 
 sailor Andres Daycaga, Syllabus, No. 
 lii. g. 
 
 m 
 
 ■ 'i 
 
 I 
 
 •ml'- 
 
 i 
 
 )l 
 
; 
 
 -yT7- 
 
 /, 
 
 I 
 
 r 
 
 r\ 
 
 i 
 
 HI ' ( 
 
 i -■ t 
 
 i '1 
 
 380 
 
 THE END OF CABOT'S CAREER. 
 
 accuse his wife, equally with himself, of enmity 
 against Martin and Fernand Mendez, and of having 
 employed men to kill the eldest of the two brothers/ 
 The charges are evidently exaggerated, but the 
 depositions show that Cabot's wife was a high 
 tempered, domineering woman. She was still living 
 on the 24th of June 1533, at which date Cabot 
 speaks of her as being ill.' After that time she 
 disappears entirely from the documents, both Spanish 
 and English. 
 
 When yet living in England the first time, Cabot 
 had a daughter called Elizabeth, who received from 
 her godfather, the chaplain William Mychell, of Lon- 
 don, May 7th, 15 16, a small legacy.^ 
 
 A daughter, whose Christian name has not come 
 down to us, died at Seville in the summer of 1533 ;* 
 but we are unable to say whether they are identical. 
 
 In the Register Books of St. Bartholomew by the 
 Royal Exchange, in London, there is a mention, 
 siib anno 1560, of one Elizabeth Cabot, married to 
 Robert Saddler.'^ She may have been the Elizabeth 
 named in Mychell's will ; but we have failed to find 
 any evidence to substantiate the supposition among 
 the numerous Gabottis and Gabots mentioned in 
 those records. 
 
 HIS BROTHERS. 
 
 As to the two brothers of Cabot, viz. : Sanctus and 
 Lewis, who figure in the petition and grant of 1496, 
 no traces are found of either of them outside those 
 two documents. The passage of Pasqualigo's letter* 
 
 ' Interrogatories by the Fiscal ; 
 Sylhihiis, No. Hi. 
 
 "^ " No he podido antes por la muerte 
 (le mi hija y dolencia de mi muger i 
 mia." Letter to Juan de Samano. 
 S}'//ahus, No. lii. 
 
 ^ " Lego Elizabeth filie Sebastiani 
 Caboto tiliole mee iiis. iiij<i." Prin- 
 
 cipal Registry of the Probate, Divorce 
 and Admiralty Division of the High 
 Court of Justice ; London, Public Re- 
 cord Office. 
 
 ■• Letter to Samano, uhi supra. 
 
 "Travers Twiss, in Nautical Maga- 
 zine, for July 1876, p. 675. 
 
 '''Jean et Si!b. Cabot, doc. viii, p. 322. 
 
 •<' •If. 
 
!T "i* >' 
 
 THE END OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 381 
 
 in 
 
 etter' 
 
 already quoted, indicates that in 1497 they lived with 
 their mother at Bristol. 
 
 Campbell, on the authority of what he designates 
 simply as "Remarks on Hakluyt MS.," states* that 
 " John Cabot's other sons [_i.e. Sanctus and Lewis], 
 became also eminent men, and settled abroad, one in 
 Genoa, the other at Venice." We place no faith 
 whatever in anonymous and unsupported assertions 
 of that character. Meanwhile, it is well to say that 
 no vestiges of these two " eminent men " have ever 
 been discovered in Genoa or Venice. Further, 
 neither the son who is alleged to have settled in 
 Venice, nor any member of his family, could be found 
 in that city in 1551 ; otherwise the Council of Ten 
 would not have written then to Giacomo Soranzo, the 
 ambassador of the Republic in England : " The said 
 Cabot is known to no one here : — non essendo il 
 detto Caboto conoscinto da alcuno aqui." '^ 
 
 HIS ALLEGED DESCENDANTS. 
 
 A deplorable mania, which in this Vanity Fair 
 tends everywhere more and more to poison the 
 sources of history, is that of claiming kinship to, 
 or even lineal descent from, ancient homonymous 
 celebrities. Usually this is entirely imaginary, 
 or rests upon forged pedigrees, such as we see 
 fabricated every day in heraldic laboratories. Occa- 
 sionally, it is a mere legend, which the ambitious 
 namesakes call " tradition," without being able, how- 
 ever, to trace it back beyond a few years, although 
 the alleged progenitor frequently dates from the 
 Crusades. 
 
 We have endeavoured, on several occasions, to sift 
 claims of the sort, hoping that if perchance they 
 rested upon something plausible, we might find docu- 
 
 i, p. 322. 
 
 'Campuei.l, op. cit., vol. i, p. 226, 
 note. 
 
 ^ Dispatch of the Council of Ten to 
 SoRANZO, Syllabus, No. Ixxvii. 
 
 r'irif ■ 
 
 \\- 
 
 ' 1 » 
 
 If 
 
 i ': 
 
 ;■ I 
 
 I 
 
 ;, 
 

 7^ 
 
 '■'■I 
 '.1 
 
 ',» 1 
 
 ' f 
 
 V ,' 
 
 382 
 
 THE END OF CABOT'S CAREER. 
 
 mcntary references calculated to be of service in our 
 inquiries. No satisfactory results ever came out of 
 these efforts. As regards Cabotian ancestries, two 
 have been urged within the last few years with 
 unwonted confidence. They are as worthless as the 
 rest. But as the claimants base their pretensions 
 upon authentic documents, we feel in duty bound to 
 examine these alleged proofs. 
 
 Both claims have originated in France ; one in 
 Normandy, the other in Languedoc. 
 
 The first is based upon a genuine legal parchment, 
 which we describe de visu} It is a receipt, dated June 
 22nd, 1470, and signed, somewhere in Normandy 
 (the name of the place is partly illegible), by one 
 Jehan Cabot, unquestionably a Frenchman, for a rent 
 charyfe of ranted out of an estate called de la Londe, 
 situate in the isle of Rouen. It will suffice to remind 
 our readers that in 1470, the real John Cabot had 
 been residing at Venice for nine consecutive years, 
 since in 1476 he was made a Venetian citizen "per 
 habitationem annorum xv, juxta consuetum." Nor 
 can we realise how, in the last quarter of the xv*'' 
 century, the Republic of Venice would have granted 
 letters of naturalization to a Frenchman born. 
 
 The other claimants are the Cabots de la Fare, in 
 the south of France, who, so recently as 1829, set 
 forth their genealogical pretensions before the Courts, 
 as follows : 
 
 " The progenitor of our race is Jean Cabot, the celebrated navi- 
 gator, of Venetian origin, who, in the xv"' century, discovered the 
 Newfoundland Bank. If those of our ancestors who settled in 
 France, have been excluded from the favors of the Court, it is 
 because they ranged themselves under the standard of the Refor- 
 mation. Among them was Pierre Cabot, surnamed ' Capitaine,' 
 who, when asked to join the enemies of his faith, replied by these 
 words, which have become the motto and armorial bearing of our 
 
 1 That document was said to come from the papers of d' IIozier in iS88. 
 
 ■■ I >•'. 
 
ki 
 
 THE END OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 383 
 
 ,th 
 
 navi- 
 
 L>d the 
 
 led in 
 
 it is 
 
 iRtfor- 
 
 Itaine,' 
 
 these 
 
 a our 
 
 |SS8. 
 
 family : Sewper cor, caput Cabot (' I shall always have the same 
 heart, the same head, Cabot I am ')." ^ 
 
 As to their Gibotian lineage, they strove to 
 establish it in this wise : 
 
 " 1°. Jean Cahot, a Venetian nobleman (naturally !). 
 
 His sons were : — 
 
 Jean II., who returned to Venice, and died there. 
 
 Louis, mentioned below. 
 
 Sehastian, who remained in the service of Henry VII., King of 
 England. Afterwards he joined his brother Louis in France, where 
 he died without leaving any known posterity. It is believed, however, 
 that Vincent Cabot, a celebrated jurist of the xvi"' century, is an 
 issue of the Ijody of that Sebastian. 
 
 {^t^e Diction /laire historique de Aforeri, 1759, vol. iii, p. 6.) 
 
 2°. Louis Cai'.ot, first of the name, son of Jean, above described. 
 He entered the service of France. Having been among the first 
 to embrace the Protestant religion, he was obliged to withdraw into 
 the Cevennes, where he inhabited the town of Saint Paul-la-Coste. 
 
 His son was Pierre, mentioned next. 
 
 3°. Pierre Caisot, son of Louis. Like his father, he lived in 
 Saint Paul-la-Coste, where he died, after having made his will on 
 the 27th of December 1552 before Guillaume Petit, a notary of 
 Alais. It is in the said testament that the descent from Jean Cabot, 
 the celebrated Venetian navigator, is duly established." 
 
 As the reader can readily imagine, our first care 
 was to institute thorough researches in the notarial 
 archives of Alais, and also of Uzes, to which district 
 Saint Pol-la-Coste formerly belonged. Nor have we 
 neglected those of Nimes, and other places in old 
 Languedoc, where there was a possibility of dis- 
 coverinir traces of the Cabots de la Fare, 
 
 The result of our laborious investigations is that 
 not only does the aforesaid testament of Pierre CaboL 
 not exist at all, but there is no evidence whatever, 
 beyond the unsupported declaration of the claimants, 
 that such a document ever existed. What is more, 
 
 ' Cotir Royale de Nismes. Plaidoyer Fare- Alais et de la Fare- Vi'nejean. 
 pour Messieurs Cabot de la Fare, confre Nismes, Jmprimeiirs de la Cour Royale. 
 le Cardinal de la Fare ct MM. de la Jnillet 1829, 410, p. 31. 
 
 II 
 
 1''' 
 
 ■ /' '■ 
 , -If, 
 
 I 
 
 i 1' 
 
 \ (1 
 
 A 
 
ly ,-<df ■■■' ^ 
 
 384 
 
 THE END OF CABOT S CAREER. 
 
 no notary of the name of Pierre Petit lived at Alais 
 in 1552, or at any time, anywhere in France. The 
 ancient and authentic notarial rolls of Lanj^ucdoc 
 mention only one notary called Petit who practised in 
 Alais, but his Christian name was Jacques, and he 
 filled the office from 1586 to 1588. Nor, so far as 
 known, did he attest, witness, or receive a testament 
 executed by a Cabot. 
 
 The oldest Franco-Cabotian will existing, or of 
 which there are authentic traces, bears date December 
 2nd, 15S6, and was executed by " Loys Cabot de 
 Carresvielles," in the parish of Saint Paul-la-Coste, 
 not in presence of a Petit, but of Guillaume Solayret, 
 notary public. 
 
 We have read, with the utmost care, from begin- 
 ning to end, that will, the only one executed by any 
 of these French Cabots in the xvi'" century. So far 
 from establishing "la descendance de Jean Cabot, 
 celebre navigateur venitien," it does not contain the 
 least allusion to any one of the Cabots whose name 
 is associated with the discovery of North America. 
 Ab uno disce omnes. 
 
 '. \ 
 
 V ' 
 
 LVtik 
 
HI itJtJuw^r^gmmiK 
 
 SYLLABUS 
 
 OF Tllli 
 
 ORIGINAL CONTEMPORARY 
 DOCUMENTS 
 
 VViilCH REFER TO THE CABOTS, TO THEIR 
 LIVES, AND TO THEH^ VOYAGES 
 
 1476-1557 
 
 V- 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 •' 
 
 2 M 
 
 I- 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
 \ 
 
 ;' 
 
 I 
 
: I'i^ 
 
 ! (U 
 
" L. l-P 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 I. 
 
 28th March. 
 
 ORDrCR TO RKCORD LFTTrroy r.,^ \r 
 
 "gWcrs called TJw,,, for'll,"','", '°',' "'^ ""■" ^''^-'^ "f senatorial 
 Kawdon ]Jrown's ranslarion ?r-/ i"^'?' ■ 
 
 ri. 
 
 1476. 
 
 2<StIi March. 
 U:ttkrs ok Naturalization cRANTr^n m, 
 __ Vknick to John Cahoto. ' ™" ^'^''^'^"^ o^' 
 
 -r^'JaT'Z TSmis 'Lff.^S "[,,^'-'' ^^ "^ ^^'="-<^. ^^c. To all .n.l 
 1-e.U pHvilege. ,.ee.in, aS/Z^.r^^!, -;^ Ke^^j, -"" ^^"' ^ ^^l;! 
 
 ^""''^"''■■'*"'W«i Paris, iSSs.Svo;^ wirL. ''°™'"™'s ^'i'^l in the prese.U 
 
 I* 
 
 */ 
 
 !/' 
 
 fi^' 
 
 
 f r^ 
 
 If. I 
 
388 
 
 SYLLAIWS. 
 
 Ill, .176. 
 
 I 
 
 \- , I 
 
 . Kv 
 
 \ \ 
 
 
 We want to make known to ynu liy ilu' prcscni act that anvm^ llir iliin(^s 
 which Wf ki,'c|) ill ininil, is to allcnd willi |MrlicuIiir care lo Ihc iiilcrcst of our 
 siiliji'cts and fliiililul (Viciids, and secure in due lime what may lie useful to 
 them, as a matter aiipertainini; to the honor of our I'ACelleiicy lourself), and 
 [also liecause] the unreserved atlachmenl of our friends is so nuicli the more 
 Usefully lirout^lU into use, an<l lirnily consolidated, as our frieiuldiii) and devo- 
 tion are constant. 
 
 [Now] wishing,' lo award merit accordinj; to its deserts, we have decided to 
 decree [as follows] ; — 
 
 Whosoever has iidiahiled \'enice for xv years or more, and during; (hat 
 lime luH'dled the duties, and Nupported the cliarijes of our .Seij^niory as if he 
 had heen a citizen and [one of our own] Venetians, shall enjoy |ieri)etually ami 
 everywhere, the privilei;e of Venetian cilizen>hiii, and other liheriies and 
 innminities enjoyed and used by the other Wnetians [who are] countrymen of 
 ours. 
 
 Now therefore, as ref^anls the prudein man Aloysio i'lmlana, formerly of 
 I'ergaino, now residint; at X'enice, in the stieei of St Julian. It having; been 
 represented to us upon true and reliable proofs dilii^ently examined by the 
 magistrates of our city, that he lias inhabited N'eiiice continuously during xv 
 years, behaving towards us and our Duchy, faithfidly :ind praiseworthily, with 
 absolute devotion. Idling constantly the duties, and supporting the charge; of 
 our Seigniory, [wishing] to reward him duly, in respecting nevertheless the 
 necessary solemnity of our statutes and orilinances, We have admitted and 
 do admit the said Aloysio Fontaiia as Venetian and fellow cili/eii, uiihin and 
 without \iic intiis el c\/ra\ Have so made and do make him, and wish that 
 he be considered a Venetian and fellow citizen in Venice and elsewhere, and 
 treated everywhere as such. So that all and singular the liberties, advantages, 
 and immunities enjoyed by the other X'enetians and our fellow citizens </c iii/tis 
 (7 (M /;•(?, shall be enjoyed by the said Aloysio in and out of Venice. It being 
 understood [nevertheless] thai at sea, and in the tjerman Warihouse [foii/iio 
 llitotoniconiiii\ he will not be allowed to trade, or cause lo trade, before having 
 first given security within the year to our Seigniory. 
 
 In witness whereof, and as greater evidence of the same, we have caused the 
 present privilege to be engrossed, and our leaden iiull allixed thereto. 
 
 Given in our Ducal palace, the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1472, the 
 mil day of August, Tndiclion \'. 
 
 The like privilege has been granted to the ])ru(lent man Giovanni, the son of 
 GiacoiTio, former inhabitant of I'esaro, now in Wnice, in the lime of the most 
 Serene I'rince and Lord, Nicolao ^larcello, illustrious Doge of Venice, iS;c., 
 under the leaden Iiull, in I473, October 23i<l, Iiuliction VII. 
 
 The like privilege has been granted 10 tlie jirudent man Martino Figini, 
 former inhabitant of Milan, resiiliiig in Venice at the time of the most Serene 
 I'rince and Lord, Nicolao Marcello, in 1474, July 4th, Indiction \TI. 
 
 The like privilege has been granted to the iirudenl man Antonio, the son nf 
 Gulielmo Calderario de Colunibis, former inhabitant of iialabio, in the District 
 of Milan, residing in Venice at the time of the most Serene I'rince and Lord 
 I'ietro Mocenigo, under the leaden Iiull, in 1475, May 5th, Indiction VTL 
 
 The like privilege has been granted to the prudent man, Giovanni, the son 
 of liartolomeo of Brescia, residing in Wnice at the time of the most Serene 
 I'rince and Lord Nicolao Marcello, in 1474, May 171I1, Indiction VII. 
 
 The like iirivilege has been granted to the honest and prudent man Giovanni 
 Piedro de Turco, formerly of Novarra, residing in Venice in the time of the 
 most Serene I'rince and Lord Giovanni Mocenigo, August 22n(l, 1480. 
 
 The like jirivilege has been granted to Jiarlolomeo, the son of Antonio 
 Cnsarolo, August iSlli, 1481. 
 
 The like privilege has been granted to Bernardo, the son of IJartolomco of 
 Pergamo, September 28tli, 1484. 
 
 'i( t ^ 
 
 
' u 
 
 176. 
 
 i)ur 
 .\1 l'> 
 , ami 
 nxiic 
 tlcvo- 
 
 ua 10 
 
 ' if lie 
 ly anil 
 js anil 
 men of 
 
 \i.Tly of 
 11; liccn 
 
 by the 
 itint; XV 
 ily, with 
 i\x]^i:^ of 
 l;1i;ss the 
 licil and 
 iihin and 
 wish thai 
 hcic, and 
 ivaniat;i-'^> 
 ,s (k iiitiis 
 
 It I'cinn 
 ic ifonlio 
 ore "having 
 
 d the 
 
 III, ii.Al 
 
 SYLLA/iUS. 
 
 389 
 
 cause 
 
 ji 1472. ^''^ 
 
 the son of 
 [if the most 
 •nice, ^c.) 
 
 lino Figin'i 
 liiisl Serene 
 
 I Uie son ol 
 ]lhe Distficl 
 L and Loid 
 In VII. 
 ini, the son 
 IaosI Serene 
 
 11. 
 
 Lu Giovanm 
 llime of the 
 ISo. 
 of Antonio 
 
 liviolomco of 
 
 The like privilege has been (,'ranleil lo Zacliaria do P.iiiii, of Lodi, Seiiieitiliu 
 2iSih, 14S4. 
 
 The like jiiivilcije has been yranled lo IJenedelin Lanccloui Forluna, 
 Si.|ilenihir 2.S1I1, I4S4, 
 
 TliL- ilki' prisilci;!.- has lucn ^,'ianlijd to llic brollicrs (jiuvanni, SeUisliano, 
 and Slijih.mo, Scpiuniber 281I1, 14S4. 
 
 Thii hkc i)riviligi' lias been ^'laiilcd lo Uafaelc, llie son nf the late Antonio dc 
 Ardicoiiilius, February 121I1, 1481. 
 
 'I'lie like |)rivilij;e has been ).;ianted lo M. Siefann, the mjii uf Nicohis 
 Aiirilici, liy a golden [wV] Hull ol I'cliniary 2()lli, I4.S4. 
 
 The like |irivili;;e ha-, heen t^ranled lo Gior'ainii Cai'iolo under ihc aforesaid 
 I)o^'e[noi Giovanni Moceuij;o, but Andrea N'endrainin, 1476-147S]. 
 
 'I'lie like privilef^e has heen granted lo Domenico Giovanni de la Cisio, 
 January iStli, l4fjS, 
 
 The hke privilege has been grantcil to (iiaeonio de IJlandralis, July 27th, 
 1500. 
 
 The like privilege has been granted lo (jiovaiini (iiaeonio Griniasco, of 
 I'avia, AuKusl I7lh, 1501," 
 
 Document now first translated into English. 
 
 'I'hc first part of this dorunicnt was published in the original 
 Latin, l>y lii'i.i.o, /.a Vera /\ttriii di Nioilo dc Co/i/i c di Gio^'aiini 
 Ciii>(>/(), ("hioogia, iSSo, 410, [ip. 59-60. 
 
 The full original text will he found inserted for the first lime, in 
 owr /caiii'f Si'/iasticii Ca/'nt, doc. 11, pp. 309-312. 
 
 The present document confirms the preceding one (No. i), 
 altliough it is a transcription of a later date. It belongs to the 
 series />/<•'//< ;;7/, in vol. u (f". 53), which comprises privileges 
 of various kinds granted from 1425 until 1562. Tlie naturalization 
 nomenclature in that volume has evidently been framed so as to 
 form a list referring exclusively to grants made by virtue of the 
 decree which the Doge Nicolao Trono issued August iith, 1472. 
 We have inserted it in full on account of tlie wording of the |)re- 
 amble, which makes known to us under what conditions John 
 Cabot was made a Venetian citizen. 
 
 III. 
 
 1496. 
 
 5th March. 
 
 I'larnoN of John Cahottk, LiiWf.s, Sebastian and Sancto 
 
 HIS SONS, UKblVKKKD TO TIIK ClIANCKI.bOR AT ^V■EST- 
 MINSTKR TO IJE ACTED Ul'ON, 5TH MaRCII. 
 (I'ublic Record Olilce ; London. I'rlvy Seals, and Chancery signed Jiill. 
 lien. VII., No. 51.) 
 
 In English : 
 
 Desimoni, Iiiioriw a Giovanni Caboto, Genova, iSSr, Svo, p. 47. 
 Jean ct Si'basticn Cabot, doc. iii, pp. 312-313. 
 The Petition itself is dateless, only the date of delivery being 
 given, whirli date coincides with that of the grant. 
 
 ij 
 
 (■' 
 
 1! 
 
 \y 
 
 WL 
 
 A 
 
 t 
 
 fl 
 
 ;, 
 
I 
 
 ' ' .* 
 
 900 
 
 SYLLAliUa. 
 
 I IV, 1496. 
 
 
 i\ 
 
 IV. 
 
 5lh March. 
 
 'I'lIK I.KTTKUS I'ATI'.NTKS (t| KiNr. IIkNUV THK SkUKNTII 
 (lUANTKK VNK) loilN (wMiOl [('Aliur(i| ANM MIS IIIKKK 
 SONNKS, I.KWIS, SkIIASTIAN, AND SANCIUS H)I< THE DIS- 
 fOl'h.UlK ()K NI'AV AND VNKNOWl.N LANDS. "AI'UD Wl-ST- 
 M(tNASIM<l\ \l (JUINK) DIK MaKIIJ." 
 
 (I'liMic Rccoril OHicc. French Knll. 11 Ikn. VII., 111. 2j.) 
 In Latin : 
 
 UaKI.UVI', /M vr.V 7V)1'rr(,'(i, LoDclnll, I 5S2, .jto, p. I ij. 
 
 ,, /'n'ini/<iU/ Niwii^atioiis, IvOiidon, 1600, fulio, vol. iii, 
 
 p. 4. 
 
 RvMKK, Juvticrii, 1741, vol. \, |);irl iv, j). 89. 
 /ciiii ct Si'/nistiin Cabot ^ doc. iv, |)p. 313-315. 
 
 In English : 
 
 Haki-uvt, Divers voyat^es, pp. 21-22. 
 „ Priihipall Navi;.:,i.ilit>ns, he. eit. 
 
 TIk'sc letters patent arc dated in llakliiyt and Rymcr "(piinto 
 die Martii," hut in tlic original transcript added to the authorization 
 given !)>• King lulward VI. on the 4th of June 1550 (ifi/ni, No. l.w) 
 to Sel). Cabot to obtain a copy, they hear tiie date of "(juinto die 
 A|)riHs: — April slh." We caused the I'uhlic Records to he examined, 
 and found that the latter date was a mistake committed hy the 
 clerk in the time of Edward VI. As to the year mentioned in the 
 transcri[)t of 1550, it is, at the end : "Anno regni nostri (Henry 
 Vllth] vndecimo." 'l"he eleventh year of the reign of that King 
 corresponds with August 22iid, 1495-August 21st, 1496. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that the pension granted to John ("ahot, 
 on the 13th of December 1497 {infra. No. i.\) for the discovery 
 accomplished under this patent is made to date only from March 
 25th preceding. 
 
 V. 
 
 1496. 
 
 28th March. 
 
 Dispatch from Ruv Gonzai.ics dk Puedi.a, tiik Spanish 
 Amisassauok in England, to Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 
 (Simiincas. Capitulacioncs con Inglatcrra, Lcfj. 2, fo. 16.) 
 In the original Spanish : 
 Jean el Sedasiicn Cabot, doc. v, p. 315. 
 In English : 
 Bkroknroti^. Calendar, vol. i, No. 128, pp. SS-89. 
 
V, H«/>- 
 
 VIII, iw I 
 
 svllahus. 
 
 391 
 
 *^ K 
 
 AIKNTII 
 
 IIIKI'.K 
 
 II., DIS- 
 
 ,, Vl)l. Ill, 
 
 r " (juinto 
 horization 
 r, No. Inn) 
 liiinli) die 
 cxainiiK'd, 
 
 d by I'l*-' 
 iicd in tin; 
 IKiiry 
 
 ihal Kint; 
 
 111 (^al>ol, 
 
 discovery 
 
 )ni March 
 
 Spanish 
 Isabella. 
 
 6.) 
 
 VI. 
 
 1497. 
 loth August- 
 
 (lUATUnv lUoM lIl.Nia' Vll, "10 IIYM thai lUUNItK IIIK NI'.W 
 Isl.K." 
 
 (Ilrili-.li Mii'-iiiiii. Aiiilii. MSS., 7099. 12 Ikiuie VII., fo. 41 ;— ropy l>y Mr. 
 CruvcM Oriif lidiii llic uriniiiiil Liitrios in llic Kcint'ii>br;incL'r Ollitc, of tin. 
 I'risy riirsi; expenses of thai Kinj;.) 
 
 N. I larris Nicolas, Exittptu /fislorliti, or /l/usttalions of En;-;lish 
 J/is/(>n'\ Ivuiulon, iS;5i, Svo, p. 113. 
 
 lliuuLK, Miinoir, I'liiladulphia, 1831, p. 71;, note, which sec. 
 
 VII. 
 
 1497. 
 
 231x1 Auj^ust. 
 
 l,i'.iri'.Ks lutiM LoKKNzn Pasqualic.o, \vunri;N in LoNtioN, 
 
 AND AI)I)UKSSKI> TO HIS liUOTIlKUS IN VkNICK, DKSCKllMNd 
 
 John Cahot's itust voyaok. 
 (Marin Sanulo's Diaii\ MS. of ihc Marciana Library al Venice.) 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 Rawdon Hkown, /\(ix',i;/ni/i siilla vita c mile operc <li Marin 
 Saiiuto ; Vcnczia, 1837, Svo, [)art i, p. yg. 
 
 Marin Sanuio, Diarij, Vcnczia, iiS7(;, Svo, vol. i, pp. S06-S0S. 
 
 Jean c( Si/>asthn Ca/'of, doc. viii, p. 322 (from the orit;inal MS.). 
 
 In iMi^lish ; 
 
 Rawdon Mkown, Calendar, vol. i, p. 262, No. 752. 
 
 In the ori;4i;ial MS. of Sanuto's DiariJ, to I'as(|iialigo's name is 
 added : " fio di Ser I'"ilii)po, a Ser Alvisc c Francesco Tasciualigo 
 sue fratelli in Veniexia," 
 
 VIII. 
 
 (497. 
 24th August. 
 
 l)LSI'ATCH I'ROM RaIMONDO 1)1 SONCINO AimKKSSED r'KO.M 
 
 London to the Uuke ok Milan, alluding to John 
 Cabot. 
 
 (Archives of ihe Sfor/as, al Milan.) 
 In Italian : 
 
 Jean et Selnislien Cabot, doc. ix, p. 323 (Mr. BuUo's Italian text, 
 ('/. cit., [). 60, is apparently a translation from Rawdon Brown.) 
 In English : 
 Rawdon Brown, Calendar, vol. i, No. 759, p. 260. 
 
 
 \ 
 

 il 
 
 Ui ji 
 
 fi 
 
 .«!' 
 
 i2 ''! 
 
 H 
 
 } 
 
 392 SVLLA/iUS. [IX, mq/. 
 
 IX. 
 
 1497. 
 i3tli December. 
 
 Pension ok ^20 pkr annum, granted liv Henry VII. to 
 JcjHN Caiiot. 
 
 IMcmoraiKluni (|uni1 xwiij die Jaiuuirij Anno suhscripto istiul brovc lilicraluni 
 full tlciniino Cancclhrio i\ni;li,v aimd Wostnionaslcriuni cxcqiiLndiini, 
 
 llunry by ihu t;iacc of t,'0(l Kini; of Eni^land and nf I'rauncc and lord of 
 Iiland To llic must rcULTcnd i'adrc in i;iid Julin Cardinal archie! )issli(ip of 
 Cantrubury prymalc of all Ent;!and and of ihc ai)ostoli(|itu sec li.t;alc our 
 cliaunccller ^retiny We lale you Wite ihal We for cerlaine consideracions vs 
 specially moevyni; liaiie yeiien and frvaunled vnlo our Welhiluued John Calliot 
 [.v/i] of the parties of X'enice an annuilie or anuel rent of twenty pounds sterling; 
 To he had and yerely perceyued from the feast of thanunciacion of or lady last 
 jiassed durin^t; our iileasiir of our ( 'uslunies and subsidies comynj; and f^rowinj; 
 in our I'oort of Dristowe by tliands of our cusiunis ther for the tynie lieyng at 
 ISlichelnias and Estre by even porcions Wherfor we wol and charge you that 
 vnder our j^rele seal ye do niaUe herui>pon our lettres patent in god and 
 eflecluaii f'inue \'euen vndre our I'ryue Seal al or paloys of Westminster the 
 \iijtli (ki) ( 1 Decenibre The xiijth yere of our Keigne. 
 
 HOKWOI). 
 
 (rublic Record Office. Privy Seal. Dec. 13 llenr. VII. No. 40.) 
 
 This pension, the text of which was first made l<nown by Mi. 
 Charles Deane {Jolin ami Scbaslian Calm/, Cambridge, 1886, 8vo, 
 p. 56; reprinted from Mr. \\'\nsor'<, JVar/'a/hr cn/t/ Cri'/iia/ ///s/<Jty 
 of America), dates, as the reader can see, from the preceding 25th 
 of March, and is made a cliarge upon the customs of the port of 
 Bristol. It did not pass the seals until the 2Sfh of January 1498, 
 and is addressed \.o Jolm Morton, i\r(hbisli()[) of Canterbur)'. 
 VVc take our text from the original manuscript. 
 
 See infra, No. xii. 
 
 X. 
 
 1497. 
 
 18th December. 
 
 Second Di^'aicii iRti.M Raimoni>o di Soncino 'jo the Duke 
 01 Milan. 
 
 (State archives at Milan; Polcitu Estcic. /ir^/iillcnu, iJ[f)T, Dcitinlir.) 
 In Italian : 
 
 Ainiiiario Scicntifuo del 1865; Milan, 1866, p. 700. 
 Desi.moni, Iiitonto, pp. 53-55 (from the original MS.). 
 Jean el Sebastien Calml, doc. x, i)p. 324-326. 
 
 In English : 
 
 Prof 15. II. Nash, in Mr. Deane's above-tjuoted Jo/ut and 
 Sebastian Cabal, pp. 54-55. 
 
 \k\ 
 
 k 
 

 TO 
 
 poll of 
 
 1 49H, 
 
 itcrbury. 
 
 K DUKb 
 
 ciiilir.) 
 
 'olin and 
 
 XI, ,.,98.1 
 
 SYLLAIWS. 
 
 XI. 
 
 393 
 
 loilN KaIIOTTO (IK (^\l;olO 
 
 I49S. 
 
 Jill I'V'brua 
 
 NkW liKTTl.RS P.V1KNT C.RANTICD TO 
 
 iiY Henry VII. 
 (Tublic Record Oliicc. Chancery Signwl Dills, 13 lluii. VII., iS(;. 6.) 
 
 Tn English : 
 
 IjIDDLE, Memoir, pp. 74-75. 
 Dksi.moni (revised tcxl), Iiiforiio, pp. 56-57. 
 Jean ci Sc/iasiicn Cabot; doc. xi, pp. 327-2S. 
 
 This document was indicated by Hakluyt (vol. .\ii, p. 23), in 
 Latin, and in luij^lish as follows : 
 
 "The Kiiii; vpon the third day of Kcliruary, in the 13 yocie o'" his rci^nc, 
 i;aiK' licence lo.John Cahot Id take si\e English sliips in any h;aten or haiiLiis 
 of the reahne of lini^land, beini; of the hin-den of 200 timnes, or vmlcr, with all 
 necessary furniture, and to take also into the said ships all such masters, 
 mariners, and suhiccts of the Kin<; as willingly will go with him, i\;c." 
 
 The text, however, but in English only, was found by I]iddle at 
 the Rolls Chapel in 1831, and publishecl by hini in his Memoir. 
 The grantee is called therein "John Kabotto, Venecian," and this 
 time, his sons are not associated with him in the grant. 
 
 Here is the Latin text of that important document : 
 
 " D licencia | R. Omnibus ad (juus etc salutem Sciatis quod nos de gratia 
 Caboto \ nostra speciali ac certis consideracionibus nos speeialiter 
 mouentilnis dedimus et coneessinuis ac per presentes damns et conceilimus 
 dilecto nol)is Jolianni Cai)olo N'enieiano suflicientem potestatem et auctoritatem 
 (|uod ijise per se deputatum sen deputatos suos suflic'entes sex naues luiius 
 regni Angliae in (luocunujue portu sen portubus sine aliis locis infra idem 
 regnum nostrum aut obedienciam noslram sic c|U(k1 dicte naues sint portagij 
 ducentorum dolioruni vel infra cum apparatibus suis ]iro saluo conductu 
 earumdem nauiuni ad libiti'm suvun capiendi ct prouidendi nauescpie ilias ad 
 terram et Insulas \)cx ipsum Johannem nuperrime inuentas condueendi suluenilo 
 pro eisdem nauibus el earum (|ualiliet tantuni cjuantum nos solueremus et noii 
 vllra si pro nostro negocio el causa capte fuissent el prouise Et quod idem 
 Johannes per se aut deputatum sine depiUatos suos sufticientes onnies et singulos 
 niarinarios JNIagistros pageltos ac subditos noslros (]U0scunu|Ue (pii ex eoruni 
 liliera voluntale sccum in diclis nauibus versus el vscpie terram et Insulas ])re- 
 dictas Iransire el Iransmeare voluerint in naues liuiusmoili et earum c|uamlihel 
 cajiere et rccipere possit et valeal abs(|ue impedimento impelicione seu per- 
 lurliacione a]i(iuorum Ufllciariorum Minislrorum seu subdilorum noslroruin 
 (|Uorumcumque per ipsos seu eorum aii(|uem prefatt) Johanni depulato sine 
 depulatis suis aut aliis sulidilis nostris predictis seu eurum alicui in comiliua 
 eiusdem Johaimis in nauibus prediclis ad terram et Insulas predictas tran- 
 seunlibus inferendi aut atteniplari permiltendi Dannis vniuersis el singulis 
 Officiariis Ministris el subclilis nostris presuntes liiteras nostras visuris el 
 audiluris al)s<|ue vlleriori mandalo (ler nos eisdem sine eorum alicui faciendo 
 lennre proenciuni lirmiter in mand.Uis (|uod eiiUin Johainii ac de|HUatis luis 
 IMediclis aliis(|ue nostris subdilis secum vl premillilur lran.-.eunlibii.- in prenii.v^is 
 
 W 
 
 \ %\ 
 
 \' 
 
 ^1-1 
 ,1 
 
 I ' > 
 
 iili 
 
 
 i, ' 
 
 i 
 
 \ (1 
 
 1 
 
 ;1 
 

 ''.I 
 
 ! 
 
 ,) 
 
 / 1 
 
 1i 
 
 'n 
 
 1 ■ i! 
 
 i. 
 
 s,>i I 
 
 » 
 
 '.i 
 
 ) 
 
 394 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 I XII, 149b. 
 
 fiicicndi ct cxcqucmli fiiucnlcs siiil cunsulcnlcs cl auxiliaiucs in omnibus 
 (lilif^cnlcr. In cuius etc '1'. R. iipuU Wcstimonaslcriuni Icrciu die Fcbruarij 
 I'cr ijisuni Rcj^cm clc dc data clc." 
 
 (l'ui)lic Record Ollice. French Kull. i.? lien. VII. Ni>. 4J9(m. i). 
 
 Document now [)ublishcd in Latin for the first time. 
 
 XII. 
 
 1498. 
 22 nd February. 
 
 HkNRY VII. lOK THE PAYMENT OK JoHN 
 
 Warrant from 
 
 CaI'.OT'.S I'EN.SI0N. 
 
 " Henry I 
 Ireland Tci 
 
 ; llie Clrace of (Ji 
 the Trcsourer and 
 
 and lord of 
 
 Kint; of Kni;land and of France 
 Cliauhrelaines of oure Ksclieijuier i;retinj; 
 Whereas we by oiire warrant under oiirc si|^nel for certain consideracions have 
 i;even and ^'raunted unto John Caboote xx b [/20] yerely (huin^ oure jiieasurc 
 to be had and prayved iiy the hands of our custuniers in oure ])oorte of ISristowe 
 and as we l)c enfornicd the saiil John Caboote is deiaied of his )iayoment 
 liecause the said custuniers have no sufficient niatier of discharge for their 
 indenipnitie to lie yolden at their accomjil before the liarons of our Eschequier 
 Wherefore we wol and chartje you liiat ye our said Tresouier and Chaulire- 
 laines that now l)e and hereafter shalbe that ye unto suche tynies as yc shall 
 have from us otherwise in coniandenient do U-> be levied in due fournn- ii 
 several tallies every of them conteit^nynj; x li upon the customers of the revenues 
 in oure said ]i()orte of I'ristowc at two usual ternies of tiie yere whereof oon taill 
 to be levied as this time conlcit^nynj;; \ li of the revenues of oure said poort 
 upon Richard .Meryk and Arthure Kemys late custuniers (jf the same And the 
 same taill or tallies in due and suflicient fourme levied ye delyver unto the saiil 
 John Caboote to be had of our j^ift by way of rewarde without presl or eny 
 other charge to be setle upon hym or any of Iheni for the same And thc.'s 
 our lettres shal be youre sulficient warrant in that behalf (leven undre oure 
 prive seal at oure Manor of Shene the xxii day of ITebruary the xiii yere ol 
 oure reign. 1Joi,.man." 
 
 (Warrants for Issues of the 13th of Henry VII.) 
 
 Document now imblishcd for the first time. 
 
 Kindly communicated by M. Oi'PENHKim, Es(|r. 'I'his warrant 
 refers to the pension of ;^20 granted to John Cabot, December 
 i3lh, 1497. {Supra, No. ix.) 
 
 XIII. 
 
 1498. 
 
 22nd March. 
 
 Loan oi- ^20, ikom Henry VII. to Lanslot Thirkill, of 
 London. 
 
 (British Museum, MSS. Additional, No. 7099.) 
 
 In English : 
 
 N. Harris Nicolas, Excerpta Hisiorica, p. 116. 
 Jean ct Scbaslioi Cabot, pp. 102 and 256. 
 
 ^V;- 
 
',1 
 
 XV, 1498.1 
 
 SVLLAJiUS. 
 
 395 
 
 ui- 
 
 This individual was evidently a companion of John Cabot, and 
 owner of one of the vessels in the squadron, as the loan was " for 
 his shipp ^oing towards the new lande." We see him again in 
 London, June 6tii, 1501, where, with Thomas Par, Walter Strik- 
 land and Thomas Mydelton, he is " bounden in ij obligations to pay 
 at Whitsonty dc next comyns xx li, and that day twelvemoneth xl 
 marcs for lyverye of ]'"lemynges landes." (Brit. Museum, Add. 
 MSS., 21,480, fo. 35, v"., (]uoted by Desimoni, Iiitorno, p. 61.) 
 We have been unable to ascertain whether the jQ20 mentioned in 
 that i)Oiid, refer to the loan made in 1498, the three other men 
 standing security for him, or whether the sum, like the rest, refers 
 to " l-'lemynges landes." At all events, this shows, that one ship 
 at least returned from the expedition of 1498, and that is all, thus 
 far, wiiich is known concerning the results of the voyage, except, 
 by implication, the delineations in La Cosa's planisphere. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 I49S. 
 
 isl April. 
 Otukk loans from Henry VIL 
 
 I"OR THE SA.ME UlIJECl. 
 
 (Biilish Museum, M.SS. Acldit., No. 7099. ) 
 
 In r>nglish : 
 
 N. Harris Nicolas, op. ciL, p. 1 1 7. 
 'I'hose loans are as follows : 
 To Thomas Thirkill, ^,30. 
 To Thomas Bradley, ^30. 
 
 '{'here is also a gratuity of ;^4o, 5s. to John Carter. The three 
 mentions are followed by the words : " going to the newe ile." 
 
 XV. 
 
 1498. 
 
 Undated, but about 25th July. 
 
 Dispatch aodressed mv Ruv Gonzales de Puehla, senior 
 Spanish Amhassador to England, to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. 
 
 (.'\rchives of Simaiic.as. Palioiiato /\caL Capitulacioncs con Iir:;latcmi, 
 Ug. "', fo. 19S.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Jean et Svbastkn Cabot, d<;c. xii, p. 3 28, with printer's mis- 
 takes, which we now proceed to correct : 
 
 " 111 Key (Ic Inglatcrra imbio cinco luios armada.s con olro ginoucs coiiio 
 Colon a buscar la ysla del Lirasil y las vjcinidades, CuL-ron jiroveydas por huii 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 A 
 
 -i ,' 
 
 
 1 ti 
 
 k 
 
 i 
 
f Ml •*■/ 
 
 i;' 
 
 rt) ' 
 
 396 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [XVI, 1498. 
 
 jifio. Dizcn que scran vcnjdDs jwra cl SL'ticmbie. V'isla la dcrrola (|uellcvan 
 hallo fjuu lo buscan cs lo f|iic Vucstras Altuzas posscun. El Key nic lia fahladu 
 algunas vcccs sobicllo cspcia haver nuiy gran ynteressc. Crco i\\\c ikj hay 
 (la(|iii alia cccc leguas." 
 
 This is tli(j first timt' that the name of Columbus is mentioned 
 in a document coming from England. 
 Supra, ]). 42. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 1498. 
 
 25th July. 
 
 Dispatch addrksskd r.v Pkdko dk Avai.a, junior Ri'anisii 
 Ambassador in England, to Ferdinand and Isaiiklla. 
 
 {Lot: a'/.) 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Jean ct Sl/iaslicn Cabiil, doc. xiii, p. 329. 
 In I'jiglish : 
 
 liERdKNkOTii, Calendar, vol. i, No. 210, pp. 176-177, hut with 
 the omission of the important following passage : 
 
 " rorf|uo cs al cabi) que a Vucstras Altc/as cupo por la convcncidii cdii 
 l\)rlu[;al : — Lccauso it is next to [the region] wJiich your Majesties have 
 secured by the convenliun with Portugal [Treaty of Turdesillas]." 
 
 XVII. 
 
 1498 (?). 
 
 Cronicon regum Angli/K et series imaiorum kt vice 
 
 COMITUM ClVTTATIS LONDON Al! ANNO I'KIMO HeNRICI 
 TERTIUM Al) ANNUM PRIMUM HeN. 8^'. 
 
 (Ms. Colt, vitellius, A xvi, f". 173. British Museum.) 
 
 Edward E. Hale, Proceeding's of t/ic American Aii/iijnarian 
 Society, 1866, p. 22. 
 
 Jean et Scbastien Cabot, (from the original Cottonian MS.) doc. 
 vi, I). 316. 
 
 The same, modified, and attributed to Robert ]' adyan : 
 
 Stow, The Chronicles of Eni:;hind, London, 1580, 4to, [). 862. 
 Where the Cronicon states: "This yere the Kyng at the busy 
 recjuest and supi)licacion of a Straunger venisian . . . ", Stow 
 prints : "This yeare one Sebastian (labato a geiioas Sonne." 
 
 Hakluvt, Divers voyages, 1582; Principal! Navigations, 15S9, 
 and 1599-1600, vol. iii, p. 9. 
 
 In the first of these works, Ilakluyt [)rints : "This yeere the 
 King (by means of a Venetian . . . ;") in the second : "In the 13 
 yeere of King Henrie the VII. by means of one John Cabot, a 
 Venetian ;" in the third, also "by meanes of one John Cabot a 
 
 L>1 
 
 f 
 
'iM 
 
 XIX, 1503.I 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 397 
 
 VICK 
 
 I.NRICI 
 
 p. 862. 
 
 he bcsy 
 ", Slow 
 
 J) 
 
 x'lv the 
 11 the 13 
 :alK)l, a 
 i;al)ot a 
 
 Venetian." Yet Hakluyl has added to these statements a title 
 which reads, first, as follows: "A Note of Sebastian (labote's 
 Voyage of Discouerie," and, second, "A note of Sebastian Caljots 
 first discouerie of part of the Indies," which contradict the state- 
 ment itself. Concerning the same, see liiddle, chapt. v, pp. 41- 
 45, and Tytler, Ilhtorical viciv, 1832, pp. 421-427. 
 
 This IMS. contains extracts from an anonymous chronicle of the 
 time of Henry VII., mentioning the first transatlantic voyage of 
 John Cabot (not by name, iiowever), mixed with details pertaining 
 t(j the second, I)ut ])resented as one expedition only. 
 
 Supra, \)\). 25 and 131. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 1502. 
 
 Extract FRo^r Fahvan's (t.ost) :\ianuscript Ciironici.k. 
 
 Stow, C/iroiiick, London, 1580, p. 875 (where there is a 
 misprint, viz. : " 1468 "). 
 /tan el Stlxistien Cabot; doc. xiv, p. 330. 
 
 It refers to the alleged third voyage of "Sebastian Gabato, 18. 
 Menr. VII." Iiased upon the allegation, borrowed fnjm I'abyan, 
 that "thys yeare, were brought vnto the Kyng three men taken in 
 the new founde Hands." 
 
 Hakluyt, (juoting also Stowe's copy of Fabyan, in 1583, 
 heads that statement thus: "Of three savage men which he 
 [Cabot] brought home and presented unto the King in the xvii 
 yeere of his raigne." That is, the event occurred not between 
 August 22nd, 1502, and August 21st, 1503, as Stow said, but 
 between 22nd Aug. 1501 and 21st Aug. 1502. Afterwards, Hakluyt 
 again changed the date into the "fourteenth yearc (Priucipall 
 Navii^., 1600, vol. iii, p. 9); that is, between 22nd Aug. 1498 
 and 2 1 St Aug. 1499." 
 
 Supra, part i, chapter xvii, p. 143. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 1503- 
 
 6th December. 
 
 Appropriation for 
 AND Gonzales. 
 
 TME PENSION CUANTEI) TO FERNANDEZ 
 
 "Henry by the Clrace of Goil King of Ens^land and of fTiaunce, and lord of 
 Iiland To the 'I'resourer and Cliainlirelainos of our Ksclietiuici- gretintj. 
 \Vhereas we by our lettres undrc oure |)rive seal herint; dale at ourc manor of 
 Lantjley the \xvii'> ilay of Se|iteinl)ie tlie xviii'l' yere of our Keiijne j;al and 
 
 
 

 I>} 
 
 If 
 
 !■■ 
 
 I 
 
 I • if 
 
 I*: 
 
 t^' 
 
 396 
 
 SVf.I.AliUS. 
 
 |XIX. 1503. 
 
 j^rauntcil unto our trusty and wclbcloved subi^ietts tlraunceys liernandiis and 
 John (luidisalvus squicrs in consiilcraciun of the true service which they have 
 (loun unto us to our singler nieasur as capitai^jnes unto the newe foumlc landc 
 unto either of them ten pounds yerely (hirint; pleasure to he had and preyved of 
 the Revenues of our custunies coniynf; and i^rovvint; wiliiin oiir poort of 
 Uristowe iiy tlic hands of the custuiners there that now he and herafter shalhc 
 at the fests of Estre and Michaehncs l)y even porcions And forasnioche as 
 Richard Meryk and Arthur Keniys late cuslunicrs in our said poorl of IJrislowc 
 have paide unto the said ffraunceys ffernandus and John (luidisalvus twenty 
 jiounds for oon hool yero ended at the fest of Saint Michell tharchaungell last 
 past for the which they have no nianer of discharj^e to be alleged at their 
 accompts before the barons of our Eschwiuier Wherefore we wol that ye in 
 due and sufficient forme doo to be levied for the said ffraunceys ffernandus and 
 John (luidisalvus a taille or tailles conteii:;nyni; the said sume of xx li upon 
 Richard Meryk and Arlhure Kemys late custuniers in our said poort of the 
 revenues of the same And furthermore we wol that ye from hensforth from 
 lyme to tyme and yer to yer doo to be levied several taills conteit^nyng the 
 siiid sume of xx li upon thecustumers of our said poovt that now he and herafter 
 shalbe unto the tyme ye shall have from us otherwise comantlemenl by wrylinjj 
 An<l the said taill or tailles in due and sufficient fourme levied ujion the saicl 
 custuniers at the fests beforesaid we wol that ye delivre unto the said ITraunceys 
 ffernandus and John Guiilisalvus or unto the brinyer hereof in their names to 
 he taken of our gyfle by way of rewarile without [lete [?] or eny othre maner of 
 chartje to be set ii[)on them or eny of them for the same And thies our lettres 
 shalbe yo"" sufficient warrant in that behalf geven undre our prive seal at 
 our citie of London the vj day of Decembre the xixth yr, of ourc reigne. 
 
 R, BOLMAN," 
 
 (Warrants for issues of the 19th of Henry VII.) 
 Document now publishc(3 for the first time. 
 Kindly communicated by M. Oppenhkim, Esqr. 
 
 This document confirms our assertion {Supra, part i, chapt. 
 xvii, p. 145) that the privileges for transatlantic expeditions 
 granted to the Cabots in 1496 and 1498, deterinined with the 
 second expedition. We already possessed an entry, of September 
 24th, 1502, showing that at the latter date certain merchants of 
 IJristol (not named) had been rewarded for having " bene in the 
 Newefoundc Launde (Harris Nicol.\s, Excerpta His/orica, p. 129, 
 No. 30)." But there yet remained to show that this entry referred 
 to the expedition undertaken by Richard Ward, Thomas Ashehurst, 
 John Thomas, Joao and Francisco Fernandez, and Joao (lonzalcs, 
 by virtue of the letters patent granted to them, March 19th, 1501 
 (Binni.E, pp. 306-314), and, consequently, that it had been actually 
 carried out. This shows that the American Indians seen in 
 London in the " 18th year of Henry VII. 's reign," were not brought 
 by Cabot, but by the aforesaid grantees. The reader will notice that 
 the pension to Fernandez and Gonzales was bestowed September 
 26th, 1502, and cannot apply therefore to their second expedition, 
 as this was undertaken in consequence of letters patent granted 
 only December 9th following. (Rvmek, vol. v, part iv, p. 186.) 
 
 Supra, pp. 144-147- 
 
 k 
 
•^1 
 
 :i 
 
 XXlll, 151J.J 
 
 svi.f.Ain/s. 
 
 chapt. 
 
 pcditions 
 
 with the 
 
 ptL'mber 
 
 hants of 
 
 e in ihc 
 
 I, p. 129. 
 rcfenod 
 
 shchurst, 
 
 'jonzalcs, 
 
 th, 1501 
 actually 
 seen in 
 t brouglil 
 otice that 
 cptembcr 
 pcdition, 
 t granted 
 ). "186.) 
 
 XX. 
 
 1512. 
 
 May. 
 
 Payment to Skhastian Caisot tor Making a Map. 
 
 " I'aid Sebastian Tai)ol {sic) making of a carde of Gascoigno 
 and (luyon, 20^." 
 
 J. S. BkKWKR, Calendar domestic and fordpi, Henry VII f., vol. 
 ii, part ii, p. 1456. 
 
 'I'his " card " or map, was for the e.xpedition to the South of 
 I'rancc agreed upon by Henry VIII. and Ferdinand of Aragon. 
 
 Supra, p. 152. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 I 5 12. 
 
 13th September. 
 
 Letter from Ferdinand of Aragon to Lord Willouchrv. 
 
 (Mufioz Transcripts, vol. xc, f". 109, verso.) 
 In Spanish : 
 
 /can et Scbasticn Cabot ; doc. xv r, p. 331. 
 Lord Willoughby de Broke had command of the troops which 
 landed at Pasages in June 1512. (Rymer, Fccdera, vol. xii, p. 297. 
 Herrert, History of Henry VIII., \>. 20.) 
 
 XXII. 
 
 I 5 12. 
 
 13th September. 
 Letter from King F'erdinand to Serastian Caroto. 
 
 {Op.cil., f°. 115.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot; doc. xvi, p. 331. 
 Cf. Herrera, Decad. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii, p. 254. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 1 5 12. 
 
 20th October. 
 
 Letter ok King Ferdinand concerning Serastian Caroto. 
 
 {Ihidcm.) 
 In Spanish : 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot; doc. xvii, p. 332. 
 
 I 
 
 !i 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^1 
 
 1I 
 
II .us- .■-*^ 
 
 'I 
 
 7 ' > 
 
 ^ 
 
 400 
 
 SYl.LAliUS. [XXIV, .5.3. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 1512. 
 
 20th October. 
 
 Letter ok Kino FRuniNANO to Luis Caruoz dk V.i.i.auac.ut, 
 
 HIS AMl!ASSAI)01i IN ENGLAND. 
 
 (//-/r/fW.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 /can d S'dmstkn CaM ; doc. xviii, p. 33=- 
 
 
 ; 
 
 XXV. 
 
 1514. 
 
 6th March. 
 
 SKI3AST.AN CAr.OT IS CALLED TO THE CoURT TO CONSULT WITH 
 
 THE King. , , , • 
 
 u^ r ^^ e, , • .;,> <lin 1 Scb Cabolo 50 (lucad.is en cucnta (Ul salano 
 
 discovery." . 
 
 (Mufioz Transcripts, vol. Kxv, I . SigJ 
 
 /•r7« <•/ S'dHuiku Cabot, doc. xviii a, p. 333- 
 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 
 .a. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 1 5 14. 
 
 26lh March, 7th April, iitli May. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot receives sundry sums ok money on account 
 
 OK SALARIES. AND OTHERWISE. 
 
 (Munoz Transcripts, vol. Ixxv, fos. 319, 33I-) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Tcan et Sclmtien Cabot, doc. xYiii a, p. 333- . 
 
 The last item relates to expenses incurred in /jCtvm.ng from 
 London to Spain, and bringing his^w.e «;^;- . J ' J; ^^^/^^^^^.^ 
 " haver enbiado a traer su mugcr," '"ff f ^^^^ to Se^^iU 
 with him, but that he sent some one to take hei to Seville 
 
XXIX. 1515. 1 
 
 SVl./.AIU'S. 
 
 401 
 
 XXVII. 
 1515. 
 
 i3tli Juiu'. 
 Skuastian ('.\r.oT receives 10,000 maraveois. 
 
 " Moscn Mill-tin Cal)rcio mi canwroro yo vos inando (luo dc .|U;ilLM|iiiei mrs. 
 lie vueslni cargo .leys c pai^ucys a Sebastian Caboto nucslro capilan do arniacla 
 ill- las osas do las yn.lias die/ mill mrs. du (|Ut.' yu Ic haj;i) mcrccd i)aia ayuda 
 a su cosia . . . IVdia in l'.ui;;<i-. a iic/i' <lias do jiinyo du <nunu'nli)s e qumzo 
 anos." 
 
 (MS. Simanras. l.ilnoiic la Cmihin. 15IJ-16, f". O.V^ 
 
 Our /h'sanvrv 0/ N<irt/i /h"ff/r<i, \>. 706. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 I5I5. 
 
 ;,otli August. 
 Payment made to Skuastian Cai'.ot anh other imi.ots. 
 
 (Mmid/ 'rrnnsciipls. vol. Ksv. I". 34 M 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 /ca/i et Sihastiai Cabot, doc. xviii 1;, ijp. 333- 3.'^4- 
 \Vc learn from this document that Cal)ot was then Naval 
 Captain, at a salary of 50,000 maravedis per annum, and also 
 Pilot to His Majest\-, and had lor colleagues Andres de Sanl 
 Martin, juan \'esi)ueci (the nephew of Americus), Juan Serrano, 
 Andres ('.arcia Nino, l-Vanciscu Colo, Francisco de Torres, and 
 \ asco (jalleiio. 
 
 
 I 
 
 r!) 
 
 \ 
 
 v\ 
 
 > 
 • II. 
 
 
 I ACCOUNT 
 
 ig from 
 Kpression 
 Inot come 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 1315 
 
 13th November. 
 
 Dii'osiTioN OK Ski!Asti.\n Caikii kkiativk to tmk i,.vnTUnE Of 
 Cai'K St. Auoustin. 
 
 {Re'rhlioik (Ohiaaic ,cd,ilas, /owhioim .Vc, ,/.■ /-< Cam ,L' /,iCo>ilrala,ioi, 
 <ies,k 5 <le fchniv </.' 1515 /lasla 6 ,/,■ Marzo ./.■ 1519, in the Muncz Iran 
 scripts. ) 
 In Spanish : 
 Navarrkte, CokccioH de vt'ajcs, vol. iii, p. 319, and Opusatloi, 
 
 vol. i, p. 66. 
 
 2 C 
 
 {I 
 
sy/i./inus. 
 
 (XXX. ii;i6-i7. 
 
 & 
 
 >l) I 
 
 
 ■ r 
 
 XXX. 
 
 \S16-17. 
 
 3 1 si January. 
 
 TkSTAMKNT ok WiI.I.IAM MvCMKr.l. <»!• LoNOON ; OlAPl.AIN. 
 
 (I'liiicipal Rfi^isliy (pf llic l'ri>li;iU', Divorce iin<l Ailmirally 1 )ivi-.i()ii of llic 
 llij^l) Court uf JiiNlici.) 
 
 Ill Latin : 
 
 TraviTs 'I'wiss ; Nautical Ma;j^a',im\ London ; July 187(^1, p. 675. 
 
 " I.eijc) Kliziiliflli filif Si'liaslinni ("uliolo lilioli- mci- iii •<, iiij il," 
 
 XXXL 
 
 I 5 I .s. 
 
 51I1 i'Vlnuary. 
 
 Skbastian ("Alien is Ari'oiNTKU I'u.OT Ma.ior 01 Spain. 
 
 " tjiic Sc'l). Calioto sea I'iloto mayor cii liitjar dc .luan Pias ilc Snli< cuii 
 VXKK). tnaravcdis (li- salario. — V'alladolid, 5th fch, 151S."' 
 
 ( Miifioz Transcripts, vols. Iwv, f". 21,^ ; Ixxvi, f". 28.) 
 Navakricti-;, JH/i/ioftra Afari/iiiia, vol. ii, p. 698. 
 Otir Discoi'cry of North America, |). 707. 
 
 XXXI I 
 
 I 5 1 9- 
 
 r)th May. 
 
 Sr.nASTiAN ('ap.oi rkcrivks his sai.akv as I'ii.ot Majou. 
 
 iCiiciila (t,t Dr. Saiiifto ctr Afaliiiiw, Tt'sorero dr la Casa de SeTitln, $\y\'). 
 \n the Muuoz Tran.scripis, vol. I.wv, f". 49.) 
 
 Ill Spanish : 
 
 /tan et Scijastien Cai'of, doc. xviii c, p. 334. 
 
 '' 25000 por .', dc su salario." His salary Ihercforc amounted 
 lo 75,000 inaravcdis per aniutni : hut it roni|)risc(l. .nppnrcntly, his 
 I'lnolunicnts as Naval Captain. 
 
 XXX in. 
 
 1521. 
 
 1st ,Marrli-9lli .\pril. 
 Protest ok thk Twki.vk Cikkai Livkuiks ok London 
 
 AGAINST KMIM.OVINC. SKIIASTIAN (^AliOT TO rO.MMANI) AN 
 
 Knc.msh kxpkdition to THK Nkw WOkl.P. 
 
 (Wardcii.s Accounts of the Drapers Company of London.) 
 AVm. Herhert, History of the Ttvelvc Great Livery Companies 
 of I.i>)ido)i. I,ondon. 1S37, 8vo, vol. i, p. 410. 
 
 As 
 
|6-»7' 
 
 AIN. 
 
 1 uf lllf 
 
 ,'AIN. 
 Sii\is Clin 
 
 XXXVI, ir,a3.| 
 
 Sy/././l/!i'S. 
 
 403 
 
 Our Disiovfry ,tf North Atiiericd, pp. 747-750, loi iIk' docu- 
 ment ill full, lakiMi from the ori>{inal manuscript 
 S///<fit, pp. 16S 1 70. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 1522. 
 
 ^7th September. 
 
 DiSP.ATCII TKOM TllK (ioUNCII. ol Tr.N |() Ci.XSI'AUO CoN- 
 
 r.\KiNi. 
 
 (Siuii: Arcliivts, Venice, Capi (k/ Consic^liociei x. Ictterc Sottoscfille, Fil'.a 
 N. 5, 1522,) 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 JUj 1,1,0, up. til., pp. 61-62. 
 
 /tan ff Sr/itialit-ii CiUhtt, dor. \\vi, pp. ;;44-.46, 
 
 In iMi^^lish : 
 
 Kawdon IJrown, CahnuUir, noI. iii, N<i. 557. 
 
 ?1 
 
 )1 
 1; 
 
 1 \|OU. 
 
 minunted 
 Irnllv, lii-^ 
 
 KoNnoN 
 
 ImaNI) AN' 
 J.) 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 1522. 
 
 271I1 September. 
 
 Reward (;ivf,n i-.v imi. CorNcii. 01 Tkn 10 (!aho'i's skckkt 
 
 ACKNl'. 
 
 {Ihiih'iii.) 
 
 \\\ Italian : 
 
 Bui,i,o, op. n't., pp. 61-62. 
 
 /t(tfi ff Slfxistifii Cal'ot, dor. xxvii, p. ,Vf^- 
 
 In English : 
 
 RawdoM IJuowN, Calendar., vol. iii. No. 55S. 
 
 'The reward amounted to " ducati vinti." 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 1522. 
 31st Deremher. 
 
 Dl.SI'ATCII FROM ('ONTARINI TO TIIK SkNATK ()!■ Vf.NICK, 
 (Marciana f„ilir., C7. rvV. CoiL mix. mr/, 281-2S5.) 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 r.iJi.i.o, op. liL, pp. 65-66. 
 
 /can et Scbasficn Cabot, doc. xxviii, pp. 347-351. 
 In English : 
 Rawdon Brown, Calendar, vol. iii, No. 607. 
 
 
 •Jl 
 
•* 
 
 104 
 
 s vf.i.Anirs. 
 
 IXXXVII. |r,ST 
 
 1(. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 it; I 
 
 I i, 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 »523- 
 7th March. 
 
 niSI'AITII IHCM CoNIAUINI l(» TIIK Sh N ATK (•! Vl-NICI... 
 (//'i/. Call. 2S0.) 
 In Italian : 
 
 Hui.i.o, ('/-. (7/., pp. (^d 67. 
 /,nn ft S,/'iis/iffi Cabot, tluf. xxix, p. 35'- 
 
 In Ijiglisli : 
 
 Kawdon UmtwN. Cti/fiidnr, vol. iii, No. 632. 
 
 .\XXV1II. 
 
 1523. 
 
 38th April. 
 
 DlSl'ATdl IKCM ColNdl. <•!■ TkN to (",\Sl'\U(i CoNTAUINI. 
 
 (//'/r/lV//.) 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 \\v\.\.o, loc. cit. 
 
 /mil ft Sl/'iistifH Col'ot, doc. \\\, pp. 35:; 353' 
 
 In lui.ulish : 
 
 Kawdon liuowN, {'alfiidiU\ vol. iii, No. ^•''•'j. 
 
 XXX IX. 
 
 I5-3- 
 
 2Sth .April. 
 
 Licn-KU ii.-'M lliKKoNiMo OK Makino TO Cahot. 
 
 {Cafi lift CoHsii^'tio ,1,' I'lf i- If II' if sollosni/tr Iii a No. 6, I ^2.1. > 
 In Italian : 
 
 l')U 1.1,0, ol". fit., p. 68. 
 /fan ft Sfl'astifU Cal'ot, doc. \\\i, |). 353- 
 
 In Kn};lisli : 
 
 Kawdon IIkown. Ca/fiulai; vol. iii. No. Tiricj. 
 
 XL. 
 
 1523- 
 26th July. 
 
 DlSl'VrCll I'KOM CONTAKINI TO TMK DoOK OK VlONICK, AnDUKA 
 
 (lUITTl. 
 
 {////,/. Car/f 302.) 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 Mui.i.o, (>/>. fit., p. 69. 
 
 /fan ft .Sf/'ast/fn Cat>i>t. doc. Nsxii, p. 3 54- 
 
 11 I 
 
 m. 
 
Kmifr^m 
 
 ' * F 
 
 Xl.lll. i.sa5.| 
 
 sy/./.j/,'c/s. 
 
 In Kn;;lish : 
 
 Kawil.Mi Mkcwn. C,/,;i>/„r, v„|. ijj, N„, 7,,, 
 
 iOb 
 
 \IA. 
 
 -fitli NdNcmlKi-. 
 
 '''''v^;r;r;;,:;;;:. '" ^ ...■ a,„..,cus 
 
 lArchiv. of iIk ln,ii^,^ SimIIi' ■ / 
 
 '/. rc^u, .u /.■„ .;, ,/, ■/;,;, ^„ y Xwii;'. '^soj ..'oi'; '-*" '''' <'''^"/'"/"""". ///'. I 
 
 In Spanish : J- • •♦ •) 
 
 NWVUKI ,K, vnl. iii, ,|oc. xiv, ,,,, ,os ^. 
 
 Xl.li 
 
 ^^^}>. 
 
 I'^th Kihruary, 
 
 
 01 
 
 AVNK 
 
 xun. 
 
 -I St Scptctnlur. 
 DiM'ATCii iKoM Am.kkv Nava(;kro. 
 
 (Vunicu, Cicogiw Jlss., u>S;, c. 2-j ) 
 111 Italian : "•' 
 
 Hu 1,1,0, ^y-. ,-//., p. 69. 
 
 'n Engli.sli : 
 
 RawdonlJKowN, Cr//,W,„- v,,!. ii., W, ,,s. n ,s, 
 
 It contains tin's intfrcsting passage : ' '^ ' 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 ,1 
 
 \ 
 
 ; 
 
 I 
 
,ia^ 
 
 U^^ 
 
 406 
 
 SY/./.AIUS. 
 
 \\\.\\\ .5J5- 
 
 <il- 
 
 
 Siipro, pp. 18S- Kjo. 
 
 As rc};ards Andrea Nava;,'cro, Sani'To {Diarii, lii, c. y)b, (luolcd 
 by Mr. liKRCHKi) mentions a uorU writlcn I)y him, which unfortu- 
 nately is lost, and was entitled : Dcsrn'finn tic ivssc Ifavalc nel 
 i\foiit/(> N<Wi>, I'liii initt dt'Sse^//() del tlito Moiulo Novo el carla da 
 iiavi\i;ay dc S/'ni^iut. 
 
 XLIV. 
 2 5lh Octol)er. 
 
 CtDUl A TKAiN>KKKklN(., AT (JaIIOTV KKIJL KhT, TO Ills WIFK, ^0f< 
 IIKK I.H'K, ITIK CRATUITV OK -'5,000 MKS. UillCIl HAD 
 liKKN CONIT-.KRKIi UN I'l.M l(lK HIS OWN l.ll'K. 
 
 (Munoi; Tninscripls, vol. Ix.wii, f". 1O5,) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Jeiiii it Sclmslien Cainil, doc. xwii );, p. 355. 
 The above is doubtless the cedula also in the iMunu,^ Tran 
 scripts, under the year 1523 {su), and as follows : 
 
 "Ccilula Toleilii, 251)1 Od. .A C'liUilina dc .Mcdrano nmijer di' .S. faliolo si- 
 piiyilLii iiniialinunte 250 (|iits la ayiida dc cosla dc Cavctu (,i/< ) dc !a iiuc hizo 
 icniiiiciaiciii en cll.i."' 
 
 
 
 'V 
 
 L 
 
 XLV. 
 
 •525- 
 
 16th November. 
 
 (IaSPAKO CONTAKINI's Kl-.IHIKI. 
 (Stale .Archives at Turin, cud. 1, a, li, \, i, (. ijib.; 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 Raaolla Coloiiibiaiia, [jurl iii, vol. i, No. xx.wi, p. i2<;. .SVi' foi 
 that account in general, Ai.iiEUi, Rcluzioiii, vol. ii. 
 
 The Venetian ambassadors were ap|)ointed only for two year.s, 
 and upon their return to Venice they read an account before the 
 Senate of what happened and of what they noticed during that 
 time in the country to which they were accredited, '["he present 
 contains only tie following mention of the preparations for Cabot's 
 expedition to the Moluccas : 
 
 " llora la iiiacstii ccsarca havca lalla im' annata di cinijuc luui in Siviglia. 
 
 cl fatlocapilano .Seiiasliano Calxitu |)crchc andassc a zV/zw/^arc^ /////« 
 
 ijuclla (osta primicramcutc, poi chc andassc ctiani nell' Indie." 
 
 This passage is nevertheless very important. 
 
 See Si/pni, p. lyo. 
 
'\ 
 
 .V 
 
 XLVlll, 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 407 
 
 XLVl. 
 
 1527. 
 
 28th May. 
 
 LliTlKKS KKOM KkKNAMJ CORTbS TO THK MEMUKRS OK 
 CaHOT's KXIMiDITION (!KNKUAI,I,S ; AND TO SkiiASIIAN 
 CaIIOT I'KRSONAI.I.V. 
 
 (Archiv. of the Iiulioij, Seville. Patrciialo A'ca/, h\^. b\) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Navarrktk, )>/>. lit., sol. V, docs, \xxi-ii, pj). 45'^'-457-45';. 
 
 Thc'sc IctltTs wc'iv written by the order of (Jharlus V., to be 
 remitted to Cabot in the Pacific, and entrusted to Alvaro de 
 Saavedra. 
 
 
 ran 
 
 XLVl I. 
 
 152^. 
 
 ML',.mc)rani)L.'.m 01 Andkka N.wagaku. 
 
 (Venice; Cicogna MSS., end. 1985, |i. yjj.) 
 
 In Itahan : 
 
 BuLi.o, Dp. cit., p. 69. 
 
 It contains only the following : 
 
 '■ f)elle iMulucche e dclle aiiiiatt' \i suii aiidule ; ile Ic nave >paj;nole, chi' io 
 iiilesi ill Franza cli'erano anivale all' i.sole ill Hrazil cargiic (le speciarie chc 
 polrian esser di ijuelle ehe paitiron [sii pro parUva ?] di Siviglia con hehasliaii 
 (.'alxiUo Xenctiano." 
 
 ,1f' 
 
 J '■** 
 
 ifl 
 
 lor 
 
 >eai>, 
 re Ihc 
 that 
 icseiil 
 !abot's 
 
 iiviglia. 
 re tiitta 
 
 XLVl 1 1. 
 
 152.S. 
 
 loth July. 
 
 Li;nT,K OK Iams Kamikk/. 
 
 In Spanish ; 
 
 Rr,'islii triinciisal do Institiito Ilistoriu) c Gco:.:^>'aliio do Byaul, Kio 
 de Janeiro, vol. xv (1S52), pp. 14-41. Published by Adolfo 
 UK Varnh.voen, from a manuscript of the time which he found 
 in the " Biblioteca alta," of the Escorial. 
 
 In French : 
 
 XoHvelles Aiinalcs des l/'ojdj^t'S, I'aris, vol. iii (1843), pp. 39-73, 
 " traduito du manuscrit inedit de la bibliothcque de AI. 'lernaux- 
 Conipans." ^Vhat that text was, we are unable to .say. It does 
 not figure in the catalogue of the important sale which he made of 
 his Spanish books and manuscripts in 1836 {Cnta/oi^^iw des livres et 
 manuscrits de hi BUdiothhjiie de feu M. Raetze/, Paris, 1836), and 
 
 yS 
 
 H 
 
 ;i 
 
408 
 
 .s )/./.// 
 
 IXI.IN, >:,-.. 
 
 ( ;!.■ 
 
 
 HI i' 
 
 il 111 not known wlial l)Lcanic oi tlu' bcoks and inamiscripti^ which 
 he ar.<|uircd until liis death (by sctitidt ;• in Dcrcniljcr 1864. 
 
 We regret that the lack of sjiace jirevents us from adding here 
 a translation into llnglish of that very valuable acrounl of Cabot's 
 expedition to La I 'lata. 
 
 Siipnt, p. 201. 
 
 XL IX. 
 
 1528. 
 
 I (;lh October. 
 
 i^KTTEK I koM I.Ol'K HlIRrAlX.1 to (MAKI.KS \'. 
 
 (Hrit. Mus.. Addil. MSS., Nd. 28,577, f". 29S.) 
 
 I n English ; 
 
 (Iayangos, Calendar of Letters, Dispatches and Stale Papers 
 relating to tite negotiations lietiveen England and Spain. 1527- 
 r52(;. Vol. iii, p. ii, i)art tS23, No. 572. 
 
 This letter announces the arrival at Lisbon of the Trinidad 
 (with Hernando de Calderon, Roger IJarlow, iS:c. on board). 
 
 Si/pra, |). 219. 
 
 L. 
 
 1530. 
 
 Ofkicial. Account ok Dieoo (Iakcia's vovac.i-; 10 La Pi.aia. 
 
 The title of the manuscript is as follows : — 
 
 " Relacion ciuc prcsciUo ;i S.JSL dc su dcirola en cl 2' vi;ijc, <|iii' hm< al 
 dcsculnimicnto del Rio dc la Plata, dcsdu su salida dc la Coruna a 15 dc (.'iitio 
 1526 ;— Relation wiiicii [Uiui^o tJaicia, Klccl Geiiciai] presented to His llajosly, 
 (if his route in the second voyat;e made liy him to iliscover the Rio de la I'lala, 
 since his departure from Coruna, January I5lh, 1526.'' 
 
 (Iarcia's own title is different ; vi/. : 
 
 " Menioria de la navej;acion (jue hiee este viaje en la parte del mar Ocxano 
 dende (|ue sali de la Ciuilad de la Coruna, (|ue alK me fue enlregada la armada 
 por los Oliciales de S.M., (|iic fue en el ano <le 1526 : — Areount of the naviga- 
 tion made in this V()yai;e in tiie Ocean Sea, from the lime of the sailing fmni 
 the city of Coruna, where the fleet was entrusted to me liv the Officials of His 
 .Majesty, in the year 1526." 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Revista Tri/nensal, vol. \v (1852), pp. O-14. I'ublished l)y 
 Adolfo DK Varnhagicn, from the MS., as we suppose, preserved 
 in the Archives of the Indies al Seville, " /.eg. 3" dc los rotulados 
 de Descripciones y poblaciones : papacies llevados de Sitnaiicas." 
 
 This important document, which we regret we are unable, from 
 want of space, to publish here in English, was first indicated by 
 Navarrete in 1837 {Colcccion dc viajes., vol. v, p. 170, note), 
 and it) 1S51 {Bihliofeca Maritinia, vol. i, p. 331). It is not dated. 
 
 
 >M 
 
n\\ 
 
 \ 
 
 xV>- 
 
 s\/./.A/ll S. 
 
 409 
 
 Occaiio 
 I ;irnKi<ia 
 
 naviya- 
 ni; In mi 
 suf Hi> 
 
 l>c 
 
 d l)y 
 
 .served 
 
 Irom 
 
 xtcd by 
 
 note), 
 
 dated, 
 
 tiul as lerereiice is made therein to eveiils wliicli look place in 
 IJra/.il when (larcia was lionieward hound, wr presume that he 
 wrote it soon after his arrival in Spain. 
 
 It sliould he noted thai (lareia, in this MS., states that lie sailed 
 out January 15th, i5?6, I'roni ('a|)e i-'inisterre. Herrera, however, 
 who evidently has consulted the original account, says : " .\u;^usl 
 I 5th {DtiiuL iii, lit). \, cap. i, p. 278),"' which, as Mr. D'Ave/.ac justly 
 observes, " s'accorde avec la date de septemhre, pour la reli'u lu' au\ 
 (Janaries.' {Jhilhiiit in dc la Socicti- dc Ctioi^mf^ltic. .Infif cl Scpl. 
 1857, p. 109, note 3.) 
 
 Siif>ya, p. 2 18. 
 
 LI. 
 
 1530- 
 
 (lEODKAi'nitAi, Dkscrii'Tion ok Camo'i's Vovack I KO.M IMI. 
 Nokth-East Co\st 01 Hrazii. to La Plata, wkiiikn 
 i!v Alonso ok Sania Ckuz. 
 
 \Ve make our extracts from the manuscript work ot" Santa ( Jii/ 
 preserved in the l!esan(;on [library (No. 4O0) and entitled as 
 follows : 
 
 "I'M yslario Ljciuial ilc loilas las yslas del nioiuio cndri'.si'ado ala ,•-!. C. C. 
 Magi. (1l1 iMiipcrador y Key iiucsiio Scunr, jujr Alonso do .Suncta Cniz, sii 
 Cosiiioi^rafo maior : — 'I'lio L;ciiuial lii.uilariiy (or ilcscriplioii) ol all tlic islands 
 in llic world. Dedicated lo His Catholic Majesty the Emperor and Kiny our 
 Lord, hy Alonso de Sancta Cruz, his Cosnioj^raijher-Major." 
 
 This work was written only in \^bo{DisC(r,<t'ry of Ni>rlli .■l/innai, 
 Xo. 227, p. 621), hut, so far as those regions are concerned, with 
 data collected hy Santa Cruz during Cabot's voyage to La Plata, of 
 which he was an eye-witness throughout, 'i'he use which we have 
 made of the hiario in our description of Cabot's exploration of 
 that country {Sitpra, chapter vi, pp. 201-21 1) makes it inc.'mbenl 
 on us to ])ublish the original text on which we base our geogKiphical 
 allegations. 
 
 " Casi al iirincipio de la costa del hrasil apartado de la jiunla (/(7//ir.,/[Ribeii o] 
 al norileste ]ior sesenta y cinco leguas liasta un ysia de hasla ucho o die/, leijuas 
 de largo iiorte sur y qiiatro, o cinco de ancho con un<is liaxos al siidiieste della 
 donde sc perdio inia nao <ie liernando de lorona port ui^iies que yva car^ado de 
 Hrassil a esjiana de don<le coinuninenle es diclio (/(• /nriiaiKh </r loioiiix \_su pro 
 Noronha. — y9/,v,(Jrv7j' fl/'/V. Anuri,tt, p. 696.] esi;i en Ires gra<los de allura. 
 
 Una ])e(|ueria isia de liasta Ires lei;u;\s de largo y una dc ancho eon luios baxos 
 •d sudueste della donde se i>erdio la nao dicha hahitada de yndios y algo esleril 
 es alto alia llaniadaj'.v/i'r dc la dssejisli')!. V.n esta ysla vinios yo yotio, yendo a 
 lomarel estrecho de niayallanas para passar a las yslas de las malvias el ai"io mill 
 y quinientos y vinto y seis. . . . 
 
 Una haya que so llama (/(.' to/i'y saihlos en ia<|ual hay algunas yslas aumiue 
 pequefio habilalos de yndios y do tienen senienieras estan en altura de calor/e 
 grades. 
 
 En altura de die? y nueve salen a la costa unos baNos que cntran en la niar 
 
 t rt 
 
 : i I 
 
 M 
 
 '<•' 
 
 I > 
 
 ■\ I Kl 
 
 ik 
 
 1: ■ 
 
 1^ \ 
 
 I 
 
'•••*- 
 
 V, 
 
 :."') 
 
 I .- 
 
 (Mi 
 
 1' III 
 
 r, r 
 
 410 
 
 SY/J.A/iUS. 
 
 [LI, i.S3*J- 
 
 iii:is (Ic IreiiUa If^iias dicluiN a/nio/o dciilni ilc \a> (|liiilc?> usUi iiii;i ysla llani:ul;i 
 ,vn;/(/i( A(/;/'(7r(< [Uiheiro] lii(|iuil os liatiil:i(la ticnc dicz Icyiias dc lar_t;i> y (luatro 
 (Ic anclio. Allies del calio h\<< sale un riu a la mar imiy L;randc y antes dc sii 
 salida lia<re una ijraii hay inas de die/. Ic^uas de lai;.;o y mas de <|uat)<> de anchd 
 delUio dal <|iial liay nuiclias yslela> alt;unas deshatiitadas y otras en (jiie lieneii 
 las yiidios seineiUeras. Jimlo asia liaja file dtmde anieritjo l)es|nicli(i piloln 
 mayor de Castilla en el iiliinin viaje (|ue lii/o fimdo una casa donde dexo veinle 
 y i|ualro chrisliamis con sus arnias y tiros de arlilleria [)n>vcidas |ior seis mescs 
 lie todas las rosas necessarias a los f|uales iles|mes malaron yndios por los 
 nmclios ilesordenes y pareialidades (pie entre ello.s huvo. 
 
 I'!n la liaya t/r i^'i i/i/v ay aitjuno^ ) ndios (|ue lienen alijunas casas porquees loda 
 esla parte <te tierr.i tan lialiita<la de yndios . . . los (|uales son comederos dc 
 earne luniiana. 'I'ienen nuiclias liasliniientos<le la tierra eoiiio dc mais y caealii 
 patalas es una Iriila conui piniones fjuc llaman los porlufjueses frisuelos, muciias 
 i;allinas muclios pescados de diveisas maneras muello-. \eneidos daiUas laysanles 
 y olrus muelios f^eneros de aniniales y aves 
 
 \/,\ haya dc /o< irycs en la ijuid esta una biiena y-.Ia con otro-. ysleos la ysla 
 sta liahitada de yndios fjiie tiene i-n ella sus ^cnieniaras y pescas. 
 
 i\y muclios yslelasy jienascos princi|)almenle uiia(|Ue pu>inuis nondire dchtttii 
 nhyi;^o porque como arriha tocamos en aiiuel \iaje tpie llevavainos para il 
 streclio de Ma_q;allanes luvinios nolicia de lodas la^ yslas de esta costa llamamos 
 assi porcpie jiassada una tjran tormenta que tuvimo una noclie en acjuel mar 
 acaso iios liallamos ala maiiana junto a ella en la (|ual nos ahrij^antos liasta c|ue 
 sosejjo el mar de la hrabeza y alteracion (jue Iraya. 
 
 Denlro el piurto dc saint hicciitc hay dos yslas i;rande> de^haliilacles de yndios 
 y en la mar oriental ala jiarte ocidental della otuvimos mas de un ines , . . 
 l'",n la ocidental tienen los porlut;ueses un puelilo diclio.vrzy/c/ /vivv/Acle liasta ilie/ 
 a (lo/e casas y una lieclia de piedias con sus rejados, una lorre i)ara defender 
 de los yndios. En liempo de necessidad estan proveidas de las eosas di' la 
 tierra de y;allinas y puercos de los tie espana en nuicha almndancia y ortali/a. 
 Tienen estas yslas un ysleo en medio que se sirven del para tener los jiuerco^ 
 . . . estan todas las yslas dichas desde veinte y dos hasla veinte y <|uatro 
 j^rados de altura. 
 
 Una baya diclia de la Cffz/rt/Zfit dentro de la qual hay ali^mias yslas las mas 
 liabitadas y do hazen los yndios sus semenleras. Tienen las dos que estan a la 
 boca a la rredonda de .sy buenos surgidores y estan en veinte y seis i^rados de 
 iiltura. 
 
 La Baya dc Sam/ /■'lancisto ilentro de la <|ual se haze una buena ysla e bieii 
 poblado de yndios casi redonda de seis lei;uas por lo mas ancho, al mediodia de 
 laqual <|uatro o cinco leijuas esta olra a la <|ual [lusieron nonibre <le Saitcta 
 Cal/ia/iiia prolonj^ada norle sur por do/e lej;uas poco mas, o ntenos, y de 
 ancho i|uatro y tres y una menos (?). Ksia poblaila de yndios, tiene muclia 
 arboleda y fuentes de muy buena aL;ua y entre ella y el continente hay nniy 
 grandes pes(|uerias de nmclios y muy buenos pescados. A la parte de orienie 
 liene ali;unos ))uertos. auncjue no tan seguros como los cpie tienen al ocidenle, 
 donde siuvinios surtos ; a (piella entrada perdimos unas nan la m;iyor y la niejor 
 que llevanios en un ysleo que sla a la l)oca del canal llano de baxo donde se 
 |ierdio toda casi (]uanto en ella yva que I'ue causa no solo detcnzion en esle jHierto 
 mas de lo que jiensavamos mas aun de tomar acuerdo de niudar el viaje ((ue 
 Ik'vamos fpie era las yslas de los malacos assi |)er la falta de los bastiniientos 
 que alii se ]ierdieron, como por la L;enle <le aquella nao se havia de rrepartir cii 
 las otras ([ue no se sufrian, c yr al rio epie comunmente se llama de la plala, 
 movidos pur inforniacion de dos christianos que aqui liallamos, que havian (jue- 
 dado de la armada de Joan Diaz Solis cjue se pcrdio en el rio. Dize a nos 
 havia que nos hizieron cietas de loque despucs no hallanios que era abundar la 
 tierra tie muclio oro y plata y bastimentos y acnrdamos dc barer una gallera para 
 fin de la conquista del rio, y en estos gastamos liempo dc tres nieses donde 
 
M, 15.10.1 
 
 SVLl.A/iUS. 
 
 411 
 
 luynios hicii provuidd.s ilc la> cosiis necessarian <lc' l:i licira. Inf|ii.il e^ (licl\() <//• 
 /as pate: por los muchos dcUos (luc iilli sc vicron la |iriiiiura vcz f(uc fuc 
 (lcscul)icita. 
 
 Al ni'deili)!' (Ic csta yshi [do Saiiia Catalina] cslaii muchas yslas iic<iuunas y 
 dL'shahiiadas ciUiu las tiualcs ay una clicha ihl nv/'aro poniuc fitc la priincra 
 dondc siir^^inios (lcs|)iics (|uc pailinios <1l' liornanliucn en la cosia de brasil 
 rreparaiido nos en ella de iin le/io vienlo (jue Iraymos tiel este. Eslus yslas 
 estan desdu veinle y siete hasia vcinlc iiiievo L;iadi)s. 
 
 En toda csta cosia hasta el riu de la plala nu ay ysia nin^uno salvu un ysleu 
 llamadu (.//(//v/rfj/deshabitado, miiy all" que se vee de lexos. 
 
 Antes de enliar en el rio de la plata ay (|ualn) o cinco yslclas lasiiualcs van 
 puestu levanli; ponieiik- uncis en pos de cilras apaita<la-. pur una IeL;ua y media 
 y se \\A\\\An ysUii (/c' roiin\;o a/vafts por las aver dcscubierii) un pilolu (|uc eon 
 nosulros llevavainiis diclio assi. 
 
 Al auslrti de eslas ay utros ditln)-.de Chriiloval Jaijiic^, (|ue era un pdrlutnie... 
 Ilainadci asi ipu' les de>cul)ri(( veniendn a este rio pur capilan de una caraveia 
 liesde la co.^ta ile IJrasil a lama <kl oro (|ue se Iia/.ia aver. 
 
 Kn el junto al caho dc suiicia /iiariii (|Ue es a la enlrada ilel rio esla una y>.la 
 lit los IoIkis por aver en ella muclios lohos marinns. I'.s y>la de-.erla y sin a(|Ua. 
 
 Denlro del lio <(>• la plata ay i;raii nuniero de yslas i/iandes y pe(|ueria-. tudas 
 las mas despopladas por ser liaxas y cada auno culire I. is il rio dc las a<lvenidas 
 ijue trae auntpie los veranes al^unas de estas se llaliilan por causa de la> 
 semenleras (|ue en ellas lienen Ins ynilios. 
 
 Un j^rande rio diciio /////v^j' el (|ual tiene nuiclias yslas aunque desliajjiladas 
 y pefpienas por que el rio jjrincipal que los yndios llaman /r/>V7(?//(f que tiene 
 de/ir mar j;rande tieneii las yslas miirlio mayor. . . Ksta la lioca de este ri<i 
 de la plata de treinta y cinco a ireinta y siete ^rados. (Jiunl leguas del lorna a 
 holver al norle por mas de doscienlas de las ()uales nosotros suhinios por el 
 mas de las cienlo y tuvimos lengua (|ue liavia mas de olras tantas hasta su 
 orijen y nascimienlo."' 
 
 Dociinicnt now lifst puljlislud. 
 
 In connection with the atiove rutticr, it is necessary it) add the 
 j^eographical description inserted by Ovikdo in liis Historia 
 (Jcncral dc Ais ///dtas, Madrid, 1851, 4to, vol. ii. However, here 
 again the lack of s])ace compels its to indicate only the passages 
 which refer more especially to the localities visited by Cabot. 
 
 liook wi, chapter ii, pa|^c 114. 
 From " I'ero poique yo no las he navegado," to the end of |)ai;e 121. 
 
 Cook xxiii, chapter ii, paijes 160-170. 
 From '■ El ano de mill e quinientos e veinle," to " eon doseieillos cinqueilla 
 liomhres."' 
 
 //•iiii III. page 171, 
 From "dig(j, (|ue en la eosla priniera," to the end of ihe eliapler. 
 
 liook xxiii, ehai)ter iii, jiage 172. 
 From "'(^Juiero deeir," to "son sus moradas," page 173. 
 
 Ibiihin, page 173. 
 From "dexle el rio de los guyrandus," to "esie rio Paraguay." 
 
 //'/(/( III, page 174. 
 From " Estas ciento e ein(|uenta leguas," to " Solis."" 
 
 Book xxiii, chapter iv, page 176. 
 l'"rom " Desde el puerto," lo the end of the chapter. 
 
 Supra, pp. 201-213. 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 J 
 
 t 
 
>i'' 
 
 412 sy/J.AIUS. fl.ll, i.sj8-i5.<^. 
 
 Lll. 
 
 152S-1532. 
 
 SvN(.tl'.SIS 01 IIIK I.KCAI. DOCUMKN'I^ Uhl.AlUK lo ( 'VliOT .^ 
 KXI'KDI'IION If* l,\ I'l.AIA. 
 
 'I'lu' Archives ol' \\\v Indies, ul Seville, still preserve ;i j^real 
 luimher of cloeunieiU > relative to Sehaslian Cabot's expedition to 
 La Plata. There an' others in the archives of the House of Alha, 
 in Madrid. Ol all tliosi; doeunients, the following only have come 
 to light, thus I'ar, viz. : 
 
 .\ 
 
 '■ lnl(inii;iciiiii Ik'lIki iii tl riKilu ilc .Siiii SiiUiidin kilia 2J .limm [iid il 
 C';ipil:in .Sel):isti;in Caholo soIjR' cI pniCL'so (|iii.' conienco ;i furmiir (k'^dc 1526 
 cunlra Francisco dc Koxas, y Marlin [Mciulcz] u Mij^ucl dc Kodas, para luft;n 
 prcscnludo al Consojti." 
 
 1; 
 
 " I'arcccrcs (|Ut' dieron varios piloids y capilaius vw cl |)iRrlii dc Sail 
 .Salvador (.11 6 tk' OcUihrc a pcticioii del Capilan Sctiastian Caliolu solnv lu (|U(.' 
 convitiidria liaccr sc con .su armada y que dclcnninacion toniar." 
 
 I'. 
 
 U J)| 
 
 " Iiiforuiacion lu'cha en ol piierlo dc 5<an Salvador en 12 ilc C'ctidirc jior 
 niandado dc .Scbaslian Caljolo nicdiantc un ynlcrro^alorio (pa- |iri'Xcnlo 
 locanli' a lodos los succsos (|ir' jiasaron en un armada para luci^o dc>puc.s |)rL'- 
 ^ciilada a S, M."' 
 
 I) 
 
 " Kt'<iut'riniiento (pic liizo Scliaslian Calnito a I'ranci.sco dc l\oja.s y 
 rcspucslas dc cstc. I'.n cl pucrlo dc San Viiiccnlc."' 
 
 V. 
 
 " Inlonnacion iieclia en Sevilla en 28 Julio deniro de la nao S'' Maria dondc 
 veiiia Sebastian Cabolo, por los oficialcs dc la Casa ilc la Cuutralacion accrca 
 dc todo k> ocurndo en .su viajc." 
 
 ]•• 
 
 " Inrorniacion liecha en Scvilla 2 dc A^osto a pclicion dc Catalina Va-ijucz 
 madrc dc Marlin Mcndcz, y dc Isabel dc Kodas inugcr dc Miguel de Kodas 
 contra cl capitan Sebastian Cabolo." 
 
 G 
 
 " Informacion hccha en Scvilla a pcdimcnto dc .Sebastian Cabolo eu 27 Agoslo 
 sobrc lo quclc succdio con las rcbeliones (pic tuvo en su armada." 
 
 We |)ossess under the title of "Z>^« relaciones dc probauzas en cl 
 p/cito ciitrc ScbastiiVi Cahoto y Catalina Vaz</i/cz, madrc dc Martin 
 Mcndcz, tcniciitc dc la cxpcdiciou (/iic /iic al Maliico al iiiando dc 
 Cahoto^'' a bulky MS. of 153 pages, copied from the file exhibited 
 
 ' 'I'hc archivists ol tlic Arcliivo di 
 Indias, have been unable to find for us 
 llic document, wliich is described l)y 
 Navarrctc as follows : " Dcclaracion 
 (jue di(j en el puerto de San Vincente 
 ciel Brazil sobrc las tropclias del general 
 Sebastian Gaboto al capitan Francisco 
 
 (le l\ojas per habcrst- cste opiicslo a l.i 
 .iiribaria (|uc iiizo al Rio dc la Plata, I'li 
 vcz de seguir cl viajc de la Especcria 
 al Socorro del comendador Loaisa: 
 1-lallabase en Scv. leg. dc Papcles de U 
 armada del Siir, afios 1624 k 1626. 
 (Ril'loteca Maritima. vol. i, p. 30.) " 
 
 \\\ 
 
-V* I" 
 
 \l 
 
 I.I I. fsa8-r5'^2. 
 
 .vr/./.'/AV/.V. 
 
 413 
 
 accrca 
 
 a>(|uc/; 
 Koilas 
 
 rs en ('/ 
 
 Iiirtin 
 
 viito dc 
 
 lihilcd 
 
 I'hlO .1 l.i 
 
 al;i, i:ii 
 
 Especiii.i 
 
 Loaisa: 
 
 'ides lie U 
 
 h 1626. 
 
 30.) " 
 
 at Madrid 111 llic Rxf^osicioii America nistii in icSSi 0'.. 54, 55), 
 which si'cms to 1k' an amalj^aniation of 1'' and ('■. 
 
 It consists ol" thirty-two questions addrussfd on hcliall ot 
 (Jatalina Vaz(|iiez, uiotlicr of the two Mendczcs, in tlic action 
 hroiigin hy her, hut in \\\v interest of tlieir two sisters, to the 
 followin;^ witnesses, and their re|)hes thereto : 
 
 I'rancisco Hoc.ac^on 
 Juan i)K I UNCO 
 IVdro Diaz dk \'.\i.i>kkas 
 Andres Dwcaca 
 huys DE Lkon 
 
 Hernando Cai, 
 
 Macstre Ji;an 
 Dr. Sai.ava 
 Antonio ok Moniov 
 |}oso DK Akac.ls (?) 
 Marco Vknkciano 
 
 )KR()N. 
 
 'To tliose interrogatories are added the (lui'Stions and answers 
 on behalf of ('al)ol. His witnesses were: 
 
 Anton I'Ai.coN juan (Irkco 
 
 Andres ok Vknkcia Pedro UK Niza 
 
 lAiys DK J,K()N Marcos dk Vknk( i \ 
 
 IJojo Di'; AvANio (?) Maesire J dan 
 
 I'Vanciseo ( !ksak 
 
 Alonso dp; Vai.divikso. 
 
 With the exception of llie sur,Li;eon Juan, and of Cesar, wlio was 
 promoted from tlie ranks to a sort of eonmiand by (^ahol in La 
 I'lala, his witnesses are all common sailers, chiefly foreit^ner.s, and 
 the most officious of all, Anton I'alcon, a mere ship hoy. Their 
 depositions are also t;iven in a very concise form, and nearly 
 always from hearsay only.^ Nor do thi' interroLfatori(,'s relate tf) the 
 important (juestions at issue, vi/. : the change of direction when 
 off Cape Verd Islands ; Cabot deserting the flagship, before any 
 one else, immediately upon her striking the rock at the time of 
 the shipwreck, and, llnally, the information conveyed to him by 
 the Portugut.'se at Fernambuco concerning the mineral wealth f)f 
 the Parana region, alleged to have been the causi' of his abandon 
 ing the voyage of the Moluccas. 
 
 II 
 Isabtl Mendcz y i iaiici.-.ca \'a/c|iii/ coiiha v\ La|)itan 
 I'l'rha on la villa do Madrid a 15 dias dil nus di- Si'lii'iiiliro 
 
 " I'jeculoria ilc 
 Sebastian Calidln. 
 do 1530." 
 
 (Aaiiivos of ilio llnii>o ..I All), 
 1 
 
 ■■ Prnlianza liccha on Ooaiia a jiotilion do! Capilan I'rancisco do Kojas, in 
 2 do Noviomliro Al- 15.1O, con arrci;U) a un intonoLjatorio t|iio prosonlo do 2() 
 
 pro^untas, acorca do 
 sotjacionos (|Uo osio 1 
 
 ' Tlio roadcv will find .in al)straol of 
 those " Dos kolaciones" in Appendices 
 xxxiv-xxxvi of Mr. TARDUCfil's Di Gia- 
 vainii !• Srl<f!<:tinnt) C(t/\h\>, Venice, i8q2 : 
 y\o. pp. ^76-^q2. ami in the I'aisjlish 
 
 i|ue lo siicodii'i on la armada do Sohaslian Cabolo y las 
 li/o."' 
 
 translation of llie same, Detroit , 1 8g;^, 8vo. 
 Concerning this work, see I)kai>i;vko.n's 
 Revile di' ^t'oii>-(if>hii. Nov. i8f).)- March 
 iHos. 
 
 U 
 
 I; 
 
 1 
 
 n. 
 
 > \ 
 
 UL 
 
414 
 
 SYU.Afil/S. 
 
 fl.ll, i^aS-ii^sa. 
 
 ^ ij). 
 
 Dr. Juan 
 
 Dicyo (jaicia i»K Cki.i'> 
 
 I UNCO 
 
 lunii DK 
 
 This ini|)ortant file loiUains ilic depositions of ilu' followini; 
 witnesses : 
 
 Antonio dk Montoya 
 I'ernando (Jai.dkkon 
 I'Yancisco Ho(;a(;on 
 
 Oegorio Cako. 
 
 'rwcnty-seven (iiiestions were addressed to them. 'I'lie |)rinri|)al 
 ones wen- the lollcnving : 
 
 \Vhetiii!r Sebastian Cabot was a jiroper person to command 
 sueh an expedition ? 
 
 Wliether he disobeyed thi' instrurlions i,'iven to him by ihi' 
 rouncil of tile Indies? 
 
 Whetiur lie acted unjustly and tyraiiniraiiy towards iiis officers ? 
 
 Whetlier it was not throu^ii his fault and lacl< of professional 
 abililii's that he lost the flajisliip on the coast of Mra/il? 
 
 Whether \\v was not the first man on board to desert tlu' da^'- 
 shi|) when she struck on a rock, and was wrecked? 
 
 Whether he was not induced to abandon tlu' expedition to the 
 .Moluccas^ and, instead, to ^'o to La I'lata, by the representations 
 of certain Tortuguescs that precious metals would be found in 
 abundance in the latter country? 
 
 Whether it was not unjustly and through malevolence that he 
 abandoned among cannibals the chief officers of his sipiadron? 
 
 ,i' / 
 
 .1 
 
 " Aciisacion del Kisciil \'illali)l)()s contra .Sclwslian Caholo por los cccsos coniu- 
 lidos con la j^cnie dc mar y pcrdiila <Il' la ainiadadc la Espcceria y en viiUid di 
 Real Cedula. Ui'coploria di' 6 do Octubrc 15.^0."' 
 
 K 
 " Informacion prcscntada por Isahcl dc Rodas viuda del piloto Miguel de 
 Rddas acerca di; la mucrle (|ue occasiom') Seliaslian Caboto. l-'ccha en Sevilla 
 } Knero." 
 
 L 
 " Senlcncia dada por los Seflores del Con.sejo de las Indias en el pleito cntie 
 Catalina Vazcjuez e sus hijas e el Capilan Sebastian Caboto. Imi .\\ ila a 4 dc 
 Julio de 1531." 
 
 (Archives of ilie I Fouse of Alba,) 
 
 M 
 " Informacion hecha en Scvilla en 21 Julio prescntada pur v\ capilan .Sebasiian 
 Caboio para el pleito i|ue sit^uio contra Krancisco de Kojas."' 
 
 N 
 " Informacion hcclia en Sevilla en 16 .A^oslo 1531, y presentada jior Isabel 
 de Rodas contra Sebastian Calxito." 
 
 () 
 
 " Sentencia definitiva dada jior los Senores del Consejo dc las Indas en cl 
 pleito entre Francisco Vazijuez e Isabel Mendez y Sebastian Caboto. tin 
 i\fcdina del Canipo, a i dia de Ilebrero de 1532.-' 
 
 (Archives of the House of Alba.) 
 
1,111.1^^0.1 
 
 svrLAiirs. 
 
 416 
 
 I' 
 
 " Senlencia cleliniiiv.i <\m\\\ \»\t los Scndrcs del Consojo tlo In, Indias en cl 
 plciti) onlri- I'l Capitiiii Krnnci>.(;() <li' Kojas y Schasiian C'aliotn. .Medina del 
 Campip, I Keliicni 1552. "' 
 
 " Inf(irniacii)n pedida pur Francisco Learcfr) y Francisco de .Santa Cruz contra 
 Sebastian Calmtn. V.w \lo<lina di I C'anipn ;'i 5 dc junid, es in Sej;ovia .\ 28 dr 
 Sctieiidirc I5,?2. ' 
 
 (Archives of ihe I louse of Alba. ) 
 
 The dociinK'iits in tin: airhivcs of the Duke of Alba, ahovo 
 (lescrilK'd, have all lueii puhlislied in the work entitled : 
 An/(>,i:;rti/i>s dc Criitnlml Colon y Papcles dc America. Los puhliat 
 la J)ii(/iicsa dc Hcnvick y dc Alha, Coiidcssa dc Siriicla. Madrid, 
 i8(j2, folio, |)|). 109-120. 
 
 'I'he puhliralioii of tlie entire series of docunieiUs al»ove men- 
 lioiied would swell the present work to excessive dimensions, 
 without |)ii'sentii\i; nuich interest to the j^eni'ial reader. We only 
 puhlish, therefore, the most important of them, vi/. : tlie judicial 
 in(|uest made hy the officers of the (lasa de Conlratacioii on board 
 the ship, tipon thi' arrival of Sebastian Cabot and his comjjanions 
 into the port of Seville, July 2Sth ;ind iyth, 1 530. It roniains the 
 diipositions of three leadinjj; witnesses, viz. : Juan de J unco, 
 Oasimir NuiemlR'tger. and .Monsodc Santa ("ru/, and the declara- 
 tions of (Jabot ill his own bi'half 
 
 ^V, 
 
 *,v 
 
 U 
 
 / . 
 
 siiaii 
 
 ;;d../l 
 
 en cl 
 Fn 
 
 LIII. 
 
 .'Sth- 2cjtli July. 
 
 fl'DKIM. IXyUKSI MADK ON l!0.\UU THK SHIl' S.\NT.\ M.AUI.A 
 
 DKl. EsiMNAR UPON IIF.R ARKIVAI, AT Sf.VILI.I;. 
 
 (Archives of the Indies. Plo. 1-2-1,.) 
 
 " V.n el ]\io dc Sevilla jueves veynto e ocho ilias de Jullio de niille r)iiiiiieTitos 
 e ireynia afios dentro eula nao nonbrada .santa niaria donde vino Si.lia-.iian 
 Cabolo rapilan e pi loin mayor, eslandoiknlro el Sefior luan de Aianda (atoi ik'la 
 ilieha casa [dc Cuntrataeion] en presencia de mi Juan iIl lu'i;uivar iscrivano de 
 siis niatjeslades fiie rescebido juraniento en forma devida de derecho de Juan de 
 Junco (|ue fue |)or les(jrero el (|U;\I >o cargo del juramenlo (pie hizo sieiidnle jire- 
 ijuntado dixo lu sitjuienie. 
 
 Dki'osition' ok Ji'AN i)K Junco. 
 
 Fiicle preguniado si fue en esle viai;e de (|ue fue por eapitan ;,'eneial Sebastian 
 (."aboto y <pie cargo llebo e ipie nierc.a<lerias e otras cosas lefueron enlregados 
 e (|ucs lo ([ue (1/0 delio y ipie les a acaescido en este viage y <|ue eosas ay en 
 la lierra (pie deseubrieron dixo ijuel fue jior thesorero desia nao eque agora viene 
 y en (pianlo al cargo (pie se le li/o delo ipie yva en esta nao dixo que esta en 
 los libros (|ue los di[)ulados del armada tienen, y en los del contador desIa nao 
 (piesia en poder de enriipie patimer, y dixo (pie esle tesligo |i()r mandado del 
 capitan melio loda la dicha hacienda en una casa que se hizo por mandado 
 del dicho capitan, (piestava sesenta leguas arriba de donde que davan las naos 
 
 ii 
 
 1 . 
 
 ii ; 
 
 <i 
 
 ^ 
 
 \ 
 
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 M 
 

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 I 
 
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 '^ 
 
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 ■'I 
 
 ( I 
 
 V 
 
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 " ,1 
 
 41G 
 
 SV/.//1/lfS' 
 
 fi.in. 1530. 
 
 '' all) Ins yndiits vinii'ruii scilm l,i iliclia im.ni y l;i (|iii:ni:ir(>ii iixhi hi iliclia 
 liacicnda y miicha parli' drla t^unU'. 
 
 l'iLj,'iiiilaili) <|iK' >c hi/IP ik'la (lira liucii'ndn t|iu' yvii on Ids oiri)-, naos clixo i|ut- 
 Id iiiisinii <|iic su hi/,() dcla (\\\c yva in usla nao sc piiso in acjiu'lla casa y sc 
 i|iiiiii(i |iiij;untail(i (iiic ci)>,a^ ay iii atiiull.t lii rra. 
 
 I)i\i) i|uc axisiii nuiclio miucIki niclal duhi cjiic iriixo Roj^cr harlo y Caldi-ron 
 i|iii' Ic )iarc'("ia <iio y i|ui'sii' icstifjo viu plata tina I'n |)(idi'r dclos dichns yndins 
 y i|Uc ay cilnjas dclas <|iit' \iniiTiin ae:a y (|iii' ay alt;uni)s alurros huciicis y ticrra 
 apaivjada |H)ia IikI.i lalirama tri),'() ccliada |p()r(|iii: isto leslifjo la is|ii'iiniLnt(i. 
 
 I'rei^uiUadi) sy vicniii 111 csln nau al;;inias niiusiros di' orix' plala du las olras 
 I'lisjis i|iK' ay en la <licha licrra diM)(|ucl capilan tiai' aljjimas mlu■^lras di- oro 
 I' plala I'n jioca cantitad fa^la media lihra pijcn mas I'l mcnos v (luc pudra trai'r 
 liida la eonpaila , , . ((/aio rii f/ i>r/\;/i/ii/) , . . yntlios c yndias Ids (|iialis sim 
 isclavos dc ticrra do calxi dc san liiciynli' los ipialcs conpro la (^enlo ilc uii 
 purtumii's (lue se los vcndio (iados a paf^ar en esias paries los cjuales coslaruii 
 a Ires diicados e a (pialro y a linco diieaiii)^ M'j;iin la pieea. 
 
 Ilera pret;imiado (jue se liizoile loda la oira t;enle(|iic I'lic en la diclia armaila 
 dixi) tjiie Idda e miierta, (|ile la uiatarnn hi-, yndins, y dc lianlire e nlras cnler- 
 me<la(les, synn Ireynia e (pialro persona^, (pie eniiid el capilan en ilos ver^anlines 
 a hacer carnaje sesenta lepuas adelanle ile donde estava las naos tpie liera al 
 piierlo de san salva<liir y <pie para I'sin yva con la dicha i;cnlc el contadnr mon 
 loya, alcis (|iiales el diclin capilan j^incral Sehaslian ("alxilo Ics (li\(i <|iie Ics 
 (speraria alii y disprcndii'roii Ins yndios snlire las naos y les file fori.adi) dc 
 salir de alii y pasaron avlsta dc dondc istava el dicliu nionlnya con la diclia 
 l^ciih- (|Ue Ilera al calm de Santa maria oira dc una Ic^ua dcilnnde ellos cstavan, 
 y la ^'enic (picslava con nionlnya Ics (izn Inimns in licrra para (|iic los arnjcsc 
 iiiostraiicin com" csiava alii, y el diclm capilan Sebastian Caliolo no los cpii/.n a 
 iin;cr auiKpie este Icstii^n y nlrns le di\ernn ipie Inmnse a(piellos crislianns (pie 
 ellnslieran siis lierniaiinsy cl dichn capilan ,L;encral le di\n(pic cnlcndcysipic t'af^a 
 y esic lcslit;n le dixo epic siiijanios aipii y en la barca vaya a licrra ,1 saber sy 
 ay ali;una cnsia e aipiella crnz ipic i)aicscc alii y ipie Ins inincinos (pie aipicllos 
 Iminns son dellns y la caria nns diia In ipie ha tcclin e In ipic a siicedidn dellos 
 ponpic LMpilaii de/a (|uc Ins avian nuierlo Ins yiidios y esu- testij^o le rcspniulin 
 (pienopnilia ser por (pie a(piellns yndios dc aipiclla licrra dniide cllns lucroii 
 lieran siis aniij^ns c <ple iin liera jinsiblc a\erln nmerlos y ipie uipicllns liilinos 
 licran cierln licllns y cl dielio capital! ropnndin (pie nn lieran y liici^n iiiando 
 meler la barca en la nao al partaron y asy sc vinyeron y los dexamii y ipie el 
 pilolo inijics (pu- se llama cnrriipie paiinicr c niciilao de napolcs macsirc fiu.'rnii 
 (Ida opinion del dicho capilan i' noipiizo mas csciichar iiiguna buena razon ipic Ic 
 dixcren y asi sc vinicron la via dc Casiilla |)nr il brasil para ininar baslmcnln. 
 
 I'"iicle prcL;iinladn si a fcclin dicluj capital) o alj^'unn dclns nlrns capitaiies y 
 !;cnle al^unos aj^ravios c mains iralamicnlos a al!4;iinos dclos (|iie )van en la 
 diclia armada c de los (juc cslavan alia. 
 
 Ui\n (piel diclin Capilan i^cncral a feclin miirhos malos iralamicnlos a Ins (pie 
 viencn en la dicha nao es[)ecialmcnie ipie de\o al capital! Francisco dc Kojas 
 c a marlin mcndcz c a mii^iiel dc Kndas (pic hcran dclns principalcs y mas 
 ncccsarins para el viaje en cl piierln delds pains (pies im;i ysia dc yniiin, ipir 
 comcn came umana. 
 
 I'lCLjiinladn (pie (izicmn cllos c por(ple los dexn. 
 
 I)isn(pie a csle lesli^n ny a nl'icial del Key im din parlc dclln ny pudicron 
 alcani;ai! cl pnnpie mas dc ipic vin sacar desta misma nan a Knjas e a mailiii 
 mcndcz estandn ]ircsns en csta nan con frio y calcnliira rpic no pnilian yr y In- 
 lizn llevar dc bracn a 1111 batel para los cchav en licrra. 
 
 PrcL^untado ])oi(pieslavan prcsos. 
 
 Dixo (pie en cl i)eri!anbuco mando el dicho capitan prender alos suso (lich(i.> 
 y (pieste tcslipi nn alcanij-o la cabra jior tpie mas de (jue dixo quel darla 
 (ptenta dello a su magestad e que azy mismo virio csfe testipn (|uc el dicho 
 
 1 
 
u 
 
 I.IM, 1530] 
 
 SYfJ.AH US. 
 
 417 
 
 nuus y 
 (11 l;i 
 
 1(1-. (|IU' 
 
 y mas 
 
 I Ids (iiii' 
 
 ludii'fiin 
 
 nv.irliii 
 
 yr y li'^ 
 
 o (licho> 
 cl aari;i 
 L'l dichd 
 
 ca|iii;in iilwircn 11 l'"raiii'i->c(i dc I.»'|ic criado do don S.mcho d(.' C'listillii di/ii'ixln 
 (pio Ic ;mi(ilinavii l.i ^ji'iiU- c almrcd a olri) vysiaiiu) |iiir(|iio im ilia iiuktIh <li; 
 liainliri' st- iMiUd rii una canoa i' tDiiio ciiTtos yndios para (|in.' Ic iJasj.iiii a ulra 
 nai'i'in dc yiidins para cpK' Ic diuscn do I'dincr c (pu- a>y mi^iiin a avi)(,a c.ilafalt! 
 di'sta 11.1(1 I'staiidii lodos en una y>la yi'mlo para i-l pa^jiiuy cl diclio av(i(,a cntro 
 con una liaclia iMila ysla con lo.; oiro> cri^lianos ahuvar ycrva y al^'uiia pahna 
 para comer yd diclio capilan iiiando locar cl pilo para recover l.i m'tilc y cl 
 tlicho avo(;a no vyno y niando hic^o pariir la ^jalcia syn cs pcrarlc saJK-ndo (pic 
 cl diclio avo(;a (pKi!al)a en licrra y en la dicha ticrra avia lioiKas (|Uc conicii 
 liouilircs y luTa ysia ycrnia y no le ipiiso espcrar y asi >e ipiedo alii y (pic asy 
 misruo (i/o a(,-otar y eiulaliar inanos y corlar orcjas a nuiclios de la diclii armada 
 por iiiuy livianas (d>as de los (pialcs ay en c^la nao liivos dos (pic son a^iiirrc 
 l)i^cayiiii y el cori;o y tpie no so aciierda al picseiitc delos noiiilire>> dcios olros 
 (pic son y.i imicrlo-i. 
 
 Kuc prc^^uiilado (pic sc lizo delos dichos inarlin incndez c Kodas c Rojas o si 
 supieroji mas dellos, 
 
 Dixo ipifslc Icslitjo ynforiiio delos yndios dcia dicha licrra aj^ora ala Iniclla 
 y (Ic ali,'Uiios cri^lianos coniariMiios y supo (jue los dichos martin mcnde^ y 
 niiniiel (Ic Rodas cnliaroii cii una canoa pata vciiir en demanda del Rio de 
 j;cncro para luiscar ali^nina nao en ipie sc vcnir a e^las |>;irtes y se aho;;aiim en 
 la mar viniendo en la dicha cuioa y (pie Rojas cheapo en iin ver^;antiii lic l)ic)^o 
 darcia de moijiicr y (pie crcc esic tcslii;() (pie (jiiel dicho cajiil.tn t;ciier.d 
 yiijurava c Iratava mal alos capilancs c (-Ikiales del Rey y esia cs la vcrdad 
 [Hir el jiiranicnto <pie fi/o e lirniolo de su nomlire Juan de junco." 
 
 Dr.i'iisi rioN oi' Casimik Nukkmhkkcukk. 
 
 " Dcspnes dcsto en estc dicho dia e mes c afio suso dicho dendc a poca de ora 
 e-tando dcntro en la rasa dela contralacioii dcsia cihdad de .Sevilla el didui 
 seilor fator tomo e rescuhio jiiramciito de Casainieies norenher^juer aleniau 
 (pie vino en la nao en (pie vino el dicho capitan .Sehaslian Calioto por dios e 
 por santa niaria e por las |)alal)ras delos sanlos evaii^elios e por la scnal dcIa 
 cm/, en (pic pii/.o su niano derccha corpoialmenle so uirliid dc lo (pial le fucron 
 teohas las prc;j;iiiitas sy^iicnlcs, \c. 
 
 l'rc!;uiilado como le Hainan dixo (pie Casamires norenher^uer. Trcijunlado 
 que si fuc este viaje dc (pie fue por capilan ^jcncral Sebastian Caholo con el y 
 (pie cargo lleho y (pie mcrcadcrias e olras cosas e (pie cosas Ics acaescio en cl 
 dicho viaje y (pie licrr.i cs e (pie ay en ella y (pic de>cul)ricron dixo (pie lo (pic 
 sabe cs (piesle tcstiL;o (piamlo la dicha arni.ida se parlio dcsIa cihdad (pie 
 puede aver mas dc (piatro anos hie en ella de f^ciilil honhre dela dicha armada 
 y (pic llcvo cosas |iara rc>gate c maiilcnimicntos coino los olros y (pic valieron 
 del piicrlo de Sanhicar de liarrameda |)or el mes de ahril del ano (jue paso del 
 nascimiento de niieslro Salvador jesiicri^lo dc mill e (piiniciilos e veyiite e seys 
 anos c dc alll hievoii ala )sla dela palma (pics en las yslas de Canaria^ e alii .se 
 provcyron de aj;ua y Icua e olros manlciiimicnios e alii cstuvicron diez e siete 
 (lias e de alii .sc hi/icron ala vela a veyntc c side de aliril del dicho ano y fuerou 
 su viaje fasla llcs^ar al calio dc sail at;ii>lin (pics enia costa del hrasyl a (pialro 
 (lias del mes dc junio del dicho ano e alii surgieron |ior(pie el vieiilo hera con- 
 Irario y las corricnics i^randcs y no podian iieve.i;ar e(pie en aipiclla costa o^ta un 
 Rio |)e(pierio (pic pucclen entrar alii nao a cabsa tpies imiy baxo y (pic llei;ados 
 alii estava hecha una (orlalc/.i del scnor Rey de I'ortuj^al (|uc csta alii un fator 
 del Rey de I'ortuijal (pie sc llama maiuiel de brat;a e la forlalc/a Hainan 
 hcrnanbiico e ipic alii cslavan tre/c o catorce cristianos portUf;cses ponjuc alH 
 cs el trato del brasil del Rey dc I'orUipil e alii les fizieron a este testii^o e alo.s 
 olros dela dicha armada muy bueii tralamiento y les dieron lo (pie avian 
 mcncster c alii cstuvicron ([uairo mescs (pic no |)iidieri)n pasar adclantc a cahsa 
 (le lo.s ticmpos contrarios e L;ran corricnics (pie (izo e alii ti/icron un batel por 
 mandado dc Sebastian L'abolo capilan general para scrvicio dela nao capitana 
 
 2d 
 
 \ 
 
 .'1 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 ;1 
 
> m 
 
 1 
 
 ■^ / 
 
 
 41t 
 
 syi.r..M{US. 
 
 (I.IH, t530. 
 
 y fjiif (Nianilo alli t-n luiiifllii rusia surdm d iliclio Silia>.tiiin ralxitu pruKliu nl 
 cnjiiian l\u|,is y ,\sy iiii»iii<i |>ri'n<li<>a iii.iiiin iiMinlt'/ ijin' yva pur iciiiiiili- ile 
 Cii|iil.iii !;i'iu'ial ili'la iliclia nrniail.t I'li la tiau i a|>ilana i- ijiU' Ins I'nvin |irt'><ii>^ 
 <U'la (lit iia linn ca|iilana a c-^la nan ijiu' ti^nra vyim ijiic si' <\\/v saiiia niaiia iIcIch- 
 piimr I'Ins cnlrc^o pri'sus al (°a|iilai) earn v ijuc alli I'sliuicmii prisos i-jirto'* 
 tlias (■ a caUt ile citTlns tlias il diclln Si'liastian Calmln snlln ilila illi'lia jirysimi 
 .il iliclin ra|>ilaii Knjas v Ins Inrim ala nan ilniiilc yva |inr i'ai>itaii y dc alli liu'mii 
 Hu viaji- fasta I'l laicrtn ijiii' di/cn di'lns pains ipii's I'n la inisiiia insia ilil lirasyl 
 y (|iii.' I'll ai|iU'l iiturln ilclns pains ijiics una vsla pniil.iila ilc ynilinH ipic cniiii'i) 
 ciriic iiinana cclin a Ins iliclms iiiariiti iiu'IkIc/ c capil.iii Knjas pnr<|iif ili'spiics 
 Id avia Intiiadn apn-lKli-r y asy iiiistiin a iiii^'.iii'l dc Kndiis, 
 
 l'rf^;iiiitadn (|iii' pnr c.ilisa Ins nlm nil! n ipn' avian fi'clici di\n i|ii<> niitica 
 RUpii ni (lyo di'/ir ipif lisifM'n fn'.a pnr ilntidc Ins dcxasi- nlli c <pu' alli sf 
 iicrdio la nao I'apilaiia i- dc alli si- fiiimn al Kin iW Sniis tnn una t;alfip|a ipic 
 fy/icmii. 
 
 I'ri'i^imladn (|m' rnsas ay rn la tirrra di\(><|uc avia plala pnriiiii' t'stc Icsiii^o 
 In vin ains ynclios dfla lii-ria pnri|iii' Ins irayan licrhn, liiniirli:i> i- ulias pii'c.as 
 e qui' asv niisnin vin liciln nulal iiiiislc tisli^n icnia pnr (ir(p <• iin plali rnipic ilm 
 en la diclia cniiipania dixn ipu' dtllu hcra nrn y dclln im, y ijiU' ay ^anadns cninn 
 los i|iit' trii\n Knjt r l)arln c nlii'jas cniim la dc nca purcpio cslc lesii^jo vio 
 pi'lli'jns iK'lias c <pit' asy inisiim ay afnrrns dc scrvalts y rapnsns y dc ntrn** 
 aninialcs dc a^'iia (|iic snn iiiiiy liiunns c (|iu s licrra niiiy sana c Iriililcra c ipic da 
 <iual(|iiiir cnsa i|iic sc sicnlira en clla c <|iic cilos sciilirarnn ciciln tiij^n c ccliada 
 C ac'udin niiiy hicn. 
 
 I'rc^iiiiladn i|iic cnsas Iracn en a(|tic>la nao ilixo <pic en esia nan nn vieiie 
 rosi niii|^una sy no ciirlas niucslras dc iiiclahs ipic irac el lapilaii en iiiiiy |iiicii 
 cantidad y cierlns |)cllcjas dc aninialcs |)(ira afnrrns ipic vincn cnia nan y nlira 
 de eiiii|iii nia eschivns que nvicrnn I'ti el I'lurln dc San \'i( cynic (|iic is en Ins 
 terniiiin, dc INjrliiLial (pie Ins cniipiarnii all! la j^cnlc ipic viciH' en esIa dietia nan 
 Ins qiiales cniipranni a qiialrnn ciiicn ducadns de un ^;niii:aln de la cnsla (|uc 
 vicnc en!) I )iej;() j;arcia tiailnr a jxirhij^al aca en cspaiVi c nirns eniipramn de 
 olros purtugucsc c se los |Uf;arnn en cosas de rcscates (pic Ikvalian parlicu- 
 lares, 
 
 I'leijiinlado (|iii.' sp fi/o dela ha/icnda e resralcs del Key y delns otrns arnia- 
 dores (pie yvan en las diclias naos dixn (pie pnrle delln sc din jior niandadn del 
 cajiilan a alj^unns principalcs dclos yndins y In otro se ^asln en inanleiiiniicntos 
 (|uc eniiprarnn y dcllo sc pcrdin en la nan enitilann y (picslos nianleniniicntns se 
 rciielian etilre la ^enlc ]icrn (pie nn hastava synn pnnpie ello cnnpiaran mas 
 con Ins rcscaics |)ailiriilares (juc llavalian. rrci;iin'adn ipic sc li/n de toda la 
 otra fjcnic ipic fue en la cliclia armaila e cniim Ins tratava el dielin rapilan 
 (jeiieral e si main e I'l/n nIrns juslicias dc al^unos dellns y p(.i(pic ralisas, dixo 
 (pic Inda la ^eiilc hera dn/icnios e dicz o dn/icnins c vcyiilc hnnlircs y en el 
 puerin dclos |)alns Inmarnn nlrns (piin/c e die/ c scys erisliaims, dns del armada 
 de Sniis c los dims dela de don Rndriijo y ipie dcllns nuiricrnii de dnlcneia c 
 otros niatarnn Ins yndins (pic imdiaii scr en Indns lasla oclicnla hnnlircs poco 
 tna o mcnos y (piel ea|)ilan jreneral lialinrco a iinn (pic sc llaiiia\a I'mneisco de 
 Le|K' e a un viscaynn dclos dc dnn Undrifjo (pic se llainava martin e(pie a(,-nlo 
 y dcsorcjo a imirhos dela diclia armada e ipie al I'ranciscn l.cpe In hanrco 
 diziendn (|iie se (picria jiinlar con niros veynle y dexar al eapilaii pniipic mi 
 tenian dc enmer c yr a liiiscar dniidc In fallasen e al nirn marl in viscaynn pnr- 
 que se fue eon otro para pasarse a una narinn de yndins doiidc Ic diesen de 
 comer y el otro linnhrc con (piicn esle martin yva sc llamalia av(>(,a lo pcrdono 
 y despiics toriio en comjiania dc otros en licrra a huscar de cnmer y el diclio 
 capital! loino el jiilo para iecn<;ellns y tro cierlns trns y esle Avn(,a eslava 
 soliente e no vyno c ntrn dia le fiieroii a Iniscar e no vynn e (pie a los olros »pie 
 aij'oto y dcsorcjo fue alj^unos por hurtos e a otrns jionpic avian resj;;atado syii 
 licencia del eapilan y (pic ansy misnin cnrlalio a uno una niano (pic echo m:'.no 
 ala cspada contra cl thesorero Calderun a que asy inisino el diclu) eapilan eiibio 
 
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 al ciini.iilKr iniintny.i run ilos vornaiiiiDos on iiiie yv.in cininifnla !\niilirt<i 
 
 IXK-ci iii.is II inciin'* Ik fa/cr r.iriio \i.\\.\ \a ^ciiii' <lc \,\ anicwltt n iin.i ys|;t sosititii 
 (.■mia-t ol Kill .lUix'i pur iluinlc \a <\u\\h iiiiii.i<l.t iivi.i ilc pa^nr y K"< <li\>i i|iii-IIim 
 iMtlvii-scn nl |iiurtii iluiiili* v\ im|iii.iii f->i.ili:i y i|ik- iilli In i"^|i('raria y I'litiin lot 
 yncliiiN iiciiiiiiilit'riiii alii> lumt ruoli't rnrrailu al i'.t|>it.tii ;;('ni'r.il o a la ntra (^ciitu 
 ill' |iartir cun las uiras iia<is lU- alii i- .illi riu'ron tl Km alia\'> a una ysia c alii 
 iDinarni) cariii' y |iisari>ii ijiu- en oira ysia i|iii.' I'stn mas a'K'laiitc rallarian ul 
 tliiliK inoiiiuya Clin los iliclms cini|iu'iita liunlnis y iiciKirmi i|Ui' avian ilc Miri'lr 
 nlli .i liiniar nii" larnc y i|Ui' nlll vycnin en cl calm ilc la tit rra lirnic iiuc cs cl 
 ciiIk) lie Ma niaria ni tiu^ns c hiunos y en la )'<l>i vicron una cm/ y uik- cnl'iri* 
 CCS pcnsanm iiiic cllos ilcliian aviT piicstn y ipu' iniuii is piTMina- iliMrun ;il 
 capilan ^jciural ipic siir^;iiscn en la ilicha ysia ilnmK- cslava la cm/ p.ira sy 
 alll .u ia al^;iniii rcsln iIcIIds y syiio cslu \ icna allj ipic fucscii al cal") il ii\ilc 
 estavan lu, huinos crcvcriilu ipic alii lu-. fall.i piiii(iic illus i|iian'lii parlicmn 
 iliMTon ipic avian ilc jr al iliclm piicrtn y calm y ipie iH) pmlrian c>lar en 
 otri) synii alll y ipic cl ilidm capital! ^;ciicial iIImi ipic nictic-cn cl Intel 
 c vcnycscn pnripic cllos nn c^t-ivian alii y vciiiliia almiml Iciipural y <pic nii 
 avia pcr^uiia ipic lui Ic pcsasc iniiclin piiriiue mi lus ylian a rcaj^cr e a>y mId 
 (Ic/iaii al laiHlan ponpic lu la la>tiiiia ilisallus asy pcnli'lus avicii'ln Ins cnviailo 
 a liiiscar lie ciiiiicr iiara luilus y cl capilan im ijui/iiyipic :isy misiiin so per- 
 (licriin I ill lis I lie/ c iju/c pcisnaas con mi vcii;anlinci)ii Iciipural iiuc Ics ilio cii la 
 ysla ill' San i;aliiicl i|iii>sia cs la ucrdail para cl juranicnto ijiic (i/u c lirniulu ilc 
 !tu ntinliri.' casamiic/ iiorciilnri^iicr."' 
 
 DkI'DMIION (U- Al.li.NSII UK Sama ('RfZ 
 
 " I'", ilcs|iiics lU'sid en tstoilicho iliii (Icsilca plica ora cl ilicliu scOnr falor tniiio 
 c rcsciliio jiiiamcnto ilc Aloiisu ilc Santa cm/ lliu ilc l''rani'i>cii ile Sta crur. 
 alcalde ilclus alcararcs ilcsia diclia cilnlail cnfunna dc ilcrt'clm c ili\u lu sij;- 
 mcntc: Kuc prcj;iintadii dclu i|iic a succdidu en cl viajc del dcsciiliriiiiiciitu (jiie 
 file a fa/cr Scliastian ("almto c ipie se a fccliii dela i;enle e incrcadcrias e res- 
 cate c iitras cusas ipie llcvalian o ipie cosas fallaron e que ay en las licrias ijue 
 desculirieriin, Dixo i|ucllus partienin de Scvilla a ires de Ahril del ailo de vcyn- 
 to e seys yv.iii do/iento-. Iiunlires poci) mas ii menus en tres naus e una caraliela 
 de i|uc yva pur capilan ^;encral Silusiian Calmiu y ipie rii las yslas do ("anarias 
 tiimamn utros (icliu inarincros pnnpic se ijuedaion i|ualrii de los (|ne de aca 
 avyaii parlidu y ipic cii canaria un I'raiiciscu de Ivoj.i'. capilan dela nan irinidad 
 que yva en la diclia armada se eiinfc/u cuii un fraylc prinr n ^,uai(liaii de san 
 franciscu en la diclia y^la dela palma aciisanduse de cicitn juram-nlo que avia 
 que Iranladu en los ulicialesquc yvaii de su uiat;eslad ye-, que aniesquc parlifsrn 
 (lesta cilidad los ca|iitanes e olici.ilcs que yvan de su inu;istad en la dicha 
 armada se juniaron en el uionasierio de san paMu dcsia cil«lad e fi/iernn jura- 
 nienui solene en nn area cunsa^;raila de lenersc liemiandad los uims cnii los 
 Oti'DS y 111 que el uno Incase que Incase a lniln> los drinas e que el dicho 
 Kranciscn de Knjas se acusalia desic juiamciiio jmr aver rcriidn cnn cl ihesurero 
 goin;al() mine/ dnsuna yque el dii:lin frayle con qiiieii confeso el dicho I'Vancisco 
 (le I<ojas di\o al dicho capilan Seliaslian (alioto eoniu el yva vcudidn en el 
 armada con imiclia jjentcque en ella yva poique cieri.i persona le avia coiifcsuio 
 un juianunlo que contra el avian fccho y le di\n coiiio hera el dicho Kr aiicisci) 
 (le Kojas cl dicho capilan oycndo esio nolo alriliuyn a quesla confcderacion y 
 juramcnln jiasuva entre los dicho, ot'icialcs syun eiilre ntras persniias aquieii el 
 tenia mala voluntad que I'uc al diclio l''iaiiciscn de Rojas e a niarlin mcmU/ que 
 yva nor tenicnie de capilan e a esle lestiLjn que yva |ior vcedor del armada e a 
 iitav. an de lireiie que yva asv misiiio pur vcedor e a nii^uel de Kmlas que yva 
 pur |iilnto mayor e a camacho hijo del dotor morales ea fernando niendc/ licrmano 
 del dicho martin nieiidez e dlrosciertas per>onasque no se acuenla dcsus nonhn's 
 c que enlnnces el capilan Sebastian {'aliolo lo ilisimulofasta lanto que lle;.^uon 
 en pcrnanlmco ques en la costa del brasyl e alii li/u yiiformacion el dicho 
 
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 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [I.III, 1530. 
 
 capital! Sc'l)aslian Cahnto del diclin jiiranionto t<iiiiaiKlo |)oi' tcitif^os alas pur- 
 sonas (|iicl via (|iii; avian dc dfsiilo (piL'! diclio cajiitaii avia f;ana, y qiK'>1os 
 (li\t'roii comii sf jiinlavan Icis siisn dichos en casa <1csIl' tcsiij^d t-n la ysia dL'l:i 
 Palnia por (|ir' no <Krlaiamn dc cosa nini;inia mala en contra cl dido capitan 
 se ohicsc entivllos faMado y(iiic asi niisnio ivscihio ios dichos testi^os c dc todos 
 los olros du (piiun cl tenia i.'nojo tpif diclio ticno e dixcron todos (jiic licia 
 falscclad lo (|Uc conlia cllos sc avia dii-lio u (pio no olislantc esto cl diclio capi- 
 tan cnvio prcso al dicho Francisco do Rojas c a martin nicndw c a otavian dc 
 liraiu' mudandolo^ dclas naos en (pie yvan a otra e desde a ocho dias le soltn al 
 diclio I'"raiu'isc(i ile Kojas dela prision e le torno ala nao en (pie yva e dexo 
 jiresos alos dichos martin mendcz e a octaviano e los llevo asy fasia el piierto 
 (lelos patos e alii perdio la naocapilana y enlrose en un Rio (piesta sohre diclio 
 piierto delos ]iatos e alii lizo una tjalera para yr al Rio de Solis en esle Rio e 
 diclio Martin nicndcz c otaviano vicndose prcsos lizieron cieitos recpieriniientos 
 al dicho capitan Scl)a.-.tian Cahotoles lizicse jiislicia y si los fallase ciilpados (pie 
 los caslij^ase y sino <pie castii^asc alos (pic avian ynformado falzamente contra 
 ellos y (piel dicho capitan prendio enfonces a Francisco de Rojas ])or ciertas 
 palahras (pie ovo con un despensero dela nao Capitana ]ierdida e (pie con el 
 enojo (pie ovo delos Reipieriniientos (pie le avian fecho los dexo alos dichos 
 martin nicndez e a Francisco de Rojas e a mii^ncl de Rodas prej^untado si ovo 
 alj;uiia oira cahsa |>ara ipie los dexase alii dixo (pie no mas de (piaiito desia el 
 dicho capitan (piel dicho mit^uel de Ro las le avia iierdido la nao e (pie ]>or esto 
 los dexava e alos otros por lo (pie dii-lio tiene y en la ysla donde los dexo liera 
 pohlada de yndios (pie comen carne umana y de alii se fue al Rio de Solis y ipie 
 suhieron con las naos por el Rio arriha sesenta Icj^uas e (pie no ])udicron las 
 naos jiasar mas arriha ponpie hera liaxo e (pie en todas a(piestas sesenta 
 Icj^ias no fallaron |)ol)lazon ni j;ente ninj^una e (pie alii el capitan Sehastian 
 Caboto con parescer delos oficiales de su maj^estad (jue yvan enia dicha 
 arniiida creo un tenedor delos hienes delos defiunctos e fizo almoneda y vendio 
 todos sus hienes salvo los rescates y (pie el tenedor hera antonio |)once 
 cata'an (pie tiene la (pienia y razon de toilo ello el (pial vicne en esia nao e alii 
 dcxaron las naos y se enlraron en una cavarcla y una tjalera y suhieron otras 
 sesenta les^uas por el Rio ariha y (pie alii fallaron un mayoral con una coHa (|iie 
 tenia iiuichas liojas (pie parescian de plata haxa y el mayoral la dio al ca])itan 
 fjeneral e (pie podia pezar fasta una libra de plr.ta y ipie alii supieron por dicha 
 de tres naciones de yndios (pie iinos se dezian caicaraes e otras erandies e otras 
 tinbues e (pie la tierru adentro avia miiclia ri(pieza de oro e de jilata y (pie no 
 pudieron entenderles (pie tan lexos heran de alii y (les|nies suhieron por el Rio 
 aril>a con un verj^aiilin e una ^alera otnisciento e veynte lei:;uas e (pie alii les 
 salieron iiiuclios yndios cpie trayan ponchos y orejeras que altjunos dcsian (pie 
 hera oro e otros non (pies delo (|ue aca se envio y (pie a(pii tanbien les dixeron 
 que obra de sesenta o setenta leL;uas avia niiicho f)id e jdata e despues fueron a 
 (' 'e elKis dezian e no fallaron nada antes alii les mataron diez e siete honbres 
 e a las cieiUo e veynte h-n^uas desde la boca del Rio avian fecho una casa 
 
 de la]iia cubierta de paja en (pie e>ta hon restates en mucha cantidnd e obra 
 (le veynte honhies y los yndios les (piemaron la casa y todo lo (pie en ella estava 
 y la Ljenle (pieslava en la casa se salvo (pie no se (ptenio e despues los yndios 
 tras de eslos cri.ilianos (piestavan en la dicha casa e olros (pie c^tavan alii cerca 
 que se juutaron con ellos e les mataron obra de veynte e cinco honbres e (pic 
 despues (pie los yndios se apartaron de alii el capitan rccojio alijunos tros e 
 ciertas ban as de tiernxpie los yndios hahian dexado delo (pieestaba en la dicha 
 casa y se rccojio a las naos con toda la i^enle (pii le avian (piedado y rccoi;ido 
 en las naos con pro]iosyto para se venir a Castilla enbio en dos vert;antines al 
 conlador inonloya con fasta Ireynta honbres poco mas o menos a una )sla ipie^la 
 par del cabo de santa maria a facer carnaje de lohos marinos para fazer fasli- 
 mento para todos y les dixo (]ue viniesen donde el ipiedava con las naos y conio 
 los yndios les acometieron alas naos donde estava el ca])itan y la otra j;ente se 
 fueron de alii y pazaron por la ysla donde cl dicho cai)itan montoya y la otra 
 
li 
 
 T-III, 1530.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 421 
 
 j^cntc aviii ydo a fazcr carnajc e alii vieri •. '.'n cl caho ile santa niaria (juc hcra a 
 Ic^iias y media dcla diclia ysla ijiic fa/iaii luiinos y .sLi'ias para (|nc I'licscn por 
 cllos y loda lamas dila j^'unlc dc/ia c loj^ava al diclio capitan (piLlos rccujcsf 
 jjor (juo liL'ian cri.sliaiios c amigos y cl los ahia ciiviado a fazcr cl difho carnajc, 
 c iiuiica (lui/i), di/.icndo <juc vcinia al};\ili tcnporal ipic daiian cuii cl ala cosla, 
 c (juola no licra c^cusa ]i()i(juc cii cl licnpo ipic ciiIdmccs la/a licia cl mcjor del 
 muiido c (pic la ^cntc ipicriaii yr por cllos cii la Ijarca dc!a nao c la iiao sc podia 
 cslar surla y c^pciai lo.-. y no (pii/.o antes mando mclcr la harca en la nao y sc 
 vino a Casiilla. 
 
 I'icgiiniado si ahoicci c ai,()ti') o dcsorcji'i cl dicho capitan o fi/o al^iinas otras 
 jii^ticias <lc ali;una> pcrsonas dclas (pic yvan en la armada y (pic a c.di/a tuvo 
 jiara cllodixo ipic aliorcouii vy/.caiiio (pic avian halladocn el pucrlo dclos patos 
 delos del armada dc loajsa cl (pial ahorco domic leiiian la casa (pie los yndios 
 les (pieinaroii porcpic se fuc por el Rio aliaxo en una canoa a bu.>car dc comer 
 |ioi(pie moriaii dc liamhre y lucron a l)ii.-.carlc c fallaron a el e a otro (pie yva en 
 su v'onpania (|iic sc llama\a avoc^a c al viscayno Ic ahorco e al a\()(.a cnlonccs no 
 le fi/o malninijjuno c de^plleslodc\o en una ysla donde cl diclioavo(.aaviaenlra(lo 
 alxiscar dc coiner e asy iiii>mo ahorco a lianciseo dc Icpc criado del contador 
 nionloya (pic >olia hivir con don sancho dc castilla di/ieiido (pie sc avia junuido 
 con olros conpaiicros dela dicha armada para yr a laiscar de ccjiner y (pac 
 por csU) los ahorco a enlranlios por las cab/as (pic dicho licnc e no sai)i,' 
 (JUC luhicse otia cab/a p.ua los ahorcar c (pic dc'-orej('» otros dos por(pic 
 avian hurtado cierto rocate c (pic a(,'ot() olros syete o ocho jionpie yvan 
 alas casas dclos yndios abiiscar c(jsas dc coiiicr. I'rcgunlado si leiiian los man- 
 Icnimientos (pic avian nicncstcr en las nao o vi por necesidad (pic avia 
 dellas (pie las yvan a Iniscar a olros paries dixo (|uc les davan poco dc comer y 
 cslaban tlacos y con csla necesidad para lomar fucr(;as los yvan a huscar y (pic 
 olro acold i)or sallar en tieria dela yalca syn su licencia. I'regunlado (pic cosas 
 vicnen en esta nao y en la (jlro (pie )iarlio en in conjiania del dicho dcsciiliri- 
 niieiUo dixo (|Ucl capilan liae alyunas mueslias del oro e |)lata (pie dicho licnc 
 en iniiy |)oca caiilidad c algunos ]]ellcjos (pic Iraen los niarineros dc animales 
 dela licrra y (piairo yndios lijos del mayoral e (pie Irac cl cajiilan Seliastian 
 t'abolo (pie loino en cl pucrlo dclos palos ala wnida (pie los Iray, ponpic no 
 (piciia vciiir ccjii el un cleri_^o e olro honbre dclos dcsta coiipania del dicho 
 capilan de micdo (pic lenian del dc (pic los avian de malar e un cnricpie 
 iiKintcs poripie era al dicho Scbaslian Cabolo nniy eiiojado dcllo^ le di\(j (pie si 
 (picria (|ue los yndios malasen a esle clerii;o c al olro su conpauero ipic les 
 lomasc los dichos (pialro yndios y (pic sus padres malarian al dicho clcrii;o e al 
 en conpauero bieiido (pie le Irayan a sus hijos y (pic por csla cab/a cl dicho 
 capilan Iruxo los dichos (pialro yndios coiisy_L;o y (pie asy mismo vicnen en csla 
 nao canlidad de yndios (pie no licnc menioria (piaiilo son de (pie los Ires delUjs 
 ovo cl ca])ilan j^cncial en el fuerlo de san \iccynle (pies enla cosla del brasyl 
 a lrue(iue de arlillcria del armada los (pialcs ovo de un porluj;ues (pie alli eslava 
 c olros dos con]iro en cl Kiodc solis dc su pr(jpio rcscale e (|ue asy mismo Irae 
 olro yndio del dicho Rio de Solis (pie cs dclos libres c (pie asy mismo Irae 
 olros Ires yndios libres (pic hcraii muLjurcs delos crislianos (pie dexo en el calxj 
 de sanla maria (pie avia cnbiado a fa/cr cl carnajc y los olros yndios los con- 
 ]iiaron la y;ciUe (pic vicnen enla dicho nao en el pucrlo de san viccynlc de unos 
 porUi^ucscs a ipialro c a cinco ducados cada uno liados a l>agar a(pii' a esle 
 leslii^o a(piicn los duenos dclos dichos yndios dicron jioder (juc pucde ser la 
 miiad delos (pie a(iui vicnen e la otro miiad fucron resgalados a tiuc(pie de 
 hicrro del cuerjH) del armada y tpie el dichu Sebastian Cabolo dio el lierro 
 con (pie pai^aron cslos csclavos. 
 
 rrcgiinlado (piien son Ujs que Iraen estos yndios que fucron rcsi;alados 
 con el dicho hicrro dixo (pie cl no ticne agora memoria dcUo pero ipic cl licne 
 la raron y la vera y dara manana. I'regunlado (pie se lizo dc loda la hacienda 
 de su magcslad y dclos armadorcs (]ue yvan en la dicha armada. 
 
 Dixo (piel dicho capilan dispuso dclla e lo demas se (picmo en la dicha casa 
 
 
 

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 11 
 
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 4 i 
 
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 J) 
 
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 • ,1 r 
 
 422 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [1.111,1530. 
 
 quo (|iKiiiaron los yndin-; y sc pcrdio fnl;i iiao c;ipilnn;i e qui" I.i riicnUi e razoii 
 (i(.>tii kiiia Ins (ificiaUs (Ic su niiit,'csla(l que tcniaii car<^(i (IiIId c (|U(.' csia cs la 
 vcrilail [lara cl juianiLnio (juc li/o c (irmolu dc su nonlirc alunso dc santa cruz," 
 
 Di-i'osiTioN OK Skuastian Cahot. 
 
 " Kn scvilla vicines veynlc c nui'vc (lias dil iiics dc Jullio de mill equinionlos 
 c trcynta ailos por el sciior falor fuc rcciliido jurriimiito en fdrina deMda de 
 deiL'tlu) dc Scliastian Ciilmld capitnn i;eiKial del armada que fuc al descu- 
 Lrimienti) del especeria so virlud del qual Ic fueroii feclias las iJiej^unlas 
 .syjjuycntcs: 
 
 l''ue pi eijuntado conio le llamaii, di.xd (juc Sthaslian Caboto, Preguntado si fuc 
 por Capitan general dc tics naos c una caravcla (|ue su ma^cstad maiido yr al 
 (leseulu iuiieiilii ilel csjieceria dixo i|ue si lue |>i>r ca]>ilan },'eneial delos diclias 
 tres iiaos c una caravcla conforiiie ala capitulacion e instruccidii (pic le fuc dada 
 por su iiKa'cstad doiidc csta (.leclanalo donde ahia dc yr c asy iiiisiiio jior tlos 
 cartas luissivas (pie le eiiviaron los seuoies oiiispo dosma presideiUe del consejo 
 dclas yudias y el sccrclario coIkw. rregunlado ijuanla tjeiitc ilia en la dielia 
 anuada di\(j (pie docientds hinibres ynci) mas o mem>s (pic sc refierc ala rason 
 (jue de.^K I ay en los libros dela rasa dela conlraiacivjn. I'n^unlado (pie donde fue 
 a pasar con la ('icha armada dixo (pie a |iernaidiiico (jucs en la costa del hiasil 
 con tienqio conliario y di- alli kieron vela (pinndo llzo tienjio y lucron al l\io de 
 Solis donde cste declarantc fallo un P'rancisro del puerlo ipie avian presidido los 
 yndios (piando mataron a Solis cl (pial Ic dio {^raudisiinas n\ievas de la 
 ri(piesas dela tierra y con a cuerdo delos capitanes c olicialcs de >u niaL;esta(l 
 acordo de enlrar en cl Rio dc I'arana lasta otro Kio (pio se llama Caiacarafia 
 (pies doiidc a(pul I'rancisci) del Puerto les avia dicho ()ue desendia delas Sierras 
 liondc comen/aliiiii las niiuas del oro c [ilatac (pic del uii Kio al oiro ay sesenia 
 hi^iias en las (priles su vio jiersona de (piien toma-e lcnij;ua de ninnviiia cosa 
 ecelo a do/c Icyiias dcste caho del dicho Kio de caiacarana (pic fallo \\n may- 
 oral dela naeioi) delos eliandules (pie Ic salio a rcsceliir de |ias el (pial Ic ])rc- 
 scnlo una col'ia con cieria chajicria de oro e cohrc e cicrla plala haxa la (pial se 
 quito dela cal)e(,'a para darsela y cstc declarantc la tomo vislo conio sc la <piit() 
 dela caliei.a la tono c se la tono a dar c !c roj;() (|ue la truxesen ])or cl y ios 
 otr(js yndios (pie con cl vcnian trayan al^un nieial delo (juc truxo calderon c 
 a(pii fi/o una casa dc tapias cohierta con madera c ]i.ija c de alli cn\ io las leiijjuas 
 alas naciones comareanas para (pie Ic vinicsen a vcr y dar relacion delas rosas 
 dela tierra l.is (piales le vinieron a vcr c le dicron rclncion conu) la tierra dentro 
 a sctcnla e ochcnta leguas dc donde fi/icron la casa avia oro c plata porquc 
 dc/ian (pic hera cl oro metal amarillo c la plala metal bianco y (picl amarillo 
 heia miiy blaiulo y cstc dcclnrantc les nioslro c nos dixcnm (pic hcra 
 dc .aipiello c avida csta relacion ovo acucrdo con los ca])itancs e oficialcs 
 (le su maycstad jjara fazor una cntrada la tierra adentro para ver la dicha 
 riipicza y cstando prestos jiara paitir y cstando a(lere(;ando para ello 
 vinieron cicrtos yii(li(js dela nac ion dehjs (pieerandis los (piales son cncmigos 
 delos eliandules c son vczinos del |)ii^' delasicrra doude leiiian rclaciciii (pie avia 
 la didia riijueza los (juales le dieron mas lar<,'a relacion dela (pie el tcma delas 
 dichas ri(piezas y les mostraron cicrtos plumajes (]ue trayan en la cabci;a liechos 
 a su ])aicsc(.r deslc deelarante de oro ba\o e biiena plala c (piestc declarantc se 
 (piiziera yr con ellos con la i^eiite (pie tenia |iresla e les ro_!;o (pic Io oviesen por 
 bicn los (piales no (|uisicroii ponpie dezian (pie no podrian sufrir el trabajo del 
 camino ])or(pic en oclu) jornadas no fallarian aj^ua y cstc declarantc les dixo (jue 
 como cllos vcnian (pie asy yrian ellos los (piales dixcron (pic cllos sc sufrian dos 
 6 trcs (lias syn bcver e (piando bevian hcra san^rc dc venados (pie mataran 
 para cstc cfecto y visto ]ior la gcnte csto (pic las lenj^uas les dixcron como por 
 el Kio del iiara,L;u;^y arriba el (pial csta va cient Icmias dc doiule habia fecho 
 la casa falarian tanta (pie Iraerian el veit^aiuin c la galera cargada dello por(pie 
 las vicjas c viejos yndios (pie yvan alia navian cargadodclloc vista esta Kclacion 
 
i 
 
 Mil, 
 
 30.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 423 
 
 L'lacion 
 
 con acucnld dulo-, cnpiiaiu's o oficialcsdc su inagest.Kl ilcxo dc yr a<|ni'l viaje por 
 tit-rra «j adcrcijO la gali la ycl \i.ij;aiilin y ^lll■^c• en lUos con ticiitu c licynta 
 h()id)ies por cl diclm Rio dc paiana aiiilia ciciilo c vcyiitc Ici^tias iasta pasar 
 adclantc dcia txica del para,i,'uay vcynlc li|^iias fasla iinas ca^-as dc iiiuis cliandulcs 
 (|iic licraii sii.-. anii^'os para Iniiiar cicrto.s liaslinicnlo.s porcpic alii avia aliiindancia 
 licUo dondc vidi) cicrla> nuiotras dc oro c plalaipic Ic inrcscio Imciioc a(|iicllo.s 
 yiulios (|iic alii lallo Ic dicroli la nii>ina rclacion del paiagiiay ipic Ic avian dado 
 los otros ipic avia alii nuiclia riipicsa y csUindo alii tomaiidn los diclms lusii- 
 incnlos lovo nucva dc aver vcnido una armada al diclio Kin dc Soils por lo 
 ipial cnvio pur la licrra a nn I'Vancisco lcnj;ua a epic ynlorniasc dc los diclKjs 
 cliandidcs a ccrlilicarsc (pie licra vcrdad la venida dcla diclia armada cl cpial Ic 
 (lixo tornando con rcspuesla (|uc a lo <juc pudo con|)rehcndei licra la misma 
 armada dcslc dcclaranle (pic ipicdo en Santa C'audiiia aniKpic aiUcs dcslo avia 
 diclio cl diclio Iraiuisco a nn ciiri(pic monies Icntjiia (pie l.cra cslavan ponpies 
 lin capilan del Rev dc Portugal c vi>to como cl diclio francisco Ic certilico (|uc 
 no lieran olra ai'iiada syno la suya deterniino dc yr por cl diclio par.ii;iiay 
 iirriha e snliidos (piarcnli' lej;uas jior el arriba Ics coniciu;o a faltar cl liastiiiiento 
 e acordo con los apita.ics e olicialcs de eiiviar el verganlin adclantc a (pie 
 tonia>en liaslimentos en unascasas de chandnlcs (picsta van adclantc ])or no verse 
 en taiita liamlirc como la pa>ada alos (|uc Ics niando en con la nacioii dclos aj;a/es 
 (^ue ll/iescn ])a/cs por todas manera.s e porquc lieran a(picllos en ciiyo podcr 
 cslavan las diclias riipic/as c los (pie yvan en el diclio vcri;antiii lieran el 
 tliesorero j;on(,alo mine/, y cl coiitador montoya c inigiicl Rifos e olira de otras 
 vcynte e cinco jiersonas l(i.s(pialcs pasaion ])or losdiclios a;:;azcs syn los ver y 
 Ikijaron alas casas dclos diclios cliandules a dondc avian dc loniar los dichos 
 bastimentos y cnviaron al diclio fianci.sco leiiLjiia alas diclias casas a Ics de/ir 
 (piicn lieran e a (pic vcnian y la manaiia sit;iiiciue vinieron ciertos yndios aroj^ar 
 al diclio i^oiK.alo nunc/ c ala olra conpana (pie saliescn a tierra a comer con 
 ellos y Ics pr(._i;unlaron por cl diclio Iranclsco poripie no podian salir s) n cl y los 
 dichos yndios cnviaron a Uaiiiar al diclio fraiici.sco cl <pi:il vyiio el (pial Ics di\o 
 <pic bieii iKidian yr a C'lncr con ellos c asy salicron vc)nlc pcrsonas poco mas o 
 nienos e lo.s yndios los malaron e ipicdo (juc el diclio vcii;antin montova por(pie 
 estava dolicntc y los indios vinieron a toniar cl dicho vcrganlin e los llccharoii y 
 cl (licho vcrf^anlin sc vino liuycndo por cl Rio ahajo a dondc e-.lal)a eslc dcclar- 
 aiile y Ic dixcron lo (pic avia acae-cidoe (|Ucl diclio franei^co lciiu;iia avia avido 
 ciertos palaliras con cl diclio llicsorcro ^oiK.alo nurie/ c por csto crce esle 
 dcclaranic (picl diclio Irancisco los vendio alosdichos yndios e (picstc dcclarante 
 vieiulo esle diclio dc^liaiatc c loda la licrra rcliuclla se toriio a dondc avia fccho 
 la casa por(|ue cnrri'pic nionles Iciitjua Ic certilicava ipiccl diclio lraiici>('() liiiijua 
 le avia diclio (picl armada (pK; avia vciiido al Rio de Soils lieia dc cii.stoval jaipies 
 e viiiicndo jiara la diclia casa cincuenta leL,'uas dclla lallo a dicj;o ^arcia (pie 
 veniaen husca deste dcclaianle eiilranlios sc liolvieron ala diclia casa y el diclio 
 dieijo garcia olro dia dc manaiia sc parlyo syn dc/ir inula a cstc dcclarante y e>le 
 dcclaraiilc sc pi.rlio luci^o Iras el para dcspac'iar la caravela (pic despacho con 
 calderon para su ma^c-tad prci;iintado (pie ri(pif7a.s e utras cosas de calidad vio 
 mas en la diclia licrra (lc(pie sc dclia liacer rclacion a su majj;eslad dixo (pie cstc 
 dcclarante vio alijuna plata Imcna c olra non tal en podcr de un mayoral dclos 
 (picrandcs c no vio cstc dcclarante otia cosa salvo (pie le dc/ian en la t'crra a 
 (icntro avia muy j;ran ri(pie/.a y cste dcclarante envio por tics paries la licrra a 
 deniro |iai'a (pie sc ynforniascn delio y en (pianto lucron se junto esle dcclarante 
 con el (licho dici^o i^arcia e toniaion al diclio Rio l'arai;uay con sycte vcri,'antincs 
 (juc avian fccho dondc un e>clavo deste dcclarante les aviso dc cicrta tiaycion 
 (pie les estava armada e (pic tciiian conccrtado los cliandules (pie cslavan sohre 
 (lela diclia casa y iiaos con los cli.uidulcs lie arriba (pic coiirnuin con el dicho 
 Paraguay (pic los mataseii e (pie asy larian ellos alosdela casa y iiaos y con esto 
 be tornaroii poKpie vicron cvideiitciiieiite la diclia traycioii e asy hucltos 
 acordaroii (pie en la diclia casa sc (pie dasen ochenta honbresc Ires vcrganlines 
 con los rescales tjuc avian llevado y esle dcclarante con cl dicho Diego Garcia 
 
 1 ,■- 
 
 !^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 i i 
 
 I'h 
 

 T77P 
 
 
 
 -'I 
 
 III 
 
 
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 \m ' 
 
 \i' 
 
 ■■ ■!:■ 
 
 . } 
 
 'V 
 
 I* 
 
 484 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [Mil, 1530. 
 
 se fueron a poncr cobro en las naos para pucsto cl dicho cobro tornascn ahi dichu 
 casa e dc alii cntrar lodos la ticrra a dciilro ponjiie por Rulacion del ra|)ilaii 
 ccsar <iiic flic lino do los iiiicsli' dcciaiaiite Liihio la licrra adcntro (piu i)olvi()Con 
 syclc conpani'ros Ics avian dicli" i\\w ;ivian visto j^randcs rii|iRvas du oro c plaUi 
 (.' piidras pri'siosas y islaiiilo csto doclaraiilu en las diclias naos vyno el capilan 
 };re(;()ri() earo eon fasia cim|uenla honhres en un ver^anlln desniulos e le dieron 
 nueva conio los dielios ynciios avian (pieinado la dielia casa eon lo (|iie en ella 
 estava e (jiiel resi;ale dela i^enle avia ipiedado y d<is ver};anlines en el earacarana 
 medio alio^ado'^ este deelaranle se paitio liieL;o )iaia la dieha foitale/a con el 
 diclio eapilan I )ie_L;o (laicia e vido la dieha casa (juenuida c la ^;ente ahoi^ada e 
 los veii;antines ])erdiiios i' cobro iinos ver . . . . e dos paranmros (|iie falio junto 
 a la liiclia casa e asy ceso la entrada en la dieha lierra e ipiesto sabe destas 
 ricjuezas. 
 
 I'ue prej^iin'ado que se fi/o toda la otro f^enle (jue a su carL;o lievo (pie yendo 
 este (Uclarante la via del dieho Kio de Solis de\o en sanla ealalina junto al 
 p\ierlo de los palos al capitan l'rancisc<i de Kojas e a martin mendez e a miguel 
 de R(Klas. 
 
 I'"iie |)re|^untado jionpie cab/a o jionpie los dexo alli. 
 
 Dixo (pie poripieavia avido cierla ynlormaeion conlra cllos ]ior(pie conspiraban 
 su nuierle el proceso de locpial envio a su mat^estad con calderon e<piel orit;inal 
 (piedo en poder de martin ybanez escrivano dela dieiia armada (|Ue iiuirio en lo 
 (lela dielia casa en todas las diclios eserituras se (piemaron alK jaiesto (pie en e 
 puerlo de sail viceynle (piesta poblad(j de iH)rlu_i;uuses fallo al ilieho Kojas aj;ora 
 ala veiii<la (pie obra (juatro meses poco nias 6 menos (jue fizo cierla ynformacion 
 (pie a_t;ora trae consij^o. 
 
 I'ret^iiiiiado (pie de ijue nianera supo (pie cons]iiraba su mucrte dixo (pie se 
 refiere al ilieho proceso e ala dieha ynformacion jire^untado (|ue si al lieniio (jue 
 los echo enia dieha tierra eslavan sanos o enfernios e (pie ealidad de genie avia 
 en la dieha tierra e (pie se lizo deilos e (pie provisyones les dexo. 
 
 Dixo (pie ((uando los echo enia dieha ysla eslavan sanos e les dejo dos botas 
 de vino e cierto vircolhos e los dexo encoinendados a un yndio ])rin('i|ial (pie se 
 lliinia lo|)avera dizieiidole ponpie Knrri(pie monies lenL;iia (pie a\ia estailo en 
 aipiella lierra ralorce afios e (pie heran sus |)arientes (pie los Iratase bien fasta 
 su Iniella ponpie los dexava en truipie del dieho enrriipie monies e de su yente 
 e les dexo lodos sus reseales, arnias e cierla jiolvoro (pie le pidieron. 
 
 PreL^untailo si los dichos yiidios de aipiella tierra coinian earne iimana dixo 
 que la eomian de sus eneniii;os jiresto (piel dieho enrricpie monies les avia dicho 
 cosas |i()r (londe ya no la coinian e (pie \inienilo este deelaranle at^ora a Castilla 
 a liar relaeion a su niai;estad de lo sucedido se vyno |)or la dieiia tierra para los 
 tomar e traer consit^o e alK siijio como enlre los diehos l-'rancisco de Kojas e 
 marlin mendez e Koilas ovo ali^imas difereiicias por donde los dichos martin 
 mendez e Rodas se a]iarlaron del diclio Rojas e asy apartados se salieron en una 
 canoa con dos esclavos >yn dar ])arle al dieho Rojas e supo esle deelaranle (jue 
 se fallo en la costa mas adelante de donde se enbarcaroii uno delos eselavos (pie 
 yva con ellos alio';a(lo en una rodela del dicho mij^uel de Rodas e una redo. iia 
 de a^ua de azahar e desla avo cierla ynformacion de teslit;os (pie en su poder 
 trae en ipie dixeron a este deelaranle (pie un very;anlin del diclio diego i^arcia 
 avia tomado al dicho rojas e Uebado a san vieeynle y este deelaranle fiic al 
 dieho puerto de san vyce\ nte donde lo fallo para traerlo consyf^o el (pial le envio 
 a dezir que no osaria venir antes syn salvo conducto ponpie la j;ente de diego 
 gareia le dezia avia dicho (|ue le (pierian iiiatar y este deelaranle le envio dos 
 salvo conduto y el uno deilos con juramenlo e que no (juiso benir como mas 
 lart^amente paresce ]ior una ynformacion (pie este deelaranle trae e (pie estando 
 este deelaranle en el ])uerto de san Salvador (pies de un Kio (pie enlra en el de 
 Solis se acordo ])or la gran necesidad de hambre (pie la genie padescia (piel con- 
 tador monloya con obra de treynta ])ersones e dos vergaiilines fuese ala dieha 
 ysla delos lobos a fazer came jiora la genie del armada el ([ual fue ala dieha 
 ysla que esta obra de (piarenta leguas el Rio abajo dti donde este deelaranle 
 
 W 
 
J 
 
 Mil, 1530.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 425 
 
 inna dix'i 
 avia (lichi) 
 a C'astilla 
 ra para los 
 Kdjas I' 
 )s niarlin 
 iin on una 
 irantu ([uc 
 .lavos <|uc 
 a rcdf'.iia 
 su poclcr 
 logo t;arcia 
 anlc fuc al 
 lal Ic cnvio 
 dc dicgo 
 cnvio dns 
 conio mas 
 ic cslaiulo 
 a en L-l (le 
 ia quel con- 
 ic ala diclia 
 10 ala dicha 
 declarantc- 
 
 luc 
 
 estava e queste declarante cstuvo surto en cl diclio pucrto de san Salvador ol)ra 
 df vcyiilfdia dt'siniL's (|iu' portya cl dictio mnnloya c vinicron yiidios c le iiiataron 
 (Ids liiinlircs (|iic son Anton dc p;rajcda c un calafatc c Ic liizicion olrns por 
 dondc Ic (uc lorij-ados salir dc alii c yrsc per cl Kio ahaxo, 
 
 I'rcf^iinlado sy hcra caniino ilcia ysla dclos lolxis dondc avya ido cl dicho 
 monloya <lixi> (pic licra caniino dcrcclio. 
 
 Kuc prcgnnlado sy siirgio en la diclia ysia para salier si estaha alii el dicho 
 nioiitoya c rcco(;crlc c a la gcnie. 
 
 Dixo (pic si e (pic surj^io en la diclia ysIa e echo en ticrra al llicsorcro luan dc 
 Jiiiico c al ca|>ilan cesar con cicrtas jicrsonas los (pialcs ll/icrun cariiajc c las 
 truxeron alos naos c fallaron asy cicrtos lasnjos lieclios (piando llcj;aron (pie ya 
 olian mat fuc prcgiintado si avia t;cnlc aij^iina en la diclia ysIa dixo (pic no <juc 
 hcra despoblada. 
 
 I''uc prcj;untado sy fallo alguno rastro dcla dicha ^cntc c que dill^cneia lizo 
 en Iniscarla. 
 
 Divo (pic no fallo raslro ninj^uno dcllos c (pie la dicha ysla sc vcc toda por- 
 <pie es rara e ipic no ])aicscian en ella ni podrian estar en clla i>oi(pic ipiando 
 crece la ciihrc. 
 
 l'rcyuntad(j s Uivo noticia (i fuc avisado (picstaban en el caho de santa niaria 
 • pics una Icgua p(jc() mas ('> menos dc alii dcla dicha ysla c (pic olra ])arle 
 alf^una. 
 
 Dixo que viniendo cl Rio ahaxo topo con cicrtos canoas e yndios c ynfor- 
 niDSC dellos sy avian vislo dos vcrj^antines con cicrta gcnte deste declarantc los 
 ipiales dixeron ([Uc venian del cahodc sanla niaria y respondicron (pic no avian 
 vislo vcigantin ny gcnte ninguna e (jueslo fue antes ipiestc declarantc llcgase 
 ala dicha ysla dclos lohos olira dc calorse leguas poco mas ('1 menos c (pic nin- 
 guna persona le dixo ni dio avrio dondc |iudicran estar salvo (pie uno (pu; no 
 sc acucrda (piicn fue dcUo (pic con esle dcclaiante venian le dixo (pic podria scr 
 (juc los fallascn en olra ysla (|Ue ay dc lohos (piestados leguasdel caho dc santa 
 maria ipie esta scys leguas adelanle dcsla otra ysla delos loli(}s (pic dicho ticne 
 y jiasa por cntrc la dicha ysia c la ticrra firnic e no vio cosa ninguna. 
 
 I'regunlado si en la dicha ticrra liniic (pics cl calio dc sanla niaria junto ala 
 dicha ysla dclos lohos avia una cru/ (pic la avia puesto el vcigantin del dicho 
 dicgo garcia c (pic dcs (pic partieron del dicho piierto de san Salvador fasta 
 llegar a cerca del caho de santa niaria syemprc vio hunios dc una parte c de 
 otra de yndios ipic sc juntavan a dar sohre cllos. 
 
 Prcguntado si en cl dicho caho vio luiiihrc o humo. 
 
 Dixo (pu" no siiio la ticrra a dcnlro y si cristianos ovieran (pie fi/ieran scnos 
 de fuego avia dc scr a la orilla del agua fa/ia cl Rio e no la ticrra dentro ; conio 
 estava aipiclla prcguntado si Ic fuc dicho jior alguiK^s dc los ipie con cl venian 
 tpic supiese (pic hunios hcraii aipiellus e (pic alli estavan el dicho niont(jya c 
 la olra genlc e (pic sc echa.-.e la harca para ipie los fucsen a rccoger c ver lo (jue 
 hcra. 
 
 Dixo (]ue no le dixeron cosa ninguna desto. 
 
 Antes algunos dcllos Ic dixeron (pic si cl dicho niontoya fucse (pie faria humos 
 ala jiartc dc la orilla del Rio e no la ticrra dentro c [nicsto caso quel padre 
 destc declarantc con cllos estoviera segund cl tenporal (pie vino travcsia dela 
 costa no pudicra yr a ellos. 
 
 Fuc prcguntado que personas le dixeron tpic scria dcllos e lo que dicho 
 tiene. 
 
 Dixo que fue cl thcsorero santa cruz e nicolas de najioles patron e anrri(|ue 
 patimer e otros personas. 
 
 Prcguntado ([uc ])crsonas ahorco e a^oto e desorejo e fizo otras juslicias dclla 
 en cl dicho viajc c (pie cabza tuvo para lo fazer. 
 
 Dixo (pic ahorco a uno del .-.rmada de loaysa (pic fallo en la ticrra (pie al 
 presentc no se acucrda dc su nonhrc salvo (pic hera viscayno c (pie lo ahorco 
 porque cntro en ca-^a de nun yndio c lo maltrato e firio c le hurto una canoa e 
 tomo dos yndios dcla dicha casa por fuerc^a c le tomo cicrtos planchas de metal 
 
 'I 
 
 t'i 
 
 f 
 
 11: 
 
 I 
 
 i. ■ 
 
 ; I.- 
 
426 
 
 SYLLAIWS. 
 
 [MM, .530. 
 
 :,i ; 
 
 e otros cosas que avian fecho (|uc al prcsentc no so acuerdu <|uc sc rufiere al 
 lirorc'M) (|uc so (|iicni(> con los olros cosa.s i|iil- dii'lio licnc o a.iy nii.sino ahorco a 
 im fraiiriMo li'pt; criado del contador iiioiiloya por iiriniipal iiiciM.-dor dc un 
 nioiin (If trcjiiia lioiilirts i|iit; so t|ucri.iii juiitar con los )ndios conlra cste 
 dcclanlu dc (luc lainiiicn li/.o proccso a i|iic sc rcficrc i|Uc laiil;icii sc i|iiLino en 
 la dicha casa c (|iic caldcnm conio sii Iciiicntc dcslc dcclaranic luc ci (|uc lo 
 scntciicio c i|uc no aliorco a otra persona ninguna c tpic Ids olros del niolin se 
 castij;aron con prisioncs e otras penas li\ iaiia c (jiie el diclicj lenieiilc calderon 
 aij'olo e desorejo a uno pori|ue avia hurlado cierlos rescates e se liilrava la lierra 
 adeiiiro c (pic olros al^nnos a(;ot() y enclabo niaiio por ecliar niaiio a cspada c 
 otros (Klilos (pie en los |iroceso.-, |)arcsceria o .-.i sc fallascn los (jualcs se (picnia- 
 ron todos en la dic'iia casa e asy no trae niMj4inio. 
 
 l're^;iiiitado sy trae alj^unas inucstras del oro e plala e otras cosas dela didia 
 ticrra. 
 
 1 ti\o (|iic trae una lion(;a |ioC(> mas c'l nienos de piata eciertos orejeras c lunas 
 de nielal (|ue triixo el diclio calderon en canlidad de una lijjra. 
 
 l'rc.i,'iinla(lo ipie se li/o la lia/ieiuia de su maj^e.stad e aiinadores (pic yva en 
 la dii'lia armada. 
 
 Dixo (pic se (pieino en la dicha casa scjjund este Icstij^o vido e los didios 
 thesorcro> Ic dixeron eccto imas <piin/,e o vcjiile plaiiclias dc coiire (pie vienen 
 en csla nao )■ el liierro deios rescalcs (pie llcLaroii los didios yiidios (piando 
 (jucinaroii la dicha ca-.a (juc no dejaron sino los didios versos e |)asaimiros, 
 
 I'lie prcj^iinlado si se ^astaron al^;imo delos didios resj^ates para C(jsas suyas 
 dc su provcdio o de al^uiio dela dicha armada. 
 
 I)i\o (pie se coiipro cicrlo nianteiiiiiiieiito ile cierto hierro c camaras dc lom- 
 hardas tpicliradas lo (picl sc coiipro en saiila catalina y en san viceyiile c (pic 
 del Restate dc su inaj;eslad ny delos ariiiadores no si; coiipro otra cosa niiiyuna 
 (piesle (leclarante sepa. 
 
 rrcj;uiilado (pie cosas trae en la didia nao dixo (pic no iraeii otia cosa syno 
 unos yiidios lasla cinipicnia o sesenla (pie lacoiipana conpro por csclavos en san 
 viceynte a porlii^uescs dellos a pa};ar hie^o e dellos a Jiaj^ar en estos Reynos, 
 
 I'rc^juntado en (pie pa^aron los yiulios (pie se coiipraion alii a l)a^ai 
 lueL;o. 
 
 Dixo (picstc (leclarante pf)r los (pie conpro (pie son Ires o ipiatro dio por ellos 
 cierto resi^ates dc conteria (|iic avia (picdado en su caxa e olms dalian aii/uelos 
 c pedacillos de hierro <pie no sabc este dedarante donde lo ovicroii e (pie asy 
 misino se dio im pasanuiro rolo a un porlu;;ues ipie se llaiiia reriuuid iiiallo en 
 la dicha lierra de san viceynte por cicrla farina e aliati para la i;eiite e ipie asy 
 misino Iraeii un mayoral dela nacion delos chandulcs e olros Ires fijos de 
 mayorales para ipic vcan las cosas de aca para (pie Inieltus en la dicha lierra 
 scan leiiLjuas c niedianeros en la paz los (piales son de cieiil leguas mas aca del 
 dicho Rio de Solis. 
 
 rre^untado i)or(pie dejo a una avo(.a en una ysla. 
 
 Dixo ipieste declaraiite salic (pie en una ysla ipiedo un viscayno (pic se llama 
 avoijii (pie se entro en una ysla e (pie este declarante espero dos dias jjor el c 
 cnvio ^ente a buscarle e tiro tiros e no syno. 
 
 I're^untado si avia tii^ics e lion(,as en la diclia lierra. 
 
 Dixo (pie si preguntado (pie a (|uc eiitro el diclio av()(,'a en la dicha ysla dixo 
 <|ue a huscar cosas de coiner coino olros dela dicha armada cntraroii. 
 
 Prcj^untadosi mando este declarante vender e vendio los Ijicnes delos difuntus 
 (jue avian fallescido en la diclia armada. 
 
 Dixo (pic este declarante con aciicido delos oficiales, e capitanes de su mages- 
 tad nonbiaron por tencdor delos hiencs de difunlos a un anion ponce tpie al 
 prcsentc vicne en esta nao al (jual se le pida (pienla dcllo e que csle dedarante 
 no se en])acho en cosa ninguna dello. 
 
 J'regunlado sy vienen en esla nao algunos aforros e lo tpie ay en la dicha 
 ticrra ipie scan dc valor dixo (jue algunos marineios Iracn unos pellcjos con (pie 
 se cubrcn y esle confesanle Irae una ropa aforrada de aforros que parcscian unas 
 
\Ml 
 
 T.IV, 1530. 
 
 SYLLAIWS. 
 
 427 
 
 m.inlii!^ c milriiis dulixnuil ay imulias {Mntiil:!!! cii hi iliclia liiria i' asy ini>-i)ii> 
 (If sorvaKs c asy iniMini dlnis coin" j^riscs. 
 
 I'rt'tjunladc) si si' da in la iliclia licrra trij^n i' ivliada. 
 
 I )i\ci ([III' si pipri|iie i>li' dalaraiilc In pnivo y sc da dos vi'zes on cI nrto <• 
 asy luisiiii) ay imirlias idiijas dclas i|iic Iriixo d diriiii caldcron c avctnizcs la 
 licrra a dciilio c i|iil' las diclias ovujas son inalas dc loiiiar, 
 
 l'rf};iinlailo sy ay al^iinas ovijas como dc ai'a. 
 
 Di\i) i|iiL' t'slc tcsii^i) sii|ii> por yidoiniariim do yiidins (juc cii la diclia lii'rra 
 avia Unas ovcjas |)i'(nii'nas di' i|iu' la/ian rii[ia y cran niansa-. r rjiii-,i(i c-, vi'idad 
 dill) <|iif salif alii i|lli' ii' liii.' ii|cj.;unlad() su caryn dil jiiianiiiitn t\\w li/o t- 
 IhuKilii ill' siL niinliri' Silia^lian Calmli). 
 
 I'"lU' ])iXL;iinladi) iiinii) sc llama la tiirra dundc lnnio cl dii lin nia)Mial c Ins 
 DliDs tijcis di- mayiiialLS. 
 
 Dixi) (|iiL'>tu li'siii;i) Ic puso ul |)ULiU) de san SLliastian pur IK^ar alK vispcras 
 df san Scliastian. 
 
 I'i"L'^untad() (juc dundc ipii'dd un rleri^i) e (ilrd honhiv do su riin|iania. 
 
 Dixo i|iii' qiiodarDn on cl diclid |uiorlu pi]ri|uo asy Id piditrcm ollns por una-> 
 policionos (juo consy^i) cslo dcclaianto trac. 
 
 l'roj;unladi) sy lonn) Ids difliDs yndios p(in|Uo <(Uoria nial al dioliD oU-rif^D o al 
 Dtro su cnnpanoro y pon|iio lo dixo cioila porsona (juo sy loniaso Id-, diilins 
 yndius ipio siis padios (IoHds malarian al diolio olori^o al olru su CDnpanord. 
 
 Dixo (jUo no toniD Ids iliolms yndios syno por las cab/as (|uo diclio liono, 
 ijiio no Ic dixo nin;^una |)orsona i|uo Irayondolos malarian al diolio clorij,'D c 
 honhrc Ids padros do Id.-, diclios yndios, o ipic los diclios yn lios e olros on unas 
 oanoas vinyoron all nao do osto doclaranio, y osto doolaranio, ro^o al^unos dolos 
 iliohos yndios quo lo truxosen un niarinoro quo so avia onlrado la liorra donlro, 
 poniue Ionia falla do tnarinoros, los prouiotio dailivas, o los diclios yndios 
 fiioron o dojaroii los diclios )ndios coiiio on rolioiios, y ostando asy, o.-.lo ooiifts- 
 aiito oiivio laiiiliioii al diclio olori[;o ipio lo onviaso al diclio niarinoro, pDr(|uo lo 
 do/ian Ids yndios (|uo olava con ol, y ol diclio cloiiyo lo onvi<i a do/ir ipiol liora 
 1111 vasallo dol Roy ^V- portu.i,'al ipio 110 Ionia (|iio fa/or con oslo oonfosaiUo, o(|iic 
 on oslo coiiicdio vyiio tionjio y osto confosaiUo so (i/o ala vola o si' vyiio o lirnioln 
 lie su noidtro Sohaslian Caholo. 
 
 Kn lo ilolo ipial <li la piosonto oscri|)luia do losiiniDiiio alos diclios sonoro-. 
 juozos para la onviar a su nia^ostad o a su koal Coiisojo ilola> Indias c|uos focha 
 o sacada on Ids diclios dias o nios aiio suso diclio e yo joliaii ( iuliorio/ Caldoron 
 oscriliano do sus cosaroa falolicas iiiat;ostados o csciixaiio puhlico on la su corto 
 y on todos los sus Koynos ol sciiorios ot oscrivano quo soy on ol olicio o 
 oli.lioncia dolos diclios sofloros jiio/os i,ficialos dela iliclia casa dola funlralaciDii 
 Id fi/o oscrobir ot fiz aqui niyo sij^no a tal on tostiiiionio do vordad - loluui 
 (iiitiorroz oscrivano do sus inaLrostados=' " hay mi sii-no^liay una rulirica. ' 
 
 Document now first published. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 1530. 
 
 2nd August. 
 
 Lkttkk ok 1)k. Simao Akkonso. 
 
 In Portuguese : 
 
 Historia Geral do Brazil^ isto e do descohrimento, cohmesacdo, 
 le^iH^islacao . . . Por un socio do Instituto historico do lira:!!, mitiira/ 
 de Sorocabd [Adolfo uii VAKNUAOiiiv], sj. [jf^ Madrid], 1854, square 
 
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i^ir 
 
 SYU.AnUS. 
 
 [LV, 153.. 
 
 f ,• 
 
 8vo, vol. i, p. 439, note 26. 'I'hure is a second edition, printed 
 at Vienna, hut undir tlie printir's niari< of Rio df Janiiro. 
 
 Tile passage whieli we have ([uoted su/<ra, p. 2'^U, is as follows : 
 
 " I'll vco imiy (iesliariitado c poliro pnniui; ili/c <|iil' n;V) triis ciuro nciii priitii 
 mill cousa ;il|^ii;i ill' |iri)vcili> a os aniiailurfs c ilc iliizi'iilii> liiiiin.'iis (|uc Icuou 
 n.lii tias vyiu ijiic IihIos Io^ oiitras dy/iii i|ut' la ficAi) iikjiIus lining df Iraliallii) c 
 t.iiiR' iiiilriis do j;iRTa ijiic co> iiioiiros livciao jior <|iif as fittiiadas di/i; <)iir 
 iiiatarau imiitos deles.'' 
 
 LV. 
 
 1531. 
 
 I itli March. 
 
 The Qukkn ordkrs the Casa ue Contratacion 10 pay 
 
 Sk.I'.ASTIAN I)E ("aI!OTO 30 (UiI.D ducats, ok 1250 MAKAVKDIS 
 
 ON Account ok his Sai.akv. 
 
 (.Xicliivcs of the Indies, Seville ; Esi. 148, CaJ. 2, /.<■;,'. I.) 
 
 In Si)anish : 
 
 Colcccion de docunicutos incditos de I/idias, vol. xxxii, pp. 
 449-450. 
 
 " I'"sta preso c detenido en esta Niustra Corto, e que a cabsa de lo susd dicho 
 e de aber eslado enfernio, e tliiene imiy gran neeesidad, e non ihiene con ijue se 
 alimentar et seguir sus pleytos," 
 
 LVI. 
 
 1531- 
 
 1 1 th May. 
 
 The Queen orders the Casa de Contratacion to give 
 
 CaHOTO 7500 MAUAVEDIS. 
 
 (Archives of the Indies, Seville; list. 148, Caj. 2, l.cg. I.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Colcrcio/t de documetttos iueditos dc Indias^ vol. xxxii, j). 451. 
 
 That sum is not a gratuity, hut a payment on account of his 
 salary of Captain and Pilot Major, and only upon his giving 
 security for the amount, as all monies due to him have heen 
 attached to satisfy the judgments ohtained hy Rojas and others. 
 
 IK 
 
 LVII. 
 
 1532. 
 1 2th March. 
 
 The Queen orders the Casa de Contratacion to pay, out 
 OK Cahoto's monies, the fines and damages to 
 which he has been condemned. 
 
 (Archives of the Indies, Seville ; Est. 148, dxj. 2, Z.ty. 1.) 
 
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 SYLLABUS. 
 
 429 
 
 In Spanisli : 
 
 CoUaioH de dociimmfos ineditos de Indicts, vul. xwii, p. 4:5(^-61. 
 
 ^ This order, which is on heiiall' of the sisters of .Nfarlin aiul 
 
 Fernand Mendez, was made out at Cabot's request, so that his 
 
 person shoukl not l)e seized for non-satisfaction of tiie judi,'nient 
 
 renden,'d against iiim. 
 
 There is in tlie same volume and under the same date, a 
 similar order for the judgment obtained by Rojas. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 1532. 
 1 2th March. 
 The Queen of Spain (regent in the absence ok CnARr.ES V.) 
 
 ORDERS THAT 50,000 MARAVEDIS IJE PAID TO CaBOTO. 
 (Archives of the Indies; Est. 14S, Caj. 2, Leg. I.) 
 In Spanish : 
 Op. cif., pp. 455-8. 
 
 That sum was to come out of Cabot's attached monies, but only 
 after satisfaction of all claims against him. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 1533- 
 
 24th June. 
 
 Letter from Caijot to Juan de Samano. 
 
 (Archives of the Indies at Seville ; Est. 143, CaJ. 3, h:g. 2, and Munoz 
 Manuscripts, vol. Ixxix, fo. 287, recto.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Relaciones geografuas de Indias ; Madrid, 1885, 8vo, vol. ii, 
 p. xii. 
 
 This letter was exhibited in the Exposicion Americanista at 
 Madrid in 1881 ; pointed out the following year in om Jean et 
 Scbastien Cabot (p. 124, note 5), and, for the most jiart, appeared 
 in print, as above stated, in 1885. The complete text was 
 published, with some mistakes, in Mr Tarducct's Di Giovanni 
 e Sel>astiano Calwto ; Venezia, 1892, 8vo, pp. 404-405, from a copy 
 furnished by the Archivo de Indias. As that letter is an auto- 
 graph, and probably the only specimen of Sebastian Cabot's 
 handwriting known, we reproduce it, for the first time, in fiicsimile. 
 
 The text itself is as follows : 
 
 muy magnjco Senor 
 
 1 oy dia del bien avenlurado San Juan recebi vna carta del adelantado de 
 
 2 canaria por la qual me iiaiece que tuda via tiene gana de tomar lu 
 
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 ft' 
 
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 430 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 l^X, >533. 
 
 3 cnprtsa ilfl rio dc jiarana i\ue tan caro inc (jiiosta Vn criailo del diclio 
 
 4 adcliuitado nu' dio la carta y mc dixo (|ue va alia y llcua cartas 
 
 5 del diclu) adclantado para los scfiorcs del coiiseyo sohra la dicha enpre 
 
 6 sa plcj;a dins niicstxii scHor dc ciicaminar Id todo como su santa fe catolica 
 
 7 sea aiimenlada y el ynperador n«('r/ro sefior seruido. 
 
 8 Senor la carta i\uc VKCstx:^ mena\ me enhio amandar i\uc yziese ya la 
 
 ten^o 
 
 9 acahada y dada al contador de la casa de la cnntratacion jjara ((tie 
 
 10 la enhie a \iics/ta. meireiX suplico a \iiestvn. nuv-iid me perdone por no 
 
 auer la 
 
 11 acabadi) mas presto y en verdad sino fiiera por la miierte de 
 
 12 my lijya y por la dolencia de my nnij^er y mya dias lia (\uc vitis/ra. 
 
 13 tihiiiA la luibyera receliido Men jiense de lleiiarla yo niismo 
 
 14 coil otras dos ([i/r teniae) feclio para su magriA;^/ ereo (|//(' su m■^gl•.■i/(^(^ y los 
 
 15 senores del conseyo qudaran [ivV] satisfechos dellas ])or i\ife veran co 
 
 16 mo se puede nave^ar ]vir redomlo |ior siis demlas como se a/.e por 
 
 17 vna carta y la causa ])or (i.V(' nordestea y noru 'stea laguya y como es 
 
 18 forij'oso (|/^(' lo ai;a y (|ue tantas (piartas a de nordestear y norueste 
 
 19 ar antes (j/Zi' toriia aholuerse azia el norle y en (jue Tneridiano 
 
 20 y con esto terna [.?/< ] su magesfiii/ la re^la cierta para tomar la longitud 
 
 21 Senor su|ilico a v/ii'sfra nvva'd de escriuir a estos Sefiores 
 
 22 officiales de la casa de la contratacion (|ue me socoran con vn 
 
 23 terij:io de my salario adelantado para cpie me ]nieda (lesen|>achar 
 
 24 de aqui e yr alia a hesar las manos de \/tt:\/r,x mivvvil y a ahlar con los 
 
 25 senores del conseyo y Ueuarles vn criado myo (|ue (juedo en la 
 
 26 cosla del hrasil el cpial vino con los portuj;ueses (|/^,' de alia vinie 
 
 27 ron para ip/r' de relacio^/ de to [lo s/'r] ij/zt' alia an feelio los porlu<;ueses 
 
 28 y esto suplico a v«f.)7ra mi:iri'd allende de otras nnichas mtritdt's (jue 
 
 29 de v/ic's/ra. mivvcd tengo recel)idas ni<cstxo Senor },niaicle la magnica per 
 
 30 sona de \ucslxa. mcncil y estado acreciente como por viteslxa. xnerred os 
 
 desea 
 
 31 do y \ucstxQ?, scruidores desean. a my Seirora dona Juana beso las 
 
 32 manos. de seuilla oy dia del bien aventurado San Juan del 
 ii '533 anos. 
 
 34 besa las manos de viirstxa. xwt'rcciX 
 
 35 su nniy (;ierto seruidor 
 
 36 Sebastian 
 
 37 Caboto 
 , / tergfl : 
 
 Al muy niagnj'o Senor el Senor Juan de Samano secretario de su rx\a.gesta(l 
 mi senor en madrid. 
 
 For a translation into English of the most important portion of 
 this letter, see supra, part ii, chap, xi, p. 282. 
 
 LX. 
 
 1533- 
 Cabot's own account of the Indians of La Plata. 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Herrera, Dccad. iv, lib. viii, cap. xi, p. 168. 
 
 It is an extract of the memoir (now lost) addressed by Cabot to 
 
 i^^ 
 
r.XlII, ,536,1 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 431 
 
 Charles v., concerning the natural resources of those re-ions 
 and xn h.s own words, being printed by Herrera in italics. " ' 
 
 ■»» <ii' 
 
 LXI. 
 
 1534. 
 13th March. 
 
 CEDUI.A KUOM CHARI.KS V. ORI.KR.NC; THE CaSA DK ConTRA- 
 TACION TO INVESTIGATE THE CONDUCT OF CaHOT AS 
 EXAMINER OF PH.OTS. 
 
 (Archives of the Indies, Seville-; E. 148.— C. 3"—/. I.) 
 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Cokccion de doamentos inedUos de Indias, vol. xxxii, n 470 
 SuJ>ra, p. 272. ' i '*! J- 
 
 Lxri. 
 
 1534- 
 
 I ith Decembre. 
 
 Royal order to the Casa de Contratacion that aii phots 
 
 INTENDING TO CONDUCT SHIPS TO THE INDIES SHVLL liF 
 EXAMINED BY CaBOT. 
 
 (Arcliivesoftlic Indies, Seville; Est. l^^.~Caj. 2\-Leg. x^—Lih. 30.) 
 
 The same order was addressed to Sebastian Cabotto 
 In Spanish : 
 
 ^C^olecrum de documentos inedUos de Indias, vol. xlii (1884), pp. 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 1536. 
 Account of Marcantonio Contarini's diplomatic mission 
 
 TO SPAIN, READ BEFORE THE SENATE OF VeNICE. 
 (Foscarini MSS. in the Imperial Library at Vienna.) 
 In Italian : 
 Raccolta Colotnhiana, part iii, vol. i, No. xxxviii, p. 137. 
 
 '' Sehastiano Calioto, figlio di un Veneziano, qual andette in Inchilterri s.k,. 
 le gahe venete cum iihantasia di cernr m,.si oKi i '"t»" "e'ra suso 
 
 re d'Anglia, pad,e .ie HenrL' n oder o che 'si' i.' fat o luterano' '^ "'-'"^''^" 
 cum 300. homeni navigo tanto che trovo^l I'conje ato'" """onde'^S'n: 
 
 l^^;;SimP 
 
 motto, ed il figlm curarsi poco di tale impresa." 
 
 'f 
 
 '■<! 
 
 ¥4^ 
 
 k 
 
\' 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 I / 
 
 j 
 
 432 SYLLABUS. [I.XIV, 1538. 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 1538- 
 
 Note of rkmemrrance from Sir Thomas Wyatt, recom- 
 mending Caiiot to Henry VIII. 
 
 James Gaiudn'er, Letters and papers foreipi and domestic of 
 the reign of Henry VIIL., vol. xiii, 1892, i)art i, vol. ii, No. 974, 
 
 P- 415- 
 
 LXV. 
 
 1541. 
 26th May. 
 Dispatch from Eustace Chapuvs to the Queen of Hungary 
 
 (Imperial Archives at Vienna ; /\cp. P. Fasc. C. 2T,2,ff. 24-7.) 
 
 In English : 
 
 Gayan(;os, Calendar^ vol. vi, part i, No. 163, p. 327. (Original 
 in French.) 
 
 This Queen was Mary of Austria, sister of Charles V. 
 
 LXVI. 
 
 1544- 
 Inscriptions on Cabot's Map. 
 
 I. 
 
 In the preceding chapters we have had occasion to speak 
 several times of the legends inscribed, in two columns, and placed, 
 one ( Tabvia Prima) on the left, the other ( Tabvla Secvndd), on 
 the right of the reader, in Cabot's planisphere of 1544. Three 
 of these legends interest us more particularly. Their original 
 Spanish text and the translation into Latin of one, are as follows : 
 
 A 
 
 LEGEND RET-ATIVE TO THE VOYAGE OF 1497. 
 
 " No. S. Esta licrra fuc descubierta por loan Ca1)()to Veneciano, y Sebastian 
 Caboto su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro .Sahiador lesu |! Christn 
 de M.cccc.xciiii. a ueinte y quatro de lunio, por la niannana, ala qual 
 pusieron nowbre prima lierra uisla, y a una isia L;ra;/de <]ue il esta par de la 
 d/dia tierra, le pusieron nombre sanl loan, por auer sido descubierta el misnio 
 dia la gente della andan ueslidos de pieles de animates, usan en sus guerras 
 arcos, y flechas, lan(;as, y dardos, y unas pt)rras de palo, y hondas. Es tierr.i 
 muy sleril, ay en ella ni\ichos orsos plancos, y cieruos muy gra;/des como 
 cauallos y otras muchas animales y semeianteme//te ay pescado infinite), sollos, 
 salmowes, lenguados, muy grandes de uara enlargo y otras muchas diuersidades 
 
'V . 
 
 til' 
 
 LXV!, 1544. 1 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 433 
 
 speak 
 
 placed, 
 
 \ida\ on 
 
 'rhree 
 
 linal 
 
 1 Sebastian 
 Christii 
 ala qual 
 par lie In 
 ^\ mismo 
 
 |i\s guerras 
 
 Es tieira 
 
 dcs conu) 
 
 lilo, soUos, 
 
 [ucrsidades 
 
 de pescados, y la iiia)'iir imiltilud dcllos se di/cii liaicallaos, y asi mismo ay 
 enla d/Viia ticna llalcoiiL'-i [iritto-. coino cucruos, At;uilla^, IV'rdiccs, I'ardilla.s, 
 y otras imiclias aucs dc" diucis.is iiiancras.H 
 
 No. 8. Tt-riaiu lianc oliin noM.. claiisani, ajK'ruit loannrs Catiotus W'lietus, 
 nt-ciu)// Suhasliaiius (.'almliis cius tiliiis, aiiiio al) <)rl)L' rfilcni i, pto 1404. die 
 Hero 24, lulij (v/V), liora 5. sub diiiiculi), <jua/// lerraw priimiw ui^am a|ipella- 
 ru«l, tt Insiilaw ipiandaw maijiiaw ei oppositaw, Iiisidaw <liiii lo || aniiis iKHiii- 
 nariw/l, (piippc (pne soleriiii die fe^lo diiii lo-ll aniiis aperia liiit. liiiius terr;v 
 incola' pL-llil)iis aniiiiaiiuw indiuw/tur, arcu ii) iiello, sa = l! ^illis, hastis, spicidi-i, 
 clauis lij;iieis, iS: fiindis utiu/liir : ^leriii.^ inculta(i//(' t'.llus fuil, leunilnis, ursis 
 ali)is, |)ro»;eri>(|//^ ceruis, piveilms iniuinie !l ris liipis scilicet, saimoiiihus, l\- 
 in<,'e«lil)iis soleis iinius uln;e lo;/.L;itudiiie, alijsip^i- diiiersis pisciuw j;ciierii)iis 
 ai)U//dal, lidriiw wwUnt maxima co])ia [! est, (j/zov uulf^us IJacailios a|)pellat, ad 
 hx'c insunt accipitres nigri coiuoruw similes, aipiihe, perdices(i«^ fusco colore, 
 aliiei|//(' diucrsx uolucres.H" 
 
 Supra, pp. 56-62. 
 
 B 
 
 LKGRND RET.ATIVK TO I,.\ PLATA. 
 
 "No, 7. IJaman los Indios ae^te jjran Rio el Ryo luiruai, en Castellano el 
 Rio de la |)lata toiiia« es!e noi dire del Rio huriiai f y/i ] el (pial es un Rio imiy 
 candaloso (pie enira en el t^raii Rio de I'arana desciihriolo loan Diaz de Solis 
 pilolo mayor de los catholicos reyes dc ijloriosa memoria y desciilirio hasta una 
 isia (pie cl dirho loan Diaz |iiiso nomlire la ista [v/V] de Martin (iarcia, ponpie 
 enella entierro im marinero, i\iir se decia Martin (laizia, la (pial diclia i^la esta 
 obra de treynta leguas arriha de la boco de-te Rio, y co^tele bien caro el diclio 
 descubrimi-llentio, por (]ue los yndios de la d/Vha tierra lo niataron y lo 
 comieron, y despius passados miichos Ann<)S lo boluio a liallar Sebastian 
 Ca!!l)ot() Capilan y I'iloto mayor de S. c e. m. del Imperador don Carlos <piinto 
 deste nombre, y Rey niiestro sennor, el (pial yiia por Caiipitan general de una 
 armada (pie su niaiostad m indo liazer para el de'-cubrinie;/to de Tarsis, y Ollr, 
 y Catayo oriental, el (jua d/Vlio capi"tan Sebastia;/ Cabulo uino a este Rio por 
 caso forluito, poripie la nao capilana en i\iic yua sele perdio, y ui^to (pie no 
 podia seguir el d/Vho su uiaie, accordo de descubrir con la ge//te (|ue llleiiaua el 
 diclio II Rio, ui>ta la grandi^siuia r.dacion, (pie los Indios de la tierra le dieron 
 de la II gra«dissima ri(pieza de oro, y plata, ([ue enla d/Vha tierra aula, y no sin 
 gra;?dissimo trabaio y liambie, y ]ieligr(js asi de su persona como || de los (\iie 
 con el yuan, y ])r()curo el d/Vlio capitan de hazer cerca del dicho rio algunas 
 poblatio;/es de la ge«te i\iie lleuo de espana. l'",ste Rio es \'., mayor (.\tie nynguno 
 de quawtos aca se conoscen tiene dc ancho enla entr.ula, (\iic entia enla mar, 
 ueintc y cinco leguas, y irezie/zlas leguas arri |l ba de la d/Vha entrada, liene dos 
 leguas, en ancho la causa de >er tan graz/de y poderoso, es i.\iie entran enel olros 
 muclios rios gra;/des y canda II os. I'!s rio de inlinitissimo ])escado, y el meior 
 c\ue ay cncl muwdo, la gc«te en llegadoa q/«lla tierra (piiso conoscer si era fertil, 
 y apareiada para labrar y lleuar pan y senbraron en el mes de setiembre I. II. 
 granos de trigo i.\!<e no se hallo mas enlas naos y C(jgiero luego enel mes de || 
 dezienibre cin(|ue«ta, y dos mill granos de Irigro, i[iic esla misma ferlilidad se 
 hallo entodas las otras semillas. Los (|«('en a(piella tierra biuew || dizen cpie no 
 lexos de ay enla lieria a denlro i.\iie ay imas gr.iwdes sierras de donde sacan 
 infinitissimo oro, y <.\nc mas adelanle eulas misma 1| sierras, saean infinita plata. 
 Ay en esta tierra unas aueias graiules como asnos comunes, de hgiira de 
 camellos, saluo i\!ie lienen la lana Ian 11 fma como seda, y otras may diuersas 
 animales. La gente de la d/ha tierra es may diferewte entre si, por(pie los (\ue 
 biuen enlas aldas de lassier |! ras, son blancos como nosotros, y los i\ue estan 
 hazia la Ribera del rio, son uuirenos. Algunos dellos dizen i\tie enlas dzVhas 
 sierras ay horn || bres que lienen el Rostro como de perro, y otros de la rodilla 
 
 2 E 
 
 I 
 
 i I 
 
1 
 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 11 
 
 'I 
 
 'l 
 
 I 
 
 ?, 
 
 434 
 
 SYLLAnUS. 
 
 [LXVl, 1544. 
 
 abaxo como de Abesfruz, y (pic (^stos son prandcs trabaiadores, y f|//^ coj^en 
 niuclio iiuiys ik; ([iiu liii/.cii \y.u\ y uiiii) ili'l, olras iiiuchas cosiis dizun liu ;i(|ULlla 
 ticria (|nu no sc |)i)m: iupiy |)i)r no sur prolixas." 
 
 In English (from the Latin original translation •) : 
 l'",i)KN, 'Uw Decades of the nave wor/Je ; London, 1555, f". 31 7 i 
 and Akhkk's edition, pj). 343-44. 
 
 In Latin : 
 
 CiiviK/iajs, De ar(^,-ntefl Fhimine, in his Variorum in Europa 
 Itinenim Deliciic ; Ilerhorn, 1594, sm. 4to, pp. 779 81. 
 
 There is no silver whatever in or about the " Kio de la Plata" 
 and we find it difTiriilt to ascertain why and when that name 
 first came into use. La.s (Jasas says {/Jistoria de ins Jiidias, lib. 
 iii, cap. Ixxxii, vol. ii, p. 270) that he does not know why it 
 is so called, as Dias de Solis named the river "Rio de Santa 
 Maria." The latter is also the name used by Pero Lopkz, so 
 late as 1530. (Diii'ii\ pp. 28, 38.) 
 
 On tlie other ha 1, I'Vancisco Alho, one of Magellan's pilots, 
 who, with him, entered the estuary of the great stream, January 
 loth, 1520, calls it " Rio de Solis" (Navarrktk, vol. v, p, 211).^ 
 PioAi'i'TTA does not name tiie river in his text, but he inserts a 
 map, which bears the inscription " J'luue de Jehan de Solis." 
 That was, evidently, the name generally used then by the 
 .Spaniards. 
 
 Francisco Dwii.a, when describing what happened to him on 
 All-Saints-Day of 1525 (Navarrktk, vol. v, p. 226), speaks of the 
 vicinity of " del Rio de Solis, (jue di("en de la Plata : — the River 
 of Solis, called the River of Silver." That is the first time we see 
 the expression employed. Luis Ramirkz, nevertheless, dates his 
 letter of July 10th, 1528 still from the " Rio de Solis." It is, how- 
 ever, from the expedition of Sebastian Cabot that " Rio de la 
 Plata," became the expression generally used ; although we do 
 not see it inscribed in maps until several years afterwards. 
 "Rio Jordan" is the name which first supplanted that of Solis 
 among cartographers (Turin, Weimar, and Maggiolo mappamundi 
 of 1527). We read in the Havre Catalan Atlas (Discoi'ery of 
 North America^ pp. 601-607), which is of a date later than 1534, 
 " Rios de Prata :— The Rivers of Silver," and only at the junction 
 of the Parana with the Uruguay. The earliest dated maj) (and, 
 so far as we know, the oldest one) which calls the great stream 
 
 ' The words : " a man of great 
 courage and skylfull in cosmographie, 
 and of no lesse experience as con- 
 cernynge the starres and the sea," do 
 not exist In the Spanisli legend, and are 
 to be found only in its Latin transla- 
 tion, viz. " Sebastianus Cabotus naui- 
 gandi arte astrorum 93 peritissimus." 
 
 * The words, inserted between brackets 
 in the text of Navakrktk : "ahorase 
 llama rio de la Plata : — now called no 
 de la Plata," seem to be only a glose 
 of that learned writer. 
 
 I 
 
LXVI, 1544.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 435 
 
 ten brackpts 
 " ahora se 
 called rio 
 
 Inly a glose 
 
 " Rio (Ic la I'Inta," is in one of tlu; Venetian atlases ilepicted by 
 Hattista Acnksk in 1536. 
 
 As to the assertions of ("Jomaua (edition of Vkdia, p. 210) that 
 the name of " La i'lata " dates from Solis in 1512, and of IIkkkkka 
 {Derail, iv, p. 3), that it was given to the river by Diej^o (1aR( ia in 
 1527, the details set forth above show that the allegations of these 
 two historians arc erroneous. iJesides, (Iarcia, who sailed from 
 Sj)ain in 1526, diil not return until 1550. 
 
 c 
 
 LEGKNO SKTTING KORTII CaHOI's SaII.INC DlUKCriONS, AM) 
 
 Explanation ok Macinkiic I'iiI';nc).\ikna. 
 
 Retulo [.t/V] del auctor con (/lerl.Ts razones de la iiaria(;nn que ha/e el aj;iiia 
 del niarear con la esliella del Norte. 
 
 No. 17. Sebastian Cahoto capilaii, y pilolo mayor dela S.c. cm. del Iin|H'r,\ilur 
 don Carlos (|iiinlo desle nombre, y Key niie~.tro sennor lii/o esta rii;ina e\len^a 
 en |)lano, anno del naseiin" de n[iie^l |ro saliindor lesu rinislo de M.li.NI.llll. 
 annos, liiada por ^rados de latiliid y loni^'ilud con sns iiienlos coino carta de 
 niarear. iniitando en pane al I'lolenieo, y en parte alos inodenios deseoiiiiiiore-., 
 asi Ivsparuioles toino l'i)rtiij;iuses. y jjarte jior sn padre, y |)or el desciihierto, 
 por donde podras naueL;ar conio por c.irta de niarear, ti'nien<lo resjiecto a la 
 uaria(;ion <pie ha/e el a^uia di'l inarear, con la eslrella del Norte, nerbi i^ratia, 
 tu le (iiiieres pnrtir del cab > de Sant \ inccnie, para yr a tomar el calm <le finis 
 terra, niandaias ^oiurnar tu naiiio al Norte por tn aj^uia de niarear y yras a dar 
 dentro del dicho cabo, mas tn uerdadero camiiio (pie tu nauio liizo fue al Norte, 
 ipi.irta del Nordesle por que tu atjuia de marear te Nordestea inia (pi.irta en el 
 dlicjlio cnbo de Sant Vincente, de minera(|ne niandando L;riuernnr tu nauio al 
 Norte por tu atjiiia de marc.Tr, tu camiiio sera al Norte (piarta del Nordeste, y 
 asimistno partiendo le de Salmedina, (pie es una baxa a la salida de .Sant Lucar 
 lie b.irrameda para yr a la punia de nai^a de ia isla de Tenerife, mandaras 
 gouernar al .Suduestc, por tu .ai^iii i, y yras a tomar la d[ic!lia puiita de nafja por 
 lo (]ue esta Situada en la carta de marear, mas tu caniino no sera al Sudueste, 
 por (]uanto tu at;uia de niarear te Nordestea en Salmediua una quarta Iarcia, 
 mas sera tu eamino al Sudueste cpiaria del sur larj^o asy (pie ])odras dezir (|ue 
 ))artiendo le del calx) de Sant Vincente al Norte, tu caniino sera Norte (juarta 
 <le Nordesle, y jiartiendote de Salmedina al Sudueste, tu camiiio sera al 
 Sudueste, (piarta del sur, y asi por consi;j;uiente liaras en toda otra parte deste 
 universo mirando la uariacjion, (|ue te haze la d[ic]ha a<;uia de marear, con la 
 estrella del Norte, por (pie la d[ic]ha ajfuia no se buelue ny esta en todo liii^ar 
 al Norte, como el uuIljo pieiisa, ]ior (|ue la piedra ynian sei;un ]xires(je no tiene 
 uirtud para hazerla bueluer al Norte en todo luLjar, mas sej^un jior experienijia 
 se uee y alcanna tiene solamenle uirtud de hazerla estar stabil y fixa en un 
 lugar, por donde a d'monstrar for^ado por linea recta por qualcpiier uiento (pie 
 fueres y no por gircular, y a e-.sa causa haze la d[ic]ha uariac^ion, (pu; si la 
 d[ic]ha aguia se bueliiiese al, Norte cada y (piando y en todo lut^ar no haria 
 uariacion ninguna, por que yria ])or linea circular, porque siempre estarias en 
 un parallelo, (jual no puede ser yendo por linea recta en un rodondo y as de 
 notar (pie (]uani(> mas te aparlares del meridiano, (pie la aguia te esta derecha- 
 nienle al Norte hazia el Occideiite, o hazia el Oriente tanto mas se apartara tu 
 aguia de Norte, es a s;iber la flor de lis delta, la qual esta sennalanda por el 
 Norte, por donde pares^e claramente, cjue la d[ic]ha aguia muestra por linea 
 recta, y no por (^ircular y as de saber que el meridiano donde la llor de lis del 
 aguia esta derechamenle al norte es obra de treynta y cinco legiias de la isla de 
 Klores. La ultima isla de los Aijores hazia el occidente segun la opinion de 
 
 w 
 
 

 \ 
 
 ' ■ 1 
 
 1,''' 
 
 1 
 
 \ 
 
 m 
 
 \t 
 
 'w 
 
 -' ir !: 
 
 I.?/ 
 
 436 
 
 SYIJ.AnUS. 
 
 [r.xvr, 1544. 
 
 al^^iincs pxpirtos, por l;i iniirlia t-xpcrii'iiria (lui- ili'lln lii-ncn, a raiisi\ dc la 
 rpiotidiana n;iiicL,'ai,i()n. <|iH' lia/cn al Oi-cidi'ntc, a las Indiasdul mar Oct'ani), 
 (u'l ilii'lii) Scbasii.iii Calicilo naiMjjarido ha/ia ol ocridenlo, si- h:dli) en parte 
 doiiiU' I'i Nordi'sto (|iiarta del Norif Ic oslaiia dcrcchanR'nlf al Norli-, p(ir las 
 (|liali's siiso d[i(]h:is cxpcrii'n(,i:is parc-iCi' claramcnlc, scr ucrdad Ids <l('fccl(>s y 
 uariii(|-iiin (pii- la diilia aj^iiia dc niarcar na/.r cdii la i-strclla dol Nurlc." 
 
 In I,atiti : 
 
 (liivrK.T.us (Nathan Kochhaht). Variorum in Europa Itin- 
 eruiii Delirid' ; Hi'rlxjrn, i5<;9, .(to, pp. 611--613. 
 
 In I'ji^^lish : 
 
 Sii/<r(i, part ii, (•lia|)t. xv, pages 308-311. 
 
 In tlic cliaplrr xvi of part ii, p. 31 i, we have railed attention to 
 tile following jjassage : 
 
 "Que si la dirtia ajjuia si- l)iicliiicsc a! Norte cada y qimndo y en todo liijjar 
 no haria variarion nin};uiia, ponpie yria por linca circidar, poniue sienipre 
 estarias en iiii parallcio, ([ual no jiuedc .ser yendo por liiica rctla en un 
 redoMilo." 
 
 The Latin is not clearer : 
 
 " Nam si cadcm aims assidiic ex oninilms loris vcrteretiir ad Arctiim, nidla 
 fierol ejus variatio iilpolc' t\\\M jicr clrciilarcin liiicain eiiis variatio, utpole <|ikl- 
 per cirridari'in lincani semper viam dcmonstrarcl, ex (|uo se(]uerotiir, eundeni 
 ;i'(nu'dist:iiilcni sen paralU'ltnn freiiiicntare, (|uod nullo modo conlin(j;et recta 
 liiiea cirindarL'm formam adcunti : — I'dr, if the same needle incess.iiiliy and 
 everywhere- jjoinled to the Pole, its v.iriation would he null ; because it would 
 always iiuiii'ale the route liy a circular line. The conse(|uence is that it would 
 follow a parallel, which cannot he obtained in a straight line when navigatinj; 
 over a circular surface " (?), 
 
 These three legends were originally written, like the nineteen 
 others, in Spanish, by one Dr. (Ikajai.es of the Puerto de Santa 
 Maria, in Andahicia, hut Sebastian Cal)Ot doubtless furnished the 
 necessary information.' The rmnuscript of these legends must 
 have been sent, together with the manuscript of the map, to the 
 place where the latter was engraved, then printed there after 
 having been translated into Latin by some .savant of the same 
 locality. This was certainly a city of the Empire, where "tildes" 
 were .scarce, as the printer found himself obliged, most of the 
 time, to replace that sign over the n by doubling the letter, viz., 
 seniior, mauvnna, unrio, instead of seilor, ina/iana, o/Ia, ike, &c. 
 Resides, the typographical appearance of the legends, and the engrav- 
 ing of the ImjH'rial arms, seem to betray a Low Countries printing 
 office ; although, thus far, we have been unable to ferret it out. 
 In our opinion, however, Belgium is the country where the 
 engraving and printing were executed, probably at Antwerp. Yet, 
 it must be said that the books of '* Octroy," as well as those of the 
 
 1 We find Cabot repeat in per'^on to 
 Edf.n, ten years afterwards, the in- 
 credible statement in Legend 7, thnt on 
 the banks of La Platii, he planted, in 
 
 September, fifty grains of wheat, and 
 " gathered thereof fifty thousand in 
 December " fallowing. Eden, Decades, 
 fo- 256, marginal note. 
 
 ^V 
 
I. XVI, 1544.] 
 
 SY/.rAliUS. 
 
 437 
 
 seal of Hrabant, and of tlic (Ircat Council of Malincs, contain nu 
 r'cntion of tli.it map. Tliis may l)C (lut~ only lo llic fac t tliat the 
 |)ul)lisliL'r (liJ not a^k for a i)rivili.'nc' ; wliicli indilTcirni c wa^. not 
 uncommon in licl^ium for cartographical pul)li<ali()ns.' 
 
 Mcanwliilc tlic printer of liiosc IcgLiuIs reprinted tlicm, witli the 
 same type, hut alter recom poking the wluile, in jiamphlet lurm. A 
 copy has lately turned up in (lermany. It is a small 4to, of 
 24 unnumbered leaves, incluiling one for the title page, which is 
 as lollows ;-- 
 
 Dkci.akatio 
 
 C'makivk Nov^'. Navi- 
 gator i.K Domini 
 
 Al.MlKANIIS 
 
 That is " I'-xplanation of the Sailing (!liart of his Lnrdshi]) the 
 Admiral," whicli is also the title oi the manuscript text in S|)anish 
 of those legends preserved in the King's Library at Madrid. We 
 suppose that it was prompted by the heading of the first ins( ripliun, 
 viz.: "'Tabula I'rima Del .Mniirante," and which precedes tiiis 
 line: "El almirante Don (^liristoval ("olon de nacion giiioue/." 
 'l"he copyisi very |)robably imagined tiial those legends nferred to 
 a map constructed by "the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus." 
 'I'his ex|)lanalion is so nuicii the more plausible tli.it we si'c 
 Antonio dk Dkon also ascribe the authorship of tlie Dcilanicion 
 de la tahla navi^^atoria^ as he justly calls tiial |)aiuphlet {Epitome, 
 1629, p. 145), to tlie great Cienoese. 
 
 Here again tiie [)rinler has onutted lo give his name, mark or 
 address. The only data calculated to aid in discovering where and 
 by whom the tract was printed, are only an initial \\ in woodcut, 
 rei)resenling a bearded man carrying a staff on his right shoulder, 
 and the water-mark, wliich exhibits a hound with a I'ollar around 
 its neck. Thus far, neither our friends in Helgiuni, nor ourselves, 
 have succeeded in discovering one of those indications in any 
 other book. 
 
 As to the map itself, such as it appears in the edition of i 544, 
 it is a copper plate engraving, composed of four separately printed 
 parts, measuring each 80 x 62 centimetres, and pasted together on 
 pasteboard. The.se, with the two tables of legends, of 28 centi- 
 metres wide each, added on the right and left of the map, present 
 a surface of i"" 60^^ in width, and 21"' s*-' in height. 
 
 The four corners of the [)late exhibit each a large engraved head 
 of Eolus, colored by hand, like the coasts, figures of men, animals 
 
 • See, for instance, llie ni.ip of Diego 
 GU'rn-.KRKZ (Junior) inlitlcc] Amcrictc 
 sive quarto: orits par/is, nova et cxactis- 
 
 sima dcicriptio, Ilicro, Cock excudii: 
 Antvi-rpiu, 1562 ; tin: only known cojiy 
 of wliich is in the Brilisli .\Iiis;:uni. 
 
 !il 
 
 \i! 
 
 ./) 
 
 i^!( 
 
r 
 
 438 
 
 SYLLAnUS. 
 
 fl.XVI, ,541. 
 
 f 
 
 f 
 
 ';'!; 
 
 I'tJ 
 
 aiul things witliin the iniip. On the uppi^r part, to the left of the 
 
 rt';i(lir, llnTi' is an cnf^r.ixinj^ of llu- Annum iation, with a I-atin 
 invocaiioii of I'lvc' hius. 'I o the ri^ht, are llie engraved arms of 
 the lOnipire, surmounting the fullusving absolutely uninleUigihle 
 ins(Ti|)ti()n ; 
 
 "^Sd/its lU'l Solo I'll rl iiiioido en sfri/iiio dc las tjuaUs muricndo 
 viiien kii/fs." 
 
 In the lower part tliere is, on eai h side, a lostnograpliical tal)le, 
 l)Oth witiiin a frame. As regards tlie niap|)anunuh pro|)er, it is 
 elliptical, with the orlliographie pr^ jrcliou devised by Apiatuis in 
 1524. It contains indications of magnetic lines with no variation, 
 whi( h, as we have stated, Cabot erroneously transforms into 
 n\cridians, and starling points calciilaled, as he imagined, to enable 
 mariners to lind the longitude at sea. 
 
 For further information, geograpliical and historical, concerning 
 that map, see our Jcd// ft Schmticn to/'o/, pp. 151- 156, and 
 Si/pm, [)p. 2S5 28iS. 
 
 II. 
 
 In 1565, a young ( lerman savant, called Natinni KociiiiAii', but 
 generally known under the name of (JiivTi</i;us, undertook a literary 
 tcnir in Italy, Cicrmany, Switzerland, Poland, Danmarck, France, 
 Helgium, and l^iigland. In the course of that extensive peregrina- 
 tion, he copied a great many inscriptions, chiefly from monuments, 
 !)Ut did not puhli.-ih t'.iem until nearly thirty years after his return 
 home, in a w(jrk entitled Variorioii in Europa ilincnim Delitiu\ 
 (llerl)orn in Nassau, 1594, 4to ; id., 1599, and 1606). 
 
 Wliat struck ("liytnens particularly in Oxford, was a map, but 
 not on account of its geographical im|)orlance, or merit, as he fail, 
 to describe the maj) altogether. His attention was attracted 
 e.xclusively by the information in the legends, and these he 
 copied, notwithstanding the poor Latin in which they are 
 written. To his publication of the legends is prefixed the follow- 
 ing statement : 
 
 ".Sub tabulis gco^rapliici.s sei|ucnte.s inscriptioiics Icguntur ; (lua"^ non lam 
 projitiT latiiiitalis, i\\\x non nia^;na est, olcj^anliam ; <|uani propter res i|)sas 
 cof^nitioni; non iiuli^nns hie suhjieeie voluinius : — Under the }jeo{^raphical 
 maps, one reads llie foHowinj; inscriptions, which we desired to add here, not 
 oil account of the elej,'ancy of the Latin style, which is not {;reat, but of tiie 
 tilings Ihem.selves, which arc not unworthy of notice." 
 
 Those inscriptions are not new to us, being only the Latin text 
 of the tabular legends in the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. It 
 was therefore a copy of Sebastian Cabot's mai)pamundi which 
 ("hytrreus saw at Oxford. Of the geographical part, we do not 
 know whether it resembled in every rcsj)ect the copy in the Paris 
 National Library. But the typographical division of the legends 
 
 
 A 
 
 ^ jij'. 
 
LWI, 1544J 
 
 SVLLAliUS. 
 
 480 
 
 UK ri.ATA 
 
 vui.(;() Rio 
 Haccai.ios appki.i.at. 
 
 was (lirfirfnt. as each contaitiL-cl a sc[)aratc title, which the (jcrnian 
 scholar rt'piocliiccs as follows : 
 
 I. I)K AKtllirilAI.ASSO. 
 II. liK IIISPANIA INSVI.A, DKyUK DIVI lOHANNIS KT I UllA. 
 
 III. DK Nt)VA lll^l'ANIA. 
 
 IV. DK I'KKio oMNiVM SANCToKVM (Magellan's). 
 
 V. I>K MAI.VCARVM IN.SVI.IS. 
 VI. DK I'KUV. 
 
 VII. DK AKdKNTKO KI.VMINK, gVOD 
 NVNCVl'ATVK. 
 VIII. DK TKURA NOVA, gVAM VUI,(;VS 
 IX. DK ISLANDIA INSVI.A. 
 X. DK HIS gVI CKUVIS VKIIVNTVR. 
 XI. DK IMS gVI sol. KM VKNKKANTVR. 
 
 XII. DK HIS MONSTRIS, gV/E PR/KURANDKS MAIIKNT AVRKS. 
 XIII. DK I'KKSIK lOANNK. 
 XiV. DK VXoklltVS gU/h: CVM MARITV MORTVIS VIV/I'l SK 
 
 VLTROT I'VRA COMHVRKHANT. 
 XV. DK TAKTARORVM HRINCH'K, gUKM VUI,(;VS MAONUM 
 
 ("aNKM AI'I'KI.I.AT. 
 XVI. DK TAI'ROIIANA INSVI.A. 
 
 XVII. iNscRii'Tio SKV ti[tv]i,vs AVCTORIS. 
 
 XVIII. DK CIAI'A,\(iV. 
 XIX. DK MAkl SCVTHICO. 
 
 In the edition of 1544, the legend above numbered xviii, does 
 not exist among the tabular inscriptions. It is to be found only 
 within the map, and in Sjianish, without any translation. Here, 
 that legend is set forth in Latin, ajjparently from a text seen by 
 ('hytricus among tiie tabular iiisciiptions of the map which he saw 
 at Oxford. 'I'he legend xix of Chytrieus, which is the i8th of the 
 1544 map, and simply \yax\. of a chapter of Pliny, exists, in 
 ( Miytnxjus, only in Latin, and, in the 1544 map, only in Spanish, 
 with an erroneous reference in the latter to the Roman 
 author, viz.: " Segundo lil)ro, Capitulo Ixxix," which Chytra^us 
 prints: "67, cap. 2 lib." {sic pro lib. ii, cap. 67, which is 
 the exact chapter). 
 
 These differences lead us to presume that the 1549 edition of 
 the map seen by the (lerman savant at Oxford may not have been 
 different in its cartograi)hi(al part from the one of 1544, but that the 
 tabular legends contained no Spanish texts whatever, while they 
 set forth two more insciij)tions in Latin. The contempt with 
 which Chytriuus, who became soon afterwards i)rofessor of Latin at 
 the University of Rostock, speaks of the latiniiy of those legends 
 shows that he was not the translator of any of them. Nor is there 
 anything in his book authorizing the supposition that he did 
 
 ( ■ 
 
 
 ,}i 
 
 I 
 
1 
 
 II 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 'I 
 
 
 u 
 
 440 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [LXVI, 1544. 
 
 not limit himself to reproducing the texts literally as they appeared 
 to him when looking at the Oxford map. 
 
 But a very imi)ortant difference is in the date. Where in the 
 legend xvii of tlie Paris map we read " plana figura me delineavit, 
 1544"; the Oxford one gives " jilaiia figura me tlelineavit 1549." 
 'I'his date (which we shall soon see corroborated), and the above 
 mentioned modifications in the tyjiogiaphical arrangement of the 
 legends, prove, of course, the existence of a second edition, or 
 issue, of the Cabotian planisphere.' 
 
 No specimen of that map is now known to exist, either in 
 Oxford, where we vainly instituted researches, or elsewhere. 
 
 III. 
 
 In Haki.uvt's Discourse oti IVesterne PhuitiHg, written in 1584, 
 but published only in iS;;,'-' there is a referenc:e to what he calls 
 "Cabote's owne mappe, winch is yn the (^)ueenes jirivie gallorie at 
 Westminster, the copye whereof was sett oute by Mr. Clemente 
 Adams, and is in many marchantes houses in London." We do 
 not know whether Hakluyt means to say that there was at West- 
 minster the original edition of a map drawn by Cabot, and in 
 many commercial houses of London, a copy of that map set forth •* 
 or edited by Clement Adams ; or that it was the latter which hung 
 in the Queen's (lallery at Westminster. We possess two other 
 statements relative to the sul)ject which enable us to ascertain 
 what that map was. The first is as follows : — 
 
 " In which m;ip]K', in the chiipitcr of Ncwfoundulande, there in Latyn is put 
 downe, l)esidcs tlie yere of our I.orde, even the very day, which was the day of 
 St. John Ba|)tiste ; and llie tirste lande which they sawe lliey called I'rinia Visa 
 or I'rinia Vista." 
 
 The other statement refers to the date of the discovery 
 
 accom])lished then by Cabot. Haklu\t, after borrowing the year 
 
 1496, from the account of the ISLanluan (ientleman in Ramusio, 
 says : 
 
 "Or, as Clement Adams saielh, 1494, in the chapiter of Gabotts map Dc 
 terra nova." 
 
 These two quotations show that the ma[) which ^\dams " sett 
 oute," and that Hakluyt mentions in his Discourse, was simply the 
 Cabotian planisphere. 
 
 1 We assume that CiiVTK^rus's date 
 " 1594," for the year of tlie discovery, is 
 a misprint of the IltTborn printer, and 
 not a mistake in the map itself Tliis 
 typographical error is re|)eated in the 
 editions of CiivtK/KUS given in 1599 and 
 1606. He died in 1598. 
 
 '•* Documentary History of the State 
 
 of Maine, vol. ii, Cambridge, 1877, 
 8vo, from a M.S. in tlii.: collection of the 
 late Mr Thomas Puil.l.il's at Chelten- 
 ham. 
 
 '* Bacon and Svvm'T, according to 
 Wkb.sti.h, employ the expression " to 
 set out," in the sense of "to publish, as 
 a proclamation." 
 
ilay of 
 
 LXVI, ,544.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 441 
 
 Four years afterwards, in his first edition of the rrincipall 
 Navi\i:;(itions, published in 1589, Halduyt again mentioned that 
 map, and put)lished its eighth legend, after prefixing it with the 
 following heading : 
 
 " All extract taken out of tlu; niappe of Sebastian Cal)ot, cut liy Clement 
 Adams, conceiiiiii^; his iliscoverie of the West ludias, which is to he steiie in 
 her Majesties I'riuie tialleiie at Westminster, and in many other auncienl 
 merchants houses. " 
 
 The reader will notice tliat, this time, Hakluyt does not say 
 that the nia[) was " sett oute." He uses the expression " cut," 
 which means that the map was engraved by Clement Adams. 
 This we are loth to admit. In tlie first place, competent 
 authorities are of oi)inion that there is " scarcely a rc.-ord of any 
 Englishman practising engraving in England prior to the com- 
 mencement of the seventeenth century, and that if numerous 
 books were illustrated with wood and metal engravings, they were 
 for the most part executed abroad, being imported by the authors 
 for the ornamentation of their pui;iications " {Catti/ogiie of a 
 collection of cngnwings, efc/iinf^s and ivoodcitts, 1879, p. 309), and as 
 to maps, if we understand the same authority aright (Nlr. Richard 
 FisiiKR), the oldest mai) "cut" by an Jvnglisli engraver, is a 
 bird's-eye-view of Cambridge, published only in 1574. 
 
 Our own researches tend rather to conlirm Mr. Fishkr's state- 
 ment. We have found only three other mentions of majjs of 
 English origin in the i6th century, 'i'hey are cited in the list of 
 authorities given by OktI'.i.ius. The first is a map of Spain : 
 " Thomas Geminiis, //is/^a/tiu- l^a/nilain. Londini." ' This was 
 engraved by an artist who exercised his art in England so early as 
 1545 {Conipeiidiitm tot ins Anatotnie deliiieatio), but he was a 
 foreigner,- apparently an Italian. The second is " Antotiitis 
 Jenkinsomis Riissia/n, Londini, 1562.'' Ortelius, however, calls 
 Jenkinson only " Auctore,'' which itiiplies that he simply designed 
 the map, inasmuch as his regular occupation was that of captain 
 
 1 Thanks to Baron XoKiif.NSKlol.D 
 {Facsiii'ile Atliis, ]). 130), we liaveliren 
 able to examine llieoiily copy known of 
 that fine map, the tirst, apparently, 
 engraved and printed in iMiijlanil. It 
 is in till' I'.iris National I.ibiaiy {I'ortcf. 
 188, pUce 4,057), in four sheets, measur- 
 ing together 0^940 x 0767, bearing the 
 inscription, ExcusHm l.oiidmi pi-r 
 Thoiiujm Geminiim. 1555, and dedicated 
 to I'liili]) and Mary. The paper is very 
 thin, with a w iti'r mark representing a 
 small Jieur-de-lys surmouMliug two 
 capitals which we could not make out. 
 A noticeable feature is tlie very larijc 
 and beautifully executed escutcheon 
 
 of Spain and England blended 
 together. ,\s a r,peci]nt:n of engraving 
 on cojiper, it is not surpassed by any 
 map of the time. 
 
 - In the dedication to I'.mvAini VI., 
 of his new edition of tlie Compendium 
 (London, 1553), (JKMlNl speaks of him- 
 self as " not so perfeici and experte in 
 the English tongue that 1 dare waraunt 
 or trust myne owne dooynges." Mr. 
 Lionil fusT {Dictionary of Xutional 
 Biofiraphy, vol. xxxi, j). 118), also 
 mentions a notice in the Register-books 
 of the Stationers' Company in 1554, 
 recording a tine on " Thomas Geniyne 
 stranger." 
 
 1 
 
 (1 
 
 \ \' 
 
 I I 
 
 H 
 
 A 
 
 * 'fl*(r">WW« I'v^, M n 
 
 '..a^ 
 
M ,1 
 
 442 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [LXVI, 1544. 
 
 <!' 
 
 1 
 
 ''I 
 
 I f 
 
 ■ i; 
 
 and navigator in the employ of the Company of Merchant 
 Adventurers, and he consianlly travelled from 1546 until 1572. 
 As to the third map it is " Huinfrcdus Lhuyd De)i/n\i;iciisis 
 /lii):;Iiic 7\!cx/ti Talmiam, 1573." Here also Ortelius calls this 
 Humphrey IJoyd (?) only "auctore," which simply means that he 
 was the designer. 
 
 Again, Adams was exclusively a teacher and literary man. 
 Educated at Eton and at Cambridge, fellow of King's College 
 in 1539, 13. A. in 1540-41, M.A. in 1544, we do not see where 
 he could have acquired the professional skill recjuired to engrave, 
 on copper, a mappamundi, particularly of such dimensions as 
 about six feet by four, liesides, Adams reciuired hrst to obtain 
 Cabot's permission. Now, Cabot did not arrive in England 
 before the beginning of January 1548; and Purchas states that 
 the map " was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabot's by Clement Adams, 
 1549." {PilgriiiuigL\ 1625, vol. iii, p. 807.) This date, which we 
 shall soon corroborate with other evidence, does not leave sufficient 
 time. In the opinion of experts whom we have consulted, such 
 a map could not have been engraved, by a single person, although 
 well versed in the art of engraving on copper, in less than two 
 years. Now, if we take into consideration that Cabot's plani- 
 sphere is, to our knowledge, the largest map that would have 
 yet been engraved in England, and tliat Adams, at best, could 
 only be an amateur engraver, whose time must have been also 
 engrossed with other occupations, while Hakluyt at first only 
 gave him the credit of having " set out " the map, it will hardly 
 be admitted that the engraving was actually executed by Adams, 
 at all events between the two dates of 1 548 and 1 549. 
 
 Our theory is that simple impressions from the original 1544 
 plate were imported from the Continent to London. As to the 
 legends, which, as the reader should recollect, were only typo- 
 graphical slips, they were set up again, in Latin, and with:)ut the 
 Spanish (henceforth useless), and printed in England, after having 
 been re-arranged by Clement Adams, in 1549. And that is the 
 edition which Chytraeus saw in Oxford in 1565, and Hakluyt in 
 London, in 1584. 
 
 That the original plate was not altered is evidenced by 
 the remark of Hakluyt that the Transatlantic region first dis- 
 covered by Cabot was called "Prima Vista." This mongrel 
 Spanish expression, which in the Latin legend is simply translated 
 by "primum visam," would have been engraved in English, or 
 in Latin, like, doubtless, all the other inscriptions on the map, 
 if a new engraving of the mappamundi itself, for English readers, 
 had been deemed necessary. 
 
 Concerning the legends of the map described by Hakluyt in 
 1584, we connect them with the legends copied from the 
 
 \\ 
 
 \ 
 
VI, 1544- 
 
 crchant 
 il I572- 
 
 ills this 
 that he 
 
 ry man. 
 College 
 ;e where 
 cnj^rave, 
 sions as 
 
 ol)tain 
 England 
 atcs that 
 t Adams, 
 which we 
 sufficient 
 ted, such 
 although 
 than two 
 )t's plani- 
 )uld have 
 -St, could 
 been also 
 first only 
 
 nil hardly 
 )y Adams, 
 
 ;inal 1544 
 As to the 
 
 only typo- 
 ith:)ut the 
 
 fter having 
 lat is the 
 lakluyt in 
 
 enced by 
 
 1 first dis- 
 
 is 
 
 mongrel 
 
 translated 
 English, or 
 the map, 
 ish readers, 
 
 Hakluyt in 
 from the 
 
 lAVl, 1544.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 443 
 
 "geographical tables" seen by Chytntus, through the erroneous 
 date in both of "1494," instead of 1497, and by the iieading 
 of the legend, " De Term AWw," whii h also occurs in both of 
 them, whilst it is wanting in the edition of 1544. 
 
 But we are confronted at the outset with an ajjparent difficulty. 
 The text of the eighth legend published by Hakluyt in 1589, 
 as having been "taken out of the mapi)e of Sebastian Cabot, 
 cut by Clement Adams," differs from the text of liie same legend 
 as we find it i)rinted with the map of 1544. It is also different 
 from the text of Chyln\jus which, in our opinion, is only that 
 of Clement Adams, as first set forth by him in 1549. llAkLUVi's 
 1589 text is as follows : 
 
 "An extract taken out of the mappe of Sebastian Cal)ot, cut by Ckiiioit 
 Adams, concevniiti^ his disiaiicric of the West Jiiiiias, which is to be seene in 
 lier iMaieslie priuie yallerie at Westminster, and in many otiier ancient 
 merchants houses. 
 
 Anno iJomini 1494 loannes Cabotus venetus, & Sebastianus illius filius earn 
 terram feceruiU ])er uiam, (juam niillus ]5rius adire ausus fuissel, die 24 Junij, 
 circiler horam <|iiintam bene mane. Ilanc autem a|ipellauit Terram prinuini 
 visain, credo ' quod ex muri in earn partem priniinn oculos inuecerat. Nam 
 (|Uie ex aduerso situ est insula, eani ap|)ellauit insulain D. loannis, hac ojiinor 
 ratione, (pind aperta fuit eo die <|ui est sacer I). loanni Haplist;e : liuius 
 incolie pelles aiiinialium exuuias(|ue feratum pro indiimentis habent, eascpie tanti 
 faciunl, (pianli nos vestes preeiosisinias. Ciim belium geiunl, vtuntur arcu, 
 sagittis, liaslis, spiculis, clauis lij^neis «.V fundis. Tellus sleriiis est ne(|ue vllos 
 fruclus affeit, ex cpio fit, vt leonitus allio colore, iV ceruis inusilatie apud nos 
 nuii;nitudinis referta sit : jjiscihus abundat, ijsijue sane maynis, cpiaies sunt liipi, 
 iS: (juds sahiiones vulgus appellat ; sole;e auleni reperieiilur tani hingiv, vt vln;v 
 mensuram excedant. Im|)iiniis autem magna est copia eoruni pi'^ciuni, quos 
 vulgari serniore vocant Ijacailaos. Gignunliir in ea insula accipilres ila nigri, vt 
 coruoruin siniilil\idineni mirum in niodum exi)rimant, perdices autem <i aquiUv 
 sunt nigri coloris : — 
 
 In the yeere of our Lord 1494, lolin Cal)ot a \'enetian, and liis sonne 
 Sel)astian (vvitli an English lleet set out fro I'ristoll) discoured that land wliich 
 no man before that time had allenipled, on the 24 of June, about tiue of tlie 
 clocke early in the morning. This land he called I'rima vista, that is to say 
 First scene, because as I sujipose it was that part whereof they had tlie first 
 sight from sea. That Island which lyeth out before tlie land, he called the 
 Island of .S. John, vpon this occasion, as I thinke, because it was discouered 
 vpon the day of lohn the liaptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare 
 beasts skinnes, and haue them in as great estimation, as we haue our line-.t 
 garments. In theyr \\ars they vse bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, wodilen 
 clubs, and slings. The soile is barren in some places, and yeeldeth little fruit, 
 but it is full of white lions, and stags farre greater than ours. It yeeldeth 
 plentie of fish, and those very great, as scales, and those which commiinly we 
 call salmons : there are soles also aboue a yard in length ; but especially there 
 is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Saluages call baccalaos. In 
 the same Island also there breed hawkes, but they are so blacke that they are 
 very like to rauens, as also theyr partridges, and eagles, which are in like sort 
 blacke." 
 
 1 The original Latin text lias only : 
 "quam terram primuni visam ajipel- 
 larunt " : — to which they gave the name 
 
 of first land seen, without stating the 
 reason why it was so called. 
 
 
 it 
 
 
 ^1. 
 
 I!' 
 
 iiiij 
 
 "m 
 
 wa%:. 
 
444 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [LXVI, 1544. 
 
 I :); 
 
 Now, the Latin text of the 8th legend, whether we take it 
 from the planisphere of 1544, or 'Voni that of 1549, as reported 
 by CiiYTR/i';us, is as follows in English : 
 
 "This land was discovered by Jolin C'aliot, a Venetian, and Seliastian, his 
 son, tile year of llie Kedeni[ition ol tiie World, 1494, on the 24tli ol July \sir\ 
 at the filth liour at (layl)real<, wliieh [land] they cnlled the fust land seen, and a 
 larjje island o])|)osite the same [they named] St. John, because it was (li>covercd 
 on the solemn iesiival of St. John, 'i'he inliahilants of that coimtry are dresse<l 
 in the skins of aii'mals, tiiey use in war hows, arrows, darts, lances, wooden 
 cluhs, and slings. It is very sterile, contains lions, white hears, stags of large 
 size, innumerable fish, namely, seals (?J, salmons, large soles an ell long, and 
 abundance of other kinds of fish, the greatest (|uanlity of them is called by the 
 connnon people H.icallios. There are hawks black like crows, eagles, dark 
 parlriilges, and a variety of birds." 
 
 By eom[)aring this literal translation of the original Latin te.xt, 
 and the latter, witli Hakluyt's Latin text, and his linglish version 
 of the same, the reader will see at a glance, that the legend has 
 been rewritten, in both of these languages, either by (Jlement 
 Adams, or by Hakluyt. The former miglit [ierhaps have taken 
 upon himself to add '' that land which no man before that time 
 had attempted," or " the inhabitants have the beasts skinnes 
 whicli they use to weare in as great estimation as we have our 
 finest garments," and corrected tiie name of the month when the 
 discovery was made, "the 24 of June," instead of "the 24 of 
 July." But it is scarcely admissible that, with both the .Spanish 
 and Latin texts before his eyes when he made the translation 
 of the 8th legend for tlie edition of i54»;, Atkmis would have 
 presumed to interpolate it wiili such e.xijressioiis as "because 
 as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from 
 sea," when the Latin original simply says "(|uam terrain i)rinnim 
 visam appellarunt " ; and still less with "that island he called 
 the Island of S. John upon this occasion, as / tki/ik, because it 
 was discovered u])on the day of John the lJa[)tist," wiien the 
 Spanish states ])ositively " le |)Usieron nombre sant loan por a7>er 
 sido descubierta el mismo dia," and the Latin, " (juippe qure 
 solenni die festo diui loannis aperta fuit." Such clumsy inter- 
 lineations might be tolerated [)erhaps in a book written for 
 common reading, but not in a map, [larlicularly of such import- 
 ance. Moreover, we know that Hakluyt felt no scruijles in 
 interpolating tlie texts which he i)ublisiied.^ Our opinion there- 
 fore is that the differences in the wording of the 8th legend do 
 
 ' FJiDDLK is wrong in chnrKing Hak- 
 luyt with h.iving " Ijoldly striken out 
 the words which show that (loniara had 
 arrived at no conclusion as to whether 
 the expedition of 1407 w.is fitted out at 
 the cost of Henry Vll. or of an indivi- 
 dual (pp. 21-22)." Maki.uvt's " Cabot 
 being in England in the days of Henry 
 
 the .Seventh, he furnished two ships at 
 his own charges, or, as some s;\y, at the 
 King's," does not differ, in tlie sense, 
 from (JiiMAKA's "El qual armo dos 
 navios en Inglaterra ... a costa del 
 key lMiri(|ue .Septimo . . . otro diccn 
 (|uea su cosia." Hut Haki.UVT certainly 
 interpolated the te.xt of i'AUYAN, when, 
 
 -4 
 
M, 1544. 
 
 take it 
 ;portcd 
 
 ;lian, his 
 
 Illy [sir], 
 n, and a 
 
 ,^Cl)VL■rC(l 
 
 .' dressed 
 I wooden 
 , of large 
 oii^;, and 
 j(l by llie 
 les, tlark 
 
 Lin text, 
 version 
 und has 
 Clement 
 i/c taken 
 hat lime 
 skinnes 
 haNe our 
 when the 
 he 24 of 
 > Sjianish 
 •anslalion 
 iuUl have 
 "because 
 JL^lit from 
 nimum 
 ic called 
 )ecause it 
 hen the 
 />()r liver 
 ippe (\ViX 
 sy inler- 
 itten for 
 1 import- 
 uples in 
 ion there- 
 Lgcnd do 
 
 two ships at 
 siy, at the 
 ill llie sense, 
 ;il armo dos 
 a cost a del 
 . otro dii-en 
 UYT certainly 
 .BYAN, when, 
 
 LXVI, 1544.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 44S 
 
 not prove tin; e\istence of a third edition of Cahot's planispliere. 
 'I'hcy simply indicate a gratuitous manipulation by Uakluyt of 
 Adams' text as set forth by the latter in his edition of 1549. 
 
 In 1509-1^100, wlien pubhsliing the second edition of his 
 Principal! N.n'ii^dtioiis, Hakluyt again gave the text of that 
 egend, with the same heading. The only change is in the date 
 if the discovery, which instead of being 1494, as we see it both 
 n the map of 1544, and in Chytneus, as well as in his own 
 .'dition of 1589, is now correctly given " Anno Domini 1497," 
 md " In the yeere of our Lord 1497." 
 
 This change, for the belter, has engrossed the attention of 
 :ritics. In 1587, Hakluyt stated that Cabot's discovery had 
 )een accomplished in 1496, according to an erroneous date 
 )orrowed from Ramusio ( /Fw/c/'//^ /'/a////'/!,'', p. 122), and which 
 le inscribed in the ma[) of his edition of I'eter Martyr's Decades 
 .vliere we read : " IJacam.aos ah Ani^/is, 1496." Two years 
 ifterwards, "1494" is inserted without comments. What led 
 lim in 159910 print " 1497"? A sufficient reason is that it is 
 never too late to mend, and Hakluyt was then in a position to 
 accpiire reliable information. Nay, he had only to examine with 
 attention the maj) dedicated by Michael Lok to Sir Philip .Sidnky 
 in 1582, and inserted in his own Divers voxa^^es in that year, to 
 see, inscribed across Cape Breton Island : " J. (labot, 1497." On 
 the other hand, the positive intention of Hakluyt to correct in 
 1599 the erroneous date of 140: is shown by liis placing the 
 discovery of Cabot under the year of " 1497," in the list prefixed 
 to the third volume of the Principall Navi^^atioiis ; while the 
 MoLVNKUX maj) of the world, which was intended to illustrate the 
 1599-1600 edition of that work (C. Markham, yrV/;/ Davis, 1889, 
 p. 1 68), and which is sometimes found in copies in their original 
 binding, beans, across Labrador, the inscription : " This land 
 was discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot for Kinge Henry 
 
 y 7. I497-" 
 
 Then, would Hakluyt have ventured to affirm that there was a 
 Cabotian map "set out," or "cut," by Clement Adams, with the 
 date of "1497," and whicii "could be scene in her Maiesties 
 priuie gallerie at Westminster, and in many other ancient merchants' 
 houses," if it was not true? In i 595-1600, Clement Adams had 
 been dead three years, there were, however, people who might have 
 gainsaid Hakluyt's assertion if inexact. Nor do we consider 
 impossible that there may iiave been a reprint of Adam's legends, 
 with the date corrected. Samuel Pukchas, speaking in 1625 of 
 Cabot's map "in the Privy Gallery," says that it "hath 1497," 
 
 in 1539 and 1599, he added the natne : 
 "one Jolni G.ibote," to the vague ex- 
 pression "tiy means of a Venetian," 
 used by him in 1582 ; and in placing 
 
 under " the 14th year of Henry VII.," 
 tlie arrival of the two savages, vvliieh he 
 had previously stated to h.ive occurred 
 " in the 17th." tjcc supra, pp. 142- 148. 
 
 i 
 
 I f. 
 
 \ V 
 
 
 
 4 
 

 w 
 
 t 
 
 'li 
 
 
 
 lI I / 
 
 ;l 
 
 K' 
 
 
 m 
 
 ■ ' 
 
 446 
 
 svrj.Anus. 
 
 [I.NVI, 15.M. 
 
 (//« Pili^rifnai:;(; vol. iv, ]). 1812). Tliis lie may have borrowed 
 from the Haklityt of 1599 -1600. IJiit where did Pun lias learn 
 that it was dated 1549? Here are his own words, as we find 
 them in vol. iii, p. 807 of the above cited work : 
 
 " TliL' f;ront Mnp in liis Majcstiis priuic ("lallviio, of wliich Sclinsti;!!! Calmt 
 is often tiK'iX'in culled the Author .... This M ip, some say, was taken out 
 of .Sir Sel). Cahol's Map liy Clem. Adams, 1549." 
 
 If we plare conftdenre in Tun has' st.itement, there must have 
 been on exhibition at Westminster, two eo])ies of Adams' edition 
 of Cabot's jilanisphere, Ixjth dated 1549; but one giving 1494, 
 and the other 1497, as the year of the great transatlantic dis- 
 covery achieved by John Cabot. 
 
 There is another im|)ortant inference to be drawn from these 
 two dates. In 1549, Sebastian Cabot had lieen living at, London 
 over a year, in the eni])loy of the Englisii government, and enjoying 
 great reputation as a cosmographer. On the odier hand, Clement 
 Adams' social position, ins scholarship and taste for geography, 
 evinced by his being able at least to edit such a map as the 
 Cabotian planisphere, and by his writing a few years afterwards 
 so able an account of the voyage of NVilloughby and Chancelor, 
 lead us to believe that he sought the acciuaintance of ('abot. In 
 fact, the eilition wliich he made of the hitter's m.ip im|)lies 
 personal intercourse with hiin. Is it not natural to think that, 
 under the circumstances, the correction in the date of the di.s- 
 covery, viz., 1497 instead of 1494, in Adams' jiresumed second 
 issue of the L^ends may have been suggested by Cabot iiimself ? 
 
 The above are not the only contemporaneous mentions of 
 Cabot's planisphere. Ortki.ius (List of authorities at the beginning 
 of his 77/(V7/;7/w, Antwerp, 1570) refers to " Sebastianus Cabotus 
 venetus. Universalem Tabulam ; quam impressam a^neis formis 
 vidimus, sed sine nomine loci, et imjiressoris" ; but this brief 
 description applies as well to the edition of 1 544 as to that of 
 1549. Ortelius does not say where he saw that map. It may 
 have been in England, as he visited that country with his cousin 
 Kminanuel iMeteren in 1550. 
 
 Richard Willes, in his edition of Edkn {History of Trai'ayk, 
 London, 1577, 4to, fo. 232), mentions " Cabot's table which the 
 Earle of Bedford hath at Cbeynies." If it is the one which Eden 
 saw, and from which he borrowed the legend about La Plata, 
 above reproduced in Latin, at first sight it seems to be the 
 edition of 1544. After relating that the Spaniards planted in 
 September 50 grains of wheat, they gathered in December 
 following a very large crop, Eden adds (within the legend), 
 " wherin sume beinge deceaued and mistakynge the thynge, haue 
 wrytten in the stcide of twoo thousande and fiftie, fyftie thousande 
 and two?" We read in the Latin of 1544, "duo millia supra 
 
 fi/ 
 
 m 
 
'f' 
 
 <VI, i.';44. 
 
 )orrowc'd 
 
 las Icirn 
 we fiiKl 
 
 lian Ciilicl 
 taken uui 
 
 uist liavf 
 s' edition 
 
 ng 1494. 
 antic dis- 
 
 •om these 
 It, London 
 1 enjoying 
 , Clcineni 
 j;cograi)hy, 
 ap as the 
 afterwards 
 Llhanceior, 
 :abot. In 
 ,1]) impUcs 
 think that, 
 :if the dis- 
 ced second 
 . himself? 
 lentions of 
 
 )eginning 
 us Cabotus 
 neis formis 
 
 this brief 
 
 to that of 
 ). It may 
 
 his cousin 
 
 / Travayk, 
 which the 
 which Eden 
 It La Plata, 
 to be the 
 planted in 
 December 
 le legend), 
 lynge, haue 
 e thousande 
 niillia supra 
 
 I.XVI, 1544.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 447 
 
 quinquaginta," which corrects the Spanish " rin(]uenta, y dns mill." 
 Eden, however, has not seen the Spanish text of the U'gt'nd. 
 His source of information for the erroneous figures, are words frtjni 
 the mouth of Cabot ' himself, coupled with Gomaka's stattinent ; 
 
 "Cal)()ti' tdiili' nio that in ;i rci^jion within this ryiicr, hf soweil L t^rayiK's nf 
 weate in ScptLMnhcr, ami jjp.tlicrcd ihcrof L thmisanil in Ucccnilicr as wrytoth 
 also I'"iancisc() Lo|)cz. "'" 
 
 Our im])ression is that Eden made his transcrijn of the legend 
 from the edition " sett oute " by Clement Adams in 1549, whieh, 
 as we believe to have shown, reproduced only the Latin of the 
 longitudinal C!ai)olian inscriptions. 
 
 'i'he inference from this arduous disfjuisition is that there must 
 have been two or three issues of the ma|), ail from the same plate, 
 and four editions of the |>rinted longitudinal legends, vi/ : 
 
 1°. The first issue, made, as we believe, in Antwerp, where the 
 map. in our opinion, had been engraved, from a manuscrijit map 
 l)repared at Seville by Sebastian Cabot in 1544, and sent over 
 with the legends written in Spanish at Puerto de .Santa Maria, by 
 Dr. (Irajales. These legends were also then printed at yVntwerp, in 
 two forms ; one, in two longitudinal tables, which were pasted on 
 each side of the plate ; the other, in ]iamplilet form, to accompany 
 copies of the map sold without legends pasted thereon. Of that 
 issue of the ma[), which is the princeps, there is only one copy 
 known. It is now on exhibition in the (]eographical De])artnKnt 
 of the Paris National Library, and framed. 'I'his curious piani 
 sphere was discovered in the house of a curate, in Bavaria, fifty 
 years ago, and purchased by the I'Vench government in 1S44, for 
 4000 francs. Jomakd caused it to be reproduced in facsimile by 
 an able Polish artist called E. Ricmiuf.i.inski, but without two of 
 the princi[)al ornaments which are depicted between the hori/on 
 of the sphere and the edges of the map, and without the tabular 
 legends. These legends were afterwards lithographed in ficsimile 
 by Jomard's son-in-law, Mr. Boskm.i, but for private distribution, 
 while the map was made to form part of the Momuuents dc la 
 Gec\i:;raphie, Paris, 1862, folio, plate xx. 
 
 2". The issue made either in Antwerp, or in I>ondon (in 
 supposing that the original plate was sent over from Belgium) in 
 1549. To this were added two tables of Latin legends only, 
 copied from the Latin te.xt of the legends in the edition of 1544, 
 but divided into chapters, each with a heading, and printed in 
 England. That is the edition "set out" by Clement Adams, 
 described by Chvtr/Eus from a copy seen at Oxford, in 1565, and 
 at London by Hakluyt, who mentioned it in 1584 and 1589. 
 
 1 " Rs tierra fortilisima ; ca Sehastiano dc las Indias, Vkdia's Madrid edition. 
 
 Gaboto sembni ciiiquenta y dos ^ranos p. 212. 
 
 de trigi) un sctiiMnbre, y cogi6 cincuenta '■' ICden, Decades, fu- 256, ni.irginal 
 
 mil eu deciembre." (lQiA.\v.t\, Hisloria note. 
 
 'I 
 
 ' r. 
 
 i lu 
 
 £ 
 
r 
 
 111 ,)( 
 
 448 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [LXVII, 1547. 
 
 / 
 
 3°. The issue made, again in 1549, at London, with the legends 
 re|)rinti'(l still under the supervision of ('leinent Adams, who, 
 apparently on the advice of Sebastian Cabot, corrected a mi>,take in 
 the same which had escaped them. That is, " 1494" was altered 
 into "1497" fo"" the; date of the discovery. Tiie map which 
 Hakluyt had in view in 1599, and to which Purehas also referred, 
 in 1625, belonged to that sup[)osed second issue of Adams, 
 also dated 1549. No co[)y of any of these two is now known to 
 exist. 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 1547- 
 9th October. 
 
 EXPKNCES FOR DRINGINc; CaUOT TO ENGLAND. 
 
 " Mr Peckham had Warrant for 100 // for the Iransportinf; of one .Shatiol 
 (w), a Pilot 10 conic out of IIis[)ain to serve and inliahit in Knglaiid." 
 
 Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council of En^^lauJ, London, 1 890, 
 vol. ii, p. [37. 
 Jean et Sehastien Cabot, doc. xxxiv, p. 358. 
 
 W \h 
 
 my 
 
 t .' 
 
 M 
 
 'I 
 
 \'\ 
 
 «i'V 
 
 
 ''I 
 
 LXVIH. 
 
 1549. 
 2nd September. 
 
 ^'100 PAID FOR CONDUCTINt; CaHOT TO EnCLAND. 
 
 " Thcxc'iner had warrant for C' to Ilonry Oystryge by Iiiin taken uji by 
 Kxchaunge for conducting of Sebastian .Sai)olt {sic)." 
 
 Dasevt, Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 320. 
 
 Cf this with the above document of October 9th, 1547, which 
 it seems to complete. 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 1 549. 
 
 25th November. 
 
 Dispatch from the English Ambassadors. 
 
 (Hrit. Mas., Cottonian MSS. Gahha B, xii, fo. 124.) 
 CI. Hooper, in Notes and Queries, 3rd series, vol. i (1862), p. 
 
 125- 
 
 Jean et Sehastien Cabot, doc. xxxiv a, p. 359. 
 
 This dispatch, which was first made known by Strype,^ is from 
 Sir Thomas Cheyne and Sir Philip Hoby, English Ambassadors 
 
 > Memorials, vol. ii, p. 190? 
 
 A 
 
 -*-•* 
 
'-xxrrr, ,550.] 
 
 SYLLAIws, 
 
 449 
 
 Privy 
 
 Supra, p. 32>. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 1549-50. 
 
 ^ 6th January. 
 
 Annual Pk.vsiov or- r,f.r 
 
 In Latin : 
 
 KVM,.,K, A/vAw, vol. VI, paniii, p. 170. 
 in English : 
 HAKr.UYT, loc. cit. 
 
 Lxxr. 
 
 1549-50. 
 
 29th faniiary. 
 
 matter of CalK,tt'.he;wo.S' tZ^^Z^ZTv ''^ "" '"'^''^^ '^at .."ti:;! 
 sped." cMiHniic and make lum answur with convcniL-iit 
 
 Dasent, .;/. «•/., vol. ii, p. 374. 
 
 LXX 1 1. 
 
 1550. 
 2ist April. 
 Answer eko.m Ca.ot to Charles V 
 (lint. Mus,,II„rleyanM,SS. S23,f,,9.) 
 
 -k ;t^^r;^^i;;;-:;;- ^^^ ^ London, 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 1550. 
 4th June. 
 Seb. Cahot onxAL.s a copv ok the Letters Patent or X406 
 
 (Pubhc Record Oftice. Patent Roll. Edw. VI. Part vi „, ,o ) 
 The document begins as follows : ' ^ 
 
 * 
 
 J 
 
 
 2 F 
 
 ^r 
 
/ 
 
 
 450 
 
 SYLLAIiUS. 
 
 [I.XXIV, 1550. 
 
 I ) 
 
 m^^ 
 
 >\ 
 
 r* 
 
 I/.' 
 
 m 
 
 Constat nohis per insiieccionem Rntuloruni C'linccllaric nnstrc quod dominus 
 Ilenriciis Ki'iitiniiis nuper Rex An^jlif amis poster pr'tliarissimiis liitcros siias 
 palcntcs tiiTi (ceil in lice vctIm : -l.tltcr of constalatioii. Tlu' Kiii^; In all, iVc, 
 ^(ri'iliii;;, Wc liavL- ascerlaiiud liy an iiis|iicti()n of llu' rcconls of our 
 t'haiuxTy, thai llii' lord Ihiiry VII., formerly Kini; of Iln^jland, our very dear 
 aiRuslor, has issucil Icllirs |)aiLMit, llic tenor of wliiili is as follows : " 
 
 'I'hfii it ri'cilcs Vtr/nitiui and literatim tlic letters patent (granted 
 to John C]al)()tto and his sons on the 5th of March 141/) (.S'///n7, 
 No. 4). The only difference is in the date, wiiich, here, instead 
 of hein^' "(|iiii)to die Manij," is "(|uinlo die Aprilis." 'The latter 
 is an error on the part of the transcriber of the time of lOdward 
 VI., as we have ascertained from the ori;.,'iiial record of 1496. 
 
 This is followed hy the following statement: 
 
 " Nos nuteni pro 00 ([uod lilleie pre<liclc casiialiter sunt aniisse proiii 
 profatus Sehastiamis coram iioliis in Cancellariam noslram personaliler consll- 
 tutus sacraiiu'iiluin preslilil corporale el ipiod ip>e lilleras illas si eas iinposleruin 
 [tvV] repercri eonti^eiil nohi-. in eaiidem Caneellariani iKjsliani resliluit ihiileni 
 cancell indain lenorem irrolulanunli lilleiarum prediclaruin ail rei|iiisicioiiLni 
 ciusdein Sili.i^liani duximus exemplilirandain per prcsentes. In cuius rei testi- 
 nioniuni lias lilleras nostras tVc. T. U. ai)ud \Veslin<inasleriuni iiij die Junii : — 
 And wlureas the aforesaid letters [patent] liave been lost hy accident, as 
 the said Siliastian who came before us in person in our ('hancery has declared 
 on corporal oath, and tiiat should they he found aj^ain he will return them to 
 our Chancery to he put on record [tiled ?]. 
 
 Now , We, hy these presents, at tiie reipiest of the said Sebastian, have deemed 
 |)roper that the tenor of the said letters be copied. 
 
 In witness wlureof, these our letters. 
 
 Witness the Kin;^, at Westminster the 4lh day uf June [in the 4th year of our 
 reijin|."" 
 
 Document now first [)ul)lished. 
 Supra, i)p. 146 and 323. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 1550. 
 Gratuity of ^200 from Edwarl VI. to Cahot. 
 
 (Roy. 18 C. xxxiv, ff. 66 and 68.) 
 
 " An aci|uittaunce to the Treasurer and Darons of Thexcheker for the pay- 
 ment of diverse somes of monie hy the counsailes warrant as foUowelh, from 
 the feast of llasler aiv) 4 ed. vi until michalmas following " (fu 66, &c.). 
 
 To Sebastian Cabote icjli {sic) by way of the K. iM. rewarde." 
 
 Jean et SiNistic/i Calwt, doc. xxxiv c, p. 360. 
 
 LXXIV. BIS. 
 
 1550. 
 
 26th June. 
 
 Gratuity from Edward VI. of ^200 to Cabot. 
 
 " A warrant to thcxecher|uer to paie unto Sebastian Cabotto cd' by waie 
 the kinges m.ijesties rewarde." 
 
 \ 
 
ry 
 
 ■} 
 
 '■xxv,.,„..] sy^.Mnus. 
 
 451 
 Hasknt, fl/>. a/., vol. iii, p, 55. 
 
 KralX.'""'"" '"' "" ""'^'''"« a,,,ar.,uly rc^r to the .anu- 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 I55f (?). 
 March (?). 
 
 SjRvi.K, A/c;,wn\,/s, vol. ii, part ii, p. yr.. 
 
 arc not r.m red 7s^ ^.v,'" '"^ ""^^■'' 'I"''"'- '"^"^''■^ ^ '^"^1 
 
 assigns to it tl,e . t. ' " vi^ ri'L';''""'?' '^ "".•^•'^"^•- "-" 
 Sebastian (al,„t -ukls Lfwn . ^^ ' ;"V'' ^''^^^''^ t'^^' "'^"i^' "f 
 aconuncMtofhf^ow^ ''"^''" ''"'^^'^^■'^' '^''^ «^^'^^' seaman," as 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 •SSI- 
 IS th Sc'ptcml)or. 
 
 (Venice, 0„„v/,i ,/,,/,,,,,■. /.,„,,■ .,.,„„, «/ ^ 
 in Italian : 
 J5ur.i.o, o/>. a/., No. 13, p. 70. 
 
 P- 361. 
 
 /e<m et Sclnisticn Cabot, doc. xxxv, 
 
 In English : 
 
 Rawdon Bkown, Calendar, vol. v, No. 7, ,, p. 364. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 17th April. 
 Cahot draw.s his Pen.sion 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 100.) 
 
 Sebastian himself receives as nnt- r.„o,f c t ■ 
 i:.66, ,3.. </ pc.an„uSl4. .3°".'""'" °' '"^ P"^"*" "^ 
 The Tellers ,11s for ,l,e four years preceding doubtless 
 
 ' Viz. : "as appears by the accounts of the Exchequer." 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 '( 
 
 I 
 
 I' 
 
ri! ,n 
 
 452 
 
 SYU.AnUS. 
 
 fLXXVIt, issi. 
 
 i 
 
 ii r \ 
 
 
 c'xliil)itod entries exartly like the present, unfortunately they are 
 wiinlin^' hclwten Master rst of lulward VI. and luisttr 4th and 
 5tli. Sucli is |)r()l)al>iy the case lor ll>e Rolls from ICasterd.iy 
 1551 and the day of St Michael 1554. 
 
 \\'e are indelitcd fortius and the other extrarts from theTellers' 
 Rolls, all of \vlii( li now |)ul»lislu(l for the first time, to M, 
 Oi'j'KNiiKiM, Es(|., who kindly copied them at our re(|uest. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 1551- 
 1 2th September. 
 
 DrsPATCir kkom ifiK Ri-A'. I'kikk \'.\nni;s, Knmii.ism Amiias- 
 
 SAliOK AT VkNKK, 
 
 Win. I!. TuKNiiur.i,, C(?/(.»/^/r//-, Fotn's^n Scries ; Ethcard Vl. ; 
 London, i,S6i, p. 171 ; Sir Thomas IIakdv, A'f/^orf on t/ic Doni- 
 tnrnts in the /Irchives and public iii'nirics of Venice; London, 
 1866, p. 8. 
 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xxxvi, p. 362, 
 
 
 \m:\ 
 
 
 li'f'/' *' 
 
 -^ li 1 i) 
 
 l\ 
 
 1 1 
 
 '\ 
 
 ] 
 
 \ \ 
 
 
 i 1 ,') \ 
 
 L [ \\ ■ 
 
 v\\ ''] ^■ 
 
 M) 
 
 \^ ; 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 1553- 
 
 9th May. 
 
 "Orpinancks, Instructions, and Aduertiskmknts of and 
 
 FOR THK DIKIXTION OK TMK INI'KNDKl) V0YA(;K FOR Ca- 
 THAV, COMI'll.KI), MAOK AND DF.I.IUKKKI) IIY THK, RlOHl 
 WORSHII'FUM, M. SkHASTIAN CaHOTA KsgUIRK, CiOUKRNOUR 
 OK THK MVSTKRIK AND CoMl'ANIK OK THK ^L\RC^ANTS 
 ADl'KNirKKkS . . . ." 
 
 226. His text 
 hy Mr. W. N. 
 
 Haki.uvt, Princif^all Naiugations, vol. i, p. 
 should be compared with the one mentionecl 
 Sansiiurv, Calendar, Colonial, vol. i, p. 3. 
 
 These ordinances and instructions are for the voyage of 
 Willou^^hby and Chancelor. 
 
 Supra, p. 342-349. 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 1553- 
 9th September. 
 
 Letter from Charles V. to Mary Tudor. 
 
 In French : 
 
 CI. Hopper, in the Notes and Queries, 3rd series, vol. i (1862), 
 p. 125. 
 
*u 
 
 11, «55«. 
 
 hey arc 
 Jill ami 
 istcrday 
 
 Tellers' 
 to M. 
 
 LXXXm, ,j5j.J 
 
 sy/./.Anus. 
 
 453 
 
 Amuas- 
 
 ird VT. ; 
 he Doc II. 
 London, 
 
 OF AND 
 
 KOR ("A- 
 
 K RlllHI 
 
 UKKNOUK 
 
 \KC11ANTS 
 
 His text 
 r. W. N. 
 
 royage of 
 
 )1. i (1862), 
 
 /vi« et Sr/w/iffi Cahot, dot. \xxvi, pp. 362-363. 
 
 In I'jij^lish (extract): 
 ^^ W. 11. TuKNiiu.,., CahnJars, Fordi^,,, -553 58, vol. i, No. 30, 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 '553- 
 i5tli NovcnilRT. 
 Lkttkr from Skiiastian Caiiot to Ciiaki.ks V 
 
 (Simancas, Eshuh, Cormpond. ,U hi^laUrm. l.t^„jo 808.) 
 In .Spanisli : 
 
 voui^iX;"',;';::"'"^ '"''''' ^'"^ '^ ^^^'- ^^^ a^--. 
 
 Sufra, p. 364-366. 
 
 LXXX I. 
 
 «S54- 
 i6tli i'cbriiary. 
 Lkttkr from Charlks V. to his son Philip. 
 In Spanish : 
 
 Co/trdo,, dc Documaitos imditos /.//-„ h Hhtoria de EsPami 
 vo. ni, p. 5,r and Bul/et. de Geo;rr. lmton.,ue et descriM. p 2 
 
 Empemf '" " ™''^ ""^ "^' ''"''-' ''^'^ '^'"^'^ "^ ('.Lot to^hc 
 
 LXXX II. 
 
 '554- 
 13th March. 
 Another Letter from Charles V. to Philip. 
 Ibidem. 
 
 LXXXIIL 
 
 1555- 
 6th February. 
 Philip and Mary incorporate the Company of Mfrchant 
 Adventurers, and appoint Seisastian Cabota govkknor 
 
 OF THE SAME FOR LIFF;, 
 
 Hakluyt, Prindpall Navigations, vol. ill. 
 
 Lemon, Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1547-80, vol. i, 
 
 (Ll! 
 
># 
 
 { 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 \% ) 
 
 \f' 
 
 \) 
 
 ml 
 
 ! 
 
 Ill 
 
 454 S 1 V_ /.^ /; l/S. [ L X X X I V, 1 554 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 1554. 
 
 29th September. 
 
 Cahot draws his T'ension. 
 
 " SclwstiaiK) Cnlioto aiinii^cii) <li.' annuilalu sua ad centum inarcas per annum 
 sihi dchitas prn dimidii) anno liniio in fcsto Sancii Michn-lis annis prinio ct 
 SL'cundo rej^noruni I'll, cl Marie, receptis denariis per manus Thomx Tyrrell 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 103.) 
 
 Sebastian Cabot receives by the hands of one Thomas Tvrki.i,, 
 ^33, Gs. Si/., tlie same being one half of llic annual jiension of 
 100 marks granted to him, we do not know when, but dating 
 necessarily so far back as March 25th, 1554, at least, and, con- 
 sequently before Mary Tudor's marriage with Philip of Spain, 
 which took place July 25th, 1554. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 1555- 
 27th November. 
 
 PkNSION of 250 MARKS GRANTED BY QUKEN MaRV TO CaISOT. 
 
 In Latin : 
 
 RvMKR, Fivdera, vol. vi, part iv, p. 40. 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 Before 1556. 
 
 Original Spanish text of Caiiot's alleged method for 
 taking the longitude at sea p.y means of the de- 
 clination of the sun. 
 
 " La q.iinta manera de dar la longitud por la declinacion i] el sol liene de la 
 Eqni'iucial. 
 
 Esta niinera de dar la longitud por la declinacion del sol dixo cierta persona 
 a V. nit. (ialla sebasiian cai)oto piloto niior de su Magrt. en ynglatra e yo dixe 
 en breue a V. nu. quando lo su]ie la mafia <"j podria ser q luuiese para la dar 
 por do V. nit. la noto con las otras-maiias q sean tenitlo para el dar de la longi- 
 tud y assi nie converna aijui traclar ilella largo eomo hago de todas las otras 
 piles digf) q ]iara saber loniar la diferencia de qualesquier lugares por muy 
 apartados q esten los vnos de los otros de oriente en occidente o al contrario, 
 sea de considerar q el sol dentro de vn ano poco mas anda su mouimio por 
 todos los grados de los sinos del zodiaco por mafia q en vn mes poco mas o 
 menos anda vn sine y a este respecto cada dia casi anda vn grado y porque el 
 Zodiaco se aparta de la Equinocial tocandose con ella en dos puntos ij son los 
 primeros minutos de los j,rados de los sinos de aries y de libra no tienen en 
 ellos declinacion algune por q declinacion no es otra cosa q la distancia q los 
 grados 6 estrellas o partes del cielo tienen de la linea Equinocial y assi los grados 
 
 
i^jju — wr- 
 
 H 
 
 LXXXV, hi'forc isjO.] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 455 
 
 del Zodiaco vicnen a loner mas o inenos declinacion scf^'un cl apariaimo ticnen 
 (Ic la liiica hasta Ins piiiiicros yrados de los siiios dc cancro y do ca[)ric(irnio (juc 
 csian apartados por casi 23. ^'rado.s y A do la K(|uiniicial y osto t-s el niior 
 aparlanii". Tj cl sol ostando en cllos puode teiier de la e<|uin(icial y assi tenia 
 taiito mas o menus soj;un por los j^rados en ^\ andiuiiro y assi mismo so a de 
 saher q assi como cada ^rado del Zodiaco liene su declination de la e(|uinocial 
 assi cada niiniito do los .60. on r| osta repartido el jjrado la lorna jiroporcional- 
 niente, conio si el primer niinulo del primer grado do Arii.'le no tuiiiose decli- 
 nacion y el primer minuto del sei;undo ^ra<lo del dho sino tuuiese .24. minutos 
 do declinacion osto claro (|iie eslos .24. minulos se an de reparlir \wx los ,60. 
 minutos Tj el sol anduuo en todo aipiol dia desde el vn niiiuilo A otro y a'^si 
 caliran (eehada la quonta) a cada dos minutos y medio del {.^rado vn minuto du 
 declinacion. I'lios presuppueslo q el sol entrase A .10. <lo marco en el primer 
 niinulo del primer i;rado de arieto dondo no liene declinacion alj^una y do alii por 
 el monimi". Kapto fuoso liasla .90. t;rados de lon,t;ilud clonde aiiria ya andadcj . 19. 
 minutas del ilho i;rado y ternia alii de declinacion sois minutos, y como anduuiese 
 doaipiel Moridiano mas liacia poniento liasla aver andado.iSo. t;rados doloni,'itU(l 
 de Moridiano do souilla aiaia andado .30. minutos del j^rado ile Arijte y ternia 
 do declinacion ilo la equinocial .12. minutos y an<lando mas liasla lloj^ar al 
 moridiano q dislase do sonilla por .270, ^rados auria andado 49. minulos del 
 dho. grado y ternia de <lecIinacion . 18. minutos. I'or mafia q boliciondo el sol 
 al .Moridiano do souilla auria andado soj^un el monimio Kapto .360. ^rados y 
 .60. minutos q contiene on ol primer yrado de arieto y terna de declinacion los 
 .24. minutos q arriha dixinios y as.-^i comeni^aria A enlrar en el ])riiner minuto 
 del segundo grado de arieto y assi liara su curso [lor los minulos del dho grado 
 y confornio a su monimio y de su llogada a los meridianos ya dhos se subra la 
 declinacion q tuuiore sogun por lo q avenios dho auncjuo la declinacion miontras 
 mas so llegaro ol sol a los tropicos so va di>niiniiyoiido y la iiilor (|uo puede 
 toner do vn grado A otro es de .24. minutos y corca do los tropicos y on ella 
 todo el grado lorna niiiy poca declinaeion o ninguna entondido osto se a de 
 lia/er vn liliro con sus lahlas dondo se a de [loner la decliiiaci(jn q e! sol tuuiere 
 cada vn dia calciilada para el Moridiano de souilla ]ior ser lugar de dondo se 
 comienij'a a hauer las nauogacionos para el poniento y septenlrion y jioco distanlo 
 del do lishona do so comieiii,an las q van al medio dia y lebanle y |)ani liarerse 
 eslo mas procisanionle so a do saber la declinacion do ca<la iiiinuio de grado por 
 q en los dichos minutos no correspondo la declinacion [lor igual como lo trae 
 inuy claro I'tolomoo en su ainiagesto dondo avora a sacar estas declinaciones 
 lior arcos y cuordas dondo se vieiion a eausar angulos de posicion presuppuosto 
 q se sepa iiiuy l)ion la mior tloelinacion q ol sol puedo toner y osta sabida 
 niueslra a saber las otras como por rogia de tres diciendo si a tanto de ari^'o 
 correspondio tanto de cuonia o declinacion et tanto q lanlo correspondera y assi 
 I'tolomoo en su liompo saco las declinaciones q ol sol podia toner on lodos los 
 grados del zodiaco prosupiionioiulo q la niuir declinacion era do 23 grados y 93, 
 minutos y la q agcira traon los marinoros se liizo confornie a .23. grados y 33. 
 minutos y la q hizo Oroncio en su libro esconsiderado q es do 23. grados y 30. 
 minutos y osta mior declinacion no tongo por niuy ciorta segun lo <|ue X'ernerio 
 dize aver hallado acerca della q son 23. grados y 28 minulos y sogun 
 las cnnsidoracionos q yo tengo hechas on seuilla con grados y muy procisos 
 instruinonlos q es de 23 grados y 26 minulos y conforme o osla niTor declinacion 
 tengo hecho la del sol para del Moridiano do seuilla y jiara sogun los pilolos se 
 hallaran en olras ])arles puodon agnadir o quilar la declinacion [lara averiguar 
 la fpie ol sol alii podra tenor la (|ual ]ior no llobar procisamente puesta en los 
 libros q lloban el ilia de oy causan gran hierro en las alturas q Ionian porque 
 con vn fi do grado y mas que pueden lienar en la declinaeion y otro tanto en 
 el altura q toman del sol so puede herrar casi vn grado de lalilud q os gran 
 ynconviniento jiara yr en donianda do algun cabo o puerto. Dexado osto ajiarte 
 y presuii]iuosta lixla precisio on lo dho conviene hazer vn instrum". (| contenga 
 .'90. grados y q cada gratio este repartido en .60. minutos y este puede ser vn 
 
 I , 
 
 . ■j*.-';dJfcaift*...'i;'f ..' 
 
w\ 
 
 f 
 
 'If \ 
 
 I ( ', 
 
 
 456 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 ILXXXVl, 1555. 
 
 c|ua(lrantc dc cuyo ccntro salpa vna alhidada o rcjjla como la del astrolahio 
 con sus dos jiinolas para |)(Hicr iior t'lhis tomar cl allura del sol y sal)er la inior 
 altiiia q ticne (juando t'sta en cl tri)[)ic<) dc oancro y la n\Tor liaxura (juando 
 csta en cl trojjico dc capiicornio y la media (jiiando csta en la e(|uinocial, por 
 mafia Tj todos los t;rados intermcdios sera dcclinacion i\ el sol imcde lencr a vna 
 jiarle y a otra de la e<iuinocial y el vn iado desle (|uadranle a ile estar sohrc la 
 tierra sin se acostar a vna parte ni a otra como lo pone I'tolonieo en sii al- 
 mageslo. I'or mafia Tj saliida la dcclinacion r\ el sol ticne en seuilla iiual<iuier 
 <lia. y toniada la (pie pudiere tencr en olra (piahpiicr parte sc ]iodra saber la 
 diferencia i\ tienen los ^!eridianos de los dhos hit^ares enire si f) es lo mismo ("j 
 la lonj^itud, y eslo bastara \y.\ra. en (pianto a lo ([ue se podria desir della a vnque 
 a mi me paresce fj puede aver algimos ynconvinicntes para <jue no se pueda 
 saber ]ior esia via cl primcro ("| los pilotos, no podran obrar con el (luadrante en 
 las naos assi i)or su (^rande/a porfj a de conlcner yrados y minutos como porque 
 reciiiicre estar fixo para mejor podcrse por el las considcracioncs dlias lo ipial 
 no aura efTecto por los f^randes balances dc los naiiios. ]'",! otro inconvinicnle i\ 
 no se podran eu todo el ano toniar bicn las declinaciones del sol por q como el 
 andiuiicsc en los sinos de yemini y dc cancro y en saj^itario y capricornio casi 
 no se puede tomar niinuld de dcclinacion por la poca diferencia 4 haze el sol de 
 vn dia a otro eslando en los d[c//los sinos." 
 
 Document now first published. 
 
 Copy kindly furnished at our request by Seiior D. Manuel 
 Tamavo / Eaus, Director of the Aladrid Biblioteca Nacional, 
 from the original MS. of Santa Cruz, /j7>ro de Longitudes., y 
 manera que i:asta ahora se ha tcnido en el arte de navegar, dedicado 
 a Lelipe II.. preserved in that library {A a, 97). 
 
 In English : 
 
 Supra^ pp. 302-306. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 1555- 
 
 25th March. 
 
 Cabot draws his Pension. 
 
 ' ' Sebastiano Caboto armigero de annuitate sua ad centum marcas per annum 
 sibi debitas pro dimidio anni finiti in festo Annunciacionis beate Marie virginis 
 annis primo et secundo regnorum Philippi et Marie reccpte denariis per manus 
 Thome Tyrrell per breve dominorum £'},})■, 6.f. S(/." 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 103.) 
 
 Sebastian Cabot receives on the day of the Annunciation, by 
 the hands of Thomas Tvrreli,, one half of his pension of 100 
 marks per annum. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 1556. 
 
 27th April. 
 
 Stephen Burrough's Account of Cabot. 
 
 Hakluvt, vol. i., p. 274, in "The Nauigation and discouerie 
 toward the riuer of Ob, made by Master Steuen Burrough, Master 
 of the Pinnesse called the Serchthrift." 
 
^v 
 
 LXXXIX, 1556. 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 LXXXVII. 
 
 457 
 
 1555- 
 
 29th September. 
 
 Cahot draws his Pension. 
 
 sil.i'S?"'''"" ^"''"I'' '"■"I'S'-'''" ''e annuitatc sua ad centum niarcas per annum 
 
 lilli vjs vlll. T- ' ^- '' ^^""' '^'^P''' 'J^"^"'-'* P- ">^">»^ ^V'■' Wonhington iiii xx 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 104.) 
 
 of wlll^!'''"\v^'''''°' '■'''''''''''' ""J^ ^^^ ^^y "^ ^^- Michael, by the hands 
 nor li*^^ Iialf of the 100 marks mentioned in the body of the entry 
 but half of the ^166, 13.. 4^. annual pension. This discrepancJ 
 we are unable to account for. >-iwiicy 
 
 LXXXVIII. 
 
 1555- 
 
 25th December. 
 
 Cabot draws his Pension. 
 
 " Scbastiano Caboto armigero <le annuitate sua ad £166, n^. Ad ncr nr^num 
 s.h. concessas per htteras patentes ad terminam vite et <lel Ls pnwLart ^^^ 
 ann. fm.t. m festo natalis Domini annis secundo et iii.io regnorum Ph et ' nrie 
 7^%^"' ''" """" '''"• ^^'""hington armig'cri et attornat/ S 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 104.) 
 
 Sebastian Cabot receives on Christmas day, by the bands of 
 Vilham WoRTHiNGTON his attorney, one quarter of his pension 
 tor hie of ^166, 13s. 4d. 
 
 LXXXIX. 
 
 1556. 
 
 25 th March. 
 
 Cabot draws his Pension. 
 
 " Sebastiano Caboto armigero de annuitate sua ad ^Tjee, 13.^. 4^. per annum 
 s.b, concessas per htteres patentes ad terminum vite etdebiti pro quarterio aZ 
 fin.ti .n festo annunciacionis beate Marie virginis annis secundo etiiitio regnorum 
 Ph. e-t Mane recepte denarns per manus Wm. Worthington armigeri aVtornati 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 104. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot receives on the day of the Annunciation, by 
 the hands of W-. Worthington, Esq., his attorney, one quarter 
 of his annual pension for life of ^i66, 13.^. 4^. 
 
 i 
 
 L 
 
 I * 
 
 i. 
 
'TirT 
 
 ' 11 
 
 458 S VLLA D US. [ xc, 1 550. 
 
 XC. 
 
 1556. 
 
 24tli June. 
 
 Caijot draws his Pension. 
 
 " Scbnstiano Culioto anni^uro dc anmiilalc sua ad ^166, 13.?. i^d. jur amuitn 
 silii conccssas pur liltcras palcntcs ad turiiiiiuim vitc nowoak in fcslo luilivilalis 
 Sancli Joahnnis JJai)li.slc pro (juartcrio aiiiii, annis scciincU) ct iiii'^ rcj^noruni I'll. 
 L'l Marie rcce[)lc dciiariis per nianus Thoinnj Longvvorth scrviciiti^. W'"'. Wonli- 
 ugton." 
 Tellers' Rolls, 104.) 
 
 Cabot, by tlic hands of Thomas LoNr.woRTii, the servant of 
 W'". WoRTiiiNC.TON, receives on the day of St. John the Jiaptist, 
 one quarter of his pension of ^166, 13.?. i,d. 
 
 ■y.'lf' 
 
 XCI. 
 
 1556. 
 
 29th September and December 25th. 
 
 Cahot draws his Pf;nsion. 
 
 ". . . . pro quartcrio anni finiti in feslo .Sancti Michaelis arch., annis iii'^ el 
 quarto regnoruni I'hiliiipi ct .Marie . . . per nuinus \V"'. W()rlliini;t()n. 
 
 .... jiro (|uarterio anni finiii in fcsto natalis iJoniinuni, annis iii'i' et (juartd 
 regnoruni Ph. et Marie . . . |)er nianus W"', Worthington." 
 
 (Teller's Rolls, 105.) 
 
 On the day of St. Michael, and on Christmas day, Sebastian 
 Cabot receives by the hands of ^\'iUiam Worthington, one 
 quarter of his pension of ^166, 13^-. 4^. 
 
 ' i\ 
 
 XCII. 
 
 1557- 
 
 25th March, 24th June, 29th September. 
 
 Cahot draws his Pension. 
 
 " Sebastiano Cabnto armigerio de annuitate sua ad /[^i66, 13J, 40^. per annum 
 sibi concessas ])er litteras palentes ad terminain vite et debitus pro (juarterio 
 anni finite in iesto aiinunciacionis beate virginis annis iiito ct iiii"' jier nianus 
 proprias per breve Doniinorum, £i,\, xy. 4//. 
 
 Id. pro (juarterio anni linili in festo nativitatis Sancti lohannis Baptiste, annis 
 iiito el iiii't> per manus \Vm. Worthington. 
 
 Id. pro quarterio anni finiti in festo Sancti Michaelis, annis iiii'o et vo per 
 manus Thoma.' Longworth." 
 
 (Tellers' Rolls, 105 and 106.) 
 
 Sebastian Cabot, March 25th, 1557, receives in person, June 24th 
 following, by the hands of Worthington, and September agtli 
 following, by the hands of Thomas Longworth (Worthington's 
 servant), one quarter of his pension of ;^i66, 135. ^d. 
 
 \ 
 
, J55'^- 
 
 unnuiii 
 liviuuis 
 urn I'll. 
 Worth - 
 
 ant of 
 
 Japtist, 
 
 lis iii''^ I'l 
 
 ri. 
 
 et quarto 
 
 ebastian 
 m, one 
 
 ]K'r annum 
 [uartcrio 
 per nianus 
 
 tiste, annis 
 
 et vo per 
 
 unc 24th 
 iber 29th 
 ;hington's 
 
 XCIII, r557] 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 XCIII. 
 
 453 
 
 1557. 
 
 29th May. 
 
 Rktrocrssion of Cahot's Pknsion ok 1555, and new grant 
 
 OK TIIK SAMK TO CaHOT ANO WORTHINUTON JOIN IT.Y. 
 
 In Latin : 
 
 Rymkr, Fa'dera, vol. vi, part iv, p. 55. 
 
 In English, as follows : 
 
 " The Kin^ ^'k' Qnei'n l<i all whom [these present shall come send] ^jreeting : 
 
 Know ye that hy our letters jialent (ialeil Westminister, Noveiiilicr 27lh, 
 the seeond and third years of our rei^;ii, hy virtue of our special yraee, certain 
 Kiiowled,L;e, mere motion, and also in consideration of the {;ood, true and 
 acceptable service done and to he done unto us hy ourheloved servant Suliaslian 
 Cahoto, escpiire, for ourselves, our heirs and successors, have t;iven and j;ranied 
 to the aforesaid Sebastian a certain annuity, or yearly revenue of one hundred, 
 three score and six jiounds, thirteen shillings, fourpence, lawful money of 
 England. 
 
 The said Sebastian and his assijj;ns to enjoy and receive tlie said annuity, or 
 yearly revenue of ;^IlG, ly. 41/. from tlie feasl of the Annunciation of the blesseil 
 Virgin Mary last [last, for and during' the term of the life of the siiid .Sebastian, 
 out of our Treasury, and out of the Treasury of our heirs and successors at the 
 receipt of our Kxchecjuer, and of the Kxclie((uer of our heirs and successors, at 
 the hands of our Treasurers and chamberlains there remaining for the time 
 being. 
 
 The same to be ]iaid anni.:dly by equal portions at the feasts of the Nativity 
 of St. John the Baptist, .St. Micliael tiie Archangel, the Nativity of our Lord, and 
 the Annuntiation of the blessed Virgin .Mary, the first payment to be made at 
 the feast o{ the Nativity of St. John r.a[)tist, just past, as will more fully 
 ap]iear from the said Letters Patent. 
 
 And whereas the said Sebastian Cahoto has returned and retroceded the said 
 Letters Patent to our Chancery to be recorded, and which are now recorded, 
 as we are credibly informed, that we may deign give and grant other our Letters 
 Patent relative to the said annuity, to the saiil .Sebastian, and to our beloved 
 servant William Worlhington, Esquire, and the survivor of them. 
 
 Know ye, therefore, that in consideration of the above, and also in considera- 
 tion of the good, true, and acceptable service done and to be done by our said 
 beloved servants .Sebastian Cahoto and William Worthington, Es(iuires, by 
 virtue of our sjiecial grace, certain knowledge, mere motion, have given and 
 granted, and by these [iresents do give and grant, for ourselves, our heirs, and 
 successors of We, the said Queen, to the said Sebastian and William, and the 
 survivor of them, the said annuity or yearly revenue of ;^i66, ijj'. 41/. in lawful 
 English money. 
 
 The said Sebastian Caboto and William Worthington to enjoy and receive 
 yearly the same annuity, or yearly revenue of ;^l66, 135. 4(/. , they and the 
 survivor of them, their assigns, and the assigns of the survivor of them, from 
 the feast day of the Annunciation of the blessed \'irgiri Mary last past, for the 
 term and terms of the lives of the said Sebastian and William, and llie survivor 
 of them, payable annually by etpial portions out of our Treasury, and out of 
 the Treasury of our heirs and successors, of We, the said Queen, at the receipt 
 of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurer and chainl)er- 
 lains, and the treasurer and chamberlains of our heirs and successors, of We, 
 the said Queen, there remaining for the time being, at the Eeast of the Nativity 
 
 1 
 
 h' 
 
r*m 
 
 m I 
 
 460 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [XCIV, 1557. 
 
 of St Jolin the T.aptist, at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, at the feast of 
 the Nativity of our Lord, and that of the Amiunciation of the blessed Virgin 
 
 W'tness the King and (^uecn at Westminster on the 29th of May (ISS?)-" 
 Document now first translated. 
 
 Ml 
 
 rWl i 
 
 XCIV. 
 
 1557- 
 
 25th December. 
 
 Worth iNGTON draws THt; Pension. 
 
 " William Worthington, armigero, de annuitate sua ad cxlxvili xiiiis iiiid per 
 •mnum sihi dehit pro (piarterio anni finiti in feslo natalis Domini annis iiijto et 
 vo regnorum I'h. et Marie rege et regine recepte denariis per manus proprias per 
 breve doniinoruiii, xljl' xiiis iiijd." 
 (Tellers' Rolls 106. 
 
 The importance of this entry hes in the fact that the name of 
 Sebastian Cabot is no longer connected with this pension, and that 
 William Worthington now receives it alone and in his own name. 
 The inference is that either Cabot relinquished it (as in i554-i555» 
 but without compensation), or that he died between September 
 29th and December 25th, 1557. 
 
 ^. M 
 
 'il ■■', V 
 
 ■m' fi 
 
CONTEMPORARY HISTORIANS. 
 
 xcv. 
 
 'Mill -nwrn^mmfi^ 
 
 A 
 
 1515- 
 Peter Martyr D'Anghiera. 
 
 -De orl>e nouo Decades; Alcala, 1530, folio; Decad. iii, lib. vi, 
 leaf xlvi ; Dccad. vii, lib. vii, leaf xcvii. 
 For extract in Latin of Decad. iii. 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xix, pp. 335-36. 
 Also in English : 
 
 Eden, The Decades of the newe Worlde \ London, iq;; 4to 
 p. 119. ■^•^' ' 
 
 Decad. iii was written in 15 15, but given to the printer only in 
 October 15 16, owing to the author's wish to in.sert news which he 
 had just received and had been expecting. 
 
 It is also necessary to compare the lib. vi of Decad. iii, with 
 Ramusio's Italian paraphrase, in his Raccolta, 1565, vol. iii, f'. 35. 
 
 n 
 
 . i 
 
 B 
 
 1532. 
 Jacob Ziegler. 
 
 In the chapter de Scho?idia, f". xcii, verso. 
 Opera varia, Strasburg, 1532, folio. 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xxi, pp. 339-40. 
 In English : 
 Eden, op. cit., p. 266. 
 This account is said by Ziegler himself to have been borrowed 
 
•TITT 
 
 462 
 
 SYLLABUS. 
 
 [XCV, about 1547. 
 
 from Pktkr Martyr, and is curious only on account of his calling 
 Scl)asti;ui ("ahot " Anthony," and of the remark wliich it prompted 
 Santa Cruz to make in liis hlario (MS., f'. 56, verso). 
 
 ,7 
 
 I ' l\ 
 
 About 1547. 
 G0NZA1.0 Fkunandez I)K Ovikdo. 
 
 Historia General y Natural de las I/idias, Islas y Ticrra-Firme 
 del mar Occano. Puhlieala la Real Aeadcinia de la J/isforia, 
 cotejada con el codice ()rii:;ijtal, ciirii/iieeida con las cnniiadas y 
 adiciones del alitor. Madrid, 1851-55. 4 vols. 4to. 
 
 Book xxiii, chap, ii, vol. ii, p. 169. 
 
 The following; is the original text of the passage translated, 
 supra, pp. 203 and 228-29. 
 
 "Anno ([uatro caravclas a costa do miichos cobdi^iosos, enj^afiados dc siis 
 palahras y confiadus de sii cosirKif^'rapliia, . . . Pcro por(|UL' dc poise mas lidc- 
 dignas, (juc en cstc viajc so hallanm c se les da fee, yn fui iiifoini.ido, dire 
 alyuna cosa con brevedad de lo ((ue entendi del eaniino, en eN|)e(;i d, <le Alonso 
 de Sancla (,"ruz y del capitan N. de Kojas, (jiie son hombres hijosdal^os, y de 
 olras jjersonas (jue le vieron : y dire lo (pie coinprendi, si lo siipe entender, en 
 lo que toca a la verdadera rela(;i()n de la historia y camino, cpies lo (|ue ha^e al 
 pr()p(')ssit() del letor y niio. V no curare' de las passiones parliculares, auu(pie vi 
 (piexojos de la persona e negli_i,'en(;ia de Sebastian (labolo en las cosas desta su 
 empressa, puesto (pies buena persona e diesiro en su offUjio de la cosin();4rapliia 
 y de ha(,er una carta universal de todo el orbe en piano o en un ciicrpo esph(^'rico ; 
 pcro otra cosa es mandar y gobernar gente ipie apuntar un quadrantc o estro- 
 labio." 
 
 It was by the order of Charles V., who had appointed him, we 
 do not know exactly when. Royal Chronicler of the Indies, that 
 Ovikdo wrote his " General History." If we judge from the 
 petition which he addressed to the government in 1532 (Munoz 
 MSS., vol. Ixxv, f'^. 78 n.), the first nineteen books had then 
 already been written out; but they were not published until 1535. 
 That first instalment extends only to the year 1527, and does not 
 mention Sebastian Cabot.^ It is only in the books which remained 
 in MS. after his death, and were not published before 1852, that 
 his name begins to appear. 
 
 OviEDO may have known Cabot so early as his arrival in the 
 Peninsula in 1512. But it is in the course of the twelve visits 
 which he paid to Spain, between 15 14, when P'erdinand ap{)ointed 
 him to an important office in America, to the time of his death, 
 which occurred on the 27th of June 1557," at Santo Domingo, 
 
 ' Yet, OviEDO refers, lib, vi, caps. 
 XXXV, xlii, lib. xx. cap. i, to the rio de 
 la Plata, and even to Hedro de MKNno(;A 
 and Diego de Okdaz, but he added 
 those details to his MS. of the Historia 
 
 General, after the edition of 1535 had 
 been published. 
 
 3 E. TicjKRA, El Telefono, No. of 
 July 19th, 1891, 
 
 \ • 
 
 a 
 
\CV, liefori! 1548.] 
 
 SYI.I.AIUJS. 
 
 463 
 
 5Ut T547' 
 umplccl 
 
 ^a-Firme 
 ffistorui, 
 liiulas y 
 
 an slated, 
 
 :U)S <lc sus 
 
 soiias I'lile- 
 
 iu.uU>, 'li>'^' 
 
 (Ic Alonso 
 
 l1«<'S y '''■' 
 inciulLr, en 
 
 ,, auiKiuc VI 
 sas dcstii svi 
 )smiiL;rapIii.i 
 > esiihericn ; 
 |ntc o estro- 
 
 him, wc 
 
 ics, that 
 
 from the 
 
 (MUNOZ 
 
 lad then 
 
 itil 1535- 
 does not 
 remained 
 852, that 
 
 /al in the 
 ,'elve visits 
 apiiointed 
 his death, 
 Domingo, 
 
 of 153s had 
 
 fono. No. of 
 
 and not in Valladolid as it is generally believed, that he 
 he must have aciiuired the [)ersonaI details set fortli in the parts 
 of his I!iit,>ria which extend to the year 1548, and terminate what 
 we possess of that work. 
 
 D 
 
 Before i 548. 
 Gio.-Battista Ramusio. 
 
 Particularly the account of the " Mantuan Gentleman." 
 
 In Italian : 
 
 Raml'sio; Kaccolta, edition of 1550, f' 415; of 1563, vol. i, 
 f"' 374 ; vol. iii, preface, vers of f°. 4. 
 Jean ft St'/ms/ien Calmt, doc. x\, pf). 336-338. 
 
 In English : 
 
 EuKN, T/ie decades of t lie fiejve worlde, f°. 255. 
 
 HAKi.ifVT (not from Ramusio, notwithstanding his marginal 
 note; hut borrowed from ICdkn), under the title of " A discourse 
 of Sebastian Cal)()t touching his discovery of part of the West 
 India out of I'Jigland in the time of King Henry the Seventh, 
 vsed to (laleacius Hutrigarius tlie Pope's Legate in Spaine, and 
 reported by the sayd Legate." 
 
 The statements contiiined in tliat Discourse are so imjjortant, 
 that we have taken pains to ascertain whether the attribution to 
 Galeazzo Bottrigari is correct. 
 
 First, as to the time when the conversation with Sebastian Cabot 
 took ])lace. It must have been before 1548, as it was in S[)ain, 
 and Cabot left the country, never to return, at the end of 1547, 
 or beginning of 1548. On the other hand, the language attributed 
 to him, implies that he met his interlocutor long after the explora- 
 tion of La I'lata. "I found," said he, "an exceeding great and 
 large river named at this present Rio de la plata . . . After this, 
 I made many other voyages, which I nowe pretermit, and waxing 
 okle, I giue myselfe to rest from such trauels." We infer therefore 
 that the conversation with Cabot was held not long before he 
 removed to England. 
 
 We were in hopes to obtain a more precise date by the mention 
 of Ramusio that the great architect Michele da San Michh;lp: was 
 present at the interview, and the statement so often printed that 
 he died in 1549. Unfortunately the latter date is erroneous, as 
 Michele's will is dated April 29th, 1559 (Temanza, Vite, lyjS, 
 p. 192). 
 
 Now let us examine the alleged interlocutor. Galeazzo Bottri- 
 gari, or Butrigario, was born in Bologna in 1476. He appears 
 in documents, for the first time, under the date of October 1502, 
 
• ) 
 
 mil 
 
 ' 'I 
 
 m 
 
 :. I 
 
 •J' 
 
 464 
 
 SYIJ.AnUS. 
 
 [XCV, bcfori" it,4fl. 
 
 as secretary to Cardinal Cliovanni Ikntivoglio, and is mentioned 
 then as "huomo /ovene, savio, et una lengua dij^nissinia : — a 
 yoiiii^; man, learned, and very eUxiiient." (Sanuto, Diurii, vol. 
 iv, col. 377.) 
 
 In November 1503, "(laleatius de lUitrigeriis elericiis Hono- 
 niensis," figures among the atter)(lants of Cardinal I'Vani^ois 
 Desprats, at tiie conclave where Julius II. was elected [)o|)e 
 (1U,'R( iiARi", Diariion, vol. iii, p. 302). 
 
 We are told that in the letters of (^ardinal Ximenes mention 
 is made of " Micer Caleazo, como Nuncio, i 501; " (I )!•; La i''i'K.\TK, 
 Historia ecdcsimtica de Espafta ; Madrid, 1H75, vol. vi, |). 448). 
 That "dalea/o" is evidently our iUitrigario ; hut modern Spanish 
 writers on history are, as a rule, so superficial and unreliable, 
 that we [)lace no confidijnce in tiie unsupported statement of 
 Sefior La Kuente. At all events, the only mention of the kind 
 which we ever could finil in the letters of Cardinal Ximenez, is 
 dated " Alcala, 1, de I''.nero i^\j[" {R/<ist(>/(iri(> Es/^a/'ioi \ Madrid, 
 1870, vol. ii, p. 236, l';|)ist. xxxix). This tallies with I'eter Martyr's 
 letter of "x Calend. Januarii moxiv," where he relates the arrival 
 of Hottrigari at the Court of .Spain, in these words : 
 
 "A Pontificc VIH. dielnijus mcnsis Januarii Curiam ingrcssus est ad Fiegem 
 nuncius Clalcatius Hutrij;arius, vir lioimniLnsis, ci^rcgius (|ui|)|)L' ct liicris, cl 
 aninii honitalo iioUciis, nohili ortus faniilia (/t//.v/. dxxxv, p. 293)." 
 
 See also his reference to "(laleatius Hutrigarius of IJononie 
 who came to the catholyke Kynge of Si)ayne of youre holines 
 (Julius II., in J)i'aui. ii, book r, which was comi)Ieteil in 15 14)." 
 
 March 6th, 1515, Hutrigario received a prebend from Leo X., but 
 no other title is given to him, then, than "clerico Hononiensi 
 Utriusfjue Juris Doctor! et arehicanceliarie Romane Curie cor- 
 rectori : — Bolognese clerk [i.e., ecclesiastic], doctor of botii Laws 
 [Civil and Canon], and corrector of the Roman Arch-Chancery " 
 (Hkrcknrokthkr, Leonis X FontiJicisAfaxitfii Jiegesta ; Frib. Hri.sg., 
 1 89 1, fasc. vii-viii, p. 42). In the index to vol. xxi, col. 522, 
 of Sanuto's Diarij, Ikitrigario is called " Vescovo e nuncio del 
 Papa in Spagna " ; yet the passage referred to, which is a letter 
 from Avignon, dated February 5th, 1515 (15 16), mentioning the 
 death of Ferdinand of Aragon, does not speak of Butrigario 
 either by name, or as having then been a bishop. In fact, he 
 was not appointed to that dignity until December loth, 15 18, 
 when Leo X, conferred on him the see of Cafazzo (Cams, p. 863) ; 
 but he died before the news reached him (U(;hkli.i, Italia Sacra, 
 1 71 7, vol. i, col. 543), at the age of forty-one years and ten 
 months ("vixit annos xli. mens, x;" epitaph in the Church of 
 St. Francesco, in Hologna, apud Ughki.m, vol. vi, col. 452). 
 Galeazzo Butrigario therefore, is not the interlocutor in the 
 conversation with Cabot reported by Ramusio. 
 
 m 
 
 If 
 
)ri> I54''' 
 
 XCV, li-roro i5^r.] 
 
 SV/J.Anirs. 
 
 4C5 
 
 nioncd 
 lui :— a 
 r//, vol. 
 
 Hono- 
 'raiii,<)is 
 d pope 
 
 iiention 
 
 «'UKNTK, 
 
 1). 448)- 
 
 Spanish 
 
 iiclial)le, 
 iiK-nt of 
 ,hc kind 
 ncpo/, is 
 Madrid, 
 Martyr's 
 le arrival 
 
 lilcris, cl 
 
 llononic 
 (.; holincs 
 
 i5'4)." 
 () X., Inn 
 lononiciisi 
 urii: cor- 
 loth Laws 
 liancery " 
 ril). r>risg., 
 col. 522, 
 uiicio del 
 a letter 
 )niiig the 
 '.iilrigario 
 n fact, he 
 
 th, 1 5 18' 
 , p. 863) ; 
 lia Sacra, 
 and ten 
 hurch of 
 
 ol. 452)- 
 r in the 
 
 In fine, Hakiuyt's attribution of the account to the Bologna 
 prelate is simply horrowvd from ICdkn's /)/so)/tr\(' of ityivrs T'lnni^cs, 
 whilst imdrr the lallcr's pm, it is a graluiloiis inffrcncc from the 
 remark of i'cter Mart)r {/)fuul. ii, hook i, f'. 25) translated by 
 hiin, that (lak'a//o IJotrigari was the I'opc's legate, [\\u\ taking an 
 inlirest in geogiaphv. 
 
 Marco I'oscAuiNi (MS. No. (H42, of the Vienna Imju'rial i,ii)rary, 
 cited l») Mr. Mriio, "/>. cit., |). j.S) attrii)iites tlu; account to a 
 gentleman from Mantua, calk'd Oiangiacomo I'iAKDoi.o. 'This we 
 believe to be also a gratuitous inference from tiie fact that (lii'NTi 
 (Ra.musio, I\'iuro//ti, ed. of 1613) calls him a .Vlantuan, and that 
 one of the iniaginary interlocutors of the dialogue Nniii^friits s/W 
 df J'oc/ini, dedicated by I'Vacastor to Ramusio ( h'u vcasiok, Opera 
 onniia, Xeni't., 15S4, 410, p. 112), is designated under the names 
 of "Joannes Jacoi)us Hardulo, Mantuanus civis." 
 
 Me that as it may, for the sake of brevity, we call hitn " 'riu- 
 .Mantuan (Jentleman." 
 
 K 
 
 Hcfore 1551. 
 
 l-l\lo S.ANUlf>. 
 
 Gco^rafa disfinia in xii libri. Vinegia, D. /enaro, 1588, folio. 
 Lib. I, f". 2, recto. 
 
 In I'Jiglish : 
 
 Supra, p. 289-391. 
 
 'This work was not published in Saniito's lif(.'time. The dale of 
 his death is unknown, !)ut we suppose that it took place not long 
 after the pui)licalioii of his versifHid translation of (,'laudianus, Ih 
 rap/u Proscrpi)hc {La rapiiia di Prosrrpiiia, X'inegia, 1551, 8vo), 
 which is ai)parently the last of his works printed while lie was yi-t 
 living. On the oilier hand, I'^dwako VI., who is made to figure as 
 king in the account furnished to Sanuto by Cuido (Iiannkti ua 
 Kano, and repealed liy IJartolomeo OoMi'AciNi, had luen on the 
 throne since 1547, but as at the latter date he had only attained 
 the age of ten, whilst ("abot did not arrive in England until the 
 lollowing year, the date of Sanuto's statements cannot i)e given 
 in a more preci.se form than " between 1548 and 1551." 
 
 We have been unable to ascertain ainthing ri'lativi' (;ither to 
 (lianneti, or to (,'ompagni. I!ut Uiddi.k (p. 30), i)m\ Mr. Dkank 
 (p. 41) are mistaken when the first states that (iianneti was 
 "ambassador at London," and when the second gives to under- 
 stand that Conipngni was "Venetian ambassador there resident.'' 
 The only ambassadors of Venice in England, from the time of 
 Cabot's final return to the latter country until his death, were 
 Domenico Hollani (1^47-1549), Daniele Barbaro (1540 i55')> 
 
 2(} 
 
1 ^ 
 
 466 
 
 SVI.LAIU S. 
 
 IXCV, I553. 
 
 n-ili 
 
 H * 
 
 (liacomo Soraii/o (1551 1554), inul Ciiovaniii Michiil (1554- 
 '557)> ^^'"J ^^''^ t'"' ''i^'' aiiibas«idur VciiicT sciil t(j England until 
 1603. 
 
 F 
 
 1552. 
 
 FUANCISCn Loi'KZ DK CiOMAUA. 
 
 /Vi Ultra y Si'i^iiiniii Parte dc la llhtoria General lie /as Iiidias : 
 ( !araj,'()(,a, 1552, fol., pari i, cai). "tlf los I'accalaus." 
 Jtan ('/ Si/ias/iiii Cabot, doc. xxii, p. 341. 
 
 In ICii^^lish : 
 
 liDKN, ^y-. lif., p. 317 ; Akiikr's edit., p. 343. 
 
 The only detail to lie noted in that sli«)rt aeeounl, is the phrase* 
 •'("amino la viielta de Islandia sohre calio (lii Labrador y hasta 
 se poller en cinciieiita y oclio (.^rados. Aiimiin' el dice nuuho 
 mas : — 1 le went in the direction of Iceland to the ( 'ape of Lal)rador, 
 reaching 58', a/t/ioiit:;/! he says miieli more." 
 
 (loMARA doiihliess knew .Sel)astian (labot personally, as in iIk 
 capacity of Fernando Cortes's secretary,' \\v fretiucnted tin 
 Cmut of ('harles \'. from 1540 until «540. 
 
 1 1 • 
 
 G 
 
 licforc 1557. 
 
 Antonio Galvam. 
 
 Triilado (/tie compos os nobre e tiotaiiel eapitaiio Antonio GalTilo 
 . . . I.isboa, Joao (le I'.arriera, 1 5'')3, 12". I lakluyl Soc. reprint. 
 /ean et Seliaslien Ca/'ot, doc. xxiii, |). 342. 
 
 In ICnglisii : 
 
 IIaki.uvt, The discoveries of the world, from their first orij:;inall 
 vnto the yeere oj our Lord 1555. liriejly 7>.<rillen in the J\>rti<^tiese 
 tongue by Antonio Galvano . . . London, 1601,410. 
 
 
 
 tm 
 
 ]\ 
 
 H 
 
 Before 1558. 
 Andkk Thkvkt. 
 
 Le grand Insulaire et Pilotage d' Andre Thetiet Angounwisin 
 Cosmographe de Roy (MS. Paris National Library, Ponds Praneais, 
 No. 15,452, vol. i, f". 143). 
 
 Jean ct Sibastien Cabot, doc. x.w, p. 343. 
 
 ' "Siendo su capcllan y criado [dc 
 Cortes] de.spucs de Marqin5s, cuando 
 volvio la postrera vi'z A I'^spafin." Las 
 
 Ca.sas, Historia de las tndias, Fiook iii. 
 cimp. cxiv, vol. iv, p. 448. 
 
 '• (I 
 
 II 
 
:c\', i$53. 
 
 XCV, ISS9.] 
 
 sv/J.A/urs. 
 
 467 
 
 (•5!54. 
 
 ml imlil 
 
 Iiuliin : 
 
 c plirasc '■ 
 )r y l>asl;i 
 T nuiclii) 
 Kahradi)!', 
 
 , as ill the 
 ciUc'd iIh' 
 
 Sec also : 
 
 /w'f Si/ij:y//(tri/fz dc la Ftancc Anlarctiijuc aiitrement mitumie 
 A)iiiri</iit\ ft ih f^hisieun ktns tl hki lU'ioitVtrta dc noilrc k>»ps. 
 Paris, cluv. Ics hcritiirs dt- Mauricv di- la I'orlc, 1558, 4I0. 
 
 ChapUr l.wiv, f'. 148. 
 
 /mn et Siixistitii Cahol^ p. 344. 
 
 In Knulish : 
 
 The Nci'V found t^'orldcy or AntnrclUu\ 'ivlunin A fotifixincd 
 wodtr/ii/ (Did s/r(r//\Y //////t^^s, us 'd<cll as humuinc rratlimi, ns 
 /ic(is/rs, J'ls/ifs, J-'oifAs, n/id Str^tiits, Tnrs, /'/oiih, A/itn's of 
 (ioldc Olid Si/iiir : i^oniis/icd 'u<itli iiio/iy horned oucthoritui, 
 fraiiaihd and writtiii in the Freiieh foiii^, hy thot exee/hnt h'onied 
 mon master AndreTre Thevet. And now newly translated into 
 En!^lishe, wlierein is reformed the erronrs of the aiineient Cosmo- 
 \:;r a fillers. 
 
 Imprinli'd at London, hy llrnrif Hynncnian for 'riionias 
 Hackrt, r56<S, 410. 
 
 Cosmot^ro/yhie Universelle \ Paris, 1575, folio; Rook \xiii, f". 
 1022. 
 
 TiiKVKT is said to have left a Hisloire natiirelle et ;^enerale des 
 Indes OecidentahSf yet existing in MS., wliicli may contain 
 additional statements concerning " Sebastian Hal)ale," as he calls 
 Cahoi. 
 
 lio Galvtlo 
 ■. reprint. 
 
 ■sf on'iiina/l 
 /'i'/-/n},'nese 
 
 iii;(>iimoistn 
 is /'hiiieais, 
 
 /<//,», Book iii, 
 
 I 
 
 '559- 
 
 L.VNQUKT — COOPKR— ('UOWI.KV. 
 
 An El'itome of cronicles. Conteynin<;e the whole discourse of the 
 histories as well of this realme of E/i^^land as all other countreys, 
 gathered out of most prohable aiictours. Firsfe hy Thomas I /.\N(jukt, 
 from the liei:;innini^ if the worlde to the incarnation if Christe, 
 Secondely, to the reigne if our soueraigne lord Kin\^ Edward the sivt 
 by Thomas Cooimor, and thirdly to the reigne of our soiteraigne 
 Ladye Queue Elizabeth^ by Robert C^rowi.ky. Anno 1559, Londini. 
 hi i/dibus Thonur Marshe. 
 
 Imprinted at London by William Seres . . . 1559. 4to. 
 
 See sub anno 1552. 
 
 This is not the first edition, l)iit as L.vnquf.t died in 1545, there 
 could be no mention of Cabot, in connection with Willoiighby's 
 voyage. In the editions of 1560 and 1565, \vc read only: 
 "Sebastian Cal)Ot born in I>ristoll," and the words: " Genoways 
 Sonne " are omitted. 
 
 Jean et Sebasiien Cabot^ doc. xxxvii A, pp. 363-4. 
 
u 
 
 468 
 
 SYI.l.ABUS. 
 
 [XCV, I568-I5f)9, 
 
 J 
 
 I 568 - I 569. 
 
 Richard Grakton. 
 
 A Chronicle at /ari:;c and niccrc Jlislory of tlw Affayres of 
 EHi:[laiidi: and Kin^^cs of flic same, deduced from the creatioji of the 
 wor/dc, and so />y contynuaunce ituto the first yerc of the rci\y;nc of our 
 aiieene Elizal'etJi. 
 
 London, Denhani, 1568 and 1569, 2 vols, folio. 
 
 Vol. ii, p. 1323. In Ki.i.is's edition, London, 1S09, 4to, vol. ii, 
 J). 532. 'I'lu' passage concerning Cabot is also to he found in the 
 Ahrid^vients which (Irafton publisiied from 1563 till 1572 ; see the 
 edition of 1571, fo. 174, recto and verso. Mut he omits to speak 
 of him in his continuation of Hardyng's Chronicle. 
 
 Jean et Se/>astien Ca/'ot, doc. xxwii 1:, p. 364. 
 
 •■i 
 
 ■ ■ \ 
 
 i' 4 
 i 
 ( 1 
 
 
 )i 
 
 ( 
 
 ;.5 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 K 
 
 1 5;6. 
 Sir lluMPiiRtv (lii.riF.UT. 
 
 A Discflvrse Of a Discoiivcrie for a new Passaxc to Catai<i. 
 Written hy Sir Ilvnifrey Gilbert, A'ni\:;ht. 
 
 Imprinted at London ly Jfenry Aliddleton, for A'iehnrde Jhones. 
 Anno Domini, 1576. Aprilis, 12. 4to. 
 
 See in leaf signed n iii. 
 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xxiv, p. 343. 
 
 C1ii,i;kut!;'s sole authorities for his statements are the Cabotian 
 plani.sphere, either of 1544 or 1549, and Raniusio, to whom he 
 refers in the margin : "\Vritten in the Discourses of Navigation." 
 
 The J)iscoiirse of Cilbert was written so early, at least, as 1566. 
 
 L 
 
 1577- 
 Ralph Hoijnshku. 
 
 The Chronicles of Enyjande, Scotlande, and Irelande,l>v Raphaell 
 Jlolinshed. 
 
 London, for Geore!;e Bishop, 1577, 2 vols, folio. 
 
 See vol. ii, p. 1714. 
 
 Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xxxvii c, p. 365. 
 
 Vi:^ 
 
w 
 
 r 
 
 XCV, 1580.] 
 
 svi.LAnus. 
 
 469 
 
 M 
 
 1580. 
 
 John Srow. 
 
 The Cli>'()iiuics oj Eir^laitd, Jmrn /ini/c luito this pirsenl yean' 
 of Cliriil I 5, So iollcikd hy lo/in Slowc dihen of London. 
 
 Pfintcd at London l>y Ralplic Ncwkyic, at the assigncinait of 
 /Liun't' Byiincnian cum privilci^^io n'^^uc ALaicstatis. 4to.' 
 
 l'a;^'(j 872, close to the niart^inal note anno nx- 14, and p. 875, 
 /(/., p. 1057. Edit, of 1605, |). S04 ; 1631, p. 477, where, owinj^ 
 to a printer's mistake, the date of 14S9 is Ljiven instead of 1498. 
 'I'he passage concerning Cabot is not to be found in any of the 
 Snniinan'fs which Stow commenced publishing in 156 1 . It appears 
 for the first time in the edition of 1580. 
 
 /can ct Scbasticn Cabot, doc. vi u, p. 317 ; \iv, [). 350 ; xwvii i>, 
 !>• 365. 
 
^'.| 
 
 
 [ill I 
 
 ,1 n 
 
 m 
 
 If 
 
 I 
 
 H 
 

 JNDEX. 
 
 Aiu;rdeen, 357. 
 
 Abrcjo, 207. 
 
 Al)icojos, Cabo de, 207. 
 
 Acuna, Etor cic, a Portuguese, 
 
 193- 
 
 Acuna, Hector de, 195, 196. 
 
 Acuna, Rodrii,'o de, 208, 210, 251, 
 418 ; island named after, 208 ; 
 port named after, 210. 
 
 Adam of Uremcn, 287. 
 
 Adams, Clement, editor of the 
 Cabotian planispliere, 62, 1 13, 
 320, 342, 343, 345, 346, 349, 
 362, 440, 441, 442, 443, 444, 
 
 44S> 446, 447, 448. 
 
 Aitonso, Dr. Simao, 196, 256, 427. 
 
 Africa, 203. 
 
 Agaces, The, a tribe of Indians, 
 217-18, 220, 423. 
 
 Agnese, Battista, 435. 
 
 Agramonte, Juan de, expedition 
 of, 1 53. 
 
 Aguiiar, Luis de, 185. 
 
 Aguirre, the ]]asque, 193, 251, 25S. 
 
 AUpatok island, 1 10. 
 
 Alais, a French town, 383, 384. 
 
 Alaminos, Antonio de, 139, 140. 
 
 Alba, Archives of the House of, 
 185, 191, 195, 197, 232, 233, 
 269, 413, 415. 
 
 Albo, Francisco, 434. 
 
 Alcala, 64, 464. 
 
 Alday, John, 329. 
 
 Allezay, 90. 92, 102, 103, 104. 
 
 Allibone, 332. 
 
 Alvarez, Rodrigo, pilot, 193; dis- 
 coverer of the little islands in 
 the estuary of the Rio do la 
 
 Plata which are named after 
 him, 199, 21 r, 41 1. 
 
 Amazona, river, 365. 
 
 America ; believed to have been 
 named after Americus its 
 discoverer, 165. 
 
 America, North, discovery of, 21, 
 25, 66 ; continent of, dis- 
 covered by John Cabot, 62 ; 
 Sebastian Cabot the reputed 
 sole discoverer of, 131 ; con- 
 tradictory statements of Scl)- 
 astian Cabot regarding histirst 
 landfall .n, 109-11; exhibition 
 of savages brought from, 22, 
 24, 146. 
 
 America, North east coast of, 
 Cabot's description of, 52-5 ; 
 discoveries made on the, 70, 
 97 ; map exhibiting the, 76. 
 
 America, South, 1S8. 
 
 Ames, 18. 
 
 Anaga point, 310. 
 
 Andalusia, 61, 436; ports of, 71 ; 
 pilotage and hydrography 
 taught in, 71. 
 
 Anderson's Z'tv ///(//(*;/ ofllic Oni^iti 
 of Commerce^ 331. 
 
 Andrada, Hernando (or Fernando) 
 de, 218, 24S. 
 
 Andres of \'enice, 194, 258. 
 
 Angelis, Pedro de, 195, 212, 214, 
 253,261. 
 
 Anghiera, Pietro Martire d' (Peter 
 Martyr), y:>, 36, 37, 87, 127, 
 
 137, 139, MI, 150, 191, .225, 
 345 ; speaks authoritatively 
 of the birth-place of Seb- 
 

 
 \i 
 
 '■i 
 
 ' I 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 II 
 
 i i, .1 
 
 
 472 
 
 JNDEX. 
 
 aslian C.ibol, _?o, ;,j ; hi^ 
 information obtained direct 
 from Sebastian Cabot, 36, 
 .59, 49. %o, 127, 12.S, 150, 
 151 ; acronnt by, of tiie llrst 
 voyage of disiovcry, 64, 65 ; 
 cli.ul bcioni^ini; to, 77 ; /A- 
 iiulcx of, 49, 112, 115, 116, 
 117, 118, 156, 225, ;,45. 445, 
 461, 462, 464, 465 ; intin>a( y 
 witli Sebastian CJaljui, 118, 
 120, 121, 227 ; statcnienl of, 
 rcspcclini; Sebastian L'.il)iit, 
 154, 155 : ad\ it'C of, respecting 
 barterin;.; willi tiic natives, 
 187 ; member of tiie Council 
 of the Indies and Royal 
 Chronicler, 186, 188, 1S9. 
 
 Anj;lo- rortii^'ucsc Transatlantic 
 expeditions, 158. 
 
 AnL;ou!cme lake, 9J, 94, 95. 
 
 Au^oulesme isles, 93. 
 
 Aho Niiebo, Isla dc, 214. 
 
 Anspach, L. A., 40. 
 
 Anticosti island, 89, 90, 91, 92, 
 104. 
 
 Aiiiii/iti/dlcs A//u-r/uUici; 
 40. 
 
 Antonio, BibliotcLa His/i 
 247. 
 
 Antonio of Uaiabio, 3S8. 
 
 Antwerp, 41, 112, 436, 447. 
 
 Apianus, 296, 301, 302. 
 
 Appleton's Eiuyr/npaiiitj, 127. 
 
 Ai|uitaine, six thousand men to ijc 
 sent to, by Henry Vill., 152. 
 
 Arai^on, 14. 
 
 Ara;4us, 15oso de(.'). a Hun.^arian 
 furbisher, 193, 205, 413. 
 
 Aranda, Juan dc, otticer of the Casa 
 dc Contratacion, 415. 
 
 Araynes, Les, 91, 92, 103. 
 
 Arber, I'rof. Echvaril, 65, 165, 208, 
 340, ?,7:y 
 
 Archanj^el, (lulf o(, 362. 
 
 Archbold, W. A. J., ij^^. 
 
 An/n7io lios Aams, 85. 
 
 Ardiconibus, Antonio de, 389. 
 
 Argcntinn, (iuzman's, 195, 196. 
 
 Arias, I'edro, 189. 
 
 Arnold, Richard, historian, 11. 
 
 Arsola, Juan de, cooper, 193, 249, 
 250, 257. 
 
 Arte i/r /idi'ii^iir. by Tec ho de 
 
 Medina, 280. 
 Arthur, I'rince of Wales, 14. 
 Arundel, I^arl of, 320. 
 Ascoitia, Miguel Martinez, dc, 
 
 258. See Martinez of Azcntia. 
 Asheluust, Thomas, of i>ristol, 
 
 letters patent i;ranted to, 31, 
 
 138,144, 145,146,147,336,398. 
 /Vshniolean Museum, 374. 
 Asia, |)roject of reachiiiL;, 43. 
 Assensioii, Isla de la, 204, 409. 
 Atlantic, crossing of the, 66. 
 
 Au};sbu 
 
 ■'A, 112. 
 
 
 
 Auritici, 
 
 Nicolas 
 
 , 389. 
 
 
 Avalon, 
 
 pemnsu 
 
 a of. III. 
 
 
 Avanjo, 
 
 Hojo 
 
 le(.>), 4 
 
 ,v 
 
 Ar; 
 
 j^us. 
 
 
 
 Avezac, 
 
 M. I), 
 
 4-, Sj, 
 
 54 
 
 261 
 
 , 2()2, 409. 
 
 
 Avij;non, 4O4. 
 
 
 
 Avila, 2 
 
 67, 414. 
 
 
 
 Aviles, 
 
 192. 
 
 
 
 Kafn's, 
 
 -S9. 
 
 Avo(,a, a caikei', 193, 217. 
 Avon, river, 29. 
 
 Ayala, I'edro de, adjunct to Dr. 
 Puebia, Spanish ambassador, 
 
 ", <3. 15. 43- 45i 59, '20, 
 127, 130, 132, 134, 138; the 
 " Hya las ''of Halle and C.raflon 
 and the "Klias" of l»acon, 
 I 5 ; reference to John Cabot's 
 occupation made by, 39 ; 
 statement of, t,^, 63 ; his repre- 
 sentation of John Cabot, 38 ; 
 despatch from, 42, 396. 
 
 .\yolas, Juan de, 253, 319. 
 
 Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, explor- 
 ations of, 140, 198, 247. 
 
 Azara, 215, 217. 
 
 Azcoitia ^;r Azcutia, 192, 193. 
 
 Azores, the, 79, 145, 2S4, 293, 29S, 
 299, 300, 310, 435- 
 
 Baccai„\(js Regions, 81, 96, 139, 
 
 152, 228, 274, 279 ; derivation 
 
 of the w ord, 86, 87. 
 Bachaglia, Tera (Terra) del, |)osi- 
 
 tion of, JJ. 
 " Uachillers," list of, 172. 
 Bacon, Francis, 15. 
 Hadajoz, council of, 83- 84, 1S3, 
 
 197, 1 98 ; Cabot at, 173. 
 
 
 i 
 
I'cdro (ie 
 
 s, 14. 
 
 nine/. 
 
 de, 
 
 of A/.ciiti.'i. 
 
 of I5ii 
 
 stol, 
 
 led lo, 
 
 31, 
 
 17, 33(h 3';8- 
 
 74- 
 
 
 ,^, 4.1. 
 
 
 04. 409 
 
 
 :,66. 
 
 
 1 1. 
 
 
 41.3- 
 
 ScY 
 
 , '54. 
 
 -59. 
 
 17- 
 
 iKi lo Dr. 
 luljasbador, 
 5. 59. '2o, 
 [, 138 ; the 
 indCraflon 
 of IJacon, 
 )hn Cabot'b 
 
 by, 39 ; 
 ; liisreprc- 
 Cabot, 38 ; 
 
 396. 
 
 19. 
 
 dc, e.xplor- 
 
 247. 
 
 :, 193- 
 
 4, 293, 29S, 
 
 Si, 96, 139, 
 derivation 
 
 l) del, pobi- 
 
 i3S4, iSj, 
 U 173- 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 473 
 
 Ijaflin's May, 339. 
 Hahania channel, 140. 
 Malabio, 6, 38S. 
 
 IJalboa, Alvaro Nunez dc, 194, 198. 
 Ijalboa, Ooni-alo Nunez dc, 
 treasurer of the ship " La 
 Trinidad," 192, 19S, 217. 
 IJalboa, Juan Nuiiez de, 194, 198. 
 iiancroft, Ccor^^c, 127, 369. 
 liarbaro, Daniele, Venetian 
 ambassador in Mni^land, 465. 
 IJarcellos, Diogo de, 85. 
 liarceiios, i'cdro dc, 85. 
 liarcia, 24S, 290. 
 liarcques, la ripuicrc de, 90, 93. 
 liardolo, (lianj^iacomo, 465. 
 Haroos (15urL;ob .>), Luis i'erez de, 
 
 (95. 
 JJariow, I'io-cr, 194, 202, 219, 220, 
 
 248, 408, 416, 418. 
 Harnes, Sir (ieor-e, 20, 334, ^^-j-y 
 l>arrel, Wni., 30. 
 IJarros, 15. 
 
 i.artoionieo of IJrcscia, 388. 
 liartoloinco of Pergamo, 3S8. 
 ikutolonieo, son of ~ Antonio 
 
 Casaroio, 388. 
 liarwick, (leorge F., 329. 
 liasantc, Kuy, 248. 
 Hasinana, I'ero I'.enito de, 185. \ 
 Masque pilots, school of, 71. 
 Mastidas, Rodrigo dc, sails with 
 Juan de la Cosa for the New 
 World, 82. 
 liauvieu.v, Lieut., 306, 313. 
 liavaria, 447. 
 
 Iiedford, Karl of, 1 13, 446. 
 lielgiuni, 436, 437, 43S, 447. 
 liellc Isle, 52. 
 
 Melie-Isle, Strail of, 82, 88, 89, 90, 
 91, 104, 105 ; shou-n for the 
 first time on Jacques Carticr's 
 map, 90. 
 Helleforest, 163. 
 liellin, 95. 
 
 Mcltran, Diego, 265. 
 Henavidcs, Rodrigo dc, 194. 
 r.eneventanus, Marcus, 291. 
 Iientivoglio, Cardinal Giovanni, 
 
 464. 
 Rcrgamo, 6, 7, 3S8. 
 Bergenroth, 14, 43, 5/, j 34, 152, 
 390, 39^- 
 
 I>erghau.-,, 294. 
 
 licrnal, Juan, 2^15. 
 
 Jiernaldez, 152. 
 
 liernardo, son of Harlolonieo ol 
 
 I'crgamo, 388. 
 i.esancon Library, 409. 
 Hcsson, Ja( (|uc^,, 372. 
 I.esi, Roberi, 356'. 
 liililiotlitut Aiiuriunia Vcliistis- 
 
 s/iiiir, 46, 165, 280. 
 Middle, Richard, 1, n, 24, 51, 60, 
 61, 117, 123, 127, 145, 146, 
 174, 186, 201, 247, 291, 528, 
 , 329, 330, 332, 333, l?>(>, 35'-, 
 
 I 359, 360, 368, 369, 370, ^74, 
 
 375, ?,7(i, m, 378, 393, 397, 
 39«, 444, 4''>5- 
 Miscay, 122; fishermen of, frequunl 
 the .Newfoundland iishing - 
 ground, 87. 
 i'.iscayan mariners, teacher-, of 
 hydrography and pilotage, 71. 
 Mishop, (leorgc, 468. 
 Mlackfriars, 41. 
 lilackheath, battle of, 67, 120. 
 Mlackstone, 31. 
 Mlandratio, (Jiacomo de, 389. 
 Mogola, iqS. 
 Moisdauphin, Montmorency- 
 
 Laval , 365, 
 Mollani, Domcnico. \cnetiaii 
 ambassador in England, 465. 
 liologna, 463, 464, 465. 
 " Mona Conlidcntia," a ship, 344, 
 
 ,. 346, 355, 357. .. 
 l)ona Lsperanza, a ship, 355. 
 
 344, 346, 355, 357- 
 Mosclli, Mr., 447. 
 
 Mottrigari, Cialeazzo, 463, 464, 465. 
 
 lirabant, 437. 
 
 Mracamonte, Diego dc, 195, 213. 
 
 Mradlcy, Thomas, 133, 395. 
 
 Mraga, Manoei dc, 47, 204, 205, 
 239- 
 
 Mrandt, Sebastian, 1 2. 
 
 Mrane, Otavian de. Sec Mrenc. 
 
 Mrasil, Rio del, 206. 
 
 Brazil, pretended expedition of 
 Sebastian Cabot to, r20, 121, 
 '49, '58; his voyage to, 196, 
 204, 208, 226, 229, 254, 261, 
 272, 311, 312, 316, 4ck;, 411, 
 414- 41^ |'7, 418, 419. 
 
474 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 i 
 
 i> 
 
 r>ra/.il, Island of, Uristol expedi- 
 tions to find tho ima-^inary, 
 and the Seven Cities, ii, 38, 
 40, 42, 43. 59. j95 ; Jnlin Cabot 
 said to have discovered, 126. 
 
 Brazilian rivers, tiie course of, 
 depicted in the early maps of 
 the New World, i8g. 
 
 r>ra/il-uood, new country supposed 
 to yield, 52. 
 
 r>rene(?), Otavian dc, ifj3, 244, 
 249, 4iy, 420. 
 
 lirescia, 6, 7. 
 
 Brest, 90, 91, 93. 
 
 Jireton, Dr., 14. 
 
 liretons, Terre des, loj. 
 
 Brevoort, J. Carson, 79. 
 
 Brewer, J. S., 82, 121, 152, 160, 
 162, 172, 33S, 339, 399, 405. 
 
 lirion or Hryon island, 91 ; named 
 by Jaci|ues Carticr, 89, 102. 
 
 I'.rion, Admiral de, island named 
 after, 102. 
 
 Bristol, 21, 38 43. 45. 4^. 5'. 59, 
 63, 79, 82, 83, 89, 99, I iS-20, 
 122, 126, 130, 134, 144-7, 166, 
 
 yjZ, 375, 381, 392, 394, 398, 
 443, 467 ; inhabitants of, tit 
 out ships to find the island of 
 Brazil, 11, 38, 40, 43, 59; 
 Cabot lives here, 323 ; 
 alle;4ed birth-place of Seb- 
 astian Cabot, 27 ; probable 
 residence of John Cabot, 
 
 38 ; centre of English trade 
 with the northern countries, 
 
 39 ; interruption to the trade 
 of the merchants of, 40 ; 
 Cabot's expedition sails from, 
 51, 133, 134; tides in the 
 vicinity of, 53 ; distance to 
 Cape Nord from, 99 ; letters 
 patent granted to merchants 
 of, 167. 
 
 British Museum, 128, 394, 395, 
 39C), 408, 437, 448, 449- 
 
 Brittany, fishermen of, frequent 
 the Newfoundland fishing- 
 grounds, 87, 122. 
 
 Brooke, John, merchant, 351. 
 
 Brotherhood of St. Thomas Beckct 
 of Canterbury, 331. 
 
 Brown, Kawdon, i, 15, 27, 46, 49, 
 
 67, 120, 175, 17(1, 180, 181, 182, 
 I S3, 326, 348, 351, 360, 3S7, 
 
 39', 403, 404,405, 45 I • 
 
 Brown, Sir VVolston, member of 
 Henry V'lll.'s council, 169. 
 
 Bruges, 15. 
 
 Brugge, Sir John, Lord Mayor of 
 London, subscription towards 
 the expenses of the expedi- 
 tion, 172. -SVi- London, Lord 
 Mayor of. 
 
 Drunn, Ur. C. H., 41. 
 
 Brussels, 365, 449. 
 
 Bryon, Ille de. Sec Brion. 
 
 Buckland, John, 344, 351, 353,354, 
 
 3Sf'- 
 Buen Abrigo, Isleta de, 207, 410. 
 
 Bueno, Alonso, ])ilol, 194, 198, 245, 
 
 252, 257, 264. 
 Bullo, Signor Carlo, 9, 27, 171, 
 
 1S5, "197, 389, 39', 403, 404, 
 
 405,451,465. 
 Builon, Sancho de, 194. 
 Burchard's Didriiiiii, 464. 
 lUirgos, 1 52, 154. 401. 
 Burgos, bisliop of, 179. 
 liurgund), 10, 53. 
 Burrough, Stephen, 328, 329, 344, 
 
 346, 354. 355. 356, 358.366,456- 
 liusignolo, llieronymo Marin dc, 
 a Ragusian adventurer, 34, 
 174, 178, 179 ; carries secret 
 message to the Council of 
 Ten, 174, 175, 176, 178 ; re- 
 ward to, 403 ; letter from, 404. 
 lUistamente, Hermando de, 197. 
 Bynneman, Hcnrie, 467. 
 
 C-MiOOTi; (Cabot), 394. 
 
 Cabot, Elizabeth, daughter ol 
 
 Sebastian Cabot, 380. 
 Cabot, Jean I., 382, 383. 
 Cabot, Jean II., 3S3. 
 Calwt, -lehan, 382. 
 Cabot, John, -vcl : 
 
 Caboote, 
 
 Cabota, 
 
 Cabote, 
 
 Cabott, 
 
 Cabotte, 
 
 Caboto, 
 
 Cabotto, 
 
 Cabotus, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 475 
 
 0, iSi, iiSj, 
 360, 38/' 
 
 iicml)er nf 
 cil, 169. 
 
 Mayor ot 
 in towards 
 lie expedi 
 ulon, Lord 
 
 ion. 
 1,353,354, 
 
 207, 410. 
 4, 198, -45, 
 
 ), 27, 171, 
 , 403, 404, 
 
 '4. 
 
 5, 3-9. 344, 
 58,366,456. 
 Marin dc, 
 nturcr, 34, 
 rries secret 
 Council of 
 ), 178 ; rc- 
 r from, 404. 
 J de, 197. 
 
 High tor 
 ,80. 
 
 Cnlljot, 
 
 Cavocto, 
 
 (iabalo, 
 
 Cialiote, 
 
 Gaboto, 
 
 Kahotto, 
 
 Tabot, 
 
 Talbot, 
 decrees confcrnnj,' the full 
 privile{;c of citizenship on, 
 2, 5 : l)irthplace of, 7, 8, 10; 
 nationality of, i, 2, 11, 12, 
 13, 16, 23. 24, 40; not a 
 Venetian by birth, 1 -9 ; 
 naturalization of, 2, 6, 8, 26, 
 30, 31, i^l, 3S9; was he a 
 Genoese ? 10-26 ; likened to 
 Columbus, 10, II, 42, 132, 
 393 ; presents his barber 
 (surt;eon?) with an island, 10, 
 53 ; successful voyage of, 23, 
 24 ; reception of, by the 
 English, 23 ; wife of, 27, yj I 
 his wife's sister, 27 ; obtains 
 letters patent for a voyage | 
 of discovery, 28 ; life of, ! 
 in Kngiand, 36-41; date of j 
 birth, yj ; three sons of, | 
 yj ; avocations of, 38, 39 ; i 
 letters patent granted to, 32, ' 
 47, 4S, 124, 390, 391 ; date of, 
 removal to England, 38; seeks 
 royal aid to undertake Trans- 
 atlantic discoveries, 38, 40 ; 
 reasons for coming to London, 
 
 39 ; character of, 40 ; em- 
 ployed as a Venetian agent, 
 40, 41 ; introduced to Henry 
 ViL, 40; reported successful 
 negotiations of, at the Court 
 of Denmark, 40 ; talent as 
 a mariner and discoverer, 
 
 40 ; first efforts of, 42-47 ; 
 date of visit to Spain and 
 Portugal, 43 ; endeavour of, 
 to discover other lands, 43 ; 
 idea of crossing the Ocean, 
 43, 44 ; belief in the spheri- 
 city of the earth, 45 ; desire 
 to confer new lands on the 
 King of England, 45 ; first 
 voyage across the Atlantic, 
 45, 50, 129 ; visit to I\1ecca, 
 
 45 ; petition nf. 46, 57 ; re 
 turn of, from his fust \oyagc 
 of disco\iry, 4S, 51, 62. 64, 
 1 10 ; information concerning 
 his lirst expedition obtained 
 from, 49 ; first expedition of, 
 50-55, 109, III, 112; course 
 .adopted in the first voyage 
 of, 51, 70: date of the first 
 voyage of, 51, 56, 57, 58, 59, 
 60, 61, 62 ; prob.ibic landfall 
 of, 52 ; description of the 
 new country and its inhabi- 
 tants visited by, 52-5 ; pre- 
 sents his companions with 
 islands, 53 ; conversation of, 
 with the Milanese ambas- 
 sador, 54 ; Northern Labrador 
 the place probably visited by 
 in 1497, 55 ; errors rcsi)ect- 
 ing the date of the first voyage 
 "f, 5^', 57 ; proofs as to the 
 correct date of the firstvoyage, 
 57-60 ; reward of Henry VII. 
 to, 58, 117, 392, 394, 395 , 
 alleged landlall of, 60-S4 ; 
 new letters patent granted to, 
 60, 127, 144, 145,' 393, 396, 
 397, 444, 445, 44^' ; reference 
 made to the voyage of, 79 ; 
 jjension granted to, 11'',, 
 1 26, 390, 392 ; receives ,1 
 gratuity from the King, 126; 
 impression in England on 
 receipt of the news of his 
 discoveries, 126; has some 
 difficulty in collecting his 
 pension, 126; date of his 
 return from his first expedi- 
 tion, 126, 134 ; discoveries of, 
 126 ; second expedition of, 
 126-142 ; rettu'n of, to London, 
 129 ; gratuity granted to, 129 ; 
 comparison of three accounts 
 of the preparations for the 
 second expedition of, 131 ; 
 discloses to Soncino his plans 
 for his second expedition, 132, 
 136, 138 ; extract from a 
 petition addressed to the 
 King by, 132 ; extract from 
 the letters patent granted to, 
 '32, 133 ; equipping of ships 
 
/• 
 
 i'A 
 
 I' :1. 
 
 I 
 Si 
 
 I. 
 
 1^ 
 
 476 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 by, lor his second voyage, 
 r33 ; little known of the places 
 visited in his second expedi- 
 tion, 135 ; ultinialc object 
 of his second voyage, 137 ; 
 distance he travelled south- 
 wards on his second expedi- 
 tion, 137 ; failure of the second 
 expedition, 141 ; petition of 
 Jolin Cabot, Lewes, Sebastian, 
 and Sancto his sons, 389. 
 Cubot, Lewis and Sancto, sons of 
 John Cabot, 3S0, 381 : olitain 
 letters patent for a voyai^c of 
 discovery, 28, 390 ; petition 
 
 of. 4^ :m- 
 
 Cabot, Louis, 383. 
 
 Cabot, Pierre, 383. 
 
 Cabot, I'ierre, 382, ^'6^-^. 
 
 Cabot, Sancto. Svc Cabot, Lewis. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, birlli and birth- 
 place of, \z, 13, 27, 29, 30, y^, 
 34, 121 ; a;4c and nationality 
 of, 12, 13, 17,20, 21,26, 27-36, 
 118; character of, 115-125; 
 lectures on cosmography 
 delivered by, 19 ; letters 
 . patent for a voyage of dis- 
 covery, 28 ; chiklhood of, 36, 
 yj ; taken by his jjarents to 
 England when an infant, },'}, ; 
 educated in Lngland, y^ ; 
 sends an agent to Venice, 34, 
 174 : Venetian naturalization 
 conferred on, 36: I'ilot-Major 
 of Spain, 34 ; commander of 
 an expedition to the New 
 World, 34 ; no personal know- 
 ledge of the New World, 34 ; 
 his statement made to the 
 \'enetian ambassadorat Valla- 
 dolid, 34; claims the sole merit 
 of the success of the tirst Eng- 
 lish expedition, 45, 115; ac 
 counts by, of the lirst voyage of 
 ciiscovery, 64-68 ; information 
 concerning John Cabot's first 
 expedition obtained from, 49 ; 
 alleged discovery of North 
 America by, 66, 97, 115; 
 petition of, 46 ; improbability 
 of his accompanying his father 
 on his lirst voyage, 40 ; 
 
 conversation uiiii the 
 
 ^Llntuan gentleman, 65 ; 
 ap|)ointcil naval captain, y-,y 
 153 ; lirst visit to Spain, 81 ; 
 oltices held in Spain b\, 73, 
 74, 76, 77, 78 ; in charge of 
 the " I'adion Real," 81 : 
 intended visit to the Moluccas, 
 76 ; has daily intercourse 
 with Uicgo Ribeio, 83, 84 ; 
 colleague of Diego Kibero at 
 the CouiK il of Hadajo/., 84 ; 
 absence from Spain of, 76, 
 80 ; instiiimcntal in supplying 
 the .Spanish cosmograi)liers 
 with i^articulars concerning 
 the northern extremity of the 
 New Continent, 84 : French 
 map co])icd by, 85 - 95 ; 
 records the mishap of Jac(|ucs 
 Cartier in September 1535, 
 93 ; discovery of the island of 
 San Juan impossible, 97, 
 98, 99, 106 ; letters patent 
 granted to, by Henry VII., 
 36, 124; erroneous statements 
 of, 99, 115, 120, 121, 122 ; 
 the Livery Companies objec t 
 to his commanding an expedi- 
 tion, 34. 118, 119, 168-72, 
 402 : guest of Peter Martyr, 
 115; reason given for his 
 leaving England, 119, 120; 
 seeks cm|)loynient in .Spain, 
 119, 120; desirous that his 
 services be recommended to 
 Henry VIII., 124; intrigues 
 of, to better his position, 124 ; 
 motives of, in making false 
 representations, 122 ; secret 
 correspondence of, with 
 foreign rulers, 124 ; new- 
 letters jiatent not granted 
 lo, 127 ; recpiested by the 
 King of Spain to return to 
 Spain, 124 ; resides at Seville, 
 124, 153 ; settles in Spain, 
 '49-57 ; summoned as a 
 witness on behalf of Luis 
 Columbus, J 38 ; declaration 
 of, made before the Council 
 of the Indies, 139 ; recjuests 
 a copy of the lirst letters 
 
INDEX. 
 
 477 
 
 16S-7::, 
 
 r Marlyr, 
 
 for hib 
 
 19' 120; 
 n Spain, 
 
 that \\\> 
 icndccl to 
 
 intri^ucb 
 .ion, 124 ; 
 :ing false 
 : ; secret 
 f, witli 
 4 ; new 
 f^ranlcd 
 I by the 
 return to 
 ^t Seville, 
 in Spain, 
 d as a 
 of Luis 
 eclaration 
 e Council 
 ; reciuests 
 St lellerb 
 
 patent, r46 ; and receives 
 them, 450 ; allej,'ed third 
 voyage, 142-4S; his alleged 
 bringing of Indians into Kng- 
 land discussed, 142 48; pre- 
 tended expedition to lira/il 
 of, 149; no autlientic record 
 of his doings for ten years, 
 149 ; receives a nominal fee 
 from Henr) VI 11. for a map 
 of Gascony and (iuyenne, 
 '5-' 399; accompanies Lord 
 Wiliougliby to Spain, 33, 152; 
 proffers his services to King 
 Fertlinand, 152; interview witli 
 Lope Conchillos, 152; infor- 
 mation sought from, concern- 
 ing the I'.accalaos, 152; sum- 
 moned to the Court of Spain, 
 153, 400; asks permission to 
 go to England and to bring 
 his family to Seville, 1 53 ; 
 salary of, as naval captain, 
 
 153, 1 78; money advanced 
 to, by the Spanish ambas- 
 sador in London, 153; ollice 
 of pilot-major held h\, f5o, 
 
 154, 156, 161, 162, 168, 178, 
 Mjr, 402 ; allowance of 10,000 
 maravedis from King Fcrdi- \ 
 nand to, 154, 401 ; his de- I 
 position as to the latitude of; 
 t^ai)e St. Augustine, 155,! 
 401 ; alleged voyage of 1517, | 
 (57-67; leaves Seville ancl 
 returns to England, 162 ; ' 
 may have joined Sir Thomas I 
 Pert's (Sjn-rt's) exjiedition, | 
 161, 162 ; pretends to reject | 
 an offer to command an ' 
 expedition on the plea of his ! 
 duty to (."harlcs V.. 168, 174, ! 
 178, 180; offered the com- 1 
 mandofane.x|)cdiiion, 168, 171, 1 
 1 72 ; statement of, concerning | 
 Cardinal Wolsey's offer to i 
 him, 171, 172; sends a Ra- 
 gusian adventurer to \'enicc, 
 174 ; offers information to 
 the Venetian Covernmcm, 
 I75i [79; interview of, with 
 the Venetian Envoy, 176-80; 
 desires to disclose to Venice 
 
 a route loading to the .Spice 
 islands, 177 ; mistrusted by 
 Charles V., 175, 176; secret 
 visit of, to Contarini, 177-80 ; 
 salary received from King 
 Ferdinand, 17S; dowry and 
 estati' of his mother, 176, 179, 
 181 ; seeks leave of absence 
 from Charles V. to visit 
 \'enice, 181 ; presence of, as 
 pilot-major needed in Spain, 
 r82; compelled to pay the |)en- 
 sionof Vesjjuccius' widow, (83, 
 405 ; commands expedition to 
 discover the Spice islands. 1 86, 
 433 ; secures approbation of 
 the Council of the Indies. 186; 
 the course ;ind object of 
 his cx]icdition, 188 90 ; is 
 allowed to transfer to his wife 
 the gratification of 25,000 
 maravedis, 191, 406 ; office of 
 Captain-Ceneral of the I'leet 
 held by, 191 ; difference of 
 opinion as to the number of 
 men who accompanied hiiu 
 on his expedition, 196, 197 : 
 route followed by. from San 
 Lucar to P.nraguay, 202 4 ; 
 speculators allured by the 
 representations of, 203 ; suftVr- 
 ings of his crew, 204-6 ; acts 
 in opposition to the \ iews of 
 the officers on his ship, 203, 
 204 ; holds a secret inquiry 
 concerning the alleged mis- 
 deeds of his officers, 204 ; 
 voyage to La Plata, 209-226 ; 
 as a commander and seaman, 
 227-55 ; returns to Spain, 
 256 - 63 ; arrested and 
 prosecuted, 264-69 ; resumes 
 office, 270 80 ; his carto- 
 graphical works, 281 88 ; 
 his alleged discoveries in 
 magnetics, 289 - 95 ; his first 
 method for finding the longi- 
 tude at sea, 296-300 ; his 
 second method for taking 
 the longitude, 301-8; its 
 Spanish text, 454; his nautical 
 theories and sailing direc- 
 tions, 309- 17, 435, 436; 
 
 S' . 
 
i I 
 
 !l 
 
 ' '!.! 
 
 t 
 
 tV 
 
 .: ) 
 
 r 
 
 478 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian — continued. 
 
 a^ain settles in I''n^;lan(l, 318- 
 27 ; iii>i einployiiiciU in 
 ICni^land, 32S - 35 ; advisi-s 
 tiie MiL'nliant adventurers, 
 343 - 45 ; iiis pension re- 
 newed, 358 ; his alleffed 
 inlliience, l(yo-(i^ ; last years, 
 3(')4-7i ; the end, 3?:! - «4 I 
 letters from llernand Cortes 
 to, 407 ; list of lcj;al dornments 
 relative to the eNjiedilion to 
 La Plata, 412, 413,414,415 ; 
 S|)anish text ol the (le|K)si- 
 tions as to his conduct in the 
 exjjcdition, 415-27 ; his own 
 deposition, 422 ; Queen ordci s 
 the Casa de Coniratacion to 
 pay him 30 j^old tlucats, 42S ; 
 • Hiecn orders that 50,000 
 niaravedis be paid to, 429 ; 
 letter to Juan de Samano, 
 429-30 ; auto<,n-aph of, 429 ; 
 his account of the Indians of 
 La Plata, 430 ; Charles V. 
 orders the Casa de Contra- 
 tacion to investii^ate the 
 1 onduct of. 43 ( ; pilots to be 
 examined by, 431 ; recom- 
 mended to Henry V'lIL, 432 ; 
 expenses for bringin^^ to 
 England, 448 ; pension ^n-antcd 
 by Kdwaril V'l. to. 449 ; 
 .inswer t<> Charlc; V., 449 ; 
 ;4ratuity of /i2oo from Edward 
 V'L tt), 450 ; draws his pension, 
 
 451. 454, 45^ 457, 45^; 
 ordinances, instructions, iS:c. 
 for \oy;ij;c to Cathay made 
 by, 452 ; letter to Charles V., 
 453, 454 ; pension of 250 
 marks ^'ranted by Queen 
 Mary to, 454 ; Stephen 
 IJurrough's account of, 456 ; 
 retrocession of jjension of 
 
 '555, 459, 4'3r>, 4'''2, 4^>3, 464, 
 465, 466; (iilled ".Sebasti.in 
 Habate,'' 467, 468, 469 ; his 
 wife (Catalina Aledrano), 151, 
 i9>» 379, 3S0, 4of', 430; his 
 dau<;hter, 380, 430 ; his map or 
 planisphere, 12, 49, 62, 74, 84, 
 85, 91 ; its data drawn i'rom 
 
 Cartier, 92-95 ; its delineation 
 of San Juan Island, 96 108; its 
 alleged genuineness, 109-1 [4; 
 its legends or ins( riptions, 5(^), 
 61, 63, 69, 93, 97, 99, ro6, 123- 
 25, 140, 432-3S ; its I opies, 
 
 43«-4«. 
 ( abot, Vincent, 383. 
 Cabot de Carresvielles, Loys, 384. 
 Cabot de la Fare, 382, 383. 
 L!aboote (Cabot), 394. 
 C.ibota (Cat)ot), 27, 329, 335, 174, 
 
 453- 
 Cabote (Cabot), 30, 113, 318, 440, 
 
 447,450. 
 Cabuto (Cabot), 2, 5, 11, 56, 69, 
 
 370, y^l, 3S9, 400, 401, 402, 
 
 406, 412, 415, 430, 431, 432, 
 
 435,451,454, 45S, 459- 
 
 Cabott, 172. 
 
 Cabotte (Cabot), 20, 26, 3S9, 449. 
 
 Cabotto (Cabot), 28, 35, 46, 40;, 
 449. 
 
 Cabotus, 33, 56, 443. 
 
 Cabrera, Alonso, 257. 
 
 Cabrero, Mosen Martin, ordered to 
 l)ay Sebastian Cabot 10,000 
 niaravedis, 401. 
 
 Cadiz, School of Uasque pilots at, 
 71,82. 
 
 Cafazzo, 464. 
 
 Calbot (Cabot), John, 220, 392. 
 
 Calbot (Cabot), Zuam, 58. 
 
 (."alderario de Columbis, Culielmo, 
 388. 
 
 ("alderon, Hernando dc, 200, 202, 
 217, 219, 220, 231, 237, 241, 
 246, 248, 249, 256, 311, 408, 
 413, 414. 416, 41S, 422, 426 ; 
 treasurer of the flag-ship or 
 "Capitana," 192 ; despatched 
 in a caravel to Spain, 423 ; 
 carries to Spain the legal- 
 process instituted against 
 Rojas, (ic, 424. 
 
 Calderon, Johan (lutierrez, scri- 
 vener, 427. 
 
 Camacho, son of Dr. Morales, 
 244, 4'o, 419- 
 
 Cambridge, 441, 442. 
 
 Campbell's Lives of tlic Admirals., 
 33f, 332, 334, 335, 36r, 38'- 
 
 Canada, 103, 105, 286. 
 
 .1 
 
INDEX. 
 
 479 
 
 :linc:Uii)ii 
 V 108; its 
 1 01; - 1 1 4 ; 
 itioiis, 5^), 
 106, 133- 
 s copies, 
 
 .oys, 
 
 384. 
 
 74. 
 
 335 
 
 , 3 '8, 440. 
 
 I, 5^ ^"J' 
 401, 403, 
 
 431, 432, 
 
 45';- 
 
 389. 449- 
 ), 46. 40 ^ 
 
 ordcicil 10 
 JOl I o,oou 
 
 e pilots at, 
 
 20, 392. 
 58. 
 Guliclmo, 
 
 c, 200, 202, 
 
 237, 241, 
 311, 408, 
 
 422, 426 ; 
 
 ag-ship or 
 despatched 
 
 pain, 423 ; 
 
 the Ic-gal- 
 
 l aj;ainst 
 
 enez, scvi- 
 Morales, 
 
 Ad mi nils, 
 361, 381. 
 
 Cananca, liaya dc la, 208. 
 Canary Islands, 'riie, 183,203,233, 
 
 273. 293. ?,^?,^ 409. 417. 419; 
 
 Adelantado of tiic, 270, 429 ; 
 
 lii^iliop of llic, 199. 
 Cape Ifrcton, S3, 90, 91, 94, 96, 
 
 98, 99, 102, 104, 105, to6, 107, 
 
 108 ; alie^^ed landfall at, 96, 
 
 97, tt2; position of, (x), 80; 
 
 description of tlic locality 
 
 round, 123, 340, 445. 
 Ca|)e of (Jood Hope, 190, 3 [3. 
 Capo Vcrd Islands, 155, 183, 197, 
 
 203, 233i 3", 312, 313. 3 '5- 
 
 3"'>. 317. 330, 4I3- 
 "Capitana," 'Die, 192, 418, 420,422. 
 Capotto, Family of the name of, 9. 
 Caracarana or Carcarana River, 
 
 Cabol reaches the, 214, 216, 
 
 217, 422,424. 
 Caravels sent by I'.ristol in search 
 
 of lira/.il and the Seven Cities, 
 
 43. 59- 
 
 Carcara's, Rio dc los, 215, 2\(\ 
 
 Carcara's, Tribe of, 216. 
 
 Carcarana region, Indians of, 220. 
 
 Cardenas /. Cano, 24S. 
 
 Caribbean Sea, The, 13S. 
 
 Caro, drcgorio, captain of the ship 
 " La Sancta Maria del 
 Espinar," 185, 192, 199, 214, 
 3iS, 230, 235, 238, 240, 242- 
 50, 312, 414, 424. 
 
 Caro, Luis, 121. 
 
 Carolina, the coast of, 140. 
 
 Carolinas, The, 137. 
 
 Carrioces, The, Indians, 223. 
 
 Cartagena, 198. 
 
 Carte, I'homas, 333, 334. 
 
 Carter, John, 395. 
 
 Carthagena, Province of, 274. 
 
 Cartier, Jacques, 87, 100, loi, 102, 
 ro4, 279 ; voyages of, 86 ; 
 account of his first voyage, 
 88-90 ; account of his second 
 voyage, 91-92 ; account of 
 his tliird expedition, 105 ; 
 maps by, copied by Sel)astian 
 Cabot, 92, 93 ; unable to cross 
 with his shij) the western 
 extremity of St. Pierre Lake, 
 93, 94 ; places named by, 
 compared with those shown 
 
 on map of Sebastian Cabot, 
 93; winters at Chailesbourg 
 Ro\al, 105 ; mistook i'rince 
 I'alward Island for ( onti- 
 nental territory; 103, 104 ; 
 meets Robcrval near Cape 
 Double, 105 ; delineations 
 shown on the map of his first 
 e\|)edilion, 90 ; description 
 of a course t.iken l)y, during 
 his first expedition, 103, 104 ; 
 ignorant of the Str.iit of 
 Northumberland, 103 ; dis- 
 coveries made by, 109 ; sue- 
 cessfulexploralionsof, 1 22, 1 23. 
 
 Carv.ijal, Carcia \m\k/. de, tj. 
 
 (■ar\aj,il, Juan .Suarez tie, aw. of 
 the Couiuil of the Indies, 
 
 265, 266, 275. 
 
 ("arvajal, Lorenzo (lalindez de, 
 one of the Council of the 
 Indies, 2()j. 
 
 Carvalho Joao de, 88. 
 
 Carvalho, V'asco Callcgo, 260. 
 
 Casa dc Conlratacion, 71, 72, 73, 
 75, 7S, 155. '«4. 196, 264, 
 
 266, 272, 276, 278, 279, 321, 
 364, 412, 415, 427, 428, 430, 
 
 43'- 
 Casarolo, Antonio, 388. 
 Casas. .SV<' Las Casas. 
 Casiniir of Nuremberg, 194. .See 
 
 Nuremberger, Casimir. 
 Castiglionc, 10. 
 Castile, 14, 151,410.416,420,421, 
 
 424. 
 Castilla, Don Sancho dc, 417, 421. 
 Castione (Jcnovcse, 10. 
 Castro, Inczde, of Paraguay, 196. 
 Cathay, route to, 45 ; passage to, 
 
 174; voyages to, 65, 66, 157, 
 
 191, 201, 320, 327, 338, 341-59, 
 
 3^51, 433, 452. 
 Catherine of Aragon, 14. 
 Cavarzere, 8. 
 
 Cavocto (Cabot), Sebastian, 220. 
 Caxton, 12. 
 Cazal, .'\yres dc, 261. 
 Cecchctti, 4. 
 Cclada, Caspar de, 194. 
 Cells, Diego (larcia de, 194, 200, 
 
 231, 236, 242, 245, 247, 257, 
 
 311, 414. 
 
V 
 
 /iWPFX. 
 
 i 
 
 >j 
 
 tVnlcncm, Del H.-ino, 221. 
 IcnturiDUL", I'iuilo, a (Icnocsc 
 
 naviK'utor, J37, .Vl8,/>i. 
 ("crivo, Maria, widow of \'cspiic- 
 
 tiiis, I Hi, 1.S4. 
 Ccrrailo or Scnado, kio, 211 
 ("csar, KraiK !■>( <», Captain, k;.}, 
 
 341, 245, 254, 257, 41.1. 4-54. 
 
 425- 
 Ccspedi's, Andres dc, 77, iS"?, 348, 
 
 284. 
 (Jcspedes, darcia do, 197. 
 (,'ha' I lotto, I). 
 
 (liiuo Desert, 270. * 
 
 { li.ileur, la Have dc, <;o. 
 Cliiincclor, Ki( hard, pilot-major, 
 
 12, 207, 344, 345, 14^ US. 
 
 349i 35'. .15-' ^Sf'• 157. V'U 
 y)2. 440, 452. 
 
 Cliandules. a tribe, 217, 258, 262. 
 
 (Iiapuys, I'.iislace, 319,432. 
 
 ( harU's \'., I\in<,' of Spain, 74, 75. 
 So, Sj, 112, 123, if)S. 1.S6, 199, 
 202, "203, 218", 229, 230, 231, 
 232, 233, 246, 247, 253, 259, 
 2fi6, 270, 271, 272, 302, 309, 
 31.S, 319, 320, 3r.4, }y<), 407, 
 408, 429, 431, 432, 449- 4^'-', 
 ^()() : Court of, };^, 34. 150, 
 r9o ; naiitii al t harts di'si^ncd 
 by llu! cosnio^^raijhcr-. of, 70 ; 
 order ol, 75 ; map desij^ncd 
 by the i)ilots of, 77 ; a|)pre- 
 hensivc of K'^''iK infornialion 
 to the Enj^dish and Fren( h 
 re^^'ardinj^ the north-west 
 passage, 85 ; recjiiests tiie re- 
 turn of Scljasii.m Cabot to, 
 124 ; to ))ro\ ide \csscls for 
 Henry \'li l.'s. troops to Acpii- 
 laine, 152; the Cortes sinn- 
 moned by, 1 5<i ; apjioints 
 Sebastian ('abot as his pilot- 
 major, ijf), 161, 162; favotns 
 shown to Sebasti;in Cabot, 
 b\, 174 ; mistrust-, Sebastian 
 Cabot, 175 ; Sebastian Cabot 
 seeks leave of absence from, 
 to visit Venice, 181 ; ships 
 and suins of money for 
 an expedition |)rovideil Ijy, 
 t86, 187, 190 ; object of, in 
 cnc»)uraging Cabot's under- 
 
 lakiiiK, 188 ; be, tows fresh 
 favours on Sebastian Cabot. 
 191 ; ^'lants an annuit 
 and foat-of-arins to Martiii 
 Mcnde/, 197 ; rec omniends 
 Martin Mende/, 197 ; rewards 
 Mi);uelde Uodas, 198 ; arrival 
 of, at Seville, 201 ; promises 
 to help Cabot, 220 ; ordi- 
 nances by, 278 ; expeditions 
 sent by, 279 ; has confidence 
 in Cabot, 281 ; receives a 
 niappanuMuli from (.'abot, 
 283, 293 ; rc( alls Cabot to 
 Spain, 364 ; Cabot's letter to, 
 .'/'5, ^(>(^> 449; cedula for the in- 
 vcsti^jation of Cabot's conduct, 
 431 ; letters from, 452, 453. 
 
 Charles \'l 1 1., King of France, 42. 
 
 Charlesboiir;; Koyal, 105. 
 
 (.'harlevoix, 95, 19C), 259. 
 
 Charl-makin},' and cosmography. 
 Ie;i( hin^ of, 71. 
 
 Charts and in.ijjs, The s.ile of, b\ 
 un.iuilion/ed piiols, 74. 
 
 Chatterton, 50. 
 
 Chain elon, 1^)3. 
 
 Chavarri, Ccroninto de, 193. 
 
 Chavtis, Alonso dc, 27 f, 274, 27r,. 
 279, 280, 320, 364. 
 
 Chester, William, 334. 
 
 Cheyncy, Sir Thomas, ■•21, 3f)4, 
 448. 
 
 Cheyney, Mr., 37^1. 
 
 Chevnies, 1 13, 446. 
 
 (."hi.ivari, 10. 
 
 Chioggi.i, 8, 9, 389. 
 
 Christian I., King of Dcninark. 40. 
 
 Chudleigh, Cape, 54, 55, 110, tii. 
 
 Chytra us. .S',v Kochhaff, Na- 
 th.an. 
 
 Cicogna, 157. 
 
 Cipango, Island of, 136. 
 
 Cisio, l)om(!ni(() (iiovaiini dc la, 
 3.S(). 
 
 Ciuilc. StT .Seville. 
 
 Claudianus, 465. 
 
 Cobos, Francisco de los, .Secretary, 
 sends letter-missive to Cabot, 
 422. 
 
 Cod, The abundance of, in the 
 seas of North America, 54, 
 55- 
 
 
II Ciibul. 
 annviit 
 Miirtiti 
 DiniiuMids 
 ; rewards 
 B ; arrival 
 promises 
 20 ; tirili- 
 \|)C(litinns 
 ontidiMiie 
 cHcive-. a 
 \ C.'al)(it, 
 
 Calx't '" 
 s letter to, 
 A for the in 
 I's conduct, 
 152.45 V 
 Frincc, 4-' 
 '5' 
 
 imoi^rapliy, 
 
 sale of, 1)> 
 S 74- 
 
 I, 274. "7''- 
 
 s, p.i' :Ai. 
 
 /iV/)/i.\: 
 
 481 
 
 )enniavk, 40. 
 5, 1 10, II I. 
 
 l<aff, Na- 
 
 anni dc l.i, 
 
 IS, Secretary, 
 ivc to Cabol, 
 
 e of, in tlic 
 America, 'y\, 
 
 Codfish country, K2, 156, 274, 
 279. .s'jv ll;icc;ilao9. 
 
 roflln Island, 97. 
 
 ''olchinar, Kio, 215. 
 
 Coles, Isia dc, 207. 
 
 Collon.i, Sebastian, a friar, 179. 
 
 Columbus, Clirisioplier, 11, 15,39. 
 41.44.4 5.4'''. hC, 139, 151,26s, 
 .VJA< 4.37 ; tirst voyage of, 45 ; 
 John Cabot likened to, 10, 1 1, 
 42, 112, 39 i; did hcdiscovcrthe 
 West Indies? 27J ; his heirs 
 deprived of rij.;hts, 274 ; he 
 observes the nt.i^jnetic dcciin- 
 .nlion, 292-93; cndca\ours to 
 lind the Icuij^itudc at sea by 
 means of the needle, 29.S-99. 
 
 (iihimbus, Kernaiulo, commis- 
 sioned to ( onstrucl a sailing- 
 Chan, 74, 183, 185 ; his 
 Coloqititu 74 ; his Historii', 
 392, 298. 
 
 Colundjus, Luis, 268 ; Sebastian 
 Cabot, a witness on behalf of, 
 138 ; reviiulii ales the ri;4his 
 ^{ranlcd to his [grandfather, 
 
 273- 
 
 Commission, for establishin;^ 
 ol'ticial patterns of sailin;;- 
 charts formed, 72 ; formed by 
 Spain to treat wilh l'orul^^al 
 with respect to the Spice 
 Islands, 182. 
 
 Compayni, ISartolommeo, 294,465. 
 
 Concha, or dc la Concha, Fran- 
 cisco, purser of the llaj^-ship, 
 192. 
 
 Conchillos, Lope, secretary of 
 Queen Juana, interviews 
 Sebastian Cabot, 152. 
 
 Condon, Robert Pierce, 341. 
 
 Contarini, Ciasparo, X'enetian 
 ambassador at the Court of 
 Charles V^, 34, 37, 16S, 171, 
 190, 324 ; successor of, 35 ; 
 statements made by Seliastian 
 Cabot to, 37, 121, 16;-;, 172 ; in- 
 structed to interview Scljastian 
 Cabot, 171 : despatch for- 
 warded by the \'enetian 
 Government to, 175 ; de- 
 spatches from, 157, 174, 176> 
 177, 181, 182, 397, 403. 404 ; 
 
 despatches to, 181, 403, 404 ; 
 secretly visited by Sebasti.m 
 Cabot, 17780; reports his 
 interviews with Sebastian 
 Cabot to the Coimcil of Ton, 
 ^TSy ^11 1 4'^6 ; report of, 406. 
 
 Contarini, Marc-Anlonio, Venetian 
 Ambassailor to the Court of 
 Charles V., 150; account of 
 diplomatic mission of, 149, 431. 
 
 Cooper, Mishop Thomas, 16, 17, 
 18, 467. 
 
 Corc^o, Sebastian, 351, 258. 
 
 Corcuera, Kodri^jo de, 295. 
 
 Coro, ( icronimo, 193. 
 
 Coriea, (laspar, 27. 
 
 Corrientcs, 287. 
 
 Cortc, Kodrit,'o dc la, 365. 
 
 Corte's, Hernando, 190, 255, 279, 
 407, 466. 
 
 Cortes, Martin, 391. 
 
 Cortes, The, 139; summoned by 
 Charles V., 1 56. 
 
 Cortc Real, Ciaspanl, 87. 
 
 Corte/;, Luis, 268. 
 
 Corufia, 1 88, 408. 
 
 Corzo, Sebastian, 194. 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la, celebrated 
 planisphere of, 76, 82, 135, 
 
 I?'''. 137. 395' 
 
 CoKmoi^nip/iid written by Sebas- 
 tian Munster, 159. 
 
 Cosm()i4iai)hy ami ( harl-makiny 
 in Spain, teat hinj; of, 71. 
 
 Cosmos, Rio de los, 206. 
 
 Costa, Oonzalo da, 324, 335, 226. 
 
 Colo, Francisco, 154,401. 
 
 Cotton, Robert, Collcclion of, 12. 
 
 Coltonian MS., Quotation from 
 a, 25, 51, 138. 
 
 Council of Ten, 171, 174, 175, 177 ; 
 report of the Chief of the, 34 ; 
 despatch from the, 35 ; de- 
 spatches between the Spanish 
 ambassador and the, 174; 
 Ra^usian adventurer's speech 
 before the, 176, 178; an.xious 
 for a personal interview with 
 Sebastian Cabot, 180 ; de- 
 spatches to Contarini, 181, 
 403-4 ; despatch to Soranzo, 
 381,451. 
 
 Council of the Indies, the, 154, 219, 
 •2 II 
 
f'l 
 
 482 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 I > 
 
 lav 
 
 246, 280, 412, 427, 430 ; de- 
 claration made by Sebastian 
 Cabot before, 139 ; apjirovcs 
 of an expedition to tlie 
 Moluccas, 186 ; Mendcz 
 complains to, 232 ; Gaspar 
 do Montoya, a member of, 
 247 ; charj^es ajjainst Cabot 
 ailjud£;ed proven by, 249 ; 
 Cabot tried before, 251, 265- 
 269 ; its sittings held at 
 (.)caria, 265 ; members of, 
 
 265 ; Count Osorno presides 
 at, 266 ; Charles V. writes to, 
 
 266 ; reply to Charles V., 267 ; 
 Adelantado of the Canaries 
 petitions, 270, 430 ; con- 
 demnation of Cabot by, 271 ; 
 Suarez de Carvajal a mem- 
 ber of, 275 ; a mappamundi 
 ordered for, 282 ; sentences 
 of, in the suits against Cabot, 
 414,415. 
 
 Cremona, 7. 
 
 Crii^non, Pierre, 296. 
 
 Cronicon rcii^um Att^licr, ik.c., 25, 
 r28, 134, 396 ; reference in, to 
 John Cabot's occupation, 39 ; 
 date of John Cabot's second 
 voyage recorded in, 129-31 ; 
 account of John Cabot's 
 expedition given in the, 129- 
 
 'y -* 
 JJ- 
 
 Crowley or Crole, Robert, printer, 
 bookseller, poet, and preacher, 
 17, 18, 19, 25, 26, 467. 
 
 Cuba, 65, 135, 286. 
 
 Cuellar, or of Cuelar, a sailor, 
 
 193- 
 Cumana, Province of, 274. 
 
 Dahi.grkn, 201, 210. 
 Dalmatia, 7. 
 
 Uansell, Sir William, 335. 
 Darien, Province of, 274, 279. 
 Dasent, J. R., 320, 321, 322, 324, 
 
 332,334' 33'i,3'^7, 44^, 449, 45 '■ 
 Daulphin, Cap du, named by 
 
 Jacques Cartier, 102. 
 Davila, Francisco, 434. 
 Davila, Gil Gonzales, 188. 
 Uavis Strait, Exploration of, 67, 
 
 82. 
 
 Daycaga, Andres, page on the 
 shi|) "Sancta Maria del 
 Espinar," 192, 257, 379,413- 
 
 Deano, Charles, 1 17, 126, 166, 323, 
 392, 465. 
 
 Delaware, River, 141. 
 
 Delgado, Rio, 207. 
 
 Dclisle, 296. 
 
 Demarcation line marking the 
 Western boundary of Spain, 
 182. 
 
 Denis, 261. 
 
 Denmark, 179, 438 ; archives and 
 old chronicles of, 41 ; war 
 with England referred to, 
 41. 
 
 Desccliers, Pierre, charts of, 93, 
 95, loi, 102, !o6. 
 
 Dcsimoni, Cornelio, 1, 11, 28, 79, 
 
 135.389, 392. 
 
 Desliens, Nicolas, 93, lot, loC), 107; 
 cartographer of Dieppe, 94, 
 95 ; charts of, 102, 103. 
 
 Desprats, Cardinal Francois, 464. 
 
 Diaz, Uernal, 140. 
 
 Dieppe, 92, 101, 102, 106, 107, 
 287 ; French maps constructed 
 in, 86 ; cartograjihers of, avail 
 tiiemsclves of the information 
 gathered Ijy jac(|ues Cartier, 
 88. 
 
 Doge of \'enicc. Src (iritti, 
 Moccnigo, Trono, Vendramin. 
 
 Doncaud, (;., 9. 
 
 Donnacona, Canadian chief, 93. 
 
 Dorset, Marcjuis ot, 119, 15J. 
 
 Double, Cape, 105. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 378. 
 
 Drapeyron, Mr., 122. 
 
 Drontheim (Drcnton), Port of, 357, 
 
 358- 
 Dugdale, f52. 
 Durau, Tom.is, 183. 
 Durfoorth, Cornelius, 344. 
 Duro, Ca|)tain I'ernandez, 280, 
 
 32f. 
 
 Dwina, river, Chancelor anchors 
 at mouth of, 349 ; the 
 "Edward lUinavcnture" in, 
 352, 355. 356; Chancelor 
 arrives at mouth of, 357 ; 
 "Searchthrift" at mouth of, 
 358 ; Chancelor ascends, 362. 
 
oil the 
 ill del 
 9. 41.V 
 GO, 323. 
 
 :\x\^ the 
 
 ives and 
 41 ; war 
 
 ;,rfd U>, 
 
 Ls of, 93. 
 
 I, 28, 79, 
 
 jiof), 107; 
 icppe, 94, 
 103. 
 \(;ois, 404- 
 
 106, J 07, 
 onslrucled 
 ;rs of avail 
 nfonnalion 
 cs earlier, 
 
 S,r (irilli, 
 cndramin. 
 
 ;hief, 93' 
 
 K)rtof, 357, 
 
 [uulez. 2BO, 
 
 [or anchors 
 
 , 349 ; „ ii^'^ 
 
 Icnturc" m, 
 
 Cliancelor 
 
 I of, 357; 
 mouth of, 
 [sccnds, 362. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 141. 
 330, 331, 
 
 East Cape, 98. 
 
 East India island; 
 
 Easterlin^'s, The, 
 342. 
 
 Eaii Douicc, Riuicrc d', 93. 
 
 Ecija, 195. 
 
 Eden, Richard, iq, 24, 29, 30, 
 112 13, 115,122, 207,446-47; 
 statemcnls of, 1 54, 1 58, 1 59, 
 161, 163, 165, i()b ; derives his 
 information from Sebastian 
 Caljot, 1 58-59 ; reminiscence 
 of Seljastian Cabot by, 372 ; 
 lived ill Lomlon, 273 '< ^^''' 
 Decades of tlic Nci<'c VVorldc 
 by, 20S, 285, 434, 436, 461, 
 463 ; Discourse vf dyecrs 
 I'oyai^cs by, 465-66. 
 
 " Kilward lamavcnturc," the, 344, 
 348, 349, 351-57. 
 
 Edward I\ ., Kin;.,^ of En;,dand, 
 disre;4ards the complaints of 
 tlie Kin_L; of l)cnmari<, 40. 
 
 I'Ahvard VI., 16, 18 20, 146, 322, 
 
 3-6, 332, 359, 37f', 378, 390, 
 452, 465, 467 ; death of, 18 ; 
 Sebastian Cabot seeks new 
 favours from, 121 ; extract 
 from the Council Re.i,nster 
 of, 124 ; i^rant.s pension to 
 Sebastian Cabot, 320, 449 ; 
 ^'laluity to Sebastian Cabot 
 irom, 450-51- 
 
 El Cano, sjjecimens of spices 
 brou;_;ht from the Indian Seas 
 by, 185, 197, 198. 
 
 El Dorado, 239. 
 
 Elizabeth, (hieen of England, 16, 
 
 17, 37S,'4f>7, 4<')8- 
 Elliott, HuL;h, of Bristol, letters 
 patent ^nantcd to, 145, 146, 
 147, J 67, 336- 
 
 of Sir Thomas 
 
 Ellis, Henry, 54. 
 Elsynj^es, manor 
 
 Lovell, 172. 
 Emecoretacs, Rio de los, 215. 
 Ealield, 172. 
 England, 10, II, 14, 15, 26, 27, 30, 
 
 31, 32, 41, 48, 116-25, 128, 
 
 • 34, '37, 'f'O, '6-, ■'^'5' ''^S' 
 172, 173, '83, 353, 355, 357, 
 375, 378-79, 4o«, 454, 4(53, 
 
 465 ; importation of Genoa 
 and Savona cloths into, 23 ; 
 war with Denmark alluded to, 
 41 ; Cabot's return to, owing 
 to want of victuals, 66 ; war 
 with Scotland, 67 ; return of 
 John Cabot to, 1 10 ; circulation 
 of the Cabotian planisphere 
 in, 112; reason ascribed by 
 Sebastian Cabot for his leaving, 
 119, 120; effect produced in, 
 by the news of the discoveries 
 of John Cabot, 126 ; news of 
 the su( cess of John Cabot's 
 expedition received in, 130 ; 
 wife and home of Sebastian 
 Cabot in, 151 ; Sebastian 
 Cabot obtains permission to 
 go to, 153 ; visit of Sebastian 
 Cabot to, 1 56 ; Cabot said to 
 be the author of the maritime 
 strength of, viii, 361 ; Cabot's 
 disguised flight to, 365 ; 
 Charles V. and, 366 ; financial 
 condition of, 369 ; Philip of 
 Spain's visits to, 370-74 ; 
 Cabot living in, 3S0; Soran/o, 
 \'enetian ambassador in, 381, 
 451 ; Ruy Gonzales de I'uebia, 
 Siianish ambassador in, 390, 
 395 ; Tedro de Ayala, junior 
 Spanish ambassador in, 396 ; 
 letter from King Ferdinancl to 
 Villaragut in, 400 ; Nathan 
 Kochhaffs tour in, 438 ; 
 engraving in, 441 ; Ortelius 
 visits, 446 ; expenses for 
 bringing Cabot to, 448 ; 
 Giovanni Michiel, \'enctian 
 ambassador to, 466 ; chron- 
 icles of, by Holinshed, 468. 
 
 England, Cape of, in La Cosa's 
 map, 135. 
 
 England, Court of, 16, 357. 
 
 English Admiralty, 72. 
 
 English, The, discovery of Labra- 
 ilor and the north-east coast 
 of America by, 83, 85. 
 
 Engronland [Greenland], 318. 
 
 Equator and the Tropic of Capri- 
 corn, search for Spice islands 
 between the, 189. 
 
 Erasso, Francisco de, 284. 
 

 « 
 
 I 
 
 484 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 I 
 
 ' 'I 
 
 Eskimos, The, 54. 
 
 Kspacia, M. Jimenez dc la, 283. 
 
 Estc, Hercules d', Duke of Ferrara, 
 despatch from, 44. 
 
 Ethica, River, 217, 220, 263. 
 
 Etic|uari, Rio, 21 1. 
 
 Eton, 442. 
 
 ExpcsicioH Americanistd at 
 Madrid, 413, 429. 
 
 Extract from a I'lay, rcfcrrin},' to 
 a voyage undertaken by 
 Englishmen to the north- 
 western region of the New 
 World, 164, 165. 
 
 Fmjvan, Robert, 24, 25, 51, 128, 
 142, 143, 146; chronicles of, 
 21,22, 131, 134,39^' 97 ; death 
 of, 22, 23 ; offices held by, 23 ; 
 dra])cr by trade, 23 ; deal- 
 ings of, with the Ligurian 
 merchants in London, 23. 
 
 Fagundes, Joao Alvarez, 100. 
 
 F'aillon, Abbe, 95. 
 
 Falcon, Anton, 194, 205, 249 ; one 
 of Cabot's witnesses, 245, 413 ; 
 mentioned in list of survivors, 
 258. 
 
 Faleiros, the, 88. 
 
 Falmouth, 152. 
 
 F'arallon, Rio del, 210. 
 
 Farayol, El, a rock or islet, 210, 
 411. 
 
 Fare, Cabot dc la. See CaI)ot. 
 
 Ferdinand of Aragon, King of 
 Spain, 15, 151, 152, 178,279; 
 ccdula of, 33 ; gratuities and 
 emoluments granted to Cabot 
 by, 65 ; requires a general 
 revision of all maps and 
 charts, 73 ; engages Sebastian 
 Cabot, 81 ; desire of, to 
 ascertain the secret of the 
 newly discovered lands, 153 ; 
 recommends Sebastian Cabot 
 to the Spanish amljassador in 
 London, 153; death of, 156, 
 160, 161, 162 ; expected to 
 oppose an expedition from 
 Venice, 179 ; writes to Luis 
 Carroz de Villagarut recom- 
 mending Cabot, 378 ; expedi- 
 tion to the south of France 
 
 by Henry VHL and, 399; 
 letter to Villagarut, 400 ; 
 letter mentioning death of, 
 464. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, 57, 121, 
 149, 1 78, 266 ; Dr. I'uebla, the 
 ;\mbassador of, 10, 14 ; Ayala, 
 a connnissioner of, 16 ; de- 
 spatch addressed to, 42 ; 
 ordinance of, 71 ; create the 
 C(jsa de Contratacion, 71 ; 
 said to have entertained Seb- 
 astian Cabot, 1 19; and to have 
 sent him to discover Brazil, 
 120, 121 ; order to Hojeda, 
 1 38 ; despatch from Ruy Gon- 
 zales de Pucbla to, 390, 395 ; 
 despatch from I'edro de Ayala 
 to, 396. 
 
 Fernandez,Francisco,of the Azores, 
 letters patent granted to, 144, 
 146, 147, 336; ])ension granted 
 
 to, 147, 397-9«- 
 
 Fernandez, Joao, of the Azores, 
 letters patent granted to, 144, 
 146, 147, 336, 39S. 
 
 Fernandez, Pero, pilot of the ship 
 "La Trinidad," 192. 
 
 Ferrara, Duke of, addresses an 
 important despatch to his 
 ambassador, 44 ; desire of, 
 to see the writings of Paulo 
 dal Pozzo Toscanelli, 44. 
 
 Ferro, Marco, 3, 4. 
 
 Figini, Martino, 388. 
 
 Finisterre, Cape, 309, 409, 435. 
 
 Finmark, 346. 
 
 Fish, enormous quantity of, in the 
 northern seas of America, 54 ; 
 native mode of catching, de- 
 scribed by John Cabot, 55. 
 
 Fisher, Richard, 441. 
 
 Fleuriais, Admiral, 306. 
 
 Florence, despatch addressed by 
 the Duke of Ferrara to his 
 ambassador at, 44. 
 
 Florentine astronomers, theories 
 of the, 44. 
 
 Flores, Island of, one of the 
 Azores, 284, 293, 310, 435. 
 
 Florida, 66, 123, 137-40, 274. 
 
 Flyinn; Dutchman^ legend of the, 
 349. 
 
 I 
 
1 
 
 nd, 399; 
 
 Lit, 400 ; 
 
 death of, 
 
 , 57, i^i. 
 Liebla, llie 
 4 ; Ayala, 
 , 16 ; de- 
 
 to, 42 ; 
 create the 
 cion, 7' ■' 
 vincd Seb- 
 nd to have 
 ver Brazil, 
 D Hojeda, 
 
 Ruy Gon- 
 
 , 390, 395 ; 
 o de Ayala 
 
 'the Azores, 
 ed to, 144, 
 lon granted 
 
 he Azores, 
 :ed to, 144. 
 
 of the ship 
 2, 
 
 .dresses an 
 ch to his 
 desire of, 
 rs of Paulo 
 ill!, 44' 
 
 409, 435- 
 
 ity of, in the 
 ancrica, 54 ; 
 atchin;^, de- 
 :abot, '55. 
 
 6. 
 
 ddressed by 
 rrara to his 
 
 ers, theories 
 
 one of the 
 
 310, 435' 
 40, 274- 
 ;gend of the, 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 485 
 
 Fcpdera by Ryincr, 31,47, 336, 358, 
 
 390, 399. 449, 454, 459- 
 
 Fonseca, Rodri-uez dc. Bishop 
 of I'aleiicia, 152, 181. 
 
 Fontana, Aloysio, 388. 
 
 F'ontcneilc's//;j/()/>v de PAcadcmie 
 dis Sciences, 290-91. 
 
 Fonviellc, WiUVied de, 293. 
 
 Forcellini, ^-j. 
 
 Foreigners excluded from partici- 
 pating in privileges granted 
 by Henry VII., 145. 
 
 Fornari, Cipriani) de, 16. 
 
 Fortana, Benedetto Lancelotti, 
 389. 
 
 Fortunate Islands. Sec Canary 
 Islands. 
 
 Fobcarini, Marco, 290, 465. 
 
 Foscarini MSS., 431. 
 
 Fossa, Clodia, maci^i^iore and 
 vnno>\\ 8. 
 
 Fournier, Father George, 290. 
 
 Fracaslor's Opera Onijita, 465. 
 
 France, r6, 105, 438 ; return of 
 Jacc|ues Cartier from his fust 
 voyage, 104 ; Boisdauphin 
 ambassador of, 365 ; and re- 
 called to, 366 , English war 
 with, 369; alleged descendants 
 of Cabot in, 3S2 ; e.\pcdition 
 to the south of, 399. 
 
 Francis I., King of France, at war 
 with England, 123. 
 
 Frankfort, 18. 
 
 Freire's portolano, 107. 
 
 Fretuni Herciileum, The sea 
 called, 65. 
 
 Frio, Cape, 207, 208, 410. 
 
 Frioul, 7. 
 
 Frobisher, 163, 339, 378. 
 
 Frome, River, 29. 
 
 Fuenleal, Sebastian Ramirez de, 
 265, 
 
 Fuente, Scnor de la, 464. 
 
 Fust, family of Gloucester, 51. 
 
 G.VBATO (Sebastian Cabot), 13,21, 
 
 23, 25, 26, 27, 131. 
 Gabota (Sebastian Cabot), 90. 
 Gabote (Sebastian Cabot), 113, 
 
 131, i4j- 
 Gaboto (Sebastian Cabot), 12, 17, 
 
 35, 229,231,233, 236. 
 
 " Gabriel! Royal," The, 338. 
 
 Gaeta, 9. 
 
 Gairdncr,Mr.,ofthc Public Record 
 Office, 1 28, 318, 432. 
 
 Galicia, 19S. 
 
 Gallego, V'asco, 88 ; appointment 
 of, 1 54 ; colleague of Cabot, 
 401. 
 
 (ialliacioli, Giambattista, 2. 
 
 Galvam or Gaivao, Antonio, 64, 
 466 ; information of John 
 Cabot's iirst expedition given 
 by, 50. 
 
 Ganong, W. F., 100, 101, 103. 
 
 (laray, Juan de, 221. 
 
 Garcia,Alejo, 195, 261. 
 
 Garcia, Captain IJiego, 204, 213, 
 214, 21S, 219, 222 24, 225, 229, 
 246, 247, 248, 257, 312, 316, 
 408, 409, 417, 418, 424, 435 ; 
 expedition of, 189 ; island 
 named after, 248 ; meets 
 Cabot at La Plata, 423. 
 
 Garcia, Francisco, priest on the 
 ship " La Sancta Maria del 
 Lspinar," 192, 245. 
 
 Garcia, Martin, steward of de 
 Solis, island named after, 212, 
 
 433- 
 
 (iarcia, Miguel, 191, 271. 
 
 (iarcia de Cclis. Sec Celis. 
 
 Ciarcia de Mosquera, Ruy. Sec 
 Mosquera. 
 
 Garcia de Toreno. .S'(V Toreno. 
 
 Garrard, Sir William, 20. 
 
 Gascon), map of, made by Sebas- 
 tian Cabot for Henry VIII., 
 
 '52,399- 
 Gaspe, 104. 
 Gattinara, Mcrcurino de. High 
 
 Chancellor of Spain, iSi. 
 Gavoto (Sebastian Cabot), 229. 
 Gayangos, 220, 319, 40S, 432. 
 Gclferson, William, master of the 
 
 " Bona Esperanza," 344. 
 Gcnero, vr Jenero, Baya de, 207, 
 
 410. 
 Genero, Rio de, 417. 
 Genoa, 15, 23, 26,381. 
 Genoese, The, positions held by, in 
 
 the Court of Henry VII., 46. 
 Genoese residents in London in 
 
 the 15th century, 45. 
 
 iik 
 
ll« 
 
 •'If 
 
 r.'i 
 
 il^ 
 
 ' 
 
 ij 
 
 I M' 
 
 486 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Genoese i^'allcys, means of inins- 
 portiii)^ mcrcliaiidibc Ijctwccn 
 Orcat liritain ami Italy, 
 46. 
 
 Genoese war, diminulion of popu- 
 lation in t:onsec|iicncc of the, 
 
 3.4- 
 Geo<,'raphical Commission, 276. 
 Georgia, 140. 
 
 Germany, 11?., 179, 437, 438. 
 Geronimo, of Cliavarri, 2 5<S. 
 Gesio (or Gessio), Giovanni liat- 
 
 tista, 283. 
 Ghillany, F. W., 82, 260, 291. 
 Giabuto, family of llie name of, 
 
 9- 
 Giancti da Fano, Guido, 281, 2S4, 
 
 289-90, 465. 
 Gibraltar, 137, 139, 179 ; Strait of, 
 
 67. 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrev, 85, 88, 163, 
 
 37S, 468. j 
 
 Gilbert, William, 290, 298. 
 Gilbertus, G., 290. 
 Giovanni, son of IJarlolomeo of 
 
 lirescia, 38S. 
 Giovanni, son of Giacomo, 3S8. 
 Giimti, 465. 
 
 Giusliniani, Agoslino, ^yj. 
 Goa, 2S4. 
 
 Cioderyk, John, 172, 405. 
 Godwin, Francis, 27. 
 Golden Castile, 255, 274. 
 Gomara, the historian, 24, 50, 64, 
 
 113, 123, 196, 206, 208, 213, 
 
 25j» 257, 435. 447, 466. 
 (iome/, Estcvao. or tslcvam, the 
 navigator, 77, 88, 183, 225; ex- 
 pedition of, depends upon the 
 ruling of the Council of 
 Hadajoz, 83 ; discoveries of, 
 140 ; explorations of, 273, 286, 
 
 3'9. 34'. 
 Gonzales, Joao, of the Azores, 
 
 336, 398 ; letters patent granted 
 
 to, 144, 146, 147 ; pension 
 
 granted to, 147. 
 Grado, 8. 
 Grafton, Richard, printer of 
 
 Edward VI., iS ; chronicle 
 
 of, 
 46S. 
 
 12, 13, iS, 19, 20, 25, 
 
 Grajales, Ur., 106-8 ; writer of the 
 
 legends in Sebastian Cabols 
 
 maps, 61, 63, 112, 436, 447. 
 Grajeda, Antonio de, master of the 
 
 tlag-ship, 192, 213, 221, 234, 
 
 425. 
 Gravesend, 355, 365, 366, 367. 
 GraviCre, Jurien de la, 42. 
 Gray, 356, 368. 
 Great ISritain, 27, 2S6. 
 Great IJrilainand Italy, commerce 
 
 carried on between, 4O. 
 Green Island, 1 10. 
 Greenland (Engronland), 291, 318, 
 
 319, 341- 
 
 Grecnwicli, Willoughby's expedi- 
 tion passes, 345. 
 
 Grego, Juan (a Greek ?), 194, 249, 
 258,413. 
 
 Gregory's Cltrontdc, 128. 
 
 Gresham, Sir John, 373. 
 
 Grey, Richard, 351, 356. 
 
 Grey, Thomas, Mar(|uis of Dorset, 
 commander of the English 
 army, 152. 
 
 Griego, Juan, 241. 
 
 Griinasco, Giovanni Giacomo, 3S9. 
 
 Gritli, Andrea, Uoge of Venice, 
 404. 
 
 Grube, Master, expedition of, 340. 
 
 Guadalquivir, 256. 
 
 Guatemala, 247 ; discovery of 
 emerald mines in, 19S. 
 
 Guevara, Christoval de, 194, 249, 
 250, 257. 
 
 Guevara, Father Jose, 261. 
 
 Guillen, Felipe, 295, 296. 
 
 Guinea, Gulf of, 314, 315. 
 
 Guinea, Rivers of, 312, 3r3, 316. 
 
 Gutierrez, Diego, 274, 275 ; Cabot 
 prohibits him from construct- 
 ing maps, 279 ; Cabot appoints 
 him his deputy, 2S0, 321. 
 
 (nitierrez, Diego, junior, 320, 437. 
 
 Guyenne, map of, made by 
 Sebastian Cabot for Henry 
 VIII., 152,399. 
 
 Guyrandos, Rio de los, 214. 
 
 Guzman, Alonso Riipielme de, 195. 
 
 Guzman, Dias de, 212, 213, 216, 
 221,253, 257,261. 
 
 Guzman, Nuho de, 276. 
 
 Guzman, Ruy lilas de, 195, 196. 
 
 Guzmao, Alexandre de, 260. 
 
 i 
 
1 
 
 n Cabot's 
 ;6, 447. 
 ^tcr ol tlic 
 221, ^34, 
 
 commerce 
 46. 
 
 I, 291,318, 
 
 's cxpedi- 
 
 I, 194, 249, 
 
 of Dorset, 
 c Kn"libli 
 
 como, 3S9. 
 jf Venice, 
 
 on of, 340. 
 
 icovciy of 
 
 [98. 
 
 , 194, 249. 
 
 61. 
 3. 
 
 5- 
 
 313,316- 
 75 ; Cabot 
 constnict- 
 ot ajipoints 
 o, 321. 
 r, 330, 437. 
 made by 
 for 1 lenry 
 
 214. 
 
 ime de, 195. 
 i, 213, 216, 
 
 195, 196. 
 , 260. 
 
 INDEX. 487 
 
 IlACKF.T, Thomas, 467. 
 
 Ilakluyt, Richard, 20, 21, 23, 24, 
 25, 47, 5', S3, 89, 113, 124, 
 12S, 133, 134, 163, 167, US5, 
 194, 2IO, 320, y:,i, 336, y:,T, 
 11^, 341-345. 347, 348, 349, 
 35', 352, 35^ 357> 35*'^, 3^', 
 
 3'J7, 36S, 371, yi?,, 378, 390, 
 
 396, 397, 440, 44', 442, 443, 
 444, 445, 446, 447, 448. 449, 
 452, 453, 456, 4'''3, 465, 466; 
 unrcliablencssoftheclironicles 
 of, 23, 24 ; account of John 
 Cabot's second expedition 
 compared with that of Slow, 
 131 ; on Sebastian Cabot's 
 discoveries. 284-85, 321, 328, 
 
 330,335,353,354,355; reports 
 the arrival ot three Indians 
 in London, 142, 143; compari- 
 son of tlie date of Sebastian 
 Cabot's third voyaj^'c with 
 that of Stow, 142, 143, 147. 
 
 Ilalc, K. E., 396. 
 
 Halle or Hall, Edward, historian, 
 
 ", '8, 339- 
 
 Hansc, The, 334. 
 
 Hanscarssc, The, 41. 
 
 Hardy, Sir Thomas, 452. 
 
 Hardynj^, John, historian, 1 1, 468. 
 
 Harford, Charles J., 375, 376. 
 
 Harleyan Chart, 102, 107. 
 
 Haro, Christoval de, 1S7, 248. 
 
 Harpsfield, John, historian, 11. 
 
 Harvey, Rev. 1\I., m. 
 
 Haukshead, 359. 
 
 Havre Catalan Atlas, 434. 
 
 Henry IV. of England, 331. 
 
 Henry VI., 331. 
 
 Henry VII., i, 14, 15, 16, 22, 24, 
 28, 30, 31, 32, 41,42,80, 115, 
 116, 123, 126, 12S, 129, 132, 
 
 '44, '5S, '59, 33", 3^^3, 37(h 
 377i 383; letters patent of 1496 
 ;j;ranted by, to John Cabot, 
 36, 43, 57, 60, 132, 133, 144, 
 '45, 390 ; Court of, 45 ; posi- 
 tions held by the (Jenocsc in 
 the Court of, 46 ; petition of 
 John Cabot and his sons to, 
 47, 48, 132 ; ships equipped 
 by, for a voyage of discovery, 
 50; projects of John Cabot 
 
 submitted to, 57 ; rewards 
 John Caljot, 58, 117; new 
 letters patent granted by, Co, 
 '44, 393 ; caravels htted by, 
 65, 395 ; '""St Transatlantic 
 voy.ige carried out under the 
 auspices of, 66 ; truce with 
 James I\'., 67 ; grants a pen- 
 sion to John Cabot, 116, 126, 
 392, 394 ; grant of a licence to 
 Sc'-astian Cabot by, 120; 
 gratuitygrantcd to John Cabot 
 jjy, 126, 129, 130, 391 ; avari- 
 ciousness of, 127; death of, 
 J20, 121, 150, 151, 15S, 166 ; 
 difference of opinion as to the 
 immber of ships cqui|)pcd by, 
 for John Cabot's sec:ond ex- 
 l)edition, 130, 131, 133, 150, 
 lends a sum of money to 
 Thomas llradleyand Launce- 
 lot Thirkill, 133, 394; other 
 loans, 395, 397, 444, 445, 450, 
 463 ; repaid part of the money 
 lent to Launcelot Thirkill, 1 35 ; 
 pensions granted by, 147 ; 
 Indians presented to, 142, 
 143 ; monopoly of trade 
 granted to patentees by, 145 : 
 foreigners excluded fron; 
 participating in the privileges 
 granted by, 145; entries taken 
 from the account of I'rivy 
 Purse expenses of, 147. 
 Henry VIII., 18,21, 22,25,33,34, 
 83, 124, 125, 159-63, 168, 170, 
 172, 173, 179, 361, 363, 37S, 
 399 ; calls upon the Livery 
 Companies of London to 
 contribute towards the fitting 
 of ships to be placed under 
 the command of Sebastian 
 Cabot, iiS, 169; demands of. 
 opposed by the Livery 
 Companies of London, 118, 
 119, 169, 172 ; encourages the 
 voyage of Master More, 123 ; 
 at war with France, 123 ; 
 desire of, to receive the title 
 of " Most Christian King," 
 151; to send 6)ooo men to 
 Aquit.iine, 152 ; C(|uipment of 
 an expedition by, 156, 159, 
 
I I 
 
 ll '< 
 
 488 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 ■■'■1 
 
 i6i ; vessels rc(|uirc(! l)y, for 
 a maritime expedition, i6(j ; 
 Council of, 169; offers to ciiiiip 
 \cssels for voyaj^e of clis- 
 tovcry, J37 ; Cal)ot recom- 
 mcncled to, 4 52. 
 
 " Henry (]race a Uieu " or " Great 
 Marry," the, ifo. 
 
 Henry of Valois, j66. 
 
 Hcpctin, l\io, 215. 
 
 Herbert, William, iig, 152, 402. 
 
 Her<;enr()elher, Cardmal, 464. 
 
 Hermoso, (lolfo, 207. 
 
 Hernanbiico. Stc Fernambuco. 
 
 Hernandez, i(;6. 
 
 Herrera, 72, 73. S'. Mo, i53. it>5. 
 186, 188, 190, 191, 194, 195, 
 196-99, 20t, 202, 206, 215, 
 2r7, 218, 220, 230, 231, 252, 
 253. 270, 271, 272, 276, 340, 
 399, 409, 431, 435. 
 
 Hcsperides, 273. 
 
 Heyd, 46. 
 
 Hind, Professor, 54, 55; description 
 of the north coast of Labrador, 
 1 10. 
 
 Hipihi, Rio, 216. 
 
 Hoby, Sir I'hilip, 125, 2S1, 318, 
 32 r, 322,448. 
 
 Hoj;a(;on, P'rancisco, of Valde- 
 porras, 193, 200, 231, 236, 
 
 257, 311,413, 414- 
 Hojeda, Alonso de, 135, 13S ; 
 
 sails with Juan de la Cosa for 
 
 the New World, 82. 
 Holbein, 374, 375, 376. 
 Holinshed, Ralph, chronicler, 12, 
 
 13, 19, 20, 25, 119, 120, 46S. 
 Holkham Library, 22. 
 Holland's tlcroulogia Am^luc, 
 
 37S. 
 I lomem, Diocjo, 88. 
 Homo, Andreas, 88. 
 Hondius, Jodocus, 2S4. 
 Honguedo (Ongucdo), 91, 92, 93. 
 Hooper, Clement, 124, 364, 448, 
 
 452. 
 Hore, Master, expedition of, 123, 
 
 340. 
 Howard, Lord Edmund, 339. 
 Howlet, John, 351, 357. 
 Hozier, D', 382. 
 Hudson River, 141. 
 
 310. 
 
 Huruai River, Indian 
 for the La Plata, 411, 
 
 Hudson's Strait, no; c|uantity of 
 
 cod near the entrance of, 55. 
 Humboldt, 82, 291, 292, 293. 
 Hume, 117, 151, 3C)9. 
 Hunj^ary, Lewis, Kin,f; of, 319. 
 Hungary, .Mary, (^uecn of, 
 
 432. 
 Huray or 
 name 
 
 433- 
 Hurtado, Lope, 408. 
 Hurtado, Sebastian de, of Ecija, 
 
 195. 
 Hussic, Anthony, 367, 371, 373. 
 Hydrographical IJureau at Seville, 
 
 71,78. 
 Hydrography and Pilotage taught 
 
 in Andalusia, 71. 
 
 Iceland, 40, 286, 288, 31S, 319, 
 341, 466 ; governor of, killed 
 by Englishmen, 40. 
 
 Icelandic Sea, fish in the, 54. 
 
 India, Columbus's sup])osed dis- 
 covery of the coast of, 151. 
 
 India, Rio de la, 207. 
 
 Indian Seas, spices brought from 
 the, 185 ; passage leading to 
 the, 1 89. 
 
 Indians (of North America) alleged 
 to have been brought to Eng- 
 land by Sebastian Cabot, 
 J42-48. 
 
 Indians (of South America), 409, 
 410, 411, 418, 420, 421, 422, 
 426, 427, 433 ; murder Juan 
 Dias de Solis, 156; abducted 
 by Sebastian Cabot, 223 24 ; 
 burn property of the Spaniards, 
 and mutilate the 
 bought by Cabot, 
 
 221, 416 
 
 dead, 221 
 
 421,426. 
 Indies, 66, 431 ; projected voyage 
 
 to the, 1 54, 405, 406. 
 Indies, Archives of the, 270, 407, 
 
 408,415,428,429,431. 
 Ingram, Richard, 344. 
 Invuctoke, r 11. 
 Ipiti, 263. 
 
 Irala, Domingo de, 253. 
 Irausi, P'abian de, 194, 2 58. 
 Ireland, 51, 52, 70, 109, 134, 286, 
 
 288, 468. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 489 
 
 Isabella, Queen of I'ortuj^'al, 
 2(>(i ; order of, to Fcin;iiulo 
 Columbus, 75. 
 
 Isabella, niiCLii of Spain, date of 
 deal li (jf, 1 3 1 , 1 49. Atv lerd i - 
 nand and Isabella. 
 
 hlario, Manuscript of Alonso de 
 Santa Cruz, 80 ; text of, 409- 
 411. 
 
 Italian cities, trade of, in the East, 
 46. 
 
 Italian cosmographers furnish 
 data for niakiny maps and 
 charts, 7^. 
 
 Italian princes, Legations in 
 London maintained by, 46. 
 
 Italians, colony of, in London, 46. 
 
 Itiily. y. 37, 43, 4j!^ ; the receptacle 
 of news of transatlantic dis- 
 coveries, 46 ; sojourn of 
 Charles V. in, 75 ; commerce 
 carried on with Great Britain, 
 46. 
 
 I wan Wasilejevitch, T/.ar of 
 Russia, 349, 356, 357, 362 ; 
 i'hilip and Mary write 10,350. 
 
 jACO.Mi:, Greek sailor on the 
 
 " Capitana,'' 192. 
 jacn, Fernando de, 185. 
 J>'il, 344- 
 Jalobert, brother-in-law to Jaccjues 
 
 Cartier, 105. 
 James I. of England, 20, 375. 
 J;i«ies IV. of Scotland, 15, 120; 
 
 truce between Henry V'll. 
 
 and, 67. 
 Janaez, Rio, 215. 
 Jaquaron, an Indian chief, 216. 
 Jaques, Chrisloval, 261, 423; 
 
 island named after, 211. 
 Jaqui. Sec St. Jacques, la ripuierc. 
 Jay, John, junior, of Bristol, equip- 
 ment of a ship at the cost of, 
 
 42, 59. 
 Jenero, or Genero, liaya de, 207, 
 
 410. 
 Jenkinson, Anthony, 347, 441. 
 Joao II., King of Tortugal, 15, 16, 
 
 219. 
 Joao III., 296. 
 John of Antwerp, 375. 
 Jomard, 362, 447. 
 
 Jordan, Rio, 260, 434. 
 
 Juan, Master (de la Ilinojos.i), 
 surgeon and alguazil of the 
 ship "La Trinidad," 192, 
 200, 234, 235, 236, 245, 247, 
 250, 257, 311, 315, 413,414. 
 
 Juan csleue/, island, 107. 
 
 Juana, Oueen, 152. 
 
 Judd, Sir Andrew, 373. 
 
 Julius II., I'ope, 151, 464. 
 
 Junco, Juan de, treasurer of the 
 ship "Sancta Maria del 
 Espinar," 192, 198, 230, 231, 
 235, 242, 245, 247, 249, 25., 
 253, 254, 257, 264, 311, 413, 
 414, 415, 425 ; biographical 
 data concerning, f9S; Spanish 
 text of his deposition at 
 Cabot's trial, 415 17. 
 
 Jurien de laGravicie. 6Vt'Graviere. 
 
 Justes, Juan de, 195. 
 
 Kaijotto, John (John Cabot), 
 
 ', "7, 132,393- 
 kanin, Cape, 356, 358. 
 Kara Strait, 358. 
 Kelton, Arthur, n. 
 Kem)s, Arthure, 394, 39S. 
 Kerhallet, Philippe de, 316. 
 Kholmogory, 358. 
 Kidder, Mr., 53. 
 Killingworth, Cieorge, ",48, 349, 
 
 ,.. 351,352, 353, 356, 3f^S- 
 
 Kircher, Father Alhanasius, 290. 
 
 Klumpke, Miss Dorothea, 305. 
 
 Knights of St. Mary of Jerusalem, 
 360. 
 
 Kochhaff, Nathan (known as 
 Chytraius), 290, 330, 434, 436, 
 438, 439, 440, 442, 443, 444, 
 445, 447- 
 
 Kohl, Johann G., 39, 42, y?,, 82, 
 86, 94, 98, 163, 202, 260, 2S6 ; 
 his remarks on Cabot's plani- 
 sphere, 285, 287. 
 
 Kolgujew Islands, 346. 
 
 L.\1!KAIJ0R, 53, 54, 89, 97, 94, 98, 
 105, uo, H4, 120, 122, 136, 
 140, 274, 275, 286, 339, 445; 
 probable landfall of John 
 Cabot in his first voyage, 69 ; 
 position of, 79 ; discovery of, 
 
490 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 h' 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 11 
 V 
 
 t'l 
 
 1^4 V i 
 
 79, So, 8 } ; tiescription of the 
 nnrlh coast of, i lo ; Cape of, 
 466. 
 
 Lahrossc, 316. 
 
 L.ulrillcro, Juan rernantlcz, 272. 
 
 Lacsladius, 548. 
 
 Lane, Hfiiry, 347, .548, .35.), .554i 
 
 .156, jr,s. 
 
 Lan^'ley, Manor of. r47. 
 
 Lan),'iic(l(ic, 5S3, 3S4. 
 
 Lanc|iiet, Tliomas, chronicler, 12, 
 
 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 4r.7. 
 Lapland, 346-4S, 352, 353, 354, 
 
 362. 
 Lara, Nufio dc, of Paraguay, 196, 
 
 La Rochellc visited by Scnnclcrre, 
 
 105. 
 Las Casas, 39, 434. 
 Latimer, ^^enry, English jiilot 
 
 with Cabot, 194,225,257,415. 
 
 416, 425. 
 Lcardo, Francisco, a (Icnocsc, 
 
 185, 4 1 5. 
 Lcc, Dr., ;inibassador of Ilcnry 
 
 VI n. in .Spain, 166. 
 Lemon, K., 350, 453. 
 Leo .\., I'opc, 155, 464. 
 Leon, Antonio dc, 437. 
 Leon, Juan Ponce de, expedition 
 
 of, 140. 
 Leon, Luis dc, sailor on the ship 
 
 "Sancta Maria del Espinar," 
 
 192, 242, 246. 251, 25S, 413. 
 Lcpc, Francisco de, hung by order 
 
 of Cabot, 216, 217, 251, 417, 
 
 418,421,426. 
 Lepc, in Andalusia, 200. 
 Lcscarbot, 92. 
 
 Lewis, King of Hungary, 319. 
 Libri, 292. 
 LiV/n dclla hisloria dcllc Indie 
 
 accident all, 77. 
 Liguria, 9, 10. 
 Lilly, George, 11. 
 Linage, Veiti.a, 71, 278. 
 Lisboa, Joao dc, 260. 
 Lisbon, 42, 43, 408. 
 Littre, 87. 
 Livery Companies of London. Sec 
 
 London. 
 Livonia, 360. 
 Lloyd, Humphrey, 442. 
 
 Llydc (Lloyd), Thomas, 42, 43, 59. 
 
 Loaysa, (iarcia dc, 188, \ip, 210, 
 232, 241, 412,421,425- 
 
 Lobos, Isla de, or Isla dc l.is 
 I'almas, 211, 222, 253, 254, 
 411,424, 425. 
 
 Lodi, 6, 389. 
 
 Loffodcn Isles, 345, 355. 
 
 Logrono, 153. 
 
 Lok, Michael, 339.445- 
 
 Lombard .Street, 15; daily meeting- 
 place of Italians, 46. 
 
 London, 15, 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 
 42, 49, (,2, 119, 125, i44, 146, 
 148,153,159.161, 162,172-74, 
 353. 357. 358. .3^j8, 370, 372, 
 373. 375. 379, 380, 389. 39 1, 
 394, 395. 39'''. 4oo, 402, 405, 
 440, 442, 446, 447, 448, 465, 
 467, 468, 469 ; savages from 
 the New World in, 20, 21, 143, 
 144, 148 ; Ligurian merchants 
 in, 23 ; the residence of 
 Sebastian tlabot, 35 ; emi- 
 gration of John Cabot and 
 family to, 39 ; residen( c f)f 
 numerous Cienoese, 45 ; lega- 
 tions in, maintained by Italian 
 princes, the Republic of 
 Venice, and by vSpain, 46 ; 
 return of John Cabot to, from 
 his tirst voyage, 126; mer- 
 chants of, 133 ; Lord Mayor 
 of, commanded to make pre- 
 parations for the Trans.'il- 
 lantic expedition, and sum- 
 mons the Liveries of London 
 to the Drapers' Hall, 170. 
 
 Livery Companies of, re- 
 quired to contribute towards 
 the lilting of ships to be 
 placed under the command of 
 .Sebastian Cabot, 2)ji • 18, 169 ; 
 distrust of Sebastian Cabot 
 by the, 1 1 8, 1 19, 163; opposed 
 to the demands of Henry 
 VHL, 169; accede to the 
 recpiest of Henry VHI. in 
 part, 170; object to.i foreigner 
 taking command of the ex- 
 pedition, 170, 172. 
 
 Drapers' and Mercers' Com 
 
 pany of, object to Sebastian 
 
I 
 
 4-. 43. S''- 
 190, 210, 
 
 25. 
 
 I lie l.is 
 
 253, 254, 
 
 y meeting;- 
 
 23, 24, 25, 
 
 , 144, ^4^ 
 
 ')2, 172-74. 
 
 370, 372, 
 
 389. 30'. 
 402, 405, 
 
 . 448, 4''i5. 
 aj^cs from 
 
 20,21, 143. 
 niL'icliants 
 idcncc of 
 35 ; cnii- 
 ^ahot and 
 siilcnce of 
 
 , 45 ; lck^'^- 
 Iby Italian 
 public of 
 Spain, 4fi ; 
 ot to, from 
 126 ; mcl- 
 ord Mayor 
 
 make prc- 
 i Transal- 
 
 and siim- 
 
 of London 
 \11, 170. 
 cs of, rc- 
 itc towards 
 lips to be 
 ommrmd of 
 J, 1 18, 169 ; 
 lian Cabot 
 33; opposed 
 
 of Henry 
 cde to the 
 y VIII. in 
 ) a foreigner 
 
 of the ex- 
 
 ;rcers' Com 
 o Scbablian 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 491 
 
 (.'a!)ot a^ I ommander of the 
 expedition, 34 ; distrust of 
 Seljastian Cabot by the, II 8, 
 1 19 ; assamc tlie leadership of 
 liie IJverics, 169 ; arc^umeMts 
 of the, aj^.iinsi the cxpedicnc y 
 of an expetlition, 171, 172 ; 
 report 'drawn up by the war- 
 dens of the, 1C19. 
 
 Loiulono, 14. 
 
 I.on^'worth, Thomas, 45(S. 
 
 Lope or Lopez, Franciscus. Sec 
 (lomara. 
 
 Lopez, I'ero, 434. 
 
 Lorenzo, (liaromo, Venetian am- 
 bassador in En;^dand, 325. 
 
 Louis XII., Lea.t;ue against, 152. 
 
 Lovell, Sir ThouKis, steward and 
 marshal of the house of I lears 
 VI I L, 173 ; death of, 172. 
 
 Lowndes, }f^^i. 
 
 Luco, Diaz de, 266. 
 
 Lutlovic the Moor. 1 5. 
 
 Ludovico, Mr., nephew of Tob- 
 canelli, 44. 
 
 Lufjo, Lishop of, 276, 294. 
 
 Luintianilla, Diego de, priest, 252. 
 
 Machyn, Henry, I)ia>y of, 160, 
 
 MacPherson's Annals of Com- 
 
 vu'm\ 360. 
 Madre de Dios, ("laspard de, 259. 
 Madrid, 190,200,430; Exfwsicion 
 
 AiHcricanista at, 413, 429; 
 
 King's Library at, 437; Biblio- 
 
 teca Nacional at, 456. 
 ^Lafra, Joao Rodriguez de, 88. 
 Mafra, , seeond mate of the 
 
 ship " La Trinidad," 192. 
 Magdalen Islands, 89, 90-92, 97, 
 
 101-4. 
 Magdalcn.a, Rio de la, 206. 
 Magellan, the navigator, 177, 185, 
 
 188, 19S, 229, 231. 
 Magellan's expedition, 182, 187, 
 
 197 ; pilots in, 88. 
 Magellan, Strait of, 140, 189, 190, 
 
 201, 231, 238, 255, 274, 2S7, 
 
 3", 3131 3'5. 409. 410. 
 Maggiolo, Vcscoute de, S3, 100, 
 107, 188, 434 ; map made by, 
 79- 
 
 M.'ignuscn, Finn, 39. 
 
 M.ijor, Henry, 61. 
 
 Malacos, Lslas de los. .S'lV Molur- 
 c:,is. 
 
 Malaver, Gomez, 195, 249, 250, 
 257- 
 
 Maldonado, , algua/.il ol the 
 
 shij) "Capiiana," 192. 
 
 Maldonado, Diego, 279. 
 
 Maldonado, Francisco, 194, 199. 
 
 iMaline;, (ireat Council of, 437. 
 
 Mallo, Fernan, 426. 
 
 Malvias, lslas ile las, 409. 
 
 Malynes, (ierard de, 342. 
 
 Man,-ic.'i|)ana, I'rovinte of, 274. 
 
 Manfredo, ambassador at Florence, 
 44. 
 
 Mamique, (larcia Fcrnandc/, 
 Count Osorno, 266. 
 
 .Mantua, 465. 
 
 Maniuan Gentleman, The, 35, }}\ 
 37^ 3S. 39. 281, 282, 440, 4(^.3, 
 465 ; account of John Cabot's 
 hrstexpeditiongivenby, 49, 50; 
 conversation with Sebastian 
 Cabot, 65 ; positive date of 
 the granting of the first letters 
 patent to John Cabot, 06. 
 
 Manuel, Nuno, 259. 
 
 Marcello, Nicolao, Doge of Venice, 
 388. 
 
 Marciana Library at Venice, 391. 
 
 Marcos(Marco)of Venice, 194,258, 
 
 " Maria de Lorela," a ship, 339. 
 
 Marino, Hieronimo de, letter to 
 Cabot, 181, 404. Sec Busig- 
 nolo. 
 
 Markham, Clements R., 173, 334, 
 
 445- 
 
 Marshe, Thomas, 17, 18. 
 
 .Martin of Biscay executed by 
 Cabot's order, 251, 418. 
 
 .Martinez, Diego, apothecary, 193. 
 
 Martinez, Miguel, of Azcutia, 193. 
 
 Martyr, Peter. Si'c Anghiera. 
 
 Mary of Austria, 319. 
 
 Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 
 18, 366, 368, 374, 378, 453, 
 454 ; grants pension to Seb- 
 astian Cabot, 358, 371, 454: 
 Kmperor writes to, 364, 452. 
 
 Mary, Queen of Hungary, 432. 
 Mary of Guilford," the, 339, 340. 
 
 1 
 
 \ 
 

 n I 
 
 \ i 
 
 r I i 
 
 i 
 
 V 
 
 » ■, 
 
 
 ?( 
 
 > 
 
 n 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 " Mary Rose," the, i(xj, i6i 
 
 " iMatlhfw," the, 50, 51. 
 
 Men a, voya^'c ol Joliii Caljot lo, 
 
 38- 
 Medina, liarlolomd Sae^ tic, n;j. 
 Medina, Juan de, 194. 
 Medina, I'cdio de, 280, 291, 320. 
 Medina del Canipo, 154, 267, 26S ; 
 
 judicial sentences dated at, 
 
 4i4,4i5- 
 
 Mcditeirancan, 2.S6, 29J. 
 
 Mcdrano, Catalina, wile of Sebas- 
 tian Caljut, 2('j4, ,379, 406. 
 
 Meerman, Cierard, 202. 
 
 Mclo, Jorge de, 248. 
 
 Mendc/T, Fernando or ilernan, 
 
 •94. '98, 244, 249. 250. 264, 
 380,419,429. 
 
 Mendez, Isabel, 267, 414; writ 
 a^Minst Cabot, 413. 
 
 Mendez, Martin, lieutenant-}.;ene- 
 ral of the ship '• Capitana,'' 
 183, 192, 198, 219, 229, 232, 
 233, 241, 242, 243, 244, 246, 
 249. 250, 264, 265, 268, 380, 
 412, 419, 424, 429; biogra- 
 phical data concerning, 197 ; 
 arrested and conlincd on 
 board ship, 204, 205, 209, 210, 
 418, 420 ; left by Cabot in 
 the Puerto de los Patos, 416, 
 418, 420, 424; swamped at 
 sea, 250,417. 
 
 Mcndo(;a, Lope Hurtado de, 219. 
 
 Mcndoza, Antonio de, 253. 
 
 Mendoza, Gon(;alo de, 257. 
 
 Mendoza, Pedro de, 196, 252, 253, 
 258, 270, 271 ; service.s ren- 
 dered to, by Romero, 199. 
 
 Mcncstrier, Father, 377. 
 
 Merchant Ad\enturersof En;^land, 
 Company of, 330, 331, t,t,i, 
 334) 335) 342, 343) 35°» 35'' 
 355) 3to, 371, 375. 442; Se- 
 bastian Cabot governor of 
 the, 452 ; Philip and Mary 
 incorporate the, 453. See 
 Muscovy Company. 
 
 Mcryk, Richard, 394, 398. 
 
 Meta Incognita, country so-called, 
 
 339- 
 Meteren, Emmanuel, 446. 
 Mexia, 280. 
 
 Mexico, Gulf of, 139, 141, 274, 
 2S7. 
 
 Michael, the (icnocsc, 249. 
 
 Mi(l)iel, ("liovanni, \'eiK'tian am- 
 bassador ill I'^nglaiul, 347-48, 
 351, 360, 466. 
 
 Middlese.\, 172. 
 
 Miildkton, Henry, 4^.8. 
 
 Miguel, Juan, caterer of the ship 
 " Ca[)itana," 192, 240. 
 
 Milan, 6, 388, 392. 
 
 Milan, IJukc of, 15, 391, 392 ; 
 tlespat( li to, 43, 49, 5S. 
 
 Milaneseambassailor, John Cabot s 
 conversation with the, 54. 
 
 Milton, 347, 353 ; his History of 
 Musivvy, 354. 
 
 .Mines of gold and silver said to 
 be at i.a Plata, 422, 
 
 " Minion,'' the, 340. 
 
 .Miraiula, Lucia de, 195. 
 
 .Mississippi, 139. 
 
 .Mitchell, Henry, 53. 
 
 Mocenigo, Giovanni, Doge ol 
 Venice, 6, 388, 389. 
 
 Mocenigo, Pieiro, Uogc, 38S. 
 
 Moguer, 248. 
 
 Moliacz, liatlle of, 319. 
 
 Moluccas, The, 76, 173, 1S2, 185, 
 18S, 197, 205, 228, 231, 236, 
 237, 241, 242, 254, Jm, 271, 
 31 1,406, 410, 413, 414; expedi- 
 tion to, 185 200; Magellan's 
 route to, 1 85. 
 
 Molyncux map of the world, 445. 
 
 Mondejar, Marquis de, 301. 
 
 Monson, Sir William, 338. 
 
 Montes, Enric|ucs or Henric|uc 
 210, 223, 239,421,423,424. 
 
 Montoya, Atonso de, 231, 258. 
 
 Montoya, Antonio de, jiuvser of 
 the ship "La Trinidad," 192, 
 199, 217, 222, 230, 235, 237, 
 241, 245, 247, 253, 254, 257, 
 311, 413, 414, 416, 419, 420, 
 421, 423, 424, 425, 426. 
 
 Montoya, Caspar de, 247, 265. 
 
 Montreal, 92, 105. 
 
 Mont Royal, name given by 
 Jacques Cartier to a locality 
 on the River St. Lawrence, 9!. 
 
 Moraena, a species of fish, 288. 
 
 Morales, Andres de, 155. 
 
J, III, ^74. 
 
 249. 
 
 LMU'tiiiii atn- 
 ;iiul, J47-4''>> 
 
 of the bliip 
 240. 
 
 i), 5S. 
 
 J olin Cabot's 
 ilie, 54. 
 b Ilistoyy of 
 
 ilvcr b.iicl to 
 
 >5- 
 
 Do"c (>( 
 
 :c, 388. 
 
 7J. 182, 1S3, 
 28, 231, 236, 
 54, .04, 271, 
 ,414; cxpecli- 
 ; iMa;4cllan'i 
 
 wuiid, 445. 
 c, 301. 
 
 ,338- 
 
 )r Hcnriciiic 
 
 I, 423, 424- 
 231, 25S. 
 le, pmser of 
 rinidad," 192, 
 !3o, 235, 237, 
 153, 254, 257, 
 \\b, 419, 420, 
 P5, 426. 
 , 247, 265. 
 
 e given by 
 to a locality 
 LawreiKc, yi. 
 f fish, 288. 
 I55- 
 
 ixnFx. 
 
 493 
 
 Morales, Cimacho dc, 193, 244, 
 
 410,419. 
 Morales, Dr., 244, 419. 
 Morocco, i)l,icc of Cabot's exile, 
 
 26«. 
 
 Morton, John, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, 392. 
 
 Moscow, 353, 356, 362. 
 
 Mos(iiicra, Kiiy ( l.in ia dc, 195, 259. 
 
 Mo/;unl)iipii', 21S4. 
 
 Muno/, 27C1 ; MSS. of, 74, ■j(\ 156, 
 1S7, 1 98. 
 
 Miinsier, Sebastian, CosniPj^rdp/iia 
 by, 159. 
 
 Muralon, 9. 
 
 Murphy, Henry C, 79. 
 
 Mus(()vy Company, The, 31, 320, 
 ^••7, 350. 35^ 3''". 3<''2, yJ7, 
 37i» 375- >'■<■ Merchant Ad- 
 venturers. 
 
 Mychell, Rev. William, legacy to 
 Cabot's dauj;hter, 161, 380, 
 402. 
 
 Mydclton, Thomas, 395. 
 
 Narvakz, Pamphilo de, 139. 
 Nash, I'rof 15. !!., 392. 
 Nava^^ero, Andrea, 35, 1S5, 405, 
 407 ; successor to Conlarini, 
 
 35- 
 
 Navarrete, 71, 72. 73. 7^'. 83, 136, 
 140, 153, 182, 183, 184, 189, 
 197, 198, 199. 210, 240, 255, 
 264, 2O7, 271, 272, 276, 277, 
 278, 280, 292, 294, 29;, 
 379, 401, 402, 408, 412, 
 
 Navarro, (jines, 340. 
 
 Negro, Hautista de, 241. 
 
 Negro, Rio, 213. 
 
 Neyron, 15auiisla dc, cockswain 
 of the ship " La Trinidad," 
 192, 1 98. 
 
 Nepeja, Ossip (iregorjcvitsch, 357. 
 
 Netherlands, 61, 112. 
 
 Newberie, Kalphe, 469. 
 
 New Brunswick, 89, 90, 103, 104, 
 106. 
 
 New England, coast north of, 55. 
 
 Newfoundland, 88, 89, 90-92, 95, 
 99, 100, 102, 105, III, 117, 1 19, 
 136, 147, 171, 274, 279. 286, 
 287. 339, 340, 376, 440 ; navi- 
 gation round, 64 ; quantity of 
 
 297. 
 434- 
 
 rod off tlie coast of, 55 ; Portu- 
 guese, the inoit reliable pilots 
 for, 87, 88 ; shown as an in- 
 tegral part ol' the Continent, 
 88 ; represented as an ar( hi- 
 peiago, <;4, 111 ; dis(()very of 
 the banks of, 87 ; the lishcrics, 
 86, 87. .SVv iiaccalaos. 
 
 New World, the, 71 ; expedition 
 to, 33 ; <late of Cabot s sight- 
 ing, 63 ; maps of, 73, 74, 189 ; 
 discoveries inaile m the 
 nortiurn regions of the, 78. 
 
 New York, 286. 
 
 Nichols, J. G., 322, 332,334, 367, 
 
 373, 449. 
 Nicholson, William, if., 
 Nicolao of Naples, boatswain, 
 
 193.425. 
 Nicolas, N. Harris, 58, 147, 391, 
 
 394. 395. 39S. 
 
 Nino, Andres Ciarcia,4oi ; appoint- 
 ment of, 154. 
 
 Ni/a, Pedro dc, 241, 249, 413. 
 
 Noel, nephew of Jac(|ues Carlior, 
 105. 
 
 Nordenskiold, 345, 347. 
 
 Normandy, 122, 382; fishermen 
 of, fre(|uent the Newfoundlaml 
 fishing-grounds, 87. 
 
 Noronha, Hernando de, 409 ; 
 island named after, 204. 
 
 North or Nortl Cape (Is. of Cape 
 IJreton), 97, 98, 99. 
 
 North t;ai)e (Norway), 346, 355. 
 
 North-East Passage, 338, 343, 352. 
 
 North i'ole, the, 83. 
 
 North-West Passage, reported ex- 
 pedition to, 155; expedition in 
 search of, 161, 162,340; infor- 
 mation relative to a, 171. 
 
 Northumberland, Duke of, 1 58, 
 365. 3^j6. 
 
 Northumberland, Strait of, 103, 
 104. 
 
 Norway, 354, 355, 357- 
 
 Novaia Zemlia, 35S. 
 
 Novara, 6, 388. 
 
 Nova Scotia, 53, 69, 86, ro3, 106, 
 140, 286. 
 
 Nunez, Gonijalo, treasurer, 423. 
 
 Nufiez, Pedro, 291. 
 
 Nurembergcr, Casimir, at of Nu- 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
\f 
 
 M 
 
 I 
 
 4 V 
 
 I , •if 
 
 
 4M 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 rcnihcr«, 351, 257, 264, 415; 
 
 1)1 
 
 S|i.ini>ili ti'\t 
 tinii, 417 iv- 
 Nynjjalucs, the iv^;ion callccl, 215. 
 
 OcANA, jr,5, 272, 41 V 
 
 Olil Harry I'oiiU, (.'(111111 Islaiul, 
 
 97. 
 Oni^iiedo. Sec ll()n^;llClll). 
 {)|)liir, i<;i, 201, 4VV 
 Oppenlicim, M., 126, '/..?, j<;4, .^qS, 
 
 45-'- 
 
 Orontms, 305. 
 
 Oro/cd, a llas(|uc, carpentLT, i<m, 
 216. 
 
 Orteliiis, 441, 442, 446. 
 
 (),ma, lii^liop d', semis letter- 
 missive to Calxtl, 422. 
 
 Osorno, Count, 2()6. 
 
 Ostias, Riu (le las, 206. 
 
 Osiina, (iotK^alo Niine/. d', 41'/ 
 
 (Jvaiido, Juan de, 282, 28.3. 
 
 Oviedo, (lon/.alo Fernando/ de, 
 historian, 140, i<;3 if/>, ii;S, 
 |(;9, 20C), 21 1, 212, 213, 216, 
 217, 220, 228, 247, 248. 251, 
 252, 253, 256, 271, 274, 279, 
 2(/), 29 1, 294, 319, 411, 4r)2: 
 personally a((|uainted with 
 Sebastian Cabot, },}, ; his <Ic- 
 s( ription of Alonso de Chaves' 
 chart, 75, 85, 86; iiistorio- 
 jjrapher Royal for the Indies, 
 2c. I (1 ; preamble to his de- 
 scription of the voyatje to La 
 Plata, 203. 
 
 Oviedo, Mendo KodriL;ne/ ile, 
 
 195- 
 Oxford, 16, 18, 374, 438, 4.39i 410' 
 Oystry-e, Henry, 321, 448. 
 
 Pacific Coast of South America, 
 exploration of the, 189, 190. 
 
 Patiilc Ocean, 255 ; discovered by 
 Halboa, 198. 
 
 I'adoua, 7. 
 
 I'aiiron General, charjjcs made 
 a^jainst the, 74. 
 
 Padron h'ln/, oITk i.d pattern ol 
 bailing-charts, 72 ; Cabot has 
 charj^e of, 81 ; revisions to 
 be made in the, 72, 75, 76; 
 of Chaves, 202. 
 
 f'adua, 7. 
 
 I'atem ia, Fiishop of, \t,i. 
 
 Palmt, one of the Canary Islands, 
 Cabot's hijuadron stops at, 
 303,417 ; and leaves four n»en 
 at, 197, 203 ; Kojas demands 
 statement from Cabot at, 233 ; 
 meetin^ji of the officers at, 
 204, 240, 244, 420 ; Kojas' (on- 
 fessioii to a fiiar at, 24 '„ 419 ; 
 change of route on leavin};, 
 .1", 31 J. J'S- 
 
 Palmi, Loren/o de la, 194 ; 
 \vhip|)ed, 217. 
 
 Palmas, Isia de las (or Isla de 
 Lobos), 211. 
 
 Palmero, Mehhor, testimony ol, 
 
 2C2. 
 
 Panama, 190; isthmus of, 198. 
 I'anti, /acharia do, of Lodi, 389. 
 Par, Thomas, 395, 
 Para;^'uay, Uivcr, 196, 202, 216, 217, 
 
 219, 246, 248, 254, 202, 26 i, 
 
 370. 287, 312, 422, 423. 
 
 Parana, River, 2 ',91 250, 254, 2(m, 
 2f.i, 262, 287, 411, 4?2, 42i, 
 
 430, 43J. 4.M- 
 
 Paran.iKua/u, River, 213, 214, 
 215, 219, 262. 
 
 Par^os, I'axos de los, 207. 
 
 Paria, Oulf of, 135 ; province of, 
 274. 
 
 Paris National Library, 94, 285, 
 438,447,460. 
 
 Paris, Rio dc. See l!arcc|ucs, 
 ripuierc dc. 
 
 Parvus. See Roscfantanus. 
 
 Pasa;,'es, Lord \Villoii;,'hby de 
 lirokc lands at, 152, 399. 
 
 Pasini, Lui;;i, 348, 351. 
 
 Pasc|ualij.;(), Loreii/t), I, 23, 27, 52, 
 79, 99, no, 117, 118, 126, 127, 
 130, 132, 380, 391 ; writes of 
 John Cabot's return, 48, 49, 
 51, 58 ; statements of, 50, 51, 
 63 ; witnesses the return ol 
 Sebastian Cabot after his 
 fust expedition, 1 16. 
 
 Pas(|uali;j;o, Alvise and Francesco, 
 brf)llH'rs t)f Loren/o, 49. 
 
 P.itimer, Henry. See Latimer. 
 
 Patos, Isla de, does not e.xist, 
 249. 
 
ry IslaniU, 
 stops at| 
 s four men 
 i ilcin.inds 
 )<)lat, 2j.) ; 
 iIVkcts at, 
 kojas' nui- 
 
 , 24.], 4iy ; 
 
 III Utavin^j, 
 
 la, rQ4 : 
 
 111 l<la <lf 
 
 tiinony nt, 
 
 (it, 198. 
 .odi, 389. 
 
 )2, 2ir),2l7, 
 
 , 262, 26?, 
 
 , 42.1. 
 
 ), 254, 2fo, 
 
 , 4:^2. 42 ?. 
 2i;„ 214, 
 
 107. 
 irovincc of, 
 
 y, 94. 2S5, 
 I'.arcques, 
 
 anus. 
 
 ou^hhy (Ic 
 2, .V)')- 
 
 1. 23, 27, 52, 
 18, 126, 127, 
 ; writes of 
 urn, 48, 49, 
 ,s of, 50, 51, 
 e return ol 
 after his 
 
 1 Francesco, 
 /.o, 49. 
 Latimer. 
 s not exist, 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 490 
 
 I'atos, Los, country t-o-callcd, 208, 
 411. 
 
 I'alos or Los I'atos, Puerto dc, 
 257,418,421 ; Cal)ot's officers 
 abandoned at, 416, 418, 420, 
 424. 
 
 I'atos, Rio dc los, 222. 
 
 I'atos or Los I'atos, Hay, 225, 240. 
 
 I'avia, J89. 
 
 I'eckliani, Sir Kdnuind, treasurer, 
 32c), 44.S. 
 
 I'edro, Mailer, surjjcon, 193. 
 
 I'l'lestrin;!, 9. 
 
 I'lriallel, 193. 
 
 I'cnaiosa, I'edro Morcado dc, sC/i. 
 
 I'er.MM, , 193. 245. 
 
 I'er;.;aui(i, 388. 
 
 I'ernainliii'O, 204-6, 236, 237, 23S, 
 244, 24;, 317, 411, 413. 4i('. 
 417, 419. 
 
 I'crnaniliui o, I'.aya de, 204. 
 
 I'errenoi, Antoinc, llishopof Arras, 
 321.. 
 
 I'erl ((»r S|)ert), Sir 'I'lionias, ex- 
 pedition of, to discover the 
 north - west passage to 
 America, 1 59-62 ; cowardice 
 of, 159-61, 337; yeoman of 
 ilie ( rown, 160; en;',ai;eil in 
 l)ail.isiinK tlie "Mary Rose," 
 161. 
 
 Tern, 200, 239, 254, 270, 365 ; 
 riches brouLMu from, 1 59 ; 
 Cabot in search of, 215. 
 
 I'erularia, 159. 
 
 I'csaro, 388. 
 
 I'eschcl, Oscar, 140. 
 
 I'etchora, River, 358. 
 
 Petit, Pierre, 383,' 384. 
 
 Pettisie^o Pay, 357- 
 
 Philip II. of Si)ain, 199, 368, 369, 
 
 370,371,374- 
 Phihp and Mary, 454, 456 ; write 
 
 to the T/.ar, 350 ; incorporate 
 
 tlic Company of Merchant 
 
 Adventurers, 453. 
 " Philip and Mary, ' the, ship of 
 
 the Muscovy Company, 351, 
 
 352, 353, 354, 355, 357, 358- 
 Piedras, Rio de las, 204. 
 Pielro of Nice, 258. 
 PiKafetta, 434. 
 Pilot- Major of Spain, office and 
 
 196, 
 211, 
 
 duties of, 72, 277-78; scilinj; 
 of maps l)y the, 73 ; Cabot 
 hohls the office of, 320, 321, 
 
 328, 3^-1- 
 PiIota;^e and IIydro;.,'raphy laiiKiU 
 
 in Anil.iiu-.ia, 71. 
 I'ilots (of Spam), 72 ; Caliot a* 
 
 examnur of, 431. 
 Pmeda, Alonso Alvarez, 139. 
 Pin/on, V'intentc VaiKV, Royal 
 
 Pdot, 72, 18S. 
 Pires, I-'.duardo, 259. 
 
 PittsbiuK, 37^>' 
 
 Pi/arro, jlernando, 200, 239. 
 
 Plata, Rio de la, 76, 156, mjj, 
 198, 202, 203, 208, 209, 
 212, 213, 227, 237, 238, 239, 
 242, 247, 248, 250, 252, 253, 
 254, 256, 259, 260, 261, 262, 
 270, 271, 272, 330, 379, 4o«. 
 409, 410, 411, 413. 414, 430, 
 433, 4^,435, 463; iliscovery 
 of the little islands in the 
 estuary of, 199 ; Sebastian 
 Cabot's voyaj(c to, 201 - 26 ; 
 mineral wealth of, 205 ; 
 Cabot returns from, 276 ; 
 Cabot sails up, 285 ; inaccin- 
 ately sliown on map, 286, 287, 
 288; voyafje of (<ar< ia to, 312 ; 
 lej^end relative to, on Cabot's 
 map, 433, 434, 43''>, 44''-', 4<'J3 ; 
 text of le;.;end, 433, See 
 Solis, Rio do. 
 
 Playa, (iolfo de la, 206. 
 
 Plazel, Punla ilel, 409. 
 
 Pliny, 439. 
 
 Poljjado, Rio, 211, 215. 
 
 Pol.uui, 438. 
 
 Ponce, Antonio, a Catalonian clerk, 
 '93, 257 ; keeper of the pro- 
 perty of the deceased in 
 Cabot's squadron, 420, 426. 
 
 Ponce, Varj^as, 276. 
 
 Pojie, The, 14, 16. 
 
 Porta, Ciiambattista della, 298. 
 
 Porto Maurizio, 9. 
 
 Portsmouth, 161, 162 ; John Rut 
 sails from, 81, 82. 
 
 Portuj,'al, 16, 43, 83, 86, 122,236, 
 259, 39^" ; visit of John Cabot 
 to, 38 ; new lands acc|uired by, 
 45 ; fishermen of, frequent the 
 
 1 
 
496 
 
 fNDEX. 
 
 
 d 
 
 I I ' 
 
 
 Newfoundland fishing-fijrounil, 
 S7 ; direction of the Line of 
 Demarcation between Spain 
 and, 155; fortresses and Heels 
 of, to prevent X'enetian trade, 
 179 ; nci^otiations of, with 
 Spain, relative to the Molucca 
 Islands, 1S2 ; fails to come to 
 an understanding; with Spain 
 respecting the partition line 
 in the Moluccas, 183. 
 
 Portugal, King of, 423, 427 ; ex- 
 pected to oppose an expedition 
 from Venice, 179 ; his agent 
 at rernambuco, 417. 
 
 I'ortugucse, The, the most reliable 
 pilots for Newfoundland, S7, 
 88 ; value of the geographical 
 information possessed by, 
 relative to the north-east coast 
 of America, 88; detain Martin 
 Mendez at Cape Verde, 197. 
 
 cosmographers furnish data 
 
 for making maps and charts, 
 
 73- 
 
 Potomac River, 141. 
 
 Prato, Albertus de, 82, 339, 340, 
 
 I'rice, Edward, 356. 
 
 Primero, Rio, 206. 
 
 Prince Edward Island, 70, 89, 90, 
 92,98-101, 102, 103, 104, 105 ; 
 discovery of, as an island, loi ; 
 mistaken for Continental terri- 
 tory, 103, 104. 
 
 I'rivy Council, The, 28, 449. 
 
 Ptolemy, mentioned in a legend 
 on Cabot's planisphere, 304, 
 305, 309, 435 ; and in Cabot's 
 method for taking the longi- 
 tude, 455, 456. 
 
 Public Record Office, London, 3S9, 
 
 390. 392, 393. 394, 449- 
 Puebla, Ruy Gonzales de, Doctor 
 of Law and Spanish ambas- 
 sador to England, 10, 11, 13, 
 14, 15, 42, 57, 127, 130, 132, 
 •34, 138, 390, 395 ; character 
 of, 14, J 5. 
 Puercos, Isla de los, 207. 
 Puerto, Francisco del, 260 ; tells 
 Cabot of the richness of the 
 La Plata, 422 ; island named 
 after him, 21J. 
 
 Puerto de Don Rodrigo de Acuna, 
 
 2ro. 
 Puerto de la IJarca, 208. 
 Puerto Real, Rio de, 20C). 
 Punta Segura, 206. 
 Purchas, Samuel, 82, 160, 
 
 339' 340, 347i 374, 37 5> 
 
 445, 44^^ 44^- 
 Purchas, William, mayor of 
 
 London, 113, 134, 143, 146. 
 Pynson and Rastell, publishers, 
 
 44: 
 
 de 
 
 200, 
 
 213, 
 219, 
 
 434- 
 
 :oi, 
 
 :i4. 
 
 Rack, Cape, 92, 339, 340. 
 
 Rataole, son of Antonio 
 Ardiconibus, 389. 
 
 Rafn, statement of, concerning 
 John Cabot, 40. 
 
 Ragusa, Marin de Dusignolo a 
 native of, 175. 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 378. 
 
 Raniirc/,, Luis, 193, 195, 
 204, 205, 211, 212, 
 215, 216, 217, 218, 
 239, 248, 317, 407, 
 
 Ramirez, Melchior, 239. 
 
 Ramirez of Lepe, 210. 
 
 Ramon, Juan Alvarez, 195, 212. 
 
 Ramusio, Gio-Rattista, secretary 
 to the Council of Ten, and 
 historian, 24, 39, 45, 66, 77, 
 92, 116, 157, 276, 281, 282- 
 29', 325, 326, 358, 440, 445, 
 46 T, 463, 464, 465, 468 ; re- 
 ference of, to Sebastian Cabot, 
 35, 36 ; account of John 
 Cabot's first expedition given 
 to, 49 ; account of the first 
 voyage of discovery by, 65 ; 
 extract from the third volume 
 of his Collection of Voyages^ 
 157; statements of, 157-59, 
 161, 163, 165. 
 
 Rastell, publisher, 22. 
 
 Ratcliffe, 81. 
 
 Ravenna, 7. 
 
 Rawle, 375. 
 
 Red Sea, 179, 180. 
 
 Reinel, Pedro, 107. 
 
 Reinels, the, 73, 88. 
 
 Rembielinski, E., 362, 447. 
 
 Reparo, Isla del, 210, 21 1, 41 1. 
 
 Resolution Island, no. 
 
 I 
 

 INDEX. 
 
 497 
 
 Acuna, 
 
 0, 338. 
 75, 442, 
 
 yor 
 
 of 
 
 1 146- 
 blishers, 
 
 mio de 
 ncerning 
 iirnolo a 
 
 200, 201, 
 213, 214, 
 219, 23«- 
 434- 
 
 )5, 212. 
 secretary 
 Ten, and 
 5, 66, 77, 
 81, 282- 
 
 4401 445, 
 468 ; re- 
 an Cabot, 
 of John 
 
 ition j^iven 
 the first 
 
 y by, 65 ; 
 
 ird volume 
 
 f, 157-59. 
 
 
 447- 
 II, 4n. 
 
 Reyes, Haya de los, 207, 410. 
 
 Rhode Ibl;'iiul, 286. 
 
 Ribas, (iaspar dc, chief alguazil of 
 the ship "La 'I'rinidad," 192, 
 210, 242. 
 
 Ribeiro, Diej^o, 79, 88, 139, 183, 
 206, 215, 262, 271, 279, 28C), 
 409 ; planisphere of, 202 ; 
 commissioned to construct a 
 sailinj^-cliart, 74 ; date of 
 death of, 76 ; asserts lliat the 
 northern reijions were first 
 seen by mariners from IJristol, 
 82, 83 ; entrusted with the 
 making of nautical instru- 
 ments, 83 ; rollea;4ue of Se- 
 bastian Cabot at the Council 
 of Ijadajoz, 83, 84 ; furnishes 
 the Council of U.ulajoz with 
 information coiiccrning the 
 northern latitudt's,84 ; inscrip- 
 tion on his map, 214. 
 
 Richard 11!., 22. 
 
 Rifos, Miguel, IQI, 214, 215, 217, 
 218, 232, 233, 237, 264, 423. 
 
 Rio de Janeiro, 250, 42S. 
 
 Rivera, Francisco de, 195. 
 
 Roberval, 105, 123. 
 
 Robins, John, pilot, 351. 
 
 Rodas, Isabel de, suit against 
 Cabot, 265, 412, 414. 
 
 !\odas, Miguel de, pilot of the ship 
 "Capitana," 192, 197, 19S, 219, 
 234, 243, 244, 265, 412, 414, 
 419, 424 ; abandoned by 
 Cabot, 249, 250, 416, 418, 420, 
 424. 
 
 Rodas (Cialicia), 19S. 
 
 Rodriguez, Fernando, of Pchafiel, 
 193, 258. 
 
 Roffet, 92. 
 
 Rojas, Francisco dc, captain of the 
 ship " La Trinidad," 192, 194, 
 200, 203, 209, 210, 219, 224, 
 225, 233, lyj, 240, 241, 242, 
 244, 245, 246, 24S, 257, 258, 
 265, 266, 267, 268, 413, 414, 
 429 ; commissioned by the 
 Crown to collect colonists in 
 .Spain for the West Indies, 
 197 ; arrested and confined on 
 board ship, 204, 205,418,420 ; 
 released from his imprison- 
 
 ment, 205 ; confession to a 
 friar at La Palnia, 243, 419; 
 abandoned by Cabot, 249, 
 250, 416, 418,420, 424 ; saved 
 (by a brigantine of Diego 
 CJarcia), 250, 417,424; requisi- 
 tion or summons from Cabot 
 to, 412 ; trial, 413. 
 
 Romanin, 2, 388. 
 
 Romero,! ionzalo, 193; abandoned 
 by CalDot at La Plata, 199. 
 
 Rose, Jchan. See Rotz. 
 
 Rosefontanus, 1". Parvus, 41. 
 
 Rostock, University of, 439. 
 
 Rotz (Jehan Rose), 10 1, io6. 
 
 Rouen, Isle of, 382. 
 
 Roxas. .SVt' Rojas. 
 
 Rueda, Martin de, joins 
 
 expedition, 194. 
 Ruge, Dr. Sophus, 94. 
 Rundall, Thomas, 347. 
 
 Cabot'; 
 
 Russia, Tzar of, 
 
 350. 
 
 353, 356, 
 
 357, 3^'2, 367- 
 
 See 
 
 Iwan. 
 
 Rut, John, of R 
 
 itclitt 
 
 , 81, 338, 
 
 339, 340- 
 
 
 
 Ruysch, 291. 
 
 
 
 Rymer's I'auh'ya, 
 
 1,28, 
 
 31, 32,46, 
 
 47, 145, '5^, 
 
 32 >, 
 
 336, 358. 
 
 369,370, 371, 
 
 ?,7^> 
 
 390, 399, 
 
 449,454, 459- 
 
 
 
 S\.\, Jacobo de, M)i. 
 Saavedra, Alvaro de, 190, 407. 
 Sable, Cape, 140. 
 Saddler, Robert, 380. 
 Saguenay, La riuiere de, 91, 92, 
 
 93, I05' 
 Sainsbury, W. N., 452. 
 St. Augustin, Cape, 155, 205, 233, 
 
 3", 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 
 
 401, 417. 
 St. Bartholomew by the Royal 
 
 F-xchange, London, 380. 
 Sainte Croix, 105. 
 Sainct Jacques, La ripuiere, 93. 
 St. John, John Rut casts anchor 
 
 in, 339- 
 St. John or .San Juan Island, 94, 
 102, 107, 108, 443, 444 ; 
 naming and discovery of, 57, 
 106 ; Sebastian Cabot asserts 
 that he discovered and named, 
 97 ; discovery of, by Seb- 
 2 1 
 
 ;^ 
 
 NWlM 
 
498 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 I 
 
 J )' 
 
 V I 
 
 astian C^bo* an im. - ihility, 
 97) 9S, 99 ; an imai^;inary 
 confi},ni ration Lai-cw' d by 
 Sebastian Cabot fior.> a French 
 nia]3, 100 ; s;iit' to be dis- 
 <;o\ored on St. John's day, 
 106-7. 
 Sainct Laurens, La baye, named 
 Ijy Juccjucs Cartier, 91, 92, 
 
 93- 
 
 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 69, 80, 85, 
 86, 90-92, 95, 97, 100-2, 106, 
 108, M4, 122, 123 ; navi5,falion 
 in the, 64 ; inaccurate repre- 
 sentation of the, 88 ; few 
 geo;4raphicaI data relative to 
 tiie, known ijefore Carticr's 
 voyages, 100; description of 
 the locahty round, 123. 
 
 St. Lawrence River, 91, 92, 95, 
 105. 
 
 Sainct Limaire, r>ay of, or St. 
 Leonarius, 104. 
 
 St. Malo, 88, 89, 91, 92, 185. 
 
 St. Mark, Privileije of sailinij under 
 the ll.it( of, 5. 
 
 St. Nicholas Bay. See White Sea. 
 
 St. Paul, Islet of, 97. 
 
 St. l\aul-la-Coste, 383, 384. 
 
 St. I'ierre Lake, 93, 94, 95. 
 
 St. Rotjue, Cape, 313, 3' 4- 
 
 Salamanca, Alonso de, 248. 
 
 .Salamanca, Bishop of, 199. 
 
 Salaya, Dr. Sancho, 183,413. 
 
 Salazar, Dr., 183. 
 
 Sallynas (Salinas), 93. 
 
 Salmedina, 310, 435. 
 
 Saluayos. Src Sauuaifjes, Lc 
 cap dez. 
 
 Samano, Juau de, 271, 282, 293 ; 
 text of Cabot's letter to, 429- 
 
 30- 
 S.am Joam or Joha, Isle of. Ser 
 
 St. John. 
 " Samson," The, 339. 
 Sanderson, William, 354. 
 Sandi, Vettor, 2, 3, 4, 8. 
 Sandwich Bay, no, in. 
 Sanct A>;ostin, Rio de, 206. 
 Sant Alexo, Rio de, 205. 
 Sanct Christoval, Rio de, 206, 
 
 260. 
 Santo Domingo, 198, 462. 
 
 ■Santo Francesco, Church of, 464. 
 
 Sanct Francisco, Uaya de, 4ro. 
 
 San Francisco, Convent of, 243. 
 
 .S.mct Francisco, Rio de, 206, 208. 
 
 Sanct (iabriel, Isla de, 212, 252, 
 419. 
 
 Sanct (]ref,'orio, Rio de, 206. 
 
 .Sanct Ilieronimo, Rio de, 206. 
 
 .Santiago, Island of, 155. 
 
 Sant Joan. Sec .St. John. 
 
 Sanct Johan, Rio de, 206. 
 
 .S.mct Jorge, Rio de, 206. 
 
 .San Juan Island. .SVr.St. John. 
 
 Sanct Lazaro, 212-13, 214. 
 
 .San Lucar de Barrameda, 76, 201, 
 202, 203, 252, 310, 417,435. 
 
 San Martin, Andres de, appoint- 
 ment of, 154, 401. 
 
 Sanct Malheo, Rio de, 206. 
 
 San Michele, .Michele da, 463. 
 
 San I'ablo, Monastery of, 243, 419. 
 
 Sanct I'cdro, Cabo de, 207. 
 
 .Sanct Rocpie, Rio de, 206. 
 
 Sanct .Salvador, A fort erected by 
 Cabot, 213, 219, 220, 22r, 416, 
 424, 425; legal processes dated 
 at, 412. 
 
 .Sanct Salvador, Rio (l!aya?) de, 
 207. 
 
 San .Salvador, Rio de, 212. 
 
 San .Sebastian, 152. 
 
 Sanct Sebastian, Puerto de, 208, 
 
 , --J. 
 
 San Sebastian, Rio de, 258. 
 
 .Sancti Spiritus fort, 214, 218, 2iy, 
 220, 22r, 222, 246, 251. 
 
 Santi .Spiritus, Rio de, 274. 
 
 Sanct Thome, Cabo de, 207. 
 
 San Vicente,Cabo de, 309,416, 435. 
 
 San Vincentc, Puerto de, 208, 223, 
 224, 24r, 248, 250, 256, 257, 
 258, 410, 418, 421, 424, 426; 
 requisition or summons dated 
 at, against Rojas, 412; Indians 
 bought by Cabot at, 225, 421, 
 426. 
 
 Santa Anna (or Ana), Bay of, 216, 
 217, 262, 263. 
 
 .Sancta Ana, Rio de, 206. 
 
 Sancta Barbara, Isla de, 207, 410. 
 
 Sancta Barbara, Rio de, 207, 212. 
 
 Santa Calalina, Island of, 209, 2n. 
 212, 223, 224, 231, 234, 238, 
 
 . 
 
I 
 
 /tXDIiX. 
 
 499 
 
 242, 24,5, -44, 249, 250, ^51, 
 4'o, 41 r, 42J, 424, 426. 
 
 Santa Cruz, Alonso do, 201-4, 
 20C) 8, 210, 211, 213, 220, 226, 
 22.S, 241, 244, 245, 247, 249, 
 253, 257, 263, 264, 269, 274, 
 275, 279. 294, 295, 301, 302, 
 305- jof), 320, 328, 409, 415, 
 419, 425, 45^ 4(J2; olficc held 
 by, 80 ; manuscript of, 80 ; 
 supercargo on the ship " La 
 Sancta Maria del Espinar," 
 192 ; biot,M-aphi(al data con- 
 ccrnin.i,', 199 ; \\\?, Is/arioy 194, 
 195, 209, 228 ; text of his 
 deposition, 419-22. 
 
 Santa Cru/, Francisco dc, 185, 
 199, 269,415, 419. 
 
 Sancta Klcna, Rio de, 206. 
 
 Sancta Lucia, IJaya dc, 207. 
 
 Santa Maria, Cape, 211, 222, 225, 
 253. 257, 258, 411, 419, 420, 
 421, 425. 
 
 Santa Maria, Puerto dc, 61, 82, 
 112,436,437. 
 
 Santa Maria, i'rovince of, 274. 
 
 Santa i^Laria, Rio do, nan\e for tlie 
 La I'lata, 434. 
 
 "Santa Maria del Ks|)iiiar," The, 
 one of Cabot's squadron, 192, 
 204, 205, 213, 222, 224, 226, 
 240, 242, 244, 248, 250, 264, 
 312, 415, 418; judicial inquiry 
 hold on, 412, 415. 
 
 Sanuto, Livio, 281, 284, 289, 290, 
 291-293, 294, 298,465. 
 
 Sanuto, Marin, 391, 406, 464. 
 
 SauuaiL;es, Le cap dez, 90, 93. 
 
 Savona, 9, 23. 
 
 Schiifcr, Dietrich, 41. 
 
 Schcyfvc, Jean, ambassador m 
 England, 2S4. 
 
 Schiller and Lubbler's .]////,■/ 
 Pciitsi/ics Wortcrlnuli, 86. 
 
 Schmidel, Ulrich, 252, 253. 
 
 Scotland, 15, 67, 286, 375, 468. 
 
 Sea, Ares de, 279. 
 
 " Searchthrift," the, one of liic 
 Muscovy Company's ships, 
 
 354, 355, 358- 
 Segovia, legal process dated at, 
 
 415. 
 Segundo, Rio, 206. 
 
 Sejournant, de, 60. 
 
 Sclden'> Tillcs of Honour, 377. 
 
 Sellius, 54. 
 
 Senien Islands, 346. 
 
 Scnnoterro, sent to La Rochellc 
 by RoJierval, 105. 
 
 Seres, or Ceres, William, 17, 18. 
 
 Serrano, Juan, 154, 4or. 
 
 Seven Cities, The, 1 1 ; expedition 
 losearch for,42, 43, 59; alleged 
 discovery of, 126. 
 
 Seville, 42, 43, 63, 65, 75, So, 83, 
 139. 153, 159, if>2, 166, 168, 
 175, 179, 181, 185, 189, 196, 
 198, 199, 201, 225, 254, 256, 
 257, 258, 264, 271, 272, 273, 
 
 295, 303, 304, 305, 374, 379, 
 380, 400, 407, 408, 415, 419, 
 428, 429, 431, 447,455: <^'"*" 
 dc Contratacion created at, 
 71; Ilydrograjihical lluroau 
 at, 7[ ; majjs designed in, 76 ; 
 cartographers of, obtain their 
 information from Sebastian 
 Cabot, Si, S3, 84 ; carto- 
 graphers of, have no gcogra- 
 |)hical knowledge of the 
 northern regions of the New 
 World, 86 ; residence of 
 Sebastian Cabot, 124, 276, 
 319; behaviour of the Com- 
 pany of Merchants at, 190 ; 
 arrival of Charles V. at, 201 : 
 Junta of pilots at, 294 ; an 
 apothecary of, 296 ; fleet in 
 preparation at, 405, 406 ; legal 
 processes dated at, 412, 414 ; 
 Judicial inc|uiry held at, 415 ; 
 lotto • dated from, 430. 
 
 Seville as.,ociatcs, 219, 220, 225, 
 229,232,258,269. 
 
 Scvillian maps, cause of the dis- 
 cro]5ancies between the Cabot 
 planisphere and the, 85 ; 
 configurations of N. America 
 in the, 78, 274. 
 
 Scvillian merchants form a com- 
 pany to go in cjuest of the 
 Spice islands, 185. 
 
 Seyer, 375. 
 
 vSforzas, Archives of the, 391. 
 
 Shetland Islands, 286. 
 
 Sidney, Sir Philip, 124, 285, 445. 
 
n f 
 
 h 
 
 ' 
 
 h ti 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 'jtirfj 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 r L '' 
 
 \ U. 
 
 L 
 
 ^1 
 
 BOO 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Simanrns, Archives of, 270, 374, 
 
 390, 395. 401,453. 
 
 Sin Fondo, Kio, 208. 
 
 Slaves bought by Cabot in 15razil, 
 418,421,426. 
 
 Smith, Aliss Toulmin, 119. 
 
 Solayrct, Ciuiilaumc, 3S4. 
 
 Solinus, an historical rosnio- 
 grajjher, 273. 
 
 Solib, Juan Diaz dc, Royal I'llot 
 and navij^ator, 72, T^,'6\, 183, 
 210, 212, 213, 214, 237, 250, 
 259, 261, 434, 435 ; monopoly 
 of the sale of maps enjoyed 
 by, 74 ; appointment of, as 
 I'ilot-Major, (54; death of, 
 156 ; voyaj^c of, 188, 189 ; in- 
 struction given to, [89 ; lost 
 at the Rio de la I'lata, 410 ; 
 some of his men found by 
 Cabot, 418; killed by Indians, 
 422 ; his discovery of the La 
 I'lata and his fate, 433. 
 
 Solis, Rio de, 1S9, 205, 237, 238, 
 252, 418, 420, 421, 422, 423, 
 424, 426. See Plata, Rio de 
 la. 
 
 Soncino, Raimondo di, ambas- 
 sador of Ludovic the Moor, 
 I, 10, 15, 38, 45,99, J'o, 127, 
 
 130, 132, 136, 138, 391,392 ; 
 despatch from, concerning 
 John Cabot's expedition, 39, 
 43,49. 51, 55i 58 ; statements 
 of, concerning John Cabot's 
 expedition, 50, 5 1 ; witnesses 
 the return of Sebastian Cabot 
 after his first expedition, 1 16 ; 
 plans of John Cabot's second 
 voyage explained to, 132, 136. 
 
 Soranzo, Ciiacomo, ambassador of 
 the Republic to England, 35, 
 324, 326, 38', 45', 466. 
 
 Soto, Hernandez de, 248. 
 
 Sousa, Lopez de, 257, 260. 
 
 Southampton, 152. 
 
 South Sea, 252, 255. 
 
 Spain, IS, 33, 43, 48, 64, 82, 83, 
 86,96, 112, 149, 154, 156, 162, 
 166, 168, 172, 174, 190, 196, 
 197, 198, 200, 203, 363, 366, 
 
 371, yi(3, 400, 402, 408, 409, 
 431, 435, 441, 448, 463, 464 ; 
 
 visit of John Cabot to, 38 ; 
 new lands acc|uirc'd by, 45 ; 
 legations in London main- 
 tained by, 46 ; maps current 
 in, 73; Sebastian Cabot's first 
 visit to, 81 ; Sebastian Cabot 
 seeks employment in, 1 19, 120; 
 direction of the Line of De- 
 marcation between I'oraigal 
 and, 155 ; negotiations of, 
 witii Portugal, relative to the 
 Molucca Islands, 182; care- 
 lessly represented on Cabot's 
 map, 286 ; Cabot to return to, 
 364, 365 ; Court of, 154, 171, 
 175 ; Sebastian Cabot sum- 
 moned to the Court of, 153 ; 
 Imperial Treasury of, pro- 
 vides funds for an expedition, 
 186 ; Queen of, 428, 429. 
 
 Spaniards,The, deny that Sebastian 
 Cabot was the first finder of 
 the land of the Bacallaos, 118; 
 route to the Spice islands dis- 
 covered by, 177 ; their know- 
 ledge of S. America, 188. 
 
 Spanish charts, defective char- 
 acter of the, 86. 
 
 Spanish Western division as 
 marked by the Demarcation 
 Line, 182. 
 
 Spccr, Cape, 339. 
 
 Spelman, y]-], 378. 
 
 Spert, Sir Thomas. See Pert, Sir 
 Thomas. 
 
 Spice Islands, 265, 341 ; route 
 leading to the, 177. See 
 Moluccas. 
 
 Spice trade, Sebastian Cabot to 
 be interviewed on matters 
 connected with the, 176. 
 
 Spices brought from the Indian 
 Seas, 185. 
 
 Spinola, Agostino, 16. 
 
 .Spinola, Antonio, 16. 
 
 .Spinola, Benedetto, 16. 
 
 Spinola, P'rancesco, 16, 
 
 S. quenain, Rio de. See Sagucnay, 
 ripuierc de. 
 
 Stadacone, 93. 
 
 Stafford, John, 344. 
 
 Stanley, H. M., 96. 
 
 Steel-Yard, The, 330, m, 334. 
 
 ^i 
 
INDEX. 
 
 501 
 
 t to, 38 ; 
 I by, 4.5 ; 
 an m;iin- 
 (s current 
 ibot's first 
 iiin Cabot 
 1,119,120; 
 ne of De 
 
 Poraigal 
 Uions of, 
 ivc to the 
 82 ; care- 
 in Cabot's 
 
 return to, 
 
 , 154, '71, 
 ibot sum- 
 •l of, 153; 
 of, pro- 
 ;xpedilioii, 
 
 , 4.29- 
 
 t Sebastian 
 
 t finder of 
 llaos, 118; 
 slands dis- 
 heir know- 
 i, 188. 
 tive char- 
 vision as 
 ;marcation 
 
 •:c Pert, vSir 
 
 341 ; route 
 177. Sec 
 
 1 Cabot to 
 )n matters 
 ;, 176. 
 the Indian 
 
 e Saguenay, 
 
 133. 334- 
 
 Stefano, M,, the son of Aurifici, 
 389. 
 
 Stei)hano, 389, 
 
 Stevens, 15. F., 274. 
 
 Stow, John, 20-26, 128, r33, 396, 
 397,469; annals of, 13 ; life of, 
 19, 20 ; services of, acknow- 
 ledged and rewarded, 20 ; 
 death of, 20 ; instances given 
 of his aquaintance with Seb- 
 astian Cabot, 20, 2 1 ; declara- 
 tion as to the nationahty 
 of Sebastian Cabot, 21, 22; 
 account of John Cabot's 
 second expedition compared 
 with that of Hakluyt, 131 ; 
 comparison of the date of 
 Sebastian Cabot's third voyage 
 with that of Hakkiyt, 142, 
 143, 147, 148. 
 
 Stratchey, WiHiam, assertion of, 
 
 41. 
 Strikland, Walter, 395. 
 Strype, 322, 323, 324, 329, 332, 
 
 ^ 333, 337, 343, 448, 451- 
 Sturgeon, John, 335. 
 
 Suarez de Carvajal. See Carvajal. 
 
 Suchona, The, river, 356. 
 
 Switzerland, 438. 
 
 Sydney region, 107. 
 
 T.MiiA, Zoane Battista de, 16. 
 Taisnier, Jean, 19, 372. 
 Talamanco, 199. 
 Tabot (Cabot), Sebastian, 399. 
 Talbot, Zuam (John Cabot), 132. 
 Taniayo y Bans, D. Manuel, 456. 
 Tarducci, Signer, 429. 
 Tarragona, Simon, 183. 
 Tarsis or Tharsis, 191, 201, 433. 
 Techo. Father Nicolao del, 196. 
 Teneriffe, 435. 
 
 Tentori, Cristoforo, 2, 3, 4, S. 
 Ternaux, 201. 
 Thames, River, 161. 
 Thevet, Andre, 466, 467. 
 Thiennot, Cap de, named by 
 Jacques Carticr on his first 
 voyage, 89, 90, 91, 93. 
 Thirkill, Launcelot, 134 ; loan 
 from the King to, 133, 394 ; 
 repays the loan he borrowed 
 of the King, 135. 
 
 Thirkill, Thomas, 395. 
 Thomas, John, of Bristol, letters 
 patent granted to, 31, 144, 
 ^, '46, 147, 336, 398. 
 Thomassy, 79. 
 Thorne, Nicholas, expedition 
 
 undertaken by, (67. 
 Thorne, Robert, merchant in 
 Seville, 83, 166, 167, 185, 194, 
 220, 338. 
 Thule, expedition to, 39, 
 Tibiquari, Rio, 211. 
 Tidor, 197. 
 
 Timbus, tribe of Indians, 216. 
 Timbuz, Rio, 215. 
 Todos Sanctos, Baya do, 206, 226, 
 
 409. 
 Toledo, 199 ; cedula dated at, 
 
 406. 
 Topa\era, an Indian, 424. Sec 
 
 Totavera. 
 Tordcsillas, Treaty of, 396. 
 Toreno, Nuho (iarcia de, a re- 
 nowned Spanish cartographer, 
 n, 78, too, 155, 1S3, 260. 
 Torres, Francisco de, 401 ; ap- 
 pointment of, 154. 
 Toscanelli, I\aul dal Pozzo, a 
 
 physician, Writings of, 44. 
 Toscanelli, Pietro, 44. 
 Totavera, 250. Sec Topavera. 
 Toutes Isles, 93. 
 TraicjOn, Rio de la, 262. 
 Trent, Council of, 323. 
 " Trinidad," The, one of Cabots 
 squadron, 192, 197, 213, 219, 
 240, 241, 247, 250, 256, 408. 
 "Tnnitie,"The, 340. 
 Trinity Island, 314. 
 Trono, Nicolao, Doge of Venice, 
 ^ 4, 5, 387, 389. 
 Tropic of Capricorn and the 
 Equator, search for Sjjicc 
 islands between, 189, 
 Turco, Giovanni Piedro de, 388. 
 Turin, 4, 434 ; State Archives at, 
 
 406. 
 Turin map, 188. 
 Turnbull, W. B., 326, 364, 452, 
 
 453- 
 Twiss, Travers, 161, 3S0. 
 Tyrell, Thomas, 454, 456. 
 Tytler, 378, 397. 
 
f! 
 
 « 
 
 
 'I 
 
 1 1 
 
 I I 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 h. 
 
 li 
 
 502 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Uii.w, Rio, 208. 
 
 Uyhclli, 464. 
 
 U. S. Coast Survey, Maps issued 
 
 by the, 72. 
 Urista, l"rani:isco de, 283, 365. 
 Uru.ty, Rio, 213. 
 Uru-uay, River, 434. 
 Uziclli, Gustavo, 44, 45. 
 
 Vaca, Alvar Nuuez Cabcza de, 
 195, 196, 253. 
 
 Vaidepurras, 193, 200. 
 
 Valdcras, Pedro Diaz dc, 413. 
 
 Valdes, Mi;,nicl, accountant of the 
 ship " I.a Sancta Maria del 
 Espinar," 192. 
 
 Valdivieso, Aionso de, 194, 241, 
 245,258,413. 
 
 Valencia, 52. 
 
 Vailadolid, 34, 156, 174, 176, 177, 
 I So, 297,463. 
 
 Valiard, 93. 
 
 Vannes, I'eter, En.',dish ambas- 
 sador at Venice, 28, 325, 326, 
 452. 
 
 Vardcu, Island of, 346, 349, 352, 
 353, 354, 355- ^ec Ward- 
 house. 
 
 Varela, Aionso Gomez, 224, 225. 
 
 Varnha^en, Adolfo de, 196, 201, 
 256, 259, 260, 261, 264, 407, 
 408, 427. 
 
 Varzina, River, 346, 347, 353, 355, 
 
 357. 
 
 Vasconcellos, Alvaro Mendez de, 
 259. 
 
 Vazquez, Catalina, 245, 264, 379, 
 412,413,414. 
 
 Vazquez, Francisca, 267, 413,414. 
 
 X'et^etius, 228. 
 
 Velho, IJartolonieu, 298. 
 
 Vendramin. Andrea, Doge of 
 Venice, 6, 26, 389. 
 
 Venecia, Andres de, 241, 413. 
 Sec Andres of Venice. 
 
 Venecia, Marcos (Marco) de, 241, 
 249, 413. Sec Marcos of 
 Venice. 
 
 Vencciano, Marco, 258, 413. 
 
 Venegas, 295. 
 
 Venetian galleys, means of trans- 
 porting merchandise between 
 Great Britain and Italy, 46. 
 
 Venetian tiovernment forwards a 
 despatch to Contarini, 175. 
 
 Venetian niercli.inls, Agents of 
 the, 40. 
 
 Venetians, Tlie, commercial pur- 
 suits of, 39 ; factories of, 40. 
 
 Venezuela, coast of, 135; province 
 of, 274. 
 
 Venice, i-io, 27-31, 49, 58, 121, 
 
 157, 171, 381, 382, :-,'^},, 388, 
 391, 403, 405, 406, 407, 45-, 
 
 465, 466 ; laws of natur.iliza- 
 tion, 2, 3, 4, .5, f', 7 ; I'rovedi- 
 tor of, 4 ; birth-place of .Seb 
 astian Cabot, 30 ; Sebastian 
 Cabot's treacherous intrigues 
 with, 34, 174-83; Sebastian 
 Cabot claims to be of the city 
 of, 34 ; residence of John 
 Cabot in, 38, 44 ; legations in 
 London maintained by, 46 ; 
 map engraved at, 77 ; difli- 
 culties in the way of an ex- 
 pedition from, 179 ; means of 
 conveying merchandise to 
 and from, 180 ; Senate of, 2, 
 
 122, 190, 387, 403, 404,. 431 ; 
 
 account of Contarini's mission 
 to Spain read before the Senate 
 of, 149. 
 
 Vera Cruz, 139. 
 
 Vernerio [Johannes Werner], 305. 
 
 Verona, 7. 
 
 V'errazzano, Giovanni, explorations 
 of, 274. 
 
 Verrazzano, Hicronymo, 79, 100, 
 108, 286. 
 
 Vespuccius, Americus, 11, Si, 191, 
 410 ; pilot-major and presi- 
 dent of the commission for 
 establishing oflicial patterns 
 of sailing-charts, 72, "Ji^, 277 ; 
 voyages of, 155 ; believed to 
 be the discoverer of America, 
 166 ; allowance made to the 
 widow of, 183 84. 
 
 Vespuccius, Juan (nephew of 
 Ainericus), 183, 271, 401 ; 
 monopoly of the sale of maps 
 enjoyed by, 74 ; office held 
 by, 76, 191 ; map devised by, 
 76, 77 ; appointment of, 1 54. 
 
 Veytia Linage. See Linaf"- 
 
 \ ■* 
 
rw.'irdb ;i 
 li, 175- 
 •gents of 
 
 rcial pur- 
 s of, 40. 
 province 
 
 , 58' '21, 
 
 407, 452, 
 latuniliz.i 
 , I'rovedi- 
 ;e of Sch 
 Sebastian 
 , intri;4ucs 
 Sebastian 
 of the city 
 of John 
 igations in 
 :l by, 46 ; 
 77 ; difli- 
 of an ex- 
 means of 
 indise to 
 nate of, 2, 
 404, 431 ; 
 li's mission 
 the Senate 
 
 rner], 305. 
 
 xplorations 
 
 D, 79, 100, 
 
 II, Si, 191, 
 and presi- 
 nibsion for 
 \\ patterns 
 
 2, 73, 277 ; 
 
 believed to 
 jf America, 
 lade to the 
 
 nephew of 
 271, 40F ; 
 
 ale of maps 
 office held 
 
 devised by, 
 
 ;nt of, 1 54. 
 
 lA'DF.X. 
 
 503 
 
 Vicente, dil, 296. 
 Vicenza, 7. 
 
 "Victoria," The, 197, 198, 405. 
 \'ie;;as, (Jasjjar, 90, 100, 107; im- 
 iwrtant map possessed Ijy, 88. 
 Vienna, 428 ; Imperial Library at, 
 43', 465 ; Imperial Arciiivts 
 at, 432. 
 Villafuente, Juan de, 193. 
 Vilialobos, Juan de, fiscal, charges 
 
 against Cabot, 265, 272, 414. 
 V'illaragut, Luis Carroz de, Spanish 
 ambassador in London, 153, 
 378, 400. 
 Villegas, I'edro Ruiz de, 77, iS]. 
 Virgines, Rio de las, 206. 
 Virginia, 140. 
 Virtudes, Rio de las, 204. 
 Vispuche (Vespuccius), Juan, 73. 
 Viterbo, Sousa, 297, 298. 
 Vizcaino, Martin, hanged, 216. 
 Vologda, 356. 
 
 VVaicatv Island, 358. 
 
 Warbeck, Perkin, Rebellion of, 67, 
 
 Warde, Richard, letters patent 
 granted to, 31, 144, 146, 147, 
 :i3(>; expedition of, 138, 147, 
 398; his ships convey Indians 
 to London, 147. 
 
 Wardhouse, 355. 
 
 Wardtehus. See Vardoe. 
 
 Warton, ^j^^- 
 
 Watson, Henry, 12. 
 
 Webeck, Cape, 54. 
 
 Weimar maps, The, 100, 1S8, 434. 
 
 Weimar, Grand Ducal Library at, 
 276. 
 
 Werner, 296. 
 
 West Indies, 198 ; gold from, 167; 
 colonists for the, 197 ; did 
 Columbus discover them? 27^. 
 286. ■'' 
 
 Westminster, King's court at, 
 Indians in the, 142, 143 ; 
 Queen's gallery at, Cabot's 
 map on view in the, 113, 440, 
 443, 445, 446 ; John Cabot's 
 petition delivered to the Chan- 
 cellor at, 3S9. 
 
 Westminster, Marquis of, 350. 
 
 Wheeler, J[ohn, 331, 333, 335 ; his 
 Treat I se of Commerce, 330, 
 
 Whitehall, 12 ; King's gallery at, 
 
 .374, 375- 
 White Sea (Hay of St. Nicholas), 
 349, 354, 356, 357, 358, ^(n, 
 5')2 ; expedition to the, 550. 
 Willcs, Ridiard, 24, 113,446. 
 Willoughby, C.abriel, 347. 
 Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 12, 25, 26, 
 '53, 333, 335, 343, 345, 34^, 
 347, 34^ 35', 35^, 353, 354, 
 355, 35^', 3^'", 3^>2, 3^>f>, 57«, 
 44^ 452, 4^'7- 
 Willoughljy (Ic llrokc, Lord, 33, 
 '52, 153, 399; vel "Uliby, 
 Milord," 152. 
 Wilson, Roger, 344. 
 Windham, Thomas, ■^n. 
 Winsor, Justin, if)6. 
 Winter, Sir William, 372. 
 Wolfenbiittel map li., 79, 107, loS. 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, 34, 118, 119, 
 163,168,170 73, 176, 178,228. 
 Woltmann, 374-6. 
 Wood, 359. 
 Worcester, yji. 
 Worcestre, "William do, 42. 
 Worthington, William, 284, 368, 
 3fJ9, 370, Zi:„ 374, 457, 45s, 
 459, 4^>o- 
 Wriolheslcy, Lord, 325. 
 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, English 
 ambassador in !•" ranee, 1 -• 1 
 3 > 8, 432. 
 Wynken de Worde, 12. 
 Wynkfeld, Sir Robert, membei- of 
 
 Henry VIII.'s council, 169. 
 Xkre.s, 15artolome de, 185. 
 Ximenes, Cardinal, 464 ; governs 
 the kingdom of Spain in the 
 .absence of Charles V., 156, 
 160. 
 Ximenez, Gonzalo, 198. 
 
 Vi;.\NKZ, Martin, notary of the lleet, 
 
 193, 244, 424. 
 Vbanez de Urquic^o, Martin, 
 
 gentleman recommended by 
 
 Charles V^ who joined the 
 
 expedition, t94. 
 Yebra, 270. 
 
 Yelverton, Sir Henry, 359. 
 Yucatan, Province of, 274. 
 
 ZlEGLER, Jacob, 461. 
 
;n 
 
 I' 
 
 ) 
 
 I I 
 
 '•1' 
 
 \ 
 
 KmNDUKllH : I'RINTia) BV NKll.l- AND LOMHANV. 
 
 i-i 
 
 
 Vh 
 
\ 
 
 AT rUE SAME AUTHOR : 
 
 HiisLiOTHKCA Uarkowiana. Nfw York, 18O4; small Svo. 
 
 Lkttkrs ok (^iiuistoi'hku Coi.u.Miius DKscRiiiiNc. Ills First 
 Voyage to the Western IIemisimieue. Texts and 
 Translations. Nuw York, 1865 ; folio, wiili racsimilcs. 
 
 Notes on Coi-umhus. New York, 1866; folio, with plates. 
 
 13ii!LI0THECa Americana \ eiustissi.ma. A Description ok 
 Works keeatino 10 America I'LJumshek hetween the 
 years 1491 AND 1551. New York, 1866; 4to, and large 
 Svo, with facsimiles. 
 
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 CRfTico. Seville, 1871 ; 4to. 
 
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 1872 ; 4to, and large 8vo, with facsimiles. 
 
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' llishnijuf, 
 
 I'aris, 1892 ; 
 
 1 till Rti'ut 
 
 )F.(()UVKRTS. 
 
 |)iil)lislK'd ill 
 J issiu' ol an 
 
 V liodK ol' 
 
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 " ICl'ISTOI.A." 
 
 1 the Central- 
 
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 acldilions, of 
 
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 SOME I'UIiLICATIONS rSSi'EP /!}• 
 
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 London, W.C. 
 
 1895. 
 
 TAese fiooh will be fonvarded free of charge {e.uept Ontoiiis J>uly, 
 if an}') on receipt of t/ie publication price. 
 
 B. F. Stevens's Facsimiles of Manuscripts 
 IN European Archives ri:lating to Ame- 
 rica, 1 773- 1 783, with Descriptions, Edito- 
 rial Notes, Collations, References, and 
 Translations. 
 
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 to delivery and payment. 
 
 Twenty-two of these large folio volumes are 
 already issued, vols. 23 and 24 are in the press, 
 and vol. 25, with the copious alphabetical sub- 
 ject-matter and general Index, is far advanced. 
 
 * T 
 
 ». *. -'^ 
 
 -^■f'•0wmltm^m^m^^•^>m^t•mMtl>m*a»^ 
 
w 
 
 I 
 
 \a 
 
 .^ 
 
 ,1 • 
 
 i 'S 
 
 i .1 1' 
 
 m 
 
 These Facsimiles of Civil, Coniidential, Diplomatic, and Political 
 Papers during the period of the American Revolution comprise many 
 ^'itlierto unpublished letters of Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, William 
 Carmichael, Arthur Lee, and other Americans in Paris with the 
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 with curious letters of informants and spies of various ranks in 
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 Commissioners were at the same time carrying on negotiations in 
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 Ambassador in Paris, never before published ; papers relating to 
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 The advantages of reproducing valuable MSS. in Facsimile 
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 prophecy) to-morrow this spirit of great exactness will refuse any- 
 thing that is not a certified transcript, giving the preference always 
 to a veritable Facsimile of the Original. 
 
 This work, with the references, collations, and translations could 
 only be carried out with the aid of my great Indexes, which bring 
 the descriptions of the American Papers from 1763 to 1784 now 
 scattered through many Archives in England, France, Hollandj 
 and Spain into one homogeneous collection. 
 
 That Index is not only a list of manuscripts and documents in 
 the order in which they exist, with their approximate dimensions, 
 and with descriptions of each paper, as far as convenient, by number, 
 date, place of origin, writer, addressee, language, whether signed, 
 original, duplicate, etc., with memoranda of endorsements, ollicial 
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 English) of each paper, with cross-references to duplicates, if any, 
 and when printed in full or in extracts it states where and to what 
 extent printed, and it also comprises the information in chrono- 
 logical and alphabetical arrangements. 
 
 I' 
 
ic.and Political 
 comprise many 
 ")canc, William 
 Paris with the 
 .sed to William 
 itary of Stat*.-, 
 irious ranks in 
 uiumont, Haron 
 iniost unknown 
 ) in I 77H went 
 c the American 
 negotiations in 
 Count de \'er- 
 nt, the English 
 pers relating to 
 1 the Tower of 
 tcrs, etc., etc. 
 S. in Facsimile 
 Facsimile repro- 
 tcilitics exist in 
 :ell-known spirit 
 iultory texts and 
 ,'hile (it is a safe 
 , will refuse any- 
 ircference always 
 
 ranslations could 
 xes, which bring 
 63 to 1784 now 
 ranee, Hollandj 
 
 ind documents in 
 nate dimensions, 
 nient, by number, 
 
 whether signed, 
 irsemcnts, oilicial 
 
 brief resume (in 
 uplicates, if any, 
 icre and to what 
 lation in chrono- 
 
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EY Historical 
 
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 'he Record Office 
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 enss Facsimiles, 
 ie. These docu- 
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 :h shall be trust- 
 
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 viewing its pro- 
 ■pose. Much has 
 ded the establish- 
 ted as altogether 
 
 trustworthy. The difficulty in ascertaining the facts has hi en an obstacle 
 in the way of the conscientious historian, while the historian whose pre- 
 judices iverc invincible might arrange the facts to suit his purpose without 
 fear of detection. liy publishing facsiniiUs of the original documents 
 in the archives of F.ngland, France, Holland, and Spain, Mr. .Stevens 
 has enabled any intelligent reader to understand the manner in which 
 the struggle for independence was begun, continued, and concluded." 
 
 The Critic, New York:—" We have given but a slight idea of the 
 richness of the contents . . . much of which has never been printed. We 
 need hardly refer again to its undoubted value to students of history." 
 
 The Critic :— " The seventeenth volume of Mr. Stevens's ' Facsimiles 
 of Documents in European Archives Relating to America ' is the most 
 interesting single volume yet published, and, as it is complete in itself it 
 will doubtless attract the attention of many who may thus be led to sub- 
 scribe for the whole work, and in so doing aid the most important enter- 
 prise now on foot relating to American history." 
 
 Tme Critic: — "Mr. Stevens's work grows more interesting with each 
 volume, Jor not only are these facsimiles of high importance to the 
 American historian, but they will be found fascinating and instructive 
 reading by all who take an interest in that history which is ' Dast 
 politics.' " ^ 
 
 The Nation, New York : — " There can be no question of accuracy in 
 copying or proof-reading, and the student has the advantage of seeing 
 the exact handwriting, erasures, interlineations, and signatures." 
 
 The Nation: — ''The entire frankness [of these documents] and want 
 of the least savour of international ethics are cynically destructive of 
 some of the illusions which still hover about an American idealization of 
 the Revolution." 
 
 The Nation, Notice of vol. xxi. :— "/< seems a fitting moment to 
 speak once more in praise of the performance as it advances towards 
 completion. Not only is the interesting character of the documents fully 
 maintained . . . but there is no discernible falling-off in the quality of 
 the paper, or in the well-nigh faultless execution (in facsimiles) of the 
 originals, and of the clear and beautifully written translations. The 
 technical effect is brilliant and stately — a thorough and careful piece of 
 workmanship." 
 
 The Churchman, New Yohk :—'' .1 phenomenal iiork ... a library 
 of our revolutionary annals in itself" 
 
4w 
 
 i t 
 
 ^- I 
 
 Christopher Columbus ; His own Book of 
 Privileges, 1502. Photographic Facsimile 
 OF THE Manuscript in the Archives of 
 THE Foreign Office in Paris, now for 
 
 the first time PUBLISHED, WITH EXPANDED 
 
 text, translation into english, and an 
 Historical Introduction. The Trans- 
 literation AND Translation by George 
 F. Barwick, B.A., OF the British Museum. 
 The Introduction by Henry Harrisse. 
 The whole compiled and edited with 
 Preface by Bentamin Franklin Stevens. 
 
 JVow ready, limited edition on thick handmade paper, 
 foolscap folio, half pigskijt, with plankivood sides and 
 clasps, pp. Ixvi and 284. Price £^ 5^. nett in London, 
 <?r ^Messrs. Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, at $30. 
 
 One of the only two cartularies of Columbus known to exist, 
 photographed, by the almost unexampled courtesy of the French 
 authorities, in Mr. Stevens's own temporary studio erected in the 
 grounds of the Foreign Office. By skilful interleaving, the English 
 translation, with the transliteration into readable Spanish of the 
 much abbreviated manuscript, is placed opposite the facsimile, all 
 facing pages whatever their length containing the corresponding 
 quantity of matter. The scholarly introduction by the great 
 authority on Columbian literature deals with the origin and sub- 
 sequent history of the four cartularies, and contains a critical 
 description of the separate documents and chapters on the coat of 
 arms, the heraldic motto and the monastery of Las Cuevas. Three 
 holograph letters of Columbus are added. The illuminated coat 
 of arms is accurately reproduced, and a photograph of the bag of 
 Cordovan leather now preserved in Genoa is also given. Both 
 paper and binding are in imitation of those in use in the sixteenth 
 century, and altogether the book is one of the handsomest ever 
 produced at the Chiswick Press. 
 
 jB 
 
Book of 
 acsimile 
 
 hllVliS OF 
 NOW FOR 
 
 :xrANDED 
 
 , AND AN 
 
 : Trans- 
 Grorgf 
 Museum. 
 Iarrisse. 
 :ed with 
 Stevens. 
 
 nadc paper, 
 d sides and 
 in Lo7idon, 
 irk, at $30. 
 
 lown to exist, 
 of the French 
 I erected in the 
 ig, the English 
 Spanish of the 
 ; facsimile, all 
 corresponding 
 by the great 
 rigin and sub- 
 ains a critical 
 on the coat of 
 "uevas. Three 
 uminated coat 
 of the bag of 
 given. Both 
 n the sixteenth 
 mdsomest ever 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 The Standard, London : — " // may be reganUd as the last of that 
 long series of works which owed their existence to the fourth centenary of 
 the famous mariner. Jiut if the latest, it is also the noblest of its family. 
 Indeed, we know of no work on the by-ways of American history with 
 which it can be compared." 
 
 The Timks: — ^' A volume of rare magnificence . . . its value is im- 
 mensely enhanced by the pains with which the text has been edited and the 
 skill with which it has been reproduced. Students of .Imerican origincs 
 must be very hard to please if this sumptuous volume is not in all 
 respects, alike scholarly and artistic, entirely to their taste." 
 
 TnK Daily Nkws : — '^ .4part from its intrinsic value as an historical 
 document it is a most striking achievement of the printing, binding, and 
 illustrating arts." 
 
 Thk Daily Chronicle : — " The world owes a debt of gratitude to 
 Mr. Stevens for this most sumptuous volume . . . a booh that may last 
 for ages." 
 
 The Scotsman, Edinburgh: — ".4 book that not only students of his- 
 tory will value, but which .Americans ivho love their native land will 
 desire to possess as a tangible symbol of their patriotism.^' 
 
 Illustrated London News : — "/I more worthy monument to Columbus 
 has seldom been raised, and there is no collection of rare and magnificent 
 books, no public library, and no Spanish, Italian, or .American patriot 
 but may well covet this splendid and scholarly volume." 
 
 Daily Telegraph, London : — "A volume which will rank for all time 
 as one of the most superb monuments of the discovery of America. We 
 cannot imagine a volume more calculated to afford delight to the most 
 learned student and bibliographer, no less than to intelligent readers." 
 
 Boston Herald : — " It is one of the handsomest and stateliest 
 volumes that have appeared since the invention of printing." 
 
 New York Daily Tribune : — " Mr. Stevens has the right traditions. 
 He does not condescend to cheapness. He has done his best to send 
 forth this transcript of a precious document in a garb worthy of it . . . 
 the present is probably his most brilliant contribution to the treasury of 
 the book-lover." 
 
 Tribune, 2nd notice: — ^^ The bibliophile . . . will gaze with admira- 
 tion at the pages, every one a triumph of the printer's art. . . . The 
 average man . . . will not have to travel to Paris in the hope, perhaps 
 vain, of studying a codex which he can now have in his own library." 
 
inr, \ 
 
 1 
 
 w 
 
 
 ' ( 
 
 'I 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCCIUS. 
 
 All books and manuscripts associating this name, rightly or 
 wrongly, with voyages or expeditions are of importance to collectors 
 
 of Americana. 
 
 The Voyage from Lisijon to India, 1505-6, 
 iiEiNG AN Account and Journal uy Al- 
 iJERicus Vespuccius. Translatiu) from 
 THi-: contemporary Flemish, and Edited 
 
 WITH PrOLOOUP: AND NoTES HY C. H. COOTI-, 
 Dlil'ARTMENT OF PRINTED BoOKS (GEOGRA- 
 PHICAL Sfxtion), British Musp:um. 
 
 77i2s is a reproduction in photogj-aphic facsimile, inter- 
 leaved with a translation into English, of the hitJierto 
 nnknozon Flemish tract. Handmade paper, foolscap ^to, 
 parchment backs and paper sides, pp. xxvii and 56, price 
 1 5^. nett. Tivo hundred and fifty copies only printed 
 and mnnbcred. 
 
 For a controversial twin volume see page i2 of this List. 
 
 The Mastilrs of Wood-Engraving. 
 By W. J. Linton. 
 
 For Subscribers only. Edition limited to five hundred 
 copies, folio, i6| x 12 inches, 22^ pp., with nearly 200 
 cuts, mostly on India paper, and 48 full-page Illustra- 
 tions, at £\o \os. nett, and one hundred copies, large 
 folio, 20 X 15 inches, at £21 nett. 
 
 This work occupies new ground. Not without ample account 
 of the books in which Wood-Engraving has been used, and 
 careful sifting of old judgments through technical knowledge, it 
 also undertakes a history of the art by exhibition of the choicest 
 works from the earliest times. Toward the fulfilment of this pur- 
 pose the Library and Print Room of the British Museum have 
 been thoroughly searched, and many prints beyond the reach or 
 cognizance of ordinary students examined and chosen for repro- 
 
 'U.^ 
 
, rightly or 
 to collectors 
 
 , 1505-6, 
 
 I5V Al- 
 
 :i) TROM 
 
 Editiu) 
 
 I. COOTI', 
 
 (Gkogra- 
 
 I. 
 
 mile, intcv- 
 tJtc hitherto 
 ''oolscap ^to, 
 id 56, price 
 nly printed 
 
 s List. 
 
 WING. 
 
 ivc hundred 
 
 nearly 200 
 
 ^c Illustra- 
 
 copics 
 
 large 
 
 ample account 
 en used, and 
 
 knowledge, it 
 of the choicest 
 tit of this pur- 
 Museum have 
 the reach or 
 
 sen for repro- 
 
 duction, — edition after edition looked to for the purest iinprt-s- 
 sions, from which alone photographs have been taken for Messrs. 
 Dawson's excellent facsimile processes, the reproduction being 
 always of the same size as the original in order to give as dearly 
 as possible the actual work of the engraver. No sucli collection, 
 farther added to from unique proofs in the author's possession, 
 has ever been attempted, has ever been possible until now. The 
 £z\ edition has certain cuts (such as Harvey's celebrated Denta- 
 tus) printed full size, the smaller edition not being large enough 
 to take them so. This edition also contains in a pocket that rarest 
 and most important of Durcr's works in wood — the Triumphal Car 
 of Maximilian — measuring seven feet and four inches with a hctght 
 of eighteen inches. 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 Art Journal ; — " The copiously illustrated volume by Mr, W. J. 
 Linton, in which the plates are works of choice art, selected by one who 
 has long held high rank iti his profession, is the most important publica- 
 tion of its class ; and besides this, there runs through it a strenuous vein 
 of protest against amateurism in art at large, especially that sort which 
 affects ^ criticism' proper, and disregards, or pretends to disregard, (he 
 technical experience and learning of experts, including all that artists 
 claim as their exclusive province. So stringent are these protests, and 
 so reasonable do they appear, that we propose to consider them as briijly 
 as may be before studying the book in those other respects with which they 
 are very closely bound up. It is the more desirable to do this because it 
 is seldom an expert so distinguished as Mr. Linton descends into the 
 lists against untechnical persons, and is not himself so lost in technics 
 that his voice resembles that of one crying in the wilderness, where no 
 man listens and few men understand." 
 
 Athkn^um : — *' A magnificent volume, admirable for printing, bind- 
 ing, and typography, and most admirable for illustrations, from both 
 ancient and modern examples, printed with great skill and care, and itn- 
 mensely superior to those generally used in books of the sort, and some- 
 what boldly called facsimiles. Not a page without interest and extreme 
 pleasure and profit." 
 
 Portfolio : — " The history of the art by an expert of experts. If any 
 one be competent to teach the true tnerits of wood engraving, it is Mr, 
 W. J. Linton. Well filled with letterpress. Mr. Linton has absolute 
 knowledge of his subject." 
 
 English Illustratkd Magazine : — " Mr. Linion^s crowning achieve- 
 ment as historian of wood engraving. The most luxurious thing of its 
 hind that has yet been produced. Unquestionably the one authoritative 
 treatise by the greatest living master." 
 
h 
 
 \ 
 
 ' (! 
 
 
 »^ 
 
 Tnic Cami'aiCiN in Virginia, 1781. An uxact 
 Ri'pRiNT oi< Six Rari-: Pampiim-ts on the 
 Clinton-Cornwallis ControvI'Rsy, with 
 Numerous Important Unpui!Lishi:i) Manu- 
 script Noii:s pv Sir IIi:nry Clinton, K.B., 
 
 AND tup: OmITTPT) and HITHICRTO UnPUB- 
 
 LisiiED Portions op the Lp:tti:rs in thp:ik 
 Appendicp:s added from the Original 
 Manuscripts. With a Supplp:ment con- 
 
 TAININ(i ILxTRACrS FROM THIC JOURNALS OF 
 
 tup: House of Lords, a Frf^nch Trans- 
 lation OF Papp:rs laid bp:fore the Mouse, 
 AND A Catalogue of the Addiitonal 
 Correspondence op- Clinton and oi- Corn- 
 
 WALLIS in 1780-81 : ABOUT 3,456 PAPl-RS 
 RliLATING TO THE CONTROVI'RSY OR BEARING 
 
 ON Affairs in Amp:rica. Compilp:d, Col- 
 lated, AND Ei)itp:i) (with Bio(;raphical 
 Notices in a Copious Index) by Benjamin 
 Franklin Stfaens. 
 
 In hvo vols, royal ^vo, pp. xxix, 507, and 465, clol/i, 
 gilt tops, 2<\s. nett. 
 
 These two volumes relating to the military controversy between 
 Sir HcnryClintonand Lord Cornwallis will be found to bca valuable 
 contribution to the History of the American Campaign of 1781, by 
 which the Independence of the United States was virtually secured. 
 The six pamphlets here reprinted are of such rarity that only on 
 library — that of the Department of State, Washington — possesscj 
 all of them, and of the " Parting Word " no other copy is knoiv)\ 
 In the copious Index many biographical notices are given, of whitl 
 the bulk of the information has grown out of Mr. Stevens's mem 
 randa and indexes of American correspondence and documents 
 the P^uropean archives. 
 
 tf ! 
 
 "' I 
 
 %^ 
 
An exact 
 
 AVVS ON Till-: 
 /I-RSY, WITH 
 
 shi:i)Manij- 
 
 .INTON, K.B., 
 RTO IJNl't'll- 
 
 i:rs in thmik 
 IK Original 
 i,i:MHNr con- 
 Journals OF 
 KNCH Trans- 
 
 7 TllL IIOUSK, 
 
 Additional 
 
 and OF CORN- 
 
 3,456 Papf.rs 
 
 iY OR BEARING 
 )MriLED, COL- 
 BlOCRAriUCAL 
 
 ) ijY Benjamin 
 
 , ami 465, clol/i, 
 
 controversy between 
 
 found tobcavaliiablc 
 
 nipaign of 178 I, by 
 
 as virtually secured. 
 
 rarity that only on 
 
 aslungton— possessej 
 
 9 other copy is knowil 
 •s are given, of whidl 
 Mr. Stevens's mem 
 nee and documenti- 
 
 I'RKSS NOTICKS. 
 
 Scotsman, KniNnniMi : — " The collection refranled as a whole forms a 
 >iiost vdlunhle mnlrihiilion to the history of the Americnn MV/r of hull- 
 pvtulence. It ix a mine of information upon the ictrious moiements oj 
 the ( (impitiirn of 17H1." 
 
 HosroN I'osr: -"0«r countryman, Mr. H. /•'. Steiens, has dune a 
 real streiee to historical students in the puhVuation of this nry care- 
 fully pnpareil edition of the ('Itnt^m and Cornwiillis pamphlets. One 
 oj the pamphleti is Inlieied to be unique — at least, Mr. Stinns knows of 
 only one copy, which is in the State Dtpartmcnt at Washington.'' 
 
 Genf.ral Sir William Howe's Ordf.rly Book 
 at CharlI'SFown, Boston, and Haliiwx, 
 JuNii 17, 1775, TO May 26, 1776, to which 
 IS adi)i:d Till' OfI'Icial ABRn){;Mi:NT oi- 
 
 CiENIiRAL HoWi:'s CoRRESFONDI'INCE WITH 
 
 TIM' lixoLisH Gov^:RN^^■:^T during thi-: 
 Sii«:ge OF Boston, and somic Military 
 
 RinURNS. Now FIRST PRINTED FROM THI-: 
 
 Original Manuscripts, with an Histori- 
 cal Introduction uy Edward Evi-iri'TT 
 Hale, the wholp: colli:cted and edited 
 BY Benjamin Franklin Sticvens. 
 
 In one vol. royal %vo,pp. xxl and 357, cloth, gilt top, at 
 \2s. nett. 
 
 This curious Orderly Rook, which presents every detail of the 
 administration and discipline of the English army in the Siege of 
 Boston, has been happily preserved for the use of historians among 
 the American manuscripts in the Library of the Royal Institution in 
 London. This edition is carefully printed from the original MS. 
 oy permission of the managers of the Royal Institution, the spell- 
 ^"ng and punctuation being preserved even when evidently incorrect. 
 The copious Index will be found of great service. 
 ,. The edition published by the N.Y. Historical Society contains 
 Ai ily about one-half of the matter in the above volume. 
 tr 
 
'.: f 
 
 I'll 
 
 Ami- Ulcus Vf.spi'ccius. A Critical an 
 
 DoCUMICNTARY Rl-VII'VV OF TwO KICCEN 
 
 Hn(;msh Hooks coNci.kNiNr, that Nav 
 (iATOk. By lIi'iNkY llAUkissii. 
 
 Handmade paper, foolscap ^to, parchment back.^ a) 
 paper sides, pp. 68, price 1 2s. nett. Two hitudrcd at 
 Jljfty copies only printed and numbered. 
 
 This is the controversial twin volume mentioned on page 8. 
 
 Mr. Coote discovered In the Library of the British Museum o 
 of the only two known copies in Flemish (Antwerp, 150S) of t 
 book he so ably edited, and in which the name of Albcricus as t 
 author is definitely mentioned. It bears as its title, " The ^oya 
 from Lisbon to sail unto the island of Nagore which lietb in Gre 
 India., beyond Calicut and Cochin., wherein is the staple of the spic 
 JVondrous things befell us therein.^ and we beheld much., as hereiuafi 
 is described. This said voyage was undertaken by the will and cot 
 mand of Emanuel, the most serene King of Portugal." 
 
 Mr. Harrisse discovered in the Bavarian Library at Munich t 
 unique copy in German (Augsburg, i 509) of the sea voyage 1 
 Balthasar Sprenger. Its full title is, *' The Sea Voyage, new nai 
 gation and ascertained route towards many unknoxvn Islands and Kin 
 doms of the Mighty Portuguese King Emanuel, explored, found, wart 
 against and conquered. Also, the astonishing fights, organization, li^ 
 customs and wonderful works of the people of Thyre thou rvilt find 
 this little book, truly described and reproduced, such as I, mysi 
 Balthasar Sprenger, have seen and ascertained, etc." 
 
 As Publisher, I have only to present both sides of the questi( 
 and leave the reader to judge for himself. Meanwhile, it will 
 readily granted that these two publications possess the mcriti 
 reviving, in one form or another, the fullest and most authei; 
 account, long since forgotten, of one of the greatest achievcmc 
 in the history of maritime enterprise. This, of itself, would sufj 
 to enlist the goodwill of the historical student. 
 
 »< 
 
 CmsWICK PRESS : — CHARLES WHITTINC.HAM AND CO. 
 TOOKS COI'RT, CIIANCEUV I.ANK, I.ONDilN. 
 
 J ^i 
 
 ''^v 
 
 J 
 
Critical and 
 
 Two Kl'CENT 
 -, THAT NaVI- 
 
 n. 
 
 hmcnt backs and 
 Two hundred and 
 L 
 
 tioncd on page 8. 
 : Hritish Museum one 
 
 Antwerp, 150^) of *'^*= 
 Tie of Albcricus as the 
 i its title, " ne Foyage 
 e which tieth in Great 
 
 the staple of the spices, 
 eld much, as hereinafter 
 ken by the will and com- 
 ortugat" 
 
 Library at Munich the 
 I of the sea voyage bj 
 e Sea Voyage, new nayi- 
 \notun Islands and King- 
 ly explored, found, warrec 
 fights, organization, life 
 " Thyre thou wilt find i. 
 uced, such as I, myselj 
 ned, etc" 
 
 th sides of the question 
 Meanwhile, it will b 
 ins possess the merit c 
 [lest and most authenti 
 le greatest achievcmen! 
 lis, of itself, would suffic 
 
 dent. 
 
 r INCH AM ANH CO. 
 
 s'K, LONDON. 
 
 -^i^.- 
 
 I